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Title: The history of the 9th (Scottish) Division 1914-1919
Author: John Ewing
Release date: December 30, 2024 [eBook #75001]
Language: English
Original publication: London: John Murray, 1921
Credits: Brian Coe, John Campbell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
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THE HISTORY OF THE
9TH (SCOTTISH) DIVISION
1914-1919
[Illustration: THE MENIN GATE, YPRES]
THE HISTORY OF THE
9TH (SCOTTISH) DIVISION
1914-1919
By JOHN EWING, M.C.
BREVET-MAJOR, LATE 6TH K.O.S.B.
INTRODUCTION BY
FIELD-MARSHAL LORD PLUMER
G.C.B., G.C.M.G., G.C.V.O.
WITH COLOURED AND OTHER ILLUSTRATIONS
AND MAPS
LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.
1921
_All rights reserved_
Dedicated
TO THE CHILDREN
OF ALL THOSE WHO SERVED
IN THE 9TH (SCOTTISH) DIVISION
INTRODUCTION
BY FIELD-MARSHAL LORD PLUMER, G.C.B., G.C.M.G., G.C.V.O.
I have been asked, as Commander of the Second Army, to write a short
introduction to the history of the work of the Ninth (Scottish)
Division during the Great War.
The Division served in other armies and under other Army Commanders,
and they could, and I know would, bear testimony similar to mine as
to the value of the services of the Division; but it happened that
for a considerable period in the early days of the Campaign and in
the glorious final advance it was in the Second Army, and presumably
on that account the invitation was made to me.
First of the new formations organised by Lord Kitchener in 1914, the
Division was one of the earliest to proceed to France in 1915, and
from that time till the conclusion of operations in 1918 there was
hardly a phase of the war or an important action in which they did
not take a prominent part.
Composed as they were of troops drawn from the land which has from
time immemorial been famous for its fighting men, they were later
in the campaign supplemented and strengthened by soldiers from
South Africa, and the combination proved, as it was bound to be,
irresistible.
Fortunate in their Divisional Generals, their subordinate leaders
and their staffs, the Division was always one which could be relied
on to carry out successfully any duties entrusted to them if it was
humanly possible to do so, and any Corps or Army Commander to whom
they might be allotted considered himself fortunate in having them
under his command.
I hope this history will be widely read.
It is a record of a wonderful development of fighting efficiency
steadily maintained throughout four very strenuous years.
It is a fine illustration of the determination and dogged pertinacity
which we are all proud to know were the characteristics of the troops
of the British Empire throughout, and which undoubtedly won the war.
It points the moral of what can be accomplished by a body of men who
never recognised defeat, and to whom any temporary failure was merely
an incentive to further effort.
Those who served in the Division can feel that they are handing down
to their descendants as a legacy of imperishable fame a record of
achievements worthy of the glorious traditions of their forefathers
and of the regiment whose name they bore.
With troops such as fought in the Ninth Division, however prolonged
the struggle may be, there never can be any doubt of the ultimate
issue.
PLUMER, _F.-M._,
_Late Commander, Second Army, B.E.F._
MALTA, _17th October 1920_.
PREFACE
This story has been compiled from Battalion, Brigade, and Divisional
diaries, supplemented by the narratives of individual officers, and,
it is hoped, will prove a record of interest to all who served or
were connected with the Ninth Division.
To the numerous officers of the Division who have assisted me by
their suggestions and criticisms and by the loan of documents, I take
this opportunity of expressing my deep sense of gratitude. My sincere
thanks are due also to the Staff of the Historical Section of the
Committee of Imperial Defence for the ready courtesy with which they
placed at my disposal every facility for consulting documents and
maps.
To the following officers for constant and ungrudging help I am
particularly indebted,
Captain W. Y. Darling,
Lieut.-Colonel P. A. V. Stewart,
Lieut.-Colonel T. C. Mudie,
Major W. Lumsden,
and to my wife for most valuable assistance both in the compilation
of the narrative and in the correction of proofs.
J. EWING.
EDINBURGH,
_October 1920_.
_Note._—The titles of infantry battalions are given in full
in the Order of Battle, Appendix I., but to save space in the
narrative the word “battalion” has been omitted, _eg._, the 11th
Bn. The Royal Scots is referred to as the 11th Royal Scots.
With the exception of Loos all battles are described from right
to left.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
ARMS AND THE MAN
AUGUST 1914 TO MAY 1915
PAGE
The Outbreak of War—Lord Kitchener—“The First Hundred Thousand”—
Composition of the Division—Training—The King’s Message,
10th May 1915 1
CHAPTER II
FIRST EXPERIENCES IN FRANCE
MAY 1915 TO SEPTEMBER 1915
Move of Division to France, May 1915—Instruction in Trench Duties—
Bombing and Bombs—Visit by Field-Marshal Sir J. D. P. French—
Festubert—Training near Busnes—Vermelles—General reasons for
Battle of Loos—The Plan of Battle—Importance of Gas—Task of the
Ninth Division—Duties of the Staff—Major-General Landon’s Plan—
Objectives—Preparations—Assembly Trenches—Communication
Trenches—Artillery—Machine-Guns and Trench Mortars—Arrangements
for Gas—Smoke—R.E. Pioneers, Tools—Medical Arrangements—
Communications—Equipment of the Men 12
CHAPTER III
BATTLE OF LOOS
25TH TO 28TH SEPTEMBER 1915
Terrain—Preliminary Bombardment, 21st to 24th Sept.—Action of
28th Brigade—Action of 6th K.O.S.B.—Action of 10th H.L.I.—Second
Attack of 28th Brigade—Reasons for Failure of Attack—Action of
26th Brigade—Action of 7th Seaforths—Action of 5th Camerons—The
Supporting Battalions—Situation east of Fosse 8—Position of 26th
Brigade, 9 A.M., 25th Sept.—Action of 27th Brigade—Pekin Trench
evacuated—Situation on evening of 25th Sept.—Relief of 26th
Brigade—Withdrawal of 27th Brigade—Situation on morning of 26th
Sept.—Loss of Fosse 8, 27th Sept.—Evacuation of Fosse Alley—
Counter-Attack by 26th Brigade—Relief of the Division—Comments
on the Battle 32
CHAPTER IV
THE SALIENT AND “PLUG STREET”
OCTOBER 1915 TO MAY 1916
Concentration of Division near Bethune—Major-General W. T. Furse
and _Esprit de Corps_—New Commanders—Move to the Salient—Mud—The
Reign of the Second Lieutenant—The Ninth Division School—The
Trenches—Sappers and Infantry—Artillery Retaliation Tariff—Mining—
A.S.C. and Transport—Formation of Machine-Gun Companies—Gas
Attack, 19th Dec.—Rest and Training—Ploegsteert Wood—11th Royal
Scots Raided—The G.O.C. and the Offensive Spirit—Sniping and
Machine-Guns—Changes in Command—Artillery and Trench Mortars—
Break-up of the 28th Brigade—Arrival of the South African
Brigade—Relief of the Division 61
CHAPTER V
THE CAPTURE OF BERNAFAY WOOD, AND THE BATTLES FOR TRONES WOOD
JULY 1916
Rest and Training—Move to Somme Area—Traffic of the Hinterland—
Summary of Events, 1915 to 1916—Reasons for Battle of the Somme—
Nature of the Somme Battlefield—The Policy of Attrition—Attitude
of Enemy—Movements and Preparations of the Division prior to the
Battle—Work of the B.F.C.—Weather, Preliminary Bombardment,
and Dispositions of XIII. Corps—Events of 1st July—27th Brigade
Relieves 90th Brigade, 2nd to 3rd July—Capture of Bernafay Wood,
3rd July—The Fight for Trones Wood—Orders for the Attack on
Longueval and Delville Wood—The Plans of General Furse—Brigade
Arrangements—Artillery Arrangements 84
CHAPTER VI
LONGUEVAL AND DELVILLE WOOD
JULY 1916
The Assembly—Action of 26th Brigade, 14th July—Action of 27th
Brigade, 14th July—News at D.H.Q.—The Fight for Longueval,
14th July—Attack on Waterlot Farm, 14th July—Situation on
evening of 14th July—South Africans Capture Delville Wood, 15th
July—The Fight for Longueval, 15th July—Attack on Waterlot Farm,
15th July—Situation on evening of 15th July—The Fight for
Longueval, 16th July—Situation on evening of 16th July—The Fight
for Longueval, 17th July—Waterlot Farm occupied, 17th July—
Situation on evening of 17th July—Attack of 76th Brigade on
Longueval, 18th July—Great German Counter-Attack, 18th July—
Counter-Attack by 26th Brigade, 18th July—Situation after 6.15
P.M., 18th July—Events of 19th July—Relief of the Division—Work
of the R.A.M.C.—Work of the Sappers and Pioneers—The A.S.C. and
Transport—Comments on the Battle 109
CHAPTER VII
THE BUTTE DE WARLENCOURT
OCTOBER 1916
Rest and Reorganisation—The Vimy Ridge—The Trenches, Aug. and
Sept. 1916—Sniping and Raids—Concentration in III. Corps Area,
Oct. 1916—Summary of events in the East during summer of 1916—
Nature of the country near the Butte de Warlencourt—Plans for
Operation, 12th Oct. 1916—Action of 7th Seaforths, 12th Oct.—
Action of S.A. Brigade, 12th Oct.—Comments on the Action of the
12th Oct.—Capture of The Pimple, 15th Oct.—Plans for Operation,
18th Oct.—Action of 5th Camerons, 18th Oct.—Action of 1st S.A.I.,
18th Oct.—Second Attack by S.A. Brigade, 18th Oct.—Events, 19th
Oct.—Relief of 26th and S.A. Brigades by 27th Brigade, 19th to
20th Oct.—Events, 20th Oct.—Relief of Division, 25th Oct.—
Difficulties of the R.A.M.C.—Comments on Action 143
CHAPTER VIII
ARRAS
NOVEMBER 1916 TO APRIL 1917
Promotion of Brig.-General Scrase-Dickins, 21st Oct. 1916—Promotion
of Brig.-General Ritchie, 4th Dec. 1916—General Furse appointed
M.G.O., 1st Dec. 1916—General Lukin appointed G.O.C.—New C.Os.—The
Bomb and the Rifle—Arras—The Trenches—Ninth Division School—
Training and Pamphlets—Life in the Sector—Raid by the 9th Scottish
Rifles, 14th Feb. 1917.—Other Raids—Changes in the Line—Plans of
Allies for 1917—Preparations for the Offensive—Task of XVII. Corps—
Task of Ninth Division—Artillery Arrangements—Brig.-General Tudor
and Smoke—The Barrage—Our Air Supremacy Challenged—The Training
of the Men—Daylight Reconnaissance by the 11th Royal Scots, 21st
March 1917—Formations for Attack 169
CHAPTER IX
THE BATTLES OF ARRAS
THE ACTIONS OF 9TH APRIL, 12TH APRIL, 3RD MAY, 5TH JUNE 1917
Preliminary Bombardment, 5th to 9th April 1917—The Attack on the
Black Line, 9th April 1917—The Attack on the Blue Line, 9th April
1917—The Attack on the Brown Line, 9th April 1917—Comments on
the Action of the 9th April—The Attack on Greenland Hill, 12th
April 1917—Action of the South African Brigade, 12th April 1917—
Action of the 27th Brigade, 12th April 1917—Comments on the Action
of the 12th April—Action of the 3rd May 1917—Action of the 26th
Brigade, 3rd May 1917—Action of the 27th Brigade, 3rd May 1917—
Comments on the Action of the 3rd May—Action of the 5th June
1917— The Division leaves the Arras Sector, June 1917 193
CHAPTER X
PASSCHENDAELE, 1917
ACTIONS OF THE 20TH SEPTEMBER AND THE 12TH OCTOBER
Rest and Training—Move to the Somme, 25th July 1917—Description of
Sector—Events of August 1917—A Suggested Attack—The Passchendaele
Campaign—Von Armin’s System of Defence—The “Pill-boxes”—Description
of country near Frezenberg, Sept. 1917—Objectives of the Division—
Preparations for the Battle, Sept. 1917—Action of 27th Brigade,
20th Sept. 1917—Action of the South African Brigade, 20th Sept.
1917—Death of Brig.-General Maxwell, 21st Sept. 1917—Comments on
the Action of the 20th Sept. 1917—Training—Objectives for the 12th
October 1917—Action of the 12th Oct. 1917—Comments on the Action
of the 12th Oct. 1917—Relief of the Division, 24th Oct. 1917 219
CHAPTER XI
PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENCE
OCTOBER 1917 TO 21ST MARCH 1918
Rôle of the Division in 1917—Situation at close of 1917—Move to
the Coast, Oct. to Nov.—Division Transferred to Somme Area, Dec.—
Training, Feb. 1918—9th Machine-Gun Battalion Formed—General Lukin
leaves the Division, March 1918—The Ninth’s Sector—The Forward
Zone—The Battle Zone—The Rear Zone—The Scheme of Defence—The
Enemy’s Intentions—Ludendorff’s Plan 246
CHAPTER XII
GERMANY’S SUPREME EFFORT
21ST TO 29TH MARCH 1918
Hostile Bombardment, 21st March—Loss of Gauche Wood, 21st March—
Loss of Chapel Hill, 21st March—South Africans Recapture Chapel
Hill, 21st March—Retreat to the Battle Zone, 21st March—The 22nd
March—Loss of Chapel Hill, 22nd March—Withdrawal to Brown and
Green Lines, 22nd March—Retirement of the South African Brigade,
22nd March—Retirement of the Highland Brigade, 22nd March—The
Boundary Question, 22nd March—Retreat to East of Moislains, 23rd
March—Orders for Retreat to Ridge west of Bouchavesnes, 23rd
March—The Retreat, 23rd March—Events, 23rd to 24th March—Retreat
of the Lowland Brigade, 24th March—The Last Stand of the
South Africans, 24th March—Retreat of the Highland Brigade, 24th
March—Comments on the Fighting of the 24th March—VII. Corps
Transferred to Third Army, 25th March—Events, 25th March—Events,
26th March—Events, 27th March—Relief of Division, 27th to 28th
March—Work of the R.A.M.C.—Work of the A.S.C.—Comments on the
Action of the Ninth—The Division “Mentioned” 260
CHAPTER XIII
THE GERMAN OFFENSIVE IN FLANDERS
APRIL 1918
Failure of German thrust against Amiens—General Tudor Appointed
G.O.C., 28th March—Division in Line near Wytschaete, April—Nature
of the Defences—German Attack, 10th April—Counter-Attack of the
South Africans at Messines, 10th April—German Attack, 11th April—
Events, 12th to 15th April—Retreat to the Corps Line, 15th to
16th April—Germans Capture Wytschaete, 16th April—Counter-Attack
of Seaforths at Wytschaete, 16th April—Events, 17th to 24th April—
German Attack, 25th April—Action of the 12th Royal Scots and
6th K.O.S.B., 25th April—Work of the Machine-Gunners, 25th April—
Action of Seaforths and Camerons, 25th April—Relief of Division,
26th April—Comments on the Fighting 292
CHAPTER XIV
METEREN AND HOEGENACKER RIDGE
MAY TO SEPTEMBER 1918
Moral of the Troops—The Press—Review of Situation at end of April,
1918—The Division at Meteren, May—Nature of the country and the
Defences—Events, 25th May to 19th July—Preparations for an Attack
on Meteren—A Series of Mishaps—Action of South African Brigade,
19th July—Action of Highland Brigade, 19th July—Remarks on the
Operation—Brig.-General Kennedy leaves the Division, 27th July—
Events, 25th July to 18th August—Plans for Capture of Hoegenacker
Ridge—Capture of Hoegenacker Ridge, 18th August—Relief of
Division, 25th August—South Africans leave the Division, 13th
Sept.—Newfoundlanders join the Division—Failure of German
designs in France—The “Turn of the Tide”—Preparations for Attack
on 28th Sept.—Objectives of the Division 317
CHAPTER XV
FROM YPRES TO LEDEGHEM
28TH SEPTEMBER TO 14TH OCTOBER 1918
Passchendaele Ridge carried, 28th Sept.—Capture of Becelaere—
Situation at close of 28th Sept.—Orders for Advance on 29th
Sept.—Action of the 28th Brigade, 29th Sept.—The Camerons join
in, 29th Sept.—Action of the 27th Brigade, 29th Sept.—Situation
at close of 29th Sept.—Events, 30th Sept.—Orders for Advance on
1st Oct.—The Capture of Ledeghem and Rolleghem Cappelle, 1st
Oct.—The German Counter-Stroke, 1st Oct.—The Work of the Gunners,
1st Oct.—Remarks on Action of 1st Oct.—Summary of German defeats
in other parts of the Line, Sept. to Oct.—Objectives for 14th
Oct., 1918—Obstacles to our Advance—The Assembly, 13th to 14th 339
CHAPTER XVI
FROM LEDEGHEM TO THE SCHELDT
14TH OCTOBER TO 27TH OCTOBER 1918
Action of the 14th Oct.—Fine work of the Gunners, 14th Oct.—Plans
for Renewal of Advance, 15th Oct.—Action of 27th Brigade, 15th
Oct.—Plans for crossing the Lys, 16th Oct.—K.O.S.B. cross the
Lys, 16th to 17th Oct.—Events, 17th Oct.—Result of the Operations
in Flanders—Objectives for 20th Oct.—Preparation for crossing the
Lys—The crossing of the Lys, 19th to 20th Oct.—Action of the
20th Oct.—Events, 21st Oct.—Action of the 22nd Oct.—Capture of
Ooteghem-Ingoyghem Ridge, 25th Oct.—Relief of Division, 27th
Oct.—Comments on Operations since 28th Sept. 359
CHAPTER XVII
CONCLUSION
28TH OCTOBER 1918 TO 15TH MARCH 1919
Events leading up to the Armistice, 11th Nov. 1918—The March to
the Bridgehead—The Division in Germany—End of the Ninth Division,
15th March 1919—Value of the Administrative and Supply Services—
The Work of “Q” Branch—The Ordnance Department—The Padres—The
Co-operative Spirit 382
APPENDICES
I. TABLE SHOWING ORDER OF BATTLE OF THE NINTH (SCOTTISH)
DIVISION 397
II. TABLE SHOWING THE PERIODS SPENT IN THE LINE 400
III. LIST OF COMMANDERS AND STAFF 402
IV. CASUALTIES OF THE NINTH DIVISION 409
V. VICTORIA CROSS AWARDS 410
VI. SUMMARY OF WORK DONE BY SAPPERS AND PIONEERS IN
PREPARATION FOR THE BATTLE OF ARRAS 413
VII. LIST SHOWING MATERIAL ISSUED AND SALVED BY THE ORDNANCE
DEPARTMENT 415
VIII. DIVISIONAL INSTITUTES AND CANTEENS 416
INDEX 419
MAPS 437
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
LANDSCAPES
_From Water-colour Sketches by Captain F. E. Hodge, late R.F.A._
Menin Gate, Ypres _Frontispiece_
Festubert _Face page_ 16
Loos ” 32
Lawrence Farm (Sketch of his Battalion H.Q. by
Lieut.-Col. the Right Hon. Winston S. Churchill) ” 76
Ploegsteert Wood ” 82
Delville Wood ” 110
Ablain St Nazaire, Notre Dame, and Vimy Ridge ” 146
Butte de Warlencourt ” 154
Arras (view in the town), West Gate ” 180
Arras (view outside town), battle front, April 1917 ” 204
Havrincourt ” 220
Zonnebeke from the Frezenberg Ridge ” 228
St Julien, Artillery H.Q. “Pill-box” ” 240
Nieuport Bains, looking towards German Lines ” 248
Gonnelieu from Gouzeaucourt ” 254
Wytschaete, from Vierstraat ” 298
Kemmel and Ypres from the Frezenberg Ridge ” 308
Meteren ” 322
“Pill-box” near Ledeghem ” 350
Ingoyghem and Ooteghem, “The Last Ridge” ” 376
PORTRAITS
Major-General G. H. Thesiger, C.B., C.M.G. _Face page_ 52
Lieut.-General Sir W. T. Furse, K.C.B., D.S.O. ” 62
Major-General Sir H. T. Lukin, K.C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O. ” 172
Major-General H. H. Tudor, C.B., C.M.G. ” 394
MAPS
_At End of Book_
1. Loos.
2. The Somme, Longueval, and Delville Wood.
3. The Butte de Warlencourt, October 1916.
4. Arras: Action of 9th April 1917.
5. Arras: Actions of 12th April to 5th June 1917.
6. Passchendaele: Action near Frezenberg, 20th September 1917.
7. Passchendaele: Action near St Julien, 12th October 1917.
8. The Retreat on the Somme, March 1918.
9. Wytschaete and Kemmel, April 1918.
10. Meteren and Hoegenacker: July and August 1918.
11. The Final Advance, September to October 1918.
HISTORY OF THE NINTH (SCOTTISH) DIVISION
CHAPTER I
ARMS AND THE MAN
AUGUST 1914 TO MAY 1915
The great European War that broke out in 1914 was the inevitable
result of the conditions that moulded the nineteenth century. In many
respects the history of the century had disappointed the high hopes
with which the period opened. The overthrow of Napoleon’s hegemony in
1814 imposed on his conquerors the task of effecting the settlement
of Europe, and it was expected that the chief Powers would grasp
the opportunity to settle all questions that had been a source of
friction, and especially to satisfy those nationalist aspirations
which had been the most potent factor in contributing to the defeat
of Napoleon. It was even hoped that an attempt would be made to
realise the brotherhood of man in some sort of federation.
In all these respects the work accomplished by the Congress, which
met at Vienna in 1814, fell short of expectations. The chief
statesmen of the Powers had been the foremost opponents of the
French Revolution, and they had little sympathy with the nationalist
sentiment that found its most vigorous expression in Germany, Italy,
and Poland. Moreover, the political ambitions and interests of
the allies required the most delicate handling, if Europe was to
be saved from another war. Thus the Eastern Question, the cause of
considerable uneasiness throughout the century, never came within
the consideration of the Congress. No attempt was made to express
the unity of Europe in any form of federation, unless the Holy
Alliance be accepted as an effort to achieve that end. Above all,
the necessity of satisfying the political interests of the various
members of the alliance, in many cases already arranged by treaties,
caused nationalist aspirations to be neglected, and in some cases
flagrantly disregarded, as in the arrangements affecting Belgium,
Italy, and Norway. Thus Nationalism could only be developed in
opposition to the Vienna Settlement and only by war could its aims
be realised. In consequence the development of nationalities, which
is the notable fact of the century, was accompanied by the assertion
of military force, and the freedom of nations went hand in hand with
militarism. What had been won by the sword was maintained by the same
means, and towards the close of the nineteenth century Europe formed
an armed camp, each nation supporting a huge armament, which drained
its resources but which it dared not diminish lest it should fall a
prey to a more powerful neighbour.
With Europe thus constituted every question that revealed rivalries
and differences was a peril, and there was no influence so baneful
as that exercised by the Eastern Question. On more than one occasion
it caused the gravest anxiety to the Chancelleries of Europe, and
war was averted mainly by reason of the comparative equality of the
opposing groups formed by the chief states. In the last quarter of
the century the predominance of Germany was the governing factor
in the situation. She built up an alliance of the Central European
states and her influence displaced that of Russia in Constantinople.
The full scope of her ambitions was not realised in this country, but
it was vaguely felt that they were not compatible with the interests
of the British Empire. Certain definite events showed that German
policy, though not actively hostile, was unfriendly to us. She seized
the opportunity created by the Jameson Raid to fling the first open
challenge to British power, and one of the principal results of the
Boer War was the creation of the German Fleet, which could only have
been intended as a weapon against Britain. In other directions the
claims and threats of Germany constituted a constant danger to the
peace of the world. She picked quarrels with France over Morocco
in 1904 and 1911, and openly made preparations to support Austria
against Russia in 1907. Her increasing truculence in foreign affairs
ultimately forced Britain, France, and Russia into a close agreement
in order to safeguard their interests.
The occasion of war was the assassination of the Austrian Archduke
Francis Ferdinand in the streets of Serajevo on the 28th June 1914.
But the emotions aroused by this despicable crime would never have
led to war had it not been for the determination of Germany to bring
matters to a crisis. Her designs in the Balkans and Asia Minor
largely depended upon the cordial co-operation of Austria, of which
she could be certain only while the Emperor Francis Joseph was alive.
In 1914 he was already over eighty years of age, and it was advisable
to turn to account the quarrel between Serbia and Austria caused by
the Serajevo murder.
The nature of her ties with France and Russia as well as the invasion
of Belgium by German forces compelled Britain to take arms against
Germany. No other course was possible. The significant and gratifying
feature of our intervention was the unanimity with which general
opinion supported the Government, and very few protested against the
obligations that honour required the nation to undertake.
The war formed by far the most exacting test to which the democracy
of Britain had yet been subjected. The last great European War
had been waged by Britain under an aristocracy, which, despite
many mistakes, had ultimately achieved victory by steadfast and
unquenchable courage. There were many, especially those of the type
who, like Thucydides, doubted the ability of a democracy to govern an
Empire, who feared that the resolute spirit of Pitt and Castlereagh
had vanished, and that the country would take refuge in ignoble
neutrality. But all fears and doubts were dissolved by the manner
in which the nation as a whole took up the gage that the Kaiser
had thrown, and the course of the struggle showed that the Empire
possessed in full measure the more robust qualities it had shown
under royal and aristocratic rule, though before victory was achieved
it had surrendered all power to a small oligarchy, and allowed itself
to be subjected to a degree of compulsion and restraint that had not
been contemplated when hostilities began.
It was fortunate that the name and services of Lord Kitchener
were at the disposal of his country, for no other man enjoyed to
such an unusual degree the trust and esteem of his compatriots.
He was universally recognised as the man pre-eminently fitted to
lead the nation in its hour of peril, and his perspicacity and
sanity of judgment inspired general confidence. It is difficult
to over-estimate the sobering and steadying influence that his
personality exercised throughout the land. Perhaps more quickly than
any other man he grasped the gravity of the situation, and his first
speech as Secretary of State for War warned the people of Britain
that the conflict would not be the short, sharp affair many expected
it to be.
All available resources for war were immediately employed. The small
but extremely efficient Regular Army, at once transported to France,
played no inconsiderable part in checking the first onrush of the
German armies, while the Navy swept the seas and bottled up the
hostile fleet in its harbours. But our Regular land forces, amounting
to little more than 150,000 men, were a scanty and inadequate
contribution to the titanic contest that was raging in Europe,
and Lord Kitchener asked the civilian population to furnish fresh
armies. His appeal was answered with magnificent alacrity; recruiting
offices, which were opened in every large town in the United Kingdom,
were besieged by volunteers and the staff had to work day and night
to cope with the rush.
The pick of the nation offered itself for service. Youth, which had
hitherto satisfied in sport and athletics its craving for adventure,
was attracted rather than repelled by the novelty and danger of
war, and young men in thousands left workshops, offices, and
universities to join the Colours. Others, not so numerous, were drawn
from the class of casual labourers, and they cheerfully submitted
themselves to a routine more irksome though more wholesome than any
to which they had been accustomed. There was a minority of more
mature men who, having envisaged the situation, bravely sacrificed
their prospects on the altar of duty. The standard of physique was
exceptionally high, and many who afterwards passed the tests with
ease were rejected in the early months of the war. After selection
the “First Hundred Thousand,” the salt of their race, were sent to
the various battalion depots, and then on to the training camps near
Salisbury Plain.
One of the first divisions formed from the New Armies was the Ninth
(Scottish) Division, and its composition was as follows:—
G.O.C.—Major-General C. J. MACKENZIE, C.B.
G.S.O.I.—Lieut.-Colonel C. H. DE ROUGEMONT, M.V.O.
A.A. & Q.M.G.—Colonel A. V. PAYNE.
26TH (HIGHLAND) BRIGADE.
Brig.-General—H. R. Kelham, C.B.
B.M.—Capt. H. W. B. Thorp.
Commanded by
8th Bn. The Black Watch (Royal Lieut.-Col. Lord Sempill.
Highlanders)
7th Bn. Seaforth Highlanders (Ross- Lieut.-Col. W. T. Gaisford
shire Buffs, The Duke of Albany’s)
8th Bn. The Gordon Highlanders Lieut.-Col. G. Staunton.
5th Bn. The Queen’s Own Cameron Lieut.-Col. D. W. Cameron
Highlanders of Lochiel.
27TH INFANTRY BRIGADE.
Brig.-General—W. Scott Moncrieff.
B.M.—Capt. A. I. R. Glasfurd.
11th Bn. The Royal Scots Lieut.-Col. H. H. B. Dyson.
12th Bn. The Royal Scots Lieut.-Col. G. G. Loch.
6th Bn. The Royal Scots Fusiliers Lieut.-Col. H. H. Northey.
10th Bn. Princess Louise’s (Argyll & Lieut.-Col. A. F. Mackenzie,
Sutherland Highlanders) M.V.O.
28TH INFANTRY BRIGADE.
Brig.-General—S. W. Scrase-Dickins.
B.M.—Captain C. J. B. Hay.
6th Bn. The King’s Own Scottish Lieut.-Col. H. D. N. Maclean,
Borderers D.S.O.
9th Bn. The Scottish Rifles Lieut.-Col. A. C. Northey.
(Cameronians)
10th Bn. The Highland Light Infantry Lieut.-Col. J. C. Grahame,
D.S.O.
11th Bn. The Highland Light Infantry Lieut.-Col. H. C. Fergusson.
ROYAL FIELD ARTILLERY.
C.R.A.—Brig.-General E. H. Armitage, C.B.
B.M.—Captain K. P. Ferguson.
Commanded by
50th Brigade, R.F.A. Lieut.-Col. A. C. Bailward.
51st Brigade, R.F.A. Lieut.-Col. A. H. Carter.
52nd Brigade, R.F.A. Lieut.-Col. F. W. Boteler.
53rd Brigade, R.F.A. Lieut.-Col. C. N. Simpson.
The first three brigades had four 18-pounder guns and the 53rd
Brigade four 4·5 howitzers, and each brigade had a B.A.C.
THE ROYAL ENGINEERS.
C.R.E.—Lieut.-Colonel H. A. A. Livingstone, C.M.G.
63rd Field Company Capt. C. Doucet.
64th Field Company Capt. W. E. Francis.
90th Field Company Major C. S. Montefiore.
PIONEERS.
The 9th Bn. Seaforth Highlanders (Ross-shire Buffs, The Duke of
Albany’s)—Lieut.-Col. T. Fetherstonhaugh.
THE ROYAL ARMY MEDICAL CORPS.
A.D.M.S.—Colonel C. Cree.
27th Field Ambulance Lieut.-Col. O. W. A. Elsner.
28th Field Ambulance Lieut.-Col. W. E. Hardy.
29th Field Ambulance Lieut.-Col. F. R. Buswell.
ARMY SERVICE CORPS.[1]
9th Divisional Train—Major R. P. Crawley, M.V.O.
9th Divisional Supply Column, Motor Major Dugmore.
Transport
104th Company Major H. MacDougal.
105th Company Capt. J. R. King.
106th Company Capt. F. K. Norman.
107th Company Capt. C. de M. Hutcheson.
In addition to these units the Division was equipped with Ordnance
and Veterinary Sections, D.A.D.O.S. being Major J. S. Brogden, and
the A.D.V.S. Major W. H. Nicol. There were also a battery of R.G.A.,
a company of Cyclists, and a squadron of the Glasgow Yeomanry.
During the period of training several changes in command occurred.
General Mackenzie went to France in October 1914 and was succeeded by
Major-General Sir C. Fergusson, who had commanded the Fifth Division
in the original Expeditionary Force. In March 1915 Sir C. Fergusson
crossed to France to take over the II. Corps and his successor was
Major-General H. J. S. Landon. In the 26th Brigade Brig.-General
E. St G. Grogan, C.B., succeeded Brig.-General Kelham on the 16th
November, while Lieut.-Colonel Harry Wright, D.S.O., a veteran of
the famous Kandahar march, took over the command of the Gordons
in February 1915; in the 27th Brigade, Brig.-General C. D. Bruce
succeeded Brig.-General Scott Moncrieff in January, and Lieut.-Col.
R. C. Dundas was appointed to the command of the 11th Royal Scots in
October. Changes occurred also amongst the Gunners and the Sappers,
and by the time the Ninth was ready to cross the Channel the 50th
Brigade was commanded by Lieut.-Col. C. C. van Straubenzee, the 52nd
by Lieut.-Col. A. M. Perreau, and the 53rd by Lieut.-Col. K. K.
Knapp, while the 63rd Field Company was commanded by Major L. W. S.
Oldham, and the 64th by Major G. R. Hearn.
After the various units were organised, training[2] was carried on
with the utmost vigour. An average of eight hours a day was spent in
fitting the men for the grim business of war; it was a heavy strain
but their keenness and excellent physique enabled them to undergo
the hardships without a murmur. The difficulties at this early stage
were enormous owing to scarcity of instructors and lack of stores,
clothing, and arms, but there was a sprinkling of Regular officers
and N.C.Os., and with their skilled assistance the several units soon
reached a very creditable state of efficiency.
The problems regarding stores and clothing were solved comparatively
quickly, but at first the men in their civilian clothes with
various types of headgear presented an appearance more ludicrous
than martial. The training was on lines identical with those of the
old army and a similar syllabus was carried out with satisfactory
results. The hardest lot fell to the young recently commissioned
officers; they went through exactly the same routine as the men but
they were also obliged to spend their spare time learning their
particular duties as officers. The parsimonious scrutiny to which
in peace times all army estimates had been subjected now showed its
crippling effects. The manual dealing with tactics and strategy,
_Field Service Regulations_, was excellent in its statement of
general principles but it did not give a young officer, unfamiliar
with military terms, much assistance in such a matter as the handling
of a platoon. In this respect the German Army was much better
equipped than ours and possessed numerous pamphlets for the guidance
of junior and non-commissioned officers in their profession. The war
revealed the need of similar assistance for the British Army and a
spate of unofficial publications flooded the book-shops, but none
were as good or as useful as the official pamphlets, notably S.S.
143 and S.S. 135, which unfortunately did not appear until the war
had been long in progress. The lack of such guidance in 1914 was
almost as serious as the scarcity of munitions and added enormously
to the difficulties of training.
The course of training was naturally affected by experience of
the war and lectures by officers from France were followed with
the closest attention. The siting of trenches gave rise to a keen
controversy which raged for a considerable time; some held that they
should be dug on the forward slopes of a hill, others that they
should be on the reverse slope. But the experience of France showed
that such niceties and distinctions were really unimportant and could
be disregarded, since men dug in only where the enemy allowed them to
do so. The infantry devoted much time to musketry and digging, and
as a fair proportion of the men were miners the Division became very
proficient in the rapid excavation of trenches.
As the weeks passed the troops were gradually taken through the
various stages necessary for efficiency, and training by units was
followed by field manœuvres in which the whole Division took part.
Reviews and route marches were always welcome as a change from the
ordinary routine and the divisional field days in March and April
were an agreeable as well as a useful exercise. _Esprit de corps_
had taken firm root in the several formations, and each unit, after
the fashion of all British soldiers, considered itself the salt of
the army. The divisional _esprit de corps_ had not yet attained the
fierce intensity that was afterwards to distinguish the Ninth; that
resulted later from the ordeal of battle, but a good start in the
right direction had been made.
After eight months of incessant and strenuous training the men were
fit and eager for active service and instructions for a move to
France were daily expected. But in 1915 spring had passed into early
summer before the orders were received. With them came a rousing
exhortation from H.M. King George V. on the 10th May:—
“_Officers, Non-Commissioned Officers, and Men of the Ninth
(Scottish) Division_,
“You are about to join your comrades at the Front in bringing to
a successful end this relentless war of more than nine months’
duration. Your prompt patriotic answer to the Nation’s call to
arms will never be forgotten. The keen exertions of all ranks
during the period of training have brought you to a state of
efficiency not unworthy of my Regular Army. I am confident that
in the field you will nobly uphold the traditions of the fine
regiments whose names you bear. Ever since your enrolment I have
closely watched the growth and steady progress of all units.
I shall continue to follow with interest the fortunes of your
Division. In bidding you farewell I pray God may bless you in all
your undertakings.”
CHAPTER II
FIRST EXPERIENCES IN FRANCE
MAY 1915 TO SEPTEMBER 1915
All units had practised entraining, and the move to France was
accomplished without a hitch. The artillery were the first to go,
the advance parties leaving Bordon on 8th May; the infantry brigades
left in order of priority, beginning with the 26th on the 10th May.
Vehicles, animals, and transport crossed from Southampton to Havre,
and the infantry from Folkestone to Boulogne. By the 15th May the
whole Division was concentrated around the pleasant and important
little town of St Omer. It had the distinction of being the first
division of the New Armies to reach France.
After spending two days near St Omer, the Division marched to
billets south of Bailleul, the average march for each unit being 15
miles. G.H.Q. were established at the Château le Nieppe; the 26th
Brigade was at Bailleul; the 27th at Noote Boom; and the 28th at
Outtersteene. Arrangements were quickly made to train the various
branches in trench warfare. All the field artillery brigades, except
half of the 51st R.F.A., were attached to the Sixth Division for
instruction. The 9th Heavy Battery went over to the III. Corps, and
from this moment ceased to be a corporate part of the Division.
Similarly the infantry received their first experiences of trench
duties under the Sixth Division, and spent a spell in the line near
Armentières by brigades at a time. The 27th Brigade moved into the
front line on the evening of the 20th May; it was relieved on the
22nd by the 28th, and it in turn on the 24th by the 26th Brigade,
which remained in the line till the 26th. Sappers were employed
by the III. Corps in improving the second line defences near
Armentières, and the infantry soon realised that they were expected
to be as useful with the shovel as they were with the rifle. On the
27th May the 26th Brigade proceeded to Nieppe and Armentières “under
the tactical orders of the Sixth Division”; this fine phrase simply
meant that the men had to work on trenches and strong points.
Meantime the Division received constant instruction in bombing. When
the opposing trenches lay near each other, it was dangerous for a man
to show himself above the surface, and a method had to be discovered
by which hostile positions could be attacked without the aggressors
having to expose themselves to rifle or machine-gun fire. The only
weapon that could fulfil this purpose was the bomb. In the hands of
determined men it was a useful and valuable weapon, and against a
vigilant and stubborn enemy it was sometimes the only means by which
progress could be made. In 1915 and the early part of 1916 there were
few men on either side who were not pugnacious, but the trouble was
that when troops became stale with months of underground warfare,
the bomb fight tended to result in a stationary conflict, no serious
effort being made to gain any ground. In 1915, however, there was no
staleness, the chief difficulties being the large variety of bombs
and the multiplicity of names that each bomb possessed. Most of them
were worked by a time fuse, but the stick hand-grenade exploded on
percussion and was a weapon probably more dangerous to the thrower
and his comrades than to the enemy. The Mills No. 5 Bomb, which
afterwards became the standard one used by the British Army, was
exploded by a time fuse of five seconds; but more common at that
time was the Bethune Bomb, which was the one chiefly used by the
Division at Loos. With all these varieties the average man could
throw between 20 and 30 yards. For a longer distance, rifle-grenades,
that is bombs fired from rifles, had a range up to about 200 yards.
Heavier bombs could be thrown by trench mortars, of which there were
at first numerous types, and several kinds of catapults were used. An
imposing-looking engine was the West Spring Gun. It could hurl a bomb
about 400 yards, but required eight men to work it, and needed an
enormous emplacement, which a hostile aeroplane would have had little
trouble in spotting. It threw up the bomb a tremendous height into
the air; if a cricket ball were substituted for the bomb, that gun
would form an excellent contrivance for giving cricketers practice
in catching. The trench mortars in use at the time had all the same
defect: they were cumbersome, and could not be quickly brought into
action.
Many hours were devoted to the training of the men in the art of
bomb-throwing, and factories for making bombs were started by the
Sappers. Unfortunately on the 27th May a deplorable accident caused
considerable loss of life. A factory at Nieppe Station was blown up,
and Lieut.-Col. Uniacke, the A.A. and Q.M.G., who was riding past at
the time, was killed. Six officers and 4 men were wounded, and 7 men
killed. Every reasonable precaution had been taken by the Sappers in
charge, and the explosion was probably due to the instability of the
explosive.
While the Division was still near Bailleul, it was visited by Sir
John French who inspected the 27th and 28th Brigades on the 29th May.
Near the end of the month the 26th Brigade received a new Commander,
Brig.-General Grogan[3] returning to England and his place being
taken by Brig.-General A. B. Ritchie, C.M.G., on 30th May. By the
2nd June all detachments had received some slight experience of the
trenches. On the 6th, the Division marched by night to training
grounds near Busnes where D.H.Q. were installed, and till the 25th,
training was carried on vigorously, particular attention being
paid to bombing. On the 16th, speculations on the possibility of
the Ninth taking part in a battle were aroused by it being placed
under readiness to move at two hours’ notice. This order was due
to an unsuccessful engagement carried out by the British Army near
Festubert, but the Division was not required and training continued
without interruption.
On the 26th June orders were received to relieve the Seventh Division
in the line near Festubert, and accordingly the 26th and the 27th
Brigades took over the front line on the nights of the 1st and 2nd
July. The 28th was in reserve. This was the first occasion on which
the Division was responsible for a section of the front line, which
it held east of Festubert until 18th August, and during this period
all ranks became acquainted with the trials of trench warfare.
The advantage of ground was with the enemy. Occupying the ridge east
of Festubert the Germans were able to control their artillery-fire by
direct observation. The weakest point in our line was “The Orchard,”
a sharp salient, which was held at tremendous cost and risk; and it
was here that the Division had most of its casualties, as the enemy
kept it constantly under fire from artillery and trench mortars. Our
artillery could do little at that time to help the infantry. For
every shell that we had the Germans had ten, and each attempt to
retaliate resulted in a fiercer and heavier bombardment. Until our
gunners were supplied with enough material to enable them to compete
with the enemy, the best policy was to refrain from annoying him. The
infantry particularly disliked the feeble efforts at retaliation by
our artillery because they alone felt the consequences. For a similar
reason all trench mortar officers[4] were unpopular. When a mortar
was fired that particular section of trench was drenched by the enemy
with “Minnies.”[5] It was therefore natural for the garrison to treat
trench mortars and their teams with disapproval if not hostility, and
it was usually only by stealth that the T.M. officer was able to fire
at all.
[Illustration: FESTUBERT]
Another part of our line to which the enemy paid considerable
attention was an old trench lying between the front and support
trenches, known as the “Old German Line.” We did not occupy it on
account of its stench and filth, but the Germans believed that we
did, and persistently shelled it. They were encouraged in their
error. A few men were sent to light fires in this trench, and
after they had performed their task they withdrew in haste; for as
soon as the enemy observed the smoke rising, he commenced to shell
vigorously. No one was known voluntarily to enter this trench
except the Prince of Wales, who used to prowl round it in search of
souvenirs. He paid a number of visits[6] to the line while we held
it, and his natural daring must often have caused his escort the
keenest anxiety. It was not safe to go up to the forward saps in
daylight, but His Royal Highness insisted on doing so, and he also
took a photograph of a wounded man who was being carried down from
one of them.
In spite of the immense preponderance that the enemy enjoyed in
artillery, the men found in the life more of interest than of
peril. Patrolling was a new form of enterprise that appealed to
the bolder spirits. 2nd Lieut. Bellamy of the 11th Royal Scots
took over a patrol of three men in broad daylight on the 5th June,
and on reconnoitring found that the enemy had constructed a new
trench. On the 13th June, 2nd Lieut. Murray of the 12th Royal Scots
stalked a German patrol and shot one man; and on the same night
Corporal Morrison of the 6th Royal Scots Fusiliers frightened away
a working-party and brought back a _chevaux de frise_. Even the
commonplaces of trench life had at this time the spice of novelty,
but an incident that happened to Sergeant J. M’Hardy, of the
machine-gun section of the 8th Black Watch, was certainly unusual
as well as whimsical. This N.C.O. had just hung up his kilt in the
trenches to dry when the back blast of a shell blew it over the
parapet towards the enemy’s lines. The unfortunate man had to go
kiltless until dusk, when he hopped over and recovered his garment.
On the 8th July, the Divisional area was visited by Lord Kitchener,
who inspected the 26th Brigade, at that time in reserve, and
detachments of the Ninth between Locon and Hinges.
On the 18th August the Division was relieved by the Seventh,
and moved to the training area near Busnes, where D.H.Q. were
established. On the next day it was again visited by Lord Kitchener,
who inspected it in a big field, and he expressed himself as highly
pleased. From this date till the end of the month training was
carried on continuously, and the men were frequently practised in
issuing rapidly from their own trenches and attacking another line.
These manœuvres raised hopes that they would soon be tested in an
important battle.
The whole Division was anxious for a fight. It had now been more than
three months in France, and had become thoroughly acquainted with
the ordinary routine of trench warfare. Life had turned out to be
much less trying than most of the men had imagined, for casualties
had been comparatively few, and there had been no thrills. It was
always unpleasant, of course, when the trenches were pounded, but
these periods were only occasional and seldom of long duration. It
was not the danger, but the drabness of trench life that worried the
men, who found that the outstanding features of this kind of warfare
were hard work and discomfort. The latter however they were compelled
to get rid of as soon as possible, and most of them quickly became
skilled in constructing habitable and cosy dug-outs. The trivial
round was one of constant toil, and cleanliness was insisted on more
as a necessity than as a virtue. The chief strain was due to the
interruption of sleep; for the exigencies of trench duties made it
impossible for anyone to sleep for more than a few hours at a time.
Above all, the men felt that the reputation of the Ninth could not
be solidly established without a battle. They yielded to none in
their admiration of the magnificent feats accomplished by the grand
regiments of the line, which had borne the first shock of the German
hordes; but they were anxious to show that they were both fit and
ready to take their place with the regulars. The fierce test of
action was needed to reveal the worth of the Division, and every man
hoped that it would not be long delayed.
It soon came. When on the 2nd September the Ninth took over from the
First Division the trenches east of Vermelles, the men had reached
the scene of their first battle.
The plan of a large operation had been adumbrated at the beginning of
August, but had it depended on the situation on the Western Front it
is doubtful if any important enterprise would have been attempted.
The costly failure of the joint British and French offensive in
May proved that the Western Allies had not yet accumulated the
preponderance in artillery necessary to secure the superiority of
fire that was essential for success. Both in numbers and in quality
the allied infantry surpassed that of the enemy, but the German
defences were skilfully selected, strongly fortified, and powerfully
supported by artillery.
Events on the Eastern Front, however, rendered it imperative to
create a diversion. The summer was a period of disaster for the
Russian Armies; they had been out-generalled and were retiring
rapidly before the vast German and Austrian forces, which, focussing
on Warsaw, had made those gigantic outflanking movements that had
ended in the capture of that city. It was feared that the fate of
Petrograd hung in the balance. The Western Allies therefore decided
to help the hard-pressed Russians by an attack on a large scale,
which might bring some tangible gains, and would at least compel
Germany to transfer forces to the West and thus weaken her offensive
in the East.
The general scheme drawn up by the High Commands of the Allied Forces
reflected their hopes rather than their expectations. The French
Tenth Army and the I. and IV. Corps of the British Army were to
advance due east in the direction of Valenciennes; at the same time
the French main attack was to be made from Champagne on Maubeuge. If
these enterprises were successful, the victorious forces would join
hands about Valenciennes and Maubeuge, thus cutting off all the enemy
within the salient, Rheims-Royon and Arras.
The plan was too ambitious. The reluctance of the British leaders to
undertake a premature operation was perfectly justified, and when
they committed themselves to an attack, they ought to have limited
themselves to a scheme proportionate to their resources. It is
therefore impossible to condone the reckless optimism that shaped
the plans for the Battle of Loos. They revealed a disposition to
underrate the adversary. The lessons of the German failures at Ypres,
of the battles at Hill 60, and of the Allied offensive in May were
ignored. If an attack had to be made, it should have been confined
to the capture of tactical points within a limited objective. A
break-through was then impossible. The experience of the war and the
resources at the disposal of Sir John French did not justify the
attempt in 1915, and the presumptions of the Higher Command were
shattered by the facts of the battle.
The task of the First Army was to pierce the first and second lines
of the German defences from Haisnes in the north to Hulluch in the
south; then, after capturing Meurchin and Pont à Vendin, to move
rapidly on Carvin, and so protect the left flank of the French Army.
The northern part of the operation was to be carried out by the I.
Corps, the southern part by the IV. Corps. In order to give this
enterprise every chance of success, subsidiary attacks were to be
made on other parts of the British front to prevent the enemy from
reinforcing the main point of attack.
Conscious of its weakness in artillery material, the British Command
hoped to compass the demoralisation of the foe by a discharge of
gas along the front of the principal onslaught. This was the first
occasion on which the British Army used gas,[7] and it was hoped that
its effect would so paralyse the defenders that the assaulting troops
would be able to secure with little resistance the German second line
in spite of the wire that was too far distant for the artillery to
cut.
The task of forming the northern defensive flank[8] of this attack
was entrusted to the Ninth Division, which, after carrying the line
Railway Work—Fosse No. 8—to Haisnes, was to push on to Douvrin.
Similarly, the southern division of the IV. Corps was to form a
defensive flank facing south near Loos. If these flanks were secured
and consolidated, it was expected that the intermediate divisions of
the I. and IV. Corps, supported by the XI., would be able to force
their way between these flanks as far as the Deule Canal, and even
farther if the resistance of the enemy was negligible.
There was a gap between the right of the British forces and the left
of the Tenth French Army. In this area lay the colliery district of
Lens, consisting of masses of miners’ cottages, pits, and slag-heaps,
admirably adapted for an obstinate and protracted defence. During the
French offensive north of Arras in May and June advance had been slow
and losses heavy, owing to the stubborn opposition of the Germans
posted in the villages of Carency, Givenchy, and Souchez. The Lens
area afforded even greater advantages to the defenders, and it was
decided that the French and British forces should work round the
south and north of the town and join hands to the east of it.
An operation of importance involves an enormous amount of hard work
and anxiety for all branches of the Staff, from G.H.Q. down to
brigades. The Staff[9] is the brain of the Army, and its function is
to supply everything—from bombs to operation orders. It consists of
two distinct branches: the A. and Q. branch, which is responsible
for discipline, procuring supplies, and making arrangements for the
comfort of the troops in such matters as billets and baths; and
the G. branch, which is concerned with training and operations.
For success, the best devised plan depends greatly upon the care
with which details are worked out. The actual attack is made by
the infantry. Upon the dash and gallantry of the soldiers and the
initiative and resource of the subordinate commanders, the Higher
Command has to rely for the consummation of its hopes; but the
arduous task of the infantry is considerably eased if the preliminary
preparations are the best possible from the resources at the disposal
of the Staff. Good Staff work consists in eliminating chance and
hazard and in strengthening assurance of success.
The frontage on which the Ninth Division was to assault was 1600
yards. On the 16th August, the G.O.C., Major-General Landon, held
a conference, when the proposed operations were discussed. It was
decided to assault with two brigades, each with two battalions in the
front line, the 26th on the right and the 28th on the left, with the
27th in reserve.
The objectives of the 26th Brigade were, first, the Hohenzollern
Redoubt, Fosse Trench and Dump Trench; and second, a line on the east
side of Fosse 8 through the Three Cabarets to the Corons de Pekin
(first objective). Should this task be accomplished, the brigade was
to go on to the neighbourhood of Pekin Trench (second objective). If
at this stage the line was prolonged to the north by the 28th Brigade
and the Second Division, the 26th and 28th were to advance east on
Douvrin. Should, however, the Second Division fail, these brigades
were to attack Haisnes and form a defensive flank facing north-east.
On the left, the 28th Brigade had first to secure the Railway line
from the Corons de Marons to the junction of Les Briques and Train
Alley (first objective), and then advance to its second objective in
the neighbourhood of Pekin Trench. The further action of the brigade
depended upon the progress of the Second Division.
The 27th Brigade was to be in reserve some 2000 and 2800 yards in
rear of the front line. Its rôle was either to support the attempt
on Fosse 8, or if that was successful, to move on to Haisnes and
Douvrin. Battalion commanders were given a free hand as to the
formations to be adopted, subject to the proviso that each unit was
to be in three lines.
The date of battle, after several postponements, was eventually fixed
for the 25th September.
The task of the Division in its first important engagement was not
an easy one. In the excitement of battle even the best of soldiers
are liable to go astray if they are required to change direction
at any time during the advance. For this reason it is desirable
that objectives should be allotted so that it is possible for the
assailing troops to advance at right angles to their position of
assembly. In the present case the advance in a north-easterly
direction up to the line of the Fosse fulfilled these conditions, but
from this point the Ninth was required to swing east and converge
on a narrower front. Fortunately the difficulties of this operation
were diminished by the presence of such conspicuous landmarks as
the villages of Haisnes, Cité St Elie and Douvrin, but it was
nevertheless an extremely complicated one for an untried division to
undertake.
The Ninth took over the line east of Vermelles on the 2nd September,
and arrangements had to be made at once so that all preparations
would be completed before the battle. The front trenches, as taken
over from the First Division, were too far from the German line to
be suitable for the forward assembly trenches. The First Division
had projected an attack on the Hohenzollern Redoubt, and for
that purpose had pushed forward a number of blind saps. Our first
intention was to join up the blinded sap-heads by a parallel, and
open them up just before the onset; but as gas was to be used, the
saps were opened up at once and then joined by new fire trenches.
This was accomplished in one night, each battalion digging 350 yards,
thus bringing our front trenches within 150 yards of the German line.
In addition, a support line was made in the rear, with numerous short
communication trenches running back to the old front line, with the
result that it was possible to accommodate the whole Division in the
trench system.
As it was imperative to regulate the traffic with a view to
preventing congestion on the day of attack, special communication
trenches were prepared for the wounded. For each of the attacking
brigades two communication trenches were allotted, one to be used
for “up” traffic, the other for “down,” and to diminish the chance
of confusion, each was labelled and marked. On the capture of the
enemy front line, these communication trenches were to be connected
with it; and, to save time and labour, blinded saps were run forward
50 yards and more. In all, about 12,000 yards of trenches were dug
before the battle.
The chances of success largely depended upon the ability of the
artillery to demolish the enemy’s defences. Until the moment of
the assault the artillery were under the orders of the Corps.
Unfortunately the heavy guns at the disposal of the Corps were few in
number, there being only twenty 6-inch Howitzers and twelve of higher
calibre.
The infantry attack was to be preceded by a four days’ bombardment.
The 18-pounders had to cut the wire along the enemy’s front. Known
and suspected strong points were to be shelled; and during night,
paths, roads, communication trenches, houses, and all places where
the enemy was likely to collect, were to be kept under fire. In the
work of sweeping approaches, machine-guns were to co-operate with
the artillery. The preliminary bombardment was arranged for the 21st
September, its object being to pulverise the German fortifications
and to demoralise the defenders. Only in this way could the
neutralisation of the hostile rifle and machine-gun fire necessary
for an attack by infantry be secured. In order to keep the Germans
uncertain of the exact time of the assault, two feint attacks were
arranged. At noon on the 21st September, the 26th Brigade was to
induce the garrison of the Hohenzollern Redoubt to man its parapets
by preparations that seemed to indicate an immediate attack;
thereupon the German trenches were to be shelled with shrapnel. A
similar operation against Madagascar Trench was to be undertaken by
the 28th Brigade on the third day of the bombardment.
The orders for the artillery were issued on the 20th September. On
the morning of the battle, first the enemy front line system, then
Pekin Trench, and the Three Cabarets were to be shelled for ten
minutes. In the following ten minutes the artillery-fire was to be
brought back to the front line for five minutes; it was then to move
east and remain for thirty minutes in the vicinity of Pekin Trench
between Haisnes and Cité St Elie. The great proportion of shell used
was shrapnel; H.E. was limited and was used chiefly by the heavy
artillery.
The control of its own artillery reverted to the Division at the
moment of the assault. In order that no opportunity might be lost in
the event of a rapid success, two batteries were earmarked to follow
up the infantry. These were to be taken out of their emplacements
on the night of the 24th, and kept limbered-up ready to advance at
a moment’s notice. Forward positions for these guns and observation
posts were reconnoitred from a study of the map and of the country
from Annequin Fosse; and three roads were prepared and bridged where
they crossed the trenches. Other bridges were to be carried by the
batteries to enable them to cross captured trenches. One brigade
of artillery was affiliated to each of the assaulting infantry
brigades and the remainder was kept under the immediate control of
Brig.-General Armitage.
The effect of machine-guns and trench mortars depends chiefly on the
resource of the team commanders. Each of the infantry battalions
had four machine-guns, while fourteen were distributed in rear
of the front line to co-operate with the artillery. Five minutes
after the commencement of the bombardment, these guns were to open
intensive fire on hostile communication trenches for thirty minutes.
During night they were to play on enemy communication trenches, and
on the wire to prevent the Germans repairing the gaps cut by the
artillery-fire. On the day of the attack they were to open intensive
fire five minutes after the beginning of the bombardment for fifteen
minutes; they were then to fire deliberately for ten minutes,
thereafter resuming intensive fire for other ten.
On the right of the Division an important rôle was assigned to the
trench mortars. Between the Ninth and the Seventh Divisions was an
interval of 200 yards; and to cover this gap 2-inch trench mortars
and 2-inch Stokes mortars were to fire smoke-bombs to prevent the
enemy in Big Willie from enfilading the left of the Seventh. It was
realised that the most formidable task had been allotted to the 26th
Brigade and arrangements were made for one 2-inch mortar, one battery
of 1½-inch mortars, and one Stokes gun to go forward with it.
The discharge of gas formed an essential part of the scheme of the
British Army; and its effects were expected to make up for deficiency
in artillery material.[10] The Germans were known to have safeguards
against gas, but it was hoped that they would be taken by surprise,
and that the fumes would be rolling over their lines before they had
time to don their helmets. At the worst, it was expected that the
discomfort of wearing the helmets would impair the efficiency of
their troops and partly demoralise them.
The gas was to be discharged from cylinders, each weighing from
130 to 160 lbs., and emplacements were made to accommodate twelve
at intervals of 25 yards along the front of the Division. The work
of carrying up and fixing the cylinders in position was a heavy
business. They were brought by train to a siding east of Bethune,
where the road ran alongside the railway, and at night they were
transferred to lorries, each of which carried about thirty. The
lorries were then driven to Cambrai and Vermelles, where they were
met by carrying parties, which conveyed the cylinders to the front
line.
These parties were organised in groups of thirty-six men for every
twelve cylinders, and each group was commanded by an officer.
The work was unpopular as well as arduous, for the men had little
liking for gas and none cared to handle anything connected with it.
The cylinders had to be carried for more than 2000 yards up long
and winding communication trenches, and when the weather was wet
the heavy burden of the men was aggravated by the difficulty of
maintaining their balance on the slippery duckboards. Occasionally
shelled areas had to be traversed, an anxious period for any
party with cylinders. To ease the work as far as possible, the
communication trenches up which the men had to travel were marked by
white arrows, and kept clear of unnecessary traffic. Fortunately the
weather was favourable. If it had been otherwise, this weight could
scarcely have been managed by three men. Altogether 4000 men were
employed in the transference of 1200 cylinders. When these were fixed
in their emplacements the infantry had no further responsibility
concerning them, for they were then under the care of the Special
Gas Company, R.E., which was to discharge the gas on the day of the
assault.
In addition to the cylinders, each emplacement had four triple and
eight single smoke-candles. These were to be lit by the infantry, and
used alternatively with the gas, so that the period of discharge for
smoke and gas would extend to forty minutes, as it was known that
the enemy had, as a protection against gas, oxygen cylinders which
lasted for only thirty minutes. Two minutes before the infantry left
the front line, all gas was to be turned off and the smoke thickened
by means of triple candles to form a screen behind which the infantry
could form up and advance.
One Field Company, R.E., and one company of the 9th Seaforths
(Pioneers) were attached to each brigade for the rapid consolidation
of captured positions, and the digging of new communication
trenches. Thus, the 90th Field Company, R.E. and “B” Company, 9th
Seaforth Highlanders, were attached to the 26th Brigade, the 63rd
R.E. and “D” Company, 9th Seaforth Highlanders, to the 28th, and the
64th R.E. and “C” Company, 9th Seaforth Highlanders, to the 27th.
Supplies of ammunition, stores, and tools were placed at intervals
along the whole front and, as far as possible, these dumps were made
at the junction of the “up traffic” communication trenches, and the
support line. As the bomb was to be the principal weapon of the
infantry after the first stages of the attack, numbers of special
bomb depots were formed. In addition to S.A.A., picks and shovels,
water, medical stores, and rations were placed in the forward dumps.
Medical Aid Posts were arranged at convenient points. In order to
effect the evacuation of the wounded from the forward areas with
the utmost speed, each brigade dug one communication trench for
wounded only. These trenches were wider than the usual communication
trench, the corners being rounded off, so that stretchers could be
carried with comparatively little inconvenience. A loop was made
leading off them, about 2000 yards in rear, and in each loop was a
dressing-station in a dug-out about the size of an ordinary room.
Serious cases were to be brought round the loop, dressed, and then
passed out at the farther end into the communication trench. Walking
cases were expected to go straight on without passing through the
loop.
The maintenance of communication was a most important matter, and
every conceivable means, ranging from the pigeon to the human being,
was to be used. The ordinary connection by telephone was to be
established as far as possible, and visual stations, from which
messages could be transmitted by flag or lamp, were to be set up as
well as pigeon stations. Between the battalion commander and his
company commanders the medium was the runner, the most reliable of
all means of communication. The Division had one wireless set, which
was worked by four men, and this was attached to the 26th Brigade H.Q.
The question of the men’s equipment for battle was important. A heavy
weight would retard progress and exhaust their strength, yet it was
necessary to supply them with sufficient material to consolidate
their gains and to enable them to beat off enemy counter-attacks.
Accordingly packs were dumped, the men going into action with
haversacks only, and each one carrying two empty sand-bags, and all,
except bombers, signallers, and runners, were to be supplied with 200
rounds of ammunition. Owing to the use of gas, the men on the morning
of the attack were to wear their gas helmets like a cap.
All these preparations were satisfactorily accomplished by the
evening of the 24th September. During this period of strain, the
health of Major-General Landon broke down, and on the 8th September
he returned to England and was succeeded by Major-General G. H.
Thesiger, C.B., C.M.G. The G.S.O.I. was Lieut.-Col. S. E. Hollond,
who joined the Division at the beginning of September, and the A.A.
and Q.M.G. was Lieut.-Col. A. A. M’Hardy.
CHAPTER III
BATTLE OF LOOS[11]
25TH TO 28TH SEPTEMBER 1915
The terrain, which was the scene of the Division’s first battle,
included the feature of greatest tactical importance on the front of
the British attack. The general advantage of ground and observation
was held by the enemy. East of Vermelles a railway, which ran
north-east to join up with the railway connecting Bethune and La
Bassée, screened the country west of it from German observation,
except from their highest posts at Fosse 8 and the Tower Bridge at
Loos, which overlooked the British lines except right down in the
Vermelles valley. East of the railway the country was very open and
the only trees were those that fringed the Hulluch road; the whole
country bore a close resemblance to Salisbury Plain, or the moors
of Linlithgow, with mine-heads and slag-heaps dotted about. East of
Vermelles, the country ran nearly flat to a slight but important
crest, then falling to a shallow dip where the trenches faced each
other, rose again through the German trenches to another crest about
700 yards west of Cité St Elie. This crest concealed the second line
of the enemy from ground observation.
[Illustration: LOOS]
The main front lines of the British and the enemy were about
500 yards apart and between them jutted out in a south-west
direction from the northern part of the German front line the maze
of trenches and fortifications known as the Hohenzollern Redoubt.
Direct communication between the Redoubt and the main line, which
was here known as Dump Trench and Fosse Trench, was secured by two
communication trenches, named North Face and South Face, running
from north-east to south-west. Two trenches, Big Willie and Little
Willie, running respectively east and north, protected the flanks
of the Redoubt. But the chief features of the enemy’s defences were
Fosse 8 and the Dump—an accumulation of débris, which is a familiar
sight in all mining areas—and from these points the enemy could look
right up the valley that was the scene of the British attack. Of
equal importance was the Double Crassier on the extreme right which,
with the Fosse and the Dump, formed the key of the whole tactical
position, and until they were captured and held, guns could not be
brought up to give close support to the infantry in any advance
beyond the first system of trenches. If nothing more was secured, the
operation would amply justify itself.
On the 21st September the preliminary bombardment commenced at 7
A.M., and in reply the German artillery fired little beyond their
usual. At noon on the same day, the first of the feint attacks was
made, when the 26th Brigade opposite the Hohenzollern Redoubt opened
two minutes’ rapid fire with rifles and machine-guns on Big and
Little Willie. In addition, the men did all that was possible to make
the foe believe that an attack on the Redoubt was imminent; bayonets
were shown over the parapet, dummies were moved about, the men
shouted, and pipes and bugles sounded the charge. This demonstration
caused the Germans[12] to man their parapet, and as our artillery
deluged their front trenches with shrapnel five minutes after noon,
it was believed[13] that heavy losses had been inflicted on the
garrison. During the third and fourth days of the bombardment, the
reply of the German artillery became more rapid and intense. When
on the 23rd an operation, similar to that carried out by the 26th
Brigade two days previously, was made by the 28th Brigade against
Little Willie and Madagascar Trench, it was noticed that the enemy
heavily shelled our reserve trenches. At night infantry patrols were
sent out to ascertain the effect of our artillery-fire on the German
wire, and their reports showed that numerous gaps had been made, but
unfortunately on the front of the 28th Brigade patrols failed to
examine the enemy’s wire.[14] This was largely due to the desire to
save the men from being exposed to our own artillery-fire; but the
omission had lamentable consequences. Not till the small hours of the
25th was the hour of zero communicated to the battalions. As the wind
was favourable, the main operation was to be undertaken. Zero was
fixed for 5.50 A.M., and forty minutes after zero the infantry were
to leave the trenches.
At 5.50 A.M. our artillery opened, and gas and smoke were discharged
along the whole front. The scene had a terrible grandeur, and the
combination of gun-fire, gas, and smoke produced a wonderful effect
of mingled whites, greys, yellows, and browns.
On the left of the Division, Brig.-General Scrase-Dickins arranged
to attack with the 6th K.O.S.B. on the right and the 10th H.L.I.
on the left. These were supported respectively by the 11th H.L.I.
and the 9th Scottish Rifles, and they held the front line till
the evening before the 25th, when their places were taken by
the attacking battalions; the 63rd Field Coy. R.E. and “D” Coy.
9th Seaforths also took up their assembly positions that night.
Unfortunately the arrangements of the brigade were upset at the last
moment by the Second Division taking over a portion of its line, the
28th Brigade being left with only one communication trench for the
passage of troops and for “up” and “down” traffic. Ten minutes after
the crash of our guns had announced the hour of zero, the German
counter-bombardment fell on the front and communication trenches; the
supporting companies and battalions, which were moving up from the
rear trenches to the front, suffered serious losses, which included
Lieut.-Colonel H. D. N. Maclean, D.S.O., and his adjutant, Captain
Keith of the 6th K.O.S.B.
At 6.30 A.M. the 6th K.O.S.B. and 10th H.L.I. left our front line
and advanced in three lines against the German trenches. On the
right, the leading companies of the K.O.S.B., now commanded by Major
Hosley, pressed forward, at first without suffering very severely.
Major Hosley was wounded on the parapet but refused to go back, and
insisted on leading his battalion forward. The wind unfortunately
was fitful and was not strong enough to carry on the gas, so the
leading companies lay down until it had moved on. As soon as the two
supporting companies crossed our front parapet, they came under a
withering rifle and machine-gun fire, but in spite of many casualties
they continued to push on and became mingled with the leading
companies. More conspicuous now than the crash of the guns was the
menacing and ominous “rat-tat” of the enemy machine-guns, and when
the K.O.S.B. resumed their advance, officers and men were mown down
by a terrible fire, to which they could not reply. Nevertheless the
survivors pressed on with magnificent determination, but the German
wire was found to be virtually intact. In front of the enemy’s line
was a covered trench crammed with stakes and barbed wire and as soon
as the foremost men stepped on the top covering, they fell through
and became entangled amongst the wire. The air teemed with bullets,
and the survivors, impotent to advance but too stubborn to retreat,
had very heavy losses. The battalion was now leaderless. Of the 19
officers who went into action, 12 were killed and 7 wounded, and as
a consequence the brigade received no news from the battalion during
the morning. It is believed that a few men, favoured by incredible
luck, forced their way into the German front trench, but being
unsupported they eventually fell back and reached our original front
line during the night.
The 10th H.L.I. on the left of the brigade had no better fortune. As
the wind was too weak to carry the gas forward from our trenches,
many of the men were suffering from the effects of it when they
left the front line. At the very start the ranks of the battalion
were thinned by a storm of shell, rifle and machine-gun fire, a
considerable number being killed and wounded on the parapet. With
fine courage the men pushed on but were unable to penetrate the
enemy’s wire, which had been scarcely damaged. Before vicious
machine-gun fire from Madagascar Trench, Railway Work, and Mad
Point, the attack melted away, and most of the survivors struggled
back to the trenches from which they had set out, none having
broken through the German wire. The losses in officers and men were
exceptionally severe; Lieut.-Colonel Grahame was gassed and his
adjutant killed. As the whole signalling staff of Battalion H.Q.
had been knocked out by a shell, Brigade H.Q. were without definite
news of the disaster until noon, when Major H. C. Stuart reported in
person.
In war, no news invariably means bad news, and consequently during
the early hours of the attack suspense and anxiety reigned at Brigade
H.Q. The gloomy forebodings with which the absence of information had
filled the minds of Brig.-General Scrase-Dickins and his staff were
deepened by a message, received from the 9th Scottish Rifles at 8.15
A.M., that the 10th H.L.I. were asking for reinforcements. As it was
also known at 7.50 A.M. that the attack of the Second Division on the
left had failed, there was no longer any reason to doubt that the
brigade had experienced a serious check. Anxiety about the situation
on the front of the 28th Brigade had an unsettling effect on the
plans of the Division. The 26th on the right had in the meantime
made good progress, but General Thesiger hesitated to support it
with the full strength of the 27th until he had definite information
concerning his left brigade. At 9.10 A.M., however, the Division
learned from a telephone message that the attack of the 28th Brigade
had been repulsed.
Since this check exposed the 26th Brigade to the chance of a
counter-attack from the north, the left brigade was ordered to launch
another attack, and after a thirty minutes’ artillery bombardment the
11th H.L.I. on the right and the 9th Scottish Rifles on the left
advanced against the enemy’s lines at 12.15 P.M. But the bombardment
was not sufficiently heavy to demolish the German strong points, and
the only effect of the hopeless gallantry of the “Rifles” and the
H.L.I. was greatly to increase the enormous losses of the brigade.
The attack was swept away by the enemy’s rifle and machine-gun fire.
As the result of these two attacks the 28th Brigade had lost about
two-thirds of its effective strength and the great majority of its
officers had been killed or wounded. It was now unfit for further
action and was withdrawn to its original line, which it was barely
strong enough to hold effectively.
The primary cause of the repulse was the failure of the artillery
to cut the enemy’s wire. During the preliminary bombardment that
wire ought to have been examined nightly by patrols, and the neglect
to do so was a cardinal blunder for which the brigade had to pay a
heavy price. The extravagant hopes entertained of the power of gas to
demoralise the enemy had been rudely shattered; it was a hindrance
and not a help, and its baneful effects were confined to our own
men. In face of uncut wire and the enemy’s intact defences the
attack could be no more than a forlorn hope, although with well-nigh
incredible courage the men did all that men could do to achieve the
impossible. It was a failure, but one that shed lustre on the men
that failed.
The second attack was an offence against a well-understood military
principle that was too often neglected in the warfare in France.
When men have failed in an attack, it is generally futile to send
other men to make another attack in the same way; it encourages the
defenders and doubles the losses of the assailants. The hope of
smashing, by an artillery bombardment of thirty minutes, defences
that had remained intact after four days’ bombardment, betrayed an
almost unbelievable optimism. The most feasible way was to send a
part of the 27th Brigade to follow behind the 26th, and attack the
enemy in Madagascar Trench from the south. But if no units of the
27th Brigade were available, it would have been wiser to send round
some of the 11th H.L.I. and 9th Scottish Rifles to the Dump, from
which point they could have assaulted the German positions from flank
and rear. Persistence in a frontal attack showed a serious lack of
flexibility in the Higher Command in making use of the resources of
the Division.
On the front of the right brigade, Brig.-General Ritchie decided to
attack with the 7th Seaforths on the right and the 5th Camerons on
the left; these were supported respectively by the 8th Gordons and
8th Black Watch. The task of the leading battalions was to secure
the first objective, which included the Hohenzollern Redoubt, the
German main trench beyond it, and Fosse 8 with the Three Cabarets and
the Corons de Pekin. When this was accomplished the Gordons and the
Black Watch were to pass through, and, swinging in a south-easterly
direction, capture the second objective. The assembly of the brigade
and the units attached, the 90th R.E., “B” Coy. 9th Seaforths, and
the trench mortar batteries, was completed on the evening of the 24th
without a hitch, the two assaulting battalions being in position in
the front and support trenches, and the support battalions in the
reserve trenches.
The period prior to an attack is always a trying time, and the men
welcomed the crash of guns that announced the hour of zero. At the
same moment the gas and smoke were discharged, and the 2-inch trench
mortars smothered Big Willie and the South Face of the Hohenzollern
Redoubt with phosphorous smoke-balls.
At 6.29 A.M. the assaulting battalions jumped out of their
trenches, and were marshalled for the assault in front of our own
wire, screened by the smoke from the candles. This had the effect
of steadying the men and allowed the advance to be made without
confusion or disorder.
Between Fosse 8 and the Redoubt there was a hog-back ridge;
the Seaforths and the Camerons advanced south and north of it
respectively. At the very beginning the former lost touch with the
latter, who were delayed for ten minutes by gas hanging in the front
trenches. The Seaforths made straight for the Hohenzollern Redoubt,
suffering considerable losses from rifle and machine-gun fire from
the right flank, and captured the southern portion of it after a
brisk fight, in which a good many officers were killed or wounded.
Then the battalion bombed its way up the communication trenches
to the German main trench, and without waiting for the Camerons,
pushed forward past Fosse 8, clearing all the miners’ cottages and
seizing the Three Cabarets. At this point the battalion, after being
reorganised, lined the Corons Trench immediately east of Fosse 8
about 7.30 A.M. A few of the men slightly lost direction and wandered
up the trench that led from the Corons to the ridge in front of Cité
St Elie and Haisnes. The battalion had accomplished its job in very
fine style and in good time.
On their left the Camerons had a ghastly experience. When, after
a ten minutes’ wait to allow the gas to pass on, the men began to
advance, they were shot down by a galling fire from the left, the
first two lines of the battalion being almost annihilated. To cross
that fatal field was a task that even the stoutest of men might have
shirked without shame. But the Camerons were inspired by a compelling
sense of duty, and undeterred by the fear or spectacle of death, they
made of danger the spring-board of a leaping hardihood. With superb
heroism they pressed doggedly through the fatal zone, where lay the
greater part of the battalion. Nothing but death could stop such men.
After capturing the Redoubt they moved on to Fosse 8 and, having made
their way through the miners’ cottages, halted at the north edge of
the Corons de Pekin about 7.45 A.M. The Camerons had reached their
objective, but at a terrible cost; of the 800 men and 20 officers
who crossed our line, only 2 officers and 70 men were left. It was
a thrilling feat of arms, which men of the 5th Camerons will ever
remember, and the very story of which served to inspire future drafts
with the courage of the glorious dead.
Thus by 8 A.M. the Seaforths and Camerons had established themselves
on the east of Fosse 8, and the men began to consolidate their
positions. But there was a gap between the battalions, and the troops
were heavily shelled from the Cemetery that lay south of Auchy.
Meantime the supporting battalions were advancing rapidly. At 6.30
A.M. the Gordons and Black Watch moved up from their positions in
the reserve line to the front trenches. They crossed our parapet at
7 A.M., and with praiseworthy steadiness pressed through the hostile
barrage, which was falling on our front line. The Black Watch lost
greatly through heavy machine-gun fire from the north, their gallant
C.O., Lieut.-Colonel Lord Sempill, being badly wounded. The Gordons,
on reaching the Redoubt, took prisoner a number of Germans who had
concealed themselves in shelter when the Seaforths passed over. At
Dump Trench the Black Watch had a sharp fight with some of the enemy,
who had been overlooked by the Camerons, and captured a number of
prisoners. On their right a party of the Gordons bombed down to the
Window in the German main trench, in order to clear the front for the
Seventh Division.
After passing the main trench the bulk of the Black Watch, instead
of swinging to the south-east, pushed on through the Corons and came
into line between the Seaforths and Camerons beyond the miners’
cottages. The remainder of the battalion, roughly about a company,
went on with the Gordons, who at 7.40 A.M. moved down Fosse Trench
and then diverted their attack in an easterly direction on Cité St
Elie and Haisnes. They carried and went over Fosse Alley and reached
Pekin Trench a few hundred yards short of Haisnes soon after 8 A.M.,
but they had lost many of their number and could go no farther. The
enemy’s resistance was far from being broken and the advance had been
made under continuous shell and machine-gun fire. Haisnes was at that
time lightly held and would have fallen to fresh troops, but by the
time the leading ranks of the 27th Brigade arrived the village had
been strongly reinforced.
Farther west and to the left rear of the Gordons, the Black Watch and
the Seaforths made an attempt to advance towards Pekin Alley, but
a German battery, situated about 1000 yards east of the Cabarets,
and flanked by machine-guns, inflicted considerable casualties and
pinned the men down to their trenches. This ill-starred effort cost
the Seaforths their leader, Lieut.-Colonel Gaisford being killed.
The situation of the 26th Brigade was not a happy one. It was
clear, as the ordeal of the Camerons and Black Watch had foreboded,
that the attack of the 28th Brigade had failed. It was necessary
to consolidate the line in front of Fosse 8, and to safeguard the
left flank; but under the continuous and accurate shell-fire of the
enemy, it was practically impossible to accomplish any work. The
trenches were in an appalling mess, having been terribly smashed by
our artillery; Corons Alley was particularly bad, since the enemy had
flooded it before retiring. About 9.30 A.M. the brigade received some
welcome artillery support, when the battery commanded by Major C. W.
W. McLean moved into position south-west of the Fosse and opened fire
on the Cemetery, Cemetery Alley, and Lone Farm in turn.
At 9 A.M. the position of the 26th Brigade was as follows: the
Seaforths, Black Watch, and Camerons held the trenches east of Fosse
8 from Fosse Alley to the north end of the Corons de Pekin, and
to guard the left flank, a small party was posted at the Railway
crossing. Additional protection was afforded by the machine-guns
of the Camerons, which were posted at Little Willie, and commanded
the ground on the left of the brigade. The enemy was in strength in
Pekin Alley, Cemetery Alley, Lone Farm, and Madagascar Trench. About
600 yards to the right front, the remnants of the Gordons and some
Black Watch were established in Pekin Trench, not far from Haisnes.
Unsupported on either flank, and exposed to a murderous fire, the
position of this garrison was most precarious, and could only be
maintained with the help of the 27th Brigade.
On the evening of the 24th September, the battalions of the 27th
Brigade were assembled in reserve trenches. From this position to
the front line there were two routes, by the communication trenches
termed Railway Alley and Fountain Alley. Previous reconnaissance
had shown that the time required to reach the front line by these
routes was 1 and 1½ hours respectively, and the move of the brigade
was arranged to enable it to reach the front trenches as soon as they
were vacated by the 26th Brigade. But all the previous plans made
for the regulation of traffic in the communication trenches broke
down during the action, and the men of the 27th found their advance
checked by carrying parties, stragglers, and returning wounded.
The average progress seemed to be about 30 yards every 20 minutes,
and there were many long halts. Not only were the men exhausted by
this tedious and tiring passage, but they suffered heavily from the
enemy’s shell-fire. It would have kept the men fresher, and would
probably have saved casualties, if the battalions had moved out of
the trenches and advanced across the open.
The first battalion to cross the front line was the 12th Royal
Scots. It should have been followed by the 11th Royal Scots, but
this battalion was seriously delayed in the trenches, and the 10th
Argylls were the second battalion to pass the line. The order of
battalions, however, as arranged by the brigade, was restored during
the advance, the Argylls halting to allow the 11th Royal Scots to get
into their proper position. Under orders from General Thesiger, the
6th Royal Scots Fusiliers were kept back in the front trenches owing
to the failure of the 28th Brigade. On entering “No-Man’s Land,”
the 27th Brigade came under intense rifle and machine-gun fire from
Cité St Elie, and from north-east of the Fosse. About 11 A.M. the
11th and 12th Royal Scots passed through the Gordons and advanced on
Haisnes, but they were scourged by terrific rifle and machine-gun
fire, and could make progress only by short, sharp rushes. A few
men penetrated into the outskirts of the village, but they could
not maintain their position, and were forced to withdraw. Till the
evening, the survivors of the Royal Scots lay out in the open about
300 yards east of Pekin Trench, and in the afternoon the situation
of the Royal Scots and men of the Seventh Division on their right
became intolerable. They were numbed by cold and rain and suffered
grievously from the enfilade-fire which the enemy directed on them
from Haisnes, so at 4 P.M. the men were withdrawn to the line of
Pekin Trench on the right of the Gordons.
The Argylls, who followed close behind the Royal Scots, established
themselves in Fosse Alley. Observing that the left flank of the men
in Pekin Trench was exposed, they sent forward a company to protect
it, but it was held up by unbroken barbed wire, and, after the
company commander had been shot down while trying to cut it, the
remainder fell back on Fosse Alley. Haisnes was now strongly held by
the enemy, and there was little chance of taking it without strong
artillery support. Brig.-General Bruce received orders at 3.30 P.M.
to secure the village, and, leaving instructions for the 6th Royal
Scots Fusiliers to follow on, he left Central Boyau and went forward
to Fosse Alley to reconnoitre the position. As both Haisnes and Cité
St Elie were strongly garrisoned by the enemy, and as his brigade
had been very heavily punished, he considered that an attack[15] on
Haisnes was out of the question. The decision was sound. Even if the
village had been captured, the strength of the Division would have
been too dissipated to offer any chance of effective defence against
a resolute attack.
The presence of Brig.-General Bruce steadied the garrison of Pekin
Trench, and under his direction two companies of the Royal Scots
Fusiliers were sent forward to support the Royal Scots by occupying
the trench on their left. The position at Pekin Trench, however,
needed more reinforcements than Brig.-General Bruce had at his
command in order to make it secure, and the small garrison had a very
bad time. The men were exposed to a continuous and merciless fire,
and the trenches were full of dead, dying, and wounded. To add to
their misery rain fell heavily, the rifles became clogged with mud
and could not be fired, and the fuse-lighters of the Bethune bombs
were so damp that it was impossible to ignite them.
The initiative now rested with the enemy,[16] whose numbers were
being hourly augmented, and numerous bombing attacks were made on
the garrison. Against the most desperate odds a brilliant defence
was made. “C” Company of the Gordons, under Captain J. E. Adamson,
beat off three powerful and determined attacks from the railway
and the village; but with diminishing numbers and want of food,
water, ammunition and bombs, it was not possible for it to hold
on indefinitely. The great majority of the officers were dead or
wounded, and most of the bombers had become casualties. The men could
do no more, and during the late afternoon and evening the Gordons
retired to Fosse Alley, but here their right flank was attacked by
German bombers from Cité St Elie, and they were compelled to fall
back on our front line.
The position of the Royal Scots in Pekin Trench became untenable when
the Gordons were forced back, and the longer they held on the more
dangerous became the situation; for both flanks were exposed, and the
enemy was becoming more confident and aggressive. The Germans with
abundance of bombs made numerous attacks against the Royal Scots, so
to avoid being surrounded, the garrison fell back to Fosse Alley in
the evening. After organising the remnants of his brigade along Fosse
Alley and satisfying himself that it was in touch with the Seventh
Division on the right, Brig.-General Bruce established his H.Q. in
the Quarries. This was an unfortunate choice, for though he was now
in close touch with the Seventh Division he was too far away for
General Thesiger to get quickly into communication with him.
Meantime the main body of the 26th Brigade maintained its position.
In spite of rain and a deluge of shells, the sappers of the 90th
Coy. R.E., assisted by infantry and pioneers, rapidly improved the
trenches and made them stronger for defence. The behaviour of the
men was beyond all praise; their dogged endurance and marvellous
cheerfulness raised them above the misery of their surroundings. The
sappers were always ready to lend a hand to the infantry whenever the
enemy counter-attacked, and when the shelling became too severe for
any work to be done, they gave invaluable aid by manning the trenches
on the flanks of the infantry. More effective artillery support was
now available for the harassed brigade. At 10.30 A.M. No. 7 Mountain
Battery R.G.A. came into action near Fosse 8 and engaged targets near
the Railway and Les Briques; while the whole of the 52nd Brigade
R.F.A. and one Howitzer battery under the command of Lieut.-Colonel
Perreaux, were in action south-west of the Dump by 4.30 P.M.
When darkness fell on the field of battle, the situation of the
Division was as follows: Though the 28th Brigade had been bloodily
repulsed, the 26th had captured and was holding the Dump and Fosse
8. The bulk of the brigade held a line east of the Fosse, and this
line was extended to the south by the 27th Brigade, which held Fosse
Alley and was in touch with the Seventh Division on the right. The
task now before the Division was to convert the captured trenches
into strong defensive positions and to link them up with our original
front line. But the enemy was bent on preventing any work being done,
and the difficulties were enormous, owing partly to scarcity of
tools and material, and partly to the downpour of shells. In spite
of these drawbacks and the constant counter-attacks that frequently
interrupted digging, the trenches were considerably strengthened
and were protected by wire placed 50 yards in front of them by the
sappers and the infantry. Equally emulous in toil and heroism were
the pioneers of “B” Coy. 9th Seaforth Highlanders, who laboured hard
to complete the two communication trenches from the front line to the
Hohenzollern Redoubt. This task was not finished until the forenoon
of the 26th, for the men had frequently to drop their tools and drive
back bombing parties of Germans who were working up Little Willie.
The achievement of the 9th Seaforths was a shining example of pluck
and endurance, and they were as notable for their fighting as for the
value and quality of their work.
Counter-attack is the soul of defence, and it was clear that the
Germans were preparing to make a big effort to regain Fosse 8 and the
Dump. The issue of the battle hung on the fate of these two places,
and all that could be done was done to strengthen our hold on them.
But the enemy knew the whole ground thoroughly and having no longer
fear of attack farther north, could draw largely on his reserves to
make a strong thrust. The defenders were weary and exhausted, and the
Corps decided to relieve the 26th Brigade by fresh troops from the
73rd Brigade of the Twenty-fourth Division.
Accordingly in the evening of the 25th the leading troops of the
73rd Brigade, under their own brigadier who received his orders from
General Thesiger, arrived in the neighbourhood of the Fosse. The
relief was carried out like any ordinary one, and the defence of
the Fosse was taken over by three battalions. The Sussex Regiment
held from the junction of Slag and Fosse Alleys to the north end
of the Fosse, and this line was continued by the Royal Fusiliers,
who held from the left of the Sussex Regiment through the Corons.
The Northamptons, whose task it was to protect the left flank,
held a line from the north end of the Fosse along Corons Alley and
thence down the North Face of the Redoubt. The relief was a lengthy
business, owing partly to the guides being uncertain of their
position in the dark, and partly to the fact that this was the first
acquaintance of the 73rd Brigade with trenches, and it was not till
the early hours of the 26th that the last men of the Highland Brigade
were relieved. Just after the Sussex Regiment had taken over the
trenches from the Seaforths and Black Watch, the enemy made a strong
counter-attack and gained a footing in the line, but on learning what
had happened, the Highlanders at once turned back and delivering a
resolute bayonet charge drove the enemy out. After being relieved,
the remnants of the 26th Brigade returned to our original front line
trenches, where they were reorganised. The six batteries of R.F.A.,
which, under Lieut.-Colonel Perreaux had rendered invaluable support
to the 26th Brigade, were withdrawn during the night, as their
exposed position, when daylight came, would have meant annihilation.
The difficulty of defending the Fosse was increased by the withdrawal
of the 27th Brigade during the evening. It is fairly certain that
the brigade could not have been in close touch[17] with the Seventh
Division, for the Germans, making good use of their knowledge of the
ground, penetrated during the night between the Ninth and Seventh
Divisions and attacked and captured the Quarries from the rear. To
the Seventh Division this attack came as a complete surprise, and
amongst the prisoners was Brig.-General Bruce, while Captain Buchan,
his brigade major, was killed. This untoward event exposed the right
flank of the garrison in Fosse Alley, and enemy bombers, forcing
their way up the trench from the south, compelled the 27th Brigade,
now commanded by Lieut.-Colonel Loch, to withdraw to its original
front line trenches.
The task entrusted to the 73rd Brigade was one of great
responsibility. For seasoned troops, the holding of the Fosse was not
a very difficult matter. It commanded a field of fire for at least
500 yards, and there were not many trenches to block against enemy
bombers. But the 73rd was composed of raw troops—they had recently
arrived from England, and, moreover, they were exhausted by their
long march from near St Omer. The enemy’s pressure was maintained
chiefly by means of bombing attacks, but none of the men of the 73rd
Brigade had ever thrown a bomb; few knew how to use one, and all felt
an exaggerated respect for a weapon about which they knew so little.
Moreover, they carried only 120 rounds of ammunition per man, and
they were short of food, water, and tools. These deficiencies could
not readily be repaired, for it was hazardous and difficult to carry
up supplies to those in the front line through the shell-swept zone
between the Hohenzollern Redoubt and the Fosse. The most urgent task
of the brigade was to protect the right flank of the Fosse, and two
companies of the Middlesex Regiment were sent to hold Big Willie and
Slag Alley.
At 6 o’clock on the morning of the 26th all three brigades of the
Division were in our original front line trenches, and Fosse 8 and
the Hohenzollern Redoubt were garrisoned by the 73rd Brigade. During
the night our artillery maintained a constant fire on Madagascar and
Les Briques Trenches, and on Cemetery Alley and Pekin Alley, and
efforts were made to strengthen the defences of Fosse 8, and open up
communications. The 63rd R.E. with great difficulty dug a trench from
the front of the left brigade to the corner of Little Willie; it was
completed by the 27th, and was held by bombers of the H.L.I.
The chief cause of anxiety to General Thesiger was the gap between
the 73rd Brigade and the Seventh Division. At 9.45 A.M., therefore,
he ordered the 27th Brigade to reoccupy and hold Dump Trench, and
this was done in the afternoon of the 26th. As our command of the
right flank, however, was threatened by the Germans occupying the
Quarries, it was decided to drive them out. The Seventh Division was
to assault the Quarries, and the 6th Royal Scots Fusiliers, who were
placed under the orders of the 73rd Brigade for the purpose, were to
co-operate by bombing down Fosse Alley. This operation was eventually
arranged for 4.30 P.M. Meantime, the 73rd had been severely
punished, but though it became slightly unsteady under the ceaseless
shell-fire, it clung to its position during the whole of the 26th.
Our attack on the Quarries was repulsed, the Seventh Division gaining
only a foothold in the south-east corner. The 6th Royal Scots
Fusiliers made their way along Fosse Alley without opposition, but
it was too risky to press on until the Seventh Division had captured
the Quarries. Another attack was ordered by the Corps, when the Ninth
Division was to secure Fosse Alley and join up with the Seventh
Division at the Quarries. The operation, which was carried out at
2.30 A.M. on the 27th, was unsuccessful, for although the Royal Scots
Fusiliers, supported by the Argylls in Fosse Alley, reached Point 45,
the Seventh Division failed to overcome the resistance of the Germans
in the Quarries.
[Illustration: MAJOR-GENERAL G. H. THESIGER, C.B., C.M.G.
[_Maull & Fox._]
The unsteadiness of the 73rd Brigade on the
afternoon of the 26th was a source of great uneasiness
to General Thesiger and his staff, and at 5.30 A.M. he
moved up to the Fosse to ascertain the exact state of
affairs. Early in the morning some of the defenders
of the Fosse began to retire, and a telephone message
from the 26th Brigade, received at 6.15 A.M., stated that
a few men of the 73rd were leaving their positions, and
that support was urgently required. The ordeal had
been too severe for untried troops. During the 26th
they had held the Fosse against many attacks, but the
constant storm of shot and shell to which they were
exposed, and the general misery of their surroundings,
aggravated by the thick drizzle of a grey September
dawn, weakened their power of defence.[18] Before the
German attacks they gave way, and for a time it
seemed that the Hohenzollern Redoubt would be lost
as well as the Fosse. It was here that the gallant
General Thesiger, who had gone forward to reconnoitre
the position in person, was killed. He belonged to a
well-known military family, and, though his career with
the Ninth had been brief, he had proved himself a
sterling and able commander, and his death at the
crisis of the battle was a serious calamity.
The situation was saved by men of the 26th Brigade; 70 of the Black
Watch and 30 Camerons were sent up to the Redoubt about 10 A.M.
This party rallied the remaining defenders, and checked the German
advance after stubborn and prolonged bombing fights. The enemy made
strenuous efforts to reach the Redoubt from Little Willie, and heavy
bombing went on there all day. For his heroic bravery in one of
these encounters, Corporal James Dalgleish Pollock of the Camerons
was awarded the V.C. When the enemy bombers in superior numbers were
storming a way into the Redoubt from Little Willie, Corporal Pollock
jumped out of the trench, and, bombing the Germans from above, forced
them to retreat. For an hour he maintained his position though
exposed to a hail of bullets, and did not retire until he had been
severely wounded.
Reserves were at once sent up to meet the danger, and the divisional
mounted troops were placed under Brig.-General Ritchie. At the same
time, the artillery shelled Madagascar Trench, Mad Point, Cemetery
Alley, and Lone Farm. A brigade of the Twenty-eighth Division was
ordered by the Corps to relieve the 73rd Brigade, which the Corps
still believed to be in possession of the Fosse. Small parties of
the 73rd held their positions in the Fosse up to noon; but, long
before that hour, the enemy had penetrated the defences, and was even
attacking the Redoubt.
On the right of the Division the 27th Brigade maintained its position
in Fosse Alley for a considerable time, and at 5 A.M. an attempt
of the enemy to rush the trench was easily repulsed by rifle and
machine-gun fire. The weak point of the line was on the extreme
right, where it was exposed to a flank attack by the Germans from the
Quarries and Cité St Elie. From 9 A.M. the Royal Scots Fusiliers were
engaged in a continuous and furious bomb fight, and supplies of bombs
were passed to them as quickly as they could be brought from the
dumps. On the left the Argylls sent up a machine-gun[19] to support
the Sussex Regiment of the 73rd Brigade. When the 73rd withdrew
from the Fosse, the position of the garrison in Fosse Alley became
hopeless. The Argylls and the Fusiliers were now attacked not only
from the flanks but from the rear, and it was imperative for them to
withdraw before they were surrounded. It was a model retirement. The
men never wavered or showed any inclination to retreat until ordered
to do so, and their well-directed rapid fire inflicted numerous
casualties on the enemy. Under a devastating hail of bullets they
faced about to stem the hostile advances on the word of command.
Closely followed by the Germans, the Argylls and the Scots Fusiliers
withdrew to Dump Trench, which their pursuers did not venture to
attack. The operation reflected the greatest credit on all concerned.
After Dump Trench was reached, many of the men went back to bring in
their comrades who had been wounded. Lieut.-Colonel Mackenzie of the
Argylls was hit during the retreat, and Private M’Fadyen with great
gallantry went out and brought him in, though previously several men
had been wounded in the same attempt.
When the Corps was informed of the loss of Fosse 8, it ordered the
85th Brigade (Twenty-eighth Division) to advance immediately and
counter-attack across the open. But this brigade was delayed while
coming up, and at 3 P.M. the 26th was ordered to counter-attack the
Fosse at once. All the troops of the brigade had been continuously
engaged, and most of the men were leg-weary and tired out by the
exertions of the last two days. Its total strength now mustered less
than 600 bayonets, and there were few officers left. Nevertheless
a very gallant charge was made over ground pitted by bullets and
shrapnel; the men reached the West Face of the Hohenzollern Redoubt,
but beyond this they could make no further progress. From Mad Point
and Madagascar Trench the approaches to Fosse 8 were swept by rifle
and machine-gun fire under which no man could move and live; and
the enemy’s artillery, posted near Auchy, drenched the Redoubt with
shrapnel. But although the Highlanders failed to capture Fosse 8,
their arrival saved the Hohenzollern, and put new spirit into the
officers and men of the 73rd Brigade. The onslaughts of the enemy
against the Redoubt were definitely checked, and he was driven back
to Fosse 8.
By 8 P.M. the 85th Brigade had arrived. One battalion was in Big
Willie, two companies held the West Face of Hohenzollern, one
battalion was moving up Central Boyau on Little Willie, and one was
still at Vermelles. The remnants of the 26th Brigade and some of
the 27th were holding Hohenzollern with part of the 73rd. Portions
of the 27th were also in Dump Trench and our original front line.
The enemy’s bombardment was still intense, and to avoid casualties
it was decided to withdraw the 73rd Brigade and the 26th and 27th
Brigades of the Ninth Division. At midnight, therefore, the 26th
went back to the old reserve trenches, and the 27th to its old
assembly positions; on the 28th both brigades were drawn back to the
neighbourhood of Bethune. The 28th Brigade, which ever since the 25th
September had been engaged in clearing trenches and burying the dead,
was not relieved until the 29th, on which date it joined the rest of
the Division at Bethune. The artillery, which remained in the line
covering the Twenty-eighth Division until its own artillery arrived,
were relieved on the 1st October. Brig.-General Armitage received
a letter from Major-General Bulfin thanking him for the efficient
support of his batteries.
The active part of the Division in the battle ended on the 27th
September. No battle of the war has excited so much controversy as
Loos; it has been claimed as a victory and deplored as a defeat.
Defeat means not merely the loss of or the failure to secure definite
tactical and strategical gains, but also, and chiefly, the decline
of the men’s moral. This was emphatically not the case with the
men of the Ninth Division. Even the bald narratives of the action
as described in the battalion diaries reveal a note of triumph.
The moral of the troops of the 28th Brigade, even after disaster,
remained unshaken, and many men of the H.L.I. joined in with the
Camerons at the Fosse. The capture of the Dump and Fosse 8 by the
Highland Brigade will rank as one of the finest feats of arms ever
performed by the Division, and the glorious counter-attack on the
27th September was the best evidence that up to the end of the battle
the Highlanders never lost heart. If the work of the 27th Brigade
was less conspicuous, its several battalions had fought with great
courage and tenacity, and the defence of Fosse Alley by the Argylls
and the Scots Fusiliers, besides taking heavy toll of the enemy,
prevented him from using his full strength in an attack on the
Redoubt. When the Division was withdrawn from the conflict it had
solidly established its reputation as a first-rate fighting division.
From the men’s point of view the main thing achieved was that they
had measured themselves against the Germans at their best and had
proved themselves the better men, and this was perhaps the chief
result of the battle for the New Armies. In future actions, the men
always entered into the fray with the consciousness of superiority
that is the fundamental basis of moral. At the same time, it would
be idle to deny that the resistance of the enemy had shown both
gallantry and resource, and the small number of prisoners[20] taken
was a sufficient indication that the foe’s courage had not been
shaken by the preliminary bombardment. The losses of the Germans on
the first day were probably less than ours, as their front defences
were held chiefly by machine-guns, and most of their field-guns[21]
had been withdrawn in time. Their counter-attack was admirably
organised and was carried out with skill and determination, though
it was during this phase of the battle that they suffered their most
serious losses.
The general feeling of the Division, however, was that if there
had been more artillery to support it, and better arrangements to
reinforce it or relieve it with fresh troops, a heavy disaster would
have been inflicted on the enemy. Under the circumstances, it had
accomplished as much as was possible. When the Second Division, which
could not have been expected to get forward without the aid of gas,
was paralysed by the failure of the gas, the attainment of all the
Ninth’s objectives became impossible. Auchy on the left bristled with
machine-guns, housed numerous batteries, and was a position of such
commanding strength that any attempt to advance far beyond the Fosse
became a forlorn hope. How formidable the obstacles were may best be
judged by the inability later of such divisions as the Twenty-eighth,
Guards, and Forty-sixth to make any impression on the hostile
defences.
It was the first action of the Division and it was inevitable that
mistakes should be made, but most of them were venial. Not enough
consideration had been given to the necessity of guarding the rifles
against bad weather, and the Bethune bomb was useless in damp. It
also proved a misfortune to allot a complete company of the R.E.
to each brigade; owing to the failure of the attack on the left,
the 63rd Field Coy. R.E. had no definite task to carry through, and
it was impossible to withdraw it, as it had become involved in the
fighting. The trench mortar teams attached to the 26th Brigade had
a sorry time. The team of the 2-inch mortars were all knocked out,
and though two 1½-inch mortars reached Fosse 8 they could find no
targets, and the two officers in command were killed. These mortars
were too unwieldy to carry forward, and as matters turned out, it
would have been better if they had been used on the left to mask the
fire from the Railway Work with smoke-bombs. It is possible that
if this had been done, the assault of the 28th Brigade would have
succeeded.
Perhaps the most deplorable feature of the battle was the comparative
breakdown of the medical arrangements for the evacuation of the
wounded from the forward areas. Many of them lay out not for hours
but for days, and not a few shocking and pathetic sights were to be
seen between Hohenzollern and Pekin Trench. This was entirely due to
lack of staff. Doctors and regimental stretcher-bearers worked with
the greatest heroism to bring in the wounded, but they were too few,
and many of them were shot down. In a big engagement, especially in
trench warfare, the staff of stretcher-bearers should be enormously
increased if the wounded are to be expeditiously and satisfactorily
evacuated. The importance of this cannot be over-estimated, because
nothing so depresses a man as the fear that if injured he will be
left out to die. The memory of such scenes as were too common at Loos
lingered with the survivors, and remained after other impressions had
become faint.
Most of the battle arrangements were beyond the control of the
Division. The use of gas on its front did more harm than good, and
there is no evidence to show that it affected the enemy in the least.
One of the results of Loos was to give “smoke” a bad name, since
in several cases it had caused a serious loss of direction. This,
however, was not the case with the Ninth Division. The only complaint
of the 26th Brigade was that the wind was hardly strong enough
to carry the smoke ahead. It formed an effective screen for the
infantry, and, in the opinion of the Seaforths, it saved them many
casualties.
Strategically and tactically the results of the battle were
disappointing. The Germans received a severe fright, but their
system of defence, based on mutually supporting strong points
garrisoned mainly by machine-gun crews, answered its purpose by
delaying our advance sufficiently long to enable them to bring up
reserves with which they counter-attacked our troops weary and
spent through the strain of battle. These counter-attacks did not
deprive us of all our gains, but the vexatious effects of our failure
to keep Fosse 8 and the Dump soon became manifest; for the Loos
salient, which had been won in the south, could not be held easily or
economically, since from these points the enemy commanded the only
valley where we could establish satisfactory artillery positions to
support the front line. The employment of new divisions that had not
been given an opportunity of completing their training by a spell of
trench warfare was unfair to the men, and indicated unsound judgment
on the part of the Higher Command. But, indeed, the operation was
on a scale too big for the resources at the disposal of the British
Field-Marshal.
The battle, however, takes rank as one of the most important of
the war. The lessons deduced from it laid down the lines upon
which British tactics and strategy were based until the end
of 1917. Unbalanced optimism gave place to calculated—perhaps
exaggerated—caution; an immediate break-through was given up as
impracticable, and the British forces sought to wear down the enemy
and to achieve victory largely by weight of numbers and artillery.
CHAPTER IV
THE SALIENT AND “PLUG STREET”
OCTOBER 1915 TO MAY 1916
It was a sadly battered Division that concentrated near Bethune.
Caked in mud, unshaven, and unkempt, with tunics tattered and filthy
after three days of continuous exposure, the men showed none of the
“spick and span” appearance that it is the pride and custom of the
British soldier to present. But they were in high spirits and full
of confidence, and their exploits were rewarded with a flattering
message[22] from General Gough, the Commander of the I. Corps.
The losses[23] of the Division had been exceptionally heavy, and
most serious were the casualties amongst the senior officers. The
divisional commander had been killed, and out of the 12 infantry
C.Os. only 4 remained; grave losses also occurred amongst majors and
captains.[24] There is no factor more useful in the difficult task of
reorganisation than the experienced control of senior officers; but
this work in most of the battalions had to be undertaken by second
lieutenants with little experience, and no automatic knowledge of how
things should be done.
The Division was most fortunate in its new Commander. Major-General
W. T. Furse, C.B., D.S.O., was an officer of proved ability, energy,
and imagination. Under his vigorous direction reorganisation was
rapidly completed, and deficiencies in stores and equipment were made
up. He thoroughly understood that a division was a unit and not a
mere congeries of battalions, batteries, and field companies, and he
realised that the battle from which the Ninth had recently emerged
offered a grand opportunity for fostering and stimulating _esprit
de corps_. “The Ninth (Scottish) Division” soon became a name in
which every soldier in it took an intense and jealous pride; each
man believed that he belonged to the best unit in the best division
in the best army in the world. Such a spirit is not to be despised;
it inspires a corporate heroism that is greater than the bravery of
any individual, and even the meanest is roused to triumph over his
natural timidity rather than allow the glory of his division to be
tarnished. No man took a more conspicuous part in building up and
encouraging this spirit than General Furse.
[Illustration: LIEUT.-GENERAL SIR W. T. FURSE, K.C.B., D.S.O.
[_J. Russell & Sons._]
For most of the battalions new leaders had to be found. The only
C.Os. who remained with the Division were Lieut.-Colonel Cameron of
Lochiel of the Camerons, Lieut.-Colonel Loch of the 12th Royal Scots,
Lieut.-Colonel Northey of the 9th Scottish Rifles, and Lieut.-Colonel
Fergusson of the 11th H.L.I. During the next few months the following
Commanders were appointed:—
26TH BRIGADE.
_8th Black Watch_—
Lieut.-Colonel G. B. Duff of the Camerons, from the end of
December 1915 to March 1916.
Major Sir George Abercromby, from March 1916 to April 1916.
Lieut.-Colonel G. W. E. Gordon, from 9th April to 20th September
1916.
_7th Seaforth Highlanders_—
Major C. P. M. Burn, from 5th October to 16th December 1915.
Lieut.-Colonel F. J. Marshall, from 16th December 1915 to 15th
April 1916.
Lieut.-Colonel J. Kennedy, D.S.O., from 2nd May to 5th August
1916.
_8th Gordon Highlanders_—
Lieut.-Colonel A. D. Greenhill-Gardyne, from 27th October 1915 to
March 1916.
27TH BRIGADE.
Brig.-General W. H. Walshe, to 17th March 1916.
Brig.-General G. F. Trotter, C.M.G., D.S.O., M.V.O., to May 1916.
_11th Royal Scots_—
Lieut.-Colonel W. D. Croft, from 4th December 1915.
_6th Royal Scots Fusiliers_—
Major J. H. Dutton, D.S.O., to 8th January 1916.
Lieut.-Colonel The Right Hon. Winston Churchill, to May 1916.
_10th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders_—
Lieut.-Colonel H. Pelham Burn, D.S.O., from 10th December 1915 to
April 1916.
28TH BRIGADE.
_6th King’s Own Scottish Borderers_—
Lieut.-Colonel J. C. W. Connell, D.S.O., from 4th December 1915.
_10th Highland Light Infantry_—
Lieut.-Colonel H. C. Stuart, D.S.O., to 6th January 1916.
Lieut.-Colonel Grahame, D.S.O., from 6th January 1916.
_11th Highland Light Infantry_—
Lieut.-Colonel R. F. Forbes, January to May 1916.
In the Sappers, Lieut.-Colonel Livingstone had been wounded, and
the new C.R.E. was Lieut.-Colonel Carpenter.
The Division had barely time to scrape off the mud before it was
ordered on the 29th September to proceed north to join the V. Corps
in the Salient.[25] The move was carried through partly by route
march and partly by rail. On the 3rd October, D.H.Q. were established
at Hooggraaf, about two miles south of Poperinghe, and on the morning
of the 5th the 26th and 27th Brigades relieved the Seventeenth
Division in the trenches near Hill 60. The line taken over by the
Ninth lay south of Zillebeke, and extended from north of Hill 60 to
a point south of the Ypres-Comines Canal near Oosthoek. The enemy’s
line ran along the higher ground, and the distance between the
British and the German trenches varied from 25 to 400 yards. The
salient feature on our front was The Bluff, which rose steeply from
the ground on the north side of the Canal and completely dominated
the sector.
During the three months that the Division remained in the salient it
passed a time of almost unmitigated gloom and discomfort. As the
days shortened and winter came on, hardly a day passed without rain,
and mud was lord and sovereign over all. It seemed to suck away a
man’s vitality and enthusiasm, and even a short march involved an
expenditure of physical energy out of all proportion to the distance
traversed. The whole of Flanders, engulfed in mud, had the aspect
of an enormous swamp; and the leaden skies, in a sombre rain-grey
monotint, were in harmony with the drab-coloured earth. Even the
roads were ankle-deep in glutinous mud, and the constant traffic
was often checked by stoppages caused by particularly bad parts.
Thus the passage of the infantry to and from the trenches was like a
feverish nightmare; for the men had to march about ten miles through
clinging mire along roads choked with transport, and often shelled.
The rest huts at Dickebusch and Canada Huts were dismal and repellent
shelters; they were swept by draughts, and through their leaky roofs
the rain dripped down on the disconsolate inmates. The area round
them was one vast sea of mud, where it was impossible for a unit to
carry out any training worth the name. Without constant training
there is a tendency for discipline to be relaxed, and a man who is
allowed to loll about as he pleases is apt to lose all smartness
in himself and pride in his unit. As far as possible, everything
was done to maintain strict discipline, and the A. & Q. department
worked its hardest to secure baths for the men and clean changes of
clothing, but in spite of this the rest huts were more demoralising
than the front line, where the strictest trench discipline was upheld
and where there was constant work to do.
This period was notable as the reign of the second lieutenant. For
over a month every company in the 26th Brigade was commanded by one;
and this was the case with most of the other battalions. At first
this undoubtedly rendered the task of General Furse more difficult,
since youth and gallantry do not form a complete substitute for
knowledge and experience; but the apprenticeship and training in
responsibility, which these months brought to the young officers,
supplied him with a large body of keen, confident, and efficient
leaders who were later to demonstrate their value at the Battle of
the Somme.
The divisional commander was quick to make the most of his
opportunities, and he resolved to fortify youth and keenness with
knowledge and practice. On the 7th November he opened the Ninth
Division School at Poperinghe, which served a double purpose in
promoting training and in encouraging _esprit de corps_. By this
means not only did the officers gain a real knowledge of their
manifold duties, which it was impossible for them to acquire amongst
the swamps at Dickebusch and Canada Huts, but also the company
officers of one unit were brought into contact with those of other
units, and thus mutual understanding and sympathy were created.
The first commandant of the school was Lieut.-Colonel Loch who was
assisted by Captain Drew, the adjutant of the 5th Camerons, and the
instruction was both theoretical and practical. It is impossible to
over-estimate the value of this school in increasing the efficiency
of the Division.
Certainly the safest and in many ways the most desirable place during
these winter months was the front line system. A battalion spent four
days in the front line trenches, four days in support, and four in
rest at Dickebusch or Canada Huts. The support positions had most of
the discomfort without any of the safety[26] of the front line; they
had little protection and were frequently shelled, many casualties
being suffered. The most perilous spot on the route to the front line
was Ypres. No man of British blood could walk through it without
feeling a deep thrill of awe and reverence as he gazed on the ruins
of the beautiful town, the name of which will ever be associated
with the most heroic and imperishable feat of British valour and
endurance. But it was no place to linger in; it formed a nexus of
roads, and virtually the whole of the traffic between the trenches
and the back areas had to pass through it. Hence it was constantly
shelled by the enemy, and any body of men that succeeded in passing
through it without loss was extremely fortunate. After the toilsome
march, the trenches seemed a veritable haven of refuge. They were in
fact partly trenches and partly breastworks; for it was impossible to
dig to any depth, since water was quickly reached, and the parapets
had to be raised high above the level of the ground to protect the
men from enemy bullets. The high parapets made the line unpleasantly
conspicuous, for they formed an easy mark for the enemy’s trench
mortars and artillery, which had numerous posts for observation.
Between October and December the Division was gradually shifted from
the south to the east of Zillebeke. The line taken over from the
Seventeenth Division was held until the night of the 15th October,
when the 27th Brigade on the right was relieved by the 72nd Brigade
of the Twenty-fourth Division. On the day preceding the relief the
Argylls had a tragic mishap. At 4 A.M. on the 15th the Germans
exploded a mine about 25 yards in front of a trench not far from
The Bluff. The explosion was very violent, and although the front
trenches had been cleared in view of the known existence of hostile
mines on this part of the line, heavy casualties were suffered in the
support and communication trenches, 15 being killed and 50 wounded.
On the same morning at 1.30 A.M. the enemy blew a small mine just
outside the trenches held by the Camerons, who had 5 killed and
wounded. During the night of the 16th/17th October the 28th Brigade
took over the part of the line held by the 7th Brigade on the left of
the 26th; this brought the northern limit of the Division to a point
just east of Armagh Wood. A further rearrangement took place on the
nights of the 8th/9th and 9th/10th November when the 27th Brigade
took over the front line trenches east of Sanctuary Wood, which at
that time still presented the appearance of a wood and was full of
thick undergrowth.
These alterations brought changes in position without any in
conditions, for all along the front the trenches were in a very bad
state and could be maintained in tolerable order only by constant
labour. After a shower of rain (and it always seemed to rain in
the salient), there was the common story of dug-outs collapsed and
parapets fallen in. At the best of times the trenches were ankle-deep
in water; pumps were used, but they effected only a temporary
improvement, because there was no place to which the water could
be drained. Long thigh gum-boots were issued to the men, and these
helped to keep their feet dry, though they could not make them warm.
In spite of whale-oil and anti-frostbite grease, it is not surprising
that many were evacuated to hospital suffering from trench feet. Want
of sleep, perpetual cold, filth, and wet were the ordinary features
of life; notwithstanding the coats of goatskin that were issued it
was impossible for the men to keep warm. During a man’s short spell
of sleep his feet became numb, and he was forced to get out of his
shelter and stamp in order to restore circulation; and when he was
awake he had to squelch about continually in mud, which plastered
everything up to his head.
The sappers and pioneers did their utmost to improve matters, but as
regards getting rid of the water their efforts were as the labours
of Sisyphus. They revetted the trenches, made dug-outs, improved
and kept in repair a light railway, which was used for bringing up
rations and engineering materials, but more could have been done if
the infantry had co-operated whole-heartedly with the sappers. The
latter were a comparatively small body of skilled men, and they were
supplied with working-parties from the infantry. The infantryman,
however, believed that he was doing not his own job but the sapper’s,
and he did as little as possible unless there was someone standing
over him. This was the attitude not merely of N.C.Os. and privates,
but of many officers, and in this respect there was a striking
contrast to the German Army, where the private was taught to realise
that in working under a sapper he was working for himself. It would
have been well if the British soldier had been taught the same lesson
from the beginning of his training. As it was, the work accomplished
by an infantry party depended largely upon the infantry officer who
was in charge of it, and too often he considered it the proper thing
to let his men do as little as possible.
The position held by the Division from near The Bluff north of the
Canal to Sanctuary Wood was about 5000 yards in length, which was
a long line for a weak[27] division to hold. Most of the units
were still far below strength, and when parties left the front
line to bring up rations, the trenches appeared deserted. The line
was commanded by the enemy along the entire front, and, lying in a
salient, it was shelled from all sides. Any movement east of Ypres
was impossible except after dark, and one dared not show a head in
Zillebeke during the day. At some points the lines were so close
that they could not be safely shelled except by trench mortars. At
one part on the front of the 27th Brigade, where the trenches were
only about 20 yards apart, the enemy occupied a position known as
the “Birdcage.” It was a wooden framework with wire netting and
a trap-door in the top. Whenever he was peevish, he opened the
trap-door and heaved out a bomb, shutting the door after him. This
contrivance was hit by a trench mortar on the 23rd November, but the
Germans at once repaired it; however, it was blown to atoms five days
later by a mine. The enemy had more guns and more ammunition, but a
resolute effort was made by General Furse to dispute his artillery
superiority by means of a “Retaliation Tariff.”[28] Whenever the
enemy bombarded a part of our lines he was subjected to a bombardment
of greater severity; this encouraged the infantry and stimulated the
gunners, but failed to silence the Germans. Occasional bombardments
also took place at such times as the enemy was suspected to be
involved in a relief.
Even more than the shelling the men disliked the constant mining that
was being carried on along the front. In this, as in artillery,
the Germans were the masters, though our tunnellers, with a view to
cheering the infantry, declared that they controlled the situation.
Except for the Argylls no serious casualties were suffered from
mining, but the men in the front system of trenches lived in a
constant state of suspense. This was reflected in the reports of
sentries, and never a day passed without someone saying that he
heard “subterranean noises, probably enemy mining.”[29] Undoubtedly
our miners had an anxious and harassing time. On the night of the
30th November, having heard noises, they sent out a listening post,
which came upon some mine cases and broke into a hostile gallery. The
tunnelling subaltern and one of his corporals entered it, and though
they met some Germans succeeded in firing a charge and destroying the
gallery.
Under the most dismal and depressing conditions the work of the
A.S.C. and transport was beyond all praise. This was probably the
most trying period in the whole war for them, yet in spite of
casualties and delays caused by mud and bad roads, they never failed
to deliver the rations. Every night they had to run the gauntlet
through Ypres, fully conscious that a torrent of shells might descend
upon them at any moment. The wear and tear on wagons and limbers was
enormous, and numerous losses were suffered both in personnel and
horses. Throughout the winter the excellence and regularity of the
rations did more than anything to keep the men in good heart.
Before the Division was relieved from the salient an important change
was made throughout the whole Army as regards machine-guns. Prior to
the war the importance of machine-gun fire had not been realised by
our Army, and consequently we neither had enough of them nor knew
how to make the best tactical use of those we had. The type employed
was the Vickers, of which two, and later four, were issued to each
battalion, but the gun was a heavy weapon for infantry to handle, and
required a high standard of special training. Since 1915 a new and
lighter machine-gun, the Lewis, was being introduced; it was more
easily carried, and it was possible for an average man to master it
after a fortnight’s instruction. Moreover, it was cooled by air and
could be fired from a very light mounting; indeed an expert could
fire it without any mounting at all. It was an admirable weapon for
infantry, and when issued there was no need for battalions to have
their own Vickers Guns. In fact the advantage of using the latter
under brigade control had been apparent even before the Battle
of Loos, and all brigades in the Division had appointed brigade
machine-gun officers. At Loos, all the infantry battalions had at
least two Lewis Guns and some had four, but on the 30th November
the establishment was fixed at four per battalion, that is, one
per company. On the same date the Vickers Gun detachments were
formed into machine-gun companies, one company being attached to
each brigade, and each company consisted of four sections, with two
machine-guns per section.[30]
On the 7th December, the welcome news was received that the Ninth was
to be relieved by the Fiftieth Division before the end of the month.
The tidings were greeted with unfeigned joy. Though the men had
borne the mud and discomfort with wonderful stoicism, they loathed
the salient and were glad to leave it.[31] It was undoubtedly the
worst and most disagreeable spell of trench life that the Division
experienced during the war. Even after the troops had been heavily
punished in the Battle of the Somme, many of the men declared that
they would rather go through another such battle than return to the
salient under the conditions that prevailed in the winter of 1915.
The first to leave were the divisional mounted troops, who departed
for the II. Corps’ area on the 12th December. But before the last
battalions were relieved on the 20th, they experienced a new alarm.
Ever since we had entered the salient there were rumours that the
enemy intended to make a gas attack, and on the 14th December
information was received from the Corps that the Germans were
preparing one on the front of the Second Army. Next day, therefore,
the artillery proceeded to pound their front parapets in case they
should have installed cylinders. During the small hours of the 19th
our whole front was subjected to an exceptionally heavy bombardment,
and it was clear that the long threatened gas attack was at last
being delivered. Clouds of gas drifted as far back as D.H.Q.,
but the enemy did not follow up with an infantry attack, for the
artillery were ready and proceeded to shell the adversary’s trenches
without delay. The main enemy effort was made to the north of the
Division, but in no case did he find the defenders unprepared. As
if disappointed at the frustration of his designs, he shelled the
whole divisional area with vindictive violence throughout the 19th
and the 20th, and several casualties were caused among the outgoing
and incoming battalions. On the 20th the whole of the Division was
relieved except the artillery, the last of which departed on the 22nd.
From the 20th December 1915 till the 26th January 1916, the Division
enjoyed a welcome and needed respite from trench warfare, and General
Furse made the most of the time to bring it up to concert-pitch.
After a long term in the line, when there are few opportunities for
training, a man is inclined to become slack; further, trench life is
bad for the feet, and several route marches are necessary to bring
the men into good condition. The Division, except the artillery, was
now in billets round Merris, where D.H.Q. were established. The land
was pleasant and undulating, and was covered with numerous cosy and
cheery farms, a striking contrast to the mud flats of Flanders. The
artillery were stationed at the Artillery Training Camp at Watten,
where they underwent a vigorous course.
Cleanliness was the first essential; excellent baths were available
and also clean clothing. Then followed smartening-up drill, and
each brigade was inspected in turn by the Corps Commander in route
marching. It was now that the Ninth began to reap the fruits of the
Divisional School that had been established at Poperinghe. General
Furse held frequent conferences with his brigadiers and battalion
commanders, in order to ensure that the training should be carried
out on useful and uniform lines. A high average standard was aimed
at in bombing and in rifle shooting and when the men returned to
the line their bearing, efficiency, and moral left little to be
desired. Yet the time was not all spent in work, the average amount
of training being about five hours per day. Football matches were
played daily, and the Divisional Band and the Concert Party—“The
Thistles”—provided a welcome entertainment during the evenings.
The type of football played was, of course, Association. There was
one thrilling Rugby match between the officers of the 28th Brigade
and those of the 26th, and a stirring game ended in a draw. It was
during this period of rest and training that the Right Hon. Winston
Churchill arrived to take over the Command of the 6th Royal Scots
Fusiliers at the beginning of January 1916.
On its next visit to the trenches, the Division experienced one of
its most enjoyable times in France. On the 24th January 1916, it
commenced the relief of the Twenty-fifth Division in the Ploegsteert
area, and this was completed by the 31st. D.H.Q. were established
at Nieppe, but were transferred on the 13th February to Steenwerck
on account of shelling. The front trenches lay east of Ploegsteert
Wood; they were in comparatively good condition and reliefs could
be carried out in daylight. There were excellent billets for the
battalions and brigades in reserve, where a considerable amount of
training could be carried on. In order that battalions should always
occupy the same trenches, and so learn everything about them, the
28th Brigade held always one part of the line, while the 27th and
26th relieved each other in the same trenches. Six days “in” and six
days “out” was the rule for each unit.
From the end of January till the end of May 1916, the Ninth held
the same line, which was one of the most pleasant areas along the
British front. There was constant work to be done, but the results
of labour were soon apparent. The trenches were firmly revetted,
numerous fire-steps were built, and the communication trenches were
kept in good order. In addition, many dug-outs were made and several
concrete emplacements for machine-guns constructed, and on leaving
the area both sappers and infantry could claim that they had handed
over model trenches.
The advent of spring and the peaceful aspect of the cultivated
country combined to render everyone cheerful. In this sector the
astonishing hardihood of the old French farmers was seen at its best.
They used to plough fields almost up to the front line. When shelled,
they unharnessed the horses and went back to their farms without
accelerating their pace in the slightest, but as soon as the firing
ceased, they calmly resumed ploughing as if nothing out of the way
had occurred. Ploegsteert Wood itself was a charming spot. As the
days lengthened and spring advanced, the wood presented an arcadian
appearance. April was a halcyon month. The very huts nestling among
the trees, bourgeoning into a beautiful foliage, seemed to fit in
with the brightness of their surroundings, and the songs of thousands
of birds made one feel at times that the war had ceased to be.
[Illustration: “LAWRENCE FARM”
(From a sketch by the Rt. Hon. Winston S. Churchill of his Battalion
Head-quarters)]
Life was not altogether a picnic, however. The wood itself was
intermittently shelled by the enemy, and the trenches were
occasionally subjected to heavy bombardments. The worst experience
fell to the 11th Royal Scots. Near their trenches the German position
protruded in a salient, which was known to our men as the “Birdcage,”
on account of the tangle of wire with which it was protected. Mining
operations were undertaken against this salient, and the infantry
supplied large working-parties for the purpose. But the enemy must
have discovered that there was a mine, and he determined to destroy
it. On the evening of the 13th May the position held by the Royal
Scots was violently shelled and trench mortared, and shortly after,
the Germans came over in three parties of 20 each. Some of them
succeeded in entering our trenches, but the Royal Scots, though dazed
by the severity of the bombardment, put up a splendid resistance.
Captain Henry with a small party made an immediate counter-attack,
and after a lively scuffle expelled the enemy. The Royal Scots
losses, due mainly to the hostile barrage, were 16 killed, 61
wounded, and 8 missing. The Germans, who were the 104th Saxons,
left 10 corpses in our trenches, and had failed in their attempt to
destroy the mine-shaft.
General Furse strove to foster the offensive spirit throughout the
Division, so sections were known as “fighting” sections, to impress
upon each man that his principal duty was to fight. He exhorted all
the battalions to make “No-Man’s Land” “Ninth Division Land,” and
the men did their utmost to carry out his instructions. Every night
the area in front of the battalions in the line was actively and
persistently patrolled. But this was not enough for the G.O.C.; he
wanted the men to secure prisoners; “Corpses are more important than
acres” was his constant injunction. Though the raids engineered in
this sector were not successful, the experience gained helped later
to make it one of the finest raiding divisions in the Army; it was
learning to walk, and was learning rapidly. All ranks realised and
never forgot that on taking over trenches it was not their job to sit
still and wait for things to happen, but to devise enterprises to
worry the enemy as much as possible. The Ninth was never happy until
it felt that it had established ascendency over the enemy opposite it.
With this intention, a minor operation was undertaken by the “Rifles”
on the 1st March. The scheme was carried out at 11 P.M. A small
party went out with Bangalore torpedoes,[32] which they placed in
the enemy’s wire and exploded. Then dummies, which had been fixed in
“No-Man’s Land,” were worked by string from the front trenches so as
to present the appearance of troops moving forward. At the same time,
the enemy’s lines were raked by rifle and machine-gun fire, trench
mortars and rifle-grenades, and by shells from the artillery. Only
two casualties were suffered by the “Rifles,” and as it was probable
that the Germans manned their parapets on hearing the explosion
and seeing the dummies moving, it is likely that their losses were
much heavier. A more ambitious raiding scheme was attempted by
the Argylls on the night of the 25th/26th March. At 1.52 A.M. two
Bangalore torpedoes were placed under the enemy’s wire, and a party
of 2 officers and 30 men left the trenches ready to enter the German
line after the explosion had cleared a gap. The torpedoes were fired
at 2 A.M., but the raiding party slightly lost direction and missed
the gap. The failure was really due to inexperience and insufficient
preparations.
If the Division was disappointed with the result of its raids, it
had every reason to be pleased with its success in sniping. When it
first took over the line, the German snipers held the upper hand.
But the sniping officers in each battalion vied with one another in
ingenious devices to gain the advantage over the enemy, and before
the Division left the sector our snipers were distinctly on top. In
every intelligence report from the front line battalions several
hits were claimed by the snipers. It was while in this area that the
machine-gun companies commenced the practice of indirect fire.[33]
This was carried out nightly, in order to sweep the roads and places
which the Germans were likely to use at night. Here, too, air fights
came to be of frequent occurrence, and excited the greatest interest
among the men. One day a hostile plane received a direct hit through
the engine and crashed down in our lines; there cannot have been
many occasions during the war when an anti-aircraft gun was so
conspicuously successful.
The favourite amusement of the artillery was firing at German
observation posts. At Les Ecluses a tall factory chimney that
overlooked our lines was the chief target, but for a long time defied
our gunners, and the German observers had become so confident that
they were seen one morning shaking dust out of a carpet or something
of that nature over the top of the stalk. This was very exasperating,
but our gunners had the best of it when the observation post was
knocked out by the third round of a 12-inch Howitzer, which landed at
the base of the chimney.
Hitherto the headgear worn by the men was the Balmoral. It had a
touch of the picturesque, but it offered no protection against
shrapnel. The steel helmet now made its appearance; it was much
heavier, and at first required some knack to balance it properly. For
a time the men wore it only on compulsion and preferred to use it
as a washing basin or a soup bowl, but it became more popular when
its manifold advantages in protecting the head, not only from shell
splinters but from knocks against overhead traverses and the woodwork
of dug-outs, were realised. In the course of a few months a man came
to regard the steel helmet as one of his best friends.
A few changes in command took place during this period.
Lieut.-Colonel Pelham Burn was transferred to the Gordons, and his
place in the Argylls was taken by Lieut.-Colonel W. J. B. Tweedie.
Lieut.-Colonel Loch, C.M.G., was promoted to a brigade in the
Fifty-sixth Division, and he was succeeded by Lieut.-Colonel H. L.
Budge. Lieut.-Colonel Cameron of Lochiel, whose health had broken
down, had to give up the command of the Camerons to Lieut.-Colonel
Duff. The most important change was in the artillery. On 1st February
1916 Brig.-General H. H. Tudor, C.M.G., succeeded Brig.-General E. H.
Armitage, C.B., in the command of the Divisional Artillery. He was
destined to influence profoundly the work of the Division by his use
of the guns.
In April 1916 three batteries, D/50, D/51, and D/52, were taken away
from their own brigades and formed into the 53rd Brigade R.F.A.,
which was composed entirely of 18-pounders. Thus, in the spring of
1916, the Ninth Divisional Artillery consisted of the 50th, 51st, and
52nd Brigades, each with three 18-pounder batteries and one Howitzer
battery, and the 53rd with three 18-pounder batteries. All batteries
were on a four-gun basis. About May the Brigade Ammunition Columns
of the 50th, 51st, and 52nd Brigades were broken up or absorbed into
the Divisional Ammunition Column, so that the reorganised D.A.C.
consisted of No. 1, No. 2, and No. 3 sections, and “B” echelon. In
addition, the organisation of trench mortars was placed on a more
satisfactory basis. The weapon to be used by the infantry was the
Stokes Mortar, a mobile and easily managed gun with an ingenious,
quick-firing device, which enabled it to fire 30 shells a minute.
The shell was a particularly deadly one, and made a most menacing
and terrifying sound on explosion. In each brigade, Stokes Mortar
Batteries were organised from personnel drawn from each battalion
with the purpose—thoroughly attained—of encouraging the entity and
_esprit_ of the brigade. Heavier mortars than the Stokes were to
be worked by the artillery, and on the 8th March 1916 the 9th T.M.
Brigade, of three batteries, was formed. Before this date there had
been one T.M. Battery, called the 41st T.M.B., manned by men from
the R.G.A. and from the Seaforth Pioneers. At first the brigade had
three types of mortar, the 1½-inch, 2-inch, and 3·7-inch, but, after
a few months, only the 2-inch mortar was used. In April 1916 a heavy
mortar, the 9·45-inch, popularly known as “The Flying Pig,” was
introduced, and the V/9 Heavy Trench Mortar Battery was formed to
work it.
The period of rest and training, the comparatively pleasant interlude
of trench life, and the resourceful and vigorous control of General
Furse all combined to make the whole Division a happy family. Each
man in it swore by “The Ninth”; and this was the finest tribute to
the efficiency of the G.O.C.’s leadership. It was, therefore, with
consternation that the news was received on the 16th March that
the brigades were to be reorganised. The inherent clannishness of
the Scot revolted at the idea of friends being taken away and of
strangers coming in. But the reorganisation was made necessary,
not by the malicious indifference of G.H.Q., but by the dearth of
recruits. Scotland had raised more service battalions than it was
possible to find drafts for under the voluntary system, and it was
necessary to amalgamate several of them. The battalions marked
out by G.H.Q. to leave the Division by the 6th May were the 8th
Gordons, the 6th Royal Scots Fusiliers, and the 10th and 11th H.L.I.
The arrangement also meant the break-up of the 28th Brigade. This
was intensely disliked, but it was recognised as inevitable. The
knowledge that these old friends were leaving to join the famous
Fifteenth Scottish Division helped to reconcile the Ninth to the
change. On the 4th May it was announced that the mounted troops were
also to be withdrawn. To take the place of the Gordons in the 26th
Brigade, the Argylls were transferred from the 27th; the 6th K.O.S.B.
and the 9th Scottish Rifles replaced the Royal Scots Fusiliers,
and the Argylls in the 27th Brigade. The South African Brigade had
its own Field Ambulance, and the 29th Field Ambulance consequently
left the Division. Brig.-General Scrase-Dickins was retained by an
accident, which deprived the 27th Brigade of Brig.-General G. F.
Trotter who fell from his horse and broke his arm.
[Illustration: PLOEGSTEERT WOOD]
The place of the 28th was filled by the South African Brigade, most
of whose members had already seen service in Egypt. Nothing much
was known about them in the Division except that they were the pick
of South Africa, and that was saying a great deal. The brigade
was commanded by Brig.-General H. T. Lukin, C.M.G., D.S.O., and
consisted of the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and 4th South African battalions; the
last-named, being the South African Scottish, wore the kilt of the
Atholl tartan. They were commanded respectively by Lieut.-Colonel
F. G. Dawson, C.M.G., Lieut.-Colonel W. E. C. Tanner, C.M.G.,
Lieut.-Colonel E. F. Thackeray, C.M.G., and Lieut.-Colonel F.
A. Jones, C.M.G., D.S.O. Brig.-General Lukin reported at D.H.Q. on
the 22nd April, and on the following day the 2nd and 3rd battalions
joined the Division. On the 29th the whole brigade was inspected
by Sir Douglas Haig, near Steenwerck. Its appearance was very
impressive, and even the most fastidious critic was bound to admit
that the South Africans were an exceptionally fine body of men. From
the 6th May they took over the trenches lately occupied by the 28th
Brigade, and the men rapidly became acquainted with the conditions
of warfare on the Western Front. From the first it was apparent
that their standard of discipline was very high, and their critical
Scottish comrades realised that the Division had been greatly
honoured in having such a doughty brigade attached to it.
The stay of the Division near Ploegsteert soon drew to a close. On
the 20th May instructions were received from the Corps that it was
to be relieved by the Forty-first Division before the 1st June. The
relief was commenced on the 27th May, and completed on the 30th. Thus
ended a most agreeable experience of trench duty, and all who have
survived since that date will ever cherish happy recollections of
Ploegsteert Wood.
CHAPTER V
THE CAPTURE OF BERNAFAY WOOD, AND THE BATTLES FOR TRONES WOOD
JULY 1916
After leaving the Ploegsteert area the Division was concentrated
in billets near Bomy, where D.H.Q. were established. The men were
in the best of spirits, and training and recreation were carried
on with vigour and keenness, while the glory of the summer and the
genial weather raised the usual hopes that the year would see the
end of the war. The Division had recaptured all the enthusiasm that
had animated it on landing in France, and in addition it had behind
it a year’s experience of warfare. The sojourn near Bomy was shorter
than had been expected, and the design of the G.O.C. to hold a horse
show on the 13th and a Divisional Field Day on the 14th June had
to be abandoned. This cancellation of the horse show was a huge
disappointment; every unit had taken extensive trouble to prove that
it had the best turned out transport in the Division, but the men
were able at least to console themselves with the knowledge that
their transport and horses were in first-rate condition.
Orders were received by the Division on the 11th that it was to
join the XIII. Corps,[34] commanded by Lieut.-General Sir W. H.
Congreve, V.C., and that the move was to take place by rail on the
16th. These, however, were followed by instructions commanding the
Division to move on the 13th, and on that date the entrainment of
units was commenced. Two days later the Division was concentrated
near Vaux-en-Amienois where D.H.Q. were established.
It was obvious to the dullest man that the Division was intended to
take part in some business more enterprising than the mere holding of
a section of trenches. The whole hinterland behind the trenches was a
hive of industry and traffic. Swarms of troops from every part of the
kingdom were to be seen in every village; at night the roads groaned
with the passage of guns of all sizes and of transport carrying
every conceivable variety of material, and the whole countryside
was covered with dumps containing R.E. material, bombs, shells, and
stores of all kinds. Hospitals and aerodromes formed additional
villages in the district. The back areas of the Somme in the summer
of 1916 were the busiest centres of activity in the whole world. It
was a wonderful exhibition of the resources of the British Empire,
and a visible proof of the diligence with which workers at home had
applied themselves to the manufacture of munitions of war. It was not
a feverish bustle that one witnessed, but a steady and systematic
application of labour; every movement was directed by an organisation
that was not surpassed by any other nation in the war. The whole of
the work performed by Britain in its administrative arrangements has
probably never been appreciated at its full value. It had a most
heartening effect on all who saw it, and gave the men an inspiring
confidence in the determination and ability of the Allies to achieve
a complete victory.
All this industry and all these preparations were the obvious prelude
to a great battle, and on the 15th June the Division received from
the Corps instructions for the attack that was to be made. The XIII
Corps was on the right flank of the British army, and its plan was
to assault with two divisions, the Thirtieth on the right and the
Eighteenth on the left, with the Ninth Division in reserve.
A feeling of optimism buoyed up both civilians and soldiers, though
the events of 1915 had completely shattered the sanguine expectations
aroused by the victory of the Marne. The Russians had been driven
from Poland and had suffered a smashing defeat, from which they
never fully recovered, though a censored press had represented the
rout rather as a Russian triumph than as a German victory. That
disaster, which was falsely believed in this country to harden the
purpose of the great Slav Power, caused Russians to interpret the
comparative inactivity of the Western Powers as a selfish neglect
of her interests, and to detest the Government that had callously
thrown into the slaughter men without arms or equipment. The brutal
incompetence of the Russian bureaucracy was revealed in all its
nakedness, and inspired the loathing and contempt that led eventually
to its downfall. The tale of disaster did not end here; for Von
Mackensen, assisted by the crafty and calculating treachery of
Bulgaria, drove the Serbs from their country and all but secured
Greece in the Teutonic net. The Salonica expedition, though it failed
to render any service to Serbia, prevented Greece from joining the
enemy. In the East, British prestige suffered two damaging shocks;
the Dardanelles project ended in failure, and the Mesopotamian
expedition, after a promising beginning, resulted in the surrender of
a British force at Kut in April 1916.
The only offset against these misfortunes was the entry of Italy into
the war in May 1915, but from the first her armies were employed
solely on exclusively Italian interests. The offensive against
Trieste, even if successful, could not have exerted a decisive
influence on the course of the war, nor did it prevent Austria from
using the larger portion of her forces in the East against Russia.
Nevertheless a general feeling prevailed that our misfortunes
had been due more to bad luck than to bad management, and on the
principle that the dawn succeeds the darkest hour, 1916 was expected
to prove as glorious as 1915 had been disappointing. More men were
now in the field, and the supply of high explosives, which some
thought to be more important than generalship, had been greatly
increased. The poster of the most blatant of British weeklies, with
the glaring inscription, “1916. Thank God!” accurately reflected the
mind of the average man.
Thus the time seemed ripe for an action by the British forces on
a big scale. The great German offensive against Verdun in April
had been watched with feverish interest both in this country and
in France. The first five days of that assault brought the enemy
within measurable distance of his objective. It was feared that
the famous fortress would fall into his hands, and hasty critics
denounced the supine inactivity of the British armies. But at that
time the preparations of Sir Douglas Haig were not completed, and a
premature counter-attack would only have served the interests of the
enemy. As it turned out, the defenders of Verdun, under the masterly
generalship of Pétain, worked out their own salvation. The German
thrust was stopped, but even at the end of June large forces still
menaced the fortress, and it was necessary that the British forces,
stronger and better prepared than they had ever been, should do
something to take the strain off their gallant ally.
Events in other theatres of war seemed also to call for immediate
action. The attack by the Austrians in the Trentino in May threatened
such serious consequences for Italy, that Russia, which appeared to
have recovered from her defeat, was compelled to launch her offensive
in the month of June. The brilliant successes of General Brussilov
brought immediate relief to the armies of Italy, though they did
not lessen the German pressure on Verdun. It was, therefore, sound
policy to strike at the enemy, not merely to relieve Verdun, but also
to assist our Allies in the other theatres of war by preventing the
enemy from transferring troops from the West to other fronts.
The other object of the British Commander-in-Chief[35] was to wear
down the strength of the enemy by a steady offensive. The choice of
the battlefield was governed by the fact that the British armies were
not sufficiently numerous to take the offensive on a large scale
without the co-operation of the French, and the district selected was
therefore in Picardy, where the two armies joined.
Picardy was one of the most delightful spots in France. Here there
were none of the grimy coal-pits and slag-heaps that had figured so
prominently in the Battle of Loos. This was the agricultural part
of France, with wide open and rolling country, in which there was
hardly a fence to be seen. The numerous small villages that broke
the fields seldom contained more than a few hundred inhabitants.
On the battle front the prominent feature was the extensive ridge
running from Thiepval to Combles, with alternate spurs and valleys
thrown out to the south-west. This ridge, which afforded the enemy
magnificent observation over the British trenches and hinterland, was
the main watershed of the high ground that stretched from the valley
of the Somme in a north-easterly direction to the low-lying ground
between Lens and Cambrai. Beyond this were the plains of Douai. On
the western side the slopes, steep and rugged, were a formidable
obstacle, but towards the north-east, the ridge fell in a gradual
slope, rising again to a gentle ridge on the farther side of Bapaume.
Beyond this second ridge, which was about a hundred feet lower than
the main one, the country, broad and undulating, offered no great
difficulty to an army that had won its way to it. But stiff fighting
would be necessary to reach this, because these ridges formed the
buttress that shielded the great railway centres of Cambrai and
Douai. A feature of the terrain, especially in the south, was the
large number of woods thick with summer foliage and carpeted with a
dense undergrowth that made progress, except by means of the small
paths running through them, all but impossible. These woods played an
important part in the battle.
The main object of Sir Douglas Haig is indicated by his description
of the Somme campaign as the “wearing-out battle.” It is more
commonly referred to as the policy of attrition, and under that name
has been subjected to a good deal of criticism. But there is no
question that the policy was based upon sound military principles
that could not be neglected. The basis of good generalship is to wear
down the enemy, force him to absorb his reserves and then smash
him with fresh troops, and the Somme was intended to carry out this
programme as far as possible.
The method adopted by Sir Douglas Haig to achieve his object was the
result of the experience of Loos. On that occasion the Allies had
grasped at more than they were able to hold, so it was now decided to
carry on the advance by limited stages in order that the infantry,
without being unduly exhausted and still within the supporting range
of their artillery, would be able without great difficulty to parry
the hostile counter-stroke. It was expected that a methodical advance
on these lines, always adequately supported by powerful and efficient
artillery, would eat into the enemy’s strength and at the same time
be carried out at a light cost.
“What we have, we hold” might be said to be the keynote of the
limited objective method. It was solid and substantial rather than
brilliant and inspiring, and it had certain defects which became
clear in the course of the battle. It encouraged the infantry to
depend so completely upon the artillery, that the tendency of the
former was to lack confidence when unassisted by the latter. This led
to a decline of initiative, which was further emphasised by the very
fact that the objective was limited. Though the troops were exhorted
to lose no opportunities of exploiting success, it was only natural
for them to consider that they had done all that was wanted when they
had accomplished the definite task assigned to them. Undoubtedly many
opportunities were lost, as the Germans noted with thankfulness, and
places, which we could have had for the mere trouble of walking up to
them, fell into our hands later only after desperate and sanguinary
fighting.
Moreover, after the first shock, the element of surprise was lost,
as the terrain once selected was fixed, and the enemy was able to
fathom our plans and arrange his defence accordingly. The periods
between the stages of our advance gave him valuable time in which to
reorganise his forces and strengthen his fortifications. With the
enemy’s moral high and his forces well trained and disciplined, the
cost of progress was bound in any case to be heavy; but with the
limited objective system, it was probably heavier than it would have
been under a more flexible and elastic one. It is possible, too, that
the method of proceeding by slow stages caused us to miss the chance
of dealing a paralysing blow.
Prudence is a virtue in military matters as in other things, but
excess of prudence is not without danger, especially in the case of
coalitions. The exaggerated caution of Marshal Daun in the Seven
Years’ War is both an example and a warning. If at that time the
continuance of the Austrian coalition could have been guaranteed,
Daun’s tactics would have led to the humiliation and probable
dismemberment of Prussia; but before they had time to work their
effect, the defection of Russia ruined all the hopes of Austria.
The general tendency is for coalitions to be weakened rather than
strengthened by time, and this should be taken into consideration
even in military affairs.
It can easily be seen that the task of Sir Douglas Haig was not
a light one, and two substantial reasons weighed him strongly to
the side of caution; he was conscious that his margin of numerical
superiority[36] was small, and he had a suspicion[37] that his armies
had not yet developed the efficiency essential for the carrying out
of a campaign with far distant objectives.
On the eve of the battle the attitude of the Germans was one of
assured confidence. From the high ground they occupied to the south
of Arras they could not fail to detect the signs of an imminent
offensive, and though the preliminary bombardment, which commenced on
the 25th June, was supplemented by artillery demonstrations at Ypres
and Arras, they had realised that the great attack would take place
in the Somme, and in this district their defences were the strongest
on the whole battle front. For eighteen months there had been no
operation of any magnitude in the sector, and the enemy was given
time to make his defences as perfect as they could be made. The front
line trenches were protected with broad belts of wire entanglements,
which had to be swept away before the attackers could come to grips
with the defenders, and numerous and elaborate dug-outs had been
constructed to protect the garrison during a bombardment. Most of
these shelters went down into the earth for at least thirty feet,
and some were so strong that even the most powerful shell could not
penetrate them. While such shelters are excellent for protection,
they have special dangers of their own. To one in a deep dug-out
the noise of a bombardment overhead has a peculiarly sinister and
terrifying sound; even a shell that bursts a hundred yards away seems
to fall at his door. In such a case a man who thinks more of his own
skin than of his duty is loth to leave his refuge, and there were
many instances during the battle of enemy garrisons being trapped
in their dug-outs before they had time to man their parapets. The
Germans had also erected skilfully concealed machine-gun posts,
strengthened by concrete, and they had several similarly protected
posts for snipers. It was therefore with good reason that the Germans
believed their positions to be impregnable.
As the time for battle drew near, the Division was moved closer to
the front line, and on the 23rd it was concentrated near Corbie,
where D.H.Q. were established. All the sappers and pioneers were
busy on roads and dumps. Numerous conferences in connection with the
battle were held by the G.O.C. On the next day the Ninth moved to
Etinehem, and on the 27th to Grovetown, a city of dumps.
The Division was not to take part in the first day of battle, but
it was instructed to be ready to do so when called upon. The A.
& Q. Staff worked continuously to supply the men with all that
was necessary for the fight. Two hundred rounds of S.A.A. per man
were carried, except in the case of signallers, orderlies, and
Lewis Gunners. The establishment of Lewis Guns per battalion had
been doubled, each company having two and for the carriage of
these weapons hand-carts had been issued, but they were of little
use except in fine weather and on good roads. It was decided by
G.H.Q. that each battalion should have a nucleus of officers for
reorganisation; 20 were to go into the battle, and the remainder,
including the second in command, was to be left at the First Line
Transport. To simplify reorganisation during the engagement, each
company wore shoulder bands of a distinctive colour.[38] For the
carriage of stores, such as Stokes shells, machine-gun ammunition,
R.E. Stores, and tools, parties were formed in each brigade from its
several units.
The most scrupulous care was given to the question of
communications. These form the nerve system of the military body, and
if they do not work properly the whole machine is thrown out of gear,
and delay in the transmission of messages may lead to the chance of
a victory being missed. Communications had not been good at Loos,
but the development and extension of the functions of the aeroplane
opened up a new and more rapid means of communication. Men were to
carry flares, which when lit on the objective would indicate to an
observer from the air the general line reached by the troops, and
special machines, known as contact aeroplanes and distinguished by
streamers, were allotted the task of maintaining communication with
the infantry. Should it be impossible to light the flares on account
of damp or other causes, the men were to indicate their position by
flashing mirrors. In addition, a code of signals was arranged between
a battalion H.Q. and the aeroplanes, the messages from the battalion
being signalled by means of ground signalling sheets. Further, to
allow observers in the rear to distinguish our men from the enemy,
each man wore on his back a square of yellow cloth or metal disc,
which was attached to the flap of the haversack.
An enormous advantage possessed by the British on the eve of the
offensive was the command of the air. At no time during the war
were the signs of our air superiority so obvious to the infantry
as in the summer of 1916. The passage of an enemy plane over our
lines was then an event. The Germans were virtually confined to the
observation they secured from their possession of the higher ground,
and even the extra observation they got by means of their balloons
was denied them. On the first day of the preliminary bombardment our
planes crossed the German lines and swooped down on their balloons,
which disappeared in wisps of flame as they were hit. The enemy was
practically blinded.
The assault was to be made on the 29th June. To prevent the date
being conveyed to the enemy this was known and spoken of as “Z” day,
and the days prior to the battle were designated by the corresponding
letters of the alphabet. Thus the 25th June, on which date the
preliminary bombardment commenced, was “V” day. During the last week
of June the weather was bad, and zero was wisely postponed until
the 1st July. Thick ribbons of mist floated over the landscape and
rendered the work of the Flying Corps exceptionally difficult. Until
the 27th June there were frequent and heavy showers of rain, and
Grovetown became a sea of mud, but on the following day the sun shone
from a cloudless sky, and a typical French summer day ushered in the
greatest battle fought in history up to that time.
The bombardment that fell on the German lines was of an intensity far
exceeding that at Loos, and to the distant observer their positions
seemed to be shot into the air. The bursts of our shells resembled
the smoke from an endless row of factory chimneys, stretching north
and south, and through the fountains of smoke one could see sods
of earth and fragments of timber leaping upwards. For six days the
ground throbbed under the unceasing cannonade, and the nights,
gleaming with the flashes of thousands of guns, were almost as bright
as the days. In this bombardment the guns of the Ninth Division
contributed their share, for they were in action with the artillery
of the Eighteenth and Thirtieth Divisions. During all this period the
enemy’s artillery was extraordinarily quiet, as if reserving itself
for the final attack.
On the 30th June the dispositions of the XIII. Corps were as
follows: North of the Péronne road lay the infantry of the Thirtieth
and Eighteenth Divisions assembled ready for the attack next morning.
The battle H.Q. of the Ninth Division were at Grovetown, in which
were also concentrated two companies of the 9th Seaforths and the
South African Brigade, which had attached to it the 64th Field
Coy. R.E., and the 28th Machine-Gun Company. The 27th Brigade,
supplemented by the 90th R.E. and “C” Company of the 9th Seaforths
was in Billon Valley, Copse Valley, and Trigger Wood Valley. The 26th
Brigade, with the 63rd R.E. and “A” Company of the 9th Seaforths, was
in Grovetown and Celestins Wood. The Corps Cavalry Regiment, the 19th
Motor Machine-Gun Battery, and a Corps Cyclist Battalion were also
under the orders of the Division, the first being at Grovetown and
the latter two at Vaux.
On the morning of the 1st July the frenzied intensity of the
bombardment heralded the moment of attack, and at 7.30 A.M. the
British troops left their trenches and advanced on the German
lines. For the Ninth, lying in reserve, the day was one of feverish
suspense. Messages received showed that matters were going well on
the front of the XIII. Corps, but it was rumoured that a serious
check had been experienced farther north. By nightfall the position
was fairly definitely known. In front of Thiepval, Beaumont Hamel,
and Serre, our advance had been completely checked, but farther south
the attack had met with a success that exceeded expectations. The
objectives of the Thirtieth and Eighteenth Divisions, Montauban and
the spur on which it stood, had been captured without much difficulty
and with slight loss.
On the evening of the 1st July the 27th Brigade placed two
battalions, the 12th Royal Scots and the 6th K.O.S.B., at the
disposal of the Eighteenth Division for working and digging. The
enemy’s artillery, now active, heavily shelled the garrisons of
the captured positions, and on the 2nd July the Ninth Division was
instructed to relieve the 90th Brigade (Thirtieth Division), which
was holding Montauban. This task was entrusted to the 27th Brigade,
and the South African Brigade was ordered to occupy the positions
held by the former as soon as they were vacated. The relief began
at 10 P.M., but owing to the congestion of the trenches and the
unfamiliarity of the guides with the captured positions, it was not
completed until 3 A.M. on the 3rd July. The 11th Royal Scots held the
east and the 9th Scottish Rifles the west of Montauban, with the 6th
K.O.S.B. and the 12th Royal Scots in support and reserve; their task
was to consolidate and strengthen the defences of the village. The
90th Brigade had reported that the Germans were occupying Montauban
Alley from the point where it was cut by the road from the village
to Bazentin-le-Grand. This was too near for safety, and at 5 A.M.
bombing parties from the 11th Royal Scots and 9th Scottish Rifles
worked their way along the trench as far as Triangle Post, which
they garrisoned. During the day this position was consolidated, new
trenches were sited and commenced, and dumps were formed. All day the
village and trenches held by the brigade were incessantly shelled.
At 3 P.M. on the same afternoon the brigade was ordered by the
Thirtieth Division to capture and consolidate Bernafay Wood, about
500 yards east and north-east of Montauban. Between the British
positions and the German second line system at Longueval and Delville
Wood lay the two densely-foliaged woods known as Bernafay and Trones.
These had to be cleared before the attack could be resumed, and,
but for the check imposed by the limited objective, would in all
probability have fallen to our troops on the first day. Brig.-General
Scrase-Dickins arranged for the operation to be carried out by the
6th K.O.S.B. on the right, and the 12th Royal Scots on the left. The
attacking battalions formed up, each on a company front, in Chimney
Trench and the falling ground to the south-west of it. “B” Company
of the 12th Royal Scots was to clear Montauban Alley from Triangle
Post to the north-west corner of the wood. After a ten-minutes’
bombardment the battalions attacked at 9 P.M., and the whole wood, as
well as the trench between it and Triangle Post, was captured after
a feeble resistance. Four field-guns and one machine-gun were taken
by the 12th Royal Scots, and one machine-gun by the 6th K.O.S.B.,
while about 12 of the enemy were killed and 7 taken prisoners. The
assailants had the greatest difficulty in maintaining direction owing
to the darkness and the dense undergrowth of the wood, consequently,
when its eastern margin was reached, there was some confusion of
units, and the consolidation of positions previously selected was
delayed. After the capture of Bernafay, the K.O.S.B. held the
southern and eastern sides of the perimeter, and the 12th Royal Scots
the remaining post.
The wood had been an easy place to take; it proved a costly one
to hold. At 6 A.M. on the 4th July a violent hostile bombardment
opened, and continued for six hours. The shelling was particularly
severe in the portion of the wood lying south of the railway line,
and the majority of the K.O.S.B. in this area had to be withdrawn
farther within the wood. The work of consolidation was totally
interrupted, and casualties were heavy, the K.O.S.B. losing over
150 killed and wounded. By noon, however, all our original positions
were reoccupied, and the work of consolidation was carried on
with vigour. “D” Company of the 12th Royal Scots, under Lieut. H.
Crowden, constructed a keep in the centre of the wood, a highly
creditable piece of work, because it was no light task to dig in a
soil through which tentacles of undergrowth ran in all directions.
Every day Bernafay Wood and Montauban were plastered with shells
from the enemy’s artillery. The ploughed-up village became a heap
of brick-dust and rubble, and the wood, which before its capture
had been so thick that the rays of the sun could not penetrate it,
became so thinned-out that one could see through it from end to
end. During one of these bombardments the battalion H.Q. of the
K.O.S.B. were hit; the Adjutant, Lieutenant Wright, was killed, and
Lieut.-Colonel Connell had a very narrow escape. On the 5th July the
garrison was reduced by the withdrawal of a company of the K.O.S.B.
to Oxford Copse, and a company of the “Rifles” was also moved back
from Montauban Alley to the same place. The lines between brigade
and battalions were often broken by shell-fire, and the work of the
linesmen in repairing and maintaining them deserved the highest
praise.
On the night of the 4th/5th July the remainder of the Thirtieth
Division was relieved by the Ninth. The South Africans took over
from the 89th Brigade in the Glatz sector, and the Highland Brigade
moved up to the positions vacated by the South Africans. The Ninth
was now the right flank division of the British Army. The 1st and
4th Regiments of the South Africans held the line from the junction
with the French to Briqueterie Trench on the east of Montauban,
with the 3rd and 2nd Regiments in support and reserve respectively.
It was still necessary for the British to clear the pear-shaped
wood of Trones. The first attack was carried out on the 8th July
by the Thirtieth Division, and from that date till the 14th the
wood was the scene of a bitter conflict, in which it changed hands
repeatedly. Trones was a particularly difficult place to take, as it
was commanded from Longueval and from the Maltz Horn Ridge. Every
possible assistance was rendered by the Ninth Division. On the night
of the 6th/7th, the 27th Brigade sent out a patrol, which established
a post in Longueval Alley only 300 yards from Trones Wood, while on
the morning of the attack the artillery pounded the southern fringe
of Longueval and the neighbouring trenches, and the 12th Royal Scots
from Bernafay Wood covered the left flank of the Thirtieth Division
with machine-gun fire. During this operation a plucky exploit was
performed by Private J. Stevenson of the 12th Royal Scots. Having
located a German sniper, he engaged him with his Lewis Gun; he
advanced across the open, and having fired off all his ammunition
sat down and cleaned his rifle until more could be obtained. He was
wounded in both arms, but nevertheless when one of his comrades was
hit, he went about 600 yards to bring up a stretcher for him. The
Thirtieth Division took Trones Wood, but by the end of the day had
lost it all to a hostile counter-attack, except the south-west corner
and Maltz Horn Trench.
On the night of the 8th July the 27th Brigade was relieved, and moved
down to its old position in Billon Valley. The Third Division on
the left took over the portion of Montauban Alley lying to the west
of the Montauban-Longueval road; the Highland Brigade occupied the
trenches in front of Montauban, and the South Africans Bernafay Wood
with their 4th Regiment. The 6th K.O.S.B., who had held the worst
shelled portion of the wood, lost in five days 16 officers and 300
other ranks.
The attack on Trones was resumed at 3 A.M. next morning, but at the
end of the day the position was exactly as it had been on the 8th.
The 90th Brigade, which made the assault, was sadly battered, and a
company of the 4th Regiment of the South Africans moved up at 9 P.M.
to the south-west corner of the wood to its support. In addition
a platoon from the same battalion reinforced the garrison of the
Briqueterie, and the 3rd Regiment was ordered to be ready to support
the 90th Brigade at ten minutes’ notice. The attack was continued
on the 10th without any gain, the Germans recapturing what they had
lost by a well-timed counter-attack. On the same date the advanced
post held by the Ninth in Longueval Alley was supported by the
establishment of several intermediate posts. The sanguinary assaults
on Trones Wood had no better fortune on the 11th, an attempt of a
South African detachment to aid the Thirtieth Division by bombing up
Longueval Alley to the apex of the wood being checked by machine-gun
fire. During the counter-barrage of the enemy Lieut.-Colonel Jones of
the 4th Regiment South Africans was killed, and the command of the
battalion was taken over by Major D. M. MacLeod.
The unsatisfactory result of the fighting in Trones Wood affected
disastrously the plans of the Corps for an attack on the enemy’s
second system of defences. Every day gained by the enemy added to his
strength. On the 7th July the Division had received instructions for
operations to be undertaken against Longueval and Delville Wood on
the 10th, but the original scheme presupposed the capture of Trones
Wood, consequently the date had to be postponed and the arrangements
modified. The task of the XIII. Corps was probably the toughest on
the whole front. It was to secure the ridge running from Waterlot
Farm to Bazentin-le-Grand, and the key of this ridge, Longueval and
Delville Wood, fell to the lot of the Ninth. The flanks of its attack
were to be protected on the left by the Third Division and on the
right by the Eighteenth, which was to clear Trones Wood. The great
difficulty lay in the fact that the position of the XIII. Corps was
already a salient, and that success would intensify it. The ground,
moreover, was vital to the enemy, and he held it with seasoned
troops.[39] The operation was of first-rate importance, since the
possession of the high ground near Longueval was the pivot of Sir
Douglas Haig’s immediate plans; it facilitated an attack on High Wood
in the north, and it was an essential preliminary to an advance on
Ginchy and Guillemont.
General Furse had foreseen the task that he would be called upon to
perform. From Bernafay Wood the ground rose up to the height on which
stood Longueval. The southern position of the village stood open to
the view, but the northern part, intersected by numerous orchards,
baffled scrutiny by disappearing into the shelter of Delville Wood.
Longueval lay along three roads whose junctions formed the centre
or main square of the village. From this point one road ran north
to meet the path midway between High Wood and Flers; the second[40]
ran south-west, skirting the western margin of Bernafay Wood; and
the third led in a south-easterly direction into Guillemont. The
northern road was marked on our maps as North Street. From the square
a street branched off westwards towards Bazentin-le-Grand, which
was known as Clarges Street; on the eastern side where it ran into
a grassy ride, practically bisecting Delville Wood, it was named
Princes Street. Parallel to Clarges Street, and about 300 yards north
of it, lay Duke Street. These, bounded on the west by Pont Street and
on the east by Piccadilly, formed a rectangle. Between Piccadilly
and North Street clustered the orchards of Longueval. The enemy’s
front trenches ran along the south of the village, and then turned
off towards the south-east, past Waterlot Farm along the western
outskirts of Guillemont. His rear defences lay in the hamlet and
beyond the northern perimeter of the wood.
Ever since the Ninth Division had been in the line, the whole area
in front of the German trenches had been constantly patrolled.
The brigadiers had been warned of what was to take place, and the
whole Division was ready for the battle, so that when the final
instructions were issued by the Corps on the 12th July only details
required attention.
At 3.30 P.M. on the same afternoon the G.O.C. met his brigadiers and
explained his plans. The attack was to be carried out by the 26th
Brigade on the right, and the 27th on the left, and for each there
were three objectives. The first for both was the capture of the
enemy’s front and support trenches near Longueval. The second task of
the Highlanders was to secure the village south of the line Clarges
Street-Princes Street, and the western edge of Delville Wood south
of Princes Street; that of the 27th Brigade to take the greater part
of Longueval lying north of Clarges Street. Then the 26th, in order
to safeguard the right flank, was to secure the German system of
defences between the village and Waterlot Farm inclusive, while the
27th was to clear the northern outskirts of Longueval and the western
margin of Delville Wood adjoining that portion of the village. If
these objectives were taken easily, both brigades were to go on and
occupy the whole of the wood.
It was realised that the Germans were expecting an attack. To keep
them in uncertainty as to the exact time of the onslaught, their
lines were heavily shelled every morning by the artillery, and to
gain the full advantage of surprise, what was virtually a night
attack was planned. The British Army might be unimaginative and
unenterprising in strategy, but it was bold and audacious in the
use of tactical expedients. A night attack demands the most careful
arrangements by the Staff and a high standard of discipline on the
part of the troops engaged. Zero was 3.25 A.M. on the morning of the
14th July. This early hour made the question of assembly one of more
than ordinary difficulty, but the G.O.C. had his scheme prepared.
The ground in front of our lines had been thoroughly reconnoitred
by patrols, and during the night a strong line of scouts was to go
up the crest of the rise in front of the enemy’s trenches. These
men were to be supported by Lewis Gun detachments, and the exposed
right wing was to be protected against an attack from Trones Wood
by a chain of posts, which the Highland Brigade was to establish
in 9·2-inch shell-holes, previously made for this purpose by the
artillery along the crest line of the spur running from Longueval
to Bernafay Wood. Under cover of this force the attacking brigades
were to form up their leading battalions in their waves of attack on
the south-west slopes of the plateau. The whole assembly was to be
completed half an hour before zero.
On receipt of their instructions Brig.-General Ritchie and
Brig.-General Scrase-Dickins arranged their dispositions. The
former decided to attack with the Black Watch and Argylls in front,
the Seaforths in support, and three companies of the Camerons in
reserve. The Black Watch and the Argylls were to be on a two-company
front, each company being in open column of platoons with 70 yards
between platoons. Thus each battalion was to be in eight waves. The
supporting battalion had the same formation, and the fourth company
of the Camerons was to carry[41] for the brigade. Two sections of the
26th Machine-Gun Company were to follow the 7th Seaforths, the rest
of the company being in brigade reserve. One section of the L.T.M.B.
was to follow the two attacking battalions, the remainder being under
the control of the brigade. The Black Watch and the Argylls were to
secure the first and second objectives, and the Seaforths the third.
Brig.-General Scrase-Dickins had the 11th Royal Scots and the 9th
Scottish Rifles in front, and the 12th Royal Scots in support. The
6th K.O.S.B. carried for the brigade. Both attacking battalions had
four companies in the front line, each company being in column of
platoons with the requisite 70 yards’ distance between platoons; thus
each battalion was in four waves. The supporting battalion was in the
same formation. Two Vickers machine-guns were to accompany each of
the leading battalions, one section followed the 12th Royal Scots,
and two sections were in brigade reserve. The first objective was to
be taken by the leading battalions, the second by the 12th and 11th
Royal Scots, and the third by the 12th Royal Scots.
The reliefs necessitated by these arrangements were carried out
on the night of the 12th/13th. The 55th Brigade of the Eighteenth
Division relieved the South African Brigade in the portion of
Bernafay Wood lying south of the Carnoy-Guillemont railway. The 27th
relieved the 76th Brigade of the Third Division in Montauban Alley
from the Montauban-Longueval road to the Montauban-Bazentin-le-Grand
road (exclusive). On the right of the Ninth the Thirtieth Division
was relieved by the Eighteenth.
The artillery arrangements employed for the attack on Longueval
had exceptional interest; for they were destined to give the Ninth
a distinctive place among the divisions of the British Army.
Brig.-General Tudor’s main problem was created by Delville Wood. As
our experience of Bernafay had already demonstrated, shrapnel shells,
by hitting the branches and trunks of trees burst prematurely, and
were as dangerous to our own infantry as to the enemy. The C.R.A.
now resolved to carry out a plan that he had long borne in mind. The
artillery bombardment preparatory for the attack was to commence five
minutes before zero; the customary shrapnel was used, but after three
minutes H.E. shell only. This was a notable change from the ordinary
method. The H.E. had delay action, so that even if a tree was hit by
it the shell would complete its trajectory before bursting.
In another respect, the Ninth resolved to adopt a method commonly
used by the French and already employed by several British
divisions, on the 1st July. Up to this battle all the attacks of the
British Army had been preceded by a violent preliminary bombardment,
and before the infantry advanced the artillery lifted well behind the
enemy’s trenches. The device known as the “creeping barrage”[42] was
a logical development in the work of the artillery, since successive
lines of defence had to be accounted for. The gunners were to support
the infantry throughout the advance by shelling each successive
portion of the enemy’s line just in front of the oncoming troops.
This would give the Germans less time to have their machine-guns
ready and would enable the attackers to get to grips with them before
their guns could be brought into action. For the attack on the 14th
July, the rate of the barrage was to be 50 yards every one and a half
minutes, and sheltered by this advancing wall of fire the infantry
were to carry on the assault.
The full artillery programme consisted of eight separate
barrages.[43] The first five continued from five minutes before
zero until two hours after it, by which time the whole of Longueval
was expected to be in our hands. All this time the defences round
Waterlot Farm were to be kept under fire, and the attack on the farm
was to be made under cover of the sixth barrage, which was to open
two hours after zero. The remaining barrages were intended to cover
the assault on Delville Wood.
CHAPTER VI
LONGUEVAL AND DELVILLE WOOD
JULY 1916
Not the least anxious part of the forthcoming battle was the assembly
of the troops during the night of the 13th/14th July, for it was an
audacious enterprise to form up in the darkness a large body of men
within easy distance of the German lines, since the least suspicion
of the manœuvre by the enemy was bound to lead to a dreadful
catastrophe. The deepest silence was essential, and the operation
was partly cloaked by the artillery, which throughout the night
bombarded the village and the wood. The assembly was a great triumph
of organisation for the Staff of the two brigades, and a proof of the
high discipline of the men. The arrangements of the brigades differed
slightly, but were equally successful in their results.
The 26th Brigade assembled on the northern slopes of Caterpillar
Valley, with its left resting on the path leading from Montauban to
Longueval. After the covering party, consisting of four platoons
with two Lewis Guns, had taken post on the crest of the plateau, the
brigade major, Major Drew, with the adjutants of the Black Watch and
Argylls and forty markers, went out to mark off the ground. The plan
was to work from the left of each battalion. The left markers of
the Black Watch moved up the Bernafay-Longueval road, and the left
of the Argylls up the Montauban-Longueval path. Sixteen markers
of the former, commencing from the rear, were posted in pairs at
70 yards’ distance along the first of these roads. When this was
accomplished, the front couple had reached a point about 500 yards
from the enemy’s front line. As each pair was posted, one man moved
off at right angles with a tape about 150 yards long, and thus fixed
the right of his wave or platoon. In the same fashion those of the
Argylls were placed in position. Then at 12.25 A.M. the battalions,
by companies in single file, moved out to line up on the markers,
and as each platoon reached its left marker it wheeled to the right
and fixed bayonets. The assembly of the brigade was effected without
sound or hitch by 3 A.M. While the markers were being posted there
was considerable shelling of the assembly area, but fortunately it
died down before the arrival of the battalions. Owing to shelling,
however, and sniping from Trones Wood it was found necessary slightly
to contract the right of the Black Watch.
[Illustration: DELVILLE WOOD]
The assembly area of the 27th Brigade was on the immediate left of
that of the 26th. About 10 P.M. the platoon that formed the covering
party pushed forward to the northern slopes of Caterpillar Valley,
and an hour later Major Teacher, the brigade major, with one officer
and two N.C.Os. of the 90th Field Coy. R.E. moved out to place the
tapes for the battalions. In this case the plan was to work from the
centre. On a compass-bearing, previously taken by Major Teacher,
the first tape, 50 yards long, was laid, and others were placed in
prolongation of the first. When completed the centre tape extended to
a distance of 1000 yards, the work having taken forty-five minutes.
Then the front tape was laid off at right angles, the flanks of each
battalion being thus fixed. This was checked by an officer from
each of the attacking battalions, who paced for 1000 yards along the
roads that marked the flanks of the brigade. When the tapes were in
position, the right and left markers for each unit were posted.
The battalions assembled in the southern portion of the valley at
12.30 A.M., each being in mass, in single rank, on a front of 225
yards. At 1.45 A.M. the 11th Royal Scots moved along the centre tape
to their final position, and were followed by the 9th Scottish Rifles
and the 12th Royal Scots. Though there was intermittent shelling,
there were only five casualties, but these included Lieut.-Colonel H.
L. Budge of the 12th Royal Scots, who was killed by a shell fragment
as his battalion was passing through the west side of Montauban;
the command of the battalion was then taken over by Captain J. E.
MacPherson. The assembly was completed at 2.45 A.M.
The Division, by the satisfactory conclusion of this difficult
operation deserved all the high praise[44] that it received from the
G.O.C. and General Congreve.
At 3.20 A.M., when the light was just sufficient for one to
distinguish friend from foe, the first barrage opened, and the
leading waves moved as close to it as they could safely go. Five
minutes later, on the hour of zero, the whole line moved forward to
the attack.
On the right, Brig.-General Ritchie’s men made on the whole very
satisfactory progress. Most trouble was experienced by the Black
Watch, whose right company encountered a stubborn resistance from a
machine-gun nest on the south-east corner of Longueval. This post was
covered by the fire of two field-guns in the south-west corner of
Delville Wood, which were later withdrawn, and owing to the confined
space in which they had to manœuvre the Black Watch were unable to
get to grips with the garrison of the post, which held out until late
in the afternoon. With this exception the objectives allotted to the
battalion were taken by 10 A.M. At one time the leading men took up a
position along Buchanan Street, a ride branching off Princes Street
at right angles to the south of the wood, but this line could not be
maintained as the left flank was in the air. At noon the line held by
the battalion ran from the main square of the village north of the
church and then south-east to within 100 yards of the west corner of
South Street, the path skirting the southern edge of Delville Wood.
Patrols were immediately pushed forward, but during the afternoon
stiff resistance was experienced, and the patrols became standing
picquets on the edge of the wood.
The Argylls, on the left of the Black Watch, met with complete
success. The leading companies kept close to the barrage, leaving the
supporting companies to clear the enemy’s front trenches. The 11th
Royal Scots on the left being delayed by uncut wire, “C” Company of
the Argylls in left support came to their assistance by bombing to
the north. This company killed at least 100 of the foe, and drove
others along the front of the 27th Brigade. In this lively action a
machine-gun was captured, a well-aimed bomb accounting for the whole
team. The other companies of the Argylls in their impetuous eagerness
ran into our barrage and suffered some casualties. Then until the
barrage lifted the men lay down in shell-holes, while a piper played
the regimental march. When the advance was resumed Clarges Street
was reached without much resistance, and the battalion, having
cleared the houses on the west side of the main street, commenced to
consolidate.
Waterlot Farm and its defences had still to be taken before the job
of the brigade was accomplished.
The left brigade was equally successful in securing its first
objective. The first task, the capture of the enemy’s front defences,
was straightforward. Unfortunately on the front of the 11th Royal
Scots delay was caused by wire, and gaps were cut by hand with very
great difficulty, owing to machine-gun fire; but the battalion’s
Lewis Guns rendered great service by keeping down the enemy’s fire,
while a platoon of “A” Company, finding a gap in the right flank,
went through and bombed down the opposite trenches. Lieut.-Colonel
Croft’s men rapidly effected the capture of this objective, though
they had much stern fighting, and a party of 63 Germans was rounded
up and taken prisoner by 2nd Lieuts. Turner and Fleming after a
combined bombing attack, in which the battalion Lewis Guns, skilfully
handled by Lieut. Winchester, played a noteworthy part.
Lieut.-Colonel Fulton[45] with the “Rifles” had an easier passage.
The proffered resistance was rapidly overcome, and a company of
the battalion, by bombing along the German trenches to the north,
assisted the progress of the right battalion of the Third Division,
which had been stopped by uncut wire. Many of the enemy were killed,
and 80 were captured.
Thus by 4.15 A.M. the brigade had gained the whole of the first
objective, but the second phase was more complicated. The 11th Royal
Scots, which had been the right battalion, at this point became the
left, and were to take Duke Street from its junction with Piccadilly
to its junction with Pont Street. The 12th Royal Scots passed through
the 11th on the first objective, and, wheeling to the east, advanced
against the village. The death of Lieut.-Colonel Budge proved a great
misfortune; for the task of the battalion, to secure Longueval from
the corner of Duke Street and Piccadilly to a point on Princes Street
on the fringe of Delville Wood, was one of extraordinary difficulty.
The left battalion made good progress, and dug in on a line south
of Duke Street; but the right battalion, coming under very heavy
machine-gun fire and accurate sniping from a post in the orchards and
from Piccadilly, was compelled to dig in on a line facing east, with
its right flank on Clarges Street in touch with the Argylls, and its
left in touch with the right of the 11th Royal Scots.
Thus the advance of the 27th Brigade was brought to a standstill
before the second objective had been reached.
At first the working of the communications between D.H.Q. and the
leading infantry was all that could be desired. In spite of the
incessant shelling, messages came in quickly, and General Furse
was able to keep in close touch with his attacking brigades. Thus,
on learning that the 11th Royal Scots and the right battalion of
the Third Division had been checked by undamaged wire, he sent out
directions for the 26th Brigade to assist the 27th, which in turn
was to help the Third Division. As a consequence, the advance was
maintained practically without a halt. At 5.50 A.M. the G.O.C.
learned that Brig.-General Ritchie’s brigade had secured its first
two objectives, and an hour later that the left brigade had captured
everything except the north of Longueval. When at 6.29 A.M. he was
informed that the whole of the village was held by the 27th Brigade,
he had every reason to be jubilant.
Unfortunately the information was inaccurate, as a message at 7.20
A.M. made clear. General Furse knew that the check to the 12th Royal
Scots was a most serious matter. The possession of the Longueval
plateau was the key to the operations against High Wood in the north,
and if the village was not taken, the plans of Sir Douglas Haig would
be thrown out of gear. Moreover, it was from Longueval that the
attack on Delville Wood was to be launched; without it the operation
would be more intricate. The crisis demanded decisive action, and
the G.O.C. placed the 1st South African Regiment under the orders
of Brig.-General Scrase-Dickins, who was instructed to make every
effort to clear the village. General Furse was also keenly concerned
about Waterlot Farm, which had yet to be taken by the Highland
Brigade, since its capture was the necessary preliminary to an attack
on Guillemont. Realising that the 26th and 27th Brigades had been
heavily punished, he warned Brig.-General Lukin that his brigade
would be required to take Delville Wood.
When the advance of the 12th Royal Scots was checked, 2nd Lieut. A.
Noble, now the most senior officer on the spot, held a conference
of the surviving officers. It was decided to make another attempt
with two companies, and they moved forward at 7 A.M., but did not
get beyond Piccadilly. At 8.30 A.M. another effort was made by the
battalion from the line of Clarges Street. Three sections with a
Lewis Gun tried to force their way up North Street by rushing from
house to house, but, after progressing fifty yards, they were brought
to a halt by machine-gun fire and withdrew to the shelter of a
barricade, which had been erected at the junction of North Street and
Clarges Street.
At 8.48 A.M. Brig.-General Scrase-Dickins received orders from
General Furse. These were that the village was to be bombarded,
and that the brigade was to make another attack at 10.30 A.M. But
the communications in front were not so satisfactory, and, owing
to the delay in the transmission of instructions, the attack was
not launched until 11 A.M. To supplement the artillery, Stokes Guns
bombarded the orchard area, concentrating on suspected machine-gun
posts, but the assault from the line of Clarges Street was again
defeated.
It was clear that the northern part of Longueval could not be
cleared by a casual or haphazard attack. The enclosed nature of the
oblong of orchards made it difficult to locate the enemy’s posts
with certainty, and the artillery were handicapped by the want of
a post from which to observe the fire. The problem was in fact
more intricate than was realised at the time. The battering that
the village had received from our guns had only been sufficient to
convert it into a stronghold of immense strength. Amidst the jagged
and tumbled masonry the defenders had numerous well-protected corners
from which they could fire without being detected, and the oblong
was full of shelters where the garrison could take refuge from the
fire of field-guns. The whole area needed to be pulverised by heavy
shells, as General Furse soon realised. Against infantry alone the
place was virtually impregnable, since the scope for manœuvring was
limited and all approaches were swept by the fire of the defenders.
Such was the task that Brig.-General Scrase-Dickins was asked to
accomplish.
The 1st South African Infantry bore the brunt of the next attack.
Lieut.-Colonel Dawson’s men had moved up to the line of Clarges
Street through heavy shell-fire without a casualty. From noon till 2
P.M. the northern part of the village was bombarded, but, as it was
believed that isolated parties of the 12th Royal Scots were in the
village, the shelling was directed chiefly on the wood to the east of
it. Then followed a great deal of confused fighting in which, by the
nature of the ground, the South Africans were split into a number of
detached groups. Such reports as reached Brigade H.Q. were so vague
that it was impossible to act upon them, and it was not till 10.44
P.M. that the position of the South Africans was known. At that time
one company was in Piccadilly, immediately south of Duke Street;
another was trying to work round from Piccadilly to North Street;
a third was in reserve at the south-east corner of the village;
and nothing certain was known of the remaining company, which was
believed to be on the east side of North Street. That night at 10.50
P.M. Brig.-General Scrase-Dickins urged Lieut.-Colonel Dawson not to
relax his efforts and to endeavour to clear the whole of the village
before dawn, in order that the attack on Delville Wood might be
delivered from it.
While the left brigade was engaged in sanguinary conflicts among
the orchards of Longueval, the Highland Brigade was endeavouring
to capture Waterlot Farm. This work had been allotted to the 7th
Seaforths, who were in Montauban Alley when the battle commenced.
As Lieut.-Colonel Kennedy expected the enemy’s counter-barrage to
fall on Montauban Alley, he arranged that his men should follow as
close as possible behind the Black Watch in order to escape it, and
thus the whole battalion avoided the shelling except one platoon,
which suffered severely. Advancing on the heels of the Black Watch
the leading company entered the German front line and passed along
behind the wire in a north-easterly direction. The next two companies
consolidated the enemy’s front line and a support line, while the
fourth followed in support of the leading company. The Seaforths,
finding the Black Watch held up by the machine-gun post at the
south-east corner of Longueval, attempted to outflank it by working
along Dover Street and Down Street on the south of the village, but
they were stopped by hostile fire from Waterlot Farm. In spite of
repeated efforts the post held out, for the ground was all in favour
of the defenders.
At 2 P.M. Brig.-General Ritchie ordered the Camerons to move up
from Montauban. They were to assist in clearing the village,
co-operate in the assault on the post that was holding up the Black
Watch and Seaforths, and push on to Waterlot Farm. Under drenching
shell-fire the Camerons marched up by companies to the village, the
outskirts of which they reached at 4 P.M. Before dark one company
cleared the houses just north of Clarges Street and a building
immediately north of Princes Street, known as the Hospice; another
company, in co-operation with the Black Watch and Seaforths, at
last accounted for the post on the south-east of the village, which
fell to a converging attack, the garrison being bayoneted and three
machine-guns being captured. A third company and a company of
Seaforths then pressed on towards Waterlot Farm, and in spite of
severe machine-gun fire and accurate sniping a good deal of progress
was made. The main body took up a position just west of the farm,
while a party of the Seaforths advanced down Longueval Alley until
they came in touch with the Eighteenth Division, which had done great
work that day by capturing the whole of Trones Wood.
After a day of strenuous fighting, in which many losses had been
sustained, the Division had just failed to win complete success.
The enemy still held the north of Longueval and Waterlot Farm, and
Delville Wood still remained to be taken. At midnight the position
was as follows: The Argylls held all the south and south-west of
Longueval, with lines established in Clarges Street, Sloane Street,
and the old German front line from the Windmill to Pall Mall; the
Black Watch were in a semicircle round the north-east corner of the
central square, and occupied also a line 300 yards long, parallel
to and 50 yards south of Princes Street; three companies of the
Seaforths held the old German front line on the right of the Argylls;
the remaining company and three companies of the Camerons were in
Longueval Alley as far as Trones Wood, just west of Waterlot Farm.
On the left the 12th Royal Scots were consolidating along the line
of Piccadilly, the 11th Royal Scots occupied Duke Street up to Pont
Street, and the 9th Scottish Rifles were in the old German support
line on the left of the 11th Royal Scots. The 6th K.O.S.B. had not
been involved in the fighting, but their work in carrying up stores
of all kinds under continuous shell-fire had been of the greatest
value.
That evening the G.O.C. met his brigadiers in Montauban, and
discussed with them the operations to be carried out on the following
day. The 27th Brigade was to continue its attack on Longueval, and
the 26th on Waterlot Farm. Delville Wood was to be assaulted by the
South African Brigade under cover of a creeping H.E. barrage. This
attack was arranged for 5 A.M., and, should the 27th fail to secure
the village during the night, was to be delivered from the south-west.
Delville Wood, in the shape of a rough pentagonal, overshadowed the
village of Longueval. It was divided into a northern and southern
portion by the grassy ride known as Princes Street. From this ride
towards the north, and at right angles to it, ran auxiliary paths
named Strand, Regent Street, and Bond Street; in the opposite
direction similar pathways, Buchanan Street, Campbell Street, and
King Street, led to the southern margin. About 200 yards south of
Princes Street and parallel to it was the ride called Rotten Row.
The execution of the attack was entrusted by Brig.-General Lukin to
Lieut.-Colonel Tanner. The forces available were the 2nd and 3rd and
two companies of the 4th South African Infantry. Of the remainder
of the brigade the 1st Regiment was involved in the fighting in
Longueval, and two companies of the 4th were to assist the 26th
Brigade against Waterlot Farm.
The assailants moved up from Montauban before dawn. Patrols having
reported the enemy to be still in possession of the village, the
South Africans assembled in a trench on the south-west corner of
Delville. All the wood south of Princes Street was cleared in two
hours, the only strong resistance coming from isolated snipers. In
the eastern portion 138 prisoners, including 3 officers, and one
machine-gun were captured, but the most difficult part remained to
be accomplished. Owing to the situation in Longueval, Lieut.-Colonel
Tanner decided to clear the northern portion from the east as far as
the Strand, and this work was entrusted to three companies of the
2nd South African Infantry. The resistance was surprisingly weak,
the garrison having been thinned-out on account of the shelling to
which the wood was persistently subjected. The chief obstacle was the
wood itself. The profligate undergrowth and the tangle of trees and
branches brought down by our artillery-fire rendered the laborious
work of penetrating it most exhausting. When at length the perspiring
and breathless South Africans reached the margin, the enemy’s
artillery opened a fierce bombardment on the whole place, and rifle
and machine-gun fire prevented progress beyond the perimeter.
Shortly after 2 P.M. that afternoon Lieut.-Colonel Tanner was able
to report that he had taken the whole of Delville Wood except the
north-west corner. The problem now was how to hold our gains. In
ordinary circumstances small posts with machine-guns would have
been the least costly and the most effective method; for Bernafay
had shown that for large bodies of men a wood is only a death-trap.
But it was impossible to do this. The wood was 159 acres in extent,
and part of it was held by the enemy. Moreover, the Germans were
exceptionally well situated for a counter-attack. They were able
to direct an accurate fire on the wood from their batteries in the
north, east, and south-east; their trenches lay round its perimeter
and commanded all its approaches; and the possession of Longueval
ensured them a covered approach whenever they chose to deliver their
stroke. Under these circumstances a strong garrison and constant
vigilance were essential.
After the posts were established along the perimeter, the most urgent
matter was the provision of shelter for the troops. A plentiful
supply of tools had been carried up by the South Africans, and it
was impressed upon the men that notwithstanding their weariness
there could be no rest until trenches had been dug. But they had
grasped the situation; it was only too obvious that their lives
depended upon the speed with which they could dig themselves in.
But the spendthrift undergrowth and tangled roots that crawled
profusely in the soil of Delville Wood were hard to cut, and while
the men toiled they were harried unceasingly by shell and machine-gun
fire. An attempt to wire the edge of the wood was frustrated by a
counter-attack, which men of the 10th Bavarian Division delivered
against the north-east corner about 3 P.M. This attack was easily
repulsed by rifle-fire, but the situation was critical, and between
12.45 P.M. and 1.15 P.M. reports from the 26th Brigade and the 52nd
Brigade R.F.A. having stated that the Germans were massing on the
north-west of the wood, the artillery put a protective barrage round
it. In spite of this the foe made persistent attempts to drive the
South Africans from the perimeter, but all attacks were defeated
with loss by the 2nd South African Infantry, and by 4.40 P.M. the
enemy drew off. The heavy casualty list of the South Africans was due
mainly to shell-fire.
General Furse gave instructions that the utmost efforts should be
made to strengthen the defences during the night, and a company
of the Seaforths (Pioneers) was sent up to wire the wood. In a
remarkably short time numerous trenches were dug by the garrison,
for a man works with a will when his life is at stake. Arrangements
were also made to send up large supplies of stores and ammunition.
Six and a half companies were posted round the perimeter with three
in support. The western portion of Princes Street was held by a half
company of the 2nd South African Infantry, and two companies of the
1st formed a defensive flank on the side of the village. The H.Q.
of Lieut.-Colonel Tanner were at the junction of Princes Street and
Buchanan Street.
Meanwhile Longueval defied all assaults. Throughout the night of the
14th/15th the 1st South African Infantry had been engaged in a grim
house-to-house combat without making headway, and the 12th Royal
Scots were called on to make another attack. After a preliminary
bombardment of the oblong by the artillery and the Stokes mortars,
they moved forward at 8 A.M., when a desperate and plucky effort was
made to clear the village. For a time progress was made, and word
reached D.H.Q. that the whole of the village was in our hands. The
report was wrong. Two sections of the Royal Scots worked up North
Street, moving from house to house, each of which was secured only
after a stern bombing fight. Small garrisons were left in three
houses, and the party reached more than midway to Duke Street. At
the same time another section tried to penetrate the orchards from
the west, but failed to get beyond Piccadilly. The first party on
venturing into the open was subjected to heavy fire from concealed
machine-guns and compelled to retire to the shelter of the houses;
even the posts that had been established in the houses could not
be maintained, for the garrisons were shelled out and forced to
withdraw. If doggedness and grit could have won Longueval, the 12th
Royal Scots would have had it. Undaunted by their previous reverses,
they made another attack in the evening at 7.30. Three sections
advanced from Clarges Street, but could not get beyond 50 yards; two
other sections pressing on up North Street found the enemy alert and
strongly reinforced, and were forced back to the point from which
they had started, after inflicting severe losses by Lewis Gun fire.
The men, utterly exhausted, could do no more.
On the 15th encouraging progress was made by the 26th Brigade,
though it failed to secure Waterlot Farm. As soon as day broke,
parties of the Seaforths and Camerons dashed forward and succeeded in
establishing themselves in enemy trenches to the east of the farm;
but, before they were able to consolidate these positions, they were
compelled to withdraw to the northern end of Longueval Alley, owing
to intense shelling from both our own and the enemy’s artillery. As
the brigade had suffered many casualties and was holding a widely
extended line, reinforcements consisting of two companies of the
4th South African Infantry were sent to its assistance. With the
support of these two companies, two platoons of the Camerons again
attacked the farm and reached the trenches to the east of it before
noon. The captured trenches were then taken over by the South
Africans, who commenced to consolidate, but were driven out by the
concentrated artillery-fire of the enemy. As we could not occupy the
farm, we determined to prevent the Germans gaining access to it,
and machine-guns were posted by the 26th Brigade and by the South
Africans in Delville Wood so as to command all its approaches.
Thus at the close of the 15th the task of the Division had not
been completed. Continuous fighting, involving serious losses,
had resulted in the capture of all Delville Wood except the
north-west corner. The men not actually engaged in fighting were
busy consolidating positions and erecting strong points and keeps
in the southern portion of Longueval, and all work had to be done
under accurate and galling artillery-fire. The position occupied by
the Division was peculiarly exposed to the enemy’s artillery; it
formed an elbow beyond the British line and was open to fire from the
north, south, and east. On the night of the 15th there was a marked
increase in the enemy’s shelling; a hurricane of fire swept Delville
Wood, and a fierce bombardment was concentrated on the southern and
south-western portions of Longueval. In addition, hostile artillery
searched the whole region from our front line to the back areas,
causing trouble to our batteries and seriously interrupting the work
of the transport and of carrying parties.
Each moment as it passed increased the difficulty of the task still
to be accomplished by the Division. It was now very weak, not only
on account of its casualties, but through exhaustion, strain, and
exposure. General Furse had not a fresh battalion under his command.
On the other hand, the foe was gaining in strength, and he was known
to be bringing up other troops. But an attitude of passive defence
was impossible; there was no security in our position until the
Germans had been driven out of every part of Longueval and Delville
Wood. These two places formed part and parcel of the same problem;
with the clearing of the village, the enemy could not maintain
his position in the north-west corner of the wood, and as soon as
the whole of Delville was in our hands, the garrison of northern
Longueval would be exposed to an attack from three sides.
But neither operation was easy of accomplishment. What the G.O.C.
wanted—time—he could not have. The fighting of the last two days had
clearly shown that the northern defences of the village could not be
rushed. The surest and most economical method of clearing Longueval
was to bombard it with heavy artillery before the infantry advanced,
and this had been suggested on the 15th. The heavy artillery,
however, was not under the control of the G.O.C., and the insistence
of the Corps and Army Commanders on the need for securing the hamlet
without delay prevented the suggestion being carried into effect.
Consequently, General Furse resolved to make use of the ground that
he had gained in Delville Wood, and he ordered a combined attack on
the village and north-west corner of the wood to be made by the 27th
and South African Brigades. The latter, after completing the capture
of the northern perimeter was to press westwards to North Street,
where it should join hands with the former, which was to advance
north and east. This attack was to take place at 10 A.M. on the 16th,
after a preliminary bombardment by the 2-inch trench mortars, which
had been sent up to Longueval on the night of the 14th/15th.
The assaulting forces consisted of two companies of the 1st South
African Infantry and two of the 11th Royal Scots. The assault
was made from the line of Princes Street-Clarges Street, and was
wholly repulsed. It was notable, nevertheless, for several acts of
outstanding gallantry. During the South African attack, a bombing
party attempted to rush an enemy post about 40 yards from our
trenches. The assailants were beaten back, and the officer in command
fell wounded between the two lines. Then Private W. F. Faulds
with two comrades, ignoring the hail of bullets from the enemy’s
machine-guns, left our trench and rescued the officer. Almost by a
miracle the party got back unscathed, except one man who was severely
wounded. Faulds, who received a V.C., performed a similar feat two
days later, when he went out for a wounded man, picked him up, and
carried him to a dressing-station under a fire so intense that it was
believed to be impossible to bring in the wounded. Equally shining as
an example of heroism was the work of 2nd Lieut. Turner and C.S.M.
Allwright of the 11th Royal Scots. Both crept out to some wounded
men, dressed them under a withering fire, and crawled in with the
wounded on their backs. Though desultory fighting went on in the
village all day, its only effect was to add to the length of our
casualty list.
On the 16th July the 26th Brigade was occupied chiefly in
consolidating and strengthening its defences and in establishing
posts on the west of Waterlot Farm. Bombers and snipers crept close
up to the farm and kept the garrison continually on the alert. Though
it was held by their own snipers, the Germans persistently shelled it
throughout the day. During the night the Seaforths were relieved in
Longueval Alley by the Eighteenth Division.
The South Africans in Delville Wood had been woefully reduced by
the furious bombardment to which they had been subjected, and in
consequence the work of consolidation could not be carried on as far
as safety demanded. During the 16th the firing on the wood continued,
and considerable trouble was experienced from bold enemy snipers
who had remained concealed amongst the shrubbery and undergrowth,
but these were accounted for later in the day. The most worrying
feature of the situation was the extent of the gaps between the posts
round the perimeter, and the task of a runner in carrying messages
along the line was nerve-racking and perilous. The garrison was
reinforced by a company of the 4th Regiment, which was sent to the
east and north-east of the wood. All the officers and men showed very
obvious traces of strain and fatigue, and Brig.-General Lukin asked
the G.O.C. if his men could be relieved. There were no troops in the
Division who were not exhausted, but General Furse promised that when
the whole of the village and the wood had been captured, the South
Africans in the southern portion of Delville Wood would be relieved
by the 26th Brigade.
With regard to Longueval, he decided that it must be pounded into
dust before another attack was made, so he asked the Corps to
arrange for the fire of heavy guns, controlled by observation, to
be concentrated on the northern part of the village. The original
intention was to commence the bombardment at 4 A.M. on the 17th July.
But this scheme was frustrated by peremptory orders from General
Rawlinson, directing that the village had to be cleared at all costs
before dawn. Urgent orders were sent to Brig.-General Scrase-Dickins
on the night of the 16th for the 6th K.O.S.B. and two companies
of the 11th Royal Scots, supported by two companies of the 1st
South African Infantry, to attack Longueval at 2 A.M. He was also
instructed to withdraw his men from the front trenches to allow the
oblong to be shelled by the heavy guns. This bombardment was to
begin at 11 P.M. on the 16th, but had to be postponed until 12.30
A.M. on the 17th, owing to the difficulty and delay in withdrawing
our infantry to a safe distance. In spite of the greatest gallantry,
the attack was beaten off. The whole virtue of the project was
lost when the heavy bombardment lasted only for an hour and was
unobserved. This was the last effort of the 27th Brigade to capture
Longueval. During the night, the 6th K.O.S.B. and 11th Royal Scots
were withdrawn to Talus Boise, the “Rifles,” who had been relieved
on the night of the 15th by the 8th Brigade (Third Division), taking
over the trenches of the latter.
At 9 A.M. on the 17th, Waterlot Farm was at length captured by
the 26th Brigade. After a preliminary bombardment by artillery,
the Camerons, supported by two companies of the 4th South African
Infantry, rushed the farm, slaughtered the garrison, and proceeded to
consolidate the buildings.
At the end of the day the whole Division was completely worn
out. The nights were even more trying than the days on account
of the intensity of the German shelling, and the strain on the
South Africans, who were certain to receive the first shock of a
counter-attack, was particularly severe. During the evening of the
17th July, Lieut.-Colonel Tanner was wounded, and the command of
the garrison passed to Lieut.-Colonel Thackeray. That night General
Furse decided to relieve the South Africans in the northern part of
Delville, but both brigades requested the relief to be postponed on
hearing of the operation against Longueval, which was to be carried
out by the 76th Brigade of the Third Division on the morning of
the 18th. During the hours of darkness, in addition to their usual
artillery-fire, the Germans poured thousands of gas shells into the
battery positions and back areas. A determined counter-stroke was
delivered against Delville Wood from the north-west, and the enemy
penetrated as far as Buchanan Street and Princes Street before he
was driven back with heavy loss. Other assaults were made on the
perimeter, but all were repulsed.
Longueval was attacked at 3.45 A.M. on 18th July by the 76th Brigade.
At first, rapid progress was made, and shortly after 8 A.M. a report
was received from the Third Division stating that it had captured
all its objectives. A company of the Seaforths and a company of the
Camerons co-operated with the Third Division in clearing houses in
the north of the village. The enemy however still clung tenaciously
to some of his posts; when parties of the 26th and 27th Brigades
moved up to consolidate strong points in Longueval, they were stopped
by machine-gun fire from German pockets.
The day was destined to be the most critical of the battle. At 8
A.M. the enemy opened a tremendous bombardment on Delville Wood and
the village with guns of all calibres, and until 7 P.M. there was no
diminution of the cannonade, which was probably the heaviest that the
Division ever experienced. The whole earth vibrated and trembled from
the impact of thousands of “crumps.” All communications were broken
down, and for a long time General Furse was ignorant of what was
happening. Officers of his staff, particularly Major MacNamara, took
great risks in going up to Longueval to ascertain the situation, but
no definite information as to the fate of the South Africans could
be gathered. About 2 P.M. the shelling increased in fury. Our front
trenches were obliterated, whole sections of their occupants were
annihilated, and the Germans launched a terrific attack. For this
supreme effort they had brought up picked troops, consisting of the
7th and 8th Divisions of the famous Magdeburg Corps,[46] commanded by
Sixt von Armin.
After 2 P.M. the S.O.S. signal was seen in the wood and the village,
and some of our men were noticed dribbling back from these places.
Practically all the South Africans on the perimeter had perished,
and the few survivors, stupefied by the ferocity of the shelling,
fell back on Lieut.-Colonel Thackeray’s H.Q. in Princes Street. At 3
P.M. waves of Germans poured through the wood and the northern part
of Longueval, but now seizing their opportunity our machine-gunners
took heavy toll of the men in field-grey. Lieut.-Colonel Thackeray’s
troops performed prodigies of valour, and in a sustained and
delirious struggle the heroic defenders baffled every effort of the
foe to break their ranks. In this grisly combat the Germans lost much
valuable time, and when they pressed on, the gallant South Africans
were still holding out.
General Furse was at Montauban when he heard of the counter-attack.
It was not a time for hesitation, and he ordered the Argylls to
advance at once and reoccupy all the ground north and west of Regent
Street that had been evacuated. But the enemy’s barrage along the
line of Clarges Street was so thick that it was impossible to take
the men through it.
Later, at 3.30 in the afternoon, Lieut.-Colonel Dawson received
orders to collect all available men of the 1st and 4th South African
Infantry, and take them up to the Strand and northern boundary of
the wood. With about 160 men he set off on his desperate errand
shortly after 4 P.M. On the way he met some officers, who reported
that the whole of the garrison had been virtually annihilated.
Accordingly he left his men in the old German trenches south-west of
Longueval, and went off to find out how matters stood. Disorganised
parties of men, their nerves sorely jangled by the bombardment,
were streaming southwards through the village. When Lieut.-Colonel
Dawson discovered that some of the South Africans were still holding
out near Buchanan Street, he took his men into the village, and put
them in trenches just north of Dover Street on the right of the 26th
Brigade.
The crisis occurred about 6 P.M. By that time all Longueval north
of Clarges Street was lost except for a few keeps garrisoned by
Highlanders, but the gallant resistance of these posts proved of
the greatest possible value. The enemy held all the wood outside
the area occupied by Lieut.-Colonel Thackeray and his men, and the
line of Buchanan Street which was held by the Camerons. All day the
majority of the troops of the 26th Brigade had sheltered in the
trenches south of Clarges Street from the fiendish shelling. During
the worst spells, when nothing could be heard above the hideous din
of the screaming and crashing shells, the men cowered into the sides
of their trenches; but though wearied and exhausted they were full
of fight, and when a short lull came they peered eagerly over the
parapet hoping for a glimpse of the enemy on whom they might wreak
vengeance for the horror of the bombardment. If any man stood out
from his fellows that day, it was Lieut.-Colonel Gordon of the Black
Watch. By the sheer force of his masterful personality he controlled
the situation. After a brief consultation he and Lieut.-Colonel
Kennedy of the Seaforths decided that the time was ripe for a
counter-attack. A new line had been thrown forward along the railway
that ran from Guillemont into Longueval. Shortly before 6 P.M. this
line was reinforced by every available man from the Highland Brigade,
and the whole pressed forward towards Delville Wood; at the same
time, led by Lieut.-Colonel Duff, the Camerons swept westwards from
Buchanan Street. On clearing the main square, the Highlanders saw the
field-grey ranks of the enemy emerging from the south-west corner
of the wood. For all who took part in that attack this was the most
thrilling moment of the war. For the space of a single second both
sides hesitated, so dramatic was the meeting, and then from the left
of the 26th line came the rousing command, “Forward, boys!” and the
Highlanders surged on like an irresistible wave. The Germans wavered,
fired a few shots, and bolted into the shelter of Delville, refusing
to face a force that was less than a fourth of their own strength.
Carried away by the impetuosity of this magnificent charge, many of
the Highlanders heedlessly followed the enemy far into the thicket,
where many a brave man, marked on the casualty lists as “missing,”
met his fate in a lonely scuffle with the Germans.
It was then that the quality of control and discipline was most
needed. The whole value of the counter-attack would have been lost
if the small force had pressed on into the wood; it would have
been surrounded and cut off by the overwhelming numbers of the
foe. Between them, Lieut.-Colonels Gordon and Kennedy rallied and
reformed the men. Already they were in danger of being outflanked
and a machine-gun, which had been missed during the rush, was taking
heavy toll of their numbers from the rear. The Camerons, whose C.O.,
Lieut.-Colonel Duff, had been severely wounded during the _mêlée_,
fell back on Buchanan Street, and the remainder was brought back to
the line of Clarges Street and a trench to the immediate north of
the Church. This position was firmly held, and a supporting line on
the railway was formed. The attack so carefully planned by the enemy
had been broken, and though the Highlanders had been too few to
recapture Delville Wood, their timely charge had certainly maintained
our grasp on the village.
All this time the South Africans had maintained their position
against prodigious odds at the corner of Princes Street and Buchanan
Street. Lieut.-Colonel Dawson did all that was possible to assist
them; he sent up reinforcements, ammunition, rations, and stores,
and towards midnight he went up to Lieut.-Colonel Thackeray’s H.Q.
Every yard of the mangled wood bore plain traces of the desperate
fighting that it had witnessed. “Devil’s Wood” it was called by our
men, and that was the correct name. The South African H.Q. were
full of wounded, and there were no men available to take them away.
During the evening the remnants of the South Africans took over
Buchanan Street from the Camerons, who were required to reinforce the
Clarges Street line. That night was a trying and anxious time for
Lieut.-Colonel Thackeray; his forces were small in number and were
utterly spent. Three times the Germans came on in force, but were
repulsed with heavy losses.
Our hold on southern Longueval was strengthened during the night by
battalions of the 27th Brigade. After the relief was complete, the
Clarges Street line on the left was held by the 9th Scottish Rifles,
a company of the 18th H.L.I., and a company of the 6th K.O.S.B.;
three companies of the Borderers formed a flank along Pall Mall, and
the 12th Royal Scots occupied the old German front line from Pall
Mall to the west.
By the evening of the 18th July, General Furse had drawn up his plans
for a counter-attack. The force to be employed consisted of the 53rd
Brigade, which had been placed under his command. After 7.30 P.M.,
as it was clear that the Germans occupied all the wood east of
Buchanan Street and north of Princes Street, a barrage was placed
on it east and north of these rides. The 19th Durham Light Infantry
were placed under the orders of Brig.-General Ritchie, and were
instructed to secure the southern portion of the wood at 12.30 A.M.
on the 19th July, but owing to the shelling, the darkness, and the
unfamiliarity of the D.L.I. with the main features of the village,
this operation was postponed until 6.15 in the morning, when the
attack was delivered by the 53rd Brigade under a H.E. barrage. Owing
to delays, the infantry did not begin to advance until 7.30 A.M.,
but they succeeded in clearing the wood south of Princes Street. In
this operation the 53rd was effectively assisted by Lieut.-Colonel
Thackeray’s men, who kept up a destructive fire on the Germans. For
some unknown reason the 53rd Brigade failed to relieve the South
Africans, though it was asked to do so by the 26th Brigade.
This was the last operation directed by General Furse against
Delville Wood, and on the night of the 19th July the relief of the
Division commenced. The remnants of the 26th on relief by the 8th
Brigade (Third Division) withdrew to Carnoy, and next day marched
farther back to the sand-pits near Meaulte. The 27th was relieved by
the 95th Brigade (Fifth Division), and moved first to Talus Boise and
then to the Citadel. On the night of the 18th all the South Africans,
except those under Lieut.-Colonel Thackeray’s command, were withdrawn
to Happy Valley. Not until the evening of the 20th was this valiant
little detachment relieved, when Lieut.-Colonel Thackeray with two
wounded officers and 140 men moved out to Talus Boise, rejoining next
day the fragments of the brigade at Happy Valley. With the exception
of the artillery,[47] the whole of the Division was relieved on the
morning of the 20th July, on which date General Furse handed over the
command of the sector to the G.O.C., Third Division.
The work of all the R.A.M.C. personnel and the regimental
stretcher-bearers during the battle was worthy of the highest
commendation. The conditions, especially from the 14th, were
appalling, perpetual and ghastly shell-fire, an unceasing stream of
wounded, and atrocious roads. In spite of all these difficulties
the casualties were evacuated with wonderful rapidity, while the
heroism and endurance of doctors and stretcher-bearers were almost
beyond belief. Instances of the former squatting in shell-holes and
dressing their patients under a murderous fire were innumerable. But,
indeed, in the work of all men wearing the Red Cross the spirit of
self-sacrifice shone at its brightest. The succouring of the wounded
is an instinct with the British soldier, and there is no case known
in the whole Army of a stretcher-bearer ever shirking his duty. More
than once in the course of the cruel struggle, the shelling was so
intense that it seemed impossible to rescue the wounded, but men
were always ready to risk their lives (and in many cases they lost
them) to bring their comrades in. When all were most exhausted, the
work became most severe. From the 18th July, the arduous labour of
dressing and evacuating the cases was a continuous strain, everyone
working at the highest tension. The wounded who were left behind,
when the Division moved out, it was beyond the power of anyone
to reach; they lay in the area recaptured by the enemy in his
counter-blow.
Throughout the action the work of the Sappers and Pioneers reached
its usual standard; no higher praise than this could be desired.
Apart from assisting the infantry to consolidate the captured
positions and construct strong points, they had to keep roads in
repair. Even in the summer of 1916 the roadways in the Somme area
could scarcely cope with the enormous traffic that passed over them.
For instance, the Maricourt-Montauban road, which was constantly
used, was only fit for horse transport, though twenty tons of road
metal were put on it daily by the Division. In the forward areas, the
imperturbable manner in which Sappers and Pioneers worked under the
heaviest fire aroused the sincere admiration of the infantry; they
seemed to be men without nerves. Their losses were extremely heavy,
a serious matter, as skilled men were not too numerous. The C.R.E.,
Lieut.-Colonel Barnardiston, was wounded on the 17th July and his
place was taken by Major G. R. Hearn of the 64th Field Company.
The ordinary duties of the A.S.C. and the transport were attended
with considerable risk, as the few roads were continually searched
by artillery-fire. Not a night passed without its story of narrow
escapes or of losses suffered. From the moment that the First Line
Transport left its lines with stores and rations, the men knew that
for several hours they had to run the gauntlet. The rugged, weird
beauty of the shell-torn country, lit up fantastically by the gleam
of the belching guns, escaped the eyes of men guiding their limbers
round the edge of shell-holes and listening uneasily for the first
signs of a hostile “strafe.” In spite of the greatest skill in
timing a dash through the worst areas, the transport of most of the
battalions suffered grievously, especially on the nights of the 17th
and 18th. The Argylls were particularly unlucky, for on the latter
date their Quartermaster, Lieut. W. R. Weller, and their Transport
Officer, 2nd Lieut. K. D. Thomson, were killed. Throughout the
whole period, however, no battalion failed to receive its rations
and stores—a very creditable fact, considering the severity of the
fighting.
The attack on Longueval and Delville Wood will rank as one of the
greatest examples of the fine fighting qualities of the Division. The
operation was undertaken against a brave and alert foe, and had for
its object positions that formed the pivot of the enemy’s defensive
system. The element of surprise, that made the capture of Montauban a
comparatively easy matter, was lacking on the 14th July; the Germans
expected an onset and were prepared for it. When all these things are
considered, the marvel is that the Division was able to accomplish
as much as it did. And the full magnitude of the achievement was
probably not realised for some time; for not till more than a month
later were the Germans driven from their last defences in Longueval
and Delville Wood. Where failure was recorded, as in the case of the
attacks on the northern part of the village, the melancholy roll of
the killed and wounded was the monument of the devotion with which
the men had attempted to do more than men could do. Out of a total
of barely 3000, the 27th Brigade lost 81 officers and 2033 men, and
the great majority of the killed and missing, 569 in all, left their
bones in the blood-soaked undergrowth of the orchards of Longueval.
But even more remarkable than the dour resolution, with which the
battle was carried on, was the extraordinary capacity for endurance
displayed by the men in holding on to their gains. In France, the
most difficult part of an attack was not the winning of an objective
but the keeping of it after it was gained. The Germans knew all about
the art of war. Their counter-stroke on the 18th July was admirably
planned and skilfully carried out, and it was made when the Division
was at its weakest. Never did the Ninth rise to greater heights.
Here and there under a hellish bombardment a few dazed men straggled
back, but the great majority of them stood their ground. The defence
of Delville Wood by Lieut.-Colonel Thackeray’s small band rightly
takes its place as one of the classic feats of the war. But though
less well known, the charge of the Highlanders that saved Longueval
when a serious disaster seemed inevitable, is an achievement that
ought to secure a lasting place in our military annals. Not merely
does it illustrate the unflinching courage of the Highlanders of
the 26th Brigade, but it is a brilliant example of the value of a
prompt counter-attack boldly carried out by even a few men against a
resolute and numerous enemy.
Throughout the battle the unflagging support of the artillery had
been of the greatest assistance. The ideas of Brig.-General Tudor
had been triumphantly vindicated by the events of the action, and
the enthusiasm of the infantry for the H.E. barrage was the best
justification of his methods.
In the three weeks’ fighting the Division lost 314 officers and 7303
other ranks. The figures represent about 50 per cent. of its strength
and considerably more than that of the infantry. But it had not
fought in vain; it had retained nearly all that it had captured, and
when it was withdrawn from the battle, it had established its name as
one of the hardest fighting divisions in France.
For its work it was generously commended by General Sir H.
Rawlinson.[48] But most of all the men cherished the tribute of
their own leader, General Furse, on 21st July:—“The Ninth Division
is being withdrawn from the battle line. It has played a conspicuous
and honourable part in one of the greatest battles in the world’s
history. We may all of us with justice be proud of having served in
the Division during the past three weeks.
“From the bottom of my heart I want to thank you all—officers,
N.C.Os. and men, for all you have done during these weeks of
strenuous fighting.
“The demands made on all branches of the Division have been great,
and right well have they been answered.
“The infantry, Highlanders, Lowlanders, and South Africans, have as
usual had to bear the most continuous strain. To sustain appalling
and continuous shell-fire, to try to dig for themselves trenches
amongst the fallen trees and through the roots of Bernafay and
Delville Woods, to suffer heavy casualties amongst their comrades and
friends, to go on day and night for a week or more without any relief
and with only snatches of disturbed sleep, to bear all the time the
stern responsibility of being the guardians of the very pivot of
the Commander-in-Chief’s manœuvre, and to maintain throughout, as
they have done, an uncomplaining resolution, a cheerful bearing—for
all this, we who have had other work to do offer the infantry our
wholehearted admiration and thanks.
“And the infantry, I am sure, will be the first to recognise the
continuous assistance they have received from the artillery, who have
been working at the highest pressure day and night since the 24th
June, and are still in the line, as also from the Engineers and from
the Pioneers, whose skilful help has always been at hand.
“Equally deserving our gratitude are the Surgeons and their untiring
assistants, including the Chaplains, for the care they have given
to the wounded without thought for their own safety; and none of us
will easily forget all the difficulties overcome by the Supply and
Transport Services.
“Lastly, I would thank the brigadiers and their staffs—and the
various members of my own staff—for their zealous and efficient work,
which has had so much to say to the successes we have gained. Nor do
I forget the Signal Service—that invaluable and hard-worked channel
of orders and reports.
“We shall miss with lasting regret the many comrades and friends we
have lost, but they with you, thank God, have won fresh honours for
the Ninth Division and success for our arms.”
When the Division left the battle line it was only the skeleton of
what it had been on the 1st July, but as the enemy had employed no
fewer than three first-rate divisions against it, one may assume[49]
that his losses had been more numerous. This seemed to indicate that
the intentions of Sir Douglas Haig were being fulfilled. Episodes
such as the costly fighting in Longueval were inevitable in a
battle of this magnitude, but in this case more might have been
achieved with a greater economy of lives had it not been for the
anxiety of the Fourth Army to prevent the programme of the British
Commander-in-Chief being affected by delay. Its insistence on the
necessity of securing Longueval at once did not allow General Furse
a free hand to deal with the situation, and as it turned out, the
attempt to rush matters was a spendthrift policy, and actually
resulted in losing instead of saving time.
With the opening of the Battle of the Somme there was a noticeable
change in the attitude of the men. They now realised the full
seriousness and gravity of the business that they had undertaken, and
they no longer entered into battle with the exuberant optimism that
had filled the men at Loos with the belief that they could sweep away
the defences of Germany at one blow. Their confidence was unshaken
and their belief in ultimate victory assured, but if the Somme became
for the enemy a Gehenna, it was also a supreme trial and test for the
soldiers of the British Empire.
CHAPTER VII
THE BUTTE DE WARLENCOURT
OCTOBER 1916
After being withdrawn from the battle, the Division was allowed a
reasonable interval in which to heal its wounds. The last few days
in the Somme area brought a much-appreciated rest. All Picardy
glowed under a mellow sun, and in the glorious summer weather it
was no hardship to sleep in bivouacs. The forenoons were given over
to training and the replacement of kit; the “Q” Branches and the
Ordnance Staffs were kept busy making good the losses in equipment
and material. In the broad lagoons of the Somme near Bray were
magnificent bathing-places, to which the men were taken every day,
and here there was an element of danger, for the current was strong,
and a swimmer usually emerged from the river about a hundred yards
from the spot at which he had entered.
Small drafts began to arrive to fill up gaps; all battalions were
very weak in officers, and a company that had more than two was
decidedly well off. Fortunately most of the commanding officers
had escaped. In the 26th Brigade there were several changes;
Lieut.-Colonel Tweedie of the Argylls had been wounded, and, though
he remained at duty for some time, he was obliged finally to enter
hospital, and he was succeeded by Lieut.-Colonel Kennedy of the
Seaforths on the 3rd August. Lieut.-Colonel R. Horn was appointed
C.O. of the Seaforths, and Lieut.-Colonel H. R. Brown of the
Camerons. In the 27th Brigade the command of the 12th Royal Scots
passed to Lieut.-Colonel H. N. S. Fargus on the 23rd July. Most of
the changes occurred in the South African Brigade. The 2nd South
African Infantry had lost all its senior officers, and Major Heal of
the 1st assumed command until he was relieved at the end of August
1916 by Lieut.-Colonel Christian from England. Major D. M. MacLeod
of the South African Scottish was wounded on the 17th July, and his
place was taken by Major D. R. Hunt. Lieut.-Colonel Thackeray had
been wounded, but happily not seriously enough to cause his removal
to hospital.
On the 23rd July the Division left the Somme district, and moved
to the IX. Corps area, with D.H.Q. at Pont Remy. Most of this long
journey was performed on foot under a broiling sun and over dusty
roads, so that the march was extremely fatiguing. Two days later the
Ninth was transferred to the IV. Corps[50] of the First Army,[51]
and this move brought it into the centre of industrial France. For a
few days units were concentrated in the large mining town of Bruay,
where an enjoyable time was spent. The men had luxurious hot-spray
baths at the mines, and changes of clothing; there were also numerous
first-rate concerts and other entertainments, where leisure could be
passed easily and agreeably. In a short time, however, units were
sent out to country billets in the neighbourhood, where greater
facilities for training were available. The 27th Brigade was
particularly fortunate, for its area included a deep quarry full of
water near Beugin, where all could indulge in bathing and swimming.
The Division, though no unit was yet up to strength, had almost
recovered from its severe handling, when the 26th Brigade took over
the trenches on the Vimy Ridge from the Thirty-seventh Division on
the evening of the 12th August. Two nights later, the 27th Brigade
occupied the line on the left of the 26th. D.H.Q. were established at
Camblain L’Abbé, where they remained during the period the Ninth was
at Vimy Ridge. The entire country in the divisional area was hilly
and undulating, the most prominent feature being the Vimy Ridge,
running north and south. It had been the scene of ghastly fighting
in the early summer of 1915, and though the German lines lay along
the crest of the ridge, our men gleaned some idea of the splendid
fighting qualities that had carried their brave ally through the
demolished villages of Carency and Souchez, and far up the western
slopes. The best blood of France had watered the whole area, and it
was with great reluctance that the French handed over the sector to
the British. One of the communication trenches had been named after
a famous regiment that had then played a proud and honourable part
in the attack, and, when rumours were afloat that the Germans had
retaken the ridge, some men of that regiment visited the area to
ascertain the position. They were undeniably cheered and relieved to
learn that the rumours were false, and that their British comrades
kept a firm hold on all that had been entrusted to them.
The line taken over was divided into the Berthonval sector on the
right, and the Carency sector on the left. In the former, the
opposing trenches lay far apart—at no point being closer than 70
yards—except for saps; in the latter, those on the far left were
almost touching each other, and a man could throw a bomb into the
enemy’s trench without difficulty. The whole front was fringed with
craters, which on the left were so numerous that they practically
merged into one another. Where the line cut them were the most
critical posts; here were the gates for an enterprising foe eager to
secure prisoners. The trenches were not too salubrious, since many
of the French dead had been buried in their walls or floor, and the
usual work had to be done nightly and daily by infantry, sappers, and
pioneers to make them substantial. In one part the sand-bags, full of
rough pieces of chalk, had been thrown up in such haphazard fashion
that the parapets appeared likely to collapse if a man sneezed.
However, after a few weeks’ hard toil there was a marked improvement.
From our position a magnificent view extended towards the north,
and it was significant of the tendency of the British Army at this
time to work in water-tight compartments, that the division on the
left never sent observers to our lines, and yet from there the best
observation could be had.
[Illustration: ABLAIN ST. NAZAIRE, NOTRE DAME AND VIMY RIDGE]
Though all seemed to live on the edge of acute suspense because of
the constant mining carried on by both sides, the stay at the Vimy
was singularly uneventful. The approaches to the line were in very
good order, and reliefs were carried out in daylight. A communication
trench, cut right through the valley, emerged on the western slopes
of the ridge out of sight of the enemy. Its official name was Cabaret
Rouge, but “The Never-ending Road,” the title given to it by the men,
was a better description, for it took one over two hours to traverse
it from end to end. As there was practically no shelling of the
communication trenches and back roads, the transport and carrying
parties had a fairly easy and secure time.
Matters livened up in the sector after the Divisional Artillery[52]
had registered, but the enemy appeared to be husbanding his
ammunition, and contented himself with trench-mortar bombardments. He
stuck to fixed periods. It was remarked that one could wander about
peacefully in the sector during the day except between the hours of
2 and 4 P.M.—the time of the trench-mortar interlude. The type used
was the “rum-jar”—a huge, unwieldy shell that was thrown high into
the air—and a man was absolutely safe if he used his eyes and wits.
Sentries with whistles kept a lookout, and when a mortar was on the
way a whistle-blast gave warning. On such occasions it was easy to
distinguish the newcomers from the old hands. On hearing the blast
the latter placidly looked up, ascertained where the mortar was
likely to land, and acted accordingly; but the former stampeded in
a panic for any sort of shelter, content so long as it would cover
their heads. After a few experiences, however, most men learned to
trust to their eyes and their judgment; for no dug-out, unless it
was exceptionally deep, was proof against a trench mortar. A shorter
“strafe” took place in the evenings, between six and seven. The
officers of one mess, compelled to have dinner in the open, owing to
lack of accommodation, often had that meal interrupted, and it was
not an uncommon sight to see them leave a course and rush for safety.
The disagreeable element during this period was furnished by the
weather. From the end of August scarcely a day passed without
much rain, and thus there was the usual constant struggle to keep
the trenches from being flooded. There was a grave suspicion, too,
that enemy mines were perilously close to our parapet. One curious
incident happened. At 10.20 A.M. on the 19th August, the enemy
exploded a small mine on the front of the 27th Brigade. Three sappers
of the 90th Field Coy. were thrown into the crater caused by the
explosion, two being killed, and one buried up to the neck in the
débris. Some of the Germans were also buried, and an informal truce
was observed while the stretcher-bearers of both sides dug out their
comrades. The G.O.C., who was going round the line at the time, ran
a narrow escape, as he had just passed the area affected by the
explosion. There were however more alarms than events, and casualties
were exceptionally low. The customary routine for a battalion was
twelve days in the front system, six in brigade reserve, and six in
billets in divisional reserve, when a good deal of training could be
carried on. While the South Africans were at Frevillers on the 11th
August, H.M. the King passed through the village, and dismounting
from his car, walked along their ranks.
Apart from trench mortars, the chief thrills were provided by sniping
and raids. The prince of snipers dwelt in the Carency sector, and was
affectionately known amongst the men as “Cuthbert.” He was a deadly
shot, and destroyed an enormous number of our periscopes. No man
dared show a finger when Cuthbert was on duty; he was never known to
miss, so naturally he was the chief object of our snipers’ efforts.
Numerous posts were erected for his benefit, but no sooner were they
ready than Cuthbert sent a few bullets through the loopholes. At last
one was constructed that escaped his notice. Too much success had
made him careless; he rose from his lair and stretched his arms. That
was sufficient. With his disappearance our snipers had it all their
own way.
The raids engineered in this sector met with fair success. On two
occasions parties of the 12th Royal Scots and of the “Rifles”
penetrated the hostile lines but failed to secure prisoners; the
former had the satisfaction of killing a few Germans, but the
latter found the trenches deserted by the garrison. The biggest
capture of prisoners was made by the South Africans. At 4 A.M. on
the 14th September, 2 officers and 60 men of the 2nd South African
Infantry entered the enemy’s trenches under cover of an artillery
barrage; they killed at least 12 and brought back 5 prisoners. The
only casualties were 2 wounded, one of whom unfortunately had to
be left in the German lines. On the evening of the 16th September
a successful raid was carried out by the Black Watch and Camerons,
and on this occasion the Highlanders satisfied the desire of the
G.O.C. for an identification by bringing back a prisoner, but at
least 50 had fallen victim to their blood-lust. This last raid was
carried out under a Stokes barrage, so terrific that dozens of the
enemy were killed, and the remainder paralysed with fright. All the
Stokes Guns in the Division had been collected for the operation,
and in forty-five minutes they fired 9000 shells, which completely
obliterated the opposing front trenches. At one time the 26th Brigade
was marked out for something more ambitious than a raid; for the
First Army desired to push the enemy off the crest before winter set
in, but the scheme was postponed, possibly because it would have used
up troops that were needed for the Somme.
On leaving the Vimy Ridge on the 25th September the Division, after
moving first to a training area under the Third Army, joined the
III. Corps[53] of the Fourth Army, and on the 9th October the 26th
and South African Brigades relieved the Forty-seventh Division in
the line near Eaucourt L’Abbaye. The move was made chiefly by route
march over wretched roads and in vile weather, but for a portion of
the distance buses were available. The 27th Brigade had a trying
experience. At 8 A.M. on a chill October morning, all the men were
lined up on a road near Barly, waiting for the buses, which did not
arrive until 3 o’clock in the afternoon, with the result that units
reached the terminus in inky darkness, and some of them had then to
march a long distance to their billets.
The Lewis Gunners had a most unenviable time. Battalions had now been
supplied with 10 guns, each with its mounting and 44 magazines, each
of which contained 49 cartridges. There were also bags with spare
parts, gloves for firing the guns when they were hot, jackets[54]
for carrying them, and hyposcopes, so that the gun could be fired
without the firer being seen. For the carriage of all this material
hand-carts had been provided in June, but they proved utterly useless
except on good roads, and they imposed an intolerable strain on
the men who pulled them. All the units altered these carts so that
they could be drawn by mules, but even so they were unsatisfactory
and broke down continually. When the Somme was reached, so was the
limit of endurance. The whole drainage system of the country had
been smashed by months of shelling, and the roads, poor at their
best, seemed to have no bottom; the ruins of whole villages were
thrown into them, but even that never appeared to make them any
firmer. The battalions of the 27th Brigade will never forget the
march from Lavièville to Mametz Wood. It was plain sailing as far
as the vicinity of Fricourt Wood. At this point the path lay along
the eastern edge of the wood, but the carts and mules sank deep in
mud, and had to be hauled out and dragged along by the sweating and
blasphemous teams. This harassing process continued until the carts
were eventually parked in the transport lines on a tableland on the
east side of Mametz Wood. One unit found the zigzag path to this
tableland completely blocked by an artillery horse which had fallen
and could not be persuaded to rise. The men were tired and hungry and
not relishing the prospect of a lengthy wait, they hauled the carts
and mules one by one up the face of a precipice and so reached the
transport lines.
In other theatres the outstanding event was the entry of Roumania
on the 27th August as a belligerent on the side of the Entente.
This event, which was greeted with boisterous and undignified
jubilation in France and Britain, was regarded as a decisive blow
to the Central European Powers, but the tribulation that the
immediate future brought upon Roumania seemed to indicate that an
exaggerated estimate had been placed on its worth and services.
The grievances of the Roumanians in Transylvania and Hungary, the
ostensible cause of war, led logically to an invasion of the former
province; and this campaign would have had a greater effect on the
war than the narrow aims of Italy, had it not been for the gross
ineptitude and short-sighted selfishness of Russia, whose overtures
and representations had the most weight in bringing the little Balkan
state into the field.
In 1915 Russia had been precluded from invading Bulgaria by the
neutrality of Roumania, whose territory interposed an obstacle and
whose declaration of war now gave her an opportunity of turning the
situation in the Balkans in favour of the Entente. But Roumania was
allowed to prosecute her campaign single-handed, and after a few
initial successes had to meet powerful and well-equipped German
forces under Von Falkenhayn and Von Mackensen. The ability of Germany
to send a strong army to the Balkans was a disagreeable surprise to
the Western Allies, and showed that our offensive on the Somme was
not so menacing as official bulletins and press accounts had led us
to believe, and that our calculations of German losses were probably
greatly over-estimated. The effect of this intervention soon made
itself felt; the Roumanians, opposed and outnumbered, were compelled
to fall back, but their resistance was neither discreditable nor
negligible, and belated help from Russia, if generously given
and seriously intended, would have endangered the flanks of Von
Falkenhayn and perhaps have exercised a decisive influence on the
war. But only the most grudging and limited support was given, and
though an offensive from Salonica under General Sarrail detained
three Bulgarian divisions and eventually led to the recapture of
Monastir, the Roumanians were pressed back by the 10th October to the
borders of Moldavia.
More than two months had elapsed since the Division fought at
Longueval, and in this period continuous hammering had brought the
British forces far into the enemy’s territory. The greater part of
the ridge from Thiepval to Combles was now in our hands, and the
Germans had been pushed back to their fourth system of defences. With
good weather the speedy fall of Bapaume might be reckoned on. On
the front taken over by us, the principal feature was the Butte de
Warlencourt, a mound of chalk about 50 feet high, which stood at the
far end of the spur that ran from the main ridge through Flers, and
was flanked by the tree-lined Albert-Bapaume road. North-east of this
the ground sloped into a depression, which led into the valley of the
Ancre, and beyond it lay a spur running from the road towards Morval,
on which the enemy had his fourth position.
Behind the British front line lay the vast waste of wilderness
created by three months of savage warfare. Its general colour scheme
was a dull uniform grey, which changed to a dingy yellow when the
sun shone. The whole area was covered with the débris of battle and
of camps, but worst of all, from Mametz Wood to the front line were
scattered fragments of corpses and a heavy fetid odour pervaded the
atmosphere. The work of burying the dead was a slow process and even
in Mametz Wood, which had been in our hands for two months, the 27th
Brigade found a number of British and German dead still uninterred.
The entire area was intersected by rutted roads, which even in fine
weather could barely stand the stupendous amount of traffic that
passed over them in a never-ending stream. Every available man of the
27th Brigade, which was in divisional reserve, worked daily repairing
them, but all the labour served only to keep them passably decent,
and when the weather broke down, almost superhuman efforts were
required to keep them from collapsing altogether.
The line held by the 26th Brigade on the right, and the South
Africans on the left, lay to the north of the Abbey of Eaucourt. On
the 7th October the Forty-seventh Division had made an unsuccessful
attack, but had established posts in front of its line. The Ninth
joined up these posts and formed them into a new front line and a
starting-point for fresh operations. These were notified on the 9th
October, and the chief object of the attack, which was entrusted
to the Ninth and Thirtieth Divisions, was to clear the Butte de
Warlencourt. The objectives of the Ninth were two; first, Snag and
Tail Trenches, and second, the trench lying to the far side of the
Butte de Warlencourt, including the mound itself. Zero was fixed
for 2.50 P.M., and the attack was to be covered by a creeping H.E.
barrage, moving at the rate of 50 yards a minute.[55] The left flank
was to be covered by a smoke-screen, which the Fifteenth Division was
to put down between Le Sars and Warlencourt. To deceive the foe, a
“Chinese Attack”[56] was arranged for the 11th October.
[Illustration: BUTTE DE WARLENCOURT]
Brig.-General Ritchie’s plan was to attack with the 7th Seaforths,
supported by two companies of the Argylls and a section of the
26th L.T.M.B. The former, with two companies in line, each on a
two-platoon front, was to advance in four waves. The assault was
to be supported by Vickers Guns; one section was to follow the
Seaforths, another the Argylls, and a third was to garrison the
original front and support lines, the remaining section being in
reserve. The arrangements of Brig.-General Lukin were on similar
lines. The assault was to be made by the 2nd South African
Infantry, supported by the South African Scottish. Each battalion
was to form up in four waves, with two waves of carriers. On the
afternoon of the 11th, the “Chinese Attack” caused several hostile
machine-guns to unmask their positions and these were reported to the
artillery.
Both brigades were formed up early in the afternoon of the 12th
October, apparently without arousing the enemy’s suspicion. In a
drizzle of rain the attack was launched. One minute after zero the
enemy[57] replied with a heavy barrage, which cut all the telephone
wires and broke off communication between Brigade H.Q. and the
assaulting battalions. From that moment obscurity reigned, and for
a long time the only reports received by the Division came from the
Artillery and the Royal Flying Corps. At the early hour of 2.34
P.M. the former announced that our men had failed to reach the
first objective, but a rumour at 3.20 P.M. that some of our men had
been seen on the Butte and to the right of it raised hopes that the
assailants had overcome their difficulties. Whatever truth there was
in that report, it was certain at 8.50 P.M. that the attack on the
front both of the Ninth and Thirtieth Divisions had failed, though it
was not till later that definite information was received.
At the very start the Seaforths had suffered some casualties by
occasional shells from our own guns, which fell into the assembly
trenches, and when the barrage became intensive the number of
“short” shells increased. The difficulties in the way of artillery
observation were immense and as there were many scratches of trenches
that were not marked on the map, it was not surprising that during
the various actions fought near the Butte the infantry frequently
complained that they were being shelled by their own artillery.[58]
The first objective lay several hundreds of yards from our front
line, and the ground, which rose from our position in a gentle slope,
formed a magnificent field of fire for rifles and machine-guns.
The leading waves of the Seaforths advanced in perfect order, but
they were swept away by a blast of lead. The supporting companies
of the Argylls became involved in the disaster and a mixed party of
Argylls and Seaforths dug in on a line about 150 yards in front of
our original line. The others struggled back to their own trenches in
the course of the evening. The new line was held and strengthened,
and the front trenches were taken over by the Argylls. The supporting
sections from the machine-gun company and the L.T.M.B. were both
knocked out by the enemy’s barrage before they could leave the
trenches.
A similar series of misfortunes fell to the lot of the South
Africans. The attack simply melted away before the enemy’s scathing
fire and the South Africans were seriously disorganised. Not until
the morning of the 13th was the situation fully cleared up, when it
was discovered that a party of 60 with 2 officers had dug in close to
Snag Trench. It was impossible to reach this force during daylight,
but it was safely withdrawn under cover of darkness on the night of
the 13th October.
The attack broke down, because the artillery had failed to demolish
the enemy’s trenches and machine-guns; the barrage, though heavy,
was inaccurate, as was proved by the air photographs received after
the action. The whole operation was a rush, and was carried out in
spite of a strong protest by General Furse to the Corps and Army
Commanders. Since it was important that we should secure the Bapaume
Ridge before winter set in, he urged that a premature attack which
ended in failure would waste much more time than would be expended
in preparations to insure success, and he suggested that the attack
should be postponed for twenty-four or forty-eight hours to give his
men the chance of really localising the enemy by reconnaissance,
in order that the gunners might have no doubt whatever as to the
position of our infantry and that of the enemy.
No further operation on a big scale took place until the 18th
October. The intervening period was blessed with good weather, and
more advanced positions were dug to form a new starting-point. In
front of the South African lines, and on the left of the Snag Trench,
was a small mound, called the Pimple, which was believed to be
occupied by the enemy, as it appeared to be the key to the trench.
Brig.-General Lukin was instructed to send out a strong patrol to
seize this point, and on the night of the 13th October a party of the
3rd South African Infantry went out and reconnoitred it. It found the
Pimple unoccupied, but returned so late that there was no time before
dawn to send out a force to garrison it. However, on the evening of
the 14th October, a strong force under Captain L. F. Sprenger, who
later was wounded, went out and captured it. No serious endeavour
was made to dispute our possession of the Pimple, but when the South
Africans moved along from it and attempted to expel the enemy from
the junction of Snag and Tail Trenches, which was known as the Nose,
they were driven back by machine-gun fire. Later on in the evening
the Germans tried in vain to recapture the Pimple, which was further
strengthened by being linked up with the South African lines. The
position, commanding an admirable view right up to the Butte, formed
an ideal place for machine-guns and from it numerous losses were
inflicted on enemy working-parties.
Orders for the operation on the 18th October were received from the
Corps on the 14th, but the hope of taking the Butte at a stride was
abandoned and the objective became the Snag Trench. On the right the
attack was to be carried on by the Thirtieth Division. General Furse
again entrusted the operation to the 26th and South African Brigades.
The Camerons, with four companies in line, each on a platoon front,
were to lead the 26th Brigade attack, supported by a company of
the 8th Black Watch and a section of the machine-gun company. The
Stokes mortars were to co-operate with the artillery in barraging the
enemy’s front line. On the left front the leading battalion was the
1st South African Infantry, with three companies in line, each on a
platoon front, the fourth being in support, and a company of the 3rd
South African Infantry in reserve. The hour of zero was 3.40 A.M.
By this date the fine weather had broken down and the attack began in
a deluge of rain. Early information was received from the Camerons
that they had reached their objective, but great uncertainty
prevailed for a time as to the fate of the South Africans. It soon
became known that the left half of their attack had been repulsed,
but no news came about the right half. At 9.30 A.M. it was learned
that a few men of the right company of the 1st South African
Infantry had joined hands with the Camerons, who were in touch with
a battalion of the Thirtieth Division on the right. Elsewhere the
assault had failed.
The Camerons, carrying out their part with great dash, kept close
to the barrage and entered the German trench as soon as it lifted.
Except for some machine-gun fire from the left, resistance was
slight and the garrison of the trench fled precipitately to the Gird
Line. Blocks were immediately constructed on the right and left and
held by bombers. About fifteen minutes after the capture, the enemy
counter-attacked with bombs and forced his way in on the right, but
the Camerons, immediately retaliating, killed a large number of the
assailants and drove the remainder off in confusion. During this
action a Stokes Gun team rendered great assistance by putting down
a barrage on the Germans.[59] On the left the Camerons got into
touch with a Lewis Gun team of the 1st South African Infantry, but
could obtain no information concerning the rest of the battalion.
In the afternoon about 300 Saxons were seen to be massing as if
for a counter-attack. At once the S.O.S. was sent up and the men
in field-grey, peppered with bullets and shell-fire, broke up in
disorder and scrambled for shelter. Early in the evening, about 5.30
P.M., the enemy made still another attempt. A party of them left the
Gird Trench and, moving round to the left flank, endeavoured to expel
the Camerons by a bombing attack, but the garrison had received due
warning and easily checked the onset with a Lewis Gun. During the
night a company of the 9th Seaforths arrived and dug a communication
trench from the old front line to Snag Trench.
The Lewis Gun detachment of the South Africans on the left of the
Camerons proved to be the only section of the brigade that secured
the objective. The company on the left was held up by wire and came
under a withering machine-gun fire. All the officers having been
killed or wounded, the survivors were drawn back to their original
line. The fate of the other two companies was wrapped in obscurity,
and the bare fact is that, with the exception of the Lewis Gun post
and a few wounded, none of them ever returned. A wounded South
African reported that his comrades got into the German front trench,
which was full of dead and wounded, and it is probable that they
reached their objective, but, failing to recognise it as the trench
had been completely wrecked, had pushed on, only to perish through
machine-gun fire from the Butte.[60] A few stragglers made their way
back later in the day, bringing with them 19 prisoners.
On learning what had occurred, General Furse sent instructions for
another attack to be delivered at 5.45 P.M. The key of the German
position was the Nose, which was to be bombarded. The South Africans
were ordered to secure it and to establish a block about 500 yards
up the Tail, and as the Camerons had already extended their line
westwards they were in a position to assist the attack. Owing to
continuous heavy rain conditions were appalling. All firmness had
been soaked out of the ground, which became a sea of pewter-grey
ooze, and even the lightly-equipped runners sank with each step
beyond the knees in mud and took fully four hours to struggle over
1000 yards. The attack was entrusted to Lieut.-Colonel Dawson. He
arranged for the fourth company of his own battalion to attack from
the Pimple, while a company of the 3rd South African Infantry was to
enter Snag Trench east of the Nose and attack westwards. The assault
from the Pimple was made with bombs, but the trench leading to the
Nose dipped into a hollow which was commanded by machine-guns from
it. Beyond this point all advance was barred to the assailants. The
second party entered Snag Trench without difficulty and reached a
point within 25 yards of the Nose, but here the Germans were strongly
posted with three machine-guns in action and the advance came to a
halt. The South Africans then withdrew to their original trenches,
but later were ordered to reoccupy the Snag. This was done early on
the morning of the 19th and a block was established on the side of
the Nose.
Thus in spite of considerable progress the Division had been
unable to complete the whole of its job. The 26th Brigade had done
magnificently, but the Nose had defied all the strenuous efforts of
the South Africans, whose failure had been due to no lack of dash or
determination but solely to the dreadful conditions. Never did the
Division fight on a more grisly battlefield. The long muddy slope up
to the Butte was thickly strewn with British and German dead, and
in the more forward trenches corpses of all units lay sprawling,
wedged in by the slime that coated them. In the open near the Snag,
a long line of men of the London Division, each on his face, was
grim evidence of a gallant charge and the accuracy of the enemy’s
machine-gun fire. Here and there a body arrested attention by the
peculiar contortion of its attitude and served as a landmark to guide
runners on their way. The air was rank with the odour of death. To
eye, ear, and nose the whole place was repellant and it required
extraordinary strength of will even to appear cheerful amid such
ghastly surroundings.
For ten days the Highland and South African Brigades had held the
line and on the 18th October the G.O.C. instructed the 27th to take
over the whole position on the night of the 19th. Before the relief
commenced the mud-covered slope was again the scene of furious and
bitter encounters. Dawn ushered in a miserable day with torrents
of rain lashing down, and at 5.30 A.M. the Germans made a terrific
assault, using flammenwerfer. The Black Watch,[61] who had relieved
the Camerons during the night, met them in a desperate conflict.
The only weapons fit for use were bombs; rifles and machine-guns
were clogged with mud and could not be fired. The right company
easily held its own and repulsed the invaders. The greatest danger
came from the left, for on that flank the flammenwerfer caused much
havoc amongst the South Africans, most of whom were driven out of
Snag Trench, though a few moved eastwards and joined in with the
Highlanders. At their backs followed German bombers who inflicted
heavy casualties on the crowded troops, but a vigorous counter-attack
by men of the “red hackle” stopped the assailants and forced them
back for 40 yards. Captain Taylor of “B” Company hurried up from the
support trench to the front line, and grasping the situation made
arrangements for an attack. Bombing parties were organised and bombs
brought up. Fortunately 2nd Lieut. Gibson of the L.T.M.B. had one
Stokes Gun in good working order, and under its barrage the Black
Watch regained all their trenches and had even penetrated into the
South African sector by noon. The whole of the defences were then
reorganised, but the enemy did not venture again to tackle the Black
Watch.
The South Africans had been expelled from the Snag Trench by
flammenwerfer, which had inflicted most dreadful wounds. But the
Germans had not escaped without scathe; for in the operation they
exposed themselves to the machine-guns at the Pimple, which quickly
thinned out their ranks. After they were compelled by the Black
Watch to retire many took refuge near the Nose, but this point was
heavily bombarded by our gunners, and large numbers leaving the
trench darted in the direction of the Butte. Few of them reached
it; they were mowed down by the Vickers and Lewis Gun fire of the
Pimple garrison, commanded by Major Ormiston. Early in the afternoon
the South Africans sent forward a party to reoccupy the Snag and if
possible to secure the Nose. The first part of the scheme was easily
accomplished, but the tenacious machine-gunners ensconced in the
latter stopped all further progress. For some inscrutable reason
the wildest reports were sent back to D.H.Q. that the Nose had been
taken and that if only more bombs could be sent up the Butte could be
captured without difficulty. Such fallacious reports are extremely
dangerous; they may lead to the useless sacrifice of many lives. When
the relief of the South Africans began, General Furse was under the
impression that the Nose had been taken and he instructed the 27th
Brigade to exploit the success.
The relief on the night of the 19th October will never be forgotten
by any officer or man of the Ninth who took part in it. In the
forenoon under a soaking rain the units of the 27th Brigade marched
first to High Wood, and even there a man sank up to his ankles in
mud. The 6th K.O.S.B. and the 12th Royal Scots who were to take over
the left and the right fronts had a terrible time. The trial came as
soon as the communication trenches were entered. There seemed to be
absolutely no bottom in them and the men struggled along waist-deep
in mud. Darkness had fallen when they reached the trenches near
Eaucourt L’Abbaye and an intense hostile barrage added to the horror.
With devilish accuracy the shells pitched near the communication
trenches and many plunged right into them. Unspeakable was the fate
of any man who was badly wounded that night; he sank below the
mire and the men in the rear pressed on all unconscious that the
welcome firmness, which momentarily sustained them, was the body of
a comrade. Progress could be made only with the greatest exhaustion;
a yard seemed a mile. Every now and then the men had to halt for
a brief space, resting their elbows on the sides of the trench to
prevent their whole bodies being engulfed in the mud; without such
support it was fatal to stand still. It was not surprising that the
relief was not complete until 6 A.M. on the 20th October.
Many horrible tales were told about that relief, but no invention
could beggar the reality. Men with rifles and haversacks could
scarcely struggle on, but their lot was easy compared with that of
Vickers and Lewis Gun teams, whose guns had to be carried up and
also ammunition[62] for them. The magazines for the Lewis Guns were
taken in buckets, like nosebags, each holding four. The usual weight
for a man was two buckets, but that was a Herculean load on such a
night. Tales of distress reached the battalion H.Q. and parties with
ropes and spades set out to rescue stranded men. One Lewis gunner
of the 6th K.O.S.B. was so firmly embedded beyond the waist in mud
that when he was finally extricated with ropes both his ankles were
broken. The agonies endured by the Highlanders and South Africans
were indescribable. Parties of worn-out men coming down from the
front line threw themselves into any shell-hole, too tired to care
what happened to them, and it was a kind cruelty that drove them to
their feet and forced them on to some safer place. Many Highlanders
discarded their kilts as being too heavy, but indeed so glutinous
was the abundant mud that it was difficult to tell whether a man
wore a kilt or not. Some of the Black Watch dropped down exhausted
at the door of a dressing-station near High Wood, and their tunics
and equipment could not be removed in the ordinary way, but had to be
hacked off them before they could be revived.
After their purgatorial march the men of the 27th Brigade were unfit
to exploit any success, but the situation did not allow of any such
attempt as the 6th K.O.S.B. found when they reached the front line.
The enemy still held the Nose, and this was immediately reported
by Lieut.-Colonel Connell to Brig.-General Scrase-Dickins, who
immediately made arrangements for an attack to be delivered at 4 P.M.
Until that time the Tail and the Nose were to be bombarded and at
zero the 6th K.O.S.B. were to advance under cover of a barrage, which
was to lift 50 yards every time the infantry fired a green light.
The attack was to be from Snag Trench by bombing parties, but in the
event of this being checked another was to be delivered across the
open from the east by a support company an hour later. Lieut.-Colonel
Connell supplemented these instructions by ordering the company at
the Pimple to be ready to take advantage of these assaults. Both
attacks from the east were repulsed by the machine-guns at the Nose.
During these actions the garrison at the Pimple observing groups
of the enemy retiring from the Tail towards the Butte, inflicted
severe losses with machine-gun fire. At the same time, 2nd Lieut.
Johnson and a few men rushed across the open, drove out the enemy and
occupied the Nose. But the company commander, thinking that his men
were too few to hold the whole trench from the Pimple to the Nose,
evacuated the position. On hearing this, Brig.-General Scrase-Dickins
ordered the 11th Royal Scots in support to send a company to retake
the Nose and establish a post about 500 yards up the Tail, but
before it arrived the Nose was reoccupied by the 6th K.O.S.B. Under
the direction of Lieut.-Colonel Connell, who had gone to the Pimple
on learning of the evacuation, a party of the K.O.S.B. retook the
position and joined up with the company in Snag Trench. Later the
company of the 11th Royal Scots arrived and passed up the Tail, where
it established a post.
Thus on the night of the 20th October all the objectives of the
attack of the 18th were secured. Till the evening of the 24th October
the Division held the line and was busy strengthening its position
and digging new assembly trenches for an attack on the Butte. It was
the intention of the Corps to employ the Ninth in a battle that was
arranged for the 25th October. On General Furse’s representations
this arrangement was cancelled and the Division was relieved late
on the 24th.[63] Another engagement was indeed beyond the capacity
of the men. Though casualties were not so high, the nerve-strain
and fatigue were even greater than in July. More men were lost from
illness and exposure than from wounds and death, and the number of
cases of trench feet was exceptionally large. Many men on being
brought back from the mud of the line took off their boots to rub
their feet, which swelled to such an extent that they could not be
inserted in the boot again.
The work of the R.A.M.C., especially from the 18th October onwards,
was evilly affected by the conditions. A man too seriously wounded
to walk was in a piteous plight; he had to wait for several hours
until men were available to carry him to a dressing-station. The
usual number of men for a stretcher is two, but eight were scarcely
sufficient at the Butte de Warlencourt. It was perhaps inevitable
that in a place over which the tide of battle ebbed and flowed for
days and nights, a number of wounded should have been missed. For
several days after the Ninth took over the line not a few wounded
men of the London Division, the ghastly aftermath of an unsuccessful
attack, were brought in by patrols. Every man who could be spared was
sent to help the R.A.M.C. and the utmost efforts were made by the
Division to ensure that no wounded man was overlooked.
The action at the Butte de Warlencourt was the most dismal of all the
operations carried out by the Division, but it was ennobled by the
great qualities of endurance and heroism displayed by all who had a
share in it. In that waste of mud and water the ground captured,
though small in extent, represented no mean achievement. The Butte
remained impregnable, guarded by slime and weather, and it was not
till the enemy voluntarily evacuated the place that it was entered
and held by British troops. It may be questionable if the ground
gained was worth the cost, but the mud had proved a more powerful
ally of the adversary than had been expected.
CHAPTER VIII
ARRAS
NOVEMBER 1916 TO APRIL 1917
On the 23rd November the Division was transferred from the Fourth to
the Third Army, commanded by Sir Edmund Allenby. Most of the training
and reorganisation was carried out in the neighbourhood of St Pol,
and during this period several important changes in command took
place. On the 21st October, while the Ninth was still engaged at the
Somme, Brig.-General Scrase-Dickins was promoted to the command of
the Thirty-seventh Division. He had been somewhat unfortunate during
his career with the Ninth. At Loos and at Longueval his brigade had
the bad luck to run into the enemy’s defences where they had been
least damaged by artillery-fire; but these calamities were due not to
lack of foresight or leadership, but to circumstances that would have
similarly affected any other brigade. The General was noted for his
Spartan routine and his extraordinary personal bravery. He was able
to subsist on less than most men and limited himself to two meals
a day. When his brigade was in the front trenches, he paid a daily
visit to the line, and of his gallantry many stories were current.
During the fighting in July his H.Q. at Montauban were persistently
shelled, but he was never seen to twitch a muscle or dive for
shelter; not even under the fiercest bombardment did he forego his
daily tub in the open square at Montauban. His departure was viewed
with the greatest regret; for he had been with the Ninth since its
formation, and he was loved and respected by all who served under
him. But his promotion[64] was known to have been thoroughly well
earned and he took with him the congratulations and good wishes of
the Division. His successor was Brig.-General F. A. Maxwell, V.C.,
who came from the Eighteenth Division and had the distinction of
having led the battalion that took Trones Wood.
There was a change also in the Highland Brigade. On the 4th December
Brig.-General Ritchie was appointed to the command of the Sixteenth
Division. His service with the Ninth had been attended with almost
unbroken success, and both at Loos and the Somme his men had not only
shown great brilliancy and dash in securing their objectives, but had
proved themselves to be masters of the art of counter-attack. He was
succeeded by Brig.-General J. Kennedy of the Argylls.
On the 1st December General Furse[65] was appointed Master-General
of the Ordnance. It is safe to say that no name is more closely
associated with the annals of the Ninth Division than that of General
Furse. In the fourteen months during which he had been in command
he had succeeded in effecting that organised co-operation which was
the proof of the unity that bound Lowlanders, Highlanders, and South
Africans into one complete whole. He loathed water-tight compartments
and did his utmost to foster the closest intercourse and co-operation
between the various arms—infantry, gunners, sappers, and mounted
men—who only by acting in concert could realise severally their
highest fighting efficiency. The fighting spirit had never been
absent, but in training, in trenches, and in battle, he fostered and
encouraged it until it became an instinct. He was a reservoir of
power and ideas, and he had a natural _flair_ for striking phrases.
Anxious and alert to increase the efficiency of his command, he was
alive to the necessity of testing all new tactical appliances, and in
his numerous conferences the principal motive was “not fault-finding
but fact-finding.” An officer of the Division once remarked, “General
Furse made the Ninth Division, and the Ninth Division made General
Furse,” and there is much that is true in the statement. The leader
had every reason to be proud of his men and the men of their leader.
His appointment was viewed with both regret and gratification;
regret, because a tried leader had gone, and gratification because
his promotion was regarded as a tribute both to himself and to the
Division. But though his connection with the Ninth was officially
severed, he was able in his new capacity to render it useful service.
He was succeeded by Major-General H. T. Lukin of the South African
Brigade, the command of which passed to Brig.-General Dawson of the
1st Regiment. Major-General Lukin had won a great name while in
command of the South Africans, and much was expected of him in his
new position.
In the course of the next five months there were a few changes among
battalion commanders. In the Argylls the new C.O. was Lieut.-Colonel
H. G. Sotheby. Lieut.-Colonel Connell was invalided to England after
the action of the Butte de Warlencourt, and Lieut.-Colonel G. B. F.
Smyth, who had been thrice wounded in the war, left the Sappers of
the 90th Field Company to command the 6th K.O.S.B. In March 1917
Lieut.-Colonel Fargus went to England, and Lieut.-Colonel Thorne
took over the command of the 12th Royal Scots. There were several
adjustments in the South African Brigade. Lieut.-Colonel F. H. Heal
became C.O. of the 1st Regiment; Lieut.-Colonel Tanner returned to
the 2nd, and Lieut.-Colonel Christian took over the command of the
4th.
The training of the men followed the usual lines, but in one respect
there was a significant change. The bomb had proved to be a very
useful weapon, but it had been cultivated to such excess that the
men were in danger of forgetting how to use their rifles. The rifle
is the principal weapon of the infantryman, and practice in its use
became the foundation of all our training. The bomb was discouraged,
for it had been noted that a man with a rifle and bayonet in his
hands was more enterprising and aggressive than one with his pockets
full of bombs. About the end of the year a more efficient protection
against gas, the box respirator, was issued and the men were drilled
in the rapid adjustment of it.
[Illustration: MAJOR-GENERAL SIR HENRY TIMSON LUKIN, K.C.B., C.M.G.,
D.S.O.]
On the 5th December the Division took over the line north and east
of Arras. During the last week of November the battalions at dusk
marched along the long, straight _pavé_ road from St Pol and entered
the city through the majestic pylons of the Baudimont Gate. Arras
had been damaged during the German onslaught of 1914, but since that
time had been scarcely molested. This quaint old Spanish city, well
known to artists and antiquarians, presented a harmonious blending of
the mediæval and the modern. The eye was constantly surprised by new
aspects that offered themselves on a ramble through the streets—the
old, narrow, nubbly lanes, overlooked by ancient Hispano-Flemish
houses, opening out into spacious and ordered boulevards with
modern and opulent mansions, the commercial commodiousness of the
Petite Place and the Grande Place, and the ramparts of Vauban. The
natural centre was the two squares, Petite Place and Grande Place,
both now bordered by the ruins of stately gabled houses and so
often intermittently shelled that they were avoided by all except
sightseers and souvenir hunters. Near them, massive ruins suggested
a nobility and dignity of structure that the intact cathedral had
never possessed. But the greatest example of German vandalism was the
mound of masonry and dust that marked the site of the Hôtel de Ville,
justly celebrated as a notable example of Spanish architectural art.
Arras, skirted on the north by the River Scarpe, lay in a gentle
hollow, overlooked on the west by a semicircle of low hills, and
on the east by a ridge, which, farther north, passed into the Vimy
Ridge. From the station the railway ran east to Douai, a branch
swinging north to Lens, while towards the south it ran into Albert.
The Arras-Lens railway and the eastern ridge were held by the enemy,
whose guns commanded the greater part of the Albert-Arras line.
At the end of 1916 Arras seemed a city of the dead. On the long main
roads the rumble of wheels and the clatter of hoofs were seldom
heard, and the streets were deserted except for a few soldiers and
some civilians who skulked along under the eaves of the houses. Few
parts of the town were without the scars of war. In many houses the
jumbled and disarranged furniture told a story of panic and hurried
departure; in some cases the outside wall had been broken by a shell,
revealing the inside of a house intact, like the model of a doll’s
house. Here and there enterprising civilians ran excellent cafés,
where the men could supplement their rations at prices that were not
exorbitant. Near the station the Hôtel de Commers was the favourite
rendezvous for officers.
The trenches taken over by the Division lay on the western slopes
of the eastern ridge and extended from the south of the Scarpe as
far north as Roclincourt. The area was divided into three sectors,
“I,” “J,” and “K,” from south to north, and all three brigades were
in the line, the 26th in “I,” the South African in “J,” and the
27th in “K.” This position, with certain changes, was held by the
Division until the 9th April 1917, and the long spell enabled the men
to make the trenches as perfect as they could be made. During this
time the strictest discipline was maintained and the morning round
of the battalion C.O. brought reproof or commendation according as
each company did its duty. By 9 A.M. every man had to be washed and
shaved, the rifles clean and polished, and the trenches neat and
tidy. There was tremendous competition between the various companies
in the desire of each to better its neighbour in the provision of
comforts for the men; hot soup and cocoa were served late at night
and early in the morning to those in the front trenches, but perhaps
the last stage of luxury was reached when hot water was supplied for
shaving.
Behind the lines the duties of the transport, located near D.H.Q. at
Duisans, were neither rough nor unduly perilous. The busiest centre
of activity was the Divisional Tactical School, near Givenchy, under
the direction of Lieut.-Colonel Croft.[66] The cult of the rifle was
assiduously inculcated, and officers and N.C.Os. were divided into
sections, which competed with one another in all forms of warlike
sport. A great effort was made to banish the deadening effects of
trench warfare, and initiative and resource were stimulated by means
of tactical schemes. Each course was wound up with a great display,
in which the whole school carried out an attack, and the showers of
Véry lights (representing the barrage), the rattle of the rifles and
machine-guns, the line of flares, and a contact aeroplane gave a very
fair impression of a real fight.
Training, however, was not confined to the school or the back areas.
Though Arras itself was overlooked by the enemy, there was a wide
stretch of dead ground between the city and the eastern ridge, where
there were excellent facilities for training. Near Roclincourt a long
bank provided a natural butt for Lewis Gun practice from any range up
to 300 yards, and the valley offered ample scope for rifle-grenade
instruction. More could and should have been done; but, since the
days of 1914 when everyone that could be spared was needed to man
the trenches, it had been customary to regard trench warfare and
training as incompatible. Thus training as a rule had been confined
to such periods as the men spent out of the line. As a matter of
fact, battalions had often better chances of useful practice when in
the line than when in back areas, and in 1917 the more satisfactory
system of carrying on training at all times was begun. The vast
importance of constant training as a primary factor of efficiency
had been long neglected in France, but when the start was made
development was continuous. Though belated, the issue of pamphlets
which dealt with the action of the platoon (S.S. 143) and of the
Division (S.S. 135) in attack, was none the less welcome. Hitherto,
officers and N.C.Os. had been guided only by the general principles
stated in Field Service Regulations, but the pamphlets provided
illustrations showing the application of these principles to actual
problems. The more junior the commander, the more desirable it was
to make things clear to him by concrete cases, and in this respect
S.S. 143 was invaluable. The adoption of these pamphlets ensured both
a uniformity in training and organisation throughout the army and a
practical knowledge of the methods of dealing with the problems of
actual warfare.
During the winter, which was the driest one since the war began,
the health of the men remained good. Every precaution was taken to
prevent trench feet; each battalion in the line arranged for frequent
supplies of clean socks, and each man’s feet were rubbed daily by
the stretcher-bearers with whale-oil under the supervision of an
officer. In January and February 1917 a hard frost set in, the most
severe since 1839, and during this period men in the line were more
comfortable than those in Arras. There was a great scarcity of fuel,
and the strong temptation of men in windowless and draughty billets
to loot wood and furniture from empty houses had to be sternly
repressed. With the thaw came mud and hard work, but the trenches had
been thoroughly revetted and any damage was quickly repaired.
In November 1916 the sector was reputed to be one of the quietest
on the whole British front. “Even more peaceful than the Vimy” was
the remark of men who had gone forward with working-parties, and the
experiences of the first two or three days appeared to confirm the
statement. The trenches had been previously held by the Thirty-fifth,
a Bantam division, and were too shallow for people of ordinary
stature. If the enemy had been vindictive, he could not have failed
to snipe a number of our men, but happily he was not bellicose and
was ready to lie low, provided he was not disturbed. In the course
of a few days the trenches were deepened, so that one could walk
along the front line without being exposed from his waist upwards,
and after the Ninth Divisional Artillery relieved that of the
Thirty-fifth on the 28th December, the Germans were annoyed to find
that the peace of the sector had vanished. Peevish and fretful, the
foe retaliated chiefly by means of heavy trench mortars and lighter
ones, variously known by our troops as “aerial darts,” “pine-apples,”
or “fish-tails.” Though the former made a terrific din and flattened
the trenches, they did not cause much loss of life, but the latter
were very sinister weapons, and were fired five or six at a time, so
that, though they were visible, it was difficult to dodge one and
avoid running into another. From these came most of our casualties,
about 30 per week for each battalion in the front line, a fairly high
total for what was regarded as a tranquil spot. The duel of hate
however was much in our favour. The enemy trench system was divided
into sectors for retaliation purposes, and so admirable was the
co-operation between our infantry and gunners, that when a battalion
was pestered by trench mortars, it only required a single code word
such as “Dora” or “Minnie” to be ’phoned by the former to the latter
to ensure prompt punishment for the offending sector.
Raids were the most outstanding feature of these months and they came
to be regarded rather as a matter of course than as an adventure. Ten
raids, the majority of them successful, were carried out between the
1st January and the 9th April. Many of the enemy were killed and 49
prisoners captured, while our casualties, chiefly wounded, did not
exceed the number of the prisoners.
By far the most notable raid was that of the “Rifles” on the 14th
February. The credit for the scheme belonged principally to Major
M. N. Forsyth, M.C., who suggested it to Brig.-General Maxwell. The
ground selected for the operation was well adapted for a daylight
raid; it was east of Roclincourt and, lying in a shallow dip, could
not be observed from either flank. The most painstaking care was
given to organisation and arrangements. The raiding party, which
consisted of 20 officers and 320 other ranks under the command
of Major Forsyth, was divided into various groups, each with a
special task to perform, such as clearing dug-outs, demolition of
emplacements, blocking trenches, escorting and searching prisoners,
cutting wire, and evacuation of wounded. No raider carried any
identification mark either on his tunic or in his pocket. A plan of
the enemy’s ground was mapped out behind the line, and here men and
officers had a number of rehearsals. The general scheme was simple.
After a one-minute barrage by the artillery and trench mortars,
two groups were to leave our trenches and enter the enemy’s system
through two gaps in the wire previously cut by trench mortars. The
parties were to push rapidly up the communication trenches bounding
the area and were to meet in the third line, shutting in all the
garrison. Other groups were to follow and clear all the intermediate
trenches and dug-outs. The whole party after remaining for forty
minutes in the German lines was to withdraw at the end of that time
through three gaps, the third being cut during the raid. While
the raiders were busy, the artillery were to screen the area from
observation by a “box”[67] barrage.
The operation met with the success[68] its careful preparations
deserved. At 11 A.M. Major Forsyth led his party across
“No-Man’s-Land” and entered the opposing trenches. In the skirmish
that followed many of the enemy were killed and 43 were captured; 2
machine-guns, 1 trench mortar, and a large number of rifles and other
material were brought back. The slight casualties of the “Rifles,”
who well earned the praise[69] of the Commander-in-Chief, consisted
of 2 killed, 15 wounded, and 1 missing.
All other raids, though on a smaller scale, were marked by the same
particular care in organisation. At 3.8 P.M. on the 6th January a
company of the Black Watch, under 2nd Lieut. Proudfoot, and one
of the Argylls, under 2nd Lieut. Pardy, after a heavy preliminary
bombardment and covered by a smoke-barrage, penetrated to the enemy’s
third line and remained in his trenches for half an hour. The whole
system was thoroughly smashed by the artillery, and only 4 men were
found above ground, of whom 3 were killed and one was captured. The
remainder of the garrison, which according to the prisoner consisted
of 160 men, had sheltered in the dug-outs, where the greater number
must have perished when these were demolished by Stokes shells thrown
down by the raiders. This raid was undertaken at short notice by
the Highland Brigade, and its objects were to test the efficiency
of our heavy artillery in cutting wire, especially in front of
the second and third lines, and to find out if good observation
could be obtained from the hostile trenches on to a strong point
in the enemy’s rear, known as “The Harp,” which was likely to be a
formidable obstacle to our advance during the offensive that was
being planned. These objects were fulfilled, and the general opinion
was that the success[70] of the raid was due to the “heavies.”
The Germans showed their annoyance by subjecting Arras to a gas
bombardment so intense that it has been quoted by the gas experts as
one of the heaviest concentrations of the war. Equal success attended
dashing raids by the South Africans on the 2nd January and the 7th
April, and by the 6th K.O.S.B. on the 11th January. The attempts of
the enemy were feeble and half-hearted, a significant confession
of nervousness and consciousness of inferiority. Between the 6th
December and the 21st March four attempts to penetrate our trenches
were beaten off with loss.
[Illustration: WEST GATE, ARRAS]
At the beginning of March, Arras awoke to vigorous life. After
nightfall throngs of men jostled each other in the streets of the
town, and from the great main roads rose the hum of constant traffic.
In the faubourgs and wooded fields round the city numerous batteries
of heavy guns, sinister and menacing engines of destruction, were
ready in position, and amid bosky recesses and inviting orchards one
often stumbled upon fresh emplacements that indicated the expected
arrival of many more. The evidences[71] of a projected offensive
were unmistakable, and these were confirmed by changes on our
front. Until the 14th January, the Ninth was under the VI. Corps,
but on that date it was transferred to the XVII., commanded by Sir
Charles Fergusson. As a result, the 26th Brigade was shifted from
the right of the line to “L” sector on the left, which was taken
over from the Third Canadian Division, and until the 11th February
the Division held the whole of the Corps front from the Scarpe to
the Arras-Lille road. That day the Highland Brigade and part of the
27th were relieved by the Fifty-first Division from Roclincourt to
the Lille road. On the 24th February the line was still further
contracted when the Thirty-fourth Division took over the rest of “K”
sector. This left to the Ninth only the “I” sector extending from the
Scarpe to St Pancras Trench, lying to the north of the Arras-Bailleul
road, the stretch of front amounting to some 1800 yards.
From the beginning of 1917 every man was hard at work on the
preparations for the great offensive that had been planned at a
conference held at the French G.H.Q. in November 1916. The general
idea was to carry on a series of offensives on all fronts for the
purpose of “depriving the enemy of the power of weakening any one
of his fronts in order to reinforce another.”[72] The design of
Sir Douglas Haig was to garner the fruits of the Somme struggle by
pinching off the salient between the Scarpe and the Ancre, into
which the enemy had been pressed as a result of that battle. With
this object, a converging attack was to be carried out by the Third
Army from Arras and the Fifth Army on the Ancre. Provided the
situation remained unchanged, there was good reason to expect that
this manœuvre would inflict enormous losses on the enemy and compel
him to use up his reserves, and thus offer a greater assurance of
success for the main object of the British Field-Marshal, which was
to secure the control of the Flanders coast-line before the end of
1917. The attack of the Third and Fifth Armies was to be protected
by an operation against the Vimy Ridge, which would also give us
the command of the Douai plains and might even lead to the capture
of Lens. Apart from these objects Sir Douglas Haig had no desire to
carry on a protracted fight in the neighbourhood of Arras.
These important projects were considerably modified at the beginning
of 1917. The striking power of the British forces was sensibly
diminished by the fact that a considerable portion of the line,
extending as far south as Roye, had to be taken over from the French.
Again the British plans were made ancillary to those of General
Nivelle, now in command of the French armies, who had planned an
ambitious campaign in Champagne, and the Arras offensive was expected
to assist his schemes by pinning down a large proportion of the
German forces. Moreover, the enemy, realising his danger in the
Ancre-Scarpe salient, anticipated the British attack by withdrawing
from that area to new and formidable defences (the Hindenburg Line)
in front of Cambrai, on the construction of which the Germans had
worked like beavers during the winter months. This timely retreat
largely eviscerated the hopes of the Arras campaign.
The plans of the Western Allies were marked by compromise and
strategic vacillation, and this was particularly unfortunate, because
1917 was the period that was expected to produce the greatest
disparity between the forces of the Entente and those of the Central
Powers in favour of the former. The principal scheme of the British
Higher Command was indefinitely postponed, and it would probably have
been wise to replace it by another plan, which, while assuring the
support promised for the schemes of General Nivelle, would yet offer
a prize worthy of a big effort. This end would have been fulfilled by
fixing Lens, and perhaps Douai, as the objective of the British Army.
If the former place were carried before the summer, its possession
by us would probably turn the north end of the Drocourt switch line,
and would certainly give us control of the Douai plains and enable us
to menace La Bassée from the south. The tremendously high moral of
the British Army, stimulated greatly by the common talk about 1917 as
the year of victory, deserved to be harnessed to ambitious and even
heroic schemes. Events in Russia also, culminating in the Revolution
while the preparations for the battle were being carried on, seemed
to demand a big effort. It was futile to wait to see what the effect
of the Revolution would be, and it was desirable to endeavour to
affect it by events in France. An important success at the beginning
of the year would probably strengthen the moderate elements in
Russia, and preserve it as an effective ally for the Entente. But the
Passchendaele project, which undoubtedly held out the most alluring
prospects if successful, obsessed the British Higher Command too
much to lead to any drastic alteration of plan. It is impossible to
doubt the cordiality and genuineness of the co-operation between the
British and the French armies, but both the schemes and the events
of 1917 demonstrated that the strategical unity of plan necessary
for success could be secured only by a single Command directing both
forces towards a single end.
A perplexing point in the preparations for the battle lay in the
fact that there was no approach to the trenches except through Arras,
which was an obvious mark for artillery. In the town reasonable
safety was provided by improving and strengthening the system of
underground vaults and catacombs, which were capable of accommodating
large bodies of troops. It was not so easy to form roads and routes
in sufficient number to allow of a smooth distribution of stores and
munitions, but in this respect the work of the Staff was so well
performed that there was virtually no delay or congestion. With
similar attention to details of organisation, communication trenches
were dug and allotted, so that the attacking troops could reach
their assembly position without hindrance. By the end of March the
preparations on the front of the Division were practically completed
with little interference from the enemy’s artillery, though numbers
of trench mortar emplacements were repeatedly hit.
The rôle of the XVII. Corps was to capture the enemy’s third system
of defences, running north from the Scarpe at Feuchy through the
Point du Jour. After this was accomplished, a further advance was to
be made south of the Point du Jour to secure the fourth system and
the village of Fampoux. Three divisions were to lead the assault, the
Ninth on the south, Thirty-fourth in the centre, and Fifty-first on
the north, while the Fourth was to be in reserve. On the right of the
Ninth the attack was to be carried on by the Fifteenth Division.
The Ninth was required to take the enemy’s third system from the
Point du Jour to the Scarpe and to consolidate a line leading from
the eastern end of the village of Athies to the Point du Jour. There
were three objectives, marked on the map as the Black, Blue, and
Brown Lines. From our front line the ground rose gently to the summit
of the ridge, on the reverse side of which was the German main trench
of the first system, protected by a triple row of strong wire, as our
air photographs showed. This trench, called Obermayer, extended to
the east end of the village St Laurent-Blangy and formed the Black
Line. From this point the ground dipped to a shallow valley and rose
again to the line of the Arras-Lens Railway (Blue Line), which on
the left ran through a deep cutting, but towards the Scarpe went
over a high embankment. From the Railway the ground sloped up to the
plateau of the Point du Jour (Brown Line) thickly covered with wire.
The fourth objective (Green Line), which included Fampoux, was to
be secured by the Fourth Division. The attack, to be covered by a
creeping barrage, was ultimately arranged for the 9th April and was
to be preceded by a preliminary bombardment commencing on the 5th.
All three brigades, the 26th on the right, the South African in
the centre, and the 27th on the left, were to take part, each on a
frontage of approximately 600 yards. Two battalions in each brigade
were to take the first and second objectives, after which the other
two were to pass through and carry on the attack. Four tanks were
to assist the Division by helping to clear the two villages of St
Laurent-Blangy and Athies. No battalion was to attack with its full
strength. Since the time of Loos never more than 20 officers per
battalion had gone into battle, the remainder along with some men
being left at the Transport Lines. The pamphlet S.S. 135 laid down
the proportion of men and officers to be left out of action, so that
even if a battalion received a shattering blow in battle there would
be the nucleus of a new organisation.
The preparations of the C.R.A. were marked by unflagging industry
and ingenuity. As the result of months of toil, the gunners had
constructed positions that enabled the batteries to function under
almost ideal conditions. There were no natural hidden positions to
serve as emplacements for the guns, so ridges of screens were built
up to conceal emplacements, situated in such a way that of the
seven[73] brigades under the command of Brig.-General Tudor only
one was more than 2000 yards from the enemy’s line. Arrangements
were also made to construct emplacements in one of the forming-up
trenches, so that when the infantry advanced batteries could move up
in close support. Moreover, all the guns were virtually square with
their tasks, so that the barrage would be formed by shells falling at
right angles to the line of advance. The R.F.A. Brigades were in St
Catherine, St Nicholas, and Roclincourt Valley.
Ingenuity and initiative were shown in the arrangements for the
creeping barrage, which was to be formed by a combination of H.E.
and smoke-shell. Brig.-General Tudor had consistently upheld that
a smoke-screen offered the best form of support for infantry, and
though smoke had received a bad name at Loos owing to men losing
direction, he believed that this was due to the fact that on that
occasion the smoke had been produced by candles and had necessarily
been started on our own parapets. If the smoke-screen could be put
down on the enemy’s line it would guide our men instead of confusing
them, while it would still blind the enemy. At the end of 1915 he
pressed for the manufacture of smoke-shells, but nothing was really
done until General Furse took the matter up; as a result of his
importunity smoke-shells were made, and they began to arrive in
France about the autumn of 1916. The supply was limited, but as no
other division desired them, the Ninth was able to get the whole
quantity issued to the Third Army, about 4000 rounds. Smoke-shells
were employed by the Canadians to cover their raids, and also by
Brig.-General Tudor on the 6th January to support the raid of the
Black Watch and the Argylls, but the 9th April was the first occasion
on which they were used in a creeping barrage.
Zero was to be 5.30 A.M., and at that hour the barrage was to open 50
yards in front of the German front line trench. Where “No-Man’s-Land”
was 200 yards or more in extent, the assaulting troops were to leave
their trenches and form up in the open. One minute after zero the
barrage was to lift on to the front line, where it was to remain for
three minutes. The rate of advance between lifts varied from 50 yards
every one and a half minutes to 100 yards every four minutes. The
infantry was expected to reach the Black Line at 6.40 A.M., and the
barrier-fire would then advance 300 yards beyond it, where it would
remain until 7.36 A.M., by which time the leading battalions would
be ready to resume the advance. In similar fashion the Blue Line was
to be secured by 8.13 A.M., and the Brown Line by 1.20 P.M. At that
time the Fourth Division was to pass through and go on to the Green
Line. To prevent the enemy in the rear seeing the creeping barrage
and countering it, a distant smoke-barrage was to be formed by two
18-pounder batteries.
The artillery bombardment was to be supplemented by a trench-mortar
and machine-gun barrage. Forty 2-inch and fourteen 9·45-inch
mortars and twenty machine-guns were to take part. The Division
had been vastly strengthened both in Lewis and Vickers Guns; each
battalion had now sixteen of the former, and the arrival of the 197th
Machine-Gun Company had brought the Vickers Companies up to four.
All machine-gunners had received constant training in indirect fire
while in this sector, and during the battle the German positions were
to be drenched by showers of machine-gun bullets. One hundred and
twenty-six 18-pounders, forty-two 4·5 howitzers, and forty-seven guns
of heavier calibre were to support our attack.
While the preparations were being made, it was noticed that the
enemy’s aeroplanes had become very enterprising and aggressive. Up
to the end of 1916 scarcely one had ventured to cross our lines,
but from the first days of February there was a disquieting change.
On every clear day swarms of German machines patrolled the air and
penetrating far over our hinterland, boldly challenged conflict
with our planes. Individual combats between the rival airmen were
of frequent occurrence, and most of those that took place in the
view of the infantry resulted in the triumph of the enemy. The most
formidable and audacious of the hostile planes was a very fast
one, which, being painted on the underpart with a brilliant red,
was generally known as the “Red Belly.” It seemed to be much more
capable of rapid manœuvre than any of ours, and on one occasion a
single-handed “Red Belly” broke up and put to flight a squadron of
six British planes. These German machines were believed to belong to
Von Richtofen’s “Circus,” which became very famous in latter days
and was moved from one point of the front to another as required;
it consisted of from 30 to 50 planes, controlled by expert pilots.
Amid these circumstances the persistence with which our airmen in
unequally equipped and inferior machines rose daily to meet the enemy
and observe his lines, was a convincing proof of their grit and
devotion to duty. There was some hope, however, that the conditions
of July 1916 would be restored when the new and speedy machines,
which were being manufactured in great numbers, were ready to take
the air.
The comparatively short line held by the Division after the 24th
February provided a welcome opportunity for the training of the men
on a more thorough scale than had been possible before any previous
battle. While one brigade held the trenches, another located in “Y”
huts on the Arras-St Pol road was engaged on work, and the third
underwent a course of training near Monchy Breton. This arrangement
allowed eight days’ training for each brigade in turn. From the
photographs taken by the Royal Flying Corps, the enemy’s system was
marked out accurately on the training area by tapes and shallow
trenches made by ploughs, and the frequent practice that the men
had over this course gave them a very fair idea of what they were
expected to do on the 9th April. Exact models of the ground to be
attacked were moulded in clay, and the men thus learned not merely
the character of the country, but also the names of the German
trenches.
When the preparations were nearing completion, the unwelcome
news was received that the enemy had evacuated his positions in
the Ancre-Scarpe salient. It was feared that he would evade our
blow by withdrawing from his line in front of Arras. Rumours of a
retirement had been circulated on the 24th February, and when the
Third Division in the south reported on the 19th March that the foe
had retired from his front line up to the Arras-Cambrai road, Sir
Charles Fergusson resolved to test his strength in front of Arras
by a daylight reconnaissance. This was entrusted to the 11th Royal
Scots. The operation was timed for 3 P.M. on the 21st March, by which
hour the infantry were assembled, but it had to be postponed for half
an hour to allow the artillery to finish their preparations. Two or
three hostile planes were hovering overhead, but it was impossible
to say if they had spotted the assembly. A heavy German trench
mortar opened fire during this period but the damage it inflicted
was insignificant. The assailants, consisting of two companies
commanded by Lieut.-Colonel Croft, jumping over the parapet, swept on
under desultory machine-gun fire and entered the opposing trenches.
A furious and intricate conflict ensued, and when some Germans
counter-attacked across the open, they were shot down by the accurate
rifle-fire of the Royal Scots. When at last Lieut.-Colonel Croft gave
the signal to withdraw, his men returned to their own line without
molestation. Though their losses—amounting to 5 officers and 70 other
ranks killed, wounded, and missing—had been heavy, they had fulfilled
their mission, and proved that the enemy was holding his line in
strength opposite the XVII. Corps.
For the next few days Lieut.-Colonel Croft’s men had a surfeit
of thrills. At 5 A.M. on the 22nd, after a short preliminary
bombardment, the enemy dashed across “No-Man’s-Land” and secured 3
men from a Lewis Gun post. On the night of the 23rd, the Royal Scots
replied in kind. Lieutenant Matthews with a small party entered the
opposing trenches and killed 4 Germans, whose outcry alarmed the
garrison. The raiders, however, did not escape without loss, one man
being killed, another wounded, and Lieutenant Matthews was missing.
Next day sentries reported that they saw a body believed to be that
of Lieutenant Matthews lying in the enemy’s wire, and Lieut.-Colonel
Croft issued orders for a patrol to go out after dusk and bring it
in. 2nd Lieut. Storey, mistaking the instructions, did not wait
for dusk, but went out alone in full daylight; though fired at
continuously, he was able to crawl near enough to see that what had
been taken for a body was only a piece of sacking.
The formations adopted and practised for the attack were the same in
all three brigades. The men were to advance in a series of waves,
a wave consisting of two lines, and each wave was to be followed
by a line of “moppers-up,” who were to clear captured trenches and
dug-outs of skulking foes, so that no damage might be done after the
leading troops had gone on. From right to left the disposition of
battalions was as follows: 7th Seaforths, 8th Black Watch, 3rd South
African Infantry, 4th South African Infantry, 12th Royal Scots, and
6th K.O.S.B., and these were supported by the 5th Camerons, 10th
Argylls, 1st South African Infantry, 2nd South African Infantry, 9th
Scottish Rifles, and 11th Royal Scots. The infantry were reinforced
by the sappers, machine-gunners, and the trench mortar batteries.
The four tanks were to be assembled in the valley just east of the
Candle Factory, and the noise of their approach was to be drowned by
machine-gun fire. The enemy’s front wire had been entirely demolished
by the 2-inch trench mortars, and constant patrolling had prevented
the gaps being repaired. This wire-cutting feat was a great triumph
for the 2-inch trench mortars; many people believed it was impossible
for them to cut the wire, but they did it most effectively.
On the eve of the battle the men were in high spirits and very
confident of success. The notion of a check was never entertained.
Since the beginning of December they had achieved a marked and
increasing ascendancy over the enemy,[74] who was known to be nervous
and much perturbed as to our projects.
CHAPTER IX
THE BATTLES OF ARRAS
THE ACTIONS OF 9TH APRIL, 12TH APRIL, 3RD MAY, 5TH JUNE 1917
The preliminary bombardment of the German entrenched positions opened
on the 5th April. Special attention was devoted to counter-battery
work, and with the assistance of aeroplane observation and
sound-ranging devices, a great many of the hostile guns were knocked
out by direct hits. As a result, the reply was extraordinarily weak,
and though a few shells were thrown into Arras, little damage was
done. Our “Chinese barrages” not only made fine spectacles, but
were most useful as the reply they provoked showed us where the
German retaliation barrage would fall. The assembly of the Division
was completed without difficulty during the night of the 8th/9th.
On the front of the 26th and 27th Brigades the leading troops were
accommodated in the trenches, but the South Africans made use of
small craters, which had been blown by the sappers in front of their
line.
Shortly before zero all hope of a fine day was dashed by a gentle
drizzle of rain. At 5.30 A.M. our guns opened with a deafening
crash. Overhead the rushing steel sounded like a frenzied discord
combining the deep boom of the drum with the shrill shriek of the
whistle, and where the shells landed, the earth leaped up in a mad
barbaric dance. A gigantic wall of smoke and fire lay right along
the enemy’s line, and sprays of coloured lights, shooting up from
his trenches, betokened the anxiety and distress of the garrison.
The hostile barrage was slow, and when it descended on our front
line, eight minutes after zero, it was thin and ragged. During the
first three minutes of our barrage the leading waves took up their
position for the advance, the only trouble being on the extreme
left, where the K.O.S.B., forming up, had some casualties through
our smoke-shells falling short. With the first lift the khaki lines
pushed forward. In spite of their training, the men had the greatest
difficulty in recognising the hostile trenches, which had been so
torn up that they hardly presented a break in the belt of churned-up
soil that marked the devastating path of the artillery. The only
serious resistance was encountered by the Seaforths, who stormed
the Island near Blangy and killed a number of bombers among the
rubble and cellars of Athies. Elsewhere the advance was carried on
without check. A few casualties were inflicted by machine-guns, but
the smoke-screen was most effective, and owing to this the enemy’s
shooting was very erratic. The ardour of our troops could scarcely be
restrained; flushed with success, they kept close up to the barrage
and in many cases passed through it. The Bavarians had built up a
worthy reputation during the war, but before they had time to show
fight our men were upon them. On reaching the Black Line the Black
Watch captured the regimental commander and the adjutant of the 8th
Bavarians, who had not realised that a battle was in progress. On the
left, Lieut.-Colonel Thorne of the 12th Royal Scots was killed when
leading his men, but the battalion under Major Hay was irresistible
and easily secured the Black Line. The K.O.S.B. shot past the first
objective and stopped in a sunken road beyond it, where they found
swarms of the 25th Bavarians crouching in the dug-outs. The whole of
the Black Line was secured in the time allotted. During the advance
a few of the South Africans bore too much to the north, but the
Black Watch extended their left flank and the boundaries between the
brigades were readjusted at the first objective.
Owing to the bad light and the obliteration of the enemy system, the
“moppers” had great difficulty in recognising the various trenches
and in some cases overran their objectives, consequently there were
several instances of Germans emerging from their shelters and firing
at the backs of our men. The most serious mishap took place on the
front of the 27th Brigade, where a machine-gun suddenly came to life
and opened fire on a party of the 9th Seaforths who had come up to
dig a communication trench. The men dropped their shovels, picked up
their rifles, and after killing its crew carried off the machine-gun
as a trophy. The clearing parties found the front system full of
Germans, most of whom had taken shelter either in the dug-outs or
just in the doorway, and they were killed or taken prisoner.
The drizzle had developed into a steady downpour while the
reorganisation and arrangements for the second advance were being
carried out. The dispositions of the South African and 26th Brigades
remained unchanged, but in the 27th Brigade the supporting and
leading battalions changed places. At 7.36 A.M. the attack on the
Blue Line (Arras-Lens Railway) commenced. The defenders had not yet
recovered from their surprise, and their resistance, considering
the strength of their position, was extremely poor, though a few
stout-hearted groups held out to the last and inflicted casualties
before they were killed. The right wing of the 26th Brigade was held
up for a time by enfilade machine-gun fire from a post at the Railway
Triangle on the front of the Fifteenth Division. But the artillery
were prompt to assist, and, covered by an effective smoke-screen put
down by “F” Battery R.H.A. from the Railway embankment north of the
Scarpe, the Highlanders reached the Blue Line practically without a
halt. Equally successful was the attack of the other brigades. The
South Africans lost some men from snipers as they were struggling
through the gaps in the wire in front of the Railway cutting, but
the enemy’s machine-guns were dilatory in coming into action and
the South Africans easily accounted for them when they reached the
cutting. On the left, when the leading battalions of the 27th Brigade
advanced into the valley, they came under hostile machine-gun and
artillery-fire from the Railway and Maison Blanche Wood. Two of the
machine-guns were rushed in the cutting, and two others, which were
holding up the advance of the Thirty-fourth Division, were enfiladed
by Lewis Guns and driven to earth. Of the garrison on the Railway not
one escaped; all were killed or captured.
The four tanks allotted to the Division were very unlucky. Two were
put out of action at the start by artillery-fire; a third broke down
about 200 yards from the Railway on the front of the 27th Brigade;
and the fourth failed to reach the Railway after the officer in
charge of it was killed, but the surprise of the enemy was so
complete that there was little need for them. South of the Scarpe a
tank did good service by helping to clear the Railway Triangle, which
had caused a great deal of trouble to the Fifteenth Division.
During the halt on the Blue Line, the only changes in disposition
occurred in the 26th and South African Brigades, where the Camerons,
Argylls, 1st and 2nd Regiments were placed in the lead. The four
hours of waiting were not without anxiety. An enemy aeroplane came
over our lines and as a result the German artillery opened on the
Railway, 300 yards east of which our protective barrage was falling
at that time. Fortunately this counter-barrage did not last long, and
the majority of the leading men were already formed up some yards
east of the Railway, but for a short spell nearly six battalions lay
precariously between two fires in a space of 300 yards. At length
the final attack began at 12.16 P.M. On the right, tough resistance
by the enemy at the Railway Triangle left us with an exposed flank,
and a quick and critical decision had to be made whether to advance
on this wing or not. Brig.-General Kennedy decided to press on, and
the movement was completely screened by the smoke-curtain put down
by our guns. This prudently bold policy not merely prevented our own
troops from being checked, but materially assisted the Fifteenth
Division to capture the Railway Triangle. Elsewhere the last vestige
of resistance had disappeared with the capture of the Blue Line, and
the assault on the Brown Line took the form of an orderly procession.
This was a happy occurrence, since the wire in front of the Point
du Jour trenches had scarcely been damaged and was penetrated
laboriously even by unmolested men. The spectacle of lines of men
moving steadily forward with their rifles at the slope seemed more
like a Salisbury Plain ceremonial manœuvre than an attack in grim
earnest. As the troops pressed on, their eyes were gratified by the
sight of scores of Germans fleeing in a wild panic. Fanned by the
breath of victory and keen to grasp all its rewards, they broke into
a smart run. The Thirty-fourth Division had been slightly delayed by
Maison Blanche Wood, and there was an awkward space on the flank of
the 11th Royal Scots, the left battalion of the Ninth, but this was
filled by a company of the K.O.S.B. which rushed a machine-gun at the
Point du Jour, destroyed the team, and devoured its lunch. With the
capture of the Brown Line the Division had accomplished all its tasks.
Half an hour before the commencement of the attack on the Brown Line
the leading battalions of the Fourth Division began to arrive. As
they came down the slope of the valley from the first objective they
suffered some casualties from shell-fire. They reached the Point du
Jour-Athies line in good time, and at 3.10 P.M. passing through the
Ninth pressed on to the Green Line, which they secured easily and
swiftly.
Success had been gained without a check and at very small cost, and
the uniform excellence of the work performed by the several arms of
the Division was one of the noticeable features of the battle. The
Sappers, Pioneers, and R.A.M.C. toiled steadily and efficiently. The
infantry, including the wounded, were hyperbolical in their praise of
the smoke and H.E. barrage, to which they attributed their own slight
losses and the complete surprise of the enemy. The only criticism
was that the barrage was too slow for eager men and that there was
scarcely enough of smoke. Never at any previous time were the men so
jubilant and so confident of a speedy victory. On that day the ground
captured and the booty seized far exceeded all that had hitherto
been secured in the same period by the British forces in France. In
all, 51 officers, 2086 other ranks, 17 field-guns and howitzers, 24
machine-guns, and 3 trench mortars were the spoils of the Division.
But the decisive nature of the victory was due not so much to the
surprise of the enemy as to the foresight with which arrangements
were made to overcome all possible obstacles, and the readiness
and resource which the infantry showed in attacking places outside
their own area. Typical examples of the latter were the capture by
the Seaforths of the Island and the storming of the Point du Jour
by the K.O.S.B. It was too often the tendency during the war for a
unit to keep to its own allotted task without making any effort to
help its neighbours, and the facility and speed with which our men
in this battle worked to their flanks were very important factors in
contributing to the rout of the enemy. General Furse had repeatedly
impressed on the officers of the Ninth the necessity and advantage of
assisting their neighbours, and never was this practice exemplified
on a finer scale by the Division than on the 9th of April.
It is impossible to praise too highly the forethought shown with
regard to the Railway Triangle. Brig.-General Tudor learned just
before our advance from the Black Line was resumed, that the
Fifteenth Division was held up by the Triangle and had not won
its first objective. Realising the disastrous result of this for
the Ninth, since the enemy south of the Scarpe would see our
infantry north of the river and would enfilade them with numerous
machine-guns, he turned on a battery, which he had standing by for
such an eventuality, to blind that enemy to our movement. This not
only enabled the Ninth to make its advance undisturbed from the
right, but further enabled its right brigade, after seizing the Blue
Line, to turn its machine-guns and some infantry against the northern
wing of the enemy opposing the Fifteenth south of the river, thus
combining a flank with a frontal attack on that portion of the enemy
and compassing his defeat and the advance of the Fifteenth Division.
Without this prearrangement the whole fight would have been far less
successful and far more costly.
The action of the 9th April was a very great triumph for British
arms. Compared with the gigantic advances made after August 1918,
the ground gained may seem insignificant and the number of prisoners
meagre, but the true comparison is not with 1918 but with 1916. In
1917, as in the Somme fighting, the moral of the Germans was high
and their resistance formidable, and there is substantial reason for
regarding, as Professor Pollard[75] does, the capture of the Vimy
Ridge and the advance to Fampoux as amongst the finest achievements
of the war. But the impetus of our attack came to an end on the same
day. It is possible that the magnitude of the first day’s success was
so much more extensive than had been expected that the preparations
for supporting it lagged in arrear, and that the Germans were able
to concentrate more quickly for the defence than we were for the
renewal of the onset. Wet weather, which figures so constantly in
Sir Douglas Haig’s despatches as the marplot of British projects,
was made chiefly responsible for our failure to follow up our
victory, but though it greatly increased our difficulties, it is
probable that ineffective Staff work rather than weather may have
been the chief cause of our disappointment. The possession of the
Vimy Ridge, the disengagement of Arras, and the obligation of the
enemy to draw on his reserves had largely fulfilled the intentions
of the Higher Command, but it is never satisfactory to lose chances
of exploiting success. For a time the Germans were badly shaken, and
Ludendorff admitted that the opening of the Arras Battle caused him
considerable uneasiness. If cavalry had been available to go through
on the afternoon of the 9th April they could not have failed to bring
in many more prisoners, but they made no advance until the 11th,
and by that time it was too late; the enemy had recovered from his
fright and had brought up reserves. Nor were there large reserves of
our infantry at hand to resume the attack at once. The infantry had
become the handmaid of the artillery, and vexatious delays occurred
until the latter could move up their guns.
Till late in the evening of the 9th the bulk of the Division remained
in the trenches on the Brown Line, but after all danger of a
counter-attack had passed, the battalions were withdrawn to the Blue
and Black Lines. The weather, which had shown signs of improvement
during the afternoon, utterly broke down, and blizzards of snow and
sleet swept the ground. The wearied men spent a wretched night, as
there was not sufficient shelter for all, and many had to lie in the
open, unprotected from the drenching sleet. The next day was spent
in cleaning rifles, replacing kit, and salvaging the battlefield. On
the 11th, the Fourth Division was instructed to secure the slopes of
Greenland Hill, a small ridge lying to the east of the village of
Roeux, and the South African Brigade was sent up to support it. The
attack was repulsed, and the Ninth was ordered to renew the attempt
the following day.
The line, which was held by the Fourth Division, lay some distance
east of the original Green Line[76] and included the village of
Fampoux on the north bank of the Scarpe. From it a number of roads
ran to the north-west and north, while the continuation of the
Main Street joined the Roeux-Gavrelle road near the Station, close
to which lay the Chemical Works of Roeux. The Railway crossed the
Scarpe south-east of Fampoux and ran along a high embankment in a
north-easterly direction to Douai. To the south of it the Scarpe
broadened out into marshes and lagoons, which made approach to Roeux
impracticable except from the north; beyond the Roeux-Gavrelle road
the country ascended in a gradual rise to Greenland Hill. The line
held by the enemy was the Roeux-Gavrelle road, and he had installed
numerous machine-guns in the Chemical Works, the Station, and an Inn
about 1500 yards north of it.
The Division received orders to capture this line from the Inn to the
village of Roeux inclusive. There were two objectives. The first, to
be carried by the South African and 27th Brigades, consisted of the
ground north of the Railway embankment, and comprised the Station
Buildings, the Chemical Works, and the line of the road as far as
the Inn; the second, which fell to the 26th Brigade, entailed the
capture of Mount Pleasant Wood, and the village of Roeux. There was
to be the usual creeping barrage, which, commencing at 5 P.M., was to
move forward at the rate of 100 yards every two minutes. The orders
reached the brigades late during the night of the 11th, so that the
time for preparation was very limited. It was understood that all the
buildings held by the enemy were to be demolished by the fire of the
heavy guns.
The enemy’s position was reconnoitred by brigadiers and battalion
commanders on the morning of the 12th. A reference to the map
suggested that the best place to form up was in the valley at the
east end of Fampoux. But this was found to be out of the question,
for the road lay under direct observation from the Chemical Works and
was thickly sprayed with shells on the appearance of even the small
reconnoitring party. The South Africans, being the right brigade, had
really no choice except the village as an assembly place, but it was
eminently dangerous, since it was a favourite target of the hostile
guns. The 27th Brigade was compelled to choose the German trenches
immediately north of Fampoux, which were sited on the horizon, and
the approach to which from the west had to be carefully reconnoitred
to find lines of advance that would reduce the probability of the
oncoming troops being seen by the enemy. It was an evil position,
for it entailed the advance of the brigade for 1700 yards down the
slope into the valley in full view of the foe on the opposite slope,
but there was no alternative. Brig.-General Maxwell recognised that
to screen the movement, a barrage, with smoke if possible, would be
necessary, but he failed to get into communication with General Lukin
in time. As the barrage was to fall along the enemy’s line at zero,
the 27th Brigade had to commence its advance from its forming-up
position half an hour before zero, so as to reach the front held by
the Fourth Division just before the barrage opened.
The action that followed was calamitous. The firing of the heavy
guns during the day never rose to the intensity of a bombardment,
and the large collection of buildings round the Station remained
quite intact, only one shell being seen to fall near the Chemical
Works. There was absolutely no chance of success from the outset, and
the uncomplaining heroism of the men was on that account the finest
feature of the battle.
Shortly before the attack was delivered, the Division learned from
an air reconnaissance that the enemy had dug in to the west of the
Roeux-Gavrelle road, but this news was received too late for action
to be taken, and our barrage dropped behind the enemy’s front trench.
On the right, the 2nd and 1st South African Regiments were in the
van, with the 4th and 3rd in support and reserve. The assembly of the
brigade in the shell-swept village of Fampoux was a costly business,
but in spite of heavy losses the men were remarkably steady. As soon
as the South Africans emerged from the shelter of the houses their
ranks were scourged by accurate rifle and machine-gun fire, and it
was possible to advance only about 200 yards from the positions held
by the Fourth Division.
[Illustration: EAST OF ARRAS. BATTLE-GROUND OF APRIL 1917]
On the left the attack was carried on by the 11th and 12th Royal
Scots[77] and the “Rifles,” the K.O.S.B. being in reserve. The
advance of the brigade began at 4.25 P.M., and with incredible
coolness the infantry pressed through the enemy’s barrage and reached
the line held by the Fourth Division a few minutes before zero.
At 5 P.M. our barrage opened and was excellent, but our men were
checked almost at the start by very heavy machine-gun fire. In these
circumstances nothing could be gained by throwing the 26th Brigade
into the battle and the forward troops were accordingly withdrawn.
The collection and evacuation of the wounded proved a difficult
and harassing job, but this was accomplished before dawn through the
untiring and unselfish efforts of the infantry and R.A.M.C.
Little can be said in defence of this battle, which the Division
fought with great reluctance. The preparations and arrangements were
hurried to a culpable degree, and though the basis of the action was
understood to be the bombardment of hostile machine-gun emplacements
by the Corps’ heavy artillery, the heavies might as well have
remained silent for all the assistance they gave. Apart from the fact
that the time for reconnoitring the enemy’s position, particularly by
the artillery,[78] was miserably inadequate, defeat was practically
inevitable when the 27th Brigade had to be formed up in full view of
the enemy and at a distance of more than 1000 yards from the barrage
line. Much of the haste was undoubtedly caused by D.H.Q.[79] being
too far back, the time necessary for the issue of orders and the
arrangement of preparations being thus unduly extended. The only
possibility of success lay in the Ninth taking over the front line
from the Fourth Division on the night of the 11th, but this was not
done, because it was considered expedient to let the worn-out men
have a good night’s rest.
After the battle the Ninth was withdrawn from the line and was
concentrated in billets near Hermaville. The high spirits of the men,
which had been at fever-pitch on the 9th, had been somewhat damped by
the events of the 12th, but a short rest served to illustrate once
more the amazing recuperative capacity of the British soldier. The
South African and 27th Brigades had been hardest hit. The weakness
of the former occasioned grave concern as its losses exceeded its
drafts, and it was clear that, if its identity was to be preserved,
it could not be available for immediate action.[80] More drafts were
forthcoming for the 27th Brigade, which by the end of the month was
ready for the field.
In the latter part of April strenuous fighting took place near
Roeux and the Chemical Works, both of which, though we gained a
good deal of ground, remained in the hands of the enemy. While the
South Africans were employed on work at Arras, the other brigades
relieved the Thirty-seventh Division on the nights of the 28th/29th
and 29th/30th April. On the last day of April the Division lost
Colonel F. A. Symons, the popular and efficient A.D.M.S., who was
killed by a shell near Athies; Colonel Elsner of the 27th Field
Ambulance was appointed his successor. There was now a welcome change
in the weather, brilliant sunshine and warm breezes giving promise
of a glorious summer. On the 2nd May instructions were issued for
an operation on the 3rd. This was to be undertaken with the Fourth
Division on the right, the Ninth in the centre, and the Thirty-first
on the left, and the First and Fifth Armies were also to attack. It
was believed to be of unusual importance, for on the evening of the
2nd the Division received a message that the battle was to be the
biggest in which the British armies had yet taken part.
The 26th Brigade, with the Camerons and Black Watch in front, the
Argylls in support, and the Seaforths in reserve, was on the right;
and on the left was the 27th, with the “Rifles” and K.O.S.B. in
front, and the 11th and 12th Royal Scots in support and reserve. In
place of the South Africans the Division was supported by the 52nd
Brigade, which was located at the Blue Line. The objectives were the
line of trenches Weed-Weak and the Biache-Gavrelle road. The attack
was to be under the customary creeping barrage, which was to open 200
yards east of our front line and, after a pause of four minutes, was
to move forward at the rate of 100 yards every two minutes, while a
machine-gun barrage was to keep 400 yards in advance of it. The time
of zero, 3.45 A.M., was made known to the Division only a few hours
before the battle.
The position held by the enemy lay on the western slopes of Greenland
Hill and consisted of shell-holes and stretches of trenches hastily
excavated after his defeat on the 9th April. His trenches therefore
were not of the same elaborate and formidable nature as those he
occupied on that date, but owing to their comparative indefiniteness
they offered neither a clear target for the artillery nor an easily
recognisable landmark for the infantry.
The night of the 2nd May was clear, with no hint of dawn when the
hour of zero approached, though by the mellow sheen of the stars and
the setting moon one could see about 50 yards along a path. At 3.45
A.M. the air reverberated with the crash of thousands of guns, their
flashes forming an almost solid glow. On striking the dry earth the
shells threw up a thick curtain of smoke and dust, which, owing to a
north-east wind, drifted back towards our lines. At the same time,
the Germans sent up showers of coloured lights and rockets in a wild
appeal to their artillery for assistance.
As a result of the darkness, intensified by dust clouds, the
attacking troops lost direction almost at the beginning. The Germans
replied immediately with heavy machine-gun fire from trenches and
organised shell-holes, which were closer to our front line than
we expected and had escaped our barrage. The Camerons, misled by
hostile lights sent up from short entrenched lines echeloned in
depth, swung so much to the right that they crossed the front of
the 2nd Essex Regiment (Fourth Division), who fired on them. The
Black Watch also lost cohesion and only a few groups managed to
reach the enemy’s front trench. The Argylls in support, who became
heavily involved in the fighting, suffered serious casualties when
they moved forward, and were subjected to persistent bombing attacks
from the vicinity of the Gavrelle-Plouvain road. Most of them were
compelled to take cover in shell-holes, from which they gradually
worked their way back to our line. One company of this battalion,
maintaining direction throughout, went straight to the first
objective, but being unsupported and cut off only a few survivors
managed to return. This effort was really a brilliant performance.
In a second attempt the Black Watch succeeded in expelling the enemy
from Charlie and Cuthbert Trenches, but they were unable to remain
there owing to accurate machine-gun fire from the Railway embankment
and the Chemical Works. When the 26th Brigade was reorganising in its
original line, German aeroplanes displayed great audacity; three of
them hovered persistently over our front until one was brought down
by machine-gun fire.
The task of the 27th Brigade was complicated by the fact that
the left battalion, the K.O.S.B., occupied a position beyond the
“Rifles.” Before advancing, the former had therefore to wait for
five minutes until the latter came into line, and as a guide to the
“Rifles” a lamp was shown on the right flank of the K.O.S.B. When
at zero the “Rifles” left their trenches they failed to pick up the
lamp, which was to guide their left, and in spite of compass-bearings
the two assaulting companies swerved to the right, with the result
that the right flank reached Cuthbert Trench earlier than was
intended. This trench, which had been scarcely damaged, was strongly
manned, and here a stern hand-to-hand contest was waged. Some of the
“Rifles” succeeded in pressing forward, but practically none of the
two leading companies returned, the great majority being killed,
wounded, or taken prisoner. When the supporting companies attempted
to advance they came under heavy machine-gun fire and dug themselves
in 200 yards beyond the front trench. The 11th Royal Scots, unable to
see what was happening, pushed up two companies, which joined with
the supporting companies of the “Rifles,” and dug in along with them.
The K.O.S.B. after waiting five minutes for the arrival of the
“Rifles,” went on without them, according to orders. Three companies
crossed the enemy’s front trench and passed on towards the objective.
Lieut.-Colonel Smyth,[81] with a view to protecting his exposed
right flank, sent out a platoon from the remaining company to block
the south end of Wit Trench, but it was practically annihilated on
leaving the parapet, though the Lewis Gun was brought back owing to
the splendid coolness of Sergeant C. Hawthorn. A serious disaster
had occurred, and Lieut.-Colonel Smyth, who was badly wounded in
the shoulder, was unable to do anything to help the three forward
companies; for the front of the 27th Brigade was swept from both
flanks, and the position here was almost hopeless unless the 26th
Brigade and the Thirty-first Division could clear the enemy in front
of them. Later Lieut.-Colonel Fulton, commanding the “Rifles,” and
Major Hamilton of the 90th R.E., ignorant of the check experienced
by the rear companies of the “Rifles,” went up to the right of the
K.O.S.B. in Wish Trench, and observing a party of 50 Germans, whom
they took to be prisoners entering Wit Trench, sent an officer and
two men to bring them in. These were fired at and hit. It was thus
manifest that the enemy had reoccupied Wit Trench and that he now
interposed between us and the three companies of the K.O.S.B. Some of
these penetrated as far as Square Wood, but their plight was beyond
hope and most of them were killed though a few were taken prisoner.
The only tidings to reach D.H.Q. were those of failure. Oppy on the
north defied all assault, and the Thirty-first Division was driven
back and counter-attacked by the Germans, who gained a footing in the
outskirts of Gavrelle. Accordingly at 8.39 A.M. instructions were
issued that the general onset was not to be pressed. Brig.-General
Maxwell asked for artillery-fire to be directed on the portion of Wit
Trench opposite his front, in the hope of clearing out the Germans,
and so opening a way of retreat for the men who had been cut off.
Unwilling to leave troops who had managed to advance, unsupported and
cut off, he decided to attack Wit Trench with the object of holding
it during the night to allow the K.O.S.B. to return under cover of
darkness. Accordingly one and a half companies of the 12th Royal
Scots were ordered to undertake this operation at 8 P.M., while the
light was still good; they were to be covered on each flank by a
barrage of artillery and machine-gun fire. These men, 150 in all,
made a most determined charge, but though a few reached Wit the
attack was broken by machine-gun fire. Only 30 of them returned, but
their noble sacrifice enabled a considerable number of K.O.S.B.,
mostly from the right company, to come in.
The battle of the 3rd May showed up the training, especially of
officers, in a bad light. The customary gallantry and keenness
were exhibited in full measure, but the high degree of training
essential for efficient leadership was absent. The difficulties
of keeping direction were undoubtedly enormous, and had they been
foreseen, would have given well-trained officers the opportunity of
overcoming them by the application of knowledge and intelligence.
But these difficulties had to be faced by officers and N.C.Os.
without adequate warning. Word of the sudden decision of G.H.Q. on
the 2nd May to launch the attack before instead of during daylight,
as originally planned, was received by the Division only a few hours
before the time of assault, when it was impossible to make the
necessary arrangements for maintaining direction in the dark, and
this ill-advised eleventh hour change was largely responsible for
the failure of the attack. The battle also revealed a lamentable
decline in initiative, largely due to the excessive dependence of
the infantry on the artillery, fostered by the method of the limited
objective and months of trench warfare. After the initial check the
barrage was lost, and the men in general remained where they lay
without making any serious effort to push on. This was strongly
commented on by Brig.-General Kennedy in his notes on the battle. In
the old Regular Army the men had been accustomed to help themselves
and others to make headway by the skilful use of their rifles and by
taking full advantage of folds in the ground, and it was now clear
that subsequent training should be directed towards the recapture of
this lost standard.
These remarks about the Division have a similar application as
regards the attack generally. At a prodigious sacrifice the only
places of importance carried were Fresnoy, Chérisy, and Roeux, and of
these the two latter were regained by the enemy during the day. There
was no doubt that the action cost the assailants many times more
lives than it did the defenders. The short summary in Sir Douglas
Haig’s despatches somewhat disguises the seriousness of the defeat,
for the 3rd May was assuredly a black day for the British Army.
The action however was fought under constraint. The far-reaching
designs of General Nivelle had fallen short of accomplishment, and
the primary function of the British forces was to ease the pressure
on the front of their allies. The surest method of effecting this was
by means of an operation, and similar subsidiary enterprises had been
undertaken in connection with the Battles of Loos and the Somme. But
this method, while gaining its end, has the drawback of involving
a sacrifice of men, and it is possible that the British Army, now
that it was adequately equipped with guns and munitions, could have
secured its object by the employment of artillery battle preparations
without an infantry assault. In face of a vast concentration of guns
and men, an enemy, who had the hardihood to hold his defences thinly,
would expose himself to a deadly stab, but so profound was the
dejection caused in France by the disappointment of her hopes that it
would have been folly to take risks. The restoration of the nerve of
France was worth a big sacrifice.
The Ninth remained in the line until it was relieved by the
Seventeenth Division on the nights of the 9th/10th and 10th/11th
May, and was employed during this period in improving trenches
and communications. The 27th Brigade was assisted by a composite
battalion of South Africans under Major Webber. On relief, the
Division proceeded to billets near Ruellecourt, where it rested,
drilled, and was reorganised. The training area at Monchy Breton was
visited on the 26th May by General Allenby, who presented ribbons and
decorations to officers and men.
At the end of May and beginning of June the Ninth once more returned
to the line in relief of the Fifty-first Division. Those scenes
of fierce encounters, Roeux and the Chemical Works, were now in
our hands, and Arras was rapidly assuming a more settled and less
minatory aspect, for many of the bigger emplacements were now
empty and others showed preparations for removal. At this time the
activity and boldness of the German aeroplanes were very marked. The
bombing of Arras and its environs, which had been occasional, was
now a regular practice; and after dusk the dovetailed planes of the
enemy flying low over our hinterland dropped light bombs and fired
machine-guns on our infantry and transport lines. In such enterprises
our airmen had been the pioneers, but the Germans were quick to
imitate them. At first, the men regarded these new disturbances as an
amusing entertainment, but as the raiders became more proficient and
expert, they realised that a fresh and deadly terror had been added
to modern warfare, and the “purr” of the “Albatross” became a signal
to rush for shelter. Anti-aircraft mountings for Lewis Guns were
issued, and they enabled the infantry to keep the enemy’s machines at
a respectable height.
We still retained the ascendancy in artillery, but the enemy was
alert and pugnacious, and his retaliation came almost as the echo
of our practice barrages. On the 5th June a minor operation was
carried out by the 27th Brigade and the Thirty-fourth Division on
its left. The object of the former was to advance its line up the
western slopes of Greenland Hill on a front of 850 yards. It was in
trenches north and south of the Arras-Douai Railway, which divided
its front into two equal parts. Cupid Trench was to be taken north
of the Railway, and south of it the line of the sunken road (leading
from Roeux), while outposts were to be established on a more or less
undefined shell-hole line occupied by the enemy some 200 to 250 yards
beyond the objective in each case. The advance was to be covered
by a creeping barrage, moving at the rate of 50 yards a minute,
supplemented by a machine-gun barrage and a Stokes mortar bombardment.
The battalions detailed for the operation were the 11th and 12th[82]
Royal Scots. The assembly was very difficult; entry into the front
system could be effected only by night, on account of the almost
continuous artillery-fire by day between it and the rear system, and
because the traffic in the trenches, which were poor, was visible
to the field-grey observers. As the attack was timed for 8 P.M.,
not only had the units, additional to the ordinary garrison, to
be brought up to the front line on the night of the 4th/5th, but
they had to remain crowded in its limited accommodation throughout
a scorching day, and hidden as far as possible from the view of
hostile air patrols. The question of concealment was of first-rate
importance, since any shelling of the congested trenches must have
caused heavy loss and would have rendered any operation difficult, if
not impossible. To provide cover for the extra men, scoops were made
in the parapets and wooden shelters were installed; fish-net screens
were then hung in front of each hole, and the troops were allowed to
emerge one at a time in turn from 4 A.M. till five minutes before
zero, when they turned out in full strength.
To deceive the enemy, they waited for twenty seconds before going
over the parapet. This raid ruse was eminently successful, since
the enemy, seeing no infantry move with the barrage, took it to
be a “Chinese Attack” and lay low. The men accordingly crossed
“No-Man’s-Land” without a casualty, though subsequently there was
brisk fighting, during which some gaps in our ranks were made by the
more spirited of the defenders.
The right company of the 11th Royal Scots, on the south of the
Railway, went up the sunken road and endeavoured to push out a strong
post about 150 yards north-east of the bend in it, but, encountering
a strong machine-gun nest, was brought to a halt. Ultimately this
post fell to a combined attack by the company, assisted by two
platoons of the reserve company, considerable havoc being wrought
among the enemy’s garrison by volleys of rifle-grenades. The centre
and the left companies reached their objective, the shell-hole line
about 200 yards east of the sunken road, and two platoons went on to
establish forward posts. One, moving along the Railway, pursued a
body of retiring Germans and overshot its mark, but later withdrew
to its proper position; the other, farther north, whose function it
was to mop up an organised shell-hole area just east of the road,
had been so slow in moving up that the enemy had time to recover
his nerve and brought it to an abrupt halt, but a liberal dose of
rifle-grenades, accurately directed, put the garrison out of action,
11 Germans being killed and 2 wounded.
North of the Railway the 12th Royal Scots attacked on a two-company
front. There was no opposition except at the junction of Cambrian and
Cupid Trenches, where the fighting was severe, for the unit on the
left, detailed to attack Curly Trench, lost direction, and coming
behind our left occupied Cupid along with the Royal Scots. The left
company with great difficulty cleared the north end of Cupid and
part of Curly, but about 70 of the enemy remained in the latter till
next day, when they were induced to surrender to the Thirty-fourth
Division, assisted by physical persuasion from the Royal Scots.
Two advance posts were established, one on the Railway immediately
opposite that held by the 11th Royal Scots and one farther north.
Under cover of darkness the 9th Seaforths arrived through a
formidable barrage and dug trenches on the captured positions, with
communication trenches to connect them with the original front
line. In spite of persistent shelling and many casualties this most
efficient battalion accomplished all its tasks. On their return the
Seaforths had to pass through a gas barrage, and lost a number of men.
During the night the Germans made two spiritless thrusts against
the 11th Royal Scots, but they were easily driven off by the fire
of the advanced posts. Some of them lay out until dawn, presumably
with a view to making another attempt. At 3.30 A.M. they retired,
but by a stroke of ill-luck the barrage that had been arranged for
that hour was cancelled, and they escaped with only the punishment
that Lewis Guns and rifles could inflict in a poor light. On the
night of the 6th/7th two further efforts at counter-attack, preceded
by artillery-fire, were made. The first was broken up before the
Germans had actually made a move, but the second along the Railway
was determined, and succeeded in driving in the strong post on the
Railway. But its impetus was so disturbed by the accurate shooting of
the advanced posts that it failed to reach the main line of defence.
The enemy withdrew in the early morning when our barrage came down,
and the Royal Scots reoccupied the Railway posts.
The action of the 5th June was extremely satisfactory, for while
our losses were slight, those of the enemy were exceptionally heavy
for the forces engaged. The 11th Royal Scots considered that they
had killed more Germans in this fight than they had in any previous
engagement of the war. The barrage was perfect, and the machine-guns
and trench mortars co-operated admirably with the infantry.
Tactically, the most noteworthy feature of the operation was the
effectiveness of rifle-grenades, when fired by volleys, in knocking
out machine-gun posts.
A little more ground was gained in the neighbourhood of Greenland
Hill by the Division, but this was done by peaceful penetration.
Covered by the K.O.S.B.,[83] a large party of the Black Watch dug a
trench to extend the line of Cuthbert and Cod south of the Railway
before midnight on the 10th. On the 12th and the 13th the Ninth
was relieved by the Fourth Division and marched to billets near
Ruellecourt. The Division had spent its last day in the Arras sector,
where it had experienced in almost equal measure the elation of
triumph and the depression of defeat. Over 5000 casualties, chiefly
among the infantry, had been suffered during the months of April and
May, and the men were sorely in need of rest. There was some fear
that the Division would lose the South African Brigade, as three
fresh battalions[84] had been attached to it for instruction, but
happily a prolonged stay behind the lines enabled the South Africans
to fill up their war-worn ranks once more and take their place beside
their Scottish comrades.
CHAPTER X
PASSCHENDAELE, 1917
ACTIONS OF THE 20TH SEPTEMBER AND THE 12TH OCTOBER
From the 13th June till the 26th July, the best part of the summer of
1917, the men remained out of the line, and this unusually long and
welcome rest enabled the Division to regain its old efficiency. As
it was necessary to convince the infantry that progress was possible
even when artillery support was unavailable, training was directed
not merely to develop a high standard of efficiency in musketry, but
to foster initiative and resource among the subordinate leaders. The
value of the rifle-grenade had been demonstrated on the 5th June, and
practice in its use was taught by means of shell-hole attacks. An
area of country was cratered by the sappers to present the appearance
of a shell-torn battlefield, and marks to indicate machine-gun posts
having been placed on one side of it, the infantry advanced from the
other. Under cover of rifle-grenades, fired in volleys, riflemen and
Lewis Gun teams moved forward by rushes, till they were able to make
a converging assault from a short distance under a final grenade
barrage. This form of training realised as nearly as possible the
actual conditions of warfare, and new men thus became accustomed
to the distracting noise of battle and gained confidence in their
own powers. A few casualties were caused by “short” bursts, but
no one was seriously wounded, and the trifling cost was more than
counter-balanced by the assurance and keenness inspired in the men.
On the 25th July the Division was transferred to the IV. Corps, whose
area embraced the devastated country lying east of Bapaume. The
completeness and care with which the demolition had been carried out
showed how thoroughly the foe had made his detailed preparations for
retreat. Desolation reigned everywhere, no village possessed a roofed
building, and even the trees had not escaped, their bark being partly
stripped off so that the sap would dry up. From the rubble of ruined
houses, billets and stabling accommodation could be constructed, but
food to supplement rations could be obtained only from canteens and
consisted mainly of tinned products.
[Illustration: HAVRINCOURT]
The front line was taken over from the Fifty-eighth Division on the
night of the 26th by the 26th Brigade, the South African and 27th
Brigades coming in on its left on the 28th and 30th. The sector
held at first lay south of the Canal du Nord at Havrincourt, but on
the 4th August the 27th Brigade was transferred from the south of
the line to the north. The country was undulating, with ridges and
alternate valleys lying north-north-east. The excavated channel of
the Canal du Nord, which after an easterly course turned off in a
northerly direction past Moeuvres, formed the boundary between the
27th and the other two brigades. South of the Canal the line lay on
the slopes of the spurs that ran out from Havrincourt Wood under
observation of the enemy, though the wood itself provided a covered
approach to within 1500 yards of our front line. Some of the spurs
had originally formed part of the forest, but they had been
cleared by the enemy, who used the timber for engineering purposes,
and they were now covered with a low thick scrub, which afforded
concealment for small groups. On the southern bank of the Canal was
a spoil heap which, as the greater part of it was in our possession,
gave us observation along our entire front. The position was well
adapted for defence, since machine-guns, placed on a spur, could
bring flanking and cross-fire to bear on the adjoining spurs. The
trench system consisted of outpost, front, support, and reserve lines.
On the front of the 27th Brigade, the Canal, of which the channel was
more than 50 feet below the surface, separated friend from foe except
at a spoil heap on the west bank, which the enemy held as an outpost
to his main system. Havrincourt village, red-tiled and attractive
in the sun, occupied a commanding position, while to the north-east
behind the German front line could be seen the dark cloud of Bourlon
Wood. The enemy’s defences along the whole front were strongly
entrenched and lavishly wired.
A comparatively uneventful month was passed in this quiet spot, less
discomfort being caused by the enemy than by the unusually heavy
rainfall of August. The most active of the brigades was the 26th, and
it afforded some diversion by carrying out a number of raids. Several
posts, which the enemy held only during the night, were located, and
on the 18th August a patrol of the 7th Seaforths, crossing the wire
guarding one of these by means of a sheet of expanded metal, lay in
wait for the garrison, who, though taken unawares, put up a stiff
fight. Four of the enemy were killed or wounded and one was taken
prisoner, the casualties of the Seaforths being one wounded and two
missing. After dusk on the same evening the Argylls sent out strong
patrols, which met with strenuous resistance; several Germans were
killed and one was captured, while the Argylls had two officers and
eleven men wounded, and one officer and three men missing. The object
of the patrols had been to sweep the enemy from his position on the
spoil heap, and though they failed to accomplish this, the Germans
were so shaken that they evacuated the heap, which was found to be
clear when the Argylls made another raid on the 30th. The scope for
adventure by the 27th Brigade was necessarily limited to the hostile
positions on the west bank of the Canal, and on the 25th, 2nd Lieut.
Mosscrop with three men of the “Rifles” entered a night post shortly
after dusk and captured one of the garrison when it arrived. The
prisoner belonged to the 89th Grenadier Regiment (17th Division), a
_sturm truppen_ lot, and this seemed to indicate that the enemy had
aggressive designs on hand, so the troops were warned not to relax
their vigilance.
A proposal by the IV. Corps that the Division should undertake a
big raid against the main entrenchments of the enemy was vetoed as
impracticable, since the amount of gun-fire necessary to cut the
wire was bound to advertise our intentions. It led however to an
interesting suggestion by Brig.-General Tudor, which he submitted
to the Corps after satisfying himself, with Brig.-General Kennedy’s
help, of its practicability on this front, and it formed the basis
of the scheme carried through in the same region by Sir Julian
Byng during the Battle of Cambrai in November 1917. Artillery
preparation, he pointed out, could be dispensed with if tanks were
employed, and thus surprise, the value of which had been fully
grasped by the Ninth, might be obtained. The tanks, protected by a
smoke-barrage, would cut the gaps to allow the infantry to enter the
enemy’s positions, and the probability was that the Germans would
be so completely surprised that large captures would be made and
much ground gained at a trifling cost. The infantry were to advance
towards Flesquières Ridge, but half of the tanks were to wheel to
the north and roll up the German front system to the Scarpe, the aim
being not to break through in depth but to destroy the enemy’s forces
on a wide front. This, with some modifications, was the plan carried
out by the Third Army in the following November.
But the Division was not destined to participate in the Cambrai
offensive. By the end of August it was relieved by the Thirty-sixth
(Ulster) Division, recently engaged in the Battle of Passchendaele,
and this spot the Ninth surmised was to be its next destination. The
first sojourn was in the shell-torn region near Achiet le Grand,
where the nature of the training gave the men a fair idea of what
would be expected of them later, and on the 12th September the
Division moved north by rail to camps between Poperinghe and Ypres in
the V. Corps’[85] sector.
As already indicated, the principal campaign planned by Sir Douglas
Haig was in the north. His design was to carry the Passchendaele
Ridge and secure the command of the Belgian coast, as this would
threaten the enemy’s communications, and at the same time restrict
appreciably his submarine warfare. But the British Field-Marshal
was favoured with little luck, and it was not till the beginning of
May, after the failure of General Nivelle’s offensive in the Aisne,
that his plans were approved at a conference held in Paris on the
4th and 5th May. This comparatively late start proved to be a fatal
handicap, and in other theatres the rosy hopes of the beginning
of the year were dispelled by the tragic events in Russia. The
Revolution eliminated Russia as a German enemy, rendered the position
of Roumania practically hopeless (though in the days of its stress it
fought with admirable and heroic resolution), and prevented General
Maude from garnering the full fruits of the fine campaign that had
resulted in the capture of Bagdad on the 11th March. The Egyptian
offensive broke down at Gaza, the Salonica front remained stationary,
and Italy, engrossed in Trieste and Albania, was scarcely pulling her
weight. Moreover, as the Germans were cognisant of our aims, and had
made dispositions to defeat them, it was regrettable that G.H.Q. did
not excogitate a fresh plan, which, carried out in the same manner as
the Cambrai offensive later, would have disconcerted the foe and led
to extensive gains without a heavy sacrifice of life.
The preliminary of the attack on Passchendaele was the capture of
the Messines-Wytschaete Ridge, which overlooked our lines and a
large portion of the hinterland. This was brilliantly accomplished
by the Second Army on the 7th June, the enemy’s position being blown
into the air and the ridge passing into our hands with slight loss.
The preparations for the assault on Passchendaele were then taken
in hand, but for some yet unexplained reason the first blow was
not struck till the 31st July. During the interlude the Germans,
delivering on the 10th July an attack against the bridgehead
north-east of the Yser between Nieuport and the coast, were so far
successful that they prevented the projected co-operation between
the Fourth Army and the Navy, which they dreaded above all things.
The first assault launched by the Fifth Army began well, and the
greater part of the ridge overlooking Ypres was stormed, but the
German scheme of defence, based on holding their forward positions
lightly, depended chiefly on counter-attack, and before the end
of the day many of our gains, including St Julien and Westhoek,
were recaptured. Above all, the key of the enemy’s position on the
Menin road remained in his hands. On the same day the fatal rains
made their appearance, and torrential downpours transformed the
battlefield into a quagmire. The continuance of the wet weather,
which made August of 1917 one of the most disastrous months in the
war, was all in favour of the Germans; it delayed our preparations,
and should indeed have led to the abandonment of the campaign; but
with the pertinacity of the true gambler, the British resumed the
attack on the 16th August, but made little progress south of St
Julien, the Germans defying all our efforts in the neighbourhood of
the Menin road.
The defence, which was directed by General Sixt von Armin, who had
achieved great fame as a tactician during the battles of the Somme,
was distributed in depth. Trenches being impossible in a swamp, the
defenders were placed in the ruins of barns and farmhouses; these,
strongly concreted to an average thickness of three feet, offered
a small mark for artillery and were proof against all except the
heaviest of our projectiles. These fortified farms, or “Pill-boxes”
as they were called by the men, were so situated that each could
support its neighbour by cross- and enfilade-fire and was a veritable
fortress in itself. They were of various sizes, according to the
extent of the ruins on which they were erected; some had several
apartments, and were capable of accommodating a whole company of men.
They were admirably adapted to break up and delay the line of an
attack, and even if they were carried and the objective taken, the
worn-out assailants would have to meet a counter-blast from the fresh
German reserves in rear. Up to the 16th August no satisfactory means
had been found of dealing with these fortifications.
Apart from these strongholds the great problem was how to keep rifles
and machine-guns clean; on more than one occasion our men had been
forced to give ground, because their rifle-bolts jammed owing to
mud so that the rifles could not be fired. It was also clear that
“Pill-box” fighting demanded skilful leading and resource on the
part of subordinate commanders. The series of waves, so successful
in the Arras battles, was not suitable to meet the new conditions.
Accordingly it was planned that the attack should be carried out by
lines of sections, each section being in file and separated from
its neighbours by about twenty yards. This gave an opportunity of
overwhelming a “Pill-box” by the co-operation of the nearest sections
while the others made headway, and each part was to be cleared and
garrisoned before the sections involved continued their advance. The
plan ensured the attack being carried on with the greatest expedition
and the least fatigue, and, provided the leadership was good, it held
out reasonable prospects of success. This was the form of training
practised in the devastated area near Achiet le Petit, the ground
being marked out by tapes in facsimile of the actual country where
the assault was to be made.
The next phase of the Passchendaele Battle was arranged for the 20th
September, and the assembly line of the Division lay along the crest
of the Frezenberg Ridge. The span of front allotted to the Ninth,
fully 1500 yards in all, consisted of a number of posts placed at
intervals along a road roughly at right angles to that on which stood
the hamlet of Frezenberg. So battered and ravaged was the country by
continuous shell-fire that no trace of the road could be discerned.
From the ridge the ground sank to the valley of the Hanebeek stream,
which trickled through the gaunt and melancholy remains of Hanebeek
Wood and meandered northwards past the Ypres-Roulers Railway. From
the hollow the ground rose gently to another ridge, higher on the
right where the main point was Anzac Redoubt, and gradually sank on
the left to a flat swamp. Beyond this was another valley, covered
by the spur on which stood the ruins of the Station and the village
of Zonnebeke. The ordinary landmarks indicated by the map did not
exist; the only one remaining that the eye could pick up without much
effort was the Ypres-Roulers Railway. All vestige of roads had been
obliterated, and even the Hanebeek brook had ceased to flow. Its
banks had been blown in by months of relentless gun-fire and a zigzag
trail of shell-holes, rather deeper and more full of water than
the others, alone gave evidence of its former existence. A bleaker
and more repellant battlefield it is impossible to imagine, and
even the sun served only to throw into stronger relief the dreadful
ghoulishness of the landscape. If a personal reconnaissance was
impossible, the one safe way to gain a knowledge of the country was
by a study of the excellent air photographs furnished by the R.F.C.
Apart from the Railway, and to the south of it, the most prominent
guide was Hanebeek Wood, which housed a number of “Pill-boxes.”
Clusters of these forts lay along the Railway and to the north of
it, the most important being Beck House, Borry Farm, and a strong
group called Potsdam.
The attack was allotted to the 27th and South African Brigades.
The former had two objectives; the first (indicated on the map as
the Red Line) ran from the eastern half of Hanebeek Wood up to
Potsdam; the second (Green Line) was Zonnebeke Redoubt on the ridge
running north-west from Anzac Redoubt. The 6th K.O.S.B.,[86] 9th
Scottish Rifles,[87] and 12th Royal Scots were to take the former,
and then the first two battalions were to go on to the latter. The
South Africans had three objectives; the first (Red Line) was in
prolongation of that of the 27th Brigade; the second included Bremen
Redoubt (Yellow Line); and the third carried on the Green Line from
the Frezenberg-Zonnebeke road to the Zonnebeke stream. The leading
battalions were the 3rd and 4th[88] Regiments, and these were
supported by the 1st and 2nd.[89] The assault was to be on the “Leap
Frog” system; when any hostile work was met it had to be occupied and
held while the line immediately behind the attacking one was to pass
through and carry on to the next objective. The Ninth was flanked on
the right by the Second Australian Division and on the left by the
Fifty-fifth.
[Illustration: ZONNEBEKE FROM FREZENBERG]
There were few novices in the Ninth in the art of mounting an attack,
but Passchendaele demanded special and anxious consideration.
The enemy’s powerful artillery swept all the back areas and the
approaches to our line unceasingly, and roads and camps beyond
the effective scope of shells were persistently bombed by fleets of
Gothas. There were no roads or communication trenches to guide troops
on their way to the front line, and along the ridges of craters
zigzag routes constructed with duckboards became a mark for hostile
gun-fire, but they could not be deserted except at the risk of death
by drowning or suffocation, which was the melancholy fate of more
than one poor man and animal. These routes required the most careful
preliminary reconnoitring, as the chances of taking a wrong turn were
too numerous to be neglected. Casualties on the march to the assembly
area were regarded as inevitable, and there was nothing for it but to
trust to luck. Everything was done to ensure that the wounded would
be properly attended; numerous aid posts were established and the
staff of stretcher-bearers was greatly increased by large parties
from the infantry. The problem of conveying stores and ammunition was
colossal, and so, in order to be independent of carrying parties as
far as possible, the men were to take rations for forty-eight hours
and extra water-bottles. Rifles were covered with sand-bags, so that
they would be in good working order when the operation commenced, and
each man carried a spade. For dealing with the “Pill-boxes” a liberal
quantity of phosphorous bombs was issued.
The attack was to be carried out after a preliminary bombardment of
twenty-four hours and under cover of a creeping barrage. The shell
commonly used in the Second and Fifth Armies was shrapnel, and it
was due solely to the insistence of General Lukin that the Division
was given reluctant permission to use that combination of smoke and
H.E., which had given so much satisfaction at Arras. During these
weeks the gunners had a dreadful time, for our artillery supremacy
had been boldly challenged by the foe, and day and night our battery
positions were fiercely bombarded. Hostile bombing machines played
their part by night and frequently interrupted the laborious toil
of bringing up the ammunition for the guns; hence the work of our
gunners was carried out under much greater difficulties than usually
fell to their lot. The creeping barrage of smoke and H.E. was to open
150 yards in front of the leading line and move at the rate of 100
yards every four minutes for the first 200 yards; then it was to pass
on to the first objective at the rate of 100 yards every six minutes.
The infantry, who were expected to arrive at the Red Line in twenty
minutes, were to wait there for an hour, protected by barrier-fire.
On the resumption of the advance the rate of the barrage was to be
100 yards every eight minutes, till the final objective was reached.
A searching barrage of shrapnel was to precede the creeping one and
sweep the open country 500 yards in advance of it. The combination
of H.E. and smoke allowed certain refinements to be introduced which
would have been impracticable with shrapnel. The most prominent
obstacles were kept under fire while the barrage moved on, so that
the infantry could surround them on all sides when the fire lifted.
This was most conspicuously illustrated in the case of Hanebeek Wood,
bristling with “Pill-boxes” and machine-guns. To allow the K.O.S.B.
to come to grips with the defenders before they could open effective
fire, Brig.-General Tudor arranged for the barrage to be maintained
on the wood, while a lane was to be left clear for men to move up and
get to its rear; thus when the fire lifted the infantry would be able
to attack the wood simultaneously from all sides.
Machine-guns also had an important rôle to play. They were to
barrage the final objective until the infantry began their advance
from the first, and then they were to lift on to an S.O.S. line
in front of the Green Line. The machine-gun was expected to be
of great assistance in defence, and several were to be taken up
with the assaulting brigades to support them against the expected
counter-stroke.
Until the 12th September the Ninth was in camp near Ypres, and on the
16th and 17th it relieved the Forty-second Division on the Frezenberg
Ridge, the 27th Brigade taking over the right sector and the South
African the left. Unhappily, a deplorable incident occurred. When
the 11th Royal Scots,[90] who were conveyed to Ypres by rail, were
detraining near the Asylum, a shell landed among the men, causing 51
casualties in killed and wounded.
The responsible task of taping out the assembly areas was
satisfactorily accomplished by both brigades. On the night of the
19th the assaulting battalions made the purgatorial march along
the slippery trench-board tracks to the forming-up points. Heavy
rain descended for nearly three hours, but by rare good fortune the
enemy’s guns were unusually quiet and comparatively few casualties
were suffered; this was taken as a good omen. By 5 A.M. on the 20th
the assembly of the Division was completed.
At zero the light was perfect, being sufficient for the assailants
to distinguish their objectives, but rendering them only dimly
visible to the enemy. Under a first-rate barrage the leading lines
advanced, one company of the K.O.S.B. halting near the west margin
of Hanebeek Wood, which appeared like a gigantic furnace shooting
up blazing roots and trunks to an enormous height. To the left of
it another company, advancing along a lane flanked by two walls of
smoke and fire, took up a position on the rear, having intercepted
and killed on the way a party of Germans who were moving up to
reinforce their comrades in the wood. When the barrage lifted the
wood was rushed from front and rear, and the terrifying combination
of lusty Australians and dour Scotsmen was invincible. The Germans
were allowed no time to bring their machine-guns into action, and
the wood yielded up four machine-guns and about 50 prisoners. Our
casualties were few and were caused chiefly by rifle-fire and by our
own shrapnel which was used on the right flank of the wood.
On the flank of the K.O.S.B. the right company of the “Rifles”
encountered very feeble opposition and reached the first objective
in good time, but the left company, being seriously delayed by
machine-gun fire from a “Pill-box” on the Railway, gained the
objective only in time to go forward with the advance to the Green
Line.
The Railway line was a formidable fortress, as it was defended by
several strong “Pill-boxes,” R1, R2, R3, R4, and R5, and was flanked
by the fire of the Potsdam group on the left. A company of the 12th
Royal Scots was detailed to seize the “R” “Pill-boxes” up to the
first objective, but its onrush was checked at the outset by bombs
and machine-gun fire from R1, so Lieut.-Colonel Ritson sent up two
platoons from his reserve company to attack it from the south. This
manœuvre, attracting the attention of the enemy, gave the platoons on
the Railway the opportunity of rushing the “Pill-box” and overcoming
the garrison, of whom 40 were taken and three machine-guns. This
practically ended the resistance on the Railway, and the right
company of the Royal Scots soon arrived at the Red Line. The task
of the left company was to capture “A” and Potsdam. The defenders
of the former were wide-awake, and their raking machine-gun fire
made the assailants very uncomfortable, but Captain Reynolds and
six men managed to move close up to the “Pill-box,” where they were
safe from the hostile fire. They tried to put a Mills bomb through
the loophole, but this the garrison blocked with a pack while still
keeping the machine-gun firing. There was a real danger of the attack
in this sector being held up by the obstinate “Pill-box”; but Captain
Reynolds, showing extraordinary bravery and resource, under a storm
of lead contrived to squeeze a phosphorous bomb past the obstruction
through the loophole; the explosion set the place on fire and smoked
out the garrison, who immediately surrendered, 7 prisoners and two
machine-guns being the result of this lively episode.
At Potsdam two machine-guns were in action in the open. While two
platoons of the Royal Scots made a frontal assault, a third, assisted
by some South Africans, attacked from the north, and another platoon
from the south. Before this converging onslaught the defenders were
overpowered, and 70 prisoners and two machine-guns were captured.
During the pause on the first objective the K.O.S.B. and the right
companies of the “Rifles” reorganised their forces. In each case the
supporting companies had now to lead the attack, but as the right
supporting company of the K.O.S.B. had already suffered severely from
the enemy’s barrage, Lieut.-Colonel Maclean was obliged to put his
whole battalion in the front line, and he asked Lieut.-Colonel Sir
John Campbell to support him with two companies of the 11th Royal
Scots. On the left, Lieut.-Colonel Lumsden, owing to the late arrival
of his left companies, resolved to swing his right companies towards
the Railway, and to keep in touch with the K.O.S.B. by means of one
platoon.
The operations against the Green Line caused very little trouble. The
K.O.S.B. encountered one machine-gun in a shell-hole right out in
the open, but the men worked round it and bayoneted the team. At the
Zonnebeke Redoubt the enemy made no show of a fight, and 40 prisoners
were taken. Equally swift progress was made by the “Rifles.” The two
left companies, moving up rapidly, caught up the barrage and joined
in the action; except for slight opposition from two “Pill-boxes” all
was plain sailing.
Brig.-General Maxwell, who reached the Green Line just after its
capture, selected the line to be consolidated, and this was done by
improving shell-holes and then forming short lengths of trench by
connecting them up. The workers were covered by a number of advanced
posts, each with a Lewis Gun, but the enemy made no attempt at a
counter-stroke. At the same time half of the men cleaned their rifles
while the others kept guard, and machine-gun sections arrived and
took up positions. While the consolidation was in progress a hostile
aeroplane, flying low up and down our line, roughly indicated the
position to the German gunners who sent over a few shells.
On the South African front the Red Line was carried almost without a
check, and the 4th Regiment on the left entered Borry Farm, isolated
in the same manner as Hanebeek Wood, and Beck House, before the
Germans had time to resist. The only trouble was on the right, where
the 3rd Regiment sustained several casualties from Potsdam, but an
assault by Captain Sprenger with a few men materially assisted the
12th Royal Scots to overcome this stronghold. At the first objective
the supporting battalions took the lead, and at 7 A.M. the 1st and
2nd Regiments moved against the Yellow and Green Lines. The former
reached its objective without opposition, but the latter had to fight
nearly every yard of the way. From Waterend House, Tulip Cottages,
and Hill 37, all in the area of the Fifty-fifth Division, machine-gun
fire scourged the flank of the South Africans, and created a gap
between them and the troops on the left. When the 2nd Regiment
eventually carried Zevencote and Bremen Redoubt, a defensive flank
was thrown out on the south bank of the Zonnebeke stream, and the
garrison of Mitchell’s Farm was augmented. So heavy had been the
losses of the South Africans that they had to be reinforced by the
Camerons. Late in the evening the Fifty-fifth Division succeeded in
clearing Hill 37, and thus closed the gap between it and the South
Africans.
At the fall of night all the objectives of the Division had been
secured and consolidated. A counter-thrust was expected and even
hoped for, but it did not come. A terrific barrage along our line
about 5 P.M. seemed to be the prelude to an onslaught, and our men,
surging forward out of the shelled zone, peered eagerly into the
mist for a sight of the field-grey foemen, but all attempts of the
enemy to mass were broken up by our artillery-fire. So accurate and
stupendous was our barrage that it seemed like a solid, impenetrable
barrier.
The nature of the fighting lent itself to individual exploits, and
two V.Cs. were given to the Division, one being awarded to Captain
Reynolds and the other to Lance-Corporal W. H. Hewitt of the 2nd
South African Regiment. He tackled a “Pill-box” single-handed,
and on attempting to enter the doorway was severely wounded by
the defenders; undaunted, he crawled to a loophole, and though
wounded again pushed a bomb through the embrasure, the explosion
of which dislodged the Germans. Numerous feats of a similar nature
were performed by the men of all battalions, and the excellent
understanding between the members of sections was a source of
legitimate gratification to all responsible for the training of the
men.
The line captured was held by the Division until the 24th September.
The “Pill-boxes” provided a welcome shelter during the fierce gusts
of artillery-fire; but their interiors were disgustingly squalid, and
the floors were a foot or more under water. The Argylls and Camerons
relieved the 2nd and 1st South African Regiments on the left, while
the “Rifles” and K.O.S.B. held the right front. During this period
there were violent storms of artillery-fire but there was no infantry
action.
A deep gloom was cast over the whole Division by the news of the
death of Brig.-General Maxwell on the 21st. Since taking over the
command of the 27th Brigade in October 1916 he had been one of the
outstanding personalities in the Ninth. Daring to a fault, he was a
soldier with real gifts of generalship, and it was a sad calamity
that death prevented his brilliant talents receiving fuller scope
in a higher command. He was one from whose manner and bearing all
plucked courage and confidence; in the glamour of his presence, his
unfailing courtesy, and the opulence of his ideas lay the secret
of the love and respect with which he was regarded by all his
subordinates. Too great a disregard of personal danger led to his
death; in his anxiety to ascertain that all was right on his front
he exposed himself freely, and was shot by a sniper at 40 yards’
range. His habitual hardihood had been a constant source of anxiety
to his staff, but it was one of the qualities that raised him above
criticism in the eyes of the men. Courage begets courage, and within
a few weeks of his coming Brig.-General Maxwell had made the 27th one
of the finest fighting brigades in France. His spirit lived among the
men after his death, and his teaching and training remained a fount
of inspiration to all ranks of the 27th Brigade.
The action of the 20th September was one of the most satisfactory
in which the Ninth took part. Though the number[91] of prisoners
taken was not large and the space of ground gained inconsiderable,
the operation was the first to reap satisfactory results against
Von Armin’s system of defence, and it encouraged the Higher Command
to continue the campaign in spite of the lateness of the season.
Communications throughout the battle had been wonderfully good, and
though telephone wires could be maintained only with difficulty on
account of shell-fire, messages were received by means of pigeons,
lamps, and runners. The arrangements of the R.A.M.C. were effective
and adequate, and the extra stretcher-bearers furnished by the
infantry enabled the wounded to be rapidly evacuated from the forward
areas. The H.E. and smoke-barrage required no justification in
the eyes of the Ninth, but its success attracted the attention of
higher authorities and led to its being employed by the Third and
Fifty-ninth Divisions in the engagement of the 26th September.
On the 24th September after being relieved by the Third Division, the
Ninth moved to Arneke and neighbouring villages, where the men were
practised for their next engagement, which, if all went well, was
expected to bring us near Westroosebeke. The new leader of the 27th
Brigade was Brig.-General Croft, who was recalled from the brigade to
which he had been appointed just before the September battle. As C.O.
of the 11th Royal Scots he had been with the Division since December
1915, and no man was more likely to keep the high standard which his
predecessor had set. Realising the value of a distinctive name, he
caused his brigade to be known by the term “Lowland” as well as by
its number. The spell of good weather that set in during the latter
part of September did not last, and rain fell almost continuously
from the 6th October onwards. On the 5th the Division was ordered to
concentrate in the area of the XVIII. Corps,[92] and under the most
depressing conditions it was transferred to the vicinity of Brake
Camp, the infantry arriving late on the night of the 9th. For many of
the men there was no shelter from the rain, and bivouacs and tents
had to be hastily erected on the sodden ground. No camps in the whole
British line were more dismal than those round Ypres, sloppy with mud
and persistently bombed by the enemy’s aeroplanes. So serious were
the effects of bombing that all tents and horse lines were encircled
by ramparts of earth to localise the explosions. On the night of
the 10th/11th the Highland Brigade relieved the 144th (Forty-eighth
Division) in the line near Poelcapelle, and the Ninth received orders
for an attack on the 12th October.
The scene of battle was the low, flat country near the northern end
of the Passchendaele Ridge. Along the left boundary of the Division
ran the Lekkerboterbeek stream, and though the whole area was studded
with fortified farms and houses, there were no clear landmarks. Since
the 20th September performance had lagged far behind programme,
and Westroosebeke lay beyond our immediate grasp. There were three
objectives[93]; the first two (the Yellow Dotted and the Blue Dotted
Lines) were to be taken by the Highland Brigade, and the final one
(the Dotted Purple Line) by the Lowland. The leading battalions of
the 26th, the Black Watch[94] and Argylls, each on a two-company
front, were to capture a subsidiary objective (Green Line) and the
Yellow Dotted Line, after which the Seaforths and Camerons[95] were
to pass through and go on to the Blue Dotted Line, while the final
attack was allotted by Brig.-General Croft to the 12th[96] and 11th
Royal Scots. The assault was on a very wide frontage for a brigade,
and necessitated considerable gaps between sections. The barrage
was to move at the rate of 100 yards every eight minutes, with a
pause on the first and second objectives, and 16 Vickers Guns were
to form a machine-gun barrage and were also to support the infantry
with covering-fire. On the flanks of the Ninth the attack was to
be carried on by the New Zealand Division on the right and the
Eighteenth Division on the left. Zero was 5.35 A.M.
About midnight on the 11th, the weather broke down completely, and
the march of the battalions of the 27th Brigade under torrents of
rain along the slippery duckboards to their assembly positions was
one prolonged ordeal. The forming-up positions were heavily barraged
with gas and H.E. by the enemy’s guns; many of the taping parties
were killed or wounded, and all had to wear their respirators for
several hours. The assembly was in consequence a difficult matter,
and slight confusion arose before the men were placed in their
correct positions.
At 5.35 A.M. our barrage opened, but was thin and ragged. The leading
men lost direction almost at once, owing to the wide frontage and
the execrable condition of the ground. The right company of the
Black Watch, by the aid of skilful Lewis Gun and rifle-fire, rushed
Adler Farm, captured several prisoners, and though some casualties
were sustained reached its objective on the Green Line. But the
left company ran into our own barrage, and inclining to the left,
made a gap between it and the right company; it was under fire the
whole way and was compelled to dig-in a few hundred yards in front
of our original line. The company, which was to pass this one on the
Green Line, also swung to the left to such an extent that it came up
on the left of the leading company; from the very commencement it
was in trouble, and its commander and H.Q. were all knocked out in
an attempt to rush a “Pill-box.” Meantime the right rear company,
passing through its front one, reached Source Trench near the Yellow
Dotted Line.
[Illustration: ARTILLERY HEAD-QUARTERS NEAR ST. JULIEN]
The first company of the Seaforths, sadly depleted by fire from
parties of Germans[97] in organised shell-holes, advanced and filled
the space between the two leading ones of the Black Watch. The
12th Royal Scots, following close behind, became mingled with
the Seaforths. There was some opposition from Inch Houses, and in
numerous cases clusters of Germans offered resistance until they were
taken in flank; in one case two of our sergeants, both of whom had
been wounded, charged a group of nine and killed every one. Small
parties of our men were seen in the dim light to pass Banff Houses
and Source Trench, and some may even have reached Source Farm and Vat
Cottages. A mixed body of Black Watch, Seaforths, and Royal Scots
entered the eastern end of Wallemolen, but being heavily enfiladed
from both flanks had to fall back on the Cemetery-Inch Houses line.
On the left, matters were even worse; for the ground in some places
was impassable, and as a consequence the Argylls were unable to keep
pace with the barrage. The right company and its supporting company
maintained direction, but the others swung to the left and some of
the men, crossing the Lekkerboterbeek, so churned up by shell-fire
that it was unrecognisable, entered the sector of the Eighteenth
Division. On the right a “Pill-box” near the front line stopped the
leading company and held up the whole advance, with the result that
parties from the rear battalions, the Camerons, 11th Royal Scots,
and 6th K.O.S.B.[98] became involved in the firing-line. A combined
assault by men of all units on the “Pill-box,” the occupants of
which had shown the white flag but continued firing, eventually
mastered the defence, the garrison being killed and four machine-guns
captured. But by this time the barrage was far ahead, the troops
were exhausted and disorganised, and the leading ranks were able
to proceed only 150 yards or so from the “Pill-box,” where they
consolidated a line of shell-holes. The men of the left company who
crossed the Lekkerboterbeek advanced for some 80 yards, but were
stopped by machine-gun fire from Beek and Meunier Houses. The left
rear company, which could make no headway, formed a defensive flank
and gained touch with the Eighteenth Division on its old front line.
Except on the extreme right the advance had come to a halt about 100
yards from the starting-point. The New Zealanders on our right flank
had made some progress, but the Eighteenth Division, as was the case
with our left battalion, had been handicapped by the spongy nature of
the ground and was back in its original position. Several unfortunate
men had been drowned in the deep, water-filled shell-holes, and
rifles and machine-guns were clogged with slime. The barrage having
gone far ahead, nothing was to be gained by persisting in the attack,
and the line taken up by the Ninth at the close of the battle ran
from the Cemetery near Wallemolen in front of Inch Houses, thence
to Oxford Houses and back to our original front system. Though the
26th and 27th Machine-gun Companies had been roughly handled during
the action, they were able to provide efficient protection for the
position now held.
During the night the front was reorganised in three sectors; the
right, garrisoned by the 12th Royal Scots, the Seaforths and Black
Watch, the centre held by the Camerons and Argylls with the “Rifles”
in support, and the left occupied by the 11th Royal Scots and
K.O.S.B. Patrols were sent out during the dark hours with orders to
join up with the leading men of the Black Watch, who had been seen
near Source Farm, but not until next day was touch established with
a few of them in Source Trench, and these were relieved during the
night of the 13th/14th. On the same night the South Africans took
over the whole of the front, and the 26th and 27th Brigades were
withdrawn from the line.
Rain and mud constitute the chief explanation for the failure of the
Division in this battle, which should not have been fought; no man
could progress at more than a snail’s pace, and sheer exhaustion was
a factor more potent than the enemy in bringing the advance to a
standstill. The breakdown in communications was understandable and
largely unavoidable, since the pigeons were unable to fly against
the strong wind that prevailed, and the men who had charge of the
messenger dogs all became casualties. The barrage was not up to the
usual standard of the Divisional Artillery, but its lack of density
and its raggedness were due to the short period that had elapsed
since the last action and to the weather. Many of the guns stuck in
the mud, all the men were dead-beat, and Brig.-General Tudor could
not get the quantity of the smoke-shells he wanted. Since the horses
could not leave the roads, it was only by means of light railways
that field-guns could be brought into action off the roads and
supplied with ammunition. The Sappers, under Lieut.-Colonel Hearn,
always a strong advocate of the light railway, gave the greatest
possible assistance to the gunners by constructing a very useful
railway system east of Springfield.
Serious errors were undoubtedly committed by the infantry, but
when officers and men were engaged in a long and cruel struggle
against ineluctable conditions, cool leadership could scarcely be
expected. As on the 3rd May, there was a deplorable loss of direction
at the very start leading to confusion of units, but at the same
time the vast length of the attacking frontage—1500 yards for two
battalions—with wide gaps between each section, and the absence of
conspicuous landmarks made the maintenance of direction a difficult
matter. Leadership, marked more by valour than by discretion, caused
an unnecessary number of battalions to be involved in wasteful and
confused fighting. If the mixing up of the supporting and leading
units of the 26th Brigade can be understood and condoned, it was
none the less regrettable, but there was less reason for throwing
the battalions of the 27th into the fight. Of battalion commanders
Lieut.-Colonel Lumsden alone, seeing that the attack of the 26th
Brigade had been checked, kept his men back, and the net result of
over-zealous leading was that General Lukin, instead of a brigade,
had only one battalion intact. But even in this respect there was
some excuse. It was at least a venial fault that officers and men
refused to accept a check without making a desperate effort, and
Lieut.-Colonel Sir J. Campbell and Major Innes Browne regarded our
line as unsatisfactory, if not untenable, while the “Pill-box” that
caused the left of the attack so much trouble remained in the hands
of the Germans. Possibly heroism on a grander scale has never been
shown than in the brutal fighting on the foul quagmires of Flanders.
Often neck-deep in mud, the men floundered forward until their
overtaxed limbs could no longer support them, and to wrest victory
under such appalling conditions was a task beyond the power of man.
Few people at Passchendaele had a more thankless and trying time
than the Sappers and personnel of the R.A.M.C. The former were
constantly engaged in maintaining the shelled duckboard tracks,
making plank roads, repairing paths and constructing shelters and
tramways. Three hundred infantry had been attached to the latter
for stretcher-bearing; they were all needed, and it was only by
sheer hard work and much nervous strain that the wounded were
satisfactorily evacuated from the dreary swamps of Passchendaele.
The line was held by the Division until the 24th October and during
this time the hostile artillery periodically barraged the back areas
and approaches, causing serious losses to reliefs and working-parties
between St Julien and the front trenches. A great deal of material
was carried up to the front for the Sixty-third (Naval) Division
and many yards of cable were buried to ensure a rapid and reliable
signal service. Advance posts were thrown out by the 27th Brigade,
and the assembly areas for the Sixty-third Division were marked
by tape. On the 22nd a feint attack in our sector, carried out by
men of the XVIII. Corps Cyclist Battalion who manipulated dummy
figures, assisted the Eighteenth Division in bringing its position
into line with that of the Ninth. On the 24th the 27th was relieved
by the 188th Brigade (Sixty-third Division) and the Ninth[99] was
concentrated in the various camps near Ypres.
CHAPTER XI
PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENCE
OCTOBER 1917 TO 21ST MARCH 1918
The operations of the 12th October concluded the share of the
Division in the fighting of 1917. It had played an important part in
all the big battles except Messines and it had been too recently in
action to be employed in the operations near Cambrai, which began in
November. The Ninth was frequently engaged in the travail of battle;
its rôle during the year had been rather that of storm-troops than
of mere occupants of the line, and though this had entailed great
hardships and a heavy casualty list, some compensation had been
derived from the comparatively long interludes spent in rest and
training. Through gain and loss, hope and fear, officers and men had
shown that splendid and invincible cheerfulness which made the Ninth
so terrible in battle. The general standard of physique was perhaps
not so high as in earlier years, but the spirit of the Division
remained as unconquerable as ever despite the disappointing nature of
the recent operations.
The situation at the close of the year contrasted sadly with the
soaring hopes entertained at the beginning. Russia, whose claim
to be the protector of the Balkan Slavs had been the occasion of
the war, had been ignominiously driven from the field, and her
military collapse involved the sacrifice of Roumania. Near Salonica,
the Entente had been able to do little more than hold its own, and
the greater part of Serbia was in the hands of Bulgarians. The
Italians, unable to wrest the coveted port of Trieste from the
Austrians, were in October dispersed in rout at Caporetto before a
combined army of Austrians and Germans, and the allies in the West
had hurriedly to send reinforcements to stiffen Italy’s resistance.
In Flanders the Passchendaele offensive dragged on beyond the
limits sanctioned by sagacity or prudence until November, and its
only result was to secure us less than five miles of ravaged soil
without effecting any important strategical gain. The Belgian coast
was still firmly controlled by the enemy and our military efforts
had signally failed to contract his submarine campaign. Audacity
and originality, exhibited in the intelligent employment of tanks,
achieved on the 20th November our most remarkable victory and all but
led to the capture of Cambrai, but we were either slow or unprepared
to extend our success, and what had been our greatest triumph was
counter-balanced by our gravest defeat. Ten days later the German
counter-stroke made Cambrai secure and rent a gap in our line near
Gouzeaucourt and Gonnelieu.
Even at sea there was cause for concern. Though the Battle of Jutland
on the 30th June 1916 had rendered the German Navy negligible, the
submarine activities of the enemy wrought serious havoc among our
merchant shipping, and compelled the British Government to adopt a
system of rationing to conserve the food supply. Till the end of the
year it was estimated that we were losing ships faster than we could
build them, and it was not till the beginning of 1918 that we made
any real headway against the submarine menace.
Only in Mesopotamia and Egypt had the tide of fortune turned
definitely in our favour. In the former, General Marshall pushed our
conquests far beyond Bagdad, though it was impossible without Russian
help on his flank to make any ambitious movement against Aleppo.
General Allenby had been transferred to Egypt in June 1917, and in a
vigorous and masterly campaign carried Gaza and gained possession of
Jerusalem before the end of the year.
But if the year ended in humility and disappointment the future was
not without a gleam of hope. The entry of America far outweighed
the defection of Russia, and gave complete assurance of ultimate
victory. Nevertheless the immediate situation was not happy. Though
American troops had taken their place in the line by December, great
numbers of trained men could not be expected to reach the Western
Front from the United States until well on in 1918, and it was
certain that Germany would make a supreme effort to snatch victory
before their arrival. For such an emergency the British forces in
France were perilously short of men, yet on the plea of home defence,
which was absurd while the Navy controlled the seas, the Government
retained in this country large bodies of troops urgently needed by
Sir Douglas Haig as reinforcements. And at this juncture the British
Commander became responsible for an additional stretch of 28 miles
of front, taken over from the French in deference to a decision of
the Versailles Council against the expressed opinion of the British
military representative.
[Illustration: NIEUPORT BAINS, LOOKING TOWARDS THE GERMAN LINES]
On leaving the disagreeable and constantly bombed camps near Ypres,
the Division moved on the 25th October to the Wormhoudt area, and
on the following morning to the coast in the Nieuport sector. Here
two days later the 26th Brigade relieved the Forty-first Division in
the line. After the stress and turmoil of the Salient the Belgian
coast was a veritable haven of rest, the only storm centre being
Dunkirk, which was nightly bombed. Even in the trenches there was
little to disturb the harmony of life, and when our gunners in
accordance with their usual practice began to liven up matters, they
were ordered by the XV. Corps to assume a quieter attitude. Behind
the lines the broad, firm expanse of sand fringing the coast offered
ample scope not merely for the manœuvring of troops but for such
forms of recreation as polo and football.
The sojourn in this sector, where preparations were made for a
long period of useful training, came to an abrupt end. On the
11th November General Lukin was informed that his command was to
be transferred to the X. Corps of the Second Army. Further orders
were received that the 9th Seaforths were to be sent ahead of the
Division, and on the 19th they moved to the area of the VIII. Corps.
After relief by the XXXVI. French Corps, the Ninth concentrated near
Fruges. Then on the last day of the month the Germans delivered their
counter-thrust near Cambrai, and the whole Division was hurried by
rail to Péronne. On the 3rd December it came under the III. Corps,
and two days later relieved the right brigade of the Guards’ Division
and the Second Cavalry Division in the sector extending from Gauche
Wood to Chapel Crossing.
On its flanks were the Twenty-first Division on the right and the
Sixty-first on the left. All three brigades were in the line, the
26th and 27th in the north and south respectively, and the South
African in the centre. With feverish energy the trenches were
strengthened, improved, and protected by wire entanglements. On
the 15th December the Ninth came under the control of the VII.
Corps.[100] Two days later, when the fear of an immediate attack was
dying away, at a conference the brigadiers agreed that it would be
a gain to hold the sector with two brigades, allowing the third to
work and train, and it was also decided to hold our front with an
outpost line with a buffer line running through Gouzeaucourt, while
the main line of resistance was to be the reserve system. From the
17th December there were heavy falls of snow, but in spite of the
inclement weather the enemy launched an attack early on the morning
of the 30th against the Sixty-third Division, which had relieved the
Sixty-first on our left. After a violent barrage he broke into its
trenches, and two parties taking the position of the Highland Brigade
in the flank were repelled by the Argylls only after a desperate
conflict, in which the enemy sustained heavy losses. During the
afternoon a counter-attack of the Sixty-third Division succeeded in
recapturing part of the lost trenches. At dawn next morning the enemy
shelled the 26th Brigade with gas and H.E., but made no infantry
attack on our front, though he delivered a fruitless assault against
the left division. Fine cold weather prevailed during the opening
days of 1918, but in the middle of January a thaw set in and our
parapets melted away in liquid snow and mud. The greatest vigilance
and alertness were maintained by both sides, and patrols found few
opportunities of effecting surprise. Alarms still continued, and a
message picked up from the Germans seemed to indicate that an attack
would be made on the 19th, but nothing out of the usual occurred
until the 23rd, when an enemy patrol was repulsed in an attempt to
rush the trenches held by the 11th Royal Scots. Towards the close of
the month the relief of the Ninth by the Thirty-ninth Division was
begun, and was completed on the first day of February.
For almost six weeks the Division remained out of the line, the
time being spent in training and in work on the railways and rear
defences. During this period our waning strength in man-power was
responsible for infantry brigades being placed on a three- instead
of a four-battalion basis, and in accordance with this rearrangement
the Argylls were sent to the Thirty-second Division and the “Rifles”
to the Fourteenth, while the 3rd South African Regiment was broken up
and its members allocated to the remaining battalions of the brigade.
This alteration not merely affected the strength of the Division,
but to some extent its fighting efficiency, because the new grouping
of units was one with which the British Army was unfamiliar, and new
methods of tactical handling had to be acquired. At this time also
the 9th Seaforths were reorganised as a three-company battalion.
The training was on the old lines of the open warfare system. It was
known that the Germans were receiving special training for a supreme
effort, and the best means of countering it was by securing an equal
efficiency. There was nothing new or original in the methods of
Ludendorff; he wished to recapture the old flexibility in movement
and method that distinguished the Germans in 1914, but had been lost
through the routine of trench warfare. An army of the same experience
as that of “The Contemptibles” would have had no difficulty in coping
with Ludendorff’s _sturm truppen_, but the New Armies of Britain
through sheer lack of opportunity for training were much below that
standard. Using picked troops the Germans intended to press on
without halting to adjust irregularities in their line, pockets of
resistance being compelled to withdraw or surrender by the pressure
on their flanks. This method was well known to the British Army, and
was distinctly emphasised in the manual on Infantry Training, 1914,
in which the men were told that the best way to help a neighbour
forward was to push on themselves. Though the time was short every
moment was fully utilised, and the infantry of the Ninth had reached
a very satisfactory stage of efficiency when they returned to the
line. The artillery, now at Bray under Brig.-General Tudor, underwent
a course of training, the value of which was soon to be shown.
On the 1st March a further reorganisation took place with regard to
machine-guns. Each division was equipped with a machine-gun battalion
of 4 companies with 16 guns each, and the 3 companies attached to the
infantry brigades now formed part of the 9th Machine-gun Battalion
under Lieut.-Colonel Chalmers. This rearrangement strengthened the
discipline of the Machine-gun Corps by the introduction of senior
officers, and a more intense _esprit de corps_ followed. It also
permitted greater co-ordination and co-operation in the use of
machine-guns. There was a great increase in the number of Lewis
Guns; each battalion now possessed 36, with an additional 4 for
anti-aircraft work.
At the beginning of March, General Lukin[101] was appointed to a
command in England. During his period of command the Ninth had
gained numerous outstanding successes, particularly those of the
9th April and 20th September 1917, and had developed steadily the
reputation so firmly established at Loos. He had served with the
Division for nearly two years and had won the esteem and confidence
of all ranks. His successor was Major-General C. A. Blacklock, who
arrived on the 13th March. The Division had also a new G.S.O.I.;
Lieut.-Colonel P. A. V. Stewart, who had served with the Ninth
since March 1916, left it in December 1917, and was succeeded by
Lieut.-Colonel T. C. Mudie.
On the nights of the 11th/12th and 12th/13th March, the Ninth
returned to the line in relief of the Thirty-ninth Division. The
sector extended from about a thousand yards west of Villers-Guislain
to about the same distance north-west of Gonnelieu, and, except
that Chapel Hill was now included in the sector of the Twenty-first
Division, was the position held before February. The hill should have
been left in the area of the Ninth because it formed the key to the
greater part of its defences.
The Ninth was on the left flank of the VII. Corps of the Fifth
Army, and on its left flank was the Forty-seventh Division of the
V. Corps of the Third Army. Since the junction of different armies
is always a tempting mark for a hostile attack, the position of
these divisions was one of particular importance; on the liaison
between them depended the liaison of the Fifth and Third Armies. Of
these two armies the former was by far the weaker; General Gough was
responsible for a front more than forty-five miles in extent, and
the forces at his disposal numbered only 14 infantry and 3 cavalry
divisions, while opposing him were 46 strong German divisions.
General Byng with slightly over twenty-six miles of front had 19
divisions (11 in line and 8 in reserve). Sir Douglas Haig probably
anticipated that the heaviest blow would fall on the Third Army, and
he furnished it with a comparatively large body of reserves. The
Fifth Army holding less vital ground had ample scope for manœuvre and
was therefore provided with fewer troops. But the position of General
Gough was not a comfortable one, as the first shock of attack would
absorb his few reserves, and after that he would have to rely on his
neighbours for help.
The country comprised in the Ninth’s area was undulating, with
rolling downs dotted here and there, with a few scattered woods and
ruined villages. The main tactical features were the low ridges on
the east and west of Gouzeaucourt, which joined about Chapel Hill,
one and a half miles south of the village. We held Quentin Ridge,
east of Gouzeaucourt, as far north as Quentin Redoubt, from which
point our front line ran along the western slopes of the ridge
to Fifteen Ravine, which was the boundary between the Ninth and
Forty-seventh Divisions and the Fifth and Third Armies.
The area was organised into three zones for defence. The defences
of the first or Forward Zone consisted of a continuous front line
supported on the right and centre by Gauche Wood and Quentin Redoubt,
a well-wired, anti-tank field, an intermediate line running due north
from Chapel Hill, and including the village of Gouzeaucourt, and the
Red Line stretching from Chapel Hill west of Gouzeaucourt to Beaucamp
Ridge, where it joined the second zone defences at the Divisional
boundary.
[Illustration: GONNELIEU FROM GOUZEAUCOURT]
The second or Battle Zone consisted of two continuous trenches—called
the Yellow System—two or three hundred yards apart, starting on
Chapel Hill and lying roughly north and south along the ridge west
of Gouzeaucourt, and a continuous trench (the Brown Line) leading
north-west from Railton about one mile south-west of Chapel Hill. The
Brown Line was the only one which would not be seriously compromised
by the loss of Chapel Hill. Numerous strong points had been made
between the Brown and the Yellow Systems, and the support line of the
former was in course of construction. A switch line from the Yellow
System along Revelon Ridge to the Brown Line was begun when the blow
fell, but Revelon Farm, which was to have been in this switch, was
strongly defended and permanently garrisoned.
Behind this lay the Rear Zone. The villages of Heudecourt, Sorel
and Fins were intended to form centres of resistance, but their
fortifications had scarcely been commenced at the time of the attack.
Beyond these was a continuous trench, the Green Line, running north
and south through the village of Nurlu, which formed a centre of
resistance. The sector for the defence of which the Ninth was
responsible lay between the north end of Epinette Wood and the south
end of Equancourt; it was thus echeloned in rear of the right flank
of the Battle Zone. This point requires notice; for the enemy’s
penetration of the Division on our right on the first day of the
battle, and later the failure of the troops on our left to extend
to their southern boundary, were causes of great trouble during the
retreat.
The general scheme of defence may be summarised thus: The men in the
Forward Zone were to maintain their ground, but no counter-attack on
a large scale was to be made to recover any part of it that might
be lost. But all the resources at the command of the Division
were to be engaged, if necessary, to retake any part of the Battle
Zone invaded by the enemy, and the artillery positions were chosen
primarily with a view to the defence of the Battle Zone.
The South African Brigade[102] on the right and the 26th[103] on the
left held our front. In each of these one and a half battalions were
detailed for defence and local counter-attack within the Forward
Zone, and the remainder was entrusted with the defence of the front
of the Battle Zone. The 27th Brigade,[104] the 9th Seaforths, and
the Divisional Engineers were in reserve. The 11th Royal Scots were
quartered in Heudecourt, the 12th Royal Scots in Dessart Wood, and
the K.O.S.B. and the 9th Seaforths in Sorel. The Divisional Reserve
was to be ready to counter-attack within the Battle Zone or to man
the Brown System. Of the Machine-gun Battalion, three companies were
deployed in depth in the Forward Zone and in the Yellow System, and
all guns were sited for direct fire, but where possible they had also
been given an indirect S.O.S. line. The remaining company was in
reserve at Heudecourt. The machine-gun barrage was designed to cover
the valley between Gonnelieu and Villers-Guislain and the ground in
front of Fifteen Ravine on the extreme left. Gun positions in the
Battle Zone behind the Yellow System had been reconnoitred, and this
proved of great value later, for guns hastily taken up to the south
of Revelon Farm on the first day of the battle did great execution.
The Divisional Artillery, reinforced by the 65th and 130th A.F.A.
Brigades, covered our sector, and the barrage-fire of the field-guns
was concentrated in front of Gonnelieu and Villers-Guislain.
Alternative and rear positions had been prepared, and it was noted
that four batteries, which had moved into their alternative positions
during the week before the attack, were not shelled during the German
bombardment.
Concerning the intentions of the enemy there could be no doubt.
From the beginning of March fresh indications of an impending blow
were reported daily in the Intelligence Summaries of the VII.
Corps and Fifth Army, though long before this the construction of
railways, roads, and bridges over the Canal de St Quentin had aroused
speculation. The fact that several German divisions[105] had been
put in the line about the middle of February, and taken out again at
the end of the month, presumably for a final rehearsal, seemed to
point to the middle of March as the probable time for the beginning
of the offensive. On the 12th March the Corps Intelligence Summary
stated that during the last four days the enemy’s preparations had
been extended to the forward area and were being carried on rapidly,
noticeably north of Gonnelieu, while from the statements of prisoners
it appeared probable that the attack would commence between the 14th
and the 16th.
Up to this date all the information on which an estimate of the
enemy’s purpose could be based came from higher authority. Not a
sign of the coming thrust could be discerned by the men holding the
line. The only suspicious circumstance lay in the failure of the
hostile artillery to retaliate after the heavy bombardment carried
out by our gunners at dawn every morning. On the 13th, 14th, and
15th, our left and the right of the Division on our left were
subjected to severe gas bombardments; but apart from this the silence
of the enemy’s artillery was significant. Nothing unusual occurred
till the 16th, when an extraordinary amount of movement was reported
by our observers, and it was noticed that our heavy artillery
“shoots” caused a surprising number of explosions.
During these days of suspense Brig.-General Tudor was in command of
the Ninth, General Blacklock having gone on leave on the 16th. The
Corps Summary for the 19th stated that the attack was to be expected
on the 20th or 21st. It would have been impossible for anyone to
detect any trace of nervousness among our troops, and a remark in
the diary of the Highland Brigade on the 6th March that “the enemy
is supposed to be going to attack here” reflected in its cheerful
unconcern the attitude of the men. But the strain of waiting was
beginning to tell on them physically, since the need for unremitting
vigilance and frequent “stand-to’s” materially curtailed the time for
sleep. Hence the stroke of the enemy was longed for more than feared.
The German plan of attack is described in _Meine Kriegserinnerungen_
by Ludendorff. The enemy had two fronts[106] of attack; the
northern extending from Croisilles to Moeuvres; the southern
from Villers-Guislain to a point on the Oise near the junction
of the French and British fronts. The position of the Ninth was
exceptionally complicated; the southern half of its area was included
in the German southern front of attack, but the northern half lay in
an area comprising the Flesquières salient, which projected between
the two zones of the hostile operations, and against which it was no
part of Ludendorff’s plan to push home an attack. In addition to the
northern wing of the Ninth, the salient was held by three divisions
of the V. Corps, and provided that the pressure north and south of
it met with success, Ludendorff had good reason to expect that the
whole of the garrison would be cut off and forced to surrender. It is
important to note that the Ninth’s line of retreat, plainly indicated
on the map, lay south-west, while the direction of the enemy’s
southern advance ran due west. Thus it was clear that, should the
German attack compel a retirement, the Division would be in danger of
being cut off, since its line of retreat took it across the enemy’s
front.
CHAPTER XII
GERMANY’S SUPREME EFFORT
21ST TO 29TH MARCH 1918
The 21st March 1918 was big with destiny; on that day began the
battle on the issue of which depended the fate of Germany and the
world. At first the omens seemed favourable to the enemy, for a thick
mist, hovering over ridges and valleys, allowed his grey-clad men to
leave their trenches without detection. At 4.45 A.M. the masses of
guns concentrated by Ludendorff on the British front spoke with an
ear-splitting noise, and our lines were robed in smoke and flame.
The bombardment of the Forward Zone, particularly on the front of
the 26th Brigade, was not exceptional, but battery areas, Dessart
Wood, and the villages of Heudecourt and Sorel were heavily shelled.
Nurlu, where General Tudor had his H.Q., was the special target for
a high velocity gun, and as such marked attention to a D.H.Q. was a
luxury reserved for great occasions, it served to give early warning
that the supreme crisis had arrived. Large quantities of gas were
sent over, compelling the battalions at Heudecourt and Dessart Wood
to wear respirators for two hours. Shortly after 5 A.M. telephonic
communication between the two front brigades and D.H.Q. was broken,
the line to the 26th being invariably cut immediately after repair.
But General Tudor remained in constant touch with Brig.-General Croft
at Sorel, and when the bombardment terminated, the lines to the South
African and Highland Brigades were quickly mended. At 9.53 A.M. news
was received that German infantry had been seen advancing on Gauche
Wood and Quentin Ridge behind a smoke-barrage, and this information
was reported at once to the VII. Corps and the S.O.S. sent out by
wireless.
In the sector of the Highland Brigade there was no infantry attack;
small parties of Germans were seen to make a show of advancing from
Gonnelieu, but an assault, if it had been intended, was prevented by
our tremendous concentration of artillery-fire on the village. But
a serious thrust was made against the South Africans and between 8
and 9 A.M., under cover of a smoke-screen, strong hostile parties
marched against Gauche Wood, which was garrisoned by a company of the
2nd Regiment holding three strong points with another in the open on
the south-west side of the wood. Captain Green, who was in command,
was assisted by two machine-guns and a section of the brigade T.M.B.
Some Germans attacked the wood fiercely from the east, and others,
screened by the fog while threading their way through our outposts
in the north, entered it from that direction. A desperate resistance
was offered by the posts, and great rents were ruthlessly torn in
the ranks of the invaders, but yard by yard the Germans tightened
their hold. The garrisons of two of the posts were almost completely
blotted out, but Lieut. Beviss and half a platoon hacked their way
out and dug in immediately west of the wood. Captain Green with the
men of the third post fought his way back to join his troops near the
south-west margin. Prodigal of life, the pursuing Germans charged
in mass at 50 yards’ range, and whole sections were shot down by
the vengeful fire of the South Africans. Brought to a sudden halt,
the assailants commenced to dig themselves in on the western edge;
still the unerring bullets of Captain Green’s men took heavy toll of
them, and they retired within the shelter of the wood, but even there
they found no safety, for Brig.-General Dawson, on hearing what had
happened, directed all the artillery at his disposal to bombard it.
Gauche Wood was all that the Ninth yielded on the first day of the
battle.
The first confirmation that General Tudor received of the enemy’s
attack was at 11 A.M., when he learned that German infantry were
advancing between Vaucellette Farm and Gauche Wood. Half an hour
later, he heard from the Twenty-first Division that the farm had been
lost, and from the South Africans that the Germans were occupying the
wood.
Up to noon the situation seemed to be fairly satisfactory. To the
north, the right of the Forty-seventh Division had been unmolested,
while on our right the Twenty-first Division, according to its
reports, still held Cavalry Trench, east and south-east of Chapel
Hill. But at that time sinister tidings arrived, a divisional
observer reporting that the infantry of the Twenty-first had
withdrawn from the Hill on Revelon Farm at 11 A.M. From noon, gnawing
anxiety was the constant companion of the Division. As we have seen,
Chapel Hill formed the southern buttress of our defence scheme, and
accordingly General Tudor ordered Brig.-General Dawson to ascertain
at once if the Hill and Chapel crossing were still in our hands, and,
if not, to concert measures with the brigade on his right for the
reoccupation of these vital positions.
The South Africans’ commander was fully alive to the seriousness of
the situation, for the loss of Chapel Hill might mean the sacrifice
of his two forward battalions. He promptly ordered the troops holding
Lowland Support (the rear trench of the Yellow System) to turn about
and face south, thus forming a defensive flank between Chapel Hill
and Revelon Farm, and this flank he strengthened by sending forward a
company of the 2nd Regiment; it however met the enemy in the trenches
on the north slope of the hill and could make no further progress.
The task of recapturing Chapel Hill was entrusted to a company of
the South African Scottish; at 5.30 P.M., advancing with great dash,
the men chased the Germans from the crest, took the trenches on the
southern and south-eastern slopes and linked up the position with
Genin Well Copse.
But farther south matters were becoming exceedingly grave. The
Germans bored a passage to the vicinity of Genin Well Copse, where
they were rudely checked by the fire of a machine-gun section
at Railton, while the South African Scottish raked them with
flanking-fire, and C/51 Battery under Major Sawder at Revelon Farm
engaged them over open sights with deadly effect. Patrols of the 11th
Royal Scots entering into the fray, dislodged the enemy’s snipers
from the copse and captured an officer and 33 men.
On the afternoon of the 21st March the situation on the front of the
Ninth was satisfactory. No serious assault, except on the right, had
been made against its entrenchments, but the Germans had in store for
it perils more desperate than those that come from a frontal attack.
So far, our main source of anxiety was the south, where the chief
shock of the onset had been felt, but the possession of Chapel Hill,
Lowland Support, Revelon Farm, and Railton, gave reasonable security
to our flank and kept us in touch with the Twenty-first Division,
which, according to our patrol reports, was holding the Brown Line
south of Railton. The ominous news in the Corps Summaries of disaster
farther south, and the fact that our line of retreat to the Green
Line, which ran south-west, was already jeopardised by the enemy’s
penetration to a depth of fully 2000 yards on the Twenty-first
Division’s front necessarily kept the attention of General Tudor
focussed on our right flank.
Information from the north had been reassuring, the Forty-seventh
Division having reported at 4.40 P.M. that no alarming thrust had
been made on its front. It therefore came as a huge surprise to
General Tudor when he was ordered to withdraw his men during the
night to the Battle Zone, in order to conform with the retreat of
the V. Corps to the Red Line (a continuation of our Yellow System).
This was due to events on the front of the Third Army, where the
Germans had scored a greater measure of success than could have been
anticipated. The loss of Doignies and the penetration of hostile
infantry as far as Beaumetz and Morchies imperilled the Flesquières
salient and compelled General Byng to withdraw his men on the right
to Highland Ridge, and thence westwards along the Hindenburg Line to
Havrincourt and Hermies. But a more extensive withdrawal involving
the abandonment of the whole of the salient would probably have
been our wisest policy, since it would have forestalled the enemy’s
designs.
Warning orders, immediately sent out to brigades, prevented
Brig.-General Dawson from carrying out an attempt, which he had in
mind, to recapture Gauche Wood. Instructions were also received
for the Ninth to take over the defences of Chapel Hill from the
Twenty-first Division; this had actually been done, but parties of
the Twenty-first still on Chapel Hill and between it and Revelon Farm
were relieved by the South Africans during the night. In order that
the extra territory then taken over might be adequately guarded, the
11th Royal Scots were sent up to reinforce the South Africans, who
established a continuous line from Chapel Hill in front of Revelon
Farm to Railton, a trench being dug on it after dark by the Sappers
and 9th Seaforths. With the approach of dusk the withdrawal from
the Forward Zone began and was carried out without molestation, the
night passing quietly except for slight gas-shelling of Dessart
Wood. Cheering news filtered through at midnight; the Twenty-first
Division had retaken the Yellow Line from south of Chapel Hill to the
Railton-Peizière Railway, and the prospect at the close of the first
day’s fighting seemed distinctly good.
With the second day, trials and troubles for the Ninth accumulated
and grew in magnitude as the enemy’s attack was pressed, and during
the following days only consummate leadership and indomitable
gallantry enabled the Division to extricate itself from the dangers
that threatened it on all sides.
When dawn came, gelid shadows of mist drifted over the landscape,
bringing poor comfort to men who, half-numbed with cold, had passed
a long, sleepless night. There was no change in our dispositions,
the Battle Zone being held by the South African Brigade on the right
and the Highland Brigade on the left, each being deployed in depth
between the Yellow and Brown Systems. At 7 A.M. General Tudor was
informed by the Corps Commander that as the weight of the enemy’s
assault was expected to be in the south, he must be prepared to
take over the front of the Twenty-first Division as far as the
Railton-Peizière Railway by 10 A.M., and orders for this relief
were issued at 8.35 A.M. But before they could be carried out heavy
fighting had recommenced.
Enshrouded by fog, the Germans brought up undetected numerous trench
mortars, with the fire of which they hammered our positions from
Chapel Hill to Railton. Brig.-General Dawson, now established at
Sorel, had not the same control of communications as on the previous
day, and was less able to assist his infantry effectively with
artillery-fire. The persevering and tenacious Germans gradually
mastered the Hill, as the garrison became weakened by fatigue and
casualties. General Tudor, having realised that there was little
prospect of the Twenty-first Division establishing any line in front
of the Brown System, which ran south from Railton Station, instructed
Brig.-General Dawson to hold the Reserve Switch, which connected
the front and rear lines of the Yellow System along the line of the
Revelon Farm-Gouzeaucourt road. But our strained right flank was
still locked in conflict, and General Tudor contemplated an attack
by his reserves to relieve the pressure on the South Africans, but
he was instructed by the Corps Commander, in view of the situation
farther south, to form a switch from the Yellow System on the left to
the Brown System on the right.
Scrupulous care and timely anticipation marked the actions of the
G.O.C. In the forenoon he had sent one of his staff officers to
acquaint the Forty-seventh Division with the critical state of
affairs on our front, and at 12.15 P.M. he warned it by telephone
that there was a possibility of our being ordered to retire to
the Brown Line, and that as this withdrawal would necessarily be
in a south-westerly direction, the length of the front of the
Forty-seventh would be greatly extended. The situation on our right
flank was precarious enough in itself, and General Tudor was anxious
to assure his left.
In the afternoon matters developed rapidly. The policy of the Fifth
Army was to fight a rearguard action to delay the enemy, and the
Ninth was instructed to withdraw at once to the Brown Line; but
before this order was issued another message commanded a retirement
to the Green Line. The South African and Highland Brigades were
accordingly told to move back to the Brown Line at 4.30 P.M., and
from it to the Green Line at 7.30 P.M. The 12th Royal Scots already
occupied the Green Line north of Nurlu, and the Black Watch, the
reserve battalion of the 26th Brigade, were withdrawn at once, and
taking up a position on the left of the Royal Scots held the Green
Line as far north as the Fins-Equancourt Railway, with the details
of the 26th Brigade on their left. Brig.-General Croft directed the
K.O.S.B. to hold the high ground between Sorel and Lieramont, and
two companies of the 11th Royal Scots were posted south-west of
Heudecourt. The 150th A.F.A. Brigade was withdrawn and came into
action south of Sorel. It was hoped by these dispositions to secure
the Green Line and cover the southern flank of the South Africans and
Highlanders during their retirement, which in the case of the former
at least was bound to be of exceptional difficulty, since by 4 P.M.
the enemy in the south had entered Guyencourt and threatened to cut
across the Division’s line of retreat.
The first stage of the retirement was accomplished successfully. When
the Germans noticed our movement they advanced in dense formations
past Revelon Farm, until they were broken up in confusion by heavy
fire from the 2nd South African Regiment. The retreat to the Green
Line was one long struggle against frantic odds and deadly perils.
Farther south the plodding Germans, still making ground, had pierced
before dark the Brown Line south of Railton in the sector of the
Twenty-first Division, and, commencing to roll up our line, burst
into Heudecourt from the south-east at 6.30 P.M. This manœuvre
threatened the right wing of the Ninth with destruction, and all
three battalions of the South African Brigade were in imminent danger
of envelopment. Safety depended on the successful checking of the
enemy until the friendly mantle of night gave the several units an
opportunity to retire. General control was impossible, but section
and subordinate leaders handled their men in a manner that must have
excited the admiration even of their skilful adversaries, and the
bulk of the South African forces succeeded in reaching the Green Line.
While the retirement of the artillery was taking place, throngs of
hostile aeroplanes flitting above them sprayed the teams with bullets
and engaged our infantry. In the dim light, the South Africans
could see in Sorel the sad evidences of an army in retreat; streams
of wounded, guns, and details of departmental units were hurrying
through the streets, while the enemy was pressing on towards the
village in large numbers. It was imperative to stop him until our
retiring troops and guns had reached safety, and Brig.-General Dawson
manned the trenches west of Sorel with the personnel of his staff.
The K.O.S.B., already in position, were engaged with the Germans, and
with the help of Brig.-General Dawson’s staff brought them to a halt.
Before they had time to organise an attack the last guns had left
the village, and Brig.-General Dawson with his H.Q. drew off into
divisional reserve at Moislains. The remnants of his three battalions
withdrew north to Fins, which they left as the advance parties of
the enemy entered it, and thence they retired without interference
behind the Green Line. A few of the South Africans missed their way
in the darkness and did not rejoin the Division until some days later.
The retirement of the Highlanders was attended with many thrills. In
the morning they had been undisturbed and patrols had remained till
noon in Gouzeaucourt, which was spasmodically shelled by the Germans,
who seemed to be unaware that our men had left the Forward Zone.
Fortunately there was no frontal pursuit; for the Germans advancing
from Gonnelieu walked into our anti-tank minefield and exploding
some of the bombs hurriedly retired. The route of the Seaforths and
Camerons ran through Fins to Etricourt, but the enemy had already
taken possession of the former, and the Highlanders had to make a
wide detour to the north in order to reach Etricourt, where they
spent the night, part holding the line with the Black Watch and part
in brigade reserve.
The flames of burning huts fired by the Sappers, with the dark
silhouettes of retiring troops, formed an awesome and romantic
spectacle. From Nurlu ascended clouds of brick-dust, like the genie
from the brass bottle, and shell dumps belched forth volumes of thick
black smoke and glowing flames, while every now and then a heavy
shell exploded with a deafening crash, and green, red, white, and
blue rockets soared through the air like fairy fountains.
“That night, a child might understand,
The Deil had business on his hand.”
Amid such turmoil and desperate haste it was inevitable that several
parties should go astray, and material should be lost. The South
African company of Captain Green near Gauche Wood and a company of
the 11th Royal Scots at Revelon Farm had never a chance of escape and
were overwhelmed. A platoon of the Seaforths under Lieut. Cameron
had been left in the Yellow System by mistake, but at 10 P.M. with
amazing coolness this young officer piloted his men through groups
of the foe and brought back 18 prisoners, including an officer.
The guns, which had covered the withdrawal up to the last moment,
firing over open sights, had caused dreadful havoc among the hostile
infantry, and were all brought out except a forward anti-tank gun,
one which was bogged, and ten field-guns of the two batteries of the
150th A.F.A. Brigade, the teams of which failed to turn up in time.
All the abandoned pieces were rendered useless.
During the night the K.O.S.B., the remaining three companies of the
11th Royal Scots, and the 63rd and 90th Field Companies occupied
Nurlu and the Green Line, as far south as Epinette Wood. The 9th
Seaforths and the 64th Field Company moved into divisional reserve in
Vaux Woods, north of Moislains.
General Tudor, who had transferred his H.Q. to Moislains at 3 P.M.,
had extricated his force from one danger only to be confronted by
another equally critical. He had been most punctilious in his reports
to the Forty-seventh Division in order to avoid any misunderstandings
about his left flank, and to give that division timely warning of
the measures to be adopted to maintain liaison. But in spite of
his precautions complications arose. The staff officer he had sent
to inform it of our withdrawal to the Green Line returned with the
message that the Forty-seventh was going to retire to the Brown Line
only, and was not prepared to accept responsibility for connecting
up its right on the Brown Line with our left on the Green Line.
This was a most awkward _contretemps_, and General Tudor at once
informed the Corps Commander, who promised to arrange matters with
the V. Corps, to which the Forty-seventh belonged. Shortly before 7
P.M. the point was again referred to, when the Ninth was advised that
the Third Army was also to withdraw to the Green Line. Accordingly
at 7.30 P.M. the exact position of our troops was reported to the
Forty-seventh Division, which informed us that the 99th Brigade
was at Manancourt and Equancourt in reserve. This brigade was
placed under the orders of the Ninth at 9.10 P.M., and one of its
battalions was ordered to extend from the left of the 26th Brigade
to a point about 1000 yards north of Fins. The stretch of front
held by the Division, with the 99th Brigade attached, on the night
of the 22nd/23rd amounted to 7500 yards. No touch was established
with the units on either flank, but the V. Corps promised that its
troops would link up with the 99th Brigade at 5 A.M. on the 23rd,
while the Twenty-first Division stated that it was holding up to the
north-eastern end of Epinette Wood.
Thus the prospects on the night of the 22nd were uncertain and
disquieting. The onus of anxiety had hitherto come from the south,
but from now onwards the gate[107] between the Fifth and Third Armies
began to be pressed open, and offered a glorious chance of sweeping
victory to the enemy. And the course of events forced the Ninth to
become the guardians of the door, which it held by the gallantry
of its men and the skill of its leaders, until reinforcements
were available. On the evening of the 22nd the divisions in the
Flesquières salient had been violently attacked at Villers-Plouich
and Havrincourt, and though the assaults had been beaten off with
great slaughter they hindered the retreat of the Third Army in
a south-westerly direction. The V. Corps, pushed away from its
boundary, failed to link up with the Ninth at 5 A.M. on the 23rd as
arranged, so that a co-ordinated retirement by the two armies was
impossible.
It must be borne in mind that throughout the retreat the men suffered
constantly from want of sleep, and supplies being inevitably
irregular, they had to endure frequently the pangs of hunger and
thirst.
Unfriendly mist again bathed the battlefield at dawn on the 23rd.
Orders were received at 5.26 A.M. to hold the Green Line with
rearguards only, and to withdraw the remainder to a line east of
Moislains and along the eastern edge of Vaux Woods, the retirement of
the rearguards to conform with that of the troops on our right. The
movement was necessary owing to a breach in the Green Line farther
south, but it added enormously to the territory of the Ninth, which,
being obliged to keep in touch with the Forty-seventh Division west
of Fins, now had the vast frontage of 11,000 yards.
Before the orders for retreat reached the front line troops, the
enemy launched a resolute assault against the Green Line under an
artillery and trench-mortar barrage. On the left it was repulsed, but
the right of the Division was turned by Germans who swarmed through
Epinette Wood, and only a brilliant rearguard action by Captain
Cockburn enabled the K.O.S.B. to extricate themselves from a critical
position. The South Africans retired undisturbed to divisional
reserve on a ridge east of Bouchavesnes, but the Highlanders and
Lowlanders passed through a fiery ordeal.
The retreat had to take place in broad daylight under strong pressure
and without the support of the guns, which had to be conveyed across
the Canal du Nord, but it was slowly and skilfully carried out, and
appalling losses were inflicted on the pursuers. The men behaved
like veterans, and the Sappers took their place with the infantry.
Brig.-General Kennedy never received the orders to retire, and his
Highlanders commenced to retreat only when the enemy was in Nurlu
and shared the same trenches. Admirably covered by two companies of
the Seaforths and two companies of the Camerons, the brigade shook
itself free. The covering force counter-attacked the Germans, and
the Seaforths meeting them with the bayonet hurled them back into
Nurlu. As a result of this fine effort, the Highlanders successfully
effected their retirement to the ridge behind Equancourt and
Manancourt which extended from the Beet Factory to Hennois Wood. For
the 26th Brigade there was only one bridge at Manancourt across the
Canal, which here was full of water, and some of the Black Watch had
to swim, but by 2 P.M. the whole Division was safely behind the Canal
du Nord from Moislains to the Beet Factory north of Etricourt, with
the 99th Brigade, about 750 strong, continuing the line to the north
of Fins, where it was in touch with the Forty-seventh Division. The
position was a strong one and had been reconnoitred the previous
evening by General Tudor, but the vast extent of front could not be
held as a continuous line, and touch between the various units was at
all times precarious.
The whole of the 99th Brigade and most of the 26th, the right of
which was just east of Hennois Wood, were in Third Army territory,
and this was pointed out to the VII. Corps. An attack on this weak
and far-stretched flank was to be dreaded, since it might drive these
brigades north and north-west and break the front of the Division.
Accordingly, General Tudor, having obtained permission from the V.
Corps to order the right brigade of the Forty-seventh Division to
take over our front north of Fins to north of Equancourt, delivered
these instructions to it at 11.15 A.M. In the afternoon the 99th
Brigade was transferred to the V. Corps, which was to extend its
right flank down to the boundary between the Third and Fifth Armies,
west of Manancourt.
In the afternoon the Germans launched a furious attack against the
26th and 99th Brigades, and succeeded in penetrating some distance
between Brig.-General Kennedy’s Highlanders and Brig.-General Croft’s
Lowlanders. The Twenty-first Division fell back to the south of
Bouchavesnes, and the South Africans took up a position on the ridge
east of that village to cover the right rear of the Ninth. Orders
were then received from the Corps to take up a line from Bouchavesnes
along the eastern edge of St Pierre Vaast Wood to a point south-east
of Saillisel on the Third and Fifth Army boundary. This gave the
Ninth a span of 6000 yards, and all three brigades were required to
hold it because casualties had been numerous and the men were tired
out by continual marching and fighting. General Tudor thereupon
visited the South Africans, and gave orders to Brig.-General Dawson
to retire after dusk from the Epine de Malassise to the ridge just
west of Bouchavesnes, requesting him to tell Brig.-General Croft
to withdraw his men to the east of St Pierre Vaast Wood. The new
line was to be held at all costs. This message was never received
by Brig.-General Croft, and when the South Africans commenced their
retirement between 7 and 8 P.M. the right of the Lowland Brigade,
thus left unprotected, was heavily attacked. At the same time the
left wing of the Lowlanders was threatened by the enemy’s advance
from Manancourt, and was out of touch with the Highlanders, whose
right in the course of fierce fighting had been compelled to give
way, and who, with their ammunition practically exhausted, were now
occupying a line extending from a mile south of Mesnil-en-Arrouaise
to a point 1000 yards west of the Beet Factory.
On leaving the South Africans, General Tudor hastened to see
Brig.-General Kennedy, whose brigade he found in a critical position.
Envelopment of both flanks appeared imminent, but as a withdrawal
by daylight meant destruction, he instructed Brig.-General Kennedy
to retire by 4 A.M. to a line in front of Saillisel. Returning to
H.Q., he reported his action to Fifth Army H.Q., the VII. Corps then
being on the move, and pointed out that, unless the Third Army could
take over the front as far as its southern boundary according to
arrangement, a gap would exist between the two armies after 4 A.M.
The crisis of the battle was swiftly approaching. The whole line of
the Fifth Army was in flux, for General Gough, with weak and battered
forces and no prospect of reserves, dared not risk an engagement, and
the Germans seemed confident of victory, their infantry onslaughts
being heralded by many “Hochs!” and bugle blasts. But our men showed
marvellous control; time after time the enemy was allowed within
50 yards of our line, and then on the word of command a shower
of well-aimed bullets abruptly halted him. During the night, in
compliance with orders, the Lowland Brigade, with the 9th Seaforths
attached since the 23rd, moved back to St Pierre Vaast Wood, where
it repulsed with many losses several attacks before midnight. During
this conflict the K.O.S.B. lost their commander, Lieut.-Colonel
Smyth being wounded for the fifth time in the war. The hazardous
and complicated move of the Highlanders was attended with wonderful
fortune, and they came into line on a position extending from the
northern corner of the wood across the ridge, on which stood the
village of Saillisel. The Third and Fifth Armies were now separated,
there being a space of fully 3000 yards between them. Nothing had
been heard of the 99th Brigade since it had been attacked in the
afternoon, but after midnight it was learned that it had been
withdrawn to Rocquigny and Le Transloy. No troops arrived to hold
the ground between Mesnil and the left of the Ninth, and fruitless
efforts were made to establish connection with a brigade of the
Seventeenth Division, which had been ordered by the V. Corps to take
up a position west of Saillisel.
The great activity of the enemy on the night of the 23rd utterly
precluded sleep. About 2 A.M. the troops of the Twenty-first Division
on the right of the South Africans reported to Brig.-General Dawson
that Cléry was in the hands of the enemy and that they were about
to make a further retirement. The South Africans were on the right
of the Ninth on the ridge west of Marrières Wood, the Lowlanders at
St Pierre Vaast Wood and the Highlanders on the left. There was no
reserve except the details of the Divisional R.E., and our front
measured 9500 yards.
Before dawn the Highlanders, acting on a false report that the
Lowland Brigade had been withdrawn, retired to the line of the
Bapaume-Péronne road in order to secure touch with it. The message
with this news took five hours to reach D.H.Q., now at Maurepas.
Three tanks, which were at Combles, were ordered to proceed to a
point between Marrières Wood and Rancourt to prevent the enemy
penetrating between the South African and 27th Brigades. But it was
too late.
At 8 A.M. vast hordes of Germans assailed the Lowland Brigade in
front and on both flanks. The weight of attack was on the right
wing, but the K.O.S.B., in brigade reserve south of Rancourt, were
able to delay the enemy’s turning movement long enough to allow
the other battalions of the brigade to be withdrawn from St Pierre
Vaast Wood to a position covering Combles. This position had been
rapidly taken up by details of the Divisional R.E. under the orders
of Brig.-General Croft, and these troops aided by the three tanks
helped to cover the retirement of the Lowlanders, and held their
ground for over an hour. From there, greatly harassed by bombs and
machine-gun fire from aeroplanes flying low and bearing British
colours, the brigade withdrew first to Guillemont Ridge, and then to
a position between Maricourt and the Somme, already occupied by the
9th Provisional Battalion.
Meanwhile the enemy delivered a series of blows, growing in fury,
upon the South Africans from 9 A.M., and Brig.-General Dawson
reported at 11.10 A.M. that he was being heavily attacked from south
and west, but that his line was still intact. This was the last
message received from the brigade.
When the South Africans were posted near Marrières Wood, they
succeeded in gaining touch with the left of the Twenty-first
Division, but, except for a company of the K.O.S.B., they failed
to find the 27th Brigade. Brig.-General Dawson’s last instructions
were to hold the position “at all costs,” and he explained to his
battalion commanders the full significance of these words. The
position contained one good trench and one or two poor ones, and
there was a large number of shell-holes. The ground sloped downwards
towards the east, and then rose to another ridge about 1000 yards
from the front line. The men had each 200 rounds of ammunition and
there was a fair supply of Lewis Gun drums, but the four Vickers
Guns had only four belts, and three of these with their teams
were accordingly sent back to the Transport. The strength of the
brigade was only 500 all told, including the personnel of H.Q. and
a detachment of the Machine-gun Battalion, while all ranks had been
three nights without sleep, and were in a state of extreme fatigue
from their physical exertions and the strain of the previous days.
At 9 A.M., heralded by machine-gun and artillery-fire, the enemy
onsets began. At the first essay the hostile infantry kept a
respectful distance, and did not venture to assault. But an hour
later a dangerous attack developed on the left front and flank from
the north-east. Under a smoke-screen, formed by setting fire to the
dry grass, the Germans skilfully picked their way up to a point
between 200 and 100 yards from our front line, but further advance
was baulked by unerring marksmanship, the South Africans husbanding
their ammunition and firing carefully. Foiled but persistent, the
assailants wheeling a field-gun forward by hand tried to bring it
into action, but a Lewis Gunner of the 1st Regiment shot down the
team before it could be fired. Some hours later another gun was
brought up at the gallop, but, under the accurate fire of the same
Lewis Gunner, men and horses went down in a straggling mass, an
inspiring sight greeted by the South Africans with jubilant cheers.
About noon the troops on the right and left of the brigade retired,
and the movement misled an officer and about 30 men of the South
Africans who, thinking a withdrawal had been ordered, began to fall
back, but no difficulty was experienced in bringing them in. The
exposed left flank was protected by Major Ormiston with 25 men. No
wounded, except those who could not handle a rifle, were allowed to
quit the brigade area, but none complained or gave the slightest
evidence of any desire to leave their comrades; the corporate
heroism of the South Africans was beyond all praise. Every round
was collected from casualties, and men not in the front line or
not having occasion to use their rifles passed their ammunition to
those who required it. By 2 P.M. the South Africans were completely
surrounded, and were being fired at from the west as well as from the
south and east.
Rescue was now impossible, and the South Africans grimly set
themselves to sell their lives at the highest price. Between 2 and
3 P.M. German troops in the north were seen to retire, and wild
hope surged through the men that the Thirty-fifth Division, which
was known to be coming up, was now within reach; but the enemy had
come under his own machine-gun fire from the west and was merely
withdrawing from the danger zone. About 4 P.M. only 100 worn-out,
dust-covered men remained and the ammunition was all but finished,
while batteries of field-guns and several trench mortars were now
in action against them. The faint chance of effecting an escape
under cover of night was extinguished when, half an hour later, the
enemy in great strength and dense formation surged down on the
survivors. Only a few scattered shots greeted this, the final charge,
and then the tiny groups were swallowed up in a sea of Germans and
Brig.-General Dawson and his small band of heroes were prisoners.
The glorious stand of the South Africans was the most dramatic
and arresting episode of the retreat, and has already achieved a
prominent place in the annals of the British Empire. Throughout all
lands of the British race it silenced craven panic and roused that
strong pride of race which is ever the parent of valorous deeds. The
story[108] reported by Captain Peirson, the B.M. of the 48th Brigade
of the Sixteenth Division, reveals the effect on the enemy, which
was not confined to moral results. As Brig.-General Dawson was taken
behind the German lines he saw the roads blocked with a continuous
double line of transport and guns from west of Bouchavesnes to
Aizecourt le Haut; for over seven hours the South Africans had kept
back, in addition to the infantry, all the artillery and transport
which were to advance by the Bouchavesnes-Combles road, and the delay
was of inestimable value to our troops in rear.
Meantime the 26th Brigade, which remained on Sailly Saillisel Ridge,
north-west of St Pierre Vaast Wood until 11.30 A.M., retired through
Guillemont and Maricourt. A stand was made on the Morval-Combles
Ridge, where the enemy experienced a rough handling, and later
the brigade held the ridge behind Leuze Wood to Combles for a
considerable period until the Lowlanders had established their
position. During the murderous combat that ensued here Brig.-General
Kennedy had his horse shot under him, and the stubborn Highlanders
were hard pressed to stem the savage onrushes of the Germans. The
most heroic assistance was rendered by the Divisional Artillery,
whose alternate battery retirement was magnificent, and they killed
vast numbers of the enemy at point-blank range; in numerous cases
they remained in action until the enemy’s infantry were swarming
on them. C/51 and D/51 Batteries catching the Germans coming down
the slopes towards Combles, inflicted enormous casualties and kept
on firing till the last possible moment. All the guns were safely
withdrawn, though the last gun-team of D/51 was slightly delayed by a
direct hit from a “dud” 4·2 shell, which went right through the wheel
horse. Skilfully, Brig.-General Kennedy withdrew his men, but in the
keen and close encounters the brigade became split up into three
parties. The bulk of the Highlanders after a brief halt at Maricourt
proceeded to Montauban, where a position was taken up in support of
the First Cavalry Division, which was then maintaining a line in
front of Bernafay Wood.
The second group, consisting of about 150 Camerons on the left
flank of their battalion, had been the last to retire. These men
drew off in the direction of Les Bœufs and finding it occupied by
Germans marched to Flers, where they joined the 52nd Brigade of
the Seventeenth Division. They went with the 52nd Brigade as far
as Martinpuich, where they attached themselves to the Sixty-third
Division on the 26th, but having received permission to go back to
the Ninth, succeeded in rejoining it later in the evening. Another
party of Camerons, about 100 in all, in attempting to keep touch with
the troops on its left became separated from the rest of the brigade
and attached itself to the 142nd Brigade, Forty-seventh Division, and
on the 25th, after reaching Albert, formed a part of Lieut.-Colonel
Hadow’s force.
The third group, consisting of 300 Black Watch under Lieut.-Colonel
Hadow, remained on Morval Ridge until its flank was turned, and it
was compelled to retreat northwards. This force, growing in numbers
as it collected stragglers from all units, was 2000 strong on the
26th; as “Hadow’s Force” it was organised into two battalions and
under the orders of the VII. Corps, took up a position from Mericourt
L’Abbé to Sailly le Sec. There it remained until relieved by the 43rd
and 38th Australian Brigades on the 28th, after which the men of the
26th Brigade rejoined their battalions.
Sunday, the 24th March, was one of the most dismal days of the
retreat. In the south General Gough’s men did not fare so badly;
for though the Péronne bridgehead had been lost on the 23rd the
enemy did not make much progress between the Somme and the Oise.
But the terrific fighting along the entire front all but shattered
our defences. On the Third Army front the enemy attacking on the
right flank of the V. Corps won Combles, Morval, and Les Bœufs,
compelled the Third Army to surrender the whole of the old Somme
battlefield, and threatened the liaison between the Third and Fifth
Armies. Fissures appeared between the units of the V. Corps, which
was forced away from its boundary, and when darkness fell, its
right flank, which should have been south of Montauban, rested near
Bazentin.
The Ninth now under General Blacklock, who had returned from leave in
the afternoon, and reinforced by the 12th H.L.I. of the Thirty-fifth
Division, remained in ignorance of the misfortunes of the V. Corps
until after midnight. In accordance with instructions from the VII.
Corps it took up at 8.30 P.M. a position extending from an east
and west line through Hardecourt to the Guillemont-Montauban road.
The 12th H.L.I. formed the outpost; the main position was held by
the 27th Brigade and two composite battalions of the VII. Corps
Reinforcement Training Camp under Lieut.-Colonel Hunt, the 18th
H.L.I. being in reserve. The 26th Brigade was at Montauban and D.H.Q.
were at Billon Wood. The fragments of the South African Brigade,
consisting of the men who had been separated from their brigade on
the 22nd, were collected during the night near Maricourt and formed
into a battalion under the command of Lieut.-Colonel Young, who had
been in charge of the South African details. A dismounted cavalry
brigade under General Legard, composed of remnants of the First
Cavalry Division, occupied a position between Montauban and Bernafay
Wood. Persistent efforts were made to establish touch with the left,
and at 1.20 A.M. General Blacklock learned that the right of the
Forty-seventh Division was at Bazentin. The Forty-seventh was now as
far behind as it had been in front of us in the morning, and there
was a gap of two and a half miles between the two armies.
The boundary question had obtruded itself in a fashion that could
not be neglected. At all costs the breach between the armies had to
be filled if Ludendorff’s plans were to be thwarted. The first step
of G.H.Q. was to transfer all the troops north of the Somme from the
Fifth to the Third Army; in other words, the smaller army holding
the longer stretch of front had to provide reinforcements for the
stronger force with the shorter front. Nothing can illustrate more
clearly than this the absurdity of the story, once widely circulated
and even yet largely credited, that the Third Army would have had no
need to retire at all had it not been for the retreat of the Fifth.
The territory of the latter army was not curtailed in compensation
for the loss of these troops. If the Third Army had been able to
keep to its southern boundary, General Gough could have assisted the
hard-pressed XIX. Corps in the south with units of the VII. Corps.
In accordance with this arrangement the Ninth along with the rest of
the VII. Corps now came under the Third Army. The boundary between
the V. and VII. Corps was fixed as follows: the Railway south of
Montauban, thence along the road Montauban-Mametz-Le Carcaillot, all
inclusive to the former.
These measures did not and could not fill the gap, but it was
expected that if the V. and VII. Corps were put under the same Army
Commander, he would succeed in securing better co-operation.
Early on the 25th the Lowland Brigade was relieved by the 106th
Brigade, 35th Division, and assembled at Talus Boise, whence it
marched to Etinehem to rest and reorganise. After daybreak the 26th
Brigade occupied a position on the south-west of Montauban to protect
the left flank of the cavalry. On the withdrawal of the Lowlanders
the line was held by the 18th H.L.I. and the 9th Provisional
Battalion, along the western edge of Favière Wood to the southern
margin of Bernafay Wood, where the 106th Brigade was connected with
the cavalry near Montauban. The 12th H.L.I. were on outpost from the
north of Hardecourt to the south of Trones Wood. On the right the
Thirty-fifth Division, to which the Ninth was now attached, held from
Hardecourt to Curlu, its H.Q. being at Bray.
The transference of the VII. Corps to the Third Army maintained
liaison between General Gough and General Byng, but there was
still an awkward opening between the VII. and V. Corps. In the
morning of the 25th the enemy launched repeated attacks against
the Ninth’s front, and a resolute effort was made to turn its left
flank, Bernafay Wood being lost and recaptured in the course of the
fighting. By 10 A.M. the reserve consisted of only two companies,
and still no connection had been established on the left with the
Seventeenth Division, which was said to be moving in on the right
of the V. Corps. A welcome reinforcement, a battalion of the 104th
Brigade, arrived and was sent to strengthen the 106th Brigade.
At 1 P.M. the VII. Corps reported that the Seventeenth Division was
holding a line from north of Bernafay Wood to a point 700 yards
south-east of Bazentin-le-Grand, and that two of its brigades were
reorganising east of Fricourt, but attempts to establish touch
were still fruitless. Shortly afterwards, however, information was
received that the Twelfth Division had been commanded by the VII.
Corps to move as rapidly as possible to the line Montauban-Bazentin,
and to link up with the Seventeenth Division.
About 2 P.M. the Germans in great strength debouched from Ginchy
and moved against Trones Wood, and though our gunners swept their
ranks with accurate and withering fire, they drove the 12th and 18th
H.L.I. back to the line of the road running from west of Maricourt
Wood to the Briqueterie south-west of Bernafay Wood. By a fine
counter-attack men of the D.L.I., 106th Brigade, regained Favière
Wood. More reinforcements came up, consisting of tired fragments of
the Twenty-first Division, and at 4 P.M. one battalion was ordered
to join the 104th Brigade at Maricourt and the other two the 106th.
Still the enemy continued his onslaughts, but though he gained
a footing in the Briqueterie south-west of Bernafay Wood he was
summarily ejected.
Until about 6 P.M. there was comparative quietness, but after that
hour frequent reports were received that hostile infantry had been
seen north of Montauban, and even as far west as Mametz Wood. In the
evening a withdrawal to the line of the Bray-Albert road was ordered
by the VII. Corps, the retirement to be covered by rearguards, which
were to maintain their position until 2 A.M., while the retirement
of the artillery was to be accomplished gradually, harassing fire
being kept up all night to conceal the retreat, and to prevent as
long as possible any noticeable diminution in the volume of fire.
The new front of the Ninth extended from east of Meaulte to Albert,
and the 27th Brigade was instructed to occupy it at once. This was a
most fatiguing day for the 26th Brigade. After fighting continuously
all day the men trekked to Etinehem, just in time to receive orders
to march by night on a compass-bearing to Dernancourt. The South
Africans, now formed into one battalion, moved to Ribemont sur
L’Ancre. The last battery did not retire until 3.30 A.M. on the 26th.
After a night march the Lowland Brigade garrisoned the Ninth’s sector
with the 11th and 12th Royal Scots in line, the 9th Seaforths in
support, and the K.O.S.B. in reserve. The dispositions had scarcely
been completed when the vanguards of the Germans approached from
Fricourt, but were checked by our outposts. At 1 P.M. an attack in
force was delivered against the right of the line, a hostile battery
coming into action on a ridge in front of it. The assault withered
away before the careful, well-controlled fire of the 12th Royal
Scots, and the enemy’s battery was quickly compelled to withdraw. The
co-operation between our artillery and infantry was wonderfully good,
and the Germans in Becourt Valley, where an attempt to concentrate
was crushed by our fire, suffered innumerable losses. This repulse
quietened the enemy on our front, but farther south where troops had
retired he gained the high ground between our right flank and Bray,
and brought up machine-guns, with which he enfiladed our line. To
meet this danger Brig.-General Croft formed a defensive flank with
the 9th Seaforths, but no sooner was this wing guarded than the
left was jeopardised by the retreat of the Twelfth Division across
the Ancre during the afternoon. This made it necessary for the 27th
Brigade to conform, and the retirement over the river was carried
out in perfect manner, although the 12th Royal Scots lost heavily in
passing through Meaulte.
Meanwhile the 26th Brigade, with the South African composite
battalion attached, after a few hours’ rest occupied about 1 P.M. a
position behind the Ancre between Dernancourt and Moulin du Vivier,
the South Africans holding the former, still apparently a thriving
village. The 9th Machine-gun Battalion, which had been withdrawn
during the night of the 25th/26th to Mericourt L’Abbé, where it was
reorganised into two groups with 10 guns each, covered our line
west of the Ancre. After crossing the river, the Lowland Brigade
was posted along the line of the Railway between the left of the
26th Brigade and the Albert-Amiens road, where it was in close touch
with the Twelfth Division. The enemy on noticing our retirement
advanced towards the river in considerable force, but was caught by
our barrage when moving down the slopes, and the few who succeeded in
crossing were easily dealt with.
At the commencement of the 26th, the fighting strength of the
Division was approximately as follows: Highland Brigade 300,
Lowland Brigade 800, South African Battalion 320, Sappers 120, two
Machine-gun groups with 10 guns each, a total of 1340 rifles and 20
machine-guns. Brig.-General Croft’s men had lost cruelly during the
day, and it was doubtful if the line now occupied, over 3000 yards in
length, could be defended next day against a strong attack.
During the night of the 26th/27th alarming reports of a break-through
on the Albert-Amiens road came in, but nothing serious had actually
happened, and the few troops who had given way were quickly rallied.
A machine-gun on the left of the Lowland Brigade was a source of
much annoyance to the 11th Royal Scots until a smart counter-attack
organised by Major A. C. Campbell put it out of action. Unfortunately
Major Campbell, who had led the 11th Royal Scots with great skill and
sterling courage during the retreat, received wounds which proved
fatal.
The 27th was a critical day for General Gough’s army; for the
Germans forced the line of the Somme from Chipilly to Cérisy, and
took Lamotte on the great Amiens road, about 9000 yards behind
the fighting line of the Fifth Army. There was more stability on
our front, though some of our troops were reported to be retiring
near Albert. This was due to furious shelling, and to bombing by
aeroplanes with British colours, but the retrograde movement was
stopped and an outpost line established along the Railway with Lewis
Gun posts in front. During the day there was a violent artillery and
trench-mortar bombardment of our positions, and at 10.30 A.M. German
infantry were seen entering the valley north-west of Meaulte. Later,
great clusters of the enemy coming down the slopes of the Ancre were
hotly engaged by our artillery and machine-guns, and did not venture
to assault. Here and there clefts appeared in our thin line, but
were promptly closed by swift and skilful local counter-attacks.
Undoubtedly the most disturbing factor was the persistent bombing
of our positions by large numbers of aeroplanes, British by their
marking.
With the close of the day the long travail of the Ninth terminated.
The infantry were relieved by the 4th Australian Division, and after
moving to the neighbourhood of Baizieux, ultimately concentrated in
the Bertangles area on the 29th. For two days more the artillery
remained in action with the Australians and were then withdrawn.
The retreat imposed a heavy burden on the R.A.M.C., but Colonel
Elsner’s staff met their difficulties with untiring devotion and
conspicuous success. Many wounded among the forward troops inevitably
fell into the hands of the enemy, but stretcher-bearers and motor
parties often ventured up to the fighting line in their search for
casualties. The selection of routes for the evacuation of the wounded
called for careful consideration, in order to avoid congestion
on roads blocked with transport and guns, but Colonel Elsner was
eminently successful in making the best working arrangements
possible. Gallantry and resource among the R.A.M.C. were too common
to be remarked on, and motor-drivers as usual braved all the
difficulties of the roads with the air of phlegmatic boredom that
seemed to be their natural expression. Every means of conveyance
was requisitioned, and the whole of the work during the retreat
strikingly revealed the efficiency of the R.A.M.C.
Equally difficult and important was the task of keeping the men
supplied with rations and ammunition. The regular transmission of
stores was naturally affected by the constant movement, but our
organisation withstood the strain, and the A.S.C. performed its
duties in a manner worthy of its high traditions.
Never perhaps did the Ninth render such vital services to the
Empire as during the Somme retreat. It had covered not merely its
own territory, but had extended its line far beyond its northern
boundary, and in the arduous and critical fighting till the 24th
March, its success in blunting the deadly German thrust between the
Third and Fifth Armies did much to save the British forces from what
might have been an irretrievable disaster. Adroit leadership and
dogged pluck were the qualities that steered it through the labyrinth
of dangers that beset it at every turn. Officers of all ranks had
shown throughout the conflict surprising resource and initiative; the
coolness and foresight of General Tudor during the most critical days
led one writer[109] to declare that his name “should be as well known
as are Wellington’s best generals, Crauford, Colborne, and Picton.”
Ably led, the men had brilliantly performed the most difficult
operation in war—a withdrawal in face of the enemy. Men who after
rough buffetings can at the end of a retreat turn round and confront
the foe with unshaken nerve and steadfast courage have proved their
manhood indeed, and this, the acid test of the true soldier, had been
accomplished by the men of the Ninth. In a general sense, it is true
that the gain or loss of ground is insignificant in comparison with
the destruction of an army, but for the individual the surrender of
many miles of territory, painfully won after more than three years of
costly strife, cannot fail to rouse the most sombre reflections, and
only the best of troops can overcome the leaden despondency caused by
a continuous backward movement. Valour alone would not have availed
to stem the enemy’s advance; discipline was required to direct and
control it, and disciplined valour was, in fact, the characteristic
of the Division during the retreat. The six weeks of training in
February had helped to make the Division more than a match for the
pick of Ludendorff’s storm-troops.
Since the time of the Cambrai operations in 1917, G.H.Q. had renewed
the custom, abandoned after Loos, of mentioning by name the divisions
that had particularly distinguished themselves. The retreat was the
first operation in which the Division had participated since the
resumption of this practice, and it earned the proud honour of a
special mention[110] by Sir Douglas Haig.
CHAPTER XIII
THE GERMAN OFFENSIVE IN FLANDERS
APRIL 1918
In spite of their success in forcing the passage of the Somme on the
27th March, the Germans had shot their bolt, and though they had
secured the most extensive acreage ever taken in any one offensive
since trench warfare began, they had failed in their strategical
design—the capture of Amiens and the severance of the French and
British forces. Their front had been worn to a fine point by the
27th, and an attempt to widen it by a stroke against Arras was
shattered by the glorious defence of the northern wing of the Third
Army on the 28th March. No effort on their part could prevent our
thin line in front of Amiens gaining in strength and stability.
Throughout the retreat General Gough had shown sound generalship and
admirable control, but the strain on him and his staff had been so
constant and severe, that Sir Douglas Haig replaced the Fifth Army
Staff by that of the Fourth under General Rawlinson. This arrangement
unfortunately appeared to strengthen the impression created by the
Prime Minister’s unjust remarks in the House of Commons on the 9th
April, implying that General Gough was responsible for our disasters
at the Somme. These were primarily due to the failure of the home
authorities to keep our line in France adequately supplied with men.
About this time, the conference at Doullens arrived at the vastly
important decision which led to the appointment of Marshal Foch on
the 26th March as the Generalissimo of all the forces on the Western
Front.
After the relief of the Ninth, General Blacklock was transferred
to another division, and he was succeeded by Major-General H. H.
Tudor. There could have been no more popular promotion. The new
commander, since he joined the Division in February 1916, had
exercised an important influence in its councils, and his conduct of
the operations from the 21st to the 24th March had marked him as a
leader of outstanding skill. Brig.-General H. R. Wainwright succeeded
General Tudor as C.R.A.
During the retreat from Gouzeaucourt to the Ancre, our losses
exceeded 50 per cent. of the infantry, but the rest were in good
heart. In the fighting of the last few days there had been an element
of sport which appealed to the men, and though they were the hunted
they had killed an enormous number of the pursuers. Consequently
the Division was exhilarated rather than disheartened by its recent
experiences, and its moral was all that could be desired, when, on
the 1st April, it entrained for the north, where it expected to take
over a quiet sector on the front of the IX. Corps in the Second Army.
On the 2nd and 3rd April it detrained at Abeele and Hopoutre, D.H.Q.
being established at Scherpenberg.
On the night of the 3rd/4th April, the Highland and Lowland Brigades
relieved the 3rd Brigade of the 1st Australian Division in the area
extending from Hollebeke (inclusive) across the Ypres-Comines Canal
to the south end of Bulgar Wood, a stretch of some 3000 yards. Here
there were no indications of an impending attack, and General Tudor
was told that his first duty was to prepare his command as speedily
as possible for the “second round of the Third Somme Battle,” which,
it was generally believed, would be continued. This involved a
great deal of preparation. Although individual soldiers recovered
remarkably quickly from exhaustion, units could not recover with
equal rapidity, as there was a lamentable dearth of trained leaders
and instructors. Very large drafts, consisting chiefly of youths of
eighteen and nineteen years of age, were received almost daily by
the 26th and 27th Brigades, but they could not be brought speedily
to the same level of efficiency as that exhibited by the veterans
of the Somme, while the process of absorbing so many new officers
and men, which would have been slow at any time, was rendered even
more difficult by the fact that both brigades were in the line. The
physique of the drafts that joined the Division at this time was
excellent. They were largely composed of lads who had been taken at
the age of seventeen, and were splendid examples of the beneficial
effect of good feeding, regular exercise, and military discipline on
young Scotsmen. The South African Brigade[111] about 1300 strong,
and now under the command of Brig.-General Tanner, appeared to have
no immediate prospects of obtaining reinforcements, and while the
several regiments meanwhile maintained their identity the question of
forming it into one battalion was under consideration. Too weak to
man a brigade front, it was stationed in divisional reserve in the
vicinity of Ridge Wood, 1000 yards north of Vierstraat.
In order to hasten reorganisation as much as possible General Tudor
decided to hold the whole of his line with the 27th Brigade, while
the 26th was withdrawn to absorb its numerous reinforcements. This
arrangement however was upset by Corps orders to take over from the
Nineteenth Division 500 yards of line to the south of Hollebeke on
the night of the 10th/11th. The Highland Brigade was instructed to
do this, but on the morning of the 9th, the enemy made his surprise
attack against the XV. and Portuguese Corps, which for some time
jeopardised our grip on the Channel Ports, and the Division was
required to carry out the relief on the night of the 9th/10th, and
take over the remainder of the Nineteenth Division front on the night
of the 10th/11th. Accordingly, the Lowland Brigade was ordered to
relieve the 26th and garrison also the 500 yards of front in the
Nineteenth Division’s sector on the night of the 9th/10th. The new
area was a featureless and desolate waste of shell-holes, where it
was hard enough to locate one’s position in broad daylight and with
the aid of a map, and was therefore all but impossible in darkness.
Yet in spite of the impossibility of reconnaissance through lack of
time, and a heavy bombardment of the trench system and battery area
with H.E. and gas, the relief was duly carried out, though it was
after daybreak on the 10th before our outposts were in position.
The satisfactory accomplishment of this relief was a very fine feat
on the part of the 27th Brigade. To move in the dark over the most
barren country in Europe under a really heavy bombardment, without
losing cohesion, was an achievement that would have done credit to
the finest soldiers of “The Contemptibles.”
Brig.-General Croft’s Brigade had a span of 4000 yards astride
the Ypres-Comines Canal, with its right about 800 yards south-west
of Hollebeke, and its left approximately 1200 yards east of Klein
Zillebeke. As this sector formed the extreme right flank of the
Passchendaele salient, the general direction of the lines of defence
ran from south-west to north-east. The whole front was covered by a
line of posts, some of which were in “Pill-boxes,” and 300 to 800
yards behind this and overlooking it was a continuous trench from
the northern divisional boundary to 500 yards from the Canal, where
the ground was swampy. From 300 yards south of the Canal another
continuous trench ran as far as the Hollebeke road. In the part taken
over from the Nineteenth Division there were no defences immediately
in rear of the posts, except some 100 yards of trench leaning in a
northerly direction.
Our position north of the Canal appeared the part most likely
to be attacked, since it formed the hinge of the Passchendaele
salient, while the Klein Zillebeke Spur and Hill 60 offered tempting
objectives to the enemy, who could make his arrangements and
concentrate his forces under cover of the Zandvoorde Ridge. South of
the Canal the reserve line defences consisted of a strongly-wired
line of posts stretching in a south-westerly direction to the
Stables, and supported by the defences of White Château, a former
residence of Leopold of Belgium, which, as it occupied a commanding
position, was now tunnelled with dug-outs and held a permanent
garrison. From the Stables two massive belts of wire extended
south-south-east and south-west. Behind these were a few posts which
it was impossible to man adequately, owing to the length of the
brigade front and the necessity of holding in strength Hill 60, The
Bluff, and White Château. No switch protected the right flank of the
Division, but a section of machine-guns covered the space between the
right of the support line and the Stables.
The front was covered by the 50th and 51st Brigades R.F.A. In
divisional reserve were the 26th Brigade, south-west and north-west
of Vierstraat, the South African Brigade between La Clytte and
Scherpenberg, and the 9th Machine-gun Battalion (less two companies)
about 1000 yards east of Ridge Wood.
The heavy cannonade, which had commenced at 1 A.M., slackened about
two hours later. On this morning the tide of battle flowed north,
and the right flank of the IX. Corps being hotly engaged, the South
Africans were sent by the Corps to positions of assembly south of
Neuve Eglise, there to be in Corps reserve. Brig.-General Kennedy was
instructed to be ready to move his brigade at thirty minutes’ notice,
and the line along the eastern slopes of the Messines-Wytschaete
Ridge was to be held at all costs. Early in the afternoon the
situation near Wytschaete, which was held by the Nineteenth Division,
was very obscure, and Brig.-General Kennedy sent a patrol of Camerons
to ascertain the relative positions of the enemy and of our troops.
Between 1 and 2 P.M. the Ninth entered the battle. After a
terrific bombardment the Germans rushed our outpost positions
south of the Canal held by the 11th Royal Scots, and attacked the
support position, but the enemy’s ranks were swept away by rifle
and machine-gun fire, and by the accurate fire put down by the
27th L.T.M.B. under the direction of Captain Drummond Shiels.
Unfortunately success farther south enabled the Germans to threaten
our flank, and the next assault, developing from the south and
extending as far west as the Stables, would have broken our defences
but for the timely arrival of two companies of the 12th Royal Scots,
who prolonged the defensive flank formed by the 11th Royal Scots.
Considering the exceptionally fatiguing relief, the fine resistance
of the 27th Brigade was a magnificent effort. Nevertheless the
situation was decidedly alarming. All touch with the troops to the
south had been lost, and as the Highland Brigade had been placed
under the Nineteenth Division, the 9th Seaforths, now the only
infantry General Tudor had in reserve, were despatched to reinforce
the Lowland Brigade and were posted on the Dammstrasse, echeloned in
rear of the right flank of the Lowlanders.
About 3 P.M. the order placing the 26th Brigade under the Nineteenth
Division was cancelled, and the 58th Brigade (the left of the
Nineteenth Division) together with its front was transferred to the
Ninth. It was uncertain what ground was held by that brigade, but
some of its troops were believed to be in Wytschaete, which was also
occupied by the Cameron patrol, and so the Highland Brigade was sent
up to establish a line between the left of the 58th and the right
of the 27th Brigade. At 5.30 P.M. the situation was believed to
be as follows: The 58th Brigade was holding the line L’Enfer-Pick
House-Torreken Corner; the Black Watch were in Grand Bois, the
Seaforths moving on Dammstrasse, and the Camerons in reserve
south-west of Vierstraat, while the 9th Seaforths and a detachment
of Sappers were in the Dammstrasse; the 27th Brigade was holding the
line from the Stables to Hollebeke, thence along the support position
to the Canal and its original line north of the Canal.
[Illustration: WYTSCHAETE FROM VIERSTRAAT]
At 8 P.M. the 26th Brigade, which had established itself on the
line Stables-Delbske Farm-Ravine Wood-southern edge of Denys
Wood-Guedezeune Farm, reported that Wytschaete had been evacuated
by our troops. Having received as reinforcements the 62nd Brigade
(less one battalion but with one battalion of the 146th Brigade
attached), General Tudor sent two battalions to strengthen his line,
and these passing through the Cameron detachment, which had already
reoccupied the village, established a line east and south-east of
Wytschaete. The Black Watch also advanced and held a line along the
eastern edge of Onraet and the western margin of Oosttaverne Wood,
connecting the left of the 62nd Brigade with the right of the 7th
Seaforths[112] and the 9th Seaforths in the Dammstrasse. The 4th and
11th M.M.G. Batteries, being sent to the Ninth, were retained in
reserve near Scherpenberg.
South of our positions the Germans made disquieting progress during
the day; they compelled our troops to evacuate Armentières, and
crossing the Lys in strength occupied Estaires, Steenwerck, and
Ploegsteert, and threatened the Messines Ridge. So very grave was
the crisis that the weak South African Brigade was thrown hurriedly
into the battle. On the front of the Nineteenth Division the Germans
had penetrated our defences between Messines and Pick House on the
Wytschaete road, and the South Africans along with the 57th and 58th
Brigades of the Nineteenth Division were ordered to retake this
portion of the ridge. With the 1st and 2nd Regiments leading and the
4th in support, the South Africans moved forward to the attack at
5.45 P.M. On their right was the 57th Brigade. Only two F.A. Brigades
were available for artillery support, and the enemy’s riflemen and
machine-gunners in shell-holes and “Pill-boxes” were able to inflict
numerous casualties on the assailing troops, but in spite of the
difficulty of keeping touch in the mist, the South Africans pressed
on, expelled the enemy from his shell-holes and “Pill-boxes,” and
established a line along the western outskirts of Messines-Middle
Farm-Four Huns Farm-Lumm Farm, with a defensive flank thrown back
to L’Enfer. The 1st Regiment, dashing through Messines, by a fine
bayonet charge drove the enemy down the eastern slopes of the ridge,
but the village was an awkward place to hold, and though in a series
of stubborn hand-to-hand combats the 1st Regiment kept its ground,
the village was eventually abandoned and a line was established just
west of it.
In the small hours of the 11th the Germans resumed their efforts,
and strong forces attempted to break through our defences on the
Dammstrasse and the right flank of the Lowland Brigade from the
Stables to the southern end of the support position, but the hostile
concentration had been observed and our rifle, machine-gun, and
artillery-fire, cutting deep lanes in the dense field-grey hordes,
beat back the foe in tumultuous and terror-stricken disorder. The
Seaforths, taking full advantage of the panic, counter-attacked with
a small party under Sergeants Tait and Jeffries, and rounded up 17
Germans and 3 machine-guns. The young soldiers who had joined the
Division behaved with admirable courage and coolness, and our gunners
earned the gratitude of the infantry by the rapidity and precision
with which they engaged every favourable target.
On the front of the Ninth the enemy had been too severely punished to
risk another enterprise, and no incident interrupted the rest of the
day. A counter-attack was even contemplated with a view to clearing
the high ground west and north of Oosttaverne, but the project was
given up on account of German inroads farther south. Advantage of
the lull was taken to reorganise the line, the 62nd Brigade now
holding from Pick House to Somer Farm, the 26th to the Hollebeke-St
Eloi road, and the 27th in its original sector, the total frontage
amounting to nearly 9000 yards. During the evening the Division and
its sector were transferred from the IX. to the XXII. Corps.
On the same day Messines Ridge was wrested from our grasp. During
the night of the 10th/11th the South Africans tried to gain touch
with the Ninth near Pick House, but this place consisting of three
“Pill-boxes” was found to be strongly manned by the enemy and defied
every attempt to overpower it. At daybreak the 108th Brigade moved
up in support of the South Africans, and the forenoon passed without
event. Early in the afternoon, however, the Germans, attacking the
left wing of the South Africans in great strength, expelled the 2nd
Regiment from the crest, and though a resolute counter-stroke, led
by Captain L. Greene, regained the lost ground, the enemy’s turning
movement on our left flank forced the South Africans to retire to a
line some 200 yards east of Hell Farm. This position was maintained
in face of heavy losses and incessant attacks throughout the
remaining hours of daylight.
Owing to German penetration in the south the right flank of the
Second Army, pivoting on Wytschaete, was obliged to withdraw in the
night to a line passing through Kruisstraat Cabaret and a point east
of Wulverghem. When this movement was completed the right wing of
the 62nd Brigade rested on the Bogaert Farm-Pick Wood Spur, and a
defensive flank was formed along the Wytschaete-Peckham road.
The retirement was naturally more pronounced in the case of the
Nineteenth Division, and in conformity with the rest of that
formation the South Africans were drawn back to a line N. Midland
Farm-Kruisstraat Cabaret-Spanbroekmolen-Maedelstede Farm.
From the 12th to the 15th there was a lull in the fighting on
the front of the Ninth, but merciless artillery-fire caused many
casualties. During this period of comparative peacefulness General
Tudor made several rearrangements. The 64th Brigade (less one
battalion) took over the front from Somer Farm to Dome House in
relief of the 26th, which continued to hold the Dammstrasse, and
the 9th Seaforths and the 58th Brigade were withdrawn from the
front trenches, the latter rejoining its own Division on the 13th.
Meantime reinforcements were gathering in the rear; the South
Africans returned to the Ninth on the night of the 13th/14th and two
battalions of the 39th Composite Brigade (late Thirty-ninth Division)
were moved by the Twenty-first Division to Ridge Wood to be available
if required. All our defences were strengthened and the Sappers
and 9th Seaforths laboured steadily on the Vierstraat line, which
the 62nd and 26th Brigades were ordered to garrison, each with a
battalion. A prolongation of front on the evening of the 15th obliged
the 62nd Brigade to take over the front of the Nineteenth Division
as far as Spanbroekmolen. The success of the enemy also forced us
to surrender our dearly-bought gains of the Passchendaele campaign,
and in conformity with the withdrawal round Ypres, the left flank of
the Ninth from the north-east end of the Dammstrasse to the northern
divisional boundary was brought back to the Corps line.
This line, leaving the Dammstrasse, east of Eikhof Farm, crossed
the Canal just east of The Bluff, where, turning east-north-east,
it passed over the Klein Zillebeke Spur, 500 yards north-west of
the hamlet of the same name. The White Château and Klein Zillebeke
were thus given up, but The Bluff and Hill 60 were retained. With
a view to shortening our front, and so economising troops, a more
extensive retirement—to the Vierstraat line—was contemplated; but on
General Tudor urging that this position, besides offering inadequate
protection against artillery-fire, was completely overlooked from the
Spanbroekmolen-Wytschaete Ridge, and was a poor substitute for the
valuable observation afforded by our present position, the idea was
abandoned.
The stretch, for which the Ninth with its attached troops was
responsible, amounted to 9000 yards. The portion of the Corps line,
occupied by the Lowland Brigade, consisted of a string of cleverly
camouflaged posts protected by heavy and continuous belts of wire,
and had previously been reconnoitred by Brig.-General Croft and
Captain Duke, his brigade major. The retreat was skilfully carried
out on the night of the 15th/16th under cover of patrols, which,
going out as usual after dusk, were so enterprising that the enemy
failed to realise that a withdrawal was in progress. All next day the
Germans violently shelled the vicinity of the Corps line, but the
posts were so well concealed that little damage was done, and even
low flying aeroplanes were unable to detect our new positions. Our
far-reaching observation served us handsomely; the enemy frequently
presented excellent targets as he advanced, and the accurate and
galling fire of our Stokes mortars and machine-guns stationed on The
Bluff shattered a hostile concentration near the Canal.
On the 16th a huge enemy effort was directed against Wytschaete.
About 5 A.M., after a hurricane bombardment which broke down all
communications in the sector, the Germans, screened by a mist,
carried the battered site on which had stood Spanbroekmolen Mill,
the 64th Brigade being forced to throw out a defensive flank 500
yards north of the former on the line Somer Farm-North House-Black
Cot, whence it was continued to the Vierstraat line by two companies
of the Black Watch. The South Africans were hastily brought up, and
manned the southern sector of the Vierstraat from La Polka to Desinet
Farm, while the Lowland Brigade occupied the northern sector from the
Vierstraat-Wytschaete road to Snipers’ Barn.
About noon a furious attack developed against the Camerons in the
Dammstrasse, but was repulsed by rifle and machine-gun fire, and the
Germans withdrew to Pheasant Wood, leaving their wounded where they
fell. An hour later an attempt of the enemy to debouch from the wood
was easily frustrated.
The loss of Wytschaete was no light matter, and an operation for
its recapture was quickly planned. French reserves having been sent
up, one division was to attack with its left flank parallel to and
500 yards north of the Kemmel-Spanbroekmolen road, and the Ninth
was to co-operate by retaking Wytschaete. Our available forces
consisted of two battalions of the 62nd Brigade, the 7th Seaforths,
and two companies of the 39th Composite Brigade, and the objective
was the line Pick Wood-Bogaert Farm, the cutting 300 yards south of
Wytschaete-Staenyzer Cabaret-Somer Farm. The French however were
unable to complete their preparations, and at 7.30 P.M. the Ninth
attacked alone under cover of a creeping barrage. Just as the German
barrage began our troops moved forward. The dash of the Seaforths
was superb. An irresistible charge carried them right through
Wytschaete village, and during a combat where many feats of valour
were performed, Captain Reid and C.S.M. Jeffries singled themselves
out by the daring with which they rushed a “Pill-box” on the ridge
and captured 14 prisoners and 5 machine-guns. But the extreme left
of the attack was checked by machine-gun fire from North House, and
though on the right the men of the 62nd Brigade reached the line
Petit Bois-Maedelstede, they failed to capture the craters at the
two latter places owing to machine-gun fire from Spanbroekmolen and
Peckham, which the French were to have attacked. The result of the
operation was that success on the left had been gained on a narrow
front, while on the right a line had been established which could not
be held by daylight unless Spanbroekmolen were taken.
The French therefore agreed to assault the village at 5 A.M. on the
17th, when the 62nd Brigade was to co-operate by attacking Wytschaete
Wood. To support the Seaforths in Wytschaete village the South
Africans were placed under the orders of Brig.-General Kennedy, and
the 4th Regiment, followed by the 1st, moved up to the village. By
dawn the line occupied ran from Somer Farm through North House and
the Hospice to Black Cot. The French effort against Spanbroekmolen
was unexpectedly feeble, only one company being used, and nothing was
achieved, with the result that the 62nd Brigade had to withdraw to
the line La Gache Farm-eastern edge of Petit Bois.
From the 17th to the 24th no infantry attacks took place, but
relentless artillery-fire persistently swept our trench system and
back areas. On the 18th an unlucky shell struck the 26th Brigade
H.Q., causing the deaths of Lieut.-Colonel Horn, on his way to rejoin
the Seaforths, Major Rose, the B.M. of the artillery, Captain
Somers Cocks, the Staff Captain, and the Rev. C. G. Meister. The
German advance, which had given the enemy possession of Wytschaete,
Wulverghem, Neuve Eglise, Bailleul, and Meteren, had now brought him
close to the Kemmel-Mont des Cats Ridge, the retention of which was
vital to the security of our grip on Ypres and Poperinghe. A weighty
blow had been dealt against the British forces, whose organisation
had been gravely affected by the necessity of throwing piecemeal
all available reserves into the battle line, and Ludendorff might
have realised his dreams if he had returned to the main strategical
design with which he began the year. But his gains at the Lys had
so far exceeded his expectations that he was tempted to carry on in
the north in the hope of securing the Channel Ports, and the two
schemes, by offering conflicting prizes, began to lose all measure of
co-ordination in the German plans.
During this period the French, relieving the Nineteenth Division,
joined up with the Ninth on the right, and on the night of the
19th/20th our front north of Eikhof Farm was handed over to the
Twenty-first Division. This included the whole of the front
originally held by the Ninth Division, and, although the portion
south of the Canal had been heavily attacked time after time, no part
of the ground had been lost, except that portion in front of the
Corps line which was evacuated in conformity with the army plan. On
the 19th the 62nd Brigade was relieved and joined its own division,
while the H.Q. and two half battalions of the 146th Brigade came
under the orders of General Tudor. The remaining two halves arrived
on the 21st and 22nd, and two battalions of the 39th Composite
Brigade were transferred to the Twenty-first Division. Other
reinforcements arrived; the 4th Tank Brigade (less one battalion and
without tanks), consisting of the 5th Battalion, with 30 Lewis Gun
detachments, and the 13th Battalion with 47. On the 22nd the South
African Brigade, for lack of drafts, became a battalion styled the
South African Composite Battalion,[113] and the remaining units of
the brigade, which retained its distinctive name under Brig.-General
Tanner, were made up of the 9th Scottish Rifles and the 2nd Royal
Scots Fusiliers. The former battalion was thus retransferred to
its old division from the Fourteenth, while the latter, a Regular
battalion originally in the famous Seventh Division, came from the
Thirtieth Division, in which it had served since December 1915.
Another stroke against Wytschaete in co-operation with the French was
planned for the 26th, but was anticipated by a great German thrust
on the 25th. As was not unusual with the Ninth, its line formed a
pronounced salient, and on the evening of the 24th was held from
right to left by the 27th Brigade from La Gache Farm to Black Cot,
by the 146th Brigade to North House, and the 64th to Dome House,
and thence by the 26th (with the “Rifles” attached) to the northern
divisional boundary at Eikhof Farm. The 27th Brigade was practically
facing south. The Vierstraat line and another from 800 to 1000 yards
in rear of it, known as “The Cheapside line,” had been assiduously
strengthened, and they were divided into three sectors, of which the
right was allotted to the 27th, the centre to the 146th, and the
left to the 26th Brigade. Each sector was held by one battalion,
deployed in depth in and between the two lines, two companies of
each battalion being earmarked as garrison, and the remaining two
being at the disposal of brigade commanders for counter-attack. On
the right the 12th Royal Scots held the line with the K.O.S.B.[114]
in close support and the 11th Royal Scots in reserve. Thirteen Lewis
Gun detachments of the 5th Battalion (Tank Brigade) were stationed
by Brig.-General Croft on supporting positions on Vandamme Hill. The
South African Brigade, now in process of reorganisation, and the
remainder of the 4th Tank Brigade were in divisional reserve, the
former about Hopoutre and the latter half-way between Reninghelst and
Poperinghe. The XXII. Corps H.Q. company, also under General Tudor,
was composed mostly of men unfit for active operations, and was in
reserve.
Our boundary on the south gave to the French the low ridge running
east from Mount Kemmel to Spanbroekmolen, without leaving to them
sufficient space in which to deploy troops for its defence. It was
unfortunate that this ridge was not in the area of the Ninth; for
while it was of little account as regards the defence of Kemmel, it
was essential for the protection of our right flank. During the week
18th to 26th, although no serious attack developed, the troops were
subjected to great strain owing to incessant and severe shell-fire,
and the casualties amongst those in and behind the Vierstraat line
were numerous.
[Illustration: KEMMEL AND YPRES FROM THE FREZENBERG RIDGE]
Between midnight and 1 A.M. on the 25th a prisoner captured by the
French stated that a big onslaught was imminent and would probably
take place on the 25th. Before daybreak a thick mist straddled the
ground, and at 2.30 A.M. a violent hostile bombardment of gas and
H.E. opened along the whole front. Telephonic communication between
General Tudor and Brig.-General Croft was sundered at the outset, and
the S.O.S. was seen to go up on the French front. At 3.20 A.M. the
4th Tank Brigade was ordered to send up immediately two companies
to the Cheapside line, and the South Africans were instructed to be
ready to move at fifteen minutes’ notice.
At 4.50 A.M. news came from the French that the enemy’s infantry were
attacking, and half an hour later the S.O.S. signal was reported
from the front of Wytschaete. Kemmel was wreathed in smoke and large
numbers of enemy aircraft circled over both it and Wytschaete, but no
definite information reached D.H.Q. until 6.40 A.M., when a belated
message arrived from the 64th Brigade to the effect that up to 5.15
A.M. no infantry attack had developed on its front. A few minutes
later the C.R.A. reported that the enemy’s barrage had moved forward
considerably, and that one of our aeroplanes had dropped word that
it extended along the whole front from Ludenhoek to the south-west
end of the Dammstrasse. At 7.15 A.M. another message from the C.R.A.
stated that the Germans were within 300 yards of Siege Farm, about
2000 yards north-west of our right flank troops at La Gache Farm.
This information came as a complete surprise, since no news of an
infantry attack on our front had yet reached D.H.Q.
The enemy’s onset in the first instance was directed about 3 A.M.
against the Twenty-eighth French Division, and the right of the
Ninth held by the 12th Royal Scots. At 5 A.M. there was a determined
frontal assault on the 12th Royal Scots, and at one time a lodgment
was effected between the centre and right companies, but after bitter
fighting the Royal Scots drove off the assailants. About 7 A.M. the
K.O.S.B. in the Vierstraat line received word from the Royal Scots
that their front was intact, and this information was the more
amazing in as much as the K.O.S.B. were themselves hotly engaged with
the enemy, while French prisoners under escort were observed in their
rear. The Germans had been foiled in their frontal attack, but their
onrush had pierced the French on our right and enabled them to turn
our flank from the south.
The 12th Royal Scots were entirely cut off, and about 8.30 A.M. the
battalion fighting desperately to the end was engulfed by a flood
of Germans, here and there a whirling eddy testifying to the fury
of a last stand. Only a few isolated groups escaped the clutch of
the foe and fought their way through many perils to the Cheapside
line. On the left of the Royal Scots, the 1st East Yorks Regiment
(64th Brigade) was forced back to Grand Bois, where, encircled by
hordes of Germans, it put up a gallant fight. The K.O.S.B. also
suffered seriously from the enemy’s turning movement; the two forward
companies were virtually annihilated after a fierce resistance, and
the battalion H.Q. were surrounded and captured. The remainder of
the battalion took up a position on the Cheapside line, which was
also held by the 9th K.O.Y.L.I. (64th Brigade), and by Lewis Gun
detachments of the 4th Tank Brigade. Two companies of the 11th Royal
Scots, the Black Watch, and the 9th D.L.I. were sent up in succession
to support and continue this line back towards La Clytte.
In this manner the dangerous thrust was parried. The Black Watch,
moving up from Ouderdom, crossed the Cheapside line, and engaging the
enemy captured 67 prisoners at small cost to themselves. The K.O.S.B.
in a brilliant counter-attack directed by Captain Cundle, now in
command of the battalion, inflicted severe losses and secured 58
prisoners.
Throughout the action our machine-gunners earned noteworthy
distinction by the doggedness with which they kept their guns in
action till the last possible moment. Most of the company with the
27th Brigade shared the fate of the 12th Royal Scots, but made the
enemy pay a heavy price for his victory. One gun directed on the
Steenbeek valley, fired 1500 rounds before it was put out of action;
other two were silent until the Germans reached the wire in front of
them, when the crews suddenly opened fire and mowed them down. Only
after one gun was knocked out, and the other withdrawn through lack
of ammunition, did the enemy succeed in penetrating the wire. Of the
teams at Vandamme no man returned; at Vandenberghe the guns were kept
in action until the last belt was fired and were then destroyed,
since it was impossible to withdraw them. In the Vierstraat line, a
whole section became casualties. Two sections of another machine-gun
company supporting the 1st East Yorks opened fire on the valley
of the Wytschaete Beck with three guns between 5 and 6 A.M., and
continued firing at intervals, until 9 A.M., when two of the guns
were withdrawn to cover the right flank of the infantry, and remained
in action for two hours without tripods. Of these sections there were
only six unwounded men at the end of the day.
On the left of our line the storm beat violently against the
Dammstrasse, but failed to break the defence of the Highlanders,
who held the position with the Camerons and the Seaforths. Up to
half an hour before noon all hostile attacks were repulsed, our
infantry, machine-gunners and the personnel of the 26th L.T.M.B.
co-operating most effectively. When ammunition began to run short,
several of the men dashed forward to deserted dumps in full view of
the enemy, and brought back bandoliers of cartridges. Between 11.30
and 1.30 P.M. shells fell without ceasing, and the Camerons in the
forward posts were practically wiped out, but our position through
Piccadilly Farm-The Mound proved invulnerable to every attack for the
remaining part of the day. Under Captain H. E. Bennet the men of the
26th L.T.M.B. fired off all their Stokes ammunition into the dense
masses of the Germans, and after destroying the mortars used their
rifles with deadly effect against the hostile infantry and transport.
The machine-gunners with the Highlanders handled their weapons with
such skill and enterprise that the infantry voluntarily collected
ammunition and kept up the supply, while parties of the “Rifles” in
the Vierstraat-Snipers’ Barn line were organised for belt filling.
After darkness fell, a line in rear of the Highlanders having been
established and manned by fresh troops of the Twenty-first Division,
the Camerons and Seaforths with the other detachments extricated
themselves and were drawn back to a camp 700 yards north-east of
Ouderdom. The stone-wall defence of the Highlanders had put a final
stop to the enemy’s northern onrush, which had rolled up the front
and immediate supports of three brigades, and threatened our hold on
Ypres.
The shattered fragments of the Ninth, with the exception of the South
African Brigade and the artillery, were relieved by the Forty-ninth
Division at 11 A.M. on the 26th. The brigade remained in the sector
until the night of the 5th/6th May, and all three battalions, though
constantly harassed by artillery-fire, inflicted enormous casualties
on the enemy when on the 29th he strove to take advantage of his
possession of Mount Kemmel. Rarely has heavier artillery-fire
heralded an attack. On that day, the Royal Scots Fusiliers signally
distinguished themselves. They were deployed in, in front of,
and behind the Cheapside line, and suffered horribly from the
bombardment; but of their eight Lewis Guns, which were out in front
of their position, only one was knocked out, so that when the enemy’s
infantry advanced they were immediately checked, and then our barrage
came down on the top of them. First a few rose up and bolted, and
then the remainder fled in panic, whereupon the Royal Scots Fusiliers
fairly took toll of them with their rifles and Lewis Guns. The
enemy’s attack was utterly defeated.
That date marks the failure of the German designs in Flanders. The
value of Kemmel proved to be less vital than had been anticipated;
the enemy failed to carry the valleys that separated it from
Scherpenberg, and here, as in front of Amiens, the battle line
became stabilised. The diversion had caused anxious tremors at
G.H.Q., and for some time our organisation showed signs of giving
way. The situation was too critical to be glossed over by misleading
communiqués, and Sir Douglas Haig’s famous “Backs to the Wall”
Order,[115] issued to all ranks on the 12th April, was a bracing
and salutary warning to the British Army of what had to be done
to deprive the Germans of victory. But Ludendorff, by using too
much strength to exploit his initial success, had converted the
diversion into a major operation, and had been unable to turn it
into account in front of Amiens. The Flanders offensive instead of
supplementing had supplanted the enemy’s main scheme of the year, and
from this moment the projects of the German Higher Command show both
uncertainty and nervousness.
Considering how sadly the Ninth had been depleted as a result of
the Somme retreat, the unwavering resistance it offered in April
is little short of marvellous. Since the 21st March it had enjoyed
virtually no rest, and yet it had retained all its high fighting
qualities unimpaired; this was largely due to the excellent spirit
shown by the young boys who formed a large proportion of each unit.
The Ninth’s protracted defence of Wytschaete had not merely added
another glorious record to its lengthy list, but had helped almost
as much as the retention of Givenchy by the Fifty-fifth Division
to set a limit to the German gains in Flanders, and earned for it
another “mention”[116] from G.H.Q. It is worth noting that here, as
during the Somme retreat, the enemy never succeeded in wresting any
ground from the Ninth by a frontal attack, and it was only when its
flanks were turned that any territory was surrendered. The infantry
had shown throughout incomparable tenacity and endurance, and the
work of the trench-mortar batteries and the machine-gun battalion
was invaluable. It is doubtful if the 26th L.T.M.B. ever did finer
work than on the 25th April, while no reputation was more thoroughly
established than that of the 9th Machine-gun Battalion, and the
prestige won in these turbulent April days gave a tremendous stimulus
to the _esprit_ of this recently formed unit.
The successful resistance of the Ninth was due to sound generalship
as well as the valour of its troops. On the critical 25th April
the Highland Brigade being on the inner flank had time to send two
companies up from the reserve to form a defensive flank facing south,
and it was this measure that stopped the spread northward of the
German turning movement until the troops along the Dammstrasse could
be withdrawn to the Piccadilly Farm-Mound position, and then at night
behind the Vierstraat-Snipers’ Barn line. In holding up the onslaught
on the Cheapside line and eventually in consolidating themselves in
it, when Mount Kemmel, which looked right along it, was in the hands
of the enemy, the men of the Ninth accomplished an almost incredible
performance. The action is a conspicuous example of the value of
defence deployed in depth; for the fact that the Germans never
broke through the Division, although their first attack completely
outflanked the front and support lines and even the front reserve
line (Vierstraat line), was due, apart from the courage of the
troops, to the great depth of the original deployment of the Division.
By its prowess in March and April the Ninth thoroughly earned the
flattering message[117] received later from Sir Douglas Haig. It
was now widely known even beyond Scotland, and shared with the
Fifty-first Highland Territorial Division, the rare distinction of
appearing in a leading article of _The Times_. This publicity was the
theme of an amusing conversation between the popular Padre Brown and
a Padre of another division.
“Oh, you belong to the Ninth Division, do you?”
“I do.”
“You seem to have a very good Press.” (This, of course, nettled Padre
Brown.)
“Yes, we have.”
“How do you manage it; have you got a special correspondent?”
“Oh yes.”
“Really; and he seems to accompany you wherever you go.”
“Yes, he does.”
“I say, do tell me who he is.”
“Oh, his name is Haig!”
CHAPTER XIV
METEREN AND HOEGENACKER RIDGE
MAY TO SEPTEMBER 1918
The moral of our troops was a subject of frequent notice in the Press
during March and April, and it was so persistently stated that it
had not been affected by reverses and disasters that suspicions were
aroused about the value of a moral which required so much loquacity
to convince people of its soundness. As a matter of fact the men in
France were calmer and less nervous than our “Home Front,” as the
Germans would call it. It is true that both in March and April there
had been instances of unseemly panic, but this was inevitable in
an army numbering many thousands. But though here and there a few
weaklings succumbing to exhaustion and despair lost heart, the vast
majority of the men of the Fifth, Third, and Second Armies never
faltered; they fully realised that on their devotion and sacrifice
depended the fate of civilisation. Greater nervousness was in fact
apparent after the crisis had passed, and during the summer of 1918
there was a regular epidemic of self-inflicted wounds, but it was
very noticeable that practically all the culprits were fresh soldiers
who had never been in any fighting, and a few weeks’ careful training
in the trenches led to a rapid diminution of this feeble-hearted
device.
A clear gain early in 1918 was the greater reliability of our
official communiqués. The garbled and misleading accounts of the
battles since the time of Loos were not calculated to elevate the
moral of those fighting in France, and men who had taken part in
such an action as the “3rd May” 1917 were exasperated to find it
reported in the Press as a great British victory. “British official,”
formerly the hall-mark of truth, became a dubious phrase, and the
practice of soothing the timid by toning down reverses was more than
counter-balanced by a loss of faith in the veracity of the British
Government. The method now adopted of publishing full accounts of
events was as wholesome as it was satisfactory, and undoubtedly
helped to improve the moral of the Army.
The Germans in two offensives had seized a vast extent of territory,
and made huge captures in prisoners and material, but they had failed
to overwhelm the British forces and to break our liaison with the
French. During the panic in March and April the British Government
extended the scope of the Military Service Act, and sought, without
adequate consideration, to introduce conscription into Ireland.
From these measures no real gain was to be expected; for the men in
Britain now drawn into the Army were more necessary for the upkeep of
industry at home, and were too old to be of much service as soldiers,
while the attempt to bring Ireland under conscription delivered
the country to the Sinn Feiners, and compelled the Government to
divert to that island large forces which could have found more
useful employment on the Western Front. A more solid compensation
was derived from the energy and celerity with which America came
to the assistance of the Entente, and the rapid and continuous
transportation of its soldiers across the Atlantic to France was
the most signal illustration of the failure of the German submarine
campaign. Unless Germany could intercept American reinforcements her
position was hopeless; and her capacity for interference was at least
curtailed by the dashing naval operations which blocked the harbours
of Ostend and Zeebrugge.
Even success on land added to her embarrassments; for her length
of front had been greatly augmented and portions of her line,
especially in the north, were difficult and costly positions to
defend. Moreover, the attack had taxed her strength to the utmost,
and it was not till the end of May that she was able to strike a
fresh blow. The new offensive directed against the Chemin des Dames
with the object of widening the German front towards Paris, marked
the final abandonment of the strategical conception with which
Ludendorff had commenced the campaign, though our front near Amiens
probably remained for the enemy the most profitable point of attack.
The rush on the 27th May, which chiefly affected the French, at first
swept everything before it, and by the end of the month the enemy
had reached the Marne between Château Thierry and Dormans. Near that
point the line became stabilised, and the resistance of the French
was supported by British and American troops.
During the greater part of May, the Ninth after leaving Poperinghe
was resting and reorganising near St Omer. D.H.Q. were at Blaringhem,
and the brigades were in neighbouring villages except the 27th, which
was in a camp at Lumbres. After three weeks of constant training and
good weather, the Division, now largely composed of youths little
more than eighteen years of age, was ready to return to the line, and
on the night of the 25th May the 26th Brigade with the 9th Scottish
Rifles attached, relieved the Thirty-first Division near Meteren.
On the following day the South African Brigade took over the right
sector from the 26th.
The position held by the Ninth was essential for the safety of
the important railway centres of Hazebrouck and St Omer, and had
therefore to be maintained at all costs. The main feature was the
narrow isolated ridge of the Meteren Hill running north and south
from Fontaine Hoek towards Meteren; on the east it overlooked
the French and German lines towards St Jans Cappel and Bailleul,
and on the west the valley of the Meteren Becque as far as the
Flêtre-Roukloshille Ridge which lay behind the Hill. The enemy was in
possession of the village, which, standing on high ground, afforded
him observation of all approaches to the west of Meteren Hill and
almost all the ground in our area east of the Flêtre-Roukloshille
Ridge, thus preventing any movement on the part of our men in
daylight.
In the early summer the initiative still remained with the enemy,
and there was anxious speculation as to the place where his next
blow would fall. Prince Rupprecht was known to have large forces in
reserve and the Mont des Cats and Hazebrouck seemed to offer tempting
prizes. Our aeroplane observation showed that extensive preparations
for an attack had already been made, and throughout May and June
our vigilance was never suffered to relax. Rows of trenches were
dug back to St Omer; in the forward area a continuous front trench
was excavated, covered by isolated advance posts, while there was a
strong support line hinging on Phineboom and a reserve position near
Flêtre. On the 27th May the “Rifles” secured a wounded prisoner, who
informed us that the enemy was going to make a big attack on the
29th, but that day passed without any untoward occurrence. The German
operations near the Chemin des Dames were now in full swing, but the
foe on our front continued to form dumps and depots, and not until
the end of June was it clear that his projected offensive on the Mont
des Cats and Hazebrouck had been given up.
On the whole, the Ninth found the sector a very pleasant one to hold
and our casualties from the enemy’s artillery-fire were not very
high. The landscape was typically agricultural and consisted of wide
fields of long waving corn, coloured in patches by the bright red
of the poppy, with a few substantial farmhouses interspersed here
and there. So hurried had been the flight of the civilians from the
district that at many of the farms some live-stock had been left, and
in one portion of the line two cows were regularly handed over on
reliefs as part of the trench stores.
The attitude of the Division was one of active defence. Patrolling
was assiduous; screened by the tall corn, small parties left our
lines every day to examine the enemy’s positions. Raids for the
purpose of securing identifications were constantly carried out, and
as the youngsters of the Division gained experience and learned the
lie of the country they became adepts in the art of surprising posts.
Abortive attempts to take prisoners were made by the K.O.S.B.[118]
on the night of the 2nd/3rd June, the 12th Royal Scots[119] on the
10th, and the Black Watch on the night of the 14th/15th, but during
these forays several Germans were killed and wounded. On the 15th,
however, the “Rifles” captured a prisoner, and on the 20th a party
of the 11th Royal Scots under Lieutenant Keen took three Germans of
the 81st Reserve Division. Two days later, a smart piece of stalking
by Sergeant Smith of the K.O.S.B. realised a bag of three prisoners
belonging to the same division.
In June alarm was caused by a distressing outbreak of trench fever
which affected the whole Division; numerous officers and men were
removed to hospital, but the attack proved to be as short as it
was sharp, and in the majority of cases the patients were able
to rejoin their units after a fortnight’s absence. In the same
month several officers and N.C.Os. from the American forces were
attached to the Ninth for instruction in trench warfare; they were
agreeable companions and enthusiastic workers and willingly joined in
enterprises carried out by the units to which they were attached.
[Illustration: METEREN]
Our neighbours at this time were the French on the left and the
Australians (First Australian Division) on the right. The latter had
won a big reputation by their success in stalking Germans, and there
was scarcely a Corps Intelligence Summary which did not record some
Australian captures. On the night of the 2nd June a minor operation
surprised the enemy in the middle of a relief and the Australian haul
consisted of 5 officers and 250 other ranks. At 12.30 A.M. on the
24th a joint enterprise by two companies of the South Africans and
two companies of the 1st Australian Brigade advanced our line on a
front of 2000 yards to a maximum depth of 500 yards. The attack took
place astride the Meteren Becque under cover of an artillery and
trench-mortar barrage, and the South African share of the spoils
amounted to 29 prisoners and 4 machine-guns.
From the end of June the Germans were daily harassed by Scotsmen,
South Africans, and Australians. The captures on the front of the
Ninth were smaller than on the right, but our difficulties were
greater, the country in our sector being thickly streaked with dense
hedges often profusely wired. On the night of the 11th/12th July
three successful raids bringing in 7 prisoners were made by the 12th
Royal Scots to the north-east of Meteren, and by the Royal Scots
Fusiliers and the South Africans to the south of the village. Two
nights later, a German N.C.O. was surprised and surrendered to the
K.O.S.B.
On the 19th July Meteren was attacked. The commanding ground on which
the village stood and its proximity to the line, for the protection
of which the Ninth was responsible, rendered it desirable that our
front should be advanced beyond the village. During May and June
when the enemy was expected to strike, it was inadvisable to attempt
the operation but preparations for it were made. Our experience
of Longueval suggested the necessity of thoroughly demolishing
Meteren; it was therefore systematically bombarded to prevent the
consolidation of the position by the enemy and to level the walls and
so allow a creeping barrage to go through the village without danger
to the assailants. For a fortnight previous to the attack, “heavies,”
field-guns, and trench mortars poured a never-ending stream of
missiles into Meteren and completely flattened it.
As it had been decided that the infantry would attack under a
smoke-barrage, bombardments with H.E. and smoke, accompanied by the
discharge of gas from projectors, took place from time to time with
a view to leading the enemy to associate our use of smoke with gas.
It was originally intended to wait for a wind favourable for smoke,
but later it seemed politic to carry the operation into effect as
soon as possible in order to ascertain the enemy’s designs and to
delay his preparations for an offensive if one was contemplated.
Arrangements had therefore to be made to attack without too much
dependence on a favourable wind, and batteries were moved into
positions more directly in rear of their tasks. In calculating the
amount of smoke and the placing of it on or beyond the barrage line,
the velocity and direction of the wind were to be taken into account.
The artillery barrage was to be reinforced by the action of trench
mortars and machine-guns.
Zero was arranged for 7.55 A.M., as that was an unusually late hour
for an attack and the enemy might therefore be expected to be off
his guard. The assault was entrusted to the South African and 26th
Brigades, the former attacking with the South Africans and the Royal
Scots Fusiliers, and the latter with the Camerons and Black Watch.
The “Rifles” and Seaforths were in support. The infantry were in
their assembly positions before dawn, and in order to avoid detection
before zero, the trenches were covered with cocoanut fibre matting,
along which a black streak eighteen inches wide had been painted so
as to simulate the appearance from the air of an empty trench. As the
enemy’s centre formed a prominent salient, the men in our centre were
to advance at zero, but those in the wings had to remain in their
trenches for a few minutes until the middle portion of the barrage
came on an alignment with the flanks.
The assault began under the most inauspicious circumstances. On the
previous day the battle stores of the South African Brigade were
destroyed when the farm in which they had been dumped was burned to
the ground, and fresh stores were obtained only in time to be issued
to the men when in their assembly positions. Then a Stokes mortar
detachment moving to the left brigade sector strayed into the enemy’s
lines five hours before zero, and one man was captured. The wind
was unsteady and unfavourable for smoke. Finally, some guns on both
flanks opened five minutes too soon, and while this mistake proved to
have no bad consequences on the right flank, it probably served to
put the enemy on the alert on our left.
In spite of these mishaps the operation met with almost complete
success. The South African Brigade easily subdued all opposition
except on its extreme left, where a pocket of Germans in a shallow
trench behind a wired hedge offered a stout resistance, but this was
adroitly overcome by the Royal Scots Fusiliers. The whole objective
on the right was secured to time, numerous losses being inflicted on
the enemy, especially behind the hedges running north and south on
the west side of Meteren. Fortunately the course of the advance took
the hedges in flank and discounted the protection which the Germans
hoped to obtain from these obstacles. When the protective barrage
ceased a company of South Africans advanced and captured an enemy
trench running north-east from the Meteren Becque towards Alwyn Farm.
The Highland Brigade had a more strenuous time. The Camerons clearing
the German front passed on through the ruins of Meteren, where the
enemy was found holding a hedge in considerable force. After a brisk
combat they seized the hedge and reached their objective in time. But
the Black Watch on the left were not so happy. A portion of the right
company won its objective along with the Camerons, but the remainder
of the battalion was at once checked by a thick hedge on the left
flank. Previously a successful raid had been effected at this place,
but the enemy had since then appreciably strengthened the defences,
and now there was a belt of wire behind as well as in front of the
hedge covering the hostile infantry and machine-guns. Lying too near
our lines to be bombarded by the gunners, it had been dealt with by
Stokes mortars, but these had failed to cut the wire. Dogged pluck
and persistent efforts were of no avail against this strong point,
and after serious losses the left half of the Black Watch retired
sullenly to their original trenches. The gap between the two portions
of the Black Watch was filled by two platoons of the Seaforths, who
on the following day turned the enemy’s defences by advancing from
the west and drove him from the hedge.
After the capture of the objective, patrols moved forward as soon as
the protective barrage ceased. Near Alwyn Farm and the hedges north
and east of it there was some spasmodic resistance, but our patrols
during the 19th and 20th succeeded in establishing a line on a slight
ridge south of the Brahmin Bridge-Gaza Cross Roads. The battlefield
was rapidly cleared, but the stretcher-bearers had great difficulty
in finding the wounded, who were hidden by the corn. In the days
following the attack, the 26th Brigade gained all its objectives, and
came into line with the advanced troops of the South African Brigade.
The operation of the 19th July was a brilliant triumph, and increased
immensely the enthusiasm and confidence of the young soldiers, to
whose dashing fearlessness the victory was mainly due. Our losses,
with the exception of the Black Watch, were small compared with
our gains; many of the enemy had been killed, while 6 officers and
348 men, with a considerable amount of material,[120] fell into our
hands. The Germans had been taken entirely by surprise. They had
become so accustomed to bombardments of H.E. and smoke accompanied
by gas that they regarded our barrage of the 19th July as another
of the same, and a great many of the prisoners were wearing their
gas-masks when captured. The unusual hour of zero was another factor
in the surprise, and prisoners stated that all expectation of an
attack that day had been abandoned after “stand-to.” Our enterprise
apparently anticipated a hostile offensive on our front; the enormous
quantity of trench-mortar ammunition which was found close in rear of
the enemy’s front positions clearly indicated that the Germans were
preparing to deliver an attack in this sector.
The capture of Meteren was the last operation of the Highland Brigade
conducted by Brig.-General Kennedy. He had led the brigade through
some of the stormiest and most critical fighting of the war, and
of his many fine achievements perhaps the most outstanding was his
daring and skilful handling of his men during the very trying days of
the Somme retreat. After three years of continuous strife he had well
earned the rest which an appointment in England now secured for him.
His successor was Brig.-General the Hon. A. G. A. Hore Ruthven, V.C.,
who came from the Staff of the VII. Corps with a reputation already
established, and assumed command on the 27th July.
The right sector was now taken over by the Lowland Brigade. Before
daybreak on the 25th the enemy sought to gain some compensation for
his recent reverse by raiding our lines. At 2 A.M., under cover of
a trench-mortar and artillery bombardment, hostile parties attacked
trenches held by the K.O.S.B. and 11th Royal Scots. The raid was
utterly repulsed, and the enemy left behind two corpses and two
unwounded prisoners. From the identifications we learned that the
Germans had relieved the battered and demoralised 81st Reserve by
the 12th Division, which had a good fighting record. An even more
formidable raid was made in the early hours of the 26th. But the
Germans were driven off by the K.O.S.B., and though on the right they
succeeded in entering a trench held by the 11th Royal Scots, they
were expelled by an immediate counter-attack, nine prisoners being
taken.
The period from the 26th July till the 18th August was marked by raid
and counter-raid. On the 30th July the Australians took Merris. On
the 31st a raid by the K.O.S.B. just failed to secure prisoners, but
Lieut. C. Campbell and Sergeant Smith killed nearly a dozen of the
enemy in a fierce hand-to-hand encounter. Next day the Germans made
a strong effort to seize a post held by the 12th Royal Scots, but
were easily repulsed. On the 3rd August Captain Grant and a party of
Camerons rushed a hostile post, and after killing six and wounding
one other, returned without loss to our lines. On the 5th and 14th
other raids made by the Germans were driven off.
Since the fear of a hostile offensive was fading away battalions out
of the line enjoyed quite a comfortable time. Training, especially
of officers, carried on diligently and uninterruptedly, produced
a marked improvement in efficiency and discipline. Occasionally,
however, the ordinary routine was broken. On Sunday the 4th August,
the fifth anniversary of the entry of Britain into the war, a Parade
Service, attended by detachments of all divisions in the Second Army,
was held at Terdeghem, the detachments of the XV. Corps being under
the command of Lieut.-Colonel Smyth of the 6th K.O.S.B. At this time
the Ninth adopted the practice, generally followed by most divisions
in France, of distinguishing its personnel by a special mark. This
consisted of a white metal thistle on a small circular disc of royal
blue cloth worn on the upper part of both arms, and the first unit to
be completed with the sign was the 6th K.O.S.B., who had the honour
of marching past His Majesty the King near La Brearde on the 6th
August. Most fortunately this ceremony saved the Lowland Brigade some
casualties; for while a company of the 12th Royal Scots lined the
road a shell passed through its vacant billets.
Hoegenacker Ridge, lying beyond Meteren, was clearly the next task
of the Division, and instructions for its seizure were received from
the XV. Corps on the 10th August. A general plan of attack had been
drawn up previously, and was in fact being practised by the Lowland
Brigade then in reserve. Since the Meteren Becque was an awkward
obstacle to an advance from the west it was decided, while simulating
preparations for an attack from this direction, to make the assault
from the north. The Ninth was to take the ridge and all the ground
east of the Becque as far south as Terrapin House; but as this would
give it a frontage of 3000 yards on the objective, while the space
for forming-up amounted to only 1500 yards, two companies of the
Twenty-ninth Division were to follow in rear of the right flank of
the Ninth and take over the front from the Becque to Terrapin House
as soon as it had been captured. The Twenty-ninth Division by means
of patrols was to follow up any success gained, and if possible
secure the village of Outtersteene.
The attack was to be supported by machine-guns and trench mortars and
was to be covered by the favourite Ninth barrage. A German document
had been captured in which the enemy, attributing our success at
Meteren to the use of smoke, instructed his machine-gunners to open
fire at once on our parapets when a smoke-barrage came down. It
was therefore necessary to give the foe as little time as possible
to bring his machine-guns into action, and our barrage was to be
put down at one minute after instead of one minute before zero, as
originally intended, while the infantry were to count ten after the
barrage came down before leaving their trenches.
The assault was to be carried out by the Lowland Brigade with
the K.O.S.B., 11th Royal Scots, and “Rifles,” each attacking on
a two-company front, the first wave in skirmishing order and all
succeeding waves in file. In the hope of effecting a tactical
surprise, 11 A.M. on the 18th was fixed as zero, and the camouflage
device so successfully employed at Meteren was adopted to screen
the assembled troops. To ensure that none of the enemy were lurking
within our barrage line the 12th Royal Scots established four new
posts in six days, and held them against all efforts of the Germans
to eject them. These posts were withdrawn before dawn on the morning
of the attack.
The operation met with gratifying success. On the right the K.O.S.B.
suffered losses from a heavy counter-barrage put down by the enemy
between his outposts and his line on the ridge; near the Becque, too,
there were some obstinate encounters in which a German machine-gun
was knocked out by a Lewis Gun fired from the hip. On the left
little opposition was experienced, the enemy being utterly surprised.
In their impetuous eagerness our men more than once overran the
barrage, some casualties being incurred in consequence. The whole
objective of the Division was gained in fine style, and one company
of the K.O.S.B. pressing on as far as Outtersteene returned with two
heavy machine-guns.
So demoralised was the enemy that a great deal more ground could have
been won, but though the men were impatiently anxious to go on, it
was not considered advisable to leave the ridge for the low swampy
ground beyond. The enterprise had been exceedingly satisfactory, no
hitch having occurred at all. Ten officers and 287 other ranks had
been captured along with a quantity of material.[121] The ground
secured was of real importance as it dominated the whole sector,
and unless the enemy had abandoned all hope of an offensive in this
district he was bound to counter-attack. But nothing happened; the
Germans had their hands too full with our counter-offensive in front
of Amiens to contemplate ambitious projects in other parts of the war
zone. Four days after the capture of Hoegenacker Ridge the Germans
commenced a retreat on this front which did not close until they
had abandoned the whole of the Lys salient. This step was probably
chiefly due to events farther south, but the loss of the ridge,
which afforded wonderful facilities for observation, undoubtedly
precipitated the enemy’s retirement.
The Ninth remained in the line until the 24th. Terrapin Farm was
not taken over by the troops of the Twenty-ninth Division until the
19th, probably because the amount of ground gained by exploitation
was greater than had been expected. On the 22nd the Black Watch, in
conjunction with a brigade of the Thirty-sixth Division which was now
on our left, advanced their line about 150 yards without opposition.
On the same date a patrol of the Camerons encountered a hostile post,
which it summarily wiped out; it was then attacked from different
directions and retired after shooting two officers who were leading
enemy parties. On the 24th and 25th Hoegenacker Ridge was taken over
by the Thirty-first Division and the Ninth was withdrawn to rest near
Wardrecques.
At the end of August the South African Composite Battalion moved to
the Lumbres area preparatory to leaving the Division, its connection
with which officially ceased on the 13th September. Heavily engaged
throughout 1918 it had once been practically demolished, and it was
clear that there was no chance of bringing it up to the strength of
a brigade until it was withdrawn from the line. It was only fitting
that the Union of South Africa should be represented in France by a
force stronger than a battalion; but the severance of the connection
thus rendered necessary was a great blow to everyone in the Ninth.
The trials and hardships borne by Scots and South Africans at the
Somme, Arras, Passchendaele, and the fierce ordeal of the German
offensives in March and April had forged a bond, consecrated by
common sufferings and triumphs, that will ever link in sympathy such
distant parts of the Empire as the misty land of Scotland and the
Dominion that extends from the Cape of Good Hope to the Zambesi. The
departure took place without fuss or ceremony in the same fashion
as tried friends say farewell when duty bids them part. The final
greeting[122] of General Tudor to the men who had played such an
eminent and distinguished rôle in the Division reflected the sincere
feelings of the Scots.
There was some consolation in the report that the place of the
South Africans was to be filled by Ian Hay’s battalion, the 10th
Argylls; but it was not immediately available, and another battalion
of Colonial troops, the Newfoundlanders, tough fighters and good
comrades, joined the Ninth under the command of Lieut.-Colonel T. G.
Matthias. The 28th Brigade thus reconstituted was placed under the
command of Brig.-General J. L. Jack.
Before the end of August the war had taken a turn that was as
unexpected as it was gratifying. The German offensive in May and June
towards Paris had been foiled by the doughty resistance of French and
American troops, and Ludendorff, seeking an easier quest, dealt on
the 15th July his final and hazardous blow against Rheims. Marshal
Foch’s skilfully excogitated tactics were more than a match for the
storm-troops who, lying in a sharp salient near Soissons, Château
Thierry, Epernay, and Rheims, experienced a jarring shock when
attacked on the 18th July by a French force under General Mangin
who had collected it under cover of the forests of Compiègne and
Villers-Cotterêts. The Germans were driven from the salient, Soissons
was recaptured by the French, and on the 3rd August the enemy was
pushed back across the River Vesle.
General Mangin’s stroke on the 18th July was the turning-point in the
campaign. Ludendorff’s hope of victory was broken, and the ultimate
triumph of the Entente was definitely assured. But few people were
prepared for the sequence of brilliant victories that attended the
Allies’ arms, and the autumn of glorious hope that succeeded the
gloomiest spring of the war. On the 8th August the British Fourth
Army struck so shrewd a blow that it disengaged the city of Amiens,
and reduced Ludendorff to despair. The resistance of Germany began
to crumble, and her forces were driven back in a retreat, which
was rapidly developing into a rout, when the Armistice put an end
to hostilities. The line of battle extended to the north when, on
the 21st August, the British Third Army attacked between Albert
and Arras. On the 29th Bapaume fell to the Third, and on the 31st
Péronne to the Fourth Army. The First Army, joining in, stormed the
formidable Drocourt-Queant line. These events emasculated opposition
farther north, and Bailleul, Mount Kemmel, Ploegsteert Wood, and Lens
were evacuated. Before the end of September the Germans had lost all
their conquests of the spring, and were endeavouring to gain time
behind the entrenchments of the Hindenburg Line.
With Germany in the toils all pith and sting dropped from her allies.
In the Balkans, General Franchet d’Espercy, now in command of the
Entente forces in that area, commenced on the 15th September an
attack which in ten days forced the Bulgarians to sue for peace.
With the collapse of Bulgaria the Central Powers lost their grasp on
the Balkans, and there was no force of any consequence to make even
a fight for Serbia. Turkey was now isolated, and suffered a series
of catastrophic reverses from the armies of General Allenby, whose
cavalry campaign mopped up the greater part of the Turkish soldiery,
and eventually with the co-operation of General Marshall from
Mesopotamia compelled the Sultan to accept our Armistice terms on the
30th October.
In France the admirable discipline of the enemy’s troops had so
far prevented anything like a rout, but every day increased the
embarrassments of the German General Staff. Reserves had to be thrown
in hastily to stem our advance with no time to consider how they
might be employed most usefully. Within Germany itself the rigours of
our naval blockade caused acute discomfort, and the failure of the
military effort raised murmurs ominous of the Revolution that was to
sweep the Hohenzollerns from the Imperial Throne.
Thus the general situation towards the end of September was full
of promise for the Allies, and Marshal Foch and Sir Douglas Haig,
realising that a continuation of our pressure was bound to overwhelm
the armies of the adversary, arranged for four simultaneous and
convergent attacks against his sagging line.
The first was to be delivered by the Americans, who had already
flattened out the St Mihiel salient, and was to be in the Woeuvre in
the general direction of Mezières; the second by the French west of
the Argonne with the same general goal as the Americans; the third on
the Cambrai-St Quentin front by the Fourth, Third, and First British
Armies in the direction of Maubeuge; and the fourth on the 28th
September by the Belgian and Second British Armies in the direction
of Ghent.
The Ninth, being in the Second Army, was thus to take part in the
Flanders campaign. In billets, first near Wardrecques and later in
the neighbourhood of Esquelbec, the men for over three weeks were
resting and training, but the elation caused by their triumphs near
Meteren and the daily reports of fresh victories made them burn to
join in the final onset. On the 11th September the Division was
transferred from the XV. to the II. Corps, and the 26th Brigade took
over the front between the Ypres-Menin and Ypres-Zonnebeke roads from
the Fourteenth Division on the 20th September.
Our front line ran approximately from Hell-fire Corner on the right
to Mill Cot, rather more than a mile east of Ypres. East of this line
the ground was low-lying and marshy, but rose gradually on the right
to Bellewarde Ridge, and thence to the Westhoek-Frezenberg Ridge,
which extended across the divisional front from south to north. From
Stirling Castle, a mile south of Westhoek, the main Passchendaele
Ridge ran north of Broodseinde to the village of Passchendaele.
Between the Frezenberg Ridge and the Noordemdhoek-Broodseinde
sector of the main ridge, two small but important underfeatures ran
north-west; these were known as Anzac Ridge and Glasgow Spur, the
former being separated from the Frezenberg Ridge by the tiny stream
of the Hanebeek in a very boggy valley, which had been heavily wired.
Since the desperate battles of 1917, the sector had experienced
unusual repose, and the wilderness of shell-holes was now covered by
long rank grass.
The Ninth being on the left flank of the Second Army was in
close liaison with the Belgians. The co-ordination of artillery
arrangements naturally presented complications, but ultimately
it was decided that while the Belgians should open with a three
hours’ preliminary bombardment before zero, the Ninth would attack
under cover of its customary creeping barrage, commencing at zero.
There was less difficulty as regards the Twenty-ninth Division on
our right, though a pause of fifteen minutes after the capture of
Bellewarde Ridge was necessary to allow that division after passing
through Sanctuary Wood to reorganise, preparatory to storming
Stirling Castle.
The final objective of the Ninth for the first day extended from the
southern end of Polygone de Zonnebeke to a point about 500 yards
south of Broodseinde. Before this line was reached a series of ridges
had to be secured, Frezenberg, Anzac, and Glasgow Spur. Batteries of
artillery were to move forward as each height was taken, so that an
effective barrage might be maintained throughout the advance. The
assailing troops were the 28th Brigade on the right and the 26th on
the left, the former with the “Rifles” and the Royal Scots Fusiliers
in line, and the latter with the Seaforths and Black Watch[123]; the
Newfoundlanders and Camerons were in reserve. Lieut.-Colonel Lumsden
of the “Rifles” was ill and had a very high temperature on the eve of
the battle, but this officer, who had never missed an action since he
crossed to France with the Division in 1915, refused to go sick. The
27th Brigade was to follow in support, and its rôle was to depend on
the situation at the close of the day. Each brigade had a company of
the Ninth Machine-Gun Battalion attached to it, the remaining company
being in divisional reserve. Zero was at 5.25 A.M.
A big victory was expected and with good reason. Defeats in the south
had caused the enemy to thin the garrison in front of Ypres, but the
nature of the ground with frequent “Pill-boxes” and scattered belts
of wire was likely to retard our advance. The Germans who opposed us
were the 11th and 12th Bavarian and the 10th Saxon Divisions; they
were alert but nervous, and numerous low flying aircraft carried
out reconnaissances over our front system. There was a regrettable
mishap on the 26th. A stray shell hit the H.Q. of the Camerons;
Lieut.-Colonel Inglis was wounded, and Major Cameron, Captain
Fraser, the adjutant, and six others of Battalion H.Q. were killed.
Lieut.-Colonel A. W. Angus then joined the Division, and was sent
up to command the Camerons. Since the 9th April 1917 our men had
never been in better spirit, and when the troops assembled for the
attack on the night of the 27th/28th September, they were full of
confidence.
CHAPTER XV
FROM YPRES TO LEDEGHEM
28TH SEPTEMBER TO 14TH OCTOBER 1918
Three hours before zero on the 28th September the Belgians commenced
their preliminary bombardment, which on our front provoked little
retaliation. Heavy rain was falling and it was the dark hour before
dawn, when at 5.25 A.M. our leading infantry advanced to the attack
over the slippery and shell-pitted ground. The 28th Brigade was on a
front of 700[124] yards and the 26th on one of 1200.
The whole operation went like clockwork, although at the start
progress was somewhat impeded by the darkness and the churned-up
soil, now rendered more unstable by the continuous rain. A
smoke-barrage[125] was at first unnecessary owing to the very early
zero[126] hour, but as dawn broke and a south-west breeze sprang
up, its great value became apparent and the tunnelled dug-outs and
“Pill-boxes,” which strewed the Bellewarde and Frezenberg Ridges,
were isolated and captured with greater ease than might have been
expected. By 6.45 A.M. the northern end of the Frezenberg Ridge
was taken; by 8 A.M. the whole of it was in our hands, and patrols
from the Highland Brigade had pushed on towards the Hanebeek, in
conjunction with the Eighth Belgian Division.
The Sappers and Pioneers, who had bridged the stream at Potijze
during the night of the 27th/28th, followed immediately behind the
infantry, and set to work without delay on the Ypres-Zonnebeke and
Hell-fire Corner-Zonnebeke roads. Their rapid improvements rewarded
all the forethought and labour which had been expended in the
accumulation of suitable material, and enabled the forward movement
of the divisional artillery to begin at 8 A.M. By 8.30 A.M. our
first howitzer battery came into action in its new position, but the
Ypres-Zonnebeke road soon became congested with Belgian artillery and
the progress of our remaining batteries was slow.
Advance from the Frezenberg Ridge was resumed at 8.35 A.M. The
dispositions of the 28th Brigade remained unaltered, but in the
26th the Camerons passed through the Seaforths and Black Watch. The
plan now entailed a partial wheel to the left, in order that the
high ground might be secured before the low ground farther north
was crossed. This manœuvre was accomplished with the aid of a H.E.
barrage, into which the Field Artillery joined, battery by battery,
as they reached their new position west of Frezenberg Ridge. The
first real opposition encountered by the infantry was near Anzac
Ridge, where dense strands of wire and groups of “Pill-boxes”
enhanced the natural strength of the position, but nothing could
arrest the momentum of our men, and half an hour before noon all the
main ridge from the Polygone de Zonnebeke to Broodseinde was in our
possession.
Thus our final objective was won with surprising ease and at trifling
cost; the only matter now to be settled was the part to be played by
the 27th Brigade.
This brigade had moved up from camps west of Ypres early on the 28th,
and proceeded steadily over the heavy ground to the Polygone Butt.
Brig.-General Croft had been ordered to be prepared for any one of
three courses; to assist either of our assaulting brigades during the
advance to Broodseinde Ridge, or to advance north from Broodseinde
in the event of the Belgians finding the low and boggy ground on
their front impassable, or to exploit success by an advance towards
Becelaere.
Accordingly General Tudor and Brig.-General Croft went forward to
the Broodseinde Ridge, and by 12.30 P.M. had ascertained beyond
doubt that it was firmly held by the Belgians as well as by our own
men. The resistance of the German infantry was feeble, and their
artillery-fire practically negligible. Gheluvelt had already fallen
to the Twenty-ninth Division, and the Highland Brigade and the Eighth
Belgian Division were in close touch several hundred yards east of
Broodseinde Cross Roads.
The Lowland Brigade was therefore instructed to advance against
Becelaere. Owing to a breakdown of the visual signalling arrangements
there was a delay in the transmission of the orders, and the two
assaulting battalions, the 12th and 11th Royal Scots, did not leave
their position of deployment near Polygone Butt until 2.30 P.M.
Stern opposition was encountered at once, chiefly on the left of the
11th Royal Scots, and increased perceptibly as our men approached
Becelaere. Just north of the village three hostile batteries came
into action in the open, and it was only after a strenuous combat
that the 11th Royal Scots, assisted by a section of “B” Company of
the Machine-gun Battalion, took possession of one of these batteries
and silenced the others. The enemy’s machine-gunners were still full
of fight, but all virtue had gone out of the infantry, who, though
present in large numbers, took no part in the operation. The 11th
Royal Scots mastered the Molenhoek Ridge, and the high ground north
of the village of Becelaere was taken by the 12th Royal Scots about 4
P.M.
The seizure of the village set a limit to our advance that day. At
nightfall the situation was as follows: the Twenty-ninth Division
was believed to be holding the line Nieuwe Kruiseecke Cross
Roads-Poezelhoek, but no connection had yet been secured with it;
the 27th Brigade, holding Becelaere, was in touch at Judge Cross
Roads with the 26th, which was linked up with the Belgians east
of Broodseinde Cross Roads, each brigade having two battalions in
line and one in brigade reserve; the 28th Brigade lay in divisional
reserve near Polygone Butt with one battalion pushed forward to
protect the right rear of the 27th. Our casualties had been slight,
and in that one day considerably more ground had been won than during
months of furious fighting in 1917. Nothing could have revealed in
a stronger light the unmistakable change that had come over the
character of the war.
Our greatest trouble was the opening up of decent roads from Ypres
to the ridge. The one route of any consequence—the Ypres-Zonnebeke
road—was ready for wheeled traffic as far as Zonnebeke by 1 P.M.,
and by dusk all three[127] artillery brigades were in action behind
the Broodseinde Ridge. But it was the one highway fit for use, and
during the hours of darkness it was thronged with Belgian and British
limbers, some of which remained out on the road all night. These
difficulties had been foreseen by Lieut.-Colonel Jeffcoat, who had
organised a small column of pack animals for each brigade, and under
the personal supervision of the brigade staff captains the rations
for the men were brought up on the night of the 28th.
Early in the afternoon of that day General Tudor was informed that
the Thirty-sixth Division, in Corps reserve, was to come into line
between the Ninth and Twenty-ninth Divisions, and the 153rd A.F.A.
Brigade was to be under its command. About midnight orders were
received to continue the push next day by daylight. The Thirty-sixth
Division, which was to take over Becelaere from the 27th Brigade,
was to advance on Terhand while the Twenty-ninth Division was to
carry Gheluwe. The Ninth, covering the left flank of the Thirty-sixth
Division, was to conform on its left to the Belgian Army, by moving
in close touch with it to the vicinity of Keiberg Spur.
The brigadiers received their orders in person from General Tudor.
The 28th Brigade was to lead the attack; the 27th and 26th, following
in rear of the right and left of the 28th respectively, were to
reinforce and carry on the assault without waiting for orders in the
event of progress being checked. To give the men as much rest as
possible and to allow the Thirty-sixth Division to come up into line,
9 A.M. was the hour fixed for the resumption of the forward movement.
The steady downpour under which the attack had begun was still
falling at 9 A.M. on the 29th. The autumn night had been not only
wet but very cold, and as practically no shelter was available great
discomfort was endured by the men. Fortunately the sky showed
signs of clearing when the 28th Brigade, with the “Rifles” and
Newfoundlanders in line, and the Royal Scots Fusiliers in reserve,
passed through the outposts of the 26th Brigade and began its advance
on the Keiberg Spur. There was no creeping barrage, but our guns
fired smoke to cover the movement of the troops across the shallow
valley separating Keiberg from Broodseinde Ridge. Amid desultory
shell and considerable machine-gun fire Brig.-General Jack’s men
pressed on, and by 10 A.M. the Newfoundlanders with the Belgians
on their left had captured the Keiberg and had broken through the
Passchendaele-Terhand line; by 11.25 A.M. they were reported to be
entering Waterdamhoek. One section of the 50th Brigade R.F.A. reached
the Spur and was soon followed by the remainder of the battery.
From the outset the “Rifles” met firm opposition and were
constantly enfiladed by machine-gun fire from the south, though the
Thirty-sixth Division had gone through the outposts of the 27th
Brigade about 9.30 A.M. For a brief space our men were checked by
the Passchendaele-Terhand line, but this was quickly carried, and
about 1 P.M. both the “Rifles” and Newfoundlanders were facing a
strongly-wired line running east of Moorslede and Waterdamhoek,
and west of Strooiboomhoek and Dadizeele, called the Flanders I.
Stellung. Here they suffered grievously through machine-gun fire
from the front and from the right wing, where Terhand had not yet
been captured. There was now a gap between the 28th Brigade and the
Belgians, and the Highland Brigade was ordered to send a battalion to
fill it.
The Camerons accordingly moved forward, but after they had passed
well over the Keiberg Spur, the Belgians, who were experiencing
obstinate resistance near Moorslede asked for assistance, and General
Tudor commanded Brig.-General Hore Ruthven to use his whole brigade
if necessary, and press on south of Moorslede with the utmost speed.
Meanwhile Brig.-General Croft had instructed his battalion commanders
to follow close behind the “Rifles” and to join in the attack if the
advance showed any sign of being checked. Finding that the leading
troops had been brought to a standstill, Lieut.-Colonel Smyth, who
had been reconnoitring well ahead of the brigade, consulted with
Lieut.-Colonel Sir J. Campbell, and they sent forward two companies
each of the K.O.S.B. and the 11th Royal Scots. The additional
momentum thus thrown into the onset carried the whole line forward
about 2.30 P.M. On a front of nearly 4000 yards men of the 27th and
28th Brigades broke through the Flanders I. Stellung position and
entered Dadizeele about 4 P.M., just as the enemy was hurriedly
evacuating it. Pushing forward, they established themselves on
the Menin-Roulers road as dusk was falling. North of them the
Highlanders, whose dash had materially assisted the Belgians to
carry Moorslede, took up a position about 300 yards west of the
Menin-Roulers road, extending north almost to St Pieter, which the
Belgians wrongly reported as being in their hands. The latter did not
forget the assistance given them by the Highlanders on this day, and
it was referred to in terms of great appreciation by the King of the
Belgians when he reviewed the Division on the 5th November.
This concluded the operations for the day. On our right the
Thirty-sixth Division, encountering stiff opposition, did not secure
Terhand until 3.45 P.M., and at night the enemy was still holding
Wijfwegen and Hill 41, a very important tactical feature, which
dominated our right flank. On our left the Belgian line ran back for
fully 1000 yards parallel to and south of the St Pieter-Moorslede
road, north of which they had failed to penetrate a thick belt of
wire.
The line of the Ninth was thus well ahead of that held by the
divisions on both wings, our frontage being about 3500 yards, 1500
of which were south of the divisional boundary. Owing largely to the
skilful leading of regimental officers casualties had on the whole
been few, the “Rifles” being hardest hit. Lieut.-Colonel Kelso of the
Royal Scots Fusiliers was blown up by a shell, but though severely
shaken refused to leave his battalion. In the evening the 28th
Brigade was withdrawn into divisional reserve about Potterijebrug,
with the exception of three and a half companies which were left in
the line until the following night to reinforce the 27th Brigade.
After a dry spell, rain commenced again at 6 P.M. and continuing to
fall throughout the night added enormously to the difficulties of
keeping open the Ypres-Zonnebeke road, where traffic was constantly
blocked by huge Belgian drays, slowly hauled along by one or two
miserable horses.
Orders were received from Corps to resume the advance on the 30th,
but in view of the fact that the Ninth was already holding a
difficult salient, General Tudor decided to await news of the attack
by the divisions on our wings before giving any orders. Brigades,
however, were instructed to be ready to move at 9 A.M.
At 8 A.M. General Tudor presided over a conference of brigadiers at
Waterdamhoek. Our patrols had reported strong opposition east of the
Menin-Roulers road, and he therefore ordered his brigade commanders,
pending news from the divisions on our flanks, to look for weak
parts in the hostile line and to push on if opportunity offered.
Neither the Thirty-sixth nor the Eighth Belgian Division attacked in
force on the 30th. The former, under a smoke-screen put down by the
50th Brigade R.F.A., captured Hill 41 about 4.30 P.M., but was almost
immediately expelled by a counter-attack. During the day it took over
the line up to Klephoek Cross Roads from the 27th Brigade, which
even after this adjustment was still holding 1000 yards south of the
divisional boundary. The Belgians failed to secure St Pieter, and the
Black Watch who co-operated were also stopped by severe machine-gun
fire; thus by night the situation was unaltered, the Ninth continuing
to occupy a sharp salient.
During the morning the artillery brigades sent forward one or two
guns to give close support to the infantry, and one gun of B/51
Battery near Slypshoek was almost up to the front line. Between noon
and 2 P.M. the 50th and 51st Brigades R.F.A. were in action in the
area Strooiboomhoek-Slypskappelle-Spriethoek. The route taken by the
50th Brigade to reach its position was in full view of the enemy’s
lines, but the movement was carried out without much interference.
Constant and heavy rain fell throughout the day, and consequently
there was complete dislocation of traffic on the Ypres-Zonnebeke
road, with the result that no artillery ammunition could be brought
up, and the ration wagons of some units remained on the road all
night.
The troubles that beset us were now becoming formidable, and it was
also clear that the enemy was rushing up fresh troops to dispute our
further progress. General Tudor, convinced that isolated attacks
were a mistake, as the experience of the Thirty-sixth Division
and the Belgians on the 30th showed, rode over to see General
Detail, G.O.C. of the Eighth Belgian Division, who agreed that if
an attack was to be made it should be along the whole line. At the
same time, General Detail declared that his division would not be
able to make an assault for some days. Shortly afterwards orders
arrived for a general onset at 6.15 A.M., the Ninth Division having
as objective Ledeghem, thence due east to Cuerne and Harlebeke. The
first objective of the Corps consisted of the villages of Ledeghem
and Menin, and the line of the Railway between them. The frontage
allotted to the Division was from Klephoek, east of Dadizeele, to
St Pieter. The Ninth was ready, but, as shown above, the Belgians
were unable to attack so soon. This was represented to the Corps,
but communications were defective and very slow, speaking on the
telephone was impossible, and time did not permit of a complete
report of the situation reaching Corps H.Q. in time to postpone
the operation. Knowing that the Belgians could not attack, though,
as always, they were eager to help us in any way in their power,
General Tudor acquainted them with the situation, and they agreed
to safeguard our flank by conforming later if our efforts were
successful. He also instructed Brig.-General Hore Ruthven, who was
very anxious about his northern wing, to seize and consolidate the
line of the Railway, but to go no farther unless the Belgians joined
in the battle.
The position on our right also caused great uneasiness; so long
as Hill 41 remained in German hands our advance on this flank was
bound to be a precarious business, but it was understood that the
Thirty-sixth Division would storm the Hill at 5.45 A.M.
The weather was still very disagreeable when at 6.15 A.M. on the 1st
October, the assault was launched under cover of a smoke-barrage. It
was delivered by the 27th Brigade, with the K.O.S.B., the 12th Royal
Scots and a company of the 11th Royal Scots, and by the 26th Brigade
with the Seaforths and Black Watch. On our right the enemy put down
a heavy bombardment, but fortunately it fell principally behind the
27th Brigade. A few field-guns had been brought up to within 400 or
500 yards of the front line to engage Ledeghem and some scattered
farms close to our front. The fire of these guns at short range,
combined with the smoke-barrage, proved of immense value in helping
the infantry to overpower the stout resistance which was at first
encountered in and around the farm buildings. When that had been
quelled, progress was continued with great rapidity, and for a time
all opposition collapsed. The Lowland Brigade carried the whole of
Ledeghem and speedily arrived at the line of the light railway 500
yards east of the village. On the left the Highland Brigade captured
what turned out to be one of the last groups of German “Pill-boxes,”
and also reached the light railway, while the Black Watch advancing
as far as Rolleghem Cappelle penetrated the village and engaged
hostile guns caught in the act of limbering up.
The opposition in front was insignificant, but the enemy, who had
brought up fresh troops,[128] was quick to detect and take advantage
of the weakness on our wings. On the right the K.O.S.B. had been
harassed continuously from the start of the battle by machine-gun
fire from Hill 41, which increased in volume as the Menin-Roulers
Railway was approached. The Thirty-sixth Division had postponed its
attack on the Hill, with fatal consequences to our right wing, and
Dadizeelehoek, less than 1000 yards south of Ledeghem, appeared to
be bristling with machine-guns. Lieut.-Colonel Smyth with admirable
promptitude swung two of his companies to the right, with the
intention of clearing Hill 41 from the north. But the manœuvre was
foiled by an almost solid flow of lead from hostile machine-guns,
and Lieut.-Colonel Smyth was obliged to use the greater part of his
battalion in forming a defensive flank, while a field-gun, with
bullets pattering against its shield, was brought up ready to fire at
point-blank range as soon as the enemy counter-attacked.
On the left, as the Belgian forces had not yet advanced,
Brig.-General Hore Ruthven had to employ his reserve battalion, the
Camerons, in forming a defensive flank under scourging machine-gun
fire.
[Illustration: “PILL-BOX” NEAR LEDEGHEM]
At the outset of the battle the situation appeared to offer a
distinct opportunity for cavalry[129] exploitation to widen the
breach that had been made in the enemy’s line, but no force was
available to move up immediately and the chance was lost. Very
anxious about his left, General Tudor sent messages to the French
Cavalry leader and the commander of the Eighth Belgian Division,
requesting the former to send up without delay a regiment to
Brig.-General Hore Ruthven’s H.Q. at Slypskappelle, and the latter
to fill the gap that now existed between our left and its right.
Word was also despatched to the Corps suggesting that any available
troops should be sent up behind the Ninth to follow up success, and
protect its flanks. At the same time General Tudor commanded the
28th Brigade, which since the 28th September had been out of the
fighting line for little more than twenty-four hours, to be ready to
guard the right flank.
The hostile pressure on our exposed flanks was steadily augmented. By
11 A.M. the Highlanders after suffering severe losses were obliged
to withdraw to the main Menin-Roulers Railway, which they held for
a distance of 1000 yards north of Ledeghem, whence their line ran
back to a point about 500 yards south of St Pieter. This difficult
retirement was carried out with the utmost coolness. Lieut.-Colonel
French of the Black Watch, with great personal courage formed a
defensive flank with his men and prevented the Germans from breaking
our line. The French Cavalry Regiment arrived later; but the
opportunity for its profitable employment had passed. The Belgians
attacking at 11 A.M. took St Pieter, but failed to advance more than
100 yards east of it. Farther north their assault did not succeed,
and their line ran in a north-west or west-north-west direction from
the village. The machine-gun company in divisional reserve was moved
up to reinforce the 26th Brigade, which had gained about 1000 yards
on its right, while its left sloped back to the southern end of St
Pieter.
On our right at 10.30 A.M. a hostile counter-attack from the
south-east, gallantly led by mounted officers, withered away before
the fire of four Lewis Guns in Ledeghem Cemetery, but two hours
later a second attempt from the north-east as well as from the
south-east expelled our troops from most of Ledeghem. An immediate
counter-thrust by the 11th and 12th Royal Scots retook the northern
end of the village, west of which the K.O.S.B. established a line
along the Railway with their right flank thrown back to Manhattan
Farm. From an observation post about 100 yards behind his front
line, Lieut.-Colonel Smyth saw the Germans collecting troops for a
great counter-stroke, and the K.O.S.B. were bracing themselves for a
desperate resistance at Manhattan Farm, when the timely arrival of
the 1st Inniskilling Fusiliers, who made a most heroic attack on Hill
41 from the north, scared the enemy and turned his efforts solely to
defence. Though the Inniskillings failed to capture the Hill, their
plucky effort probably saved the K.O.S.B., and so great was the
admiration of the latter and the troops of the Ninth Division who
witnessed the attack, that the G.O.C. at their request wrote at once
to the Thirty-sixth Division expressing the admiration and thanks of
the officers and men of the Ninth.
Throughout the whole of that trying time when the Division was
fighting single-handed, the close and fearless support of the
infantry by our gunners proved of inestimable value in breaking up
counter-attacks. In spite of the continuous rattle of bullets on the
shields, Lieut. Gorle of the 50th Brigade R.F.A. led two guns up to
Ledeghem, and on four separate occasions under a veritable hail of
lead brought single guns into action within a few hundred yards of
the enemy. Providentially, though his tunic was combed with bullets,
he escaped the death that seemed inevitable, and for his most
opportune heroism he was worthily awarded the V.C.
Our gains on the 1st October were insignificant compared with those
on the 28th and the 29th September, but in the old days of trench
warfare they would have represented a very creditable achievement.
And there is little doubt that they would have been much more
remarkable but for the lack of co-operation which prevented a
simultaneous attack along the whole front, for the Ninth had been
stopped only by the want of support on its wings. Nevertheless,
since the 28th September the Division[130] had crossed the tragic
Passchendaele Ridge, left behind it the blighted wilderness created
by more than four years of grisly strife, and established itself on
the fringe of a landscape yet unscarred by war. In all, ten miles had
been traversed since the beginning of the battle, and many prisoners
and countless trophies had fallen into our hands.
The operations of the 1st October mark the end of the first phase of
the Flanders offensive. It was clear that the enemy had strengthened
his front, and that time would be saved and success more assured
if the advance was resumed under cover of a thoroughly organised
artillery barrage. This involved a certain amount of delay, as our
advance had outstripped our facilities for sending forward stores
and supplies, and roads and routes had to be constructed through
the trackless jungle of the desolated region before heavy guns and
ammunition could be brought up. Fortunately the line held by us was
so well furnished with “Pill-boxes,” that during the lull our troops
were more comfortably housed and protected than could have been
anticipated.
Reverses in Flanders formed only a portion of the humiliations that
were crowding on Germany. Before September had closed the Hindenburg
Line, and with it all the hopes of the Fatherland, was broken by
British forces, and the German armies were drawn back to the Selle.
This success, together with the advance in Flanders, compelled the
enemy to evacuate the Lys salient and draw back his front towards
Lille and Douai. In the Woeuvre and Argonne, American and French
forces were waging a grim struggle; for here the foe’s resistance was
necessarily desperate, since the collapse of this flank was bound
to involve the utter destruction of the German forces in France.
But steady progress was made, though the Americans were hampered by
commissariat difficulties, and it became exceedingly doubtful if
the enemy could maintain the line of the Meuse, upon which his last
chance of safety rested.
The result of the fighting till the 14th October was that deep dents
had been made in the opposing line, which was left with inconvenient
salients in the north round Lille and Douai, and farther south
between the Oise and the Aisne. With a view to saving Lille and its
industrial environs from the ravages of war, the policy of the Allies
was to encircle the city and so cause its abandonment. To this end a
further attack by the Belgian and British forces was planned for the
14th October.
In this operation the task assigned by the II. Corps to the Ninth
was the Courtrai-Lendelede Railway, after reaching which, the
Division was to make good the crossings over the Lys between Courtrai
and Harlebeke. The railway was 9000 and the river 14,000 yards from
our line. Since the 1st October the Division had experienced a fairly
quiet time, but the Royal Scots Fusiliers had the bad luck to lose
their C.O., Lieut.-Colonel Kelso being badly wounded by a shell; the
command of the battalion was taken over by Major A. King.
On the 3rd the Germans counter-attacked under cover of a heavy
bombardment, but were repulsed mainly through the agency of the
Newfoundlanders, who, in their anxiety not to miss a fight, left
their positions in the support line and hurrying forward to the front
used their rifles and Lewis Guns with such effect that the attack
lost all its sting. The Newfoundlanders had already proved their
mettle on the first two days of the battle, and their prowess on the
3rd won them the sincere homage which good soldiers always pay to a
brave feat of arms. The clannish Scots were proud to have them as
brothers-in-arms.
While preparations for attack were steadily pushed on, each brigade
was drawn back in succession for a short rest in the camps west of
Ypres. The 104th Battalion of the Machine-Gun Corps, which had been
attached to the Ninth since the 28th September, was reorganised into
three companies, two of which were attached to the Twenty-ninth and
Thirty-sixth Divisions respectively. Various minor changes were made
on our front, which on the night of the 13th/14th extended from the
north end of Ledeghem to a hundred yards south of the cross roads in
St Pieter, the Twenty-ninth Division having again come into line on
our right and taken over the position facing the village. Our chief
annoyances during the period were caused by hostile area “shoots”
and aerial bombing which did much damage in the transport lines,
seventy-six artillery horses being killed in a single night. There
were suspicions that the Germans were withdrawing, but constant and
daring patrol work proved our fears to be groundless.
The boundaries within which the Ninth was to advance consisted of
two parallel lines running slightly south-east from the flanks of
our sector, and giving us a frontage of 1500 yards; but as our
left wing was bent back and faced north-east, the jumping-off line
measured nearly 2000 yards. It was therefore advisable to straighten
the line and this could best be done by bringing our left up to the
Menin-Roulers Railway, along which our right already ran. But to
eliminate the risk of the right being barraged by the enemy while
waiting for the left to come up, it was arranged that the whole
line should advance simultaneously, and that the right would pause
for thirty minutes on the light railway, 1000 yards east of the
main railway, to enable the left to come into line and to give the
Twenty-ninth Division time to clear the village of Ledeghem.
Apart from the enemy, the greatest obstacles seemed likely to be
the Wulfdambeek stream, the village of Rolleghem Cappelle and dense
masses of wire. Information about the width and depth of the stream
was conflicting and scanty, but in order to run no risks eight light
foot-bridges were prepared and carried by infantry parties, but, as
it happened, they were not required, all the bridges having been
left intact. The German wire was intensely strong; close in front of
the left flank a belt over 100 yards in depth protected Mogg Farm
and one or two “Pill-boxes” near it, and behind Rolleghem Cappelle
four continuous bands stretched across our front from south-west
to north-east. A similar barrier of equal depth extended along the
reverse slope of a low but prominent ridge 4000 yards from our right
flank. This ridge could be clearly seen from our line, and was at
the extreme range at which the infantry could be covered by the
gunners from their original positions; for this reason it was given
as the first objective of the Ninth. Whether further progress could
be made without artillery support would depend upon the tactical
situation after the ridge was won. The advance to the objective was
to be covered by the Ninth’s usual barrage. A forward section of
18-pounders was detailed to work with each of the two assaulting
battalions, and two 6-inch trench mortars, mounted for the first time
on wheels, were to operate in conjunction with the infantry.
The attack was entrusted to the 28th Brigade, with the
Newfoundlanders and Royal Scots Fusiliers in line, and for the
purpose of maintaining liaison with the Belgians, a company of the
Black Watch was to operate on the left of the 28th Brigade. The 27th
Brigade was in reserve. One company of the 9th Machine-Gun Battalion
was attached to each infantry brigade, the remaining one and a
company of the 104th Battalion being detailed to barrage certain
points to cover the infantry advance, and then to form part of the
divisional reserve. The assault was to be delivered at 5.35 A.M.
On the night of the 12th/13th the 28th Brigade A.F.A. and four guns
of each battery of the 50th and 51st Brigades moved up to forward
positions, the rest of the sections following on the night of the
13th/14th. All the battery positions were within about 1500 yards of
the front line, and forward guns of the 51st Brigade were to deal
with “Pill-boxes” and farms at a range of 700 yards. Supplementary
to the two mobile 6-inch trench mortars, five others were placed in
position. The 27th Brigade moved up by battalions from the rest area
near Ypres to Keiberg Spur on the 13th, and that night the 28th took
over the line except the portion held by the liaison company of the
Black Watch. There was great artillery activity during the relief,
the enemy sending over a good deal of gas, and the Newfoundlanders
and the Royal Scots Fusiliers had over fifty casualties on the way up
to their assembly positions.
CHAPTER XVI
FROM LEDEGHEM TO THE SCHELDT
14TH OCTOBER TO 27TH OCTOBER 1918
The barrage opened at 5.32 A.M. on the 14th October and three minutes
later the infantry moved forward. The Black Watch company and the
left of the Royal Scots Fusiliers experienced sharp fighting from
the beginning. Mogg Farm, wire-bound, was obstinately defended, but
regardless of losses the Black Watch pressed on and ejected the enemy
from this stronghold. The wind was light and from the south-east,
and the smoke of the barrage, adding density to the haze of a fine
autumn morning produced an impenetrable fog about 500 yards from our
line. As a result our troops found it difficult to keep direction,
and some confusion arose but was speedily rectified. Though our
troops lost the barrage it had a most salutary effect upon the enemy,
and after the first resistance had been overcome the infantry made
rapid progress. Rolleghem Cappelle, the first belt of wire, Neerhof,
and the Wulfdambeek were carried with much less trouble than had
been expected, and the abject failure of the Germans to offer any
opposition worth the name behind such defences was a convincing proof
of their loss of moral.
At the conclusion of the initial barrage the 28th Brigade A.F.A.
reverted to Corps reserve, while the 50th and 51st Brigades
moved forward to give further support to the infantry. Owing to
difficulties of observation and communication they were not able
at first to take much part, but the mobile trench mortars dealt
effectively with a single field-gun and machine-guns which were
opposing our troops on the east bank of the Wulfdambeek. No sooner
were the infantry checked on the ridge south-west of Steenen Stampkot
than the 50th Brigade came into action and helped them to capture the
ridge by 9.30 A.M., and all the field-guns were moved up behind it.
On our left the 26th Brigade gradually became involved in the battle,
partly by reason of the vigorous resistance offered by the German
garrison of Mogg Farm, and partly owing to a gap developing between
the 28th Brigade and the Belgians. North-east of Rolleghem Cappelle
the Highlanders had a stiff time and during their advance several
field-guns, firing over open sights, were enveloped and taken.
Shortly after the capture of the ridge by the 28th Brigade, which was
in touch with the Twenty-ninth Division, the Highlanders and Belgians
entered Winkel St Eloi. By this time the Camerons as well as the
Black Watch were in the fighting line.
About noon the infantry resumed their advance, supported at close
range by the 50th and 51st Brigades R.F.A., but the enemy had rushed
up a reserve division (6th Cavalry) to hold Laaga Cappelle Wood and
Steenbeek and a desperate combat ensued. Forward patrols of the
Newfoundlanders pressed the enemy so closely that they came under our
own rifle-fire—luckily escaping casualties—and forced the Germans to
continue their retirement. Hostile groups could be seen retreating
through Laaga Cappelle Wood, and towards the north a solitary German,
mounted and towing a machine-gun cart behind him, helped to fill in
the landscape. The Highlanders, passing partially through the left
of the 28th Brigade, which, after its long advance of the morning,
was naturally somewhat exhausted, fought their way forward, with
all three battalions in line, gained a footing in the wood and
established a line on the western slope of a low hill to the north
of it, but beyond this point progress was barred by fire from Hill
40, 500 yards east of the wood. Near the village of Steenbeek, amply
furnished with machine-guns, the enemy managed to stem the advance
of the 28th Brigade, the right flank of which was now ahead of the
Twenty-ninth Division and was exposed.
During the severe fighting experienced by the Newfoundlanders one
of their number won the V.C. Early in the push, when the attack was
temporarily checked by the fire of a German battery at point-blank
range, Private T. Ricketts went forward with his section commander
and a Lewis Gun, with a view to outflanking the battery; but when
they were still 300 yards away from the enemy they ran short of
ammunition, and the Germans, hoping to save their guns, brought up
the teams. Thereupon Private Ricketts darted back under a fierce fire
from machine-guns with the battery, procured more ammunition, and
returned at the double to the Lewis Gun, which he fired with such
accuracy that the Germans with their gun teams were compelled to take
refuge in a farm. The rest of the platoon was now able to press on
without casualties, and 4 field-guns, 4 machine-guns, and 8 prisoners
were taken. Subsequently a fifth field-gun was intercepted by our
fire and captured.
The artillery supported the infantry with magnificent dash, and
Brig.-General Wainwright must have been very proud of the work
accomplished by his gunners. Our batteries going into action
presented the most sensational and picturesque spectacle of the
advance, and introduced into the war a tinge of the glamour and
romance that seemed for ever to have departed from it. Tearing along
at full gallop, C/50 Battery under Major Hoggart plunged almost
into the infantry firing-line, quickly unlimbered and at 800 yards’
range turned its guns against the foe in Steenbeek with a rapidity
and precision that amazed and thrilled the infantry. The disgruntled
Germans bringing up a field-gun had the great fortune to wipe out one
team. A/50 Battery, coming up in gallant style, joined C/50 and their
combined fire forced the enemy out of the village, but owing to the
low trajectory our guns could not touch him in his cleverly chosen
position at the eastern edge of Laaga Cappelle Wood. Two batteries of
the 51st Brigade dashed over the ridge just in rear of our infantry,
but were unable to come into action because of the hostile shelling
of Steenen Stampkot.
By 3 P.M. the 27th Brigade was concentrated behind the ridge west
of Steenen Stampkot, and the 12th Royal Scots were sent forward
to support the 28th; but since it was clear that the Germans were
occupying in force a naturally strong position, and that nothing but
a properly organised assault was likely to succeed, it was decided to
postpone the attack until next day, when the troops would be fresher
and more artillery ammunition available. In the evening, the 28th
Brigade took over a part of the line held by the 26th, thus making
a front of 1200 yards, while the Highlanders continued to hold the
remaining 300 and fully 700 yards of line in Belgian territory. The
Third Belgian Division, under General Joostens, on our left had
fought with admirable courage and _élan_, and at the end of the day
had its right ahead of our left. Ever since the 28th September the
co-operation with King Albert’s army had been excellent, and the
Ninth never desired on its flanks better troops than the Belgians
proved themselves to be.
Every preparation was now made for the renewal of the attack. The
28th Brigade A.F.A., which was again attached to the Division,
joined the 50th and 51st Brigades in the line, and two 60-pounder
batteries and three sections of 6-inch howitzers came into position.
“B” and “C” Companies of the Ninth Machine-Gun Battalion took up
barrage positions on the ridge south-west of Steenen Stampkot. Zero
was arranged for 9 A.M., because it was impossible to bring up an
adequate supply of ammunition before that hour and it was essential
that the men should have a good night’s rest. The objective was the
same as on the previous day, and after its capture the Division was
to exploit towards the Lys. The operation was to be carried out by
the 11th and 12th Royal Scots, who were to pass through the two
brigades in the line.
Punctually at 9 A.M. on the 15th the 11th Royal Scots advanced at
the double under a smoke-screen against Hill 40 to the north, but
owing to the exact position of our forward posts being uncertain the
barrage was placed beyond this hill. The comparatively late hour
of attack and the wonderfully heavy barrage which the artillery
and machine-guns were able to provide, took the enemy unawares.
Nevertheless the 11th Royal Scots suffered an unexpected jar at the
start; raking machine-gun fire was opened on them from the hill
behind Laaga Cappelle Wood. But the assailants, adroitly and boldly
led, after clearing the wood, advanced towards Hill 40. The slight
delay gave two machine-gun groups on the Hill time to prepare, and
their fire drove the Royal Scots to earth. At this juncture Corporal
Elcock, valiantly braving death, rushed forward with a Lewis Gun and
killed the two men manning one of the guns, then diving into their
shelter he turned his gun against the other group and knocked it out.
A V.C. was awarded for this heroic and timely feat, which allowed the
whole line to press on and capture the Hill. On the heels of the 11th
followed Lieut.-Colonel Murray with the 12th Royal Scots who, after
passing the wood, swung south and ejected the enemy from Steenbeek
village and Hill 40 to the south.
The line was then reformed under cover of a protective barrage put
down by our guns on Heule Wood and Gemeenhof. Resuming the pursuit,
the 12th Royal Scots mopped up the enemy posts in Heule Wood and
reached the Snephoek-Heule road, where a slight pause was made until
touch was obtained with the divisions on the wings, both of which
were making good progress. By 11.30 A.M. the Royal Scot battalions
had won the objective on the Heule-Ingelmunster Railway, all
opposition from trench mortars and machine-guns having been overcome
by the infantry with the assistance of our forward guns. For a short
time our men on the Railway were harried by two hostile field-guns,
but Captain Brock of the 12th Royal Scots after a fine piece of
stalking shot the crews and captured the guns.
Behind the 27th Brigade came the 1/1st Yorks Cyclists, commanded
by Lieut.-Colonel Thomson, and the 11th Motor Machine-Gun Battery;
under the orders of Brig.-General Croft they now passed through the
infantry. The cyclists displayed extraordinary pluck and daring, and
their close pursuit prevented all chance of German reorganisation.
One company stormed Stokerij and then pushed on to the Chapel north
of Abeelhoek, where it was finally stopped by machine-gun fire from
the ridge between Abeelhoek and the Lys. Other cyclists, after
occupying Le Chat, dashed into Cuerne about 2.45 P.M., just as the
Germans were hurriedly evacuating it. There were several skirmishes,
and amongst the victims were two Uhlan officers. Making for the
river, the cyclists came under heavy machine-gun fire from the east
bank of the Lys, and took up positions covering the southern and
eastern outskirts of Cuerne. A stream of hostile transport was moving
in panic haste along the Courtrai-Harlebeke road, and the cyclists
and the men of the motor machine-gun battery enjoyed effective
shooting at targets it was almost impossible to miss.
The infantry followed the more mobile groups. A short distance from
the Railway the 27th Brigade had some trouble on the left, because
our immediate neighbours, the Third Belgian Division, did not advance
at first beyond the objective, as Ingelmunster farther north had been
retaken by a German counter-attack. Consequently the 11th Royal Scots
were enfiladed from Heetje, and were obliged to attack the village.
It was captured only after a severe fight, and the Royal Scots were
so far delayed that they did not reach the ridge between Abeelhoek
and the Lys till dusk. Their attempt to storm this position was
unsuccessful, but the Germans withdrew in the course of the night.
Eventually Heetje was taken over from the 27th Brigade by the Third
Belgian Division, whose left wing was thrown back to the Railway. The
aggressiveness of the enemy near Ingelmunster seemed to point to a
counter-attack from the north-east, so the 28th Brigade, which had
advanced to Cappelle St Catherine was ordered to be ready to protect
our left wing. The situation on this flank improved greatly during
the night, when the Belgians, pressing on, seized Bavichove and
Hulste.
On our right there was not the same anxiety, and the 12th Royal
Scots and 6th K.O.S.B. moved steadily forward, the leading troops
of the former entering Cuerne between 3 and 4 P.M., and the latter
relieving the cyclists about 6.30 P.M. Cuerne was not in the Ninth
area, but the Twenty-ninth Division had tough work to clear Heule,
and was slightly in rear. It was known to be moving forward, but the
Ninth was prevented from securing the crossings over the river that
day by the fact that until after dark the situation on our left was
unsatisfactory and on our right uncertain. The 6th K.O.S.B. and the
11th Royal Scots held the divisional front during the night.
From the hour in which Ledeghem was captured, every village disgorged
a number of Belgian civilians, and Cuerne was filled with them.
They were warned that it was dangerous to remain, but stating that
the Germans had promised not to shell Cuerne, the great majority of
them refused to leave their abodes. During the night the village was
heavily gas-shelled by the enemy, and the sufferings of many of these
poor people must have been dreadful. Posts were pushed close to the
river after dark, but all the bridges had been destroyed by the enemy.
On the 16th Brig.-General Croft drew up his plans for forcing the
passage of the Lys. Guns, both field and heavy, were moved into
position to cover this operation, and arrangements were made for the
construction of bridges. The 51st Brigade R.F.A. took up positions
on the general line of the Heule-Stokerij road, each brigade sending
forward two guns in close support, while four howitzers of the 50th
Brigade went into action in Cuerne. The 28th Brigade A.F.A. was
active in rear of the 50th and 51st, and twelve 60-pounders and eight
6-inch howitzers of the 59th R.G.A. had opened fire by the evening.
At 2 P.M. and again at 5 P.M. all the Field Artillery Brigades
shelled the Courtrai-Harlebeke road where the K.O.S.B. had observed
numerous parties of Germans, and excellent work was accomplished by
our forward guns in silencing machine-guns firing from houses in
Harlebeke, a large and substantial village.
Brig.-General Croft’s plan arranged that the river, about seventy
feet wide, should be crossed at two places simultaneously; on the
left, the 11th Royal Scots with the aid of the 90th Field Coy. R.E.
were to throw a bridge over the ruins of the Hoogebrug Bridge on
the Harlebeke-Stokerij road and attack the village of Harlebeke; on
the right, the K.O.S.B. were to pass over by boats and improvised
bridges in the loop of the river south-east of Cuerne, secure the
Courtrai-Harlebeke Railway with the high ground east of it, and
effect a junction with the 11th Royal Scots at the level-crossing in
Harlebeke.
The attempt was made at 8 P.M. On the left, it was completely
repulsed in spite of the gallant and costly efforts of the Royal
Scots and sappers of the 90th Field Company, who were swept away by
machine-gun fire at close range. On the right, Lieut.-Colonel Ker
sent three companies across a boat bridge erected by the sappers of
the 64th Field Company. Under a powerful barrage of H.E. and smoke,
the K.O.S.B. scrambled up the marshy slope of the east bank, and
reaching the Courtrai-Harlebeke road where several Germans were
captured, pushed out towards the Railway. The left company then moved
north towards Harlebeke but met with obstinate resistance, and the
battalion was ordered to maintain the ground it had won, holding the
loop of the river with an outpost line on the Railway.
A half-hearted counter-stroke during the night against the right
flank garrison of the bridgehead was easily defeated. Before dawn the
Sappers had constructed a relief bridge close to the first, and by
these two bridges, two sections of the 9th Machine-gun Battalion and
two platoons of the 2nd Hampshire Regiment (Twenty-ninth Division)
crossed. The left company of the K.O.S.B., which had suffered
severely in the attempt to force Harlebeke, was relieved by the
reserve company and drawn back to the west of the Lys.
Owing to the failure on the left the operation had fallen short of
complete success. It was suggested that the rest of the brigade
should be taken over the river during the hours of darkness by the
K.O.S.B. bridges, and an assault made on Harlebeke at dawn with a
view to extending the bridgehead, but it was ultimately decided to
consolidate the ground that had been gained. Our position on the east
of the river could hardly be considered satisfactory, and it was
doubtful if under the conditions of modern war it could be regarded
as a bridgehead in the true sense of the term, since the enemy’s guns
in Harlebeke commanded the river and were in a position to demolish
the bridges when daylight came; in fact, if the Germans had possessed
a tithe of the spirit that animated them before April there would
have been good reason to dread the utter destruction of our forces on
the east of the Lys. The attempt was made because it was evident that
the enemy’s moral was on the wane.
The 17th October was a day of acute anxiety. At 5.10 A.M. the Germans
barraged the Courtrai-Harlebeke road and a few minutes later their
infantry advanced to the attack. The centre of the K.O.S.B. was
pierced and four machine-guns were knocked out, but the flanks held
firm and a timely bayonet charge by the reserve of the right company
under Captain White put the enemy to flight. At the same time the
centre company was rallied by Major McDiarmid of the 9th Machine-gun
Battalion, who had swum the river under heavy fire, and it reoccupied
its position. On the first news of the attack two companies of the
12th Royal Scots, who had been warned to be ready to reinforce,
crossed the river with fine steadiness under intense artillery-fire
which speedily sank both bridges. This addition to the garrison now
made our position on the east bank reasonably secure; for the dismal
failure of the enemy’s counter-stroke showed clearly that he was
losing heart. Over thirty dead Germans were counted after the bayonet
charge, and of those who fled many were shot down by our riflemen and
Lewis Gunners.
But though the attack had been brilliantly repulsed and was not
renewed, the position of the K.O.S.B. and the Royal Scots caused
Brig.-General Croft the keenest concern. The slightest movement
provoked machine-gun fire, and as both bridges had been sunk the men
could be neither reinforced nor withdrawn during daylight without
enormous losses and the risk of virtual annihilation. Nevertheless
it was necessary to keep the garrison supplied with ammunition and
rations, and two platoons of the 12th Royal Scots, in single file,
working their way along the wreckage of the bridges and wading over
their waists in water under a constant fusilade of bullets, crossed
the river with supplies of ammunition. In similar fashion, runners
succeeded in maintaining communication between the troops on both
sides of the Lys. Aeroplanes were also employed and carried over
abundant rations and ammunition, which they dropped by means of
parachutes. Thus with ample provisions the men on the east bank were
in good heart, and later when they were withdrawn they declared that
they had never been so well fed in all their previous war experience.
About noon instructions were received from the II. Corps to make no
further attempt to establish bridgeheads across the Lys. Our efforts
were to be devoted to the reconnaissance of suitable crossing places
and to the collection of bridging material. If it were practicable
the K.O.S.B. bridgehead was to be maintained, and this matter was
left to the discretion of the G.O.C. But since the Ninth was now to
take over the front north of Hoogebrug as far as the junction of the
Vaarneuykbeek with the Lys north-east of Bavichove, the decision
as to the bridgehead was left to the Twenty-ninth Division, which
relieved our troops on the east bank after dusk by means of boats
and bridges constructed by the Sappers of the 63rd Field Company.
Brig.-General Freyburg, who went over in person, decided to abandon
the bridgehead, and the 27th Brigade on being drawn back was
concentrated in the vicinity of Laaga Cappelle Wood.
The operations[131] in Flanders had fully realised the expectations
of Marshal Foch and Sir Douglas Haig. The enemy was obliged to
relinquish his grip on the Flanders coast and to withdraw his forces
to the neighbourhood of Ghent, and farther south he was compelled
to abandon Lille on the 17th October and soon after the industrial
centres of Tourcoing and Roubaix. It was necessary to follow up our
successes and to press our advantage. Accordingly preparations were
made on the 18th and 19th for crossing the Lys on a large scale,
and the night of the 19th/20th was fixed for the attempt. New gun
positions were selected and ammunition brought up, and the 26th and
28th Brigades with the Sappers reconnoitred all possible crossings.
The boundary between the Ninth and the Twenty-ninth Division
stretched from Hoogebrug—south of Ingoyghem—to the Scheldt south of
Trappelstraat. On our left was the Thirty-sixth, which had relieved
the Third Belgian Division, and the boundary on this flank ran from
the junction of the Plaatsbeek and the Lys—south of Beveren—north of
Vichte and Ingoyghem—to the Scheldt north-west of Berchem. Our first
objective was the line running north-east and south-west about 500
yards east of the Lys, and the attack was to be carried out by the
26th and 28th Brigades. Divisions were allowed to choose their own
time for crossing the river and securing this objective, but all had
to be ready to take part in a general advance from it at 6 A.M. on
the 20th. The objective for the next advance was the St Louis-Vichte
road, but, if the army on our left did not move forward, then the
line St Louis-Belgiek about four miles from the Lys.
The Sappers of the 63rd and 64th Field Companies, assisted by two
companies of the Pioneers, were responsible for the bridging and
ferrying arrangements on the front of the Ninth. Each field company
was to throw two single duckboard barrel bridges sufficiently
strong to take infantry in file, and to launch and navigate two
half pontoons and three rafts, each capable of taking eight men.
Lieut.-Colonel Hickling’s task was far from enviable; all the
pontoons of the Division were at the bottom of the Lys and all the
material to make bridges had to be collected without delay. Since on
our front the left bank of the river was exposed for a distance of
several hundreds of yards, it was impossible to place the bridging
material in position before dark. As it was calculated that our
preparations would not be completed till 11 P.M., this was the hour
arranged for the launching of the pontoons and rafts. The Ninth and
Twenty-ninth Divisions agreed to go over simultaneously, but the
Thirty-sixth decided to cross earlier. The first troops were to be
ferried over, and it was hoped that the light bridges would be ready
by 11.15 P.M.
In effecting the passage of the leading troops, surprise[132] was of
course aimed at, and for that reason no artillery-fire was to open
until 11.15 P.M., though forward guns were to be prepared to fire
at point-blank range at two farms, which being near the crossings
might be troublesome. From 11.15 P.M. to 11.45 P.M. an artillery
barrage, thickened by machine-guns, was to be put down to cover the
forming-up of the infantry on the line of the Harlebeke-Beveren
road, after which it was to move forward to a line in front of the
first objective. In order to avoid close range machine-gun fire
from the houses in Harlebeke, no passage was to be attempted south
of the junction of the Vaarneuykbeek and the Lys, and an enfilade
smoke-barrage was to blind the northern end of the village while the
crossing was being effected. In the afternoon the various divisions
were ordered by the Corps to accelerate the passage of the river; in
the case of the Ninth this was impossible, but the Twenty-ninth and
Thirty-sixth both went over before the hour originally fixed.
The enemy’s bombing planes and artillery were uncommonly active
during the evening and Stokerij and Heetje, important centres of
communication, were subjected to concentrations of gas-shell at
intervals and to steady harassing fire from 9 to 11.30 P.M. There
was also considerable shelling of our forward areas, due probably to
the alarm caused by the crossing of the divisions on our flanks. The
enemy was thoroughly roused, and with his guns and trench mortars
fired vigorously but somewhat aimlessly on our bank of the river.
On our right the Camerons were the first to go over, two companies
passing on to the first objective while the remainder mopped up
Harlebeke. The Seaforths followed, coming up on the left of the
Camerons. On the sector of the 28th Brigade the enemy’s fire was
heavy and accurate; one bridge was broken and the other badly
damaged, while both pontoons were holed and the launching of the
rafts was delayed. The casualties sustained and the confusion caused
were undoubtedly due to the fact that a simultaneous crossing by
all the attacking divisions had not been arranged. Nevertheless the
“Rifles” and Royal Scots Fusiliers were concentrated on the right
bank of the river half an hour after midnight. This very creditable
achievement under continuous fire was a convincing demonstration
of the fine discipline and resource of the infantry and sappers
concerned. By 1 A.M. the Thirty-sixth Division had two battalions
over the Lys and the Twenty-ninth one, a second having been stayed
by machine-gun fire. Though the two attacking battalions of the 28th
Brigade had crossed, they experienced so much difficulty in securing
connection with each other and with the Thirty-sixth Division that
for several hours it was uncertain if it would be possible to
continue the advance at 6 A.M.; but by 5.15 A.M. all four of our
front line battalions were in touch with one another on the first
objective except on the left, where our line was about 300 yards
behind, owing to the resistance of Beveren.
Both brigades moved forward at 6 A.M. on the 20th under cover of a
barrage of H.E. and smoke. The Royal Scots Fusiliers had a brisk
engagement at Beveren, which they helped the men of the Thirty-sixth
Division to master, but apart from this there was little opposition
at the start. By 8 A.M. Deerlyck fell into our hands, and as soon
as the barrage ceased, the 7th Motor Machine-gun Brigade and the
1/1st Yorks Cyclists, who had been ferried across on rafts, passed
through the infantry. The machine-gun brigade and two companies of
the cyclists moving straight down the Deerlyck-Vichte road entered
Belgiek, but were brought to a standstill a short distance beyond
it by machine-gun fire. Another cyclist company, taking the road
running south-east from Vichte, captured 4 field-guns, 40 prisoners
and much material, knocked out the team of another field-gun who
were attempting to escape, and finally took up a position on the St
Louis-Vichte road. Other cyclists on our left wing compelled the
enemy to abandon a heavy howitzer near Knock and drove him into the
village; four more heavy howitzers were afterwards found abandoned
just south of Belgiek cross roads.
It was on the wings that the infantry had most trouble. The country
over which the Highlanders had to progress was marshy and in parts
flooded, but by 9.30 A.M. they had reached the Railway where a German
field-gun engaged them at close range. Two guns however of the
machine-gun battery went to their assistance, and a steady advance
was maintained despite ever-increasing opposition. Meantime the
Sappers had completed a pontoon bridge south-east of Bavichove, and
by 9.50 A.M. one battery of the 50th Brigade R.F.A., followed by the
mobile medium trench mortars and later by the rest of the divisional
artillery, had crossed the Lys. At 10.30 A.M. both the 26th and 28th
Brigades were believed to be on their objective and a further advance
was ordered to be made at 12.30 P.M.
By that time German resistance had stiffened. St Louis was in our
hands, but the 26th Brigade was being subjected to flanking-fire from
the Wolfsberg, which our gunners dared not shell as they did not know
the exact position of the troops of the Twenty-ninth Division, in
whose area it was. In the centre, Vichte Station was captured after
stubborn fighting by the Newfoundlanders, and this gave rise to an
erroneous report that the village, which lay 1000 yards to the east
of it, was also in our possession. As a matter of fact a company and
a half of the Royal Scots Fusiliers[133] did force their way into
that village but were surrounded, and it is significant of the moral
of the enemy that he did not venture to press his advantage. Some of
our men broke through the German cordon after dark; others sheltered
in cellars with the Belgian civilians until the village was taken two
days later, when they rejoined their battalion. A French force was
now on the left of the Second Army, but on this day it made such slow
progress that the Thirty-sixth Division was compelled to hold a very
extended line, stretching from Straate to the Gaverbeek north-west
of Belgiek, and this strain on the Thirty-sixth inevitably
reacted on our left wing, which was much exposed. On our right the
Twenty-ninth Division, being held up, was consolidating on the line
St Louis-Krote-Pont Levis No. 2, while the division on its right was
some distance behind it.
To allow the units on the flanks to come up in line with them, the
Ninth and Twenty-ninth Divisions undertook no operations on the
21st. The sector occupied by the Ninth was a very unpleasant one as
it was overlooked by the enemy, who shelled one farm after another,
devoting, it seemed, particular attention to those occupied by
Brigade and Battalion H.Q. The 12th Royal Scots were unlucky enough
to lose their popular and gallant adjutant, Captain McKinley, who was
hit by three successive shells. On the night of the 21st/22nd the
Twenty-ninth Division took over St Louis from the 26th Brigade, which
was now able to hold its reduced front with the Black Watch alone. On
the same night the 27th relieved the 28th Brigade with the 12th Royal
Scots.
The objectives of the Ninth for the 22nd were Vichte, Hill 50, and
Ingoyghem, and the assault was to be delivered by the 11th Royal
Scots and 6th K.O.S.B. at 9 A.M. The former were to clear Vichte and
Hill 50, at which point the latter were to pass through and exploit
in the direction of Ingoyghem. The Highland Brigade was ordered to be
ready to support the attack and was concentrated north-east of the St
Louis-Vichte road.
[Illustration: INGOYGHEM AND OOTEGHEM. ‘THE LAST RIDGE’]
There was delay at the start, and some confusion was caused by a
dense fog produced by hostile gas-shelling and by the smoke of our
barrage drifting back on the infantry. The fog however blinded the
Germans in Vichte, and the 11th Royal Scots entering the village
surprised the garrison and then moved on towards Hill 50; a few
posts were missed but these were accounted for by the K.O.S.B. On
leaving the village the Royal Scots came under heavy fire from
Klijtberg and Hill 50 and were checked. For a time the situation
was very obscure, and Lieut.-Colonel Ker, who had led his battalion
along the railway to the bridge south-east of Vichte, had the
greatest difficulty in ascertaining the whereabouts of the leading
Royal Scots. Our gunners exhibited once more the daring that had
characterised their efforts throughout the advance, and the guns
of B/50 Battery were already in action east of the village. Boldly
reconnoitring on horseback Captain Andrews located a farm near Hill
50 from which the enemy was firing, and suggested to Lieut.-Colonel
Ker, who had already ascertained that Hill 50 was firmly held by the
Germans, that covered by the fire of the gunners his battalion should
assault the Hill. This was done, and shortly after noon the K.O.S.B.
stormed Hill 50. But any movement towards Ingoyghem was out of the
question; losses had been heavy and the hostile machine-gun fire from
the village and buildings near it was accurate and severe.
The Black Watch, who were now temporarily attached to the 27th
Brigade, filled a gap of 1000 yards between its right and the left
of the Twenty-ninth Division at the end of the day’s fighting. By
nightfall our line ran from the road junction a mile east of St Louis
to Hill 50, and thence to the south-east of the Klijtberg, and the
troops were in touch with the divisions on both flanks. There were
rumours of a German retirement in the north, but on our front the
enemy showed great activity and bombarded our area savagely from time
to time with gas. The Twenty-ninth Division was now relieved by the
Forty-first, and the 27th Brigade by the 26th and 28th Brigades on
the night of the 24th/25th.
At 9 A.M. on the 25th the 26th and 28th Brigades with the Camerons,
Seaforths, Royal Scots Fusiliers,[134] and the “Rifles” in line,
resumed the operations against the Ooteghem-Ingoyghem Ridge in
conjunction with the Forty-first and Thirty-sixth Divisions. The
attack was made under cover of a creeping barrage of smoke and H.E.,
which was more intense than usual because our artillery had been
augmented by the 17th Brigade R.F.A. (Twenty-ninth Division); two
companies of the 9th Machine-gun Battalion and one company of the
104th Machine-gun Battalion also supported the infantry by firing
concentrations on certain points and by barraging roads in rear of
the enemy’s position. The German artillery-fire had been so violent
during the evening that four gun teams of a company of the 9th
Battalion were completely wiped out before the attack commenced.
On the fall of the barrage our infantry immediately dashed forward
but met with most stubborn opposition. The enemy seemed resolved to
dispute every inch of ground, and shortly after zero he put down a
fierce counter-barrage on our leading troops and swept the ranks of
the 28th Brigade with gusts of machine-gun fire; but in spite of
grave losses the infantry made headway and by 10.30 A.M. some of
them were on the objective from Klein Ronsse Hill to the Chapel near
Ingoyghem. But all the ground had not been cleared; every farm with
its steading was a centre of resistance and furious conflicts were
being waged in rear of the objective. The leadership was excellent.
Brig.-General Hore Ruthven and Brig.-General Jack were constantly
in the stormiest parts of their sectors. Lieut.-Colonel Campbell of
the Royal Scots Fusiliers was ubiquitous; clad in his jerkin, since
the day was warm though the night had been cold, he was perspiring
profusely from the kit he carried, his rapid pace, the distance he
had covered, and the discomfort of one or two nasty crawls, but
he seemed to be absolutely tireless. On our left the Thirty-sixth
Division had failed to carry the slopes of Kleineberg, and word
was received that the right division had also been checked. It was
therefore inadvisable to press on from the ridge and the infantry
were commanded to consolidate the ground which they had won at no
slight cost.
Our gains had been substantial; they comprised the entire
Ooteghem-Ingoyghem Ridge, the last commanding position in the Ninth’s
area of operations. During the afternoon and evening our position was
subjected to galling artillery and machine-gun fire from the east and
north-east. The enemy clung tenaciously to the Kleineberg, from which
an attack by the Thirty-sixth Division at 5 P.M. failed to dislodge
him. During the night of the 25th/26th the Germans surrendered their
last hold on Ooteghem and a patrol of the Camerons pushing past
Klooster Hoek and Langestraat gained the banks of the Scheldt at
Waermaerde; on its return it met and attacked a party of the enemy,
driving it out of Okkerwijk. On the left patrols of the 28th Brigade
went out but could not make much progress since the enemy still
occupied Meulewijk and Bergwijk, which dominated all the country east
of Ingoyghem.
The men were keen to follow up their victory, but they had now
reached the limit of physical endurance. Our losses, though
insignificant compared with the results achieved, had been serious,
for practically no reinforcements had arrived to fill up gaps. There
had been no contraction of front to balance our diminishing numbers
and consequently each successive advance entailed increasing effort.
On the 25th October battalions could muster scarcely 200 bayonets,
and daily it was becoming more doubtful if the Division would have
sufficient weight to carry it forward against anything like a
resolute defence. Hence the weakness of the units and the exhaustion
of the men rendered it desirable, if not necessary, to withdraw
the whole Division for a rest; and its relief by the Thirty-first
Division took place on the nights of the 26th/27th and 27th/28th,
when it went back to the area near Harlebeke and Cuerne.
This was the last operation of the Division in the war. Since the
28th September it had covered over twenty-six miles of ground and
advanced from Ypres to the banks of the Scheldt. It had captured
over 2600 prisoners and many guns,[135] but the trophies gained
were more numerous than were recorded; the advance was so rapid
that there was no opportunity of making a proper search of the
battlefield. And our losses suffered during this amazing march,
involving constant fighting, amounted to only 188 officers and 3604
other ranks, just 1000 more than the number of prisoners captured.
It was certainly the most spectacular of the Ninth’s many successes.
Throughout the advance the admirable co-operation of all branches
of the Division had been the principal factor in contributing to
this glorious result. The spirit of the Division was nowhere more
typified than in the personal example of General Tudor and his staff,
Lieut.-Colonel Mudie, the G.S.O.I., with his thoughtful, cool head,
and Lieut.-Colonel Jeffcoat, the A.A. & Q.M.G., with his typically
exact “Q” arrangements. The G.O.C. during the battles was invariably
in or very near the front line, at the top of insecure church spires
surveying the landscape, or on horseback in shelled areas, and could
always decide with personal knowledge. Incorrigibly dapper, he was
invariably calm, quiet, human, and entirely regardless of his own
safety; it was no wonder that the Division trusted him implicitly.
In similar fashion Brig.-Generals Hore Ruthven, Croft, and Jack
were never far from the hottest encounters and the ready judgment
of these experienced officers was of the utmost value to the G.O.C.
The leading of the infantry had been daring and skilful, while the
men responded to every demand of their officers with unfailing
cheerfulness and determination. As had always been the case in the
Ninth, infantry and gunners worked splendidly together, and the
former will never forget the intrepid dash of the latter who assisted
them with such admirable and dexterous promptitude. Nor must the
assiduous though less showy efforts of the Sappers, the Pioneers, the
R.A.M.C., and A.S.C. go unmentioned; its very best work was freely
given by each branch and was necessary for the common success.
CHAPTER XVII
CONCLUSION
28TH OCTOBER 1918 TO 15TH MARCH 1919
At the beginning of November 1918 Germany stood alone against her
enemies. The tottering empire of Austria soon shared the fate of
Bulgaria and Turkey. The Italian armies, which during the critical
summer months had remained inactive, in the late autumn hastened to
join in the general onslaught against the crumbling resistance of the
Central European States. On the 23rd October the offensive began, and
four days later the Piave was crossed by British and Italian forces.
As a result of this blow the mouldering edifice of the Hapsburg
dominions immediately collapsed, and on the 3rd November Austria[136]
accepted the armistice terms of General Diaz.
The military position of Germany was utterly hopeless. While
maintaining for a time her grasp on the Meuse against the Americans,
she was wholly unable to arrest the progress of the British armies
on the northern wing of the far-flung battle front. In the Battles
of the Selle, 17th to 25th October, the British forced the passage
of the river, and advanced to the line of the Sambre. Bankrupt of
hope and device Ludendorff surrendered to the logic of events,
and resigned on the 26th October. Surmounting their commissariat
difficulties the Americans broke the enemy line on the southern flank
of the battle, and this disaster destroyed all chance of the German
army being safely withdrawn behind the Rhine for the protection of
the Fatherland. The Allied forces were rapidly converging on the
hostile lines of communication, and after the great British victory
of the 4th November, when the Sambre was crossed and large numbers of
prisoners were captured, the retreat developed into a rout. Though
the pursuit was retarded by difficulties of transport owing to roads
and railways having been mined by the enemy, it was beyond doubt
that but for the Armistice on the 11th November the German forces
would have been compelled ignominiously to lay down their arms. The
Armistice was in fact a capitulation.
During these fateful days the Ninth was reorganising near Harlebeke.
After a short spell of rest the troops recovered their wonted vigour
and the drawn, haggard look disappeared from the faces of officers
and men. On the 5th November the whole Division was reviewed by
H.M. the King of the Belgians. After the ceremony H.M. the Queen
of the Belgians requested General Tudor to cut from his sleeve the
divisional sign (a silver thistle on a blue background); he did so,
and then she pinned it on her breast. Ever after the G.O.C. wore only
one badge. Every preparation was made for the Division to return
to the front line, but as the days passed it became increasingly
doubtful if it would see any more fighting; for it was known that
the Germans were negotiating for terms, and even the consistent
pessimists of all ranks admitted that there was a chance of the war
being finished before Christmas. The spread of social agitation
within the Fatherland and the flight of the Kaiser to Holland on
the 9th November made it impossible for the enemy to do anything
but surrender. On the evening of the 10th the news filtered through
to the men that Germany had accepted the Armistice terms and that
hostilities were to cease on the next day at 11 A.M. The event
occasioned the wildest rejoicings and all units in the Division
celebrated it by a special divine service on the 11th.
During the following days camp gossip was chiefly concerned with
the question as to which British divisions would have the honour of
marching through Germany to the bridgehead, which in accordance with
the terms of the Armistice was to be formed across the Rhine. There
was great jubilation when it became known that the Ninth had been
chosen as the left division of the Army of Occupation. It was the
only division of the New Armies to take part in the triumphal march.
The march began on the 14th November. Until the 4th December our
route lay through the occupied portion of Belgium, and the troops
received an exuberant welcome from the officials and inhabitants of
the villages and towns through which they passed. Usually the main
streets were spanned by arches gaudily decorated with streamers and
the flags of the Allies. Here and there effigies clad in the familiar
field-grey and suspended from gibbets, revealed clearly the intense
hatred of the Belgians for the vanquished foe. The liberated people
frequently evinced a childish delight in displaying the ornaments,
goods and wines which they had succeeded in concealing from the
invaders during the four years of war. Every place gave evidence of
the universal respect and affection of the people for their heroic
monarch, and there were tremendous rejoicings when on the 22nd
November King Albert made his formal entry into the capital. On that
occasion the Division was represented by the massed pipers of the
Highland Brigade and a company of the same brigade, with platoons
from each of the three battalions and the 9th Seaforths. Officers
and men were also given an opportunity of visiting the city, and
so overwhelming was the welcome of the citizens that they had the
greatest difficulty in tearing themselves away from the attractions
of Brussels.
On the 4th December the Ninth left the friendly soil of Belgium and
entered the unravaged territory of the enemy, most of the battalions
passing the boundary post to the tune of “A’ the Blue Bonnets are
over the Border.” The atmosphere here was icy compared with that
of Belgium. A few of the German civilians, well versed in military
customs, tested the temper of the men by attempting to break through
the ranks, but so rough and unpleasant were their experiences that
they found few imitators. Apart from this show of bravado there was
no expression of hostility. Several of the inhabitants showed signs
of terror, evidently anticipating reprisals for the outrages which
their soldiers had committed in Belgium and in France, but they were
soon reassured when it became apparent that our men were neither
vindictive nor malicious. Some of our wilder spirits regarded German
shops and cafés as places that might be legitimately looted, but
that practice was peremptorily repressed, and as a whole the troops
showed the same scrupulous regard for the property of the enemy as
for that of their allies.[137] Owing to the Revolution in Germany
and the consequent collapse of regular government, riots broke out
in the large towns, and in order to save Cologne the 28th Brigade
was sent up there by rail at the request of the German authorities.
The stately city of the Rhine was reached by the remainder of the
Division on the 9th and 10th December.
Here three days were spent in cleaning up kit and polishing brass;
then on the 13th December the Ninth crossed the Rhine by the boat
bridge at Mulheim. Several of the units had to march a long way
to reach the starting-point, and there was slight confusion which
was regrettable, as it was the intention of our authorities to
impress[138] the enemy with our discipline and organisation. The
salute was taken by the British Military Governor, Sir Charles
Fergusson, but the ceremony was spoiled by the torrents of rain which
descended all day. By the 15th the Division had taken up its position
on the perimeter of the bridgehead near Solingen, Wald, and Haan,
D.H.Q. being established at Ohligs.
Thirty-two days had been spent in proceeding from Harlebeke to the
perimeter. On fifteen of them no advance was made in order to allow
the Supply Services to bring up rations and stores which had to be
conveyed by motor lorries since all the railways had been damaged.
During the other days, an average of 11½ miles per day was covered;
the total distance was 193 miles.
It was eminently desirable that the men should realise in some
tangible form that they had won the war. Only first-rate billets were
accepted, and burgomasters and their staffs were badgered until these
buildings were satisfactorily equipped with beds, cooking ranges, and
up-to-date sanitary arrangements. Halls were taken over for concerts
and reading-rooms, and cinematographs were run for the entertainment
of the men. Parties were granted permission to visit Cologne, and
every unit was given an allotment of tickets for the Opera House; but
the boon most cherished by the men was the liberty to travel by tram
or rail without payment. If there was little friendliness between the
troops and the inhabitants, there was practically no friction, and
the discipline of the soldiers and the fairness of their behaviour
were gratefully acknowledged by the townspeople. The first great
difficulty of “Q” was the provision of the Christmas dinner. Germany
had barely sufficient food to feed her own people, and supplies had
to be drawn from the rear areas. Unfortunately as the railway system
over the devastated regions required a great deal of repair to put
it in good working order, the provisions were delayed, but luckily
they turned up in time for the 1st January, an appropriate date for a
Scottish Division.
Bridgehead duties were not onerous. The troops certainly enjoyed the
power of being able to subject the Germans to restrictions which they
themselves had for more than four years imposed on Belgian and French
people. The inhabitants were forbidden to be out of doors between
9 P.M. and 6 A.M. without a pass. In the small hours of the 1st
January, a Royal Scot officer was proceeding to his billet after the
Hogmanay celebrations when he met a civilian in the streets of Haan.
This open disregard of our regulations was not to be tolerated, and
the officer curtly asked the German for his pass; he was completely
nonplussed by the bland query—“Is it not that we are permitted to
circulate after 6 A.M.?”
Certain specified goods were not allowed to be taken across our
frontier, and our most exacting task was the repression of smuggling.
All sorts of ingenious devices were resorted to, but they were
quickly detected as our men gained experience. The craft of Teutonic
and Jewish traders in exploiting the innate chivalry of the British
soldier by using their womenfolk to convey prohibited goods, the
British authorities countered by sending up officers of the W.A.A.C.
and soon it became as difficult to smuggle goods past our posts as
it is to deceive the Customs officials at Dover. Periodic raids
were made upon trains, and while W.A.A.C. officers searched the
German women the troops searched the men and explored the engine and
compartments; usually a surprising amount of contraband was brought
to light, on one occasion several cases of whisky being found under
the coals in an engine tender.
The defect of the Teuton is that as a rule he has no sense of humour,
but he had one good score against us. A report from a German source
reached our authorities to the effect that a certain citizen of Wald
was manufacturing air bombs. The secret manufacture of munitions
within our area was of course forbidden, and a party of soldiers of
the 27th Brigade raided the offender’s house. He was found to be a
paralytic old gentleman, unable to move about, and a thorough search
of his premises failed to disclose any sign of the bombs. Ultimately
the officer in charge asked him where he stored his weapons. At first
the old man looked puzzled, then light seemed to dawn on him and
he directed the party to a small cabinet in a drawer of which lay
the air bombs. The feelings of the officer on picking one up can be
better imagined than described; it consisted of a tiny pole with a
paper flag attached to a small leaden contrivance which, when fitted
with a cap of the sort used to discharge toy pistols and dropped on
the ground, caused the flag to rise gently into the air to a height
of over ten feet.
Those who infringed our regulations were tried by a summary court
presided over by an officer of field rank. The maximum fine which
such a court could impose was 7000 marks, and the maximum period of
imprisonment was six months. All accused had the right of appeal to
the Military Governor, and the more serious cases were tried by a
special court equivalent to a court-martial. The fines and penalties
depended upon the gravity which the officer ascribed to a particular
offence, and naturally throughout the area of occupation there was
for a time considerable discrepancy between the penalties imposed
for the same kind of offence. Gradually only officers with legal
training were placed over these courts, and a regulated scale for
each particular type of offence was laid down.
Demobilisation was the question of greatest moment for one and all.
Having viewed the enemy’s country, officers and men were eager to
return as soon as possible to their civilian occupations. There
would have been practically no trouble if a definite scheme had been
issued, and a date assigned for the commencement of demobilisation.
But demobilisation was begun at once, with the result that many
soldiers who had seen little or no active service were demobilised
either because they happened to be at home on leave at the time, or
because they were classified as “pivotal.” The “pivotal” clause was
grossly abused, and under this pretext mere youths of eighteen years
of age, who had never heard a gun fired in anger, were allowed to go
home. Such anomalies created much restiveness and irritation among
the older men, and not until they were removed and a smooth-working
system devised was the general discontent allayed.
The military authorities acted with tact and sympathy. Training was
mostly recreational with a view to keeping the men interested and
in good health. After a time those waiting for demobilisation were
collected in special camps and separated from those who were to form
part of the Army of Occupation. Education was a useful safety-valve
during the period of irritation; it kept the men employed and was
probably more congenial to them than ceremonial drill. Owing to
lack of trained teachers and constant changes of personnel it could
scarcely be said that the standard of instruction within units was
very high, but all who were really anxious to study were taken from
the various units and concentrated in the Ninth Divisional College,
where the best teaching ability at the disposal of the Division
was available. This College was opened at Ohligs before the end of
December 1918, and there much excellent work was carried out.
In the month of February Colours were presented to the various
Service Battalions; to those of the 26th Brigade at Solingen by
General Plumer, to the 27th at Wald, and to the 28th at Benrath by
General Jacob. The Division preserved its identity till the 15th
March 1919, but long before that date the vast majority of the
officers and men who had fought with it had been demobilised. After
the 15th, divisions were reformed under different designations. When
the well-tried and trusted leaders of the Ninth were transferred to
other posts and new and unfamiliar officers took command it was
clear that a new era had begun. The units of the Highland Brigade
were transferred to another division and battalions who had not
shared in the Ninth’s brotherhood of arms took their place.
The history of the Ninth Division ends with the formal disappearance
of its title on the 15th March. In the chronicle of its achievements
attention is inevitably focussed mainly on the doings of the infantry
and the gunners. But just as a good Quartermaster is a blessing to
his battalion, though his name rarely occurs in the story of its
battles, a division cannot expect to be successful without efficient
“Q” and administrative work. The Ninth had good reason to be proud
of its special branches, the Sappers, Pioneers, R.A.M.C., A.S.C.,
and Ordnance; their skilled help, generously given, was a factor
of first-rate importance in giving the Division its prominent name
among the British forces in France. Their work was assiduous and
unremitting and was often carried on under conditions of great
strain and extreme peril, particularly in the case of the Sappers,
Pioneers, and R.A.M.C. A more trying ordeal can scarcely be imagined
than that of digging under a heavy bombardment. The preparations for
every battle involved an enormous amount of toil on the part of the
Pioneers and the Sappers, and a slight idea of it may be gathered
from the summary of their preparations prior to the 9th April 1917
given in Appendix VI.
The Ninth was exceptionally fortunate in its “Q” Branch; no
division could have had more efficient or painstaking officers than
Lieut.-Colonel McHardy and Lieut.-Colonel Jeffcoat. Details were
worked out with a precision and care that ensured success, and
a promise of “Q” was equivalent to a fulfilment. Even when the
Division was encamped in the most desolate regions “Q” was able in
a surprisingly short space of time to furnish baths, laundries,
changes of clothing, and all the other comforts that helped to make
the war endurable, and its arrangements for the transference of the
troops from one spot to another were such as to cause the minimum
of discomfort and inconvenience to the men. Ever since the time of
Lieut.-Colonel McHardy, “Q” showed the same concern for the welfare
of units attached to the Ninth as for its own troops. This system
was carried on and expanded by Lieut.-Colonel Jeffcoat, and the most
convincing testimony of its value was that A.F.A. Brigades liked to
be attached to the Division.
The unit that had perhaps most reason to complain that the worth
of its labours was never fully appreciated by the infantry was the
Ordnance Department, which, consisting of an officer and 13 men,
had to satisfy the needs of 16,000 men, 3750 horses and mules, and
numerous vehicles and bicycles, in everything except food, light,
and fuel. The excellence of the work performed by this Branch was
largely the explanation why it was so much taken for granted; if it
had proved less competent in furnishing and repairing munitions it
would have been better though less favourably known to the infantry.
The Ordnance people averred that they toiled harder than any other
section in the Division; when units were in the line they were busy
meeting their fighting needs and when they were out they were busier
still re-equipping them. Undoubtedly a vast amount of very useful
work was done by the Ordnance and some idea of it may be gleaned from
the list quoted in Appendix VII.
In a more subtle and impalpable fashion the Padres contributed
to the efficiency of the Division by keeping before the men the
lofty principles for which they were fighting, and by emphasising
the moral basis of the war. Those attached to battalions were of
enormous assistance to C.Os. in organising services, concerts and
entertainments for the men, and never did they withhold comfort and
advice from those who sought their help. Many men who took part
in the Longueval fighting had cause to bless Padre Johnston and
his coffee stall.[139] Padre Oddie was one of the personalities
of the Division and he was noted for the assiduity with which he
cultivated his “parish” both in and out of the trenches. All rendered
yeoman service in the sad task of burying the dead, and Padre Smith
MacIntosh treasures as one of his most cherished possessions a letter
he received from Brig.-General Maxwell thanking him for his labours
in this respect near the Chemical Works.
The popular Padre Brown was best known from his connection with “The
Thistles” concert troupe, whose entertainments were as beneficial as
a tonic to men just drawn from battle. The members of this troupe
performed these duties in addition to their ordinary army work. But
death made sad havoc among their ranks; the loss of Sergeant Peart
of the 28th Field Ambulance at Passchendaele in 1917 was a great
blow; he was the most charming lady impersonator that the Ninth ever
possessed, and his death was mourned by the whole Division.
The battle record of the Ninth in the war is one to be proud of. It
was engaged at Loos, at the Somme twice, four times at Arras, and
twice at Passchendaele; it played a conspicuous part in breaking up
the German offensives in March and April, and after two minor actions
at Meteren took part in the final operations from the 28th September
to the 27th October. On the few occasions on which it failed, as at
the Butte de Warlencourt on the 12th October 1916 and at St Julien in
1917, the power to win success was beyond human means.
A soldier prizes no praise more highly than that of another soldier,
and such praise is most practically shown when a division is
frequently employed in important engagements. During its service in
France the Ninth missed only two major actions—Messines and Cambrai.
Although on neither occasion was it fit for action, there was a
murmur of regret amongst all ranks because it had no share in these
conflicts. For while individually officers and men realised the awful
tragedy and pain of battle, their intense pride in their Division
made them fiercely jealous lest the omission to employ it sprang from
a poor appraisement of its worth.
The Division had the great fortune to be commanded by a succession
of leaders outstanding for character as well as knowledge, who
with their fingers ever on its pulse, knew well how to direct and
control it to the best advantage. But the true value of the Ninth
depended not upon the pre-eminence of a few individuals, but upon
the co-operative ability shown by all ranks and departments to work
together. Each officer and each man contributed to a common stock,
and while he might pass away his spirit was absorbed by the Division.
The group is always stronger than the individual. While
“’Tis that repeated shocks, again, again,
Exhaust the energy of strongest souls,
And numb the elastic powers,”
after each devastating battle the Ninth rose Phœnix-like from its
ashes, and at the end of the long struggle exhibited the same
keenness and purposeful vigour it had ever shown since its formation.
[Illustration: MAJOR-GENERAL H. H. TUDOR, C.B., C.M.G.
[_London Portrait Co._]
The splendid arrogance of the Division, its well-founded faith in its
own prowess, rested on the sure foundation of the fervent belief of
each man in the righteousness of the cause for which he was fighting.
To die for it if need be was the simple duty that animated all. The
qualities that created the Empire are equally necessary to maintain
it, and the security of a heritage depends essentially on the sense
of duty of those who hold it. War still remains the supreme test of a
nation’s efficiency, and it is the glory of democracy that it did not
shirk that test when challenged. In keeping with the national spirit
the Ninth Division had ever before it the injunction received from
H.M. King George V. on the 10th May 1915, and its greatest honour is
that from beginning to end it faithfully and loyally carried it out.
“_Officii fructus sit ipsum officium._”
As the war recedes into the past and as the emotions roused by it
subside, the tendency is to linger on the splendid and spectacular
advances of the latter part of 1918, and to exalt them at the expense
of the previous battles. If the war is to be viewed from the proper
angle, it should never be forgotten that after August 1918 the
Germans were men without hope, and to deduce our lessons of the war
from the last four months of fighting would be the height of folly.
None knew better than those who fought at Loos, the Somme, Arras,
and Passchendaele, and who also took part in the victorious advance,
that in the last months we were able with confidence to take risks
which it would have been rash to take in 1915, 1916, and 1917. Those
whose active service was confined to the fighting after August 1918
never experienced the same deadly nerve-rack and the fierce acuities
of emotion that sprang from the pitiless shelling and desperate
strife of the previous campaigns. The wearing-out battles, when
the foe was encountered at the zenith of his strength, with all
their disappointments and mistakes alone made possible the gigantic
advances at the end. A glance at the Division’s casualty list[140]
shows clearly that the heat and burden of the day fell principally
upon those who faced the enemy during the campaigns fought between
September 1915 and the close of 1917. And the dead of the Ninth in
the long chain of battles from Loos to the Lys had by their valour
and sacrifice paved the way for the triumphal onset that carried the
Division from Ypres to the Scheldt. The countless graves that strew
the battle-line of France and Flanders contain the flower of the
British race, and furnish silent but eloquent evidence of the robust
qualities and manly faith without which the British Empire and all
that it stands for must have passed away.
“_Qui procul hinc_—the legend’s writ,
The frontier grave is far away;
_Qui ante diem periit,
Sed miles, sed pro patriâ_.”
APPENDIX I
TABLE SHOWING ORDER OF BATTLE OF THE NINTH (SCOTTISH) DIVISION
CAVALRY
“B” Squadron, Queen’s Own Royal Glasgow Yeomanry.
Transferred to Corps, May 1916.
CYCLISTS
9th Division Company. Transferred to Corps, May 1916.
ROYAL ARTILLERY
R.F.A. BRIGADES
|
+-- L.
|
+-- LI.
|
+-- LII.
| Became A.F.A. Bde. 8/1/17.
|
| In April 1916 D/L., D/LI.,
| and D/LII. were taken away
| from their own Bdes. and
| formed into the LIII. Bde.
| R.F.A. The first three Bdes.
| had thus one Howitzer and
| three 18-pounder batteries.
|
| All batteries were then on
| a 4-gun basis.
|
+-- LIII. (Howitzer).
|
| One battery sent
| to the 7th Div.
| 9/6/15. Reconstituted
| April 1916,
| the three batteries
| exchanging with
| D/L., D/LI., and
| D/LII. Bde. broken
| up 11/9/16 to complete
| L. and LI.
| to 6-gun batteries.
9th HEAVY BATTERY.
Transferred to Corps, June 1915.
ROYAL ENGINEERS
63rd, 64th, and 90th Field Companies. 9th Signal Company.
INFANTRY
26TH HIGHLAND BRIGADE
8th Bn. Black Watch (Royal Highlanders).
7th Bn. Seaforth Highlanders (Ross-shire Buffs, The Duke of Albany’s).
8th Bn. The Gordon Highlanders. Transferred to 15th Div. 7/5/16.
5th Bn. The Queen’s Own Cameron Highlanders.
10th Bn. Princess Louise’s (Argyll and Sutherland) Highlanders.
From 27th Bde. 3/5/16. Transferred to 32nd Div. 15/2/18.
27TH (LOWLAND) BRIGADE
11th Bn. The Royal Scots. 12th Bn. The Royal Scots.
6th Bn. The Royal Scots Fusiliers. Transferred to 15th Div. 8/5/16.
10th Bn. Princess Louise’s (Argyll and Sutherland) Highlanders.
To 26th Bde. 3/5/16.
6th Bn. King’s Own Scottish Borderers. From 28th Bde. 6/5/16.
9th Bn. The Scottish Rifles (Cameronians). From 28th Bde. 6/5/16.
Transferred to 14th Div. 5/2/18.
28TH BRIGADE
6th Bn. The King’s Own Scottish Borderers. } Transferred to 27th
9th Bn. The Scottish Rifles (Cameronians). } Bde. 6/5/16.
10th Bn. Highland Light Infantry. } Transferred to 15th Div.
11th Bn. Highland Light Infantry. } 14/5/16.
The 28th Bde. was broken up 6/5/16, and replaced by the
SOUTH AFRICAN BRIGADE
1st Regt. 2nd Regt. 3rd Regt. 4th Regt. South African Infantry.
Disbanded (South African Scottish).
3/2/18.
On 24/4/18 the 1st, 2nd, and 4th Regiments were amalgamated, and
formed the South African Composite Battalion; and the brigade,
composed of this battalion, the 2nd Bn. The Royal Scots Fusiliers
from the 30th Div. 25/4/18, and the 9th Scottish Rifles from the 14th
Div. 13/4/18, was known as the 28th (South African) Brigade. The
South African Brigade left the 9th Division in September 1918 and its
place was taken by the
28TH BRIGADE (reorganised September 1918)
2nd Bn. The Royal Scots Fusiliers.
9th Bn. The Scottish Rifles.
1st Bn. The Royal Newfoundland Regiment. From L. of C. 13/9/18.
Previously with the 29th Division.
PIONEERS
9th Bn. Seaforth Highlanders (Ross-shire Buffs, the Duke of Albany’s).
MACHINE-GUN CORPS
26th Company, 27th Company, 28th Company, 197th Company,
formed 1/1/16. formed 22/12/15. formed 1/1/16. joined from
England 13/12/16.
9th Battalion, formed 1/3/18.
ROYAL ARMY SERVICE CORPS[141]
104th, 105th, 106th, and 107th Companies.
ROYAL ARMY MEDICAL CORPS
27th 28th 29th Field Ambulances.
Replaced April 1916 by the South African
Field Ambulance, which in September 1918
was replaced, first by the 76th (25th Div.),
and then by the 2/1st (East Lancs.) Field
Ambulance.
APPENDIX II
TABLE SHOWING THE PERIODS SPENT IN THE LINE FROM THE 9TH MAY 1915
TILL THE 11TH NOVEMBER 1918
1915
May. Landed in France (9th to 13th).
June. Out.
July. In line at Festubert.
Aug. ” ” (till 18th).
Sept. ” N.E. of Vermelles.
Oct. ” S. of Zillebeke (from the 5th).
Nov. In line E. of Zillebeke.
Dec. ” ” (till the 20th).
1916
Jan. Out till the 26th.
Feb. In line at Ploegsteert.
Mar. ” ”
Apr. ” ”
May. ” ”
June. Out.
July. Attacked on 3rd at Bernafay;
then in line at Montauban.
Attacked on 14th (Longueval
and Delville Wood); engaged
till 20th; then out.
Aug. In line at Vimy Ridge (from the 15th).
Sept. In line at Vimy Ridge (till the 26th).
Oct. In line near Butte de Warlencourt
(from the 9th). Attacked on 12th,
18th, and 19th; out from 26th.
Nov. Out.
Dec. In line E. and N.E. of Arras (from 4th).
1917
Jan. In line E. and N.E. of Arras.
Feb. ” ” ”
Mar. ” ” ”
Apr. ” ” ”
Attacked on 9th and 12th, reaching
Fampoux and Roeux; out from 16th
to 28th.
May. In line E. of Arras. Attacked on 3rd;
out from 12th.
June. In line near Roeux. Attacked on 5th;
out from 14th.
July. Out till 25th.
Aug. In line, Trescault-Havrincourt-Hermies
(till 30th).
Sept. Out till 15th. In line N.W. of Zonnebeke.
Attacked on 20th; out from 26th.
Oct. In line near St Julien from 10th;
attacked on 12th; out 25th to 28th.
Nov. In line at Coast till 17th; then out.
Dec. In line at Gouzeaucourt (from 6th).
1918
Jan. In line at Gouzeaucourt.
Feb. Out from 3rd.
Mar. In line at Gouzeaucourt (from 12th);
engaged in Somme Retreat 21st to 27th.
Apr. In line near Hollebeke (from 4th);
fighting 10th and 11th, 16th and 25th;
out from 26th.
May. Out till 24th.
June. In line at Meteren.
July. ” ”
Meteren captured 19th.
Aug. In line at Meteren.
Attacked on 18th; out from 26th.
Sept. In line E. of Ypres (from 20th).
Attacked 28th to 30th.
Oct. Attacked 1st, 14th, 20th, 22nd, and 25th;
then out.
APPENDIX III
LIST SHOWING (_A_) Commanders and Staff of the Ninth (Scottish)
Division; (_B_) Battalion Commanders; (_C_) Artillery Brigade
Commanders; (_D_) Field Company Commanders; (_E_) Field Ambulance
Commanders from Formation in September 1914 to the Armistice,
11th November 1918.
_Notes._—(1) The dates given in these lists indicate the periods
during which Commanders were serving with the Division.
(2) Decorations mentioned are those held or awarded during
service with the Division.
(_A_) COMMANDERS AND STAFF
DIVISIONAL COMMANDERS
Maj.-Gen. C. J. Mackenzie, C.B. to Oct. 1914
” Sir C. Fergusson, C.B., D.S.O., M.V.O. ” March 1915
” H. J. S. Landon, C.B. ” Sept. 1915
” G. H. Thesiger, C.B., C.M.G. ” Sept. 1915 (Loos)
” Sir W. T. Furse, K.C.B., D.S.O. ” Dec. 1916
” Sir H. T. Lukin, K.C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O. ” 13th March 1918
” C. A. Blacklock, C.M.G., D.S.O. ” 28th March 1918
” H. H. Tudor, C.B., C.M.G. ” Armistice
G.S.Os.I.
Lt.-Col. C. H. de Rougemont, D.S.O., M.V.O. to July 1915
” F. A. Buzzard ” Sept. 1915
” S. E. Hollond, D.S.O. ” March 1916
” P. A. V. Stewart, D.S.O. ” Dec. 1917
” T. C. Mudie, D.S.O. ” Armistice
A.A. & Q.M.Gs.
Col. A. V. Payne to Feb. 1915
Lt.-Col. R. F. Uniacke ” May 1915
” A. A. McHardy, C.M.G., D.S.O. ” Aug. 1916
” A. C. Jeffcoat, C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O. ” Armistice
C.R.As.
Brig.-Gen. E. H. Armitage, C.B. to Feb. 1916
” H. H. Tudor, C.B., C.M.G. ” March 1918
” H. R. Wainwright, D.S.O. ” Armistice
C.R.Es.
Lt.-Col. H. A. A. Livingstone, C.M.G. to Sept. 1915 (Loos)
” C. M. Carpenter, D.S.O. ” Jan. 1916
” E. Barnardiston ” July 1916 (Somme)
” G. R. Hearn, D.S.O. ” Feb. 1918
” H. C. B. Hickling, D.S.O., M.C. ” Armistice
INFANTRY BRIGADE COMMANDERS
_26th Brigade._—
Brig.-Gen. H. R. Kelham, C.B. to Nov. 1914
” E. St G. Grogan, C.B. ” May 1915
” A. B. Ritchie, C.M.G. ” Dec. 1916
” J. Kennedy, C.M.G., D.S.O. ” July 1918
” The Hon. A. G. A. Hore Ruthven,
V.C., C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O. ” Armistice
_27th Brigade._—
Brig.-Gen. W. Scott Moncrieff to Jan. 1915
” C. D. Bruce ” Sept. 1915 (Loos)
” W. H. Walshe ” March 1916
” G. F. Trotter, C.M.G., D.S.O., M.V.O. ” May 1916
” S. W. Scrase-Dickins, C.B. ” Oct. 1916
” F. A. Maxwell, V.C., C.S.I., D.S.O. ” Sept. 1917
(Passchendaele)
” W. D. Croft, C.M.G., D.S.O. ” Armistice
_28th Brigade._—
Brig.-Gen. S. W. Scrase-Dickins to May 1916
_South African Brigade._—
Brig.-Gen. H. T. Lukin, C.M.G., D.S.O. Apr. 1916 to Dec. 1916
” F. S. Dawson, C.M.G., D.S.O. ” Mar. 1918
” W. E. C. Tanner, C.M.G., D.S.O. ” Sept. 1918
_28th Brigade._—
Brig.-Gen. J. L. Jack, D.S.O. Sept. 1918 to Armistice
9TH DIVISIONAL TRAIN
Lt.-Col. R. P. Crawley, D.S.O., M.V.O. to Nov. 1917
” R. MacLear, D.S.O. ” Armistice
A.D.M.S.
Col. G. Cree, C.M.G. Apr. 1915 to Nov. 1915
” F. A. Symons, C.M.G., D.S.O. ” Apr. 1917 (Arras)
” O. W. A. Elsner, C.B.E., D.S.O. ” Armistice
(_B_) BATTALION COMMANDERS
26TH BRIGADE
_8th Black Watch_—
Lt.-Col. John Lord Sempill to Sept. 1915 (Loos)
” G. B. Duff Dec. 1915 ” Mar. 1916
” G. W. E. Gordon, D.S.O. ” Sept. 1916
” Sir G. Abercromby, D.S.O. ” Sept. 1917
” R. W. Hadow, D.S.O. ” Aug. 1918
” W. French, D.S.O., M.C. ” Armistice
_7th Seaforth Highlanders_—
Lt.-Col. W. T. Gaisford to Sept. 1915 (Loos)
” F. J. Marshall Dec. 1915 ” Apr. 1916
” J. Kennedy, D.S.O. May 1916 ” Aug. 1916
” R. Horn, D.S.O., M.C. ” Mar. 1918
” Hon. D. Bruce Apr. 1918 ” Armistice
_8th Gordon Highlanders_—
Lt.-Col. G. Staunton to Feb. 1915
” H. Wright, C.M.G., D.S.O. ” Sept. 1915 (Loos)
” A. D. Greenhill-Gardyne ” Mar. 1916
” H. Pelham Burn, D.S.O. Apr. 1916 to May 1916
_5th Cameron Highlanders_—
Lt.-Col. D. W. Cameron of Lochiel, C.M.G. to March 1916
” G. B. Duff, D.S.O. to July 1916 (Somme)
” H. R. Brown, D.S.O. ” May 1917
” St C. M. G. MacEwen ” Oct. 1917
” A. G. M. M. Crichton, D.S.O., M.C. to March 1918
” J. Inglis, C.M.G., D.S.O., March 1918 to Sept. 1918
” A. W. Angus, D.S.O. to Armistice
_10th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders_—
Lt.-Col. W. J. B. Tweedie, C.M.G. May 1916 to July 1916 (Somme)
” J. Kennedy, D.S.O. to Dec. 1916
” H. G. Sotheby, D.S.O., M.V.O. ” Feb. 1918
27TH BRIGADE
_11th Royal Scots_—
Lt.-Col. H. H. B. Dyson to Oct. 1914
” R. C. Dundas ” Sept. 1915 (Loos)
” W. D. Croft, D.S.O. Dec. 1915 ” Sept. 1917
” Sir J. B. S. Campbell, D.S.O. ” Oct. 1918
” E. Boyd, M.C. ” Armistice
_12th Royal Scots_—
Lt.-Col. G. G. Loch, C.M.G. to Feb. 1916
” H. L. Budge ” July 1916 (Somme)
” N. H. S. Fargus, D.S.O. ” March 1917
” H. U. H. Thorne ” Apr. 1917 (Arras)
” J. A. S. Ritson, D.S.O., M.C. ” June 1918
” J. Murray, D.S.O. ” Armistice
_6th Royal Scots Fusiliers_—
Lt.-Col. H. H. Northey, C.M.G. to Sept. 1915 (Loos)
” Rt. Hon. Winston Churchill, Jan. 1916 to May 1916
_10th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders_—
Lt.-Col. A. F. Mackenzie, C.M.G., M.V.O. to Sept. 1915 (Loos)
” H. Pelham Burn, D.S.O. Dec. 1915 to Apr. 1916
” W. J. B. Tweedie, C.M.G. to May 1916
_6th King’s Own Scottish Borderers_—
Lt.-Col. J. C. W. Connell, D.S.O. May 1916 to Oct. 1916
” G. B. F. Smyth, D.S.O. to May 1917
” H. D. N. Maclean, D.S.O. Aug. 1917 to Oct. 1917
” G. B. F. Smyth, D.S.O. March 1918 and May 1918
to Oct. 1918
” R. F. Ker, D.S.O., M.C. to Armistice
_9th Scottish Rifles_—
Lt.-Col. H. A. Fulton, D.S.O. May 1916 to July 1917
” W. Lumsden, D.S.O., M.C. ” Feb. 1918
_10th Highland Light Infantry_—
Lt.-Col. J. C. Grahame, D.S.O. to Sept. 1915 (Loos)
” H. C. Stuart, D.S.O. ” Jan. 1916
” J. C. Grahame, D.S.O. ” May 1916
_11th Highland Light Infantry_—
Lt.-Col. H. C. Fergusson, C.M.G. to Jan. 1916
” R. F. Forbes ” May 1916
SOUTH AFRICAN BRIGADE
_1st South African Infantry_—
Lt.-Col. F. S. Dawson, C.M.G. Apr. 1916 to Dec. 1916
” F. H. Heal, D.S.O. to March 1918
_2nd South African Infantry_—
Lt.-Col. W. E. C. Tanner, C.M.G., D.S.O. Apr. 1916 to Oct. 1917
” E. Christian, D.S.O. to March 1918
_3rd South African Infantry_—
Lt.-Col. E. F. Thackeray, C.M.G., D.S.O. Apr. 1916 to Feb. 1918
_4th South African Infantry_—
Lt.-Col. F. A. Jones, C.M.G., D.S.O. May 1916 to July 1916 (Somme)
” D. R. Hunt to Dec. 1916
” E. Christian, D.S.O. ” Apr. 1917
” D. M. MacLeod, D.S.O. ” March 1918
_South African (Composite) Battalion_—
Lt.-Col. H. W. M. Bamford, O.B.E., M.C. Apr. 1918 to Sept. 1918
28TH BRIGADE
_2nd Royal Scots Fusiliers_—
Lt.-Col. J. Utterson-Kelso, D.S.O., M.C. Apr. 1918 to Oct. 1918
” R. Campbell, D.S.O. to Nov. 1918
” C. S. Nairne ” Armistice
_9th Scottish Rifles_—
Lt.-Col. W. Lumsden, D.S.O., M.C. Apr. 1918 to Armistice
_1st Bn. Royal Newfoundland Regiment_—
Lt.-Col. T. G. Matthias, D.S.O. Sept. 1918 to Armistice
PIONEERS
_9th Seaforth Highlanders_—
Lt.-Col. T. Fetherstonhaugh, D.S.O. to March 1917
” W. Petty, D.S.O. ” Aug. 1918
” S. F. Sharp, M.C. ” Armistice
_9th Machine-gun Battalion_—
Lt.-Col. F. G. Chalmers, M.C. March 1918 to June 1918
” H. J. W. Davis, D.S.O. ” Armistice
(_C_) ARTILLERY BRIGADE COMMANDERS
50TH BRIGADE
Lt.-Col. A. C. Bailward to Jan. 1915
” C. E. D. Budworth, M.V.O. ” March 1915
” C. C. Van Straubenzee ” Aug. 1915
” E. W. S. Brooke, D.S.O. ” Aug. 1917
” C. W. W. McLean, C.M.G., D.S.O. ” March 1918
” J. de B. Cowan, D.S.O. ” May 1918
” C. W. W. McLean, C.M.G., D.S.O. ” Armistice
51ST BRIGADE
Lt.-Col. A. H. Carter to Aug. 1916
” G. A. S. Cape, D.S.O. ” Oct. 1917
” M. Muirhead, D.S.O. ” Armistice
52ND BRIGADE
Lt.-Col. F. W. Boteler to March 1915
” A. M. Perreau, C.M.G. ” June 1916
” H. M. Ballingall ” June 1916
” H. T. Belcher, D.S.O. ” Jan. 1917
53RD BRIGADE
Lt.-Col. C. N. Simpson to Feb. 1915
” K. K. Knapp, C.M.G. ” Nov. 1915
” H. T. Belcher, D.S.O. ” Sept. 1916
(_D_) FIELD COMPANY COMMANDERS
63RD COMPANY
Capt. C. Doucet to Nov. 1914
Major L. W. S. Oldham ” July 1915
” A. W. Reid, M.C. ” Apr. 1917
” R. E. Bruce Fielding, D.S.O. ” Armistice
64TH COMPANY
Capt. W. E. Francis to Nov. 1914
Major G. R. Hearn, D.S.O. ” Aug. 1916
” C. G. Woolner, M.C. ” Oct. 1917
” N. Clavering, M.C. ” July 1918
Capt. T. F. Young, D.S.O., M.C. ” Oct. 1918
90TH COMPANY
Major C. S. Montefiore to May 1915
” C. D. Munro ” Sept. 1915 (Loos)
” G. B. F. Smyth, D.S.O. ” Oct. 1916
” S. W. S. Hamilton, D.S.O. ” Sept. 1917
” T. G. Bird, D.S.O. ” Armistice
(_E_) FIELD AMBULANCE COMMANDERS
27TH FIELD AMBULANCE
Lt.-Col. O. W. A. Elsner, D.S.O. to Apr. 1917
” J. M. A. Costello, M.C. ” Armistice
28TH FIELD AMBULANCE
Lt.-Col. W. E. Hardy to June 1915
” H. C. R. Hine ” Aug. 1915
Capt. G. P. Taylor ” Jan. 1916
” Darling, M.C. ” Aug. 1916
Lt.-Col. T. E. Harty, D.S.O. ” Armistice
29TH FIELD AMBULANCE
Lt.-Col. F. R. Buswell to Oct. 1915
Major R. P. Lewis ” May 1916
S. A. FIELD AMBULANCE
Lt.-Col. G. H. Usmar May 1916 to Aug. 1916
” R. N. Pringle, D.S.O., M.C. ” Sept. 1918
2ND/1ST (EAST LANCS.) FIELD AMBULANCE
Lt.-Col. J. Bruce Sept. 1918 to Armistice
APPENDIX IV
CASUALTIES OF THE NINTH DIVISION
(A). _Approximate Number of Casualties suffered by the Division
in Battle._
+-------------+-----------------+--------------------+--------------+
| | Officers. | Other Ranks. | Total. |
| +-----+-----+-----+------+------+------+------+-------+
| | K. | W. | M. | K. | W. | M. |Offic-| Other |
| | | | | | | | ers. | Ranks.|
+-------------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+------+------+-------+
|_Loos_—25th to 28th Sept. 1915 |
| | 63 | 100 | 27 | 798 | 3,037| 2,032| 190 | 5,867 |
| |
|_Somme_— Longueval and Delville Wood, 1st to 20th July 1916 |
| | 82 | 214 | 18 | 1,148| 5,091| 964 | 314 | 7,203 |
| |
|_Butte de Warlencourt_— 12th to 24th Oct. 1916 |
| | 28 | 74 | 16 | 460 | 2,131| 546 | 118 | 3,137 |
| |
|_Arras_—9th April 1917 |
| | 26 | 91 | .. | 382 | 1,481| 68 | 117 | 1,931 |
| 12th April | 7 | 55 | 3 | 122 | 987 | 189 | 65 | 1,298 |
| 3rd May | 13 | 52 | 23 | 161 | 1,150| 459 | 88 | 1,770 |
| 5th June | 4 | 8 | 1 | 36 | 141| 19 | 13 | 196 |
| |
|_Passchendaele_—20th Sept. 1917 |
| | 22 | 64 | .. | 411 | 1,754| 124 | 86 | 2,289 |
| 12th to 25th Oct. 1917 |
| | 28 | 69 | 5 | 387 | 1,932| 225 | 102 | 2,544 |
| |
|_Somme Retreat_—21st to 28th Mar. 1918 |
| | 26 | 113 | 105 | 304 | 1,799| 2,760| 244 | 4,863 |
| |
|_The Lys_—9th to 26th April 1918 |
| | 35 | 95 | 39 | 401 | 1,832| 1,646| 169 | 3,879 |
| |
|_Meteren_—19th July 1918 |
| | 13 | 20 | 2 | 186 | 537 | 45 | 35 | 768 |
| |
|_Hoegenacker_—18th August 1918 |
| | 4 | 16 | 1 | 65 | 324 | 23 | 21 | 412 |
| |
|_Final Advance_—28th Sept, to 27th Oct. 1918 |
| | 44 | 139 | 5 | 470 | 2,858| 276 | 188 | 3,604 |
| +-----+-----+-----+------+------+------+------+-------+
| | 395 |1,110| 245 | 5,331|25,054| 9,376| 1,750|39,761 |
+-------------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+------+------+-------+
| |
| (B). _Approximate Number of Casualties from May 1915 |
| to November 1918._ |
+-------------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+------+------+-------+
| | 474 | 1744| 275 | 7,425|34,559|10,138| 2,493| 52,122|
+-------------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+------+------+-------+
APPENDIX V
VICTORIA CROSSES WON BY OFFICERS AND MEN OF THE
NINTH DIVISION DURING THE WAR
CORPORAL JAMES DALGLEISH POLLOCK, 5th Bn. The Cameron Highlanders
For most conspicuous bravery near the Hohenzollern Redoubt on the
27th September 1915.
At about 12 noon when the enemy’s bombers in superior numbers were
working up “Little Willie” towards the Redoubt, Corporal Pollock,
after obtaining permission from his company officer, got out of the
trench alone, walked along the top edge with the utmost coolness
and disregard of danger and compelled the enemy’s bombers to retire
by bombing them from above. He was under heavy machine-gun fire the
whole time, but continued to hold up the progress of the Germans for
an hour, when he was at length wounded.
PRIVATE WILLIAM FREDERICK FAULDS, 1st Regiment, South African Infantry
At Delville Wood, on 18th July 1916. For most conspicuous bravery and
devotion to duty. A bombing party under Lieutenant Craig attempted to
rush across forty yards of ground which lay between the British and
enemy trenches. Coming under very heavy rifle and machine-gun fire,
the officer and the majority of the party were killed or wounded.
Unable to move, Lieutenant Craig lay midway between the two lines
of trenches, the ground being quite open. In full daylight Private
Faulds, accompanied by two other men, climbed the parapet, ran out,
picked up the officer and carried him back, one man being severely
wounded in so doing.
Two days later Private Faulds again showed most conspicuous bravery
in going out alone to bring in a wounded man, and carrying him
nearly half a mile to a dressing-station, subsequently rejoining
his platoon. The artillery-fire was at the time so intense that
stretcher-bearers and others considered that any attempt to bring in
the wounded men meant certain death. This risk Private Faulds faced
unflinchingly, and his bravery was crowned with success.
CAPTAIN HENRY REYNOLDS, M.C., 12th Bn. The Royal Scots
For most conspicuous bravery. When his company, in attack and
approaching their final objective, suffered heavy casualties from
enemy machine-guns and from an enemy “Pill-box,” which had been
passed by the first wave, Captain Reynolds reorganised his men, who
were scattered, and then proceeded alone by rushes from shell-hole
to shell-hole, all the time being under heavy machine-gun fire. When
near the “Pill-box” he threw a grenade, intending that it should go
inside, but the enemy had blocked the entrance. He then crawled to
the entrance and forced a phosphorous grenade inside. This set the
place on fire and caused the death of three of the enemy, while the
remaining seven or eight surrendered with two machine-guns.
Afterwards, though wounded, he continued to lead his company against
another objective and captured it, taking seventy prisoners and two
more machine-guns.
During the whole attack the company was under heavy machine-gun fire
from the flanks, but despite this Captain Reynolds kept complete
control of his men.
LANCE-CORPORAL WILLIAM HENRY HEWITT, 2nd Regiment, South African
Infantry
At east of Ypres on 20th September 1917, for most conspicuous bravery
during operations. Lance-Corporal Hewitt attacked a “Pill-box” with
his section, and tried to rush the doorway. The garrison however
proved very stubborn, and in the attempt this N.C.O. received a
severe wound. Nevertheless, he proceeded to the loophole of the
“Pill-box” where, in his attempts to put a bomb into it, he was again
wounded in the arm. Undeterred, however, he eventually managed to get
a bomb inside which caused the occupants to dislodge, and they were
successfully and speedily dealt with by the remainder of the section.
LIEUTENANT ROBERT VAUGHAN GORLE, “A” Battery, 5th Brigade R.F.A.
For most conspicuous bravery, initiative, and devotion to duty during
the attack at Ledeghem on 1st October 1918, when in command of an
18-pounder gun working in close conjunction with the infantry. He
brought his gun into action in the most exposed positions on four
separate occasions, and disposed of enemy machine-guns by firing over
open sights under direct machine-gun fire at 500 to 600 yards’ range.
Later, seeing that the infantry were being driven back by intense
hostile fire, he without hesitation galloped his gun in front of the
leading infantry, and on two occasions knocked out enemy machine-guns
which were causing the trouble. His dash and disregard of personal
safety were a magnificent example to the wavering line, which rallied
and retook the northern end of the village.
PRIVATE THOMAS RICKETTS, The Royal Newfoundland Regiment
For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to duty on the 14th
October 1918. During the advance from Ledeghem, when the attack was
temporarily held up by heavy hostile fire, and the platoon to which
he belonged suffered severe casualties from the fire of a battery
at point-blank range, Private Ricketts at once volunteered to go
forward with his section commander and a Lewis Gun to attempt to
outflank the battery. Advancing by short rushes under heavy fire
from machine-guns with the hostile battery, their ammunition was
exhausted when they were still 300 yards from the battery. The enemy,
seeing an opportunity to get their field-guns away, began to bring up
their gun teams. Private Ricketts, at once realising the situation,
doubled back 100 yards under the heaviest machine-gun fire, procured
further ammunition, and dashed back again to the Lewis Gun, and by
very accurate fire drove the enemy and the gun teams into a farm.
His platoon then advanced without casualties and captured four
field-guns, four machine-guns, and eight prisoners. A fifth field-gun
was subsequently intercepted by fire and captured. By his presence
of mind in anticipating the enemy intention and his utter disregard
of personal safety, Private Ricketts secured the further supply of
ammunition which directly resulted in these important captures and
undoubtedly saved many lives.
CORPORAL ROLAND EDWARD ELCOCK, M.M., 11th Bn. The Royal Scots
For most conspicuous bravery and initiative south-east of Cappelle St
Catherine on 15th October 1918, when in charge of a Lewis Gun team.
Entirely on his own initiative, Corporal Elcock rushed his gun up to
within ten yards of enemy guns, which were causing heavy casualties
and holding up the advance. He put both guns out of action, captured
five prisoners and undoubtedly saved the whole attack from being held
up. Later, near the river Lys, this N.C.O. again attacked an enemy
machine-gun and captured the crew. His behaviour throughout the day
was absolutely fearless.
APPENDIX VI
SUMMARY OF WORK DONE BY SAPPERS AND PIONEERS IN PREPARATION FOR THE
BATTLE OF ARRAS, 9TH APRIL 1917
1. 3500 yards of new communication trenches.
2. New artillery trench (1600 yards) dug for advanced positions
of three brigades.
3. 4300 yards of old communications cleared at least once; trench
boards raised in part on “A” frames, and berms cleared back.
4. 2800 yards of tramway cleared and track raised 18 feet in
places; a very successful job, enabling large quantities of
ammunition for trench mortars, etc., to be run up. 1000 yards of
new tramway laid, including tramways to gun positions.
5. 10 heavy trench mortar emplacements with at least 10 feet
overhead cover, and mined magazines holding 200 rounds; these
proved very successful and saved many casualties.
6. 38 medium emplacements proof against 4·2 H.E. shells.
7. 7 artillery observation posts in Arras and 7 trench
observation posts with mined dug-outs; also telephone exchange at
sewer exit in Arras.
8. 1500 yards of roads cleared and repaired, and 3 subways made
for passage under roads.
9. 4500 yards of infantry tracks made, with a small amount of
assistance from infantry of the Fourth Division. 3000 artillery
tracks made, including 35 bridges. Overland tracks made along
4500 yards of communication trenches. Pontoon bridge over the
Scarpe repaired for pack transport.
10. Additional water storage for 1500 gallons, and about 2000
yards of piped supply to battery positions.
11. 74 cellars and a cave in St. Nicholas strutted, and 15
dug-outs extended or improved. 3 brigade H.Q. made, one of which
was made sufficiently large for advanced D.H.Q.
12. 4013 bunks erected in Etrun, Laresset, and Haute Avesnes. 518
bunks repaired, 8 Nissen huts and 13 cookhouse shelters erected.
A billet for 44 officers made in a French Adrian hut. Brigade
H.Q. made in St. Catherine for the Thirty-fourth Division, also
dug-outs for the 50th Brigade R.F.A. and signals in St. Nicholas.
13. The large quantity of articles turned out by divisional
workshops included:—
70 camouflaged targets for marking of objectives when captured.
143 water-carriers for pack transport.
350 infantry track posts.
138 trench bridges.
260 printed notice boards.
30 direction posts.
100 artillery track posts.
20 stretchers.
In addition, the Sappers made entrances for the 27th Brigade to
the craters in its front line, and exploded craters (for assembly
purposes) in front of the South African sector.
All this work took about two months.
APPENDIX VII
LIST SHOWING MATERIAL ISSUED AND SALVED BY THE ORDNANCE
DEPARTMENT IN 1918
+----------------------------+-------------+----------+----------+
| | Original | Actually | Actually |
| | Issues on | issued | salved |
| |Mobilisation.| 1918. | 1918. |
+----------------------------+-------------+----------+----------+
| Boots, ankle, pairs | 32,000 | 24,160 | 23,520 |
| Greatcoats | 16,000 | 7,440 | 8,160 |
| Trousers | 13,000 | 21,840 | 18,160 |
| Jackets | 16,000 | 23,520 | 22,960 |
| Pantaloons, cord | 3,000 | 8,701 | 9,183 |
| Puttees, pairs | 16,000 | 24,120 | 23,200 |
| Ground sheets | 16,000 | 7,248 | 7,248 |
| Socks, pairs | 48,000 | 41,232 | 42,000 |
| Shoes, horse and mule | | 64,743 | *140 |
| Bottles, water | 16,000 | 5,782 | 5,000 |
| Haversacks | 16,000 | 1,184 | 1,100 |
| Vests | 16,000 | 25,056 | 25,056 |
| Caps | 16,000 | 14,560 | 14,000 |
| Drawers, woollen or cotton | 32,000 | 37,264 | 37,000 |
| Shirts | 32,000 | 10,800 | 10,800 |
| Tins, mess | 16,000 | 11,520 | 11,000 |
| Flannelette, yards | 8,500 | 111,672 | |
| Bags, nose | 4,000 | 29,244 | 29,000 |
| Ropeshead | 4,000 | 3,200 | 3,000 |
| Chains, collar | 2,000 | 5,892 | |
| Ropes, heel | 4,000 | 1,992 | 1,500 |
| Ropes, picketing | 70 | 1,800 | |
| Dubbin, lbs. | 500 | 9,600 | |
| Soap, soft, lbs. | 500 | 21,120 | |
| Soap, yellow, bars | 4,004 | 40,320 | |
| Grease, lubricating, lbs. | 500 | 10,188 | |
| Buckets, water | 5,000 | 7,332 | |
| Oil, lubricating, | | | |
| G. S., galls. | 100 | 3,216 | |
| Brushes, dandy | 2,000 | 9,096 | |
| Brushes, horse | 3,000 | 4,812 | |
| Blankets, saddle | 3,750 | 1,800 | 1,800 |
| Blankets, G. S. | 32,000 | 48,000 | 48,000 |
| Soda, crystals, lbs. | 336 | 34,560 | |
| Pullthroughs | 16,000 | 19,200 | |
| Machine-guns | 454 | 700 | 750 |
| Rifles | 16,000 | 35,000 | 50,000 |
| Vehicles (various) | 963 | 400 | 400 |
| Bicycles | 441 | 300 | 300 |
+----------------------------+-------------+----------+----------+
* Weight in tons.
APPENDIX VIII
DIVISIONAL INSTITUTES AND CANTEENS
Canteens were instituted in the Ninth Division during September 1915
because of the exorbitant prices charged to soldiers by the private
owners of cafés and estaminets. The difficult work of organisation
was carried out by Captain, now Major J. R. King, D.S.O., and he
was ably assisted by Padre J. Johnston, Presbyterian Chaplain. Two
caravans, kindly sent out by some friends at home, and named “Rob
Roy” and “Wee Macgregor,” were well known to all who served with
the Ninth; they traversed the front line many times from the sea to
the Somme, and “Jock” was always delighted to see them, for they
meant hot coffee and a packet of biscuits or cigarettes. When at the
beginning of 1918 Major King was transferred to the 46th Reserve
Park, the control of the Canteen arrangements devolved principally
upon Captain Carmichael. The duties of the O.C. Canteens were by no
means light, as the annual overturn amounted to more than a million
francs.
Another venture taken up by the Canteen department was the
establishment of a Soda-Water Factory. This factory not only swelled
the divisional funds but was an inestimable boon to the men, who were
provided with an excellent beverage at very small cost.
Some of the profits were devoted to the purchase of a divisional
cinema at the beginning of 1916, and all kinds of places behind the
lines—a pantechnicon waggon, barns, wall of houses in the open air,
sheets under trees by the roadside—were used for performances; it is
needless to mention that the film most in request from one end of the
line to the other was “Charlie Chaplin.”
During the German offensive in 1918 some of the divisional treasures
were lost. The cinema and “Wee Macgregor” had to be abandoned. The
soda-water plant was saved by Major King who, moving back with his
transport, remembered his old division in its trouble, seized the
plant at Péronne, and in spite of all obstacles got it safely away.
The Canteens carried on to the end, and after the Armistice were the
only places where the troops could procure supplies.
With the development of the Canteens there arose demands for all
sorts of specialists, such as cinema operators, grocers, law
assistants, etc., and “Q” often asked brigades to furnish them.
On one occasion a brigade which as a rule took no notice of these
requests, sent in the following reply: “We regret we have no grocer
specialist, soda-water specialist, or law specialist in our ranks,
but we have a contortionist, if his services could be made use of.”
But “Q” scored (whether consciously or not is a matter of doubt) by
wiring, “Please tell contortionist to report at H.Q. at once for
duty with the Concert Party.” This unexpected demand nonplussed the
brigade, which after deliberation concocted the following reply:
“Regret contortionist became a casualty last evening and is being
evacuated.”
INDEX
Abeele, 293
Abeelhoek, 365
Abercromby, Lieut.-Colonel Sir George, commanding 8th Black Watch,
63, 162 _note_, 404
Achiet le Grand, 223
Achiet le Petit, 226
Adamson, Captain J. E., commanding “C” Coy. 8th Gordons, 46
Adler Farm captured, 240
“Aerial darts,” trench mortars, 177
Aeroplanes, British, use of, 94;
German, 188, 208, 213;
bomb British troops, 268, 288
Air fights, 79
Aisne, the, 223, 354
Aizecourt le Haut, 280
Albert, 173, 286, 334
Albert, King of the Belgians, reviews the Ninth Division, 383
Allenby, General Sir E., commanding Third Army, 169;
presents decorations, 213;
Campaign in Egypt, 248, 335
Allied Forces, plan of attack, 20, 181-183
Allwright, C.S.M., heroism, 127
Alwyn Farm, 325, 326
American Army, attack in the Woeuvre, 335, 354
Amiens, 334;
failure of the Germans to capture, 292
Ancre, the, 181, 287, 289;
Valley, 153
Anderson, Major P. C., commanding 7th Seaforths, 256 _note_
Andrews, Captain, 377
Angus, Lieut.-Colonel A. W., commanding 5th Camerons, 338, 404
Annequin Fosse, 27
Anzac Redoubt, 227;
Ridge, 336;
captured, 340
Argonne, attack on, 335, 354
Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, the 10th, 6, 395, 405;
at the Battle of Loos, 44;
at Fosse Alley, 45;
retire to Dump Trench, 54;
casualties, 67, 208;
failure of a raiding scheme, 78;
at the Battle of Longueval, 109;
attack on the Butte de Warlencourt, 156;
at the Battle of Arras, 191, 197, 206;
raids, 222;
at the Battle of Passchendaele, 239-242;
in the Thirty-second Division, 251
Armagh Wood, 68
Armentières, 13;
evacuated, 299
Armin, General Sixt von, 130, 225
Armistice, 334, 383, 384
Armitage, Brig.-General E. H., C.R.A., 7, 80, 403;
letter from Maj.-General Bulfin, 56
Army, British, the First Hundred Thousand, 5;
use of gas, 21, 28;
strength, 91 _note_;
tactical expedients, 104;
moral, 183, 317;
relations with the French Army, 183;
“Backs to the Wall” Order, 313;
attack on Cambrai, 335
Army, the First, 144, 334;
at the Battle of Arras, 206
Army, the Second, 224, 293, 301;
Parade Service, 329
Army, the Third, 169, 181, 253, 264, 271, 275, 284, 334;
surrenders the Somme, 282
Army, the Fourth, 84 _note_, 150, 334
Army, the Fifth, 181, 225, 253, 271, 275, 284;
at the Battle of Arras, 206
Army, British, I. Corps, 20
II. Corps, 336, 370
III. Corps, 150, 249
IV. Corps, 20, 144;
at Bapaume, 220
V. Corps, 223, 253, 259, 264, 271, 284;
retreat, 272
VII. Corps, 250, 253, 284;
transferred to the Third Army, 285
VIII. Corps, 249
IX. Corps, 297, 301
X. Corps, 249
XIII. Corps, 84, 86;
attack on Longueval, 102
XV. Corps, 249, 336
XVII. Corps, 181;
plan of attack at Arras, 184
XVIII. Corps, 238;
Cyclist Battalion, 245
XIX. Corps, 284
XXII. Corps, 301, 308
Corps Cavalry, at the Battle of the Somme, 96
Army Service Corps, 9th Divisional Train, 7;
104th Company, 7, 399;
105th, 7, 399;
106th, 7, 399;
107th, 7, 399;
work of the, 71, 381, 391;
duties, 137, 290
Arneke, 238
Arras, 92, 172, 334;
Battles of, 22, 193-199, 203-205, 207-211, 214-218, 393;
condition, 173;
gas bombardment, 180;
bombing of, 213
Artillery Division, 281, 407
Athies, 184, 194
Auchy, 21 _note_, 41, 58
Australian Brigades, the 3rd, 293;
the 38th, 282;
the 43rd, 282
Australian Division, the 1st, 293;
captures Germans, 322;
the 2nd, attack on Passchendaele, 228;
the 4th, 289
Austria-Hungary, relations with Serbia, 3;
collapse, 382
Austria, Archduke Francis Ferdinand assassinated, 3
Austrian Army, attack in the Trentino, 88
Bagdad captured, 224
Bailleul, 12, 320;
captured, 306;
evacuated, 334
Bailward, Lieut.-Colonel A. C., commanding 50th Bde. R.F.A., 7, 407
Baizieux, 289
Balkan States, 334
Ballingall, Lieut.-Colonel H. M., commanding the 52nd Bde. R.F.A., 407
Bamford, Lieut.-Colonel H. W. M., commanding South African Composite
Battalion, 307, 406
Bangalore torpedoes, 78
Bapaume, 89, 220;
fall of, 152, 334
Barly, 150
Barnardiston, Lieut.-Colonel E., C.R.E., 403;
wounded, 137
Barrage, “box,” 178;
“creeping,” 107, 186
Bavarian Regiments, the 6th, 10th, and 16th, 102 _note_;
Reserve Divisions, the 1st and 24th, 192 _note_
Bavichove, 370, 375;
captured, 366
Bazentin, 283
Bazentin-le-Grand, 97, 102, 103, 285
Beaucamp Ridge, 254
Beaumetz, 264
Beaumont Hamel, 96
Becelaere, advance on, 341;
captured, 342
Beck House, 228, 234
Becourt Valley, 287
Beet Factory, 273
Belcher, Lieut.-Colonel H. T., commanding 52nd Bde. R.F.A., 407
Belgian Army, attack on Ghent, 336;
captures Moorslede, 345;
St Pieter, 351;
Bavichove, 366;
relieved, 371
Belgians, Queen of the, 383
Belgiek, 371, 374
Belgium, invasion of, 3;
rejoicings at peace, 384
Bellamy, 2nd Lieut., of the 11th Royal Scots, captures a patrol, 17
Bellewarde Ridge, 336;
captured, 340
Bennet, Captain H. E., 312
Benrath, 390
Berchem, 371
Bergwijk, 379
Bernafay Wood, 97, 281;
captured, 98;
bombarded, 99;
attack on, 285
Bertangles, 289
Berthonval, 145
Bethune, 32, 56
Bethune bombs, 14, 46
Beugin, 145
Beveren, 371, 374
Beviss, Lieut., 261
Big and Little Willie Trenches, attack on, 33
Billon Valley, 96, 100;
Wood, 283
Bird, Major T. G., commanding 90th Field Coy. R.E., 408
“Birdcage,” 76;
blown up, 70
Black Cot, 304, 305, 307
Blacklock, Maj.-General C. A., commanding Ninth Division, 253, 402;
on leave, 258;
return to the Front, 283
Black Watch, the 8th, 6, 63, 398;
at the Battle of Loos, 39, 41;
capture Germans, 42, 310;
check the German advance, 53;
casualties, 62 _note_;
at the Battle of Longueval, 109, 112;
attack on Snag Trench, 162;
raid, 179;
at the Battle of Arras, 191, 194, 206, 208;
of Passchendaele, 239-242;
retreat, 282;
at Grand Bois, 298;
attack on Meteren, 325;
at Ypres, 337;
capture Rolleghem Cappelle, 349;
attack on Mogg Farm, 359
Blaringhem, 319
Bluff, The, 64, 69
Boer War, results, 3
Bogaert Farm, 301, 304
Bomb, Bethune, 14;
Mills No. 5, 14;
depots, 30
Bombs, phosphorous, 229;
smoke, 27;
use of, 172
Bomy, 84
Bordon, 12
Borry Farm, 228, 234
Boteler, Lieut.-Colonel F. W., commanding 52nd Bde. R.F.A., 7, 407
Bouchavesnes, 273, 274
Bourlon Wood, 221
“Box” barrage, 178
Boyd, Lieut.-Colonel E., commanding 11th Royal Scots, 405
Brahmin Bridge, 326
Brake Camp, 238
Bray, 143, 252
Bremen Redoubt, 235
Briques, Les, 23;
shelled, 51
Briqueterie, 99, 101, 286
Britain, agreement with France and Russia, 3;
war with Germany, 4;
administration arrangements, 85
British Army, 5.
_See_ Army
Brock, Captain S. E., 364
Brogden, Major J. S., D.A.D.O.S., Ninth Division, 8
Broodseinde, 336, 337;
captured, 341
Brooke, Lieut.-Colonel E. W. S., commanding 50th Bde. R.F.A., 407
Brown, Lieut.-Colonel H. R., commanding 5th Camerons, 144, 404
Brown, Padre, 393
Browne, Major A. R. Innes, commanding 6th K.O.S.B., 217 _note_, 241;
killed, 308 _note_
Bruay, 144
Bruce, Brig.-General C. D., commanding 27th Infantry Brigade, 8, 403;
decides against attack on Haisnes, 45;
H.Q. in the Quarries, 47;
taken prisoner, 50
Bruce, Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. David, commanding 7th Seaforths, 299,
404
Bruce, Lieut.-Colonel J., commanding 2nd/1st East Lancs. Field
Ambulance, 408
Brussilov, General, successes, 88
Buchan, Captain, killed, 50
Buchanan Street, 112, 132, 134
Budge, Lieut.-Colonel H. L., commanding 12th Royal Scots, 80, 405;
killed, 111, 114
Budworth, Lieut.-Colonel C. E. D., commanding 50th Bde. R.F.A., 407
Bulfin, Maj.-General, letter from, 56
Bulgar Wood, 294
Bulgaria, treachery, 86;
sues for peace, 335
Burn, Major C. P. M., commanding 7th Seaforths, 63
Burn, Lieut.-Colonel Pelham, commanding 8th Gordons, 80, 404;
10th A. & S.H., 63, 405
Busnes, 15, 18
Buswell, Lieut.-Colonel F. R., commanding 29th Field Ambulance, 7, 408
Butte de Warlencourt, 153;
attack on, 154-157;
Battle of, 394
Buzzard, Lieut.-Colonel F. A., G.S.O.I., 402
Byng, General Sir Julian, 222, 254, 264
Cabaret Rouge, 146
Camblain L’Abbé, 145
Cambrai, 89, 182;
Battle of, 222;
military operations at, 246, 247
Cameron of Lochiel, Lieut.-Colonel D. W., commanding 5th Camerons, 6,
63, 404;
health breaks down, 80
Cameron, Lieut., captures Germans, 270
Cameron, Major, killed, 338
Cameron Highlanders, the 5th, 6, 398, 404;
at the Battle of Loos, 39-41;
casualties, 41, 62 _note_, 68;
check the German’s advance, 53;
attack on Waterlot Farm, 118;
on Snag Trench, 158;
at the Battle of Arras, 191, 197, 206, 208;
of Passchendaele, 239;
retreat, 281;
in reserve at Vierstraat, 298;
repulse the Germans at Dammstrasse, 304;
attack on Meteren, 325;
advance on Frezenberg Ridge, 340;
on Keiberg Spur, 344;
cross the Lys, 373
Campbell, Major A. C., commanding 11th Royal Scots, 256 _note_;
death, 288
Campbell, Lieut. C., 328
Campbell, Lieut.-Colonel Sir J. B. S., commanding 11th Royal Scots,
231 _note_, 405;
attack on Roeux, 204 _note_;
on leave, 256 _note_
Campbell, Lieut.-Colonel R., commanding 2nd Royal Scots Fusiliers,
378 _note_, 406;
attack on Ingoyghem Ridge, 379
Canadian Division, the Third, at Arras, 181
Candle Factory, 191
Candles, smoke, 29
Canteens, institution of, 416
Cape, Lieut.-Colonel, G. A. S., commanding 51st Bde. R.F.A., 407
Cappelle St Catherine, 365
Caporetto, defeat of the Italians at, 247
Carency, 22, 145
Carmichael, Captain, in control of the Canteens, 416
Carnoy, 135
Carpenter, Lieut.-Colonel C. M., C.R.E., 64, 403
Carter, Lieut.-Colonel A. H., commanding 51st Bde. R.F.A., 7, 407
Carvin, 21
Caterpillar Valley, 109
Cavalry Trench, 262
Celestins Wood, 96
Cemetery Alley, 43;
shelled, 51, 53
Chalmers, Lieut.-Colonel F. G., commanding 9th Machine-gun Battn.,
252, 407
Chamberlain, Lieut.-Colonel, commanding 6th K.O.S.B., 308 _note_
Chapel Crossing, 249
Chapel Hill, 253, 254;
captured, 263, 266
Château Thierry, 319, 333
Chemin des Dames, 319, 321
Chérisy, 212, 288
Chimney Trench, 98
“Chinese Attack,” 154;
barrages, 193
Chipilly, 288
Christian, Lieut.-Colonel E., commanding 2nd South African Infantry,
144, 256 _note_, 406;
the 4th, 172, 406
Churchill, Lieut.-Colonel the Right Hon. W., commanding the 6th Royal
Scots Fusiliers, 63, 75, 405
Cité St Elie, 24, 32
Clarges Street, 103, 113, 117
Clavering, Major N., commanding 64th Field Coy. R.E., 408
Cléry captured, 276
Cochran, Major, in temporary command of the 2nd South African
Regiment, 228 _note_
Cockburn, Captain, rearguard action, 272
Cocks, Captain Somers, killed, 306
Cologne, 386
Combles, 89, 152, 277;
captured, 282
Comines Canal, 64, 296
Compiègne, 334
Congreve, General Sir W. H., commanding XIII. Corps, 85;
tribute to the Ninth Division, 111;
in command of VII. Corps, 250
Connell, Lieut.-Colonel J. C. W., commanding 6th K.O.S.B., 64, 99,
165, 405;
invalided to England, 171
Copse Valley, 96
Corbie, 93
Corons de Marons, 23
Corons de Pekin, 23
Costello, Lieut.-Colonel J. M. A., commanding 27th Field Ambulance,
408
Courtrai, 355
Cowan, Lieut.-Colonel J. de B., commanding 50th Bde. R.F.A., 407
Crawley, Lieut.-Colonel R. P., commanding 9th Divisional Train, 7, 404
Cree, Colonel G., A.D.M.S., 7, 404
“Creeping” barrage, 107, 186
Crichton, Lieut.-Colonel A. G. M. M., commanding 5th Camerons, 239,
404;
leaves, 256 _note_
Croft, Brig.-General W. D., commanding 11th Royal Scots, 63, 405;
at the Battle of Longueval, 113;
Director of the Divisional School at Givenchy, 174;
_Three Years with the Ninth Division_, 174 _note_;
attack on the Germans, 190;
in command of the 27th Infantry Brigade, 231 _note_, 238, 403;
at Sorel, 261;
reconnoitres the Corps line, 303;
advance on Becelaere, 341;
plans for crossing the Lys, 366;
tribute to, 381
Croisilles, 258
Crowden, Lieut. H. commanding “D” Coy. 12th Royal Scots, 99
Cuerne, 348, 365, 366, 380;
gas-shelled, 366
Cundle, Captain, 310
Cupid Trench, 214, 216
Curly Trench, 216
Cuthbert Trench, 209
“Cuthbert,” the prince of snipers, 148
Cyclist Battalion, at the Battle of the Somme, 96
Dadizeele, 344;
captured, 345
Dadizeelehoek, 350
Dammstrasse, 298, 302, 309;
attack on, 304, 311
Dardanelles expedition, failure, 86
Darling, Captain, commanding 28th Field Ambulance, 408
Daun, Marshal, tactics, 91
Davis, Lieut.-Colonel H. J. W., commanding 9th Machine-gun Battn., 407
Dawson, Brig.-General F. S., 117, 131, 134, 262;
commanding 1st South African Regiment, 82, 406;
attack on the “Nose,” 160;
commanding S.A. Brigade, 171, 403;
at Sorel, 266;
retires to Moislains, 268;
ordered to retreat to Bouchavesnes, 274;
taken prisoner, 280
Deerlyck captured, 374
Delbske Farm, 298
Delville Wood, 97, 102;
attack on, 120, 126, 132, 138;
captured, 121, 125, 140 _note_;
bombarded, 125, 127, 130
Demobilisation, system of, 389
Denys Wood, 298
Dernancourt, 286
Desinet Farm, 304
Dessart Wood, 256;
shelled, 260, 265
Detail, General, commanding Eighth Belgian Division, 348
Deule Canal, 22
“Devil’s Wood,” 134
Diaz, General, 382
Dickebusch, rest hut, 65, 66
Divisional Artillery, 80, 147;
Tactical School at Givenchy, 174
Doignies, loss of, 264
Dome House, 302, 307
Douai, 89, 173, 354;
plains, 182
Doucet, Captain C., commanding 63rd Field Coy. R.E., 7, 408
Doullens, Conference at, 293
Douvrin, 24
Drew, Major, 109;
adjutant, 5th Camerons, 66
Drocourt, attack on, 334
Duff, Lieut.-Colonel G. B., commanding 8th Black Watch, 63, 404;
5th Camerons, 80, 404;
at the attack on Delville Wood, 132;
wounded, 133
Dugmore, Major, commanding 9th Divisional Supply Column, M.T., 7
Duisans, 174
Duke, Captain, R.N., 303
Duke Street, 103, 114, 117, 123
Dump Trench, 33, 54;
attack on, 23;
captured, 48;
reoccupied, 51
Dundas, Lieut.-Colonel R.C., commanding 11th Royal Scots, 8, 405
Dunkirk bombed by the Germans, 249
Durham Light Infantry, the 19th, at the attack on Longueval, 135
Dutton, Major J. H., commanding 6th Royal Scots Fusiliers, 63
Dyson, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. B., commanding 11th Royal Scots, 6, 405
East Yorks Regiment, the 1st, 310
Eastern Question, 2
Eaucourt L’Abbaye, 150, 153;
trenches at, 164
Ecluses, Les, 79
Egypt, military operations in, 248
Eighteenth Division, 86;
at Bernafay Wood, 106;
capture Trones Wood, 119;
at the Battle of Passchendaele, 242
Eikhof Farm, 302, 306, 307
Elcock, Corporal Roland Edward, awarded the V.C., 364, 412
Elsner, Lieut.-Colonel O. W. A., commanding 27th Field Ambulance, 7,
408;
appointed A.D.M.S., 206, 404;
retreat, 289
Epernay, 333
Epine de Malassise, 274
Epinette Wood, 255, 272
Equancourt, 255, 271, 273
Espercy, General Franchet d’, 334
Esquelbec, 336
Essex Regiment, the 2nd, at the Battle of Arras, 208
Estaires occupied, 299
Etinehem, 93, 284
Etricourt, 269
Etrun, 205 _note_
European War, outbreak, 1
Falkenhayn, General Von, 152
Fampoux, 184, 202
Fanshawe, Lieut.-General Sir E. A., commanding V. Corps, 223 _note_
Fargus, Lieut.-Colonel H. N. S., commanding 12th Royal Scots, 144,
405;
return to England, 172
Faulds, Private William Frederick, awarded the V.C., 127, 410
Favière Wood, 284, 286
Ferguson, Captain K. P., Brigade-Major, R.F.A., 7
Fergusson, Major-General Sir Charles, commanding Ninth Division, 8,
402;
II. Corps, 8;
XVII. Corps, 181;
takes the salute, 386
Fergusson, Lieut.-Colonel H. C., commanding 11th H.L.I., 6, 63, 406
Festubert, engagement at, 15
Fetherstonhaugh, Lieut.-Colonel T., commanding 9th Seaforths, 7, 407
Feuchy, 184
_Field Service Regulations_, 9, 176
Fielding, Major R. E. Bruce, commanding 63rd Field Coy. R.E., 408
Fifteen Ravine, 254, 256
Fifteenth (Scottish) Division, 82, 154;
capture the Railway Triangle, 197, 199
Fifth Division, 135
Fiftieth Division, attack on the Butte, 167 _note_
Fifty-first Division at Arras, 181;
relieved, 213
Fifty-fifth Division, attack on Hill 37, 235
Fins, 255, 267, 269
“Fish-tails,” trench mortars, 177
Flammenwerfer, use of, 162
Flanders, condition, 65;
result of the military operations, 370
Flander I. Stellung, 344, 345
Fleming, Lieut., 113
Flers, 102, 153, 281
Flesquières, 223, 259
Flêtre-Roukloshille Ridge, 320
Flying Corps, 95
“Flying Pig” mortar, 81
Foch, Marshal, appointed Generalissimo, 293;
tribute to the Ninth Division, 314 _note_;
tactics, 333;
arranges four attacks, 335
Fontaine Hoek, 320
Football Matches, 75
Forbes, Lieut.-Colonel R. F., commanding 11th H.L.I., 64, 406
Forsyth, Major M. N., 178
Forty-first Division, 83, 377, 378;
relieved, 249
Forty-seventh Division, 153, 262, 264, 271, 282
Forty-eighth Division, 238
Forty-ninth Division, 312
Fosse 8, 32;
captured, 41;
Alley, 46, 47, 49;
Trench, 33;
attack on, 23
Fountain Alley, 44
Four Huns Farm, 300
Fourteenth Division, 251
Fourth Division, attack on Greenland Hill, 201;
at the Battle of Arras, 206
France, agreement with Britain and Russia, 3
Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria, 3
Francis, Captain W. E., commanding 64th Field Coy. R.E., 7, 408
Fraser, Captain, killed, 338
French, Field-Marshal Sir J. D. P., inspects the 27th and 28th
Brigades, 15
French, Lieut.-Colonel W., commanding 8th Black Watch, 337, 351, 404;
defensive flank, 351
French Army, advance on Valenciennes, 20;
relations with the British Army, 183;
attack on Spanbroekmolen, 305;
relieve the Nineteenth Division, 306;
recapture Soissons, 334;
attack on Argonne, 335, 354
French Cavalry Brigade, the 3rd, 350
French Corps, XXXVI., 249
Fresnoy, 212
Frevillers, 148
Freyburg, Brig.-General, 370
Frezenberg Ridge, 227, 336, 339 _note_;
captured, 340
Fricourt, 285;
Wood, 151
Fruges, 249
Fulton, Lieut.-Colonel H. A., commanding 9th Scottish Rifles, 113,
405;
at the Battle of Arras, 210
Furse, General Sir W. T., commanding Ninth Division, 62, 402;
“Retaliation Tariff,” 70;
efforts to develop the offensive spirit, 77;
tribute to the Division, 111 _note_;
at Montauban, 131;
plans for a counter-attack, 134;
appointed Master-General of the Ordnance, 170;
K.C.B. conferred, 170 _note_;
characteristics, 171
Gaisford, Lieut.-Colonel W. T., commanding 7th Seaforths, 6, 404;
killed, 42
Gas, use of, 21, 28;
discharged, 28;
result, 38, 59;
attacks of the Germans, 73, 180, 258, 260, 366, 376, 377
Gauche Wood, 249, 254;
attack on, 261
Gaverbeek, 375
Gavrelle, 210
Gaza, 224, 248;
Cross Roads, 326
Gemeenhof, 364
Genin Well Copse, 263
George V., King, exhortation to the Ninth Division, 11, 395;
at Frevillers, 148;
La Brearde, 329
German Army, at Festubert, 15;
“Minnies,” or Trench Mortars, 16;
gas attacks, 28 _note_, 73, 180, 258, 260, 366, 376, 377;
at the Battle of Loos, 33-56;
reinforcements, 46 _note_;
counter-attacks, 48, 60, 129, 139, 351;
capture the Quarries, 50;
losses, 57;
sniping, 78;
at the Battle of the Somme, 92;
occupy Montauban Alley, 97;
taken prisoners, 113, 318, 380, 383;
position at Delville Wood, 121;
bombardment of it, 130;
casualties, 142, 281, 287;
defeated at Snag Trench, 159;
assault on the “Nose,” 162;
use of flammenwerfer, 162;
defeated at Arras, 189, 197, 207, 217;
moral, 200;
the 16th Division, 240 _note_;
attack at Gouzeaucourt, 250;
training, 251;
18th Division, relieved, 257 _note_;
107th Division, at Villers, 257 _note_;
preparations for an attack on Gonnelieu, 257-259;
attack on Gauche Wood, 261;
capture Chapel Hill, 266;
advance on Heudecourt, 268;
attack on the South Africans, 277-280;
on Bernafay Wood, 285;
Trones Wood, 285;
capture Lamotte, 288;
at the Battle of Wytschaete, 297, 308-313;
beaten back, 300;
flight, 313;
defeated at Meteren, 324-327;
raids, 328;
defeated at Hoegenacker Ridge, 331;
retreat, 331, 334, 383;
characteristics, 338;
the “War-prolongers,” 349 _note_;
reverses, 353;
withdraw to the Selle, 354;
loss of moral, 359;
retreat from Laaga Cappelle Wood, 360;
evacuate Cuerne, 365
German Fleet, creation, 3;
blockade, 335
Germany, hostile policy, 3;
invasion of Belgium, 3;
military operations in Roumania, 152;
submarine warfare, 247
Gheluvelt captured, 341
Gheluwe, attack on, 343
Ghent, 370
Gibson, 2nd Lieut., 162
Ginchy, 102, 285
Gird Trench, 159
Givenchy captured, 21 _note_;
Divisional Tactical School at, 174
Glasfurd, Captain A. I. R., Brig.-Major, of the 27th Infantry
Brigade, 6
Glasgow Spur, 336
Glass, Captain J. S., commanding Royal Scots Fusiliers, 375 _note_
Gonnelieu, 247, 253, 256
Gordon, Lieut.-Colonel G. W. E., commanding 8th Black Watch, 63, 404;
personality, 132;
attack on Delville Wood, 132;
promotion, 162 _note_
Gordon Highlanders, the 8th, 6, 63, 398;
at the Battle of Loos, 39, 41, 46;
advance on Haisnes, 42;
retire to Fosse Alley, 46;
casualties, 62 _note_;
join the Fifteenth Division, 82
Gorle, Lieut. Robert Vaughan, heroism, 352;
awarded the V.C., 352, 411
Gough, General, Commander of I. Corps, tribute to the Ninth Division,
61, 245 _note_;
forces, 253;
criticisms on, 292
Gouzeaucourt, 247, 250, 254;
shelled, 269
Grahame, Lieut.-Colonel J. C., commanding 10th H.L.I., 6, 64, 406;
gassed at the Battle of Loos, 37
Grand Bois, 298, 310
Grant, Captain, 328
Green, Captain, commanding 2nd South African Regiment at Gauche Wood,
261
Greenhill-Gardyne, Lieut.-Colonel A. D., commanding 8th Gordons, 63,
404
Greenland Hill, 207;
attack on, 201
Grenadier Regiment, the 89th, 222
Grogan, Brig.-General E. St G., commanding 26th (Highland) Brigade,
8, 403;
return to England, 15
Grovetown, 93, 95
Guedezeune Farm, 298
Guillemont, 102, 103, 277
Guyencourt, 267
H.E. shell, use of, 106, 229, 237;
barrage, 139, 154
Haan, 386
Hadow, Lieut.-Colonel R. W., commanding 8th Black Watch, 239 _note_,
404;
force, 282
Haig, Sir Douglas, inspects the South African Brigade, 83;
Commander-in-Chief, 88;
result of his policy of attrition, 89-92;
message from, 179 _note_;
plan of a great offensive, 181;
plan of attack, 223;
tributes to the Ninth Division, 291, 314 _note_, 316;
“Backs to the Wall” Order, 313
Haisnes, 20, 21 _note_, 24;
attack on, 42, 44
Hamilton, Major S. W. S., commanding 90th Field Coy. R.E., 408;
at the Battle of Arras, 210
Hampshire Regiment, the 2nd, 368
Hanebeek, the, 227, 336, 340;
Wood, 227, 234
Happy Valley, 135
Hardecourt, 283, 285
Hardy, Lieut.-Colonel W. E., commanding 28th Field Ambulance, 7, 408
Harlebeke, 348, 380, 383;
attack, 367
“Harp, The,” 180
Harty, Lieut.-Colonel T. E., commanding 28th Field Ambulance, 408
Havrincourt, 221, 264;
Wood, 220
Hawthorn, Sergeant C., 210
Hay, Captain C. J. B., Brig.-Major, 28th Brigade, 6;
at the Battle of Arras, 194
Hay, Ian, 333;
_The First Hundred Thousand_, 8 _note_, 16 _note_
Hazebrouck, 320
Heal, Lieut.-Colonel F. H., commanding 1st South African Regiment,
172, 406
Heal, Major, in temporary command of the 2nd South African Regiment,
144
Hearn, Lieut.-Colonel G. R., commanding 64th Field Coy. R.E., 8, 137,
243, 403
Heetje, 365, 373
Hell Farm, 301
“Hell-fire” Corner, 336
Helmet, the steel, 79
Hennois Wood, 273
Henry, Captain, 77
Hermaville, 205
Hermies, 264
Heudecourt, 255, 256, 268;
shelled, 260
Heule Wood, 364;
captured, 366
Hewitt, Lance-Corporal W. H., awarded the V.C., 236, 411
Hickling, Lieut.-Colonel H. C. B., commanding Royal Engineers, 371,
403
High Wood, 102, 115, 163
Highland Brigade, the 26th, 6, 63, 398;
at Bailleul, 12;
Nieppe, 13;
Festubert, 15;
inspection of, 18;
objectives of attack, 23;
attack on the Hohenzollern Redoubt, 26;
on Big and Little Willie Trenches, 33;
at the Battle of Loos, 37, 43, 47;
capture the Dump, 48;
relieved, 49;
reorganised, 49;
attack on Fosse 8, 55;
at Bethune, 56;
at the Battle of the Somme, 96;
attack on Longueval, 103;
at Caterpillar Valley, 109;
attack on Waterlot Farm, 120, 124;
capture it, 129;
attack on Delville Wood, 132-134, 139;
at Vimy Ridge, 145;
in the trenches at Arras, 174;
Battle of Arras, 195, 206-210;
capture Mount Pleasant, 202;
raids, 221;
Battle of Passchendaele, 239, 244;
at Nieuport, 249;
Gonnelieu, 256;
retreat, 267, 269, 273, 281;
attack on, 274;
at Saillisel, 276;
Montauban, 284;
march to Dernancourt, 286;
strength, 288;
defence of Dammstrasse, 311;
form a defensive flank, 315;
attack on Meteren, 324;
at Ypres, 336;
attack on Broodseinde, 337, 339-341;
assist the Belgians to capture Moorslede, 345;
withdraw to Menin, 351;
attack on Ooteghem, 378;
Colours presented to, 390
Highland Light Infantry, the 10th, 6, 64, 398;
at the Battle of Loos, 35, 36;
casualties, 37, 62 _note_;
join the Fifteenth Division, 82
the 11th, 6, 64, 398;
at the Battle of Loos, 38;
casualties, 62 _note_;
join the Fifteenth Division, 82
the 12th, at Hardecourt, 283, 285
the 18th, at Favière Wood, 284
Highland Division. _See_ Fifty-first Division
Hill 40, attack on, 363;
41, attack on, 347, 350, 352;
50, attack on, 376;
captured, 377; 60, 64;
battles at, 20
Hindenburg Line, 182
Hine, Lieut.-Colonel H. C. R., commanding 28th Field Ambulance, 408
Hinges, 18
Hoegenacker Ridge, 329;
attack on, 330;
captured, 331
Hoggart, Major, 362
Hohenzollern Redoubt, attack on, 21 _note_, 23, 26, 33, 40;
captured, 41
Hollebeke, 293, 295, 296
Hollond, Lieut.-Colonel S. E., G.S.O.I., of the Ninth Division, 31,
402
Hoogebrug, 370, 371;
Bridge, 367
Hooggraaf, 64
Hopoutre, 293, 308
Horn, Lieut.-Colonel R., commanding 7th Seaforths, 144, 404;
the Army Musketry Camp, 256 _note_;
killed, 305
Horses, artillery, number killed, 356
Hosley, Major, at Loos, 35;
wounded, 35
Hulluch, 21
Hulste captured, 366
Hunt, Lieut.-Colonel D. R., 283;
commanding 4th South African Regiment, 144, 406
Hutcheson, Captain C. de M., A.S.C., 7
Indirect Fire, practice of, 79
Infantry, relations with the Sappers, 69
Infantry Brigade, the 27th.
_See_ Lowland Brigade
Infantry Brigade, the 28th, 6, 64, 398;
at Outtersteene, 12;
objectives of attack, 23;
attack on Madagascar Trench, 26;
at the Battle of Loos, 37;
casualties, 38;
moral, 56;
at Bethune, 56;
broken up, 82;
attack on Broodseinde, 337, 339-341;
advance on Keiberg Spur, 344;
cross the Lys, 373;
attack on Ooteghem, 378;
Colours presented to, 390
Ingelmunster, 364, 365
Inglis, Lieut.-Colonel J., commanding 5th Camerons, 256 _note_, 404;
wounded, 338
Ingoyghem, 371;
attack on, 376
Inniskilling Fusiliers, the 1st, attack on Hill 41, 352
Ireland, conscription in, 318
Italian Army, defeated at Caporetto, 247;
cross the Piave, 382
Italy, entry into the War, 87;
military operations, 224
Jack, Brig.-General J. L., commanding 28th Brigade, 333, 344, 403;
attack on Ingoyghem Ridge, 379;
tribute to, 381
Jacobs, General C. W., tribute to the Ninth Division, 353 _note_;
presents Colours, 390
Jacobs, Captain, 2nd South African Regiment, 294 _note_
Jameson Raid, 3
Jeffcoat, Lieut.-Colonel A. C., A.A. & Q.M.G., 343, 380, 391, 402
Jeffries, Sergeant, captures Germans, 300, 305
Jerusalem, 248
Johnson, 2nd Lieut, 166
Johnston, Padre J., 393, 416
Jones, Lieut.-Colonel F. A., commanding 4th South African Regiment,
83, 406;
killed, 101
Joostens, General, commanding 3rd Belgian Division, 362
Judge Cross Roads, 342
Jutland, Battle of, 247
Keen, Lieut., 322
Keiberg Spur, advance on, 343;
captured, 344
Keith, Captain, killed, 35
Kelham, Brig.-General H. R., commanding 26th Brigade, 6, 403
Kelso, Lieut.-Colonel J. Utterson, commanding 2nd Royal Scots
Fusiliers, 406;
blown up, 346;
wounded, 355
Kemmel, Mount, 304, 308;
evacuated, 334
Kennedy, Brig.-General J., commanding 7th Seaforths, 63, 118, 404;
at the attack on Delville Wood, 132;
commanding 10th A. & S.H., 144, 405;
the 26th (Highland) Brigade, 170, 403;
policy, 197;
notes on the Battle of Arras, 212;
retreat, 273, 275;
horse shot under, 281;
return to England, 327
Ker, Lieut.-Colonel R. F., commanding 6th K.O.S.B., 367, 377, 405
King, Major A., commanding Royal Scots Fusiliers, 355;
wounded, 375 _note_
King, Captain J. R., 105th Coy. A.S.C., 7;
organisation of Canteens, 416
King’s Own Scottish Borderers, the 6th, 6, 64, 398;
at the Battle of Loos, 35;
casualties, 36, 62 _note_, 99, 101;
at the Battle of the Somme, 97;
capture Bernafay Wood, 98;
at the Battle of Longueval, 105;
march in the mud, 164;
raid, 180;
at the Battle of Arras, 191, 195, 209;
attack on Passchendaele, 228, 232, 241;
at Sorel, 256;
capture Germans, 310;
surrounded and captured, 310;
march past the King, 329;
attack on Hoegenacker Ridge, 330;
on Ledeghem, 349;
cross the Lys, 367;
attack on Hill 50, 376
Kitchener, Lord, personality, 4;
appeal for troops, 5;
inspects the 26th (Highland) Brigade, 18
Klein Ronsse Hill, 378
Klein Zillebeke, 296, 303
Kleinberg, attack on, 379
Klephoek, 348;
Cross Roads, 347
Klijtberg, 377
Klooster Hoek, 379
Knapp, Lieut.-Colonel K. K., commanding 53rd Bde. R.F.A., 8, 407
Knock, 374
Krote, 376
Kruisstraat Cabaret, 301
Kut, surrender of a British force at, 87
Laaga Cappelle Wood, 360, 362, 370
La Bassée, 32
La Brearde, 329
La Clytte, 297, 310
La Gache Farm, 305, 307, 309
La Motte, 280 _note_;
captured, 288
Landon, Maj.-General H. J. S., commanding Ninth Division, 8, 402;
conference, 23;
return to England, 31
Langestraat, 379
La Polka, 304
Lavièville, 151
“Leap Frog” system, 228
Le Cateau, 280 _note_
Le Chat, 365
Ledeghem, attack on, 348;
captured, 349
Legard, General, 283
Lekkerboterbeek stream, 239, 241
L’Enfer, 298, 300
Lens, 22, 89, 173, 182;
evacuated, 334
Le Sars, 154
Les Bœufs, 281;
captured, 282
Le Transloy, 276
Leuze Wood, 281
Lewis, Major R. P., commanding 29th Field Ambulance, 408
Lewis Guns, 72, 93, 113, 188, 252, 313;
carriage of, 150
Lieramont, 267
Lille, 354;
withdrawal of the Germans, 370
Livingstone, Lieut.-Colonel H. A. A., C.R.E., 7, 403;
wounded, 64
Loch, Lieut.-Colonel G. G., commanding 12th Royal Scots, 6, 63, 405;
commands 27th Brigade, 50;
Commandant of the School at Poperinghe, 66;
promotion, 80
Locon, 18
London Division, casualties, 161
Lone Farm, 43;
shelled, 53
Longueval, 97, 100, 102;
attack on, 125, 128, 130, 138, 140 _note_
Loos, Battle of, plan of attack, 20;
preparations, 20-31;
preliminary bombardment, 33;
Battle, 33-56, 393;
results, 59
Lowland Brigade, the 27th, 6, 63, 238, 398;
at Noote Boom, 12;
Festubert, 15;
in reserve, 24;
at the Battle of Loos, 43;
hold Fosse Alley, 48;
withdrawal, 50;
reoccupy Dump Trench, 51;
repulse attack on Fosse Alley, 54;
at Bethune, 56;
reputation, 57;
at the Battle of the Somme, 96;
at Montauban, 97;
Billon Valley, 100;
attack on Longueval, 103, 110, 120;
casualties, 138;
at Bruay, 144;
Vimy Ridge, 145;
march to Mametz, 151;
at High Wood, 163;
in the trenches at Arras, 174;
at the Battle of Arras, 195, 196, 208-210;
of Roeux, 202, 205;
attack on Passchendaele, 228, 275, 277;
at the Battle of Passchendaele, 239;
retreat, 277, 303;
relieved, 284;
strength, 288;
casualties, 288;
relieves the 26th at Hollebeke, 295;
at the Battle of Wytschaete, 298;
beat back the Germans, 300;
advance on Becelaere, 341;
attack on Ledeghem, 349;
at Keiberg Spur, 358;
Colours presented to, 390
Ludendorff, General, 201, 251, 309;
_Meine Kriegserinnerungen_, 258;
plans to secure the Channel Ports, 306;
operations against Rheims, 333;
resignation, 383
Lukin, General Sir H. T., commanding South African Brigade, 82, 403;
plan of attack, 154;
commanding Ninth Division, 171, 402;
appointed to a command in England, 252;
awarded the K.C.B., 252 _note_
Lumbres, 319
Lumm Farm, 300
Lumsden, Lieut.-Colonel W., commanding 9th Scottish Rifles, 228
_note_, 244, 337, 405, 406
Lys, the, 299, 355, 363, 365;
crossing, 367-371
MacDougal, Major H., 104th Coy., Army Service Corps, 7
MacEwen, Lieut.-Colonel St C. M. G., commanding 5th Camerons, 404
Machine-Gun Battalion, the 9th, 252, 315, 337, 368;
at Ridge Wood, 297;
attack on Ooteghem, 378
the 104th reorganised, 355;
attack on Ooteghem, 378
Machine-Gun Companies, the 26th and 27th,
at the Battle of Passchendaele, 242;
the 28th, at the Battle of the Somme, 96;
the 197th, 188
Machine-Guns, bombardment, 27;
value of, 72
Machine-Gunners, gallantry, 311
Macintosh, Padre Smith, 393
Mackensen, General von, 86, 152
Mackenzie, Lieut.-Colonel A. F., commanding 10th A. & S.H., 6, 405;
wounded, 55
Mackenzie, Maj.-General C. J., commanding Ninth Division, 6, 402;
in France, 8
Maclean, Lieut.-Colonel H. D. N., commanding 6th K.O.S.B., 6, 35, 228
_note_, 405;
leaves, 256 _note_
MacLear, Lieut.-Colonel R., commanding 9th Divisional Train, 404
MacLeod, Lieut.-Colonel D. M., commanding 4th South African Regiment,
101, 406;
wounded, 144
MacNamara, Major, 130
MacPherson, Major J. E., 12th Royal Scots, 111, 204 _note_;
wounded, 214 _note_
Madagascar Trench, attack on, 26, 34;
shelled, 51, 53
Mad Point shelled, 53
Maedelstede, 305;
Farm, 302
Magdeburg Corps, the 7th and 8th Divisions, bombardment of Delville
Wood, 130
Maison Blanche Wood, 196, 198
Maltz Horn Ridge, 100
Mametz Wood, 151, 153, 286
Manancourt, 271, 273
Mangin, General, defeats the Germans, 334
Manhattan Farm, 351
Mariecourt, 277
Marne, the, 319;
victory of, 86
Marrières Wood, 276, 277
Marshall, Lieut.-Colonel F. J. commanding 7th Seaforths, 63, 404
Marshall, General, Campaign in Mesopotamia, 248, 335
Martinpuich, 282
Matthews, Lieut., 190;
missing, 191
Matthias, Lieut.-Colonel T. G., commanding Newfoundland Regiment,
333, 406
Maubeuge, 20
Maude, General, 224
Maurepas, 277
Maxse, General Sir Ivor, commanding XVIII. Corps, 238
Maxwell, Brig.-General F. A., V.C., commanding 27th Brigade, 170,
203, 403;
killed, 236;
characteristics, 236
McDiarmid, Major, 369
M’Fadyen, Private, gallantry, 55
McHardy, Lieut.-Colonel A. A.; A.A. & Q.M.G., Ninth Division, 31,
391, 402
McHardy, Sergeant J., kilt blows away, 17
McKinley, Captain S., killed, 376
McLean, Lieut.-Colonel C. W. W., commanding 50th Bde. R.F.A., 407;
at the Battle of Loos, 43
Meaulte, 135, 286, 289
Medical Aid Posts, 30
Meister, Rev. C. G., killed, 306
Menin, 348
Mericourt L’Abbé, 287
Merris, 74;
captured, 328
Mesnil-en-Arrouaise, 275
Mesopotamia, military operations in, 87, 248
Messines Ridge, 299;
captured, 224, 301
Meteren, 320; captured, 306;
attack on, 323-326
Meulewijk, 379
Meurchin, 21
Meuse, the, 354, 382
Middle Farm, 300
Middlesex Regiment, 218 _note_
Military Service Act, extension, 318
Mill Cot, 336
Mills No. 5 Bomb, 14
Mines, explosion of, 67, 148
Mining, method of, 71
“Minnies,” or German Trench Mortars, 16
Mitchell’s Farm, 235
Moeuvres, 258
Mogg Farm, 356;
attack on, 359
Moislains, 268, 270, 272
Molenhoek Ridge captured, 342
Monastir recaptured, 152
Monchy Breton, 189, 213
Moncrieff, Brig.-General W. Scott, commanding 27th Brigade, 6, 403
Monro, General Sir C., commanding First Army, 144 _note_
Montauban, 284;
captured, 96
Mont des Cats, 306, 320
Montefiore, Major C. S., commanding 90th Field Coy. R.E., 7, 408
Moorslede, 344;
captured, 345
Morchies, 264
Morrison, Corporal, 6th Royal Scots Fusiliers, 17
Morval, 153, 281, 282;
captured, 282
Mosscrop, 2nd Lieut., 222
Motor Machine-Gun Battery, the 11th, 364;
the 19th, 96
Motor Machine-Gun Brigade, the 7th, 374
Moulin du Vivier, 287
Mount Pleasant Wood captured, 202
Mountain Battery, No. 7, action at Fosse 8, 47
Mudie, Lieut.-Colonel T. C., G.S.O.I., Ninth Division, 253, 380, 402
Muirhead, Lieut.-Colonel M., commanding 51st Bde. R.F.A., 407
Mulheim, 386
Munro, Major C. D., commanding 90th Field Coy. R.E., 408
Murray, Lieut.-Colonel J., commanding 12th Royal Scots, 321 _note_,
405;
captures Steenbeek village, 364
Murray, 2nd Lieut., 12th Royal Scots, stalks a patrol, 17
Nairne, Lieut.-Colonel C. S., commanding 2nd Royal Scots Fusiliers,
406
Napoleon, Emperor, defeat of, 1
_National Review_, article in, 271 _note_
Nationalism, development of, 2
Neerhof captured, 359
Neuve Eglise, 297;
captured, 306
“Never-ending Road,” 146
Newfoundland Regiment, the, join the Ninth Division, 333;
advance on Keiberg Spur, 344;
repulse the Germans, 355;
capture Vichte, 375
New Zealand Division, at the Battle of Passchendaele, 239, 242
Nicol, Major W. H., A.D.V.S., Ninth Division, 8
Nieppe, 75;
factory blown up, 14;
Château le, 12
Nieuport, 224, 249
Nieuwe Kruiseecke Cross Roads, 342
Nineteenth Division, at Wytschaete, 297, 298;
relieved, 306
Ninety-ninth Brigade, the, 271, 274;
attack on, 274;
at Rocquigny, 276
Ninth Division, composition, 6-8;
changes in Command, 8;
training, 8-11, 18, 74, 84, 172, 219, 251;
message from King George V., 11, 395;
at St Omer, 12, 319;
instruction in bombing, 13;
at Busnes, 15, 18;
Vermelles, 19, 24;
preparations for the Battle of Loos, 21-31;
frontage, 23;
equipment for battle, 31;
mistakes, 58;
at Bethune, 61;
casualties, 61, 62, 125, 136, 138, 139, 218, 302, 380, 396, 409;
tributes to, 61, 111 _note_, 140, 245 _note_, 280 _note_, 291, 314
_note_, 316, 353 _note_, 370 _note_;
reorganisation, 62, 81, 251;
_esprit de corps_, 62;
ordered to the Salient, 64;
School at Poperinghe, 66;
at Zillebeke, 67;
relieved, 73, 74, 135, 166, 213, 218, 223, 238, 251, 289, 312, 380;
at Merris, 74;
football matches, 75;
at Ploegsteert Wood, 75;
development of the offensive spirit, 77;
sniping, 78;
at Bomy, 84;
at the Battle of the Somme, 95;
of Longueval, 103, 105;
night attack, 104, 109-111;
artillery arrangements, 106-108;
use of the “creeping” barrage, 107;
position, 119;
at Pont Remy, 144;
transferred to the IV. Corps, 144, 220;
join the III. Corps, 150;
transferred to the Third Army, 169;
at St Pol, 169;
Arras, 172;
transferred to the XVII. Corps, 181;
plan of attack on Arras, 184;
at the Battles of Arras, 193-199, 202-205, 207-211, 214-218;
at Hermaville, 205;
Ruellecourt, 213, 218;
Canal du Nord, 220;
attack on Passchendaele, 228, 239-243;
at Arneke, 238;
Brake Camp, 238;
Ypres, 245;
spirit of the men, 246, 314, 380, 394-396;
at Nieuport, 249;
Péronne, 249;
transferred to the VII. Corps, 250;
at Villers, 253;
Chapel Hill, 264;
retreat, 267;
reinforcements, 283, 294;
at Meaulte, 286;
strength, 288;
disciplined valour of the retreat, 290;
at Wytschaete, 293;
the Comines Canal, 296;
attack on Wytschaete, 297, 304;
dispositions, 307;
defence of Wytschaete, 308-314;
at Meteren, 320;
raids, 321-323, 328;
outbreak of trench fever, 322;
preparations for the attack on Meteren, 323-325;
Parade Service, 329;
white metal thistle, 329;
attack on Hoegenacker Ridge, 329-331;
at Wardrecques, 332;
in the Flanders camp, 336;
transferred to the II. Corps, 336;
ordered to attack Keiberg Spur, 343;
attack on Ledeghem, 348;
on Courtrai, 355;
reorganises at Harlebeke, 383;
reviewed by King Albert, 383;
march to Cologne, 384-386;
bridgehead duties, 387;
Colours presented to, 390;
demobilised, 390;
work of the various Branches, 391;
Ordnance Department, 392;
the Padres, 393;
record of Battles, 393;
Canteens, 416
Nivelle, General, in command of the French armies, 182;
failure in the Aisne, 223
Noble, 2nd Lieut. A., 115
Noordemdhoek, 336
Noote Boom, 12
Nord, Canal du, 220, 273
Norman, Captain F. K., commanding 106th A.S.C., 7
North House, 304, 305, 307
North Street, 103, 117
Northamptons, the, at the defence of the Fosse, 49
Northey, Lieut.-Colonel A. C., commanding 9th Scottish Rifles, 6, 63
Northey, Lieut.-Colonel H. H., commanding 6th Royal Scots Fusiliers,
6, 405
“Nose,” the, 157; attack on, 160, 163, 165;
captured, 166
Nurlu, 255, 267, 269, 273;
shelled, 260
Obermayer Trench, 185
Oddie, Padre, 393
Ohligs, 386;
Ninth Divisional College at, 390
Oise, the, 258, 282, 354
Okkerwijk, 379
“Old German Line” trench, 16
Oldham, Major L. W. S., commanding 63rd Field Coy. R.E., 8, 408
Onraet, 299
Oosthoek, 64
Oosttaverne Wood, 299, 301
Ooteghem, attack on, 378;
captured, 379
Oppy, 210
“Orchard,” the, 16
Ordnance Department, work of the, 392, 415
Ormiston, Major, 163, 279
Ostend harbour blocked, 319
Ouderdom, 310, 312
Outtersteene, 12, 330
Oxford Copse, 99
Pall Mall Road, 102 _note_
Pardy, 2nd Lieut., 179
Paris, Conference in, 224
Passchendaele, 336, 353;
Battles of, 223, 231-235, 239-243, 393;
preparations for the attack on, 224-231;
criticisms on, 243
Patrolling, 17
Payne, Colonel A. V., A.A. & Q.M.G., Ninth Division, 6, 402
Peart, Sergeant, death, 393
Peirson, Captain, taken prisoner, 280
Pekin Trench, attack on, 23, 26, 42;
evacuated, 46
Péronne, 249;
fall of, 334
Perreau, Lieut.-Colonel A. M., commanding 52nd Bde. R.F.A., 8, 407;
at Loos, 47
Pétain, General, 88
Petit Bois, 305
Petty, Lieut.-Colonel W., commanding 9th Seaforths, 407
Pheasant Wood, 304
Phineboom, 320
Phosphorous Bombs, 229
Piave, the, 382
Picardy, 88, 143
Piccadilly, 103, 114, 117;
Farm, 312
Pick House, 299, 301;
Wood, 304
“Pill-boxes,” 225;
attack on, 232
“Pimple,” the, captured, 157
“Pine-apples” trench mortars, 177
Pioneers, the, 7, 399;
work of the, 137, 381, 391, 413
Plaatsbeek, 371
Ploegsteert Wood, 75, 76;
occupied, 299;
evacuated, 334
Plumer, General, presents Colours, 390
Poelcapelle, 238
Poezelhoek, 342
Point du Jour, 184, 199
Pollard, Prof., _A Short History of the Great War_, 200
Pollock, Corporal James Dalgleish, awarded the V.C., 53, 410
Polygone de Zonnebeke, 337;
captured, 341
Pont Levis No. 2, 376
Pont Remy, 144
Pont Street, 103
Pont à Vendin, 21
Poperinghe, 64, 223, 308;
School at, 66
Portuguese Corps, attack on, 295
Potijze, the, 340
Potsdam, 228;
attack on, 233, 235
Potterijebrug, 346
Princes Street, 103, 120
Princess Louise’s (Argyll and Sutherland) Highlanders, the 10th, 6,
398
Pringle, Lieut.-Colonel R. N., commanding South African Field
Ambulance, 408
Prisoners, German, captured, 149, 177, 179, 195, 233, 237, 305, 310,
322, 327, 331
Proudfoot, 2nd Lieut., 179
Pulteney, Lieut.-General Sir W., commanding III. Corps, 150
Quarries, the, captured, 50;
attack on, 51;
repulsed, 52
Quentin Ridge, 254
Raids, number of, 177-180
Railton, 255, 265
Railway Alley, 43
Railway Triangle, 196, 197
Rancourt, 277
Ravine Wood, 298
Rawlinson, General Sir H., commanding Fourth Army, 84 _note_, 292;
orders from, 128;
tribute to the Ninth Division, 140
“Red Belly” aeroplane, 188
Reid, Major A. W., commanding 63rd Field Coy. R.E., 408
Reid, Captain, 4th South African Regiment, 294 _note_;
captures Germans, 305
Reninghelst, 308
Respirator, the “box,” 172
Rest huts, 65
“Retaliation Tariff,” 70
Revelon Farm, 262;
Ridge, 255
Reynolds, Captain Henry, 233;
awarded the V.C., 235, 411
Rheims, 333
Rhine, the, 384
Ribemont sur L’Ancre, 286
Richtofen’s, Von, “Circus,” 188
Ricketts, Private Thomas, awarded the V.C., 361, 412
Ridge Wood, 294, 297, 302
Rifle-grenades, use of, 217, 219
Rifles, practice in the use of, 172, 174
Ritchie, Brig.-General A. B., commanding 26th (Highland) Brigade, 15,
403;
at Loos, 39;
uses divisional mounted troops, 53;
at Longueval, 105;
plan of attack, 154;
commanding Sixteenth Division, 170
Ritson, Lieut.-Colonel J. A. S., commanding 12th Royal Scots, 214
_note_, 232, 405;
leaves for England, 321 _note_
Roclincourt, 174, 175
Rocquigny, 276
Roeux, 201;
Chemical Works of, 202;
Battle of, 202-204;
captured, 212
Rolleghem Cappelle, 356;
captured, 349, 359
Rose, Major, killed, 305
Roubaix, withdrawal of the Germans, 371
Rougemont, Lieut.-Colonel C. H. de, G.S.O.I., Ninth Division, 6, 402
Roumania, entry into the war, 151;
position, 224
Royal Army Medical Corps, the 27th, 28th and 29th Field Ambulances,
7, 399;
work of the, 136, 167, 237, 244, 289, 290, 381, 391
Royal Army Service Corps, 399.
_See_ Army
Royal Engineers, the 63rd Field Coy., 7, 370, 371, 397;
at the Battle of Loos, 35;
the 64th, 7, 371, 397;
at the Battle of the Somme, 96;
the 90th, 7, 397;
endurance, 47;
at the Battle of the Somme, 96;
bridge over the Lys, 367
Royal Field Artillery, the 17th Brigade, attack on Ooteghem, 378
the 50th Brigade, 7, 297, 347, 397;
attack on Cuerne, 366;
cross the Lys, 375
the 51st Brigade, 7, 297, 397;
at Heule, 366
the 52nd Brigade, 7, 397;
at the Battle of Loos, 47
the 53rd Brigade, 7, 80, 397
A.F.A. Brigades, 28th at Cuerne, 367;
65th and 130th near Gonnelieu, 257;
150th at Sorel, 267;
153rd, 343
Royal Flying Corps, air photographs, 189, 227
Royal Scots, The, 11th Battalion, 6, 63, 398;
at the Battle of Loos, 44;
retire to Fosse Alley, 47;
casualties, 62 _note_, 77;
expel the Germans, 77;
at Montauban, 97;
at the Battle of Longueval, 105, 111, 114;
attack on Delville Wood, 126;
reconnaissance, 190;
at the Battle of Arras, 191, 214;
attack on Roeux, 204;
at Ypres, 231;
at the Battle of Passchendaele, 239;
quartered at Heudecourt, 256;
at Chapel Hill, 265;
at the Battle of Wytschaete, 298;
advance on Becelaere, 341;
capture the Molenhoek Ridge, 342;
advance on Hill 40, 363;
cross the Lys, 367;
attack on Vichte, 376
12th Battalion, 6, 398;
at the Battle of Loos, 44;
retire to Fosse Alley, 47;
casualties, 62 _note_;
at the Battle of the Somme, 96;
capture Bernafay Wood, 98;
at the Battle of Longueval, 105, 111, 114, 123;
capture Germans, 149, 323;
march in the mud, 164;
at the Battle of Arras, 191, 214, 216;
attack on Roeux, 204;
on Passchendaele, 228, 239;
on the “Pill-boxes,” 232;
at Dessart Wood, 256;
Nurlu, 267;
at the Battle of Wytschaete, 298;
attack on, 309;
surrounded, 310;
establish posts, 330;
advance on Becelaere, 341;
capture it, 342;
attack on Ledeghem, 349;
capture Steenbeek, 364;
Cuerne, 366;
cross the Lys, 369
Royal Scots Fusiliers, the 2nd, 307, 312, 398;
attack on Meteren, 324;
on Broodseinde, 337;
advance on Keiberg Spur, 344;
cross the Lys, 373;
action at Beveren, 374
the 6th, 6, 63, 398;
at the Battle of Loos, 44;
attack on Fosse Alley, 51, 52;
bomb fight, 54;
retire to Dump Trench, 54;
casualties, 62 _note_;
join the Fifteenth Division, 82
Royal West Kent Regiment, 218 _note_
Royal West Surrey Regiment, 218 _note_
Roye, 182
Ruellecourt, 213, 218
“Rum-jar” shell, 147
Rupprecht, Prince, 320
Russia, agreement with Britain and France, 3;
policy, 151;
revolution, 183, 224
Russian Army, retreat, 19;
defeated in Poland, 86;
collapse, 246
Ruthven, Brig.-General Hon. A. G. A. Hore, V.C., commanding 26th
(Highland) Brigade, 327, 403;
advance on Moorslede, 345;
defensive flank, 350;
attack on Ooteghem, 379;
tribute to, 381
S.S. 135 pamphlet, 10, 175, 176, 185;
S.S. 143 pamphlet, 10, 175, 176
Saillisel, 274, 276
Sailly Saillisel Ridge, 281
St Jans Cappel, 320
St Julien recaptured by the Germans, 225;
Battle of, 394
St Laurent-Blangy, 185
St Louis, 371, 374, 376
St Nicholas, 205 _note_
St Omer, 12, 319, 320
St Pierre Vaast Wood, 274, 276, 281
St Pieter, 345, 346;
captured, 351
St Pol, 169
Salisbury Plain, training camps, 6
Salonica, 224, 247;
expedition, 86
Sambre, the, 383
Sanctuary Wood, 68, 69, 337
Sappers, the, bomb factories, 14;
invaluable aid, 47;
relations with the Infantry, 69;
work of the, 137, 244, 381, 391, 412
Sarrail, General, 152
Sawder, Major, 263
Scarpe River, 173, 181, 196, 202
Scheldt, the, 371, 379, 380, 396
Scherpenberg, 293, 297
Scott, Major, 12th Royal Scots, 239
Scottish Rifles, the 9th, 6, 307, 398;
at the Battle of Loos, 35, 38;
casualties, 62 _note_, 346;
operations against the Germans, 78;
at Montauban, 97;
at the Battle of Longueval, 105, 111;
raid, 178;
at the Battle of Arras, 191, 208;
attack on Roeux, 204;
on Passchendaele, 228, 232, 242;
in the Fourteenth Division, 251;
at Meteren, 320;
attack on Broodseinde, 337;
Keiberg Spur, 344;
cross the Lys, 373
Scrase-Dickins, Brig.-General S. W., commanding 28th Infantry
Brigade, 6, 82, 165, 403;
at the Battle of Loos, 35;
of Longueval, 105, 115, 116;
commanding Thirty-seventh Division, 169;
characteristics, 169;
invalided to England, 170 _note_
Seaforth Highlanders, the 7th, 6, 63, 398;
attack on the Hohenzollern Redoubt, 21 _note_, 40;
at the Battle of Loos, 39;
casualties, 62 _note_;
attack on Waterlot Farm, 118;
on the Butte de Warlencourt, 155;
at the Battle of Arras, 191;
attack on Wytschaete, 304;
at Ypres, 337;
cross the Lys, 373
Seaforth Highlanders, the 9th (Pioneers), 7, 399;
at the Battle of Loos, 35;
heroism, 48;
at the Battle of the Somme, 96;
of Arras, 216;
barrage, 216;
at the Battle of Passchendaele, 239-242;
reorganised, 251;
at Sorel, 256
Selle, the, 354;
Battles of, 382
Sempill, Lieut.-Colonel Lord, commanding 8th Black Watch, 6, 404;
wounded, 41
Serajevo murder, 3
Serbia, relations with Austria, 3
Serbs, the, defeat of, 86
Serre, 96
Seven Years’ War, 91
Seventeenth Division, 213, 281, 285
Sharp, Lieut.-Colonel S. F., commanding 9th Seaforth Highlanders, 407
Shiels, Captain Drummond, 297
Shrapnel shell, use of, 107 _note_, 229
Siege Farm, 309
Simpson, Lieut.-Colonel C. N. commanding 53rd Bde. R.F.A., 7, 407
Sixty-first Division, at Péronne, 249
Sixty-third (Naval) Division, at Passchendaele, 245, 282;
at Péronne, 250
Slag Alley, 51
Slypshoek, 347
Slypskappelle, 347
Smith, Sergeant, 322, 328
Smoke-bombs, 27;
candles, 29;
screen, 186, 197;
shells, 187
Smuggling, repression of, 388
Smyth, Lieut.-Colonel G. B. F., commanding 6th K.O.S.B., 171, 256
_note_, 329, 405;
at the Battle of Arras, 209;
murdered, 209 _note_;
wounded, 210, 276;
attempt to clear Hill 41, 350;
commanding 90th Field Coy. R.E., 408
Snag Trench, 154, 156, 158
Snephoek, 364
Sniping, 78, 148
Soda-Water Factory, 416
Soissons, 333;
recaptured, 334
Solingen, 386, 390
Somer Farm, 301, 302, 305
Somme, 85, 89, 282;
preparations for the Battle of, 92-94;
preliminary bombardment, 94;
Battle, 95, 107 _note_, 393
Sorel, 255, 256, 267;
shelled, 260
Sotheby, Lieut.-Colonel H. G., commanding 10th A. & S.H., 171, 405
Souchez, 22, 145
Source Farm, 242;
Trench, 241, 242
South African Brigade, 82, 398;
at the Battle of the Somme, 96;
at Montauban, 99;
occupy Bernafay Wood, 101;
casualties, 131;
in the trenches at Arras, 174;
raids, 180;
at the Battle of Roeux, 202-204;
lack of reinforcements, 206;
fresh battalions, 218;
attack on Passchendaele, 228, 234;
at Gonnelieu, 256;
ordered to retreat, 267-269;
attacks on, 277-279, 301;
survivors taken prisoners, 280;
strength, 294;
attack on Messines, 299;
on Meteren, 324;
leave the Ninth Division, 332;
tribute to, 333 _note_
South African Regiment, the 1st, at the Battle of Longueval, 117, 123;
attack on Delville Wood, 126;
on Snag Trench, 158;
expelled by flammenwerfer, 163;
at the Battle of Arras, 191;
attack on Wytschaete, 305
the 2nd, attack on Delville Wood, 121;
casualties, 122;
capture Germans, 149;
attack on the Butte de Warlencourt, 155;
at the Battle of Arras, 191;
at Gauche Wood, 261
the 3rd, attack on the “Nose,” 161;
at the Battle of Arras, 191;
broken up, 251
the 4th, attack on Waterlot Farm, 124;
at the Battle of Arras, 191;
recapture Chapel Hill, 263;
attack on Wytschaete, 305
South African Composite Battalion, 283, 287, 302, 304, 307, 398;
strength, 288
South Street, 112
Spanbroekmolen, 302, 304, 308
Sparrow, W. S., “Epic of the Ninth (Scottish) Division,” 271 _note_,
290 _note_
Sprenger, Captain L. F., 235;
wounded, 157
Spriethoek, 347
Springfield, 243
Square Wood, 210
Staenyzer Cabaret, 304
Staff Officer, duties, 22;
A. Branch, 22;
G. Branch, 23
Staunton, Lieut.-Colonel G., commanding 8th Gordons, 6, 404
Steenbeek, 361;
captured, 364
Steenen Stampkot, 360, 363
Steenwerck, 75, 83;
occupied, 299
Stevenson, Private J., plucky exploit, 100
Stewart, Lieut.-Colonel P. A. V., G.S.O.I., 253, 402
Stirling Castle, 336, 337
Stokerij, 365, 373
Stokes Mortars, 27, 81
Storey, 2nd Lieut., 191
Straate, 375
Straubenzee, Lieut.-Colonel C. C. Van, commanding 50th Bde. R.F.A.,
8, 407
Strooiboomhoek, 344, 347
Stuart, Lieut.-Colonel H. C., commanding 10th H.L.I., 64, 406
Submarine warfare, 247
Sussex Regiment, at the defence of the Fosse, 49
Symons, Colonel F. A., A.D.M.S., 404;
killed, 206
Tail Trench, 154;
bombardment of, 165
Tait, Sergeant, 300
Talus Boise, 129, 135, 284
Tank Brigade, the 4th, 306, 309
Tanks, the, 191, 196, 222, 247
Tanner, Brig.-General W. E. C., commanding 2nd South African
Regiment, 82, 172, 406;
attack on Delville Wood, 120;
wounded, 129;
commands 8th Brigade (Third Division), 256 _note_;
commands South African Brigade, 294, 403;
letter from Brig.-General Tudor, 333 _note_
Taylor, Captain G. P., 162;
commanding 28th Field Ambulance, 408
Teacher, Brig.-Major, at Longueval, 110
Terdeghem, Parade Service at, 329
Terhand, advance on, 343;
captured, 345
Terrapin House, 329, 331
Thackeray, Lieut.-Colonel E. F., commanding 3rd South African
Regiment, 83, 406;
at Waterlot Farm, 129, 131, 139;
at Happy Valley, 135;
wounded, 144
Thesiger, Maj.-General G. H., commanding Ninth Division, 31, 402;
at Loos, 37, 44;
killed, 53
Thiepval, 89, 96, 152
Third Division, 76th Brigade, relieved, 106;
attack on Longueval, 129, 130
Thirtieth Division, 86, 154, 158;
relieved 99
Thirty-first Division, at the Battle of Arras, 206, 210;
relieved, 320
Thirty-second Division, 251
Thirty-fourth Division, at Arras, 181
Thirty-fifth Division, 176, 283, 284
Thirty-sixth Division, 228, 371, 375, 378;
ordered to advance on Terhand, 343;
capture it, 345;
capture Hill 41, 347
Thirty-seventh Division, relieved, 206
Thirty-ninth Division, 251;
relieved, 253
“Thistles, The,” concert troupe, 393
Thomson, Lieut.-Colonel, commanding 1/1st Yorks Cyclists, 364
Thomson, 2nd Lieut. K. D., killed, 138
Thorne, Lieut.-Colonel H. U. H., commanding 12th Royal Scots, 172,
405;
killed, 194
Thorp, Captain H. W. B., Brigade-Major of the 26th Highland Brigade, 6
Three Cabarets, 23;
attack on, 39, 40
_Times, The_, article in, 316
Torpedo, the Bangalore, 78
Torreken Corner, 298
Tourcoing, 370
Train Alley, 23
Transylvania, invasion of, 151
Trappelstraat, 371
Trench feet, 68;
cases of, 167;
remedy for, 176;
fever, outbreak, 322
Trench Mortar Brigade, 81, 311;
work of the, 315
Trench Mortars, 14, 27, 81, 147;
warfare, 18
Trenches, 146, 174;
siting of, 10;
for the wounded, 25, 30;
condition, 68
Trentino, attack in the, 88
Triangle Post, 97
Trigger Wood Valley, 96
Trones Wood, 97;
attack on, 100, 101, 285;
captured, 119
Trotter, Brig.-General G. F., commanding 27th Brigade, 63, 403;
accident, 82
Tudor, Maj.-General H. H., C.R.A. Ninth Division, 80, 106, 139, 205
_note_;
and General Furse, 154 _note_, 403;
Police Adviser in Ireland, 209 _note_;
plan of attack, 222;
commands Ninth Division, 258, 293, 402;
at Nurlu, 260;
ordered to withdraw, 264;
at Moislains, 270;
trouble with the 47th Division, 270;
coolness and foresight, 290;
tribute to the South African Brigade, 333 _note_;
Orders to Brigadiers, 343;
Conference at Waterdamhoek, 346;
characteristics, 381
Tulip Cottages, 235
Turkey, reverses, 335
Turner, 2nd Lieut., 113;
heroism, 127
Tweedie, Lieut.-Colonel W. J. B., commanding 10th A. & S.H., 80, 405;
wounded, 143
Twelfth Division, 285;
retreat across the Ancre, 287
Twenty-first Division, 253, 306;
at Péronne, 249;
hold Cavalry Trench, 262;
retreat, 274, 276
Twenty-fourth Division, the 72nd Brigade, at Zillebeke, 67;
the 73rd Brigade, at the defence of the Fosse, 49;
inexperience, 50, 53 _note_;
unsteadiness, 52;
withdraws from the Fosse, 54
Twenty-eighth Division, the 85th Brigade, attack on Fosse, 8, 55
Twenty-ninth Division, 337, 342, 370, 376;
ordered to advance on Gheluwe, 343;
captures Heule, 366;
relieved, 377
Uniacke, Lieut.-Colonel R. F., A.A. and Q.M.G., 402;
killed, 14
United States, entry into the war, 248;
transportation of soldiers, 318
Usmar, Lieut.-Colonel G. H., commanding the South African Field
Ambulance, 408
Vaarneuykbeek, the, 370, 372
Valenciennes, 20
Vandamme Hill, 308
Vandenberghe, 311
Vaucellette Farm, 262
Vaux Woods, 270, 272
Vaux-en-Amienois, 85
Verdun, Battle of, 87
Vermelles, 19, 24, 32
Vesle River, 334
Vichte, 371;
captured, 375
Vickers Guns, 72, 188
Vienna Congress, result, 1
Vierstraat, 294, 297, 298
Villers, 253, 256, 334
Villers-Plouich, attack on, 272
Vimy Ridge, 145, 149, 182;
captured, 200
W.A.A.C., the, 388
Waermaerde, 379
Wainwright, Brig.-General H. R., appointed C.R.A., 293, 361, 403
Wald, 386, 390
Wales, H.R.H. Edward, Prince of, at Festubert, 17
Wallemolen, 241
Walshe, Brig.-General W. H., commanding 27th Brigade, 63, 403
War, European, outbreak, 1
Wardrecques, 332, 336
Warsaw captured, 19
Waterdamhoek, 344;
Conference of Brigadiers at, 346
Waterend House, 235
Waterlot Farm, 102, 103;
attack on, 108, 113, 115, 118, 124;
captured, 129
Watten, Artillery Training Camp at, 74
Webber, Major, 213
Weed and Weak Trenches, 207
Weller, Lieut. W. R., killed, 138
Wemyss, Lieut.-Colonel J. Colchester, commanding 6th K.O.S.B., 321
_note_
Westhoek, 336;
recaptured, 225
Westroosebeke, 238, 239
West Spring Gun, 14
White, Captain, 369
Wijfwegen, 345
Wilkie, Major H. J., commanding 6th K.O.S.B., 308 _note_
William II., Emperor of Germany, tribute to the Ninth Division, 280
_note_;
flight to Holland, 384
Wilson, Lieut.-General Sir H., commanding IV. Corps, 144 _note_
Winchester, Lieut., 113
Winkel St Eloi captured, 360
Wish Trench, 210
Wit Trench, 210;
attack on, 211
Woeuvre, attack on, 335, 354
Wolfsberg, 375
Woolner, Major C. G., commanding 64th Field Coy. R.E., 408
Wormhoudt, 249
Wounded, the, trenches for, 25, 30;
breakdown of the arrangements, 59;
rescue of, 136, 289
Wright, Lieut.-Colonel H., commanding 8th Gordons, 8, 404
Wright, Lieut., killed, 99
Wulfdambeek stream, 356;
captured, 359
Wulverghem, 301;
captured, 306
Wytschaete, Battle of, 297;
evacuated, 299;
captured, 304, 306;
attack on, 309
Yorks Cyclists, the 1/1st, 364, 374
Young, Lieut.-Colonel, commanding 1st South African Regiment, 283,
294 _note_
Young, Captain T. F., commanding 64th Field Coy. R.E., 408
Ypres, 20, 64, 223, 225, 227, 248, 336;
ruins of, 67;
bombed by aeroplanes, 238
Yser, the, 224
Zandvoorde Ridge, 296
Zeebrugge harbour blocked, 319
Zevencote, 235
Zillebeke, 64, 67, 70
Zonnebeke, 227, 228, 235, 342;
attack on, 234
PRINTED BY OLIVER AND BOYD, EDINBURGH, SCOTLAND
MAPS
1. Loos.
2. The Somme, Longueval, and Delville Wood.
3. The Butte de Warlencourt, October 1916.
4. Arras: Action of 9th April 1917.
5. Arras: Actions of 12th April to 5th June 1917.
6. Passchendaele: Action near Frezenberg, 20th September 1917.
7. Passchendaele: Action near St Julien, 12th October 1917.
8. The Retreat on the Somme, March 1918.
9. Wytschaete and Kemmel, April 1918.
10. Meteren and Hoegenacker, July to August 1918.
11. The Final Advance, September to October 1918.
[Illustration: Map to illustrate the BATTLE OF LOOS
[Emery Walker Ltd. sc.]
[Illustration: Map to illustrate THE SOMME, July 1916
[Emery Walker Ltd. sc.]
[Illustration: THE BUTTE DE WARLENCOURT, October 1916
[Emery Walker Ltd. sc.]
[Illustration: BATTLE OF ARRAS. 9th. April 1917
[Emery Walker Ltd. sc.]
[Illustration: East of ARRAS 12 April-5 June, 1917
[Emery Walker Ltd. sc.]
[Illustration: Action near FREZENBERG 20th. Sept. 1917
[Emery Walker Ltd. sc.]
[Illustration: Action of 12th. Oct. 1917 East of St. Julien
[Emery Walker Ltd. sc.]
[Illustration: THE SOMME RETREAT March 1918
[Emery Walker Ltd. sc.]
[Illustration: WYTSCHAETE & KEMMEL April 1918
[Emery Walker Ltd. sc.]
[Illustration: METEREN 19th. July 1918
HOEGENACKER 18th. August 1918
[Emery Walker Ltd. sc.]
[Illustration: THE FINAL ADVANCE 28th. Sept. to 27th. Oct. 1918
[Emery Walker Ltd. sc.]
[Illustration: THE CAIRN
[_Frontispiece_]
9TH (SCOTTISH) DIVISION
MEMORIAL
ARRAS, APRIL 9, 1922
BY IAN HAY
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS
LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W. 1
1922
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
THE CAIRN _Frontispiece_
BEFORE THE UNVEILING* _Face page_ 4
THE MOMENT OF UNVEILING* ” 6
SOME OF THE WREATH-BEARERS* ” 10
THE DAY AFTER THE UNVEILING ” 12
* By kind permission of _The Daily Mirror_.
9TH (SCOTTISH) DIVISION MEMORIAL
THE FINAL PAGE.
The history of the Ninth Division opens upon the day when certain
ragged regiments—without uniforms, without rifles, without
experience; fortified by nothing but their own native courage and
great expectations—came tramping into Aldershot shortly after the
outbreak of War, the First Division of the New Army and the First
complete unit of the First Hundred Thousand. The final page of an
immortal record was written and turned upon the afternoon of Palm
Sunday, 9th April 1922, on the Point du Jour, a hilltop just outside
Arras, with the unveiling by one of its own illustrious leaders of a
memorial commemorating the service of the Division upon the soil of
France and Flanders.
It was a perfect spring afternoon, with a bright sun, and the old
familiar larks in full song overhead, as the little company which
had crossed from Dover the previous day began to gather at the point
of assembly. All ranks were represented, and all ranks had travelled
there in a single party, without distinctions of seniority or
service, upon their common errand of commemoration.
The road out of Arras climbs and winds steadily for some three miles.
Then comes a curve in the hill, and the Memorial is suddenly visible,
standing up against the sky at the highest point on the road to
Douai, dominating the valley of the Scarpe. It is in the form of a
great cairn, and stands some twenty paces back from the road, on the
north side, in a little half-acre of soil which, as General Furse
most movingly reminded us, is now “for ever Scotland.” The plot has
been left exactly as the War left it. For this was the left of the
third and final objective of the attack allotted to the Division on
9th April 1917. The surrounding country has been reclaimed and tilled
again, but the half-acre of the Ninth Division still remains a war
zone in miniature. There are trenches; a dug-out; here and there you
may discern rusty barbed wire and derelict ammunition. But there are
mitigating features. Round the base of the cairn heather brought from
Scotland has been planted; broom is growing on the top; gorse and
whin-bush, too, have been planted round about. And these, one hopes,
will abide and flourish long after the hand of time has smoothed away
the last grim disfigurements of war from this “corner of a foreign
field” to which they find themselves so strangely transplanted.
Here, then, on the road two hundred yards from the Memorial, our
simple pageant was marshalled, and the procession moved off, headed
by its pipers, to the appointed place. General Furse and General
Tudor led the way with the officiating clergy. Next came the
wreath-bearers, some twenty in all, each carrying a great laurel
wreath decked with regimental colours. Behind, in fours, marched the
main body, most of them in uniform and all wearing their medals. Last
of all came mothers, wives, sisters, sons, and daughters, headed by
a little company without whose presence the ceremony would have been
incomplete indeed—certain women in black, carrying certain private
and particular wreaths of their own.
[Illustration: BEFORE THE UNVEILING.
_By kind permission of_] [“_The Daily Mirror._”]
From the Memorial to the road runs a little roughly-flagged pathway.
The pipers took their stand on either side of this, while the
procession halted, turned left, and stood aligned in the road, facing
the Memorial, which was veiled in three flags—the Union Jack, the
Tricolour of France, and the Royal Standard of Scotland. Each unit
was duly played into its place by familiar music—the members of
the Highland Brigade by “Highland Laddie,” of the Lowland by “Blue
Bonnets over the Border,” and of the South African by “The Atholl
Highlanders.”
And here let a word be said about the rest of the assembly.
Naturally there were present representatives of France—General
Huguenot, commanding the First Division of the French Army; M.
Delatouche, Sous-Prefet; Mm. Leroy and Dupage, Maires of Arras and
St Laurent-Blangy, and certain others. There were numerous little
processions and deputations come to wish us well and bear us company.
There was a body of French Comrades of the Great War, most of them
partially disabled, who had marched out from Arras to take their
stand beside us. There was a procession of young boys, Military
Cadets in uniform. There was a procession of very small children,
tramping sturdily up the hill from their shattered city, carrying
bright-coloured flowers, a pleasant foil to the sombre distinction
of our own laurel wreaths. There was a half-troop of French Cavalry.
There was a detachment of French Infantry, standing in the road, an
immovable wall of horizon blue, just behind our own line of khaki.
And behind these and all round, banked up on every eminence, stood
a crowd—an extraordinarily attentive and reverent crowd—of some
hundreds of French civilians. Their demeanour throughout was a most
memorable feature of a memorable afternoon. Standing for more than an
hour in solid masses, listening to a language which they could not
understand and words which they could barely hear, they never once
by sound or movement disturbed for a moment the course of our simple
ceremony.
When all were in position, and the visiting delegates made welcome,
the service of dedication began. It was conducted by the ex-Moderator
of the Church of Scotland and Dean of the Thistle, Dr A. Wallace
Williamson, assisted by the Rev. C. N. de Vine, M.C., and concluded
with the recitation of the Lord’s Prayer, in which all joined. Then
suddenly the pipes broke into “Lochaber No More.” General Furse
stepped forward and touched a cord. The unveiling flags slipped to
the ground, and the inscription stood revealed, carved on a great
block of granite set in the base of the cairn:—
REMEMBER
WITH HONOUR THE
9TH
SCOTTISH DIVISION
WHO ON THE FIELDS
OF FRANCE
AND FLANDERS
1915-1918
SERVED WELL
Above the inscription, cut deep into nine lesser blocks set one
above another and reaching to the very summit, came the tale of the
battle honours of the Division—Loos, Delville Wood and Longueval, the
Butte de Warlencourt, Arras, Passchendaele, Gauche Wood to Albert,
Wytschaete and Messines, Meteren, and Ypres to the Scheldt.
[Illustration: THE MOMENT OF UNVEILING.
_By kind permission of_] [“_The Daily Mirror._”]
With such a record to inspire both speaker and audience, General
Furse’s spoken tribute, which followed, could not fail to be
profoundly impressive. His words, which are recorded fully below,
were of the simplest, and that very fact enhanced the nobility
of his theme. His text, obviously, was written on the cairn behind
him. His first words were most appropriately devoted to setting forth
the difficulty experienced by the Committee in selecting the most
fitting spot upon which to erect the Divisional Memorial. Finally
Arras had been chosen. “The reason,” said the General, “why we
finally settled on this spot was that five years ago to-day the Ninth
Division covered itself with conspicuous glory over the battle-ground
we see to the west of us. Its success on that day was complete and
convincing. This was indeed its ‘Point du Jour.’ It was its third
and final objective. It was won on the hour ordered. The Division
on that day made a further advance, took more prisoners, and at a
comparatively smaller loss to itself, than had fallen to the lot of
any single Division in any single day up to that date in the War.”
Yet, as General Furse most justly pointed out, the passer-by had
merely to glance up at the list of battlefields upon the cairn to
realise that the service of the Division had not been limited to
the Arras district, or indeed to any particular point in France or
Flanders. Its record ran gloriously from end to end of the Western
Front.
Next, in setting forth the reasons which influenced the Committee
in their choice of this particular form of memorial, the speaker
enlarged upon the composition of the Division—the fact that it
contained units from England, The Channel Islands, South Africa,
and Newfoundland, which rendered it more truly Imperial in its
composition than any other Division in the British Army. “But,” he
added, “it was born in Scotland; it was named after Scotland; it was
fed throughout the four years of its active life in the main from
Scotland; its symbol was the thistle of Scotland; and it is but
right, therefore, that its monument should be fashioned in the form
beloved of Scotland.”
Then followed an affecting tribute to the dead, enhanced by a
reminder that in every year of its active service the Division lost
in battle casualties alone not less than a hundred per cent. of its
full strength. Some of its most conspicuous members were mentioned
by name. Next came a most appreciative reference to the loyal
co-operation and complete harmony which had always existed between
“our splendid Infantry” and other arms of the Division. “I do not
believe,” said the speaker with simple truth, “that there was any
Division in the whole Army in which this spirit of fellowship and
good comradeship burned more brightly or achieved greater results.”
The General’s speech ended in a note of justifiable pride—pride that
our Division, though the Ninth in the Old Army, should have been
the First in the New. “First of the new Divisions raised for the
War, First of these Divisions to come to France, almost the First in
the respect won from a hard-fighting enemy, First to cross over on
to German soil when victory had been achieved, the Ninth Scottish
Division will, I am convinced, remain for all time First in the
affections of those who had the real honour of serving in it. Ours
was indeed a royal fellowship, not only of death but of service.”
General Furse concluded with a few graceful sentences of thanks
and appreciation, delivered in their own language, to the French
delegates grouped at the foot of the cairn. As his voice died away
the whole company stood to the salute, while the French military
band played “God Save the King,” followed by “The Marseillaise.”
Thereafter the French officials delivered short, clear, and most
appropriate speeches.
Then came the most moving episode of the afternoon. The kilted pipers
resumed their station on either side of the stone pathway and began
to play “The Flowers of the Forest.” Up this avenue of wailing pipes
marched the wreath-bearers, two by two, in slow time; first, Lord
Sempill, the first member of the Division to set foot in France in
1915, representing the Eighth Black Watch, accompanied by Cameron of
Lochiel, representing the Fifth Camerons; then representatives of all
other units. The wreaths were hung high upon the cairn, upon stone
projections occurring at regular intervals round its circumference,
until the entire cairn was ringed with green laurel and fluttering
ribbons. A last great wreath, the gift of women to whom the Ninth
Division had meant something more than most, was laid at the foot of
the cairn beneath the inscription. Lastly came the votive offerings
of the French delegations—bright spring flowers in most cases—until
the whole base of the cairn was a mass of colour. The last wreath was
laid by some very small French girls.
Then the French band played the National Anthem again, and the formal
ceremony was at an end. The Ninth Divisional pipers stepped on to the
road and broke into “The Barren Rocks of Aden”—the march which had
played the Division into Brussels in the course of its victorious
advance into Germany—and the French troops fell into column of route
and marched away down the hill; but hundreds of onlookers remained
to make a closer inspection of the cairn and the wreaths, and in
particular of a row of rough-hewn blocks of stone, each inscribed
with the name and crest of a Divisional unit, set in line on the
ground facing the edge of the road, to mark the boundary of this our
little corner of Scotland, until the end of time.
Two predominant impressions remain. Firstly, the completeness of
the arrangements. There had been little or no rehearsal of the
ceremony, but everything passed off without hitch or hesitation. For
this our thanks are due to those responsible, especially General
Furse, Colonel Kennedy, and Captain Darling. Secondly, the very
representative and very united bearing of our party. Men were there
from all ranks, all units, and each country and Dominion concerned.
General Furse reminded us in his speech that the cairn had been
dedicated not only to the memory of the dead, but to the service of
the Division as a whole. That was undoubtedly the right and just view
to take: yet for us who stood there on that sunny April afternoon and
watched the flags flutter down from the face of the inscription, the
ceremony had but one significance—the rendering of the final tribute
to those who were taken by those who were left. And it was a pleasant
thought that a worthy company should have gathered upon the Point du
Jour from all parts of the Empire for that end.
[Illustration: SOME OF THE WREATH-BEARERS.
_By kind permission of_] [“_The Daily Mirror._”]
9TH (SCOTTISH) DIVISION MEMORIAL
THE UNVEILING AND DEDICATION
ARRIVAL AT ARRAS AND PROCESSIONAL ARRANGEMENTS.
The party for the unveiling numbered about 130 of all ranks, and left
London under arrangements concluded by Captain W. Y. Darling, M.C.,
11th Royal Scots, at 8.30 on the morning of Saturday, 8th April. The
route taken was by Calais and Amiens. Arras was reached at about six
o’clock in the evening, and all ranks were accommodated at the Hotel
de l’Univers and Hotel de Commerce.
On Sunday afternoon the party were conveyed by automobiles to the
point of assembly, near the Point du Jour, where a procession was
formed in the following order:—
Lt.-Gen. Sir W. T. Furse, K.C.B., D.S.O., Divisional Commander.
Maj.-Gen. H. H. Tudor, C.B., C.M.G., Divisional Commander.
Dr A. Wallace Williamson, ex-Moderator of the Church of Scotland
and Dean of the Thistle.
Captain the Rev. C. N. de Vine, M.C., C.F.
WREATH-BEARERS.
Lt.-Col. Lord Sempill 8th Black Watch.
Colonel T. Fetherstonhaugh, D.S.O. 7th and 9th Seaforth Highlanders.
Sergeant D. Wilkie, D.C.M., M.M. 8th Gordon Highlanders.
Colonel Cameron of Lochiel, C.M.G. 5th Cameron Highlanders.
Lt.-Col. H. G. Sotheby, D.S.O., 10th Argyll and Sutherland
M.V.O. Highlanders.
Lt.-Col. John Murray, D.S.O. 11th and 12th Royal Scots.
Sergeant W. Smith 6th Royal Scots Fusiliers.
Sergeant G. Smith, D.C.M., M.M. 6th King’s Own Scottish Borderers.
Colonel W. D. Croft, C.M.G., D.S.O. 9th Scottish Rifles.
Major G. H. Callender, M.C. 10th and 11th Highland Light
Infantry.
Captain E. F. Dufton, M.C. 1st South African Regt.
Mr E. Thompson 2nd South African Regt.
Sergt.-Major T. Young 3rd South African Regt.
Captain W. Maclean, M.C. 4th South African Scottish
Regiment.
Lt.-Col. W. Maclean, C.M.G., 1st Newfoundland Regiment.
D.S.O., M.P.
Major J. W. Hoggart, D.S.O., M.C. Royal Artillery and R.A.O.C.
Captain L. A. Culliford, M.C. Royal Engineers.
Major F. K. Norman, M.C. R.A.S.C.
Major G. Rankine, M.C. R.A.M.C.
Major J. H. Beith, C.B.E., M.C. Machine-gun Corps.
Captain Lord Hastings Glasgow Yeomanry and Cyclists.
Mrs A. C. Campbell ....
Miss Brash ....
Other members of the party in columns of fours, by units.
Ladies accompanying the party, and other friends.
A detachment of French troops—33rd Infantry and 3rd Engineers, with
Regimental flags, under the command of Colonel Potez—formed a guard
of honour lining the road facing the Memorial.
DESCRIPTION OF THE MEMORIAL.
The site is a square forty yards by forty yards, at Point du Jour
road junction. Two trenches cross there, and they and the general
state of the ground are as the battle left them. The cairn stands in
the centre of the square.
[Illustration: THE DAY AFTER THE UNVEILING.
← Main Road from Arras. To Douai. → ]
Owing to the many shell-holes and the unsettled state of the
ground, it was found necessary to sink a circular raft of concrete,
reinforced with steel rails, twenty-four feet in diameter and five
feet thick. The cairn stands on this, circular in plan, eighteen
feet in diameter at the base, fourteen feet at top, and over thirty
feet high, and is on a mound of earth which rises about two feet from
the general ground level. It is built of large rough blocks of grey
Belgian granite, from the quarries of Soignies. Stones containing
red iron stains and quartz seams were specially selected. The stones
diminish towards the top. The largest are over six feet long, and the
highest over three feet high. The stones are built up dry, naturally
keyed together, or wedged with smaller stones.
The method of building was as follows. On the foundation raft a ring
of stones was placed in position, forming a circular wall three feet
thick. The centre was then filled up solid with concrete formed of
cement, granite chips, and granite dust. The wall was then continued
all round, but not in distinct rings, and the centre again filled
up solid. This procedure was followed right up to the top. Thus
no scaffolding was used, the cairn itself acting as a platform on
which the men worked, and a hand gear hoist erected stage by stage
for raising the stones. The backs of the stones are embedded in
the concrete core and frequent long stones project a considerable
distance into the concrete.
At the projecting cornice level the concrete core is finished with
cement, weathered from the centre, and the top ring of stones is
filled with earth of a depth of about two feet six inches and then is
turfed over, dome-shaped.
Above the inscription stone, down the entire length of the front, are
nine stones, bearing the names of the battles, their size suiting the
inscriptions they bear.
Nineteen stones project from the cairn at a height of about eight
feet to bear wreaths.
A sloping and irregularly paved pathway leads to the road, the ditch
being spanned by a monolithic granite bridge, about seven feet square.
The four corners of the site are marked by square granite posts,
about six feet high, each bearing the Divisional sign carved in a
sunk circle. To the front, along the road, on the top of the bank,
are twenty-six stones. Each bears the name and crest of a unit of the
Division. These are grouped in brigades.
The site has been planted with clumps of gorse and broom, and the
mound round the cairn with heather sent from Scotland by many members
of the Division.
The contractor was Octave Bouchez of Arras, and it was built with his
own local labour. Among his many difficulties was the complete lack
of water. Before beginning he had to construct a tank close by, and a
horse-drawn water-cart was almost continuously employed filling this
from Athies.
THE CEREMONY.
Shortly before 2.30 the Ninth Division procession moved up from
the point of assembly and took station immediately in front of the
French troops, facing the Memorial, the inscription upon which was
veiled by the Union Jack, the Flag of France, and the Royal Standard
of Scotland. General Furse, accompanied by General Tudor, then took
his stand at the foot of the cairn and greeted the representatives
of France, namely: General Huguenot, representing General Lacapelle,
G.O.C., the First Corps of the French Army; M. Delatouche,
representing M. le Prefet; M. Doutremepuich, Councillor-General;
M. Leroy, Mayor of Arras; M. Dupage, Mayor of St Laurent-Blangy;
the Curé of Athies-Feuchy, and other officials representing: Les
Mutilés et Souvenir Français, La Chambre de Commerce, La Société de
gymnastique d’Arras, Les Sapeurs-Pompiers, Le Bulletin des Eglises
Devastées, Les Ecoles d’Athies-Feuchy, Officers of the Garrison of
Arras.
The service of dedication followed, the Rev. Dr Wallace Williamson,
ex-Moderator of the Church of Scotland, and the Rev. C. N. de Vine,
M.C., officiating. The ceremony concluded with the Lord’s Prayer, in
which all joined.
The Memorial was then unveiled by General Furse, who proceeded to
deliver the following speech of dedication:—
“When the Ninth Scottish Division formed part of the victorious
British Garrison on the Rhine, General Tudor, knowing it would
shortly be demobilised, called together a representative conference
to decide the most fitting manner of memorialising the service of the
Division in the Great War. That conference decided—most wisely in my
opinion—that we should have two memorials—first, a History of the
Division; second, a Battlefield Monument.
“The History was completed and published fifteen months ago, and we
are indebted to Major Ewing, of the King’s Own Scottish Borderers,
for the admirable book he has given us.
“As to the Battlefield Monument, you have only to turn your eyes to
the battle honours recorded on this cairn to realise that the site
was not too easy to choose. We considered the claims of many places.
Loos, where the Division—its three Infantry Brigades composed of the
flower of Scottish manhood, who had left their Highland or Lowland
homes in instant response to the call to arms—first experienced the
shocking, awful realities, to units as well as to individuals, of
a crashing battle, but proved to themselves and through themselves
the amazing power of disciplined courage over terrifying opposition.
Longueval and Delville Wood—that prolonged three weeks of the
fiercest fighting, taking terrible toll daily—bodies mutilated
and dying, but spirit ever alive and showing its noble endurance
hour after hour and day after day—in the repeated attacks of the
Lowlanders, in that glorious culminating counter-attack of the
Highlanders, and in the hanging on of the unconquerable remnant of
the splendid South African Brigade. In those three weeks we lost
7500 officers and men in the Division, and fully 60 per cent. of our
Infantry. This again was a site peculiarly difficult to discard as
the most appropriate for a monument to our beloved Division.
“It would take too long to recall other than very briefly the
numerous exploits of the Division on other fields of France and
Flanders—the disheartening but doughty struggles with mud and
misadventure near the Butte de Warlencourt; the share taken by
the Division in the heroic attacks towards Passchendaele under
similarly ghastly conditions; the dogged ten days’ opposition to
the great German advance in March 1918, where the Division had the
supremely difficult task of linking the Fifth with the Third Army
from Gauche Wood back to Albert; the stubborn defence and brilliant
counter-attacks at Wytschaete and Messines during the following
month; the capture of Meteren in July 1918 before the tide of war
had begun to turn in our favour; and finally the succession of
hard-fought victories in the open warfare of October 1918 from Ypres
to the Scheldt. All these names are recorded on this cairn, that
those who pass by may not think that the Ninth Division’s service was
confined to this particular neighbourhood.
“The reason why we finally settled on this spot was that five years
ago to-day the Ninth Division covered itself with conspicuous glory
over the battle-ground we see to the west of us. Its success on that
day was complete and convincing. This was indeed its Point du Jour!
It was its third and final objective. It was won on the hour ordered.
The Division on that day made a further advance, took more prisoners
and at a comparatively smaller loss to itself than had fallen to the
lot of any single Division in any single day up to that date in the
War.
“Knowing that a special monument to the South African Brigade is
to be set up at Delville Wood, and after balancing up all the
comparative claims of this and other sites, we came to the conclusion
that this one was the best. I can only trust that the majority of our
comrades are satisfied with that decision. I believe them to be so
satisfied with the form of the monument. For myself I am convinced
that a Scottish cairn built of rough-hewn stones, such as these,
is a more fitting monument to the rugged, simple, and enduring war
service of soldiers than sculptured group or elaborate architecture.
And though the Division embraced men of England, the Channel Islands,
South Africa, and Newfoundland, and was therefore more truly Imperial
in its composition than any other Division in the British Army, it
must be remembered that it was born in Scotland, it was named after
Scotland, it was fed throughout the four years of its active life in
the main from Scotland; its symbol was the thistle of Scotland; and
it is but right, therefore, that its monument should be fashioned in
the form beloved of Scotland.
“May I say how much we are indebted to our architect, Mr Ian
Hamilton, and to our builder, M. Bouchez, for the skill and care with
which they have carried out the work.
“You will notice that our little plot is purposely left as the
fighting left it. It will remain a visible portion of the battlefield
until Nature succeeds in obliterating the scars of war. Only in one
respect are we modifying it. By planting whins and broom and heather
taken from various parts of its native land we hope to make ‘this
corner of a foreign field’ a place ‘that is for ever’ Scotland,
and arrangements have already been made with our friends in South
Africa to send here plants typical of that country to mingle with the
indigenous plants of Scotland, and thus symbolise the undying link
between these two countries forged in the glowing heat of battle.
“We have here to-day representatives both of the commissioned and of
the other ranks of almost every regiment that fought in the Division.
Each one of us will be thinking of this and that particular comrade,
of this or that incident in the wonderful life we lived together.
What a life-time it was! To old or young a time absolutely apart
from any former experience, a time that we shall always look back
to with pride in our race, a pride born not only of a four years’
weaving of heroic examples of selfless devotion to a common ideal,
but of a background of good cheer and good fellowship—the outcome,
in my belief, of men, for that period at least, not fearing to show
themselves at their very best!
“Our thoughts naturally turn in a particular way to those we shall
never meet on earth again—friends who maybe were not widely known
outside their own units, or others again whose name and reputation,
by reason of their rank and responsibilities, were revered throughout
the Division. May I just mention three or four? Scrase-Dickins—a
Brigadier, loved and respected by his Lowlanders; Frank Maxwell—whose
lovely personality, brilliant courage, and winning leadership
inspired every officer and man in his brigade; Eric Gordon—whose
trust in his beloved Black Watch was only equalled by their
confidence in him; Smyth—known as a special friend to the Infantry
while still in command of his 90th Company of Engineers, and later,
the fearless leader of the King’s Own Scottish Borderers in one
attack and counter-attack after another; and Dawson, who fought on
with his handful of South Africans in March 1918 till literally
overwhelmed from all sides. How many more gallant fellows could we
all mention! May I recall yet one more name—one who still lives, and
whose thoughts are, I know, with us here to-day—General Lukin. Had he
been able to be with us in person, his should have been the honour
of unveiling this cairn; for he was in command of the Division when
it won its great success here five years ago and had the fortune of
serving in the Division, first as Infantry Brigadier and then as
Divisional Commander for nearly two years on end.
“Look once more at our inscription, and you will see that the cairn
is erected to the memory not only of those who were killed, but of
all who served in the Ninth Scottish Division. I have alluded already
to the Highland, Lowland, and South African Brigades of Infantry.
But, great and imperishable as their services were, they neither
alone nor together constituted the Ninth Division. Without the help
of the Artillery, the Engineers, the Machine-gun Corps, the Army
Service Corps, the Field Ambulance, and the Divisional and Brigade
Staffs, our splendid Infantry could not have done all they did, and
the Division could not have won its high reputation. The longer the
fighting went on, the more clear it became to all that unity of
effort was essential to success, that the mere existence of a single
_will_ to Victory was not good enough, but that all arms must work
towards that goal together, must learn to accommodate each other, and
that real co-operation involved mutual trust and fellowship. I do
not believe that there was any Division in the whole Army in which
this spirit of fellowship and good comradeship burnt more brightly,
or achieved greater results. First of the new Divisions raised for
the War, First of these Divisions to come to France, almost First in
the respect won from a hard-fighting enemy, First to cross over on
to German soil when victory had been achieved, the Ninth Scottish
Division will, I am convinced, remain for all time First in the
affections of those who had the real honour of serving in it. Ours
was indeed a royal fellowship, not only of death but of service. I
know not how many can claim a share in that fellowship, but we cannot
and should not forget that in battle casualties alone the Division
lost not less than one hundred per cent. in each year of its War
Service of its full strength. It may be surely said of the Ninth
Division that Scotland, as well as those other parts of the Empire
from which it was recruited, is ‘poorer in men but richer in heroes.’”
General Furse then addressed the representatives of France:—
“Monsieur le Maire, Monsieur le Général, Mesdames et Messieurs.
La cérémonie de l’inauguration de ce monument serait incomplête
si je manquais l’occasion de vous adresser quelques paroles, très
courtes mais très sincères, au nom de mon Comité et de tous mes
camarades de la IX^{ième} Division (Ecossaise).
“Nous éprouvons un vif sentiment de plaisir, que vous, Monsieur
le Maire, ainsi que vos collégues, ayez voulu vous joindre
à nous aujourd’hui, pour honorer nos morts et tous ceux qui
ont servi leur pays dans notre glorieuse Division. Nous nous
réjouissons particulièrement de la présence de nos camarades
d’Armes Français—le Général Huguenot et ses vaillants soldats.
En plus, je tiens à vous dire combien l’Angleterre apprécie
l’esprit généreux et hospitalier de la France, en permettant
la construction de ces nombreux monuments de guerre, qui nous
attachent par leur souvenir de plus en plus à son sol.
“Nous avons la certitude que nous mettons notre monument sacré
entre des mains qui le soigneront fidèlement et tendrement,
et nous éspérons qu’il servira à renforcer les sentiments
d’affection et d’estime qui ont toujours existé entre la
France et l’Ecosse, et que les citoyens d’Arras, en regardant
l’inscription gravée sur ces pierres, n’oublieront jamais que
les hommes de la IX^{ième} Division étaient fiers et heureux de
donner tout ce qu’ils avaient de meilleur en eux pour aider à
chasser l’ennemi de leur ville.”
General Furse was followed by M. Leroy, Mayor of Arras; M. Dupage,
Mayor of St Laurent-Blangy; and M. Delatouche, Councillor of the
Prefecture, who replied in turn.
The wreath-bearers then advanced two by two, and hung the wreaths
upon the stone projections surrounding the cairn. They were followed
by the representatives of the French societies, who deposited their
flowers at the base of the cairn.
The ceremony terminated with the playing of “God Save the King” and
“The Marseillaise,” after which the formal proceedings were at an end.
The party returned home the same evening, arriving in London on
Monday morning.
The following is a list of those known to be present:—
Adamson, M. W., Esq. 9th M.G.C.
Bache, W., Sergeant 9th Signal Co. (R.E.)
Bates, J. Vincent, Major, M.C. R.A.M.C. (8th Black Watch)
Bates, W. S., Esq. ....
Beatson, T., Lieut. 7th Seaforth Highlanders.
Beatson, Mrs A. M’Kay ....
Beith, J. H., Major, C.B.E., M.C. 10th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders.
Brash, Miss Nellie ....
Buchanan, N., Captain 7th Seaforth Highlanders.
Callender, G. H., Major, M.C. 5th Cameron Highlanders and A.D.C.
Callender, Mrs G. H. ....
Cameron of Lochiel, Col., C.M.G. 5th Cameron Highlanders.
Cameron, Mrs E. ....
Campbell, Mrs A. C. ....
Champion, A. G., Esq. R.A.M.C.
Clark, B., Corporal Signal Co. (R.E.).
Clarke, Mrs W. B. ....
Cole, H. W., Esq. 9th Div. H.Q. (R.A.S.C.)
Collins, Stanley, Esq., M.C. 9th D.A.C.
Croft, W. D., Col., C.M.G., D.S.O. Scottish Rifles and 27th
(Lowland) Brigade.
Culliford, L. A., Captain, M.C. Royal Engineers.
Darling, Will. Y., Captain, M.C. Royal Scots and Div. Staff.
Davidson, H. Stuart, Esq. 7th Seaforth Highlanders.
Denny, Mrs ....
Dingley, L. A., Major R.A.M.C.
Dufton, E. F., Captain, M.C. 5th Cameron Highlanders.
Duncan, Mrs George ....
Ewing, J., Major, M.C. 6th King’s Own Scottish Borderers.
Fetherstonhaugh, T., Col., D.S.O. 9th Seaforth Highlanders.
Furse, Sir W. T., Lt.-Gen., Divisional Commander.
K.C.B., D.S.O.
Furse, Lady, O.B.E. ....
Furse, Roger, Esq. ....
Geddes, G. F., Corporal 5th Cameron Highlanders.
Geddes, T. A., Esq. ....
Gibson, T. S., Captain, M.C. 10th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders.
Gibson, Mrs T. S. ....
Gordon, Miss ....
Gordon, Miss P. ....
Greenaway, G. K., Lieut. 6th King’s Own Scottish Borderers.
Greig, James B., Esq. ....
Hastings, Captain Lord ....
Hendry, G. A., Esq. ....
Hennessy, A. R., Captain 8th Gordon Highlanders.
Hoggart, J. W., Major, D.S.O., R.F.A.
M.C.
Holland, S. E., Col. Com., C.B., Rifle Brigade and General Staff.
C.M.G., D.S.O.
Horn, Mrs M. ....
Jeffcoat, A. C., Brevet Col., Royal Fusiliers and Divisional
C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O. Staff.
Johnston, T. H., Esq. 5th Cameron Highlanders.
Kelly, Talbot R. B., Lieut. R.F.A.
Kennedy, J., Col., C.M.G., D.S.O. 10th A. & S. H., and 26th
(Highland) Brigade.
Lawrie, J. M., Pipe-Major 2nd Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders.
Le Page, George, Esq. R.F.A.
McCrae, D., Corporal 1st Cameron Highlanders.
McCulley, J., Staff Sergt. 11th Royal Scots.
Macdonald, K., Esq. ....
McHardy, A. A., Col., C.B., Royal Artillery and Divisional
C.M.G., D.S.O. Staff.
McHardy, A. B., Esq. ....
McHardy, Mrs A. A. B. ....
McKenna, A., Private 10th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders.
Maclean, W., Col., C.M.G., R.F.A.
D.S.O., M.P.
Maclean, W., Major, M.C. 4th South African Scottish
Regiment.
Milligan, Rev. O., M.C. Chaplain, 9th Black Watch.
Mitchell, S., L/Cpl. 2nd Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders.
Muir, M. C., Major, M.C. 5th Cameron Highlanders.
Murray, R. N. M., Captain, M.C. 8th Black Watch and A.D.C.
Murray, J., Lt.-Col., D.S.O. 12th Royal Scots.
Neil, W. H., Captain R.A.M.C.
Norman, F. K., Major, M.C. R.A.S.C.
Preece, R. J., C.Q.M.S. 106th Co. R.A.S.C.
Rankine, G., Major, M.C. R.A.M.C.
Renton, James, Esq. ....
Richardson, Sergt.-Major R.A.M.C.
Rodway, C. H. S., Sergt.-Major 9th Signal Co. (R.E.).
Sempill, J., Lt.-Col. The 8th Black Watch.
Rt. Hon. Lord
Sinclair, G. H., Lieut. 9th Trench Mortar Battery.
Smart, J., Piper 2nd Royal Scots.
Smith, G., Sergeant, D.C.M., M.M. 6th King’s Own Scottish Borderers.
Smith, W., Sergeant 2nd Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders.
Somerville, John, Piper 2nd Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders.
Sotheby, H. G., Lt.-Col., D.S.O., 10th Argyll and Sutherland
M.V.O. Highlanders.
Stanley, Hon. Sir Arthur, K.C.M.G. ....
Stanley, Hon. Lady ....
Stanley, Miss Adelaide ....
Stanley, Edward, Esq. ....
Staple, W. S. H., Captain, M.C. 6th King’s Own Scottish Borderers.
Stewart, P. A. V., Lt.-Col., D.S.O. 6th King’s Own Scottish Borderers.
Swinney, A., Corporal 2nd Royal Scots.
Symons, Mrs Dorothy ....
Symons, Miss ....
Symons, Miss ....
Taylor, F., Piper 1st Cameron Highlanders.
Taylor, W. M., Pipe-Major 7th Seaforth Highlanders.
Thesiger, Hon. Mrs F. ....
Thompson, E., Sub-Conductor R.A.O.C. (South African Infantry).
Tudor, H. H., Maj.-Gen., C.B., Divisional Commander.
C.M.G.
Tuton, J., Lieut., D.C.M. 11th Royal Scots.
de Vine, Rev. C. N., M.C. Chaplain, 9th Division.
Wallace Williamson, Dr A. Ex-Moderator Church of Scotland,
Dean of the Thistle.
Wilkie, D., Sergeant, D.C.M., M.M. 8th Gordon Highlanders.
Wilson, A. T., Lieut. 11th Royal Scots.
Wilson, D. J. B., Lieut. 5th Cameron Highlanders.
Winchester, C. C., Lieut., M.C. 11th Royal Scots.
Young, T., 1st Class Staff R.A.S.C. (South African Field
Serg.-Maj. Ambulance).
PRINTED BY OLIVER AND BOYD, EDINBURGH, SCOTLAND.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] An A.S.C. Company was attached to each brigade: the 104th to the
divisional troops, the 105th to the 26th, the 106th to the 27th, and
the 107th to the 28th Brigade.
The divisional train was responsible for arranging matters of supply
between the Division and the Corps concerned. The task of the supply
column was to work between the railhead and the divisional A.S.C. and
it formed part of the Division until 1917 when supply columns became
Corps troops. The Battalion Quartermaster drew the supplies for his
unit from the company attached to his brigade.
[2] The best account of life and training in the Division is
contained in the well-known volume, _The First Hundred Thousand_,
by Ian Hay, who was an officer in the 10th Argyll & Sutherland
Highlanders.
[3] This was the result of an order issued by G.H.Q. fixing an age
limit for Brigadiers.
[4] See _The First Hundred Thousand_, p. 280.
[5] “Minnie,” the popular name for German Trench Mortars, from
Minenwerfer.
[6] On one occasion no horse was provided to take the Prince up
to the trenches. He, therefore, borrowed one belonging to the
machine-gun officer of the 27th Brigade, and it was afterwards known
as “Prince.”
[7] So completely was the chance of success considered to depend upon
the use of gas that the attack was to be cancelled if the wind was
unfavourable; instead, a minor operation was to be carried out by the
7th Seaforths against the HOHENZOLLERN REDOUBT.
[8] On the left of the Ninth the Second Division had to carry out two
operations: first, to capture the Givenchy salient, and second, and
more important, to attack the German front line trenches and then
move on Auchy. Should the latter attack succeed, the Second Division
was to form the defensive flank of the Army as far as Haisnes, from
which point it was to be carried on by the Ninth Division.
[9] It is common knowledge that at military concert parties the Staff
shared with the Sergeant-Major and the Quartermaster the distinction
of being the chief butt of the witticisms of the troupe. This is
due partly to the British soldier’s inveterate love of “chaff,” and
partly to the fact that the duties of the Staff officer, particularly
in the higher formations, secured him comparative immunity from
danger. The average infantryman was too much occupied with the
ordinary details of his daily task ever to give any thought to
the harassing and important duties that the Staff had to perform.
Occasionally, of course, the latter made a bad slip. During the
Battle of Arras, for example, a battalion in the 27th Brigade
received a message to the effect that sacks for bayonet training were
available! Such blunders were naturally cherished by the Regimental
officer.
[10] The effect of the German gas attack in May had produced a
powerful impression upon both the army and the public. Since that
time the energies and experiments of British scientists and doctors
had provided the army with an efficient protection consisting of a
chemicalised canvas bag with two gas-proof openings for the eyes. In
the event of an attack this bag was pulled over the head, its loose
ends being tucked in round the neck and covered up by the tunic so
that the gas found no aperture to evade the chemical barrier.
[11] See Map.
[12] Those opposite the Ninth Division belonged to the One hundred
and seventeenth Division.
[13] Under the circumstances there could be nothing stronger than
“belief”; it was impossible to go to the German lines to find out how
many had been killed or wounded.
[14] The wire was fairly well cut by the 18-pounders wherever it
was possible to observe it, but the stretch opposite the front of
the 28th Brigade was invisible from any point on our side. It was,
therefore, the more essential that the result of the artillery-fire
in this part should have been ascertained by patrols.
[15] Brig.-General Bruce sent back by the machine-gun officer of
his brigade an important account of the situation to Brig.-General
Ritchie.
[16] In the course of the battle the Germans brought up the 2nd
Guards Reserve Division, the 10th Bavarian Regiment, and a battalion
of the 123rd Division.
[17] There is a good deal of obscurity as to what actually happened,
but as the front of the Quarries had been wired by the sappers of the
Seventh Division, and as troops of the Seventh Division were still
holding out in the east of the Quarries when the western portions
were in the hands of the enemy, it is certain that the Germans could
have effected a lodgment only from the rear.
[18] The gallant record of the Twenty-fourth Division in the war
after the Battle of Loos is a sufficient proof, if any were needed,
that the failure of the 73rd Brigade at Loos was entirely due to
inexperience.
[19] The machine-gun team never yielded a yard; the gun was destroyed
by shell-fire, and all the members of the team were killed or wounded.
[20] Five officers and 168 other ranks were captured by the Division.
[21] Two German guns were left near the cottages at the Fosse. After
dark on the 26th B/50 Battery took two limbers up to the cottages and
brought back one of the guns; the other could not be found.
[22] “On leaving the I. Corps, the G.O.C. wishes to tell the Ninth
Division that he thinks their conduct in the assault on the German
lines was beyond all praise, and no words can express the value of
their gallantry and self-sacrifice to our country.
“They showed during the heavy fighting not only great dash and
courage, but endurance and discipline, and the highest qualities of a
soldier.
“He can only wish them the best of all fortune in their future
efforts, and he is sure that they will maintain the high standard
as soldiers and men that they have already reached.”—(Order from I.
Corps, dated 30th September 1915.)
[23] See Appendix IV.
[24] _Killed and Wounded_ (exclusive of subalterns).
6th K.O.S.B. lost 9
8th Black Watch ” 8
7th Seaforth Highlanders ” 8
8th Gordon Highlanders ” 8
6th Royal Scots Fusiliers ” 8
5th Cameron Highlanders ” 7
9th Scottish Rifles ” 6
11th Royal Scots ” 4
10th H.L.I ” 4
11th ” ” 4
12th Royal Scots ” 3
10th A. & S. H. ” 3
[25] There were many salients in the British line, but “The Salient”
was Ypres.
[26] When the front trenches lay near each other, the artillery,
in order to avoid hitting their own people, fired generally on the
enemy’s support and rear trenches.
[27] That is, in numbers.
[28]
For each trench mortar bomb 1 salvo of 18-pounder H.E.
” enemy torpedo 2 salvos ” ”
and 2 4·5-inch howitzers.
” enemy 5·9 shell 1 8-inch shell.
[29] Noises, alleged to be German mining on the Corps’ front, were
actually traced to (_a_) revetting, (_b_) sentries stamping their
feet, (_c_) rats burrowing on the parapet, (_d_) a loose beam or
branch blown by the wind, (_e_) running water, (_f_) the beat of a
man’s own heart, (_g_) a half-dead fly buzzing at the bottom of a
hole (this was taken for a machine drill), and (_h_) actual mining.
[30] The machine-gun was reckoned to be equivalent to thirty rifles.
[31] Even under the most damping circumstances the men maintained
a sense of humour. A platoon commander of the 12th Royal Scots on
asking a man, standing in a water-logged trench, how he liked his
surroundings, received the unexpected reply—“Weel, sir, this is no
like Sauchiehall Street.”
[32] The Bangalore torpedo presented the appearance of a drain
pipe. It was filled with ammonal and fired with a fuse. It was most
effective in clearing a gap in wire, and could be made any size by
joining several sections together.
[33] Targets were selected from the map, the guns being sited
according to the estimated distance.
[34] The XIII. Corps was under the Fourth Army, commanded by General
Sir H. Rawlinson, K.C.B.
[35] Sir Douglas Haig succeeded Sir John French as Commander-in-Chief
in December 1915.
[36] In July 1916 the strength of the British Army in France was
660,000. Despatches, p. 19.
[37] Despatches, p. 19, para. 2, line 5.
[38] A Company wore red; B Company, yellow; C Company, blue; D
Company, green.
[39] These were the 16th Bavarian Regiment and the 6th Bavarian
Reserve Regiment of the Tenth Bavarian Division.
[40] Where it entered the village, this road was known as Pall Mall.
[41] During an engagement it was necessary to keep the infantry
adequately supplied with ammunition, bombs, engineering material,
rations, and water, so parties were always detailed to carry up these
stores.
[42] The “creeping barrage” does not creep—it really jumps. At
Longueval the line of the barrage moved forward 50 yards at a bound.
To a distant observer, however, the barrage did seem to creep
forward, hence the name.
During this Somme Battle the use of the creeping barrage became
universal by the British Army in all its attacks. Shrapnel was
generally used, but the Ninth Division, having taken to H.E. and
having found it successful, stuck to it. Which was the better of the
two was controversial to the end of the war. In the Ninth the opinion
was that the H.E. barrage had greater moral effect, was easier to
follow, and did not throw such a strain on the artillery that the
setting of fuses for a shrapnel barrage necessitated.
[43]
1st Barrage 5 minutes till Zero.
2nd ” Zero ” Z. - 5 minutes.
3rd ” Z. - 5 mins. ” Z. - 45 ”
4th ” Z. - 45 ” ” Z. - 1.30.
5th ” Z. - 1.30. ” Z. - 2.
6th ” Z. - 2. ” Z. - 2.30.
7th ” Z. - 2.30. ” Z. - 3.9.
8th ” Z. - 3.9 ... ...
[44] “Ninth Division Special Order of the Day, dated 15/7/16.
“1. The Corps Commander has asked me to tell the members of
my staff, the brigadiers and their staffs, and all regimental
officers, N.C.Os. and men, that in his opinion the Ninth Division
carried out a very difficult feat of arms yesterday finely, that
the assembly by night of a Corps within assaulting distance of
the entrenched lines of an active enemy, could only be effected
by divisions in which the staff work and the discipline were
alike perfect, and that he is grateful to all. This is indeed
high praise from such a soldier, and I need not say how proud I
am to be allowed to convey such praise to the Ninth Division.
“2. For myself, I can only say with the deepest gratitude that
you have once more proved to me what a glorious Division I have
the great honour to command. However good the staff work and
however good the leading, it would be impossible to win success
against such an enemy unless every officer, N.C.O. and man was
ready at all times to do more than his duty. On this I can always
rely in the Ninth Division.—W. T. FURSE.”
[45] Lieut.-Colonel Fulton took over the command of the 9th Scottish
Rifles in March 1916.
[46] This was the Corps which the old Army fought at Le Cateau in
1914.
[47] The artillery remained in the line until the 27th July, during
which period it effectively supported the attacks of the Third and
Second Divisions on Longueval and Delville Wood, Brig.-General Tudor
acting as C.R.A. to both these divisions.
[48] “As it will be impossible for me to speak personally to the
Ninth Division, I desire to convey to every officer, N.C.O. and man,
my thanks and congratulations for the splendid work the Division has
done during the Battle of the Somme.
“The attack and capture of the hostile second line system of defence,
and the village of Longueval on the 14th July, was a feat of arms
which will rank high amongst the best military attainments of the
British Army, whilst in the capture of Delville Wood, the gallantry,
perseverance, and determination of the South African Brigade deserves
the highest commendation.
“Not only has the fighting spirit of the infantry of the Division
been admirable, but the manner in which the divisional artillery
has helped and supported the infantry shows that a high degree of
training has been attained, and it is with regret that I am informed
that the Division is to be transferred to another army. I trust that
at some future time I may again have the honour of finding them under
my command.”
H. RAWLINSON,
_General Commanding Fourth Army_.
H.Q., FOURTH ARMY,
_25th July 1916_.
[49] There can be nothing stronger than assumption. The Germans used
their divisions in battle for shorter spells than we did, and it is
highly probable that we persistently overrated their casualties.
[50] Commanded by Lieut.-General Sir H. Wilson.
[51] Commanded by General Sir C. Monro.
[52] In September the artillery were reorganised on a basis of 6
guns per battery, the 53rd Brigade being broken up for this purpose.
The Divisional Artillery then consisted of the 50th, 51st, and 52nd
Brigades.
[53] Commanded by Lieut.-General Pulteney.
[54] The gloves were occasionally used, the jackets never.
[55] On this occasion the 47th Divisional Artillery and two brigades
of the 1st Divisional Artillery supported the attack under the direct
command of the C.R.A. 47th Division. Brig.-General Tudor acted as
C.R.A. to General Furse.
[56] A “Chinese Attack” was not an attack; but the artillery put
down the same sort of bombardment that was the usual prelude to an
advance, moving by lifts over the enemy’s system and then suddenly
coming back to his front line, and so catching his infantry when they
were manning the trenches to repel the expected assault.
[57] Consisting of Bavarians of the 6th Bavarian Reserve Division.
[58] This was denied by the artillery, who suggested that the shells
complained of were fired by the enemy; but many British fuses were
found in the front trenches.
[59] These were Saxons of the 40th Division, which had relieved the
Bavarians.
[60] Many dead South Africans were seen in front of Snag Trench by
the 27th Brigade.
[61] Commanded by Lieut.-Colonel Sir George Abercromby since the 20th
September; Lieut.-Colonel Gordon, D.S.O., was promoted to a brigade
in the Forty-first Division.
[62] Here more might have been done to help the men by divisions in
the line handing over stores to those taking over. It would have
saved trouble if the ammunition for the machine-guns had been kept in
sealed boxes and handed over; this plan was adopted later.
[63] The artillery stayed in and supported the attack by the Fiftieth
Division on the Butte.
[64] Unfortunately long and constant strain had told on his health,
and shortly after his appointment to the Thirty-seventh Division he
was invalided to England.
[65] For his services in the war General Furse received the K.C.B. in
June 1917.
[66] In _Three Years with the Ninth Division_ Lieut.-Colonel Croft
discusses several questions of interest to C.Os.
[67] The barrage fell along three sides of a rectangle, screening the
infantry from the front and the flanks.
[68] News from the very start was good. Brig.-General Tudor, who
was in the trenches watching the raid, was in touch with the front
line by telephone, and the only reports he received were, “One
more penny”—“Two more pennies,” etc. “Penny” was the code word for
prisoner.
[69] The following message was sent by Sir Douglas Haig on the
16th:—“Congratulate the Ninth Scottish Division, and particularly the
9th Scottish Rifles, on the success of their raid carried out on the
14th.”
[70] In the Ninth, however, it was thought that the principal factor
was surprise, and the raid of the “Rifles” already referred to was
undertaken to show that a preliminary bombardment was not necessary
for success.
[71] At the end of January a party of the Division proceeding along
the road to Arras was accosted by a Canadian soldier. “Hullo, what
crowd are you?” “Ninth Division” was the reply, and then came the
exclamation, “Huh! the scrappin’ Ninth.” The Canadian’s tone of
mingled friendship, admiration, and uneasiness betrayed more clearly
than any words his firm conviction that storm-troops were gathering
for a battle.
[72] Haig’s Despatches, vol. i., p. 81.
[73]
14th Brigade R.H.A.
50th ” R.F.A.
51st ” R.F.A.
52nd ” A.F.A. (taken from the Ninth in January).
23rd ” A.F.A.
29th ” R.F.A.
32nd ” R.F.A.
[74] The enemy opposing us consisted of the 1st and 24th Bavarian
Reserve Divisions.
[75] _A Short History of the Great War_, p. 257.
[76] The original Green Line consisted of the strongly-wired trenches
immediately west and north of Fampoux. Shortly before the attack
on the 9th April the final objective was altered so as to include
the hostile positions just west of the Roeux-Gavrelle road and the
village of Fampoux.
[77] Major Sir J. Campbell commanded the 11th, and Major Macpherson
the 12th Royal Scots in this action.
[78] Brig.-General Tudor, who was assisting the Fourth Division,
received news of the battle so late that he had no time to
reconnoitre.
[79] On the 9th April D.H.Q. were at Etrun; they moved forward to St
Nicholas only on the 12th April.
[80] General Lukin on 18th April suggested that the South African
Brigade should be withdrawn from the Division on account of its
weakness and its lack of reinforcements.
[81] While this chapter was being written, news came of the
cold-blooded murder of this officer in the County Club, Cork, on the
17th July 1920 by a dozen so-called patriots.
If ever a man lived who deserved a fair field and a fair fight it was
Colonel Smyth. A more gallant and honourable gentleman never lived.
As a captain in the Royal Engineers he commanded the 90th Field Coy.
R.E. in the Ninth Division till October 1916, when he was promoted to
the command of the 6th K.O.S.B. In October 1918 he commanded the 93rd
Brigade in the Thirty-first Division as a Brig.-General.
Major-General H. H. Tudor, when given command of the Police Forces in
Ireland in June 1920, found Colonel Smyth in command again of a Field
Coy. R.E. in Ireland, and, knowing his worth, secured his appointment
as one of his deputy commissioners.
[82] Major Macpherson was wounded in the action of the 12th April,
and the command of the battalion was taken over by Lieut.-Colonel
Ritson.
[83] Commanded since the 3rd May by Major A. R. Innes Browne.
[84] These were the 3/10th Royal West Surrey Regiment, 3/10th Royal
West Kent Regiment, 3/10th Middlesex Regiment.
[85] Commanded by Lieut.-General Sir E. A. Fanshawe.
[86] Now commanded by Lieut.-Colonel H. D. M. Maclean, the original
C.O. of the battalion, who returned to France in August.
[87] Lieut.-Colonel W. Lumsden succeeded Lieut.-Colonel Fulton at the
end of July.
[88] Commanded since April by Lieut.-Colonel Macleod.
[89] Temporarily commanded by Major Cochran.
[90] Lieut.-Colonel Croft was promoted to the command of a brigade a
few days before the battle, and the battalion was now commanded by
Lieut.-Colonel Sir J. Campbell.
[91] 32 officers, 312 other ranks.
[92] Commanded by General Sir Ivor Maxse.
[93] See Map.
[94] Commanded by Lieut.-Colonel R. W. Hadow since September.
[95] Commanded since the beginning of October by Lieut.-Colonel A. G.
M. M. Crichton.
[96] Commanded in this action by Major Scott.
[97] The enemy opposing the division on this occasion was the
Sixteenth Division, which had the honour of being classed by our
G.H.Q. as a first-rate division.
[98] Commanded in this action by Major A. R. Innes Browne.
[99] On leaving the Fifth Army the Division received the following
message from General Sir Hubert Gough:—
“The Ninth Division has fought splendidly while it has been in the
Fifth Army and maintained the great reputation of the Scottish
Divisions in France. The Division achieved a very notable success on
20th September and played a gallant part during the severe fighting
of 12th October. In spite of the casualties sustained and the
demands made upon the men’s endurance during the past six weeks, the
Division’s moral remains as high as ever. Well done, everybody!”
[100] Commanded by Sir W. Congreve, V.C.
[101] Later General Lukin was awarded the K.C.B., an honour which
gave much gratification to the Division.
[102] The 2nd Regiment was now commanded by Lieut.-Colonel Christian.
Lieut.-Colonel Tanner was promoted to the command of the 8th Brigade
(Third Division).
[103] Lieut.-Colonel Horn of the 7th Seaforths took over the command
of the Army Musketry Camp on the 18th October; the battalion was
commanded by Major P. C. Anderson during the retreat.
Lieut.-Colonel Crichton left the Camerons in March, and was succeeded
by Lieut.-Colonel J. Inglis.
[104] Lieut.-Colonel Sir J. Campbell being on leave, the 11th Royal
Scots were commanded by Major A. C. Campbell during the retreat.
Lieut.-Colonel Maclean left the K.O.S.B. in October 1917, and was
succeeded by Lieut.-Colonel Smyth, who returned to France at the end
of September.
[105] The 18th Division, for example, after holding the
Villers-Guislain-Gonnelieu sector for fourteen days was relieved on
the 3rd March by the 107th Division, a prisoner from which said that
his division had undergone intensive training for an attack and break
through.
[106] The northern attack was entrusted to the 17th Army, the
southern to the 2nd and 18th Armies.
[107] For a clear, full, and concise account of the boundary question
between the Fifth and Third Armies, see article in the April (1920)
number of the _National Review_, entitled, the “Epic of the Ninth
Division,” by W. S. Sparrow.
[108] “After being captured at La Motte, near Corbie, I was taken to
the German Battalion H.Q. for examination by an intelligence officer.
In the course of this examination the officer asked me if I knew the
Ninth Division; he said that the fight it put up was considered one
of the best on the whole front, and particularly the last stand of
the South African Brigade at (I think) Moislains, which, he said,
was magnificent. Both men and officers fought to the last against
overwhelming odds, the brigadier himself being taken, firing a
machine-gun whilst his brigade major was killed beside him.
“After this conversation I was sent to Le Cateau, and on the way many
German officers spoke to me and all mentioned the splendid fight put
up by the South Africans.
“On reaching Le Cateau, I met two officers (British), who said that
whilst their party was being marched to this place, they were stopped
by the Kaiser, who asked if anyone present belonged to the Ninth
Division. The Kaiser then said that had all divisions fought as well
as the Ninth Division he would have had no more troops to carry on
his attack with.”
[109] W. S. Sparrow in “The Epic of the Ninth Division.”
[110] “Great gallantry has been shown by the troops engaged in the
fighting in this area and to the south of it. The Nineteenth and
Ninth Divisions have distinguished themselves by the valour of their
defence.”
(_Extract from Communiqué published by the Press on the 25th March._)
[111] The 1st Regiment was commanded by Lieut.-Colonel Young; the 2nd
Regiment by Captain Jacobs; and the 4th Regiment by Captain Reid.
[112] Commanded since the 7th April by Lieut.-Colonel the Honourable
David Bruce.
[113] Under the command of Lieut.-Colonel H. W. M. Bamford of the 2nd
Regiment.
[114] The K.O.S.B. had been commanded by Major Innes Brown since
the 24th March; he was killed at Hill 60 on the 10th April, and was
succeeded first by Lieut.-Colonel Chamberlain, and then by Major H.
J. Wilkie.
[115] “Three weeks ago to-day the enemy began his terrific attack
against us on a fifty-mile front. His objects are to separate us
from the French, to take the Channel Ports, and destroy the British
Army. In spite of throwing already 106 divisions into the battle and
enduring the most reckless sacrifice of human life, he has as yet
made little progress towards his goals.
“We owe this to the determined fighting and self-sacrifice of our
troops. Words fail me to express the admiration which I feel for the
splendid resistance offered by all ranks of our Army under the most
trying circumstances.
“Many amongst us now are tired. To those I would say, that victory
will belong to the side which holds out the longest. The French Army
is moving rapidly and in great force to our support. There is no
other course open to us but to fight it out.
“Every position must be held to the last man. There must be no
retirement. With our backs to the wall and believing in the justice
of our cause, each one of us must fight to the end. The safety of our
homes and the freedom of mankind depend alike upon the conduct of
each one of us at this critical moment.”
(_Special Order issued by Field-Marshal Sir Douglas Haig on 12th
April._)
[116] “Farther north a heavy attack launched by the enemy this
morning against our lines in the neighbourhood of Wytschaete and
Hollebeke (the Messines Ridge) was completely repulsed by the Ninth
Division with great loss to the enemy.”
(_Extract from the official Communiqué of the 11th April._)
Before this appeared the Corps Commander informed the G.O.C. that Sir
Douglas Haig and Marshal Foch fully appreciated the valuable work
performed by the Division. This was communicated to units in the
following message:—
“The Corps Commander wishes it to be known that the
Commander-in-Chief, in course of conversation with him, said that it
was mainly due to the stubborn resistance of the Ninth Division that
the Army was now in a position to hold on to the present line. If the
Ninth Division had not held on there would have been no alternative
but to retire a long way back. He also stated that General Foch
fully appreciated what had been done by the Ninth Division.”—No. A.
9837/12, 17/4/18.
[117] “Please convey to General Tudor and to all ranks of the Ninth
Division my deepest appreciation of the great gallantry displayed
by them during many days of severe fighting north of the Lys. In
the stubborn struggle for the Ridge at Wytschaete, with which their
name will always be associated, as well as on many other occasions,
they have shown the same high qualities which distinguished them
throughout the Battle south of Arras, and have most worthily upheld
the traditions of the British Army.”
(_Ninth Division_, No. A. 9827/28.)
[118] After the fighting near Kemmel Lieut.-Colonel J. Colchester
Wemyss commanded the battalion until Lieut.-Colonel Smyth returned at
the end of May.
[119] In June Lieut.-Colonel Ritson left for England and the
battalion from the time it went into the line near the end of May was
commanded by Lieut.-Colonel J. Murray.
[120] 1 field-gun, captured at Gaza Cross Roads; 6 heavy trench
mortars; 6 light trench mortars; 11 heavy machine-guns; 36 light
machine-guns; 1 stick-bomb thrower.
[121] 20 heavy machine-guns, 22 light machine-guns, 342 rifles.
[122] “I wish to express to you and to your officers, warrant
officers, N.C.Os. and men of the brigade under your command my great
regret that the exigencies of the Service prevented me seeing you
all personally before you were transferred from the Ninth Division
in order to say good-bye. For two and a half years your brigade has
shared the fortunes of the Ninth Division. At Delville Wood, at
Arras, at Ypres, in the Somme retreat, and finally at Meteren, it
has fully contributed in establishing and maintaining the glorious
record of this Division. The South African Brigade bore the brunt of
the attack on the divisional front in March 1918, and its final stand
at Bouchavesnes on 24th March, when it held out all day until all
ammunition was exhausted, will live as one of the bravest feats of
arms in the war. The cheery keenness and comradeship with which the
South African Brigade has always worked and fought will be very much
missed by me personally and by all the Ninth Division. We wish you
and your brigade the best of fortune, and know that you will always
fully maintain the splendid name you have earned.”
(_General Tudor’s Letter to Brig.-General Tanner._)
[123] Commanded by Lieut.-Colonel French since August.
[124] The 28th Brigade was given a narrower front in the advance to
the first objective in order to ensure that a sufficient force would
still be in hand, after Frezenberg Ridge was reached, to press home
the attack along the main ridge, most of which lay within the right
brigade sector.
[125] Owing to the small number of field-guns per yard (one gun to
about 45 yards) the Division had to depend chiefly on smoke for the
barrage, and the guns fired two rounds of smoke to one of H.E.
[126] A great deal of trouble had been taken to arrange the right
hour for zero, but all the calculations of the Divisional Staff
were completely upset by the fact that the morning was cloudy with
drizzling rain.
[127] The 28th Brigade A.F.A. was attached to the Division.
[128] The 6th and 7th Cavalry Divisions, consisting of men of fine
physique, who, according to their own statements, were known as
the “War-prolongers” because they remained full of fight while the
resisting power of other German troops was diminishing.
[129] The cavalry in reserve consisted of the 3rd French Cavalry
Brigade, which, however, was not under the orders of the G.O.C. Ninth
Division.
[130] A tribute greatly cherished by the Division was received from
General C. W. Jacobs in a Special Order issued on the 3rd October:—
“As the first phase of the operations which began on the 28th
September 1918 is over, I wish to express to you and all ranks of the
Ninth Division my gratitude and thanks for the splendid work which
has been achieved.
“The Ninth Division was specially selected to carry out the attack
on the left flank of the British Second Army and to cover the right
flank of the Belgian Army attack. The objectives given were rather
more distant than those we have attempted hitherto in Flanders,
but, owing to the splendid leading of yourself and the officers of
all units, not only were all those objectives gained, but you broke
right through the enemy’s line to a depth of 9¼ miles. In 1917 it
took our Army over three months to get only half that distance, and
at great cost. The Ninth Division has done it, and a great deal
more, in twenty-four hours. What further evidence is required of the
magnificence of this exploit?
“The Ninth Division has done splendidly all through the war, but
these last operations will be considered by history to have eclipsed
all their previous performances. In the last few days the conditions
have been trying and you have had to beat off many counter-attacks.
The weather has been bad and shelter has been very scanty. Yet
the spirit of all ranks has always kept at a high level and you
have upheld the splendid traditions of the British Army and of the
Division in particular.”
[131] These earned another “mention” for the Division. “In these
successful operations the Ninth Division, forming part of the
command of General Jacobs’ II. Corps, has again fought with great
distinction.”
(_Extract from official Communiqué, 16th October._)
[132] This however was practically impossible when the crossing was
not to be carried out simultaneously by the attacking divisions.
[133] Major King who was commanding the Royal Scots Fusiliers was
wounded near Belgiek, and the command of the battalion was taken over
by Captain J. S. Glass.
[134] On the 23rd Lieut.-Colonel R. Campbell, D.S.O., who had seen a
great deal of service with the Fifty-first Division, took over the
command of the battalion.
[135] Prisoners captured, 54 officers, 2555 other ranks; guns
captured, 64.
[136] Near the end of October a staff officer of the Ninth went to
the Divisional Signals Office to find out if there was any news. The
answer was “Yes, sir, Austria has thrown in her ‘mit.’” It was thus
that a phlegmatic Scottish soldier announced the fall of the ancient
Empire of the Hapsburgs, the oldest reigning family in Europe and
heirs of the Holy Roman Empire!
[137] The fact that some Germans were relieved of their watches may
have been due to a custom that had sprung up during four years of
war, or to some confusion of mind about the “Watch on the Rhine”!
[138] The sight of a field ambulance racing through the streets of
Cologne, with the R.A.M.C. men running breathlessly behind it, in
order to reach its position in time is believed to have enormously
impressed the citizens.
[139] See Appendix VIII.
[140] See Appendix IV.
[141] The A.S.C. became R.A.S.C. 25/11/18. A.O. (362/1918.)
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
the text and consultation of external sources.
Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added,
when a predominant preference was found in the original book.
All times have been made consistent using a decimal point and
not a mid-dot eg 6.35 A.M. All calibre sizes have been made
consistent using a mid-dot eg 3·7-inch.
The table in Appendix VII and the List of Illustrations in the
Addendum both have an asterisk Note placed at the bottom of the
table (not a Footnote).
Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.
Pg xi: ‘Lo s of Fosse’ replaced by ‘Loss of Fosse’.
Pg xvii: ‘Law e Farm’ replaced by ‘Lawrence Farm’.
Pg 21: ‘No. 8-Haisnes’ replaced by ‘No. 8—to Haisnes’.
Pg 115: ‘At 5.5 ’ replaced by ‘At 5.50’.
Pg 154: ‘for 2.5 ’ replaced by ‘for 2.50’.
Pg 187: ‘at 6.4 ’ replaced by ‘at 6.40’.
Pg 187: ‘by 1.2 ’ replaced by ‘by 1.20’.
Pg 336: ‘near Metern’ replaced by ‘near Meteren’.
Pg 403: ‘” to Armistice’ replaced by ‘” Armistice’.
Pg 420: ‘Beauchamp Ridge’ replaced by ‘Beaucamp Ridge’.
Memorial Addendum
Pg 14: ‘Le Mutilés’ replaced by ‘Les Mutilés’.
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