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Joel Tyler Headley
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Title: The Second War with England, Vol. 1 of 2
Author: Joel Tyler Headley
Release Date: April 4, 2012 [EBook #39368]
Language: English
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THE SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND.
[Illustration: The Constitution and Java.]
THE SECOND WAR
WITH
ENGLAND.
BY J. T. HEADLEY,
AUTHOR OF "NAPOLEON AND HIS MARSHALS," "WASHINGTON AND HIS GENERALS,"
"THE OLD GUARD," "SCOTT AND JACKSON," ETC. ETC.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
NEW YORK:
CHARLES SCRIBNER, 145 NASSAU STREET.
1853.
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1853, by
CHARLES SCRIBNER,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for
the Southern District of New York.
C. W. BENEDICT,
STEREOTYPER AND PRINTER,
12 Spruce Street, N. Y.
PREFACE.
More books, probably, have been written on the War of 1812 than on any
other portion of our history. The great political leaders of that time
were so vindictive in their animosities, and took such strong and
decided ground on all political questions, that the success of one or
the other afterwards in public life depended very much on his conduct
during the war. Hence, much detached and personal history has been
written in order to clear up or illustrate some particular event. A
candidate for public office was often chosen for his services in the
war; hence, every portion of it in which he took part was thoroughly
investigated by both friends and foes. So if one had failed in that
trying period of the country, the world was sure to hear of it when he
came up for the suffrages of the people. The war proved very
unfortunate for some of the leaders, and court martials and disgrace
closed the career of many which had hitherto been bright and
prosperous. These men have written long pamphlets and books in
self-defence, or they have been written by their descendants, so that
if hearing both sides would aid the reader in coming to a correct
conclusion, he was pretty sure to reach it. When so many quarrels are
to be settled the public will not fail to be informed all about the
origin of them. Another class of works have been written, designed
only to furnish a synopsis of the war, and scarcely reach to the value
of histories. Others have been confined solely to the military and
naval movements--others still are devoted almost exclusively to
political matters of that period; so that notwithstanding the large
supply of works on the War of 1812, I know of none in which all these
different topics are even attempted to be combined in proper
proportions. The present work is an effort to accomplish that end
without being too voluminous on the one hand, or too general on the
other. I have endeavored to give impressions as well as facts--to
trace the current and depict the phases of public feeling, rather than
inflict on the reader long documents and longer debates, in which
everything that gave them life and interest was carefully excluded by
the reporter.
The effects of the fierce conflict waged between the Federalists and
Democrats during the war have not yet passed away, and many of the
actors in it are still living, who retain their old prejudices and
hatred. Their near descendants and relatives, though so many of them
are found in the ranks of democracy, still defend the memory of those
whose names they bear, and endeavor to throw discredit on the writer
who would rob them of reputation, and consign them to the obloquy they
deserve. In a war like the late one with Mexico, where almost every
officer was a hero, and in narrating the progress of which the
historian is called upon only to eulogize, his task is an easy one.
But in one like that of 1812, in which the most conspicuous leaders
met with signal defeat and disgrace, and instead of winning
reputation, lost that which had illustrated them in the revolutionary
struggle, the historian necessarily recalls feuds and assails
character, which is sure to bring down on him the maledictions and
open condemnation of friends and relations. A noble man and true
patriot, like General Dearborn, will never want friends who will deny
his incompetency as commander-in-chief, while one who had won so brave
a name in the revolution, and was so estimable a man in social life as
General Hull, must always be defended by those in whose veins his
blood flows. The inefficiency and blunders of the government remain to
this day to many a sufficient apology for the conduct of Wilkinson,
Hampton and others.
Having no animosities to gratify, and no prejudices to favor, I have
set down nought in malice, but have endeavored to ascertain, amid
conflicting testimony, the exact truth, without regarding the friendly
or hostile feelings the declaration of it might awaken. In many cases
I have withheld much that was personal, because it was not necessary
to my purpose, and useless only in self-defence. That I should
reconcile difficulties which have never yet been healed, and please
rivals who have ever hated each other, was not to be expected. I have
attempted also to give a clear impression of the political and social
feelings of the times, and make the reader, as far as lay in my power,
live amid the scenes I depict.
Two new features have been introduced into the present work, which I
though necessary to a complete history of the war, viz., privateering
and the Dartmoor Prison.
It would be impossible to give all the authorities to which I am
indebted. State papers, records, journals, Gazettes of the time have
been consulted, as well as histories, while I have earnestly sought
for information from the survivors of the war. In many cases I have
omitted references to books in which facts I state are found recorded,
because I came across them in old pamphlets, letters, and newspaper
paragraphs, where, probably, the original compiler also obtained them.
I cannot omit, however, acknowledging the vast aid I have derived from
Niles' Register. A more valuable periodical was never published in
this country. Ingersoll's History also, though very deficient in
arrangement, contains more valuable material than any other work
embracing the same period.
CONTENTS OF VOL. I.
CHAPTER I.
A REVIEW OF THE CAUSES LEADING TO THE SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND.
Duplicity and oppressive acts of the British Government
contrasted with the forbearance of the United States --
Character of Madison -- Debates in Congress on War measures
-- Declaration of War, 15
CHAPTER II.
Different feelings with which the Declaration of War was
received -- State of the parties at the commencement --
Federalists and Democrats -- Their hostility -- Absurd
doctrines of the Federalists -- Hostility of New England --
Unprepared state of the country -- Culpable neglect of the
government -- Comparative strength of the two navies --
Empty state of the Treasury -- Inefficiency of the Cabinet, 58
CHAPTER III.
Plan of the Campaign -- General Hull sent to Detroit --
British officers first receive news of the declaration of
war -- Capture of Hull's baggage, etc. -- Enters Canada and
issues a proclamation, and sends out detachments -- Colonels
McArthur and Cass advance on Maiden -- Hull refuses to
sustain them -- Recrosses to Detroit -- Van Horne's defeat
-- Colonel Miller defeats the enemy, and opens Hull's
communications -- Strange conduct of Hull -- Advance of the
British -- Surrender of Detroit -- Indignation of the
officers -- Review of the Campaign -- Rising of the people
-- Harrison takes command -- Advance of the army, 70
CHAPTER IV.
Operations on the New York frontier -- Battle of Queenstown
-- Death of Brock -- Scott a prisoner -- General Smythe's
Proclamation and abortive attempts -- Cursed by the army --
Duel with General Porter -- Retires in disgrace --
Dearborn's movements and failures -- Review of the campaign
on the New York frontier -- Character of the officers and
soldiers, 98
CHAPTER V.
THE NAVY.
The Cabinet resolves to shut up our ships of war in port --
Remonstrance of Captains Bainbridge and Stuart -- Rodgers
ordered to sea -- Feeling of the crews -- Chase of the
Belvidere -- Narrow escape of the Constitution from an
English fleet -- Cruise of the Essex -- Action between the
Constitution and Guerriere -- Effect of the victory in
England and the United States -- United States takes the
Macedonian -- Lieutenant Hamilton carries the captured
colors to Washington -- Presented to Mrs Madison in a
ball-room -- The Argus -- Action between the Wasp and Frolic
-- Constitution captures the Java -- Hornet takes the
Peacock -- Effect of these Victories abroad, 125
CHAPTER VII.
Harrison plans a winter campaign -- Advance of the army --
Battle and massacre at the River Raisin -- Baseness of
Proctor -- Promoted by his Government -- Tecumseh, his
character and eloquence -- He stirs up the Creeks to War --
Massacre at Fort Mimms -- Investment of Fort Meigs --
Advance of Clay's reinforcements and their destruction --
Successful sortie -- Flight of the besiegers -- Major
Croghan's gallant defence of Fort Stephenson, 177
CHAPTER VIII.
Chauncey ordered to Lake Erie to build a fleet -- A plan of
the campaign -- Woolsey -- Attack on York -- Death of
General Pike -- His character -- Capture of Fort George --
Gallantry of Scott -- Repulse of the British at Sackett's
Harbor by General Brown -- Dearborn pursues Vincent -- Night
attack on the American encampment -- Generals Winder and
Chandler taken prisoners -- Retreat of the army --
Reinforced by General Lewis -- Dearborn at Fort George --
Defeat of Colonel Boestler at Beaver Dams -- Attack on Black
Rock -- Dearborn withdrawn from the command of the northern
army, 205
CHAPTER IX.
SECOND SESSION OF THE TWELFTH CONGRESS.
Army bill -- Quincy and Williams -- Debate on the bonds of
merchants given for British goods imported in contravention
of the non-importation act -- Debate on the bills increasing
the army to 55,000 men -- Williams' report -- Quincy's
attack -- Clay's rejoinder -- Randolph, Calhoun, Quincy,
Lowndes and Clay -- State of the Treasury, 224
CHAPTER X.
Action between the Chesapeake and Shannon -- Rejoicing in
England over the victory -- The Enterprise captures the
Boxer -- Death of Lieutenant Burrows -- Daring cruise of the
Argus in the English and Irish channels -- Lieutenant
Allen's humanity -- Action with the Pelican -- Death of
Allen -- His character, 244
CHAPTER XI.
Cost of transportation to the northern frontier -- English
fleet on our coast -- Chesapeake blockaded -- Blockade of
the whole coast -- Cockburn attacks Frenchtown -- Burns
Havre De Grace -- Attacks Georgetown and Frederickstown --
Arrival of British reinforcements -- Attack on Craney Island
-- Barbarities committed in Hampton -- Excitement caused by
these outrages -- Commodore Hardy blockades the northern
coast -- Torpedoes -- Hostile attitude of Massachusetts --
Remonstrances of its legislature -- Feeling of the people, 257
CHAPTER XII.
Perry obtains and equips a fleet on Lake Erie -- Puts to sea
-- Kentucky marines -- Description of the battle -- Gallant
bearing of Perry -- Slaughter on the Lawrence -- Perry after
the battle -- Burial of the officers -- Exultation of the
people -- Harrison advances on Maiden -- flight of Proctor
-- Battle of the Thames, and death of Tecumseh, 271
CHAPTER XIII.
Wilkinson takes command of the northern army -- Plan of the
campaign -- Hampton entrusted with the 5th military district
and takes position at Plattsburg -- Quarrel between the two
Generals -- Hampton advances, against orders, into Canada:
is defeated -- Concentration of Wilkinson's army -- Moves
down the St. Lawrence -- Its picturesque aspect -- Harassed
by the enemy -- Battle of Chrystler's field -- Hampton
refuses to join him -- The expedition abandoned and the
armies retire to winter-quarters -- Disappointment and
indignation of the war party, and gratification of the
Federalists -- Abandonment of Fort George and burning of
Newark -- Loss of Fort Niagara and burning of Buffalo and
the settlements along the river -- Retaliation -- Gloomy
close of the campaign, 291
CHAPTER XIV.
1813--1814.
Winter operations -- Decatur challenges Commodore Hardy to
meet the United States and Macedonian with two of his
frigates -- Wilkinson's second invasion, of Canada -- Battle
of la Cole Mill -- Holmes' expedition into Canada --
Romantic character of our border warfare -- Inroad of the
British marines to Saybrook and Brockaway's Ferry, 310
CHAPTER XV.
THIRTEENTH CONGRESS. MAY 27, 1813.
Democratic gain in Congress -- Spirit in which the two
parties met -- Russian mediation offered and accepted, and
commerce opened -- State of the Treasury -- Debate
respecting a reporter's seat -- Direct Tax -- Webster's
resolutions -- Governor Chittenden -- Strange conduct of
parties in New Hampshire -- The embargo -- England proposes
peace -- Commissioners appointed -- Army bill -- Webster's
speech upon it -- Sketch of him -- The loan bill -- Defended
by Mr. Eppes -- Sketch of Mr. Pickering, with his speech --
Sketch of John Forsyth, and his speech -- Calhoun --
Grosvenor -- Bill for the support of military establishments
-- Speech of Artemus Ward -- Resolutions of Otis in the
Massachusetts Senate -- Repeal of the embargo -- Calhoun and
Webster -- Strange reversal of their positions -- Strength
of our navy and army, 319
HISTORY OF THE SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND.
CHAPTER I.
A REVIEW OF THE CAUSES LEADING TO THE SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND.
Duplicity and oppressive acts of the British Government
contrasted with the forbearance of the United States --
Character of Madison -- Debates in Congress on War measures
-- Declaration of War.
The peace which closed our revolutionary struggle was like a wound
healed only at the surface, and which must be opened anew before a
permanent cure can be effected. The desire for territory had become
the ruling passion of the British Empire, and the loss of the most
promising part of her vast possessions could not, therefore, be borne
with equanimity. The comparatively barren and inhospitable tract lying
north of the St. Lawrence and the lakes, which still belonged to her,
was but a sorry substitute for the rich alluvial bottoms that
stretched along the western rivers, while the mouth of the St.
Lawrence furnished but a meagre outlet compared with the noble rivers
and capacious harbors that seamed the inland and indented the coasts
of the Atlantic slope. Some have supposed that England had never
abandoned the design of recovering a part, if not the whole of the
possessions she had lost on this continent. If this be true, that
purpose was doubtless a very vague one, and it depended entirely on
circumstances whether it ever assumed a definite form. One thing,
however, is certain, she had determined to narrow down our limits
wherever it was practicable, and to the fullest extent of her power.
This is evident from the eagerness with which she urged us to
acknowledge the various Indian tribes on our frontier, as independent
nations. She wished to have them placed on a footing with other
sovereign States, so that they could form treaties and dispose of
territory to foreign governments. Numerous and powerful tribes then
roamed undisturbed over vast tracts which have since become populous
States. Could Great Britain have purchased these, or had them
colonized by other foreign powers, nearly the whole line of lakes and
the territory west of Lake Erie would have presented an impenetrable
barrier to our growth in the north-west. Not succeeding in this
policy, she determined that the Indians should retain possession of
the land as her allies. This is evident from the constant disturbance
kept up on our north-western frontiers--from Lord Dorchester's
speeches instigating the Indians to war, and from the fact that an
English fort was erected within the territory of the republic. So
resolved was the British Government on this course that it for a long
time refused to carry out the stipulations of the treaty of 1783, and
still retained American posts captured by its forces during the
revolutionary war. The defeat of General Harmar, in 1790, and of St.
Clair, in 1791, were not wholly owing to our inefficiency or to Indian
prowess, but to British interference and encouragement.
The victory of Wayne, which followed these disastrous expeditions,
proved this true. Canadian militia and volunteers were found in the
Indian armies, while the battle that completed their overthrow ended
under the walls of a British fort standing on American ground. These
violations of a sacred treaty, and undisguised encroachments upon our
territory on the frontier, were afterwards surpassed by still greater
outrages at sea.
The French revolution exploding like a volcano in the heart of Europe,
followed by a republic whose foundation stones were laid in the
proudest blood of France--the extinction of the Bourbon dynasty, and
the loud declaration of rights which startled every despot from the
Archangel to the Mediterranean like a peal of thunder, had covered the
continent with hostile armies. The European powers who rejoiced in the
success of the revolutionary struggle on these distant shores, because
it inflicted a blow on their proud rival, saw with consternation the
principle that sustained it at work in their midst. Like the first
crusade against the infidels, which at once healed all the animosities
of the princes of Europe, a second crusade, harmonizing powers
hitherto at variance, was formed against this principle of human
rights, and the allied armies moved down upon the infant republic of
France. The devastating flood of feudalism would soon have swept
everything under but for the appearance of that strange embodiment of
power, Napoleon Bonaparte. Rolling it back from the French borders, he
commenced that long and fearful struggle which ended only at Waterloo.
England rashly formed a coalition with the continental powers,
anticipating an easy overthrow to the plebeian warrior, but soon found
herself almost alone in the conflict; and instead of treading down her
ancient rival, began to tremble for her own safety. The long and
deadly strife that followed exhausted her resources and crippled her
strength. Her war ships stretched from Copenhagen to the Nile, and to
supply these with seamen, she resorted to impressment not only on her
own shores, amid her own subjects, but on American ships, among
American sailors. Our merchant vessels were arrested on the high seas,
and men, on the groundless charge of being deserters, immediately
coerced into the British service. To such an extent was this carried,
that in _nine months_ of the years 1796 and '97, Mr. King, the
American minister at London, had made application for the release of
_two hundred and seventy-one seamen_,[1] most of whom were American
citizens.
[Footnote 1: Vide letter of Mr. King to the Secretary of State.]
At first the British Government claimed only the right to seize
deserters; but its necessities demanding a broader application to
right of search, her vessels of war arrested American merchantmen to
seek for _British seamen_, and later still, for British
subjects--finally, every sailor was obliged to prove himself a citizen
of the United States on the spot, or he was liable to be forced into
British service. American merchants were thus injured while
prosecuting a lawful commerce, and worse than all, great distress was
visited on the friends and relatives of those who were illegally torn
from their country and pressed into the hated service of a hated
nation. Over six thousand were known to have been thus seized, while
the actual number was much greater.
Not content with committing these outrages on the high seas, English
vessels boarded our merchantmen and impressed our seamen in our own
waters. That line which runs parallel to the sea coast of every
nation, and which is considered its legitimate boundary, presented no
obstacles to British cruisers.
In 1804, the frigate Cambria boarded an American merchantman in the
harbor of New York, and in direct opposition to the port officers,
carried off several of her seamen. To complete the insult, the
commander declared, in an official letter to the British Minister,
that he "considered his ship, while lying in the harbor of New York,
as _having dominion around her within the distance of her buoys_." Not
long after a coasting vessel while going from one American port to
another, was hailed by a British cruiser, and, refusing to stop, was
fired into and one of her crew killed. Thus an American citizen was
murdered within a mile of shore, and while going from port to port of
his own country.[2]
[Footnote 2: Vide Letter of Madison to Mr. Rose, the British Minister,
dated March 5th, 1808.]
These aggressions on land and insults at sea continued, at intervals,
down to 1806, when our commerce received a more deadly blow from the
British orders in council, and Napoleon's famous Berlin and Milan
decrees. To annoy and cripple her adversary, England declared the
whole coast of France, from Brest to the Elbe, in a state of blockade.
Napoleon retaliated by the Berlin decree, in which he declared the
British Islands in a state of blockade. The next year the English
government issued other orders in council, blockading the whole
continent, which were met by Napoleon's Milan decree.
These famous orders in council, so far as they affected us, declared
all American vessels going to and from the harbors of France and her
allies, lawful prizes, except such as had first touched at, or cleared
from an English port. The Berlin and Milan decrees, on the other hand,
pronounced all vessels that had so touched at an English port, or
allowed themselves to be searched by a British cruiser, the property
of France, while British goods, wherever found, were subject to
confiscation. In short, if we did not confine our commerce to England,
the latter would seize our merchantmen, wherever found, as lawful
prizes, while if we did trade with her, or even touch at her ports at
all, France claimed them as her property.
England, without the slightest provocation, had commenced a war
against France, and irritated at her want of success, declared her
coast in a state of blockade--thus violating an established law of
nations. The principle has long been admitted and acted upon by the
principal maritime nations of the world, that neutral flags have a
right to sail from port to port of the belligerent powers, to carry
any merchandise whatever, except those contraband of war, such as
arms, munitions of war, or provisions for the enemy. The only
exception to it is an actual blockade of a port where neutrals are
forbidden an entrance. This principle is founded in common justice;
otherwise two strong maritime nations might make a third neutral power
the greatest sufferer from the war. Besides, if the right to create
paper blockades is allowed, no restrictions can be placed upon it, and
in case of another war with England, she could declare the whole coast
of America, from Maine to Mexico, and that portion of our territory on
the Pacific, in a state of blockade, while the naval force of the
world could not maintain an _actual_ one.
The injustice of these retaliatory measures was severely felt by our
government. They placed us, a neutral power, in a worse attitude than
if allied to one or the other we had been at open war with the third,
for in the latter case our war ships could have defended our commerce,
which would also have been under the protection of the cruisers of our
ally. But now our men-of-war were compelled to look silently on and
see American merchantmen seized, while two nations, instead of one,
claimed the right to plunder us. Our commerce for the last few years
had advanced with unparalleled strides--so that at this time our
canvass whitened almost every sea on the globe, and wealth was pouring
into the nation. Suddenly, as if the whole world, without any
forewarning, had declared war against us; the ocean was covered with
cruisers after American vessels, and the commerce of the country was
paralyzed by a single blow.
But the most extraordinary part of the whole proceeding was, that
while England, by her orders in council, shut the Continent from us
and confiscated as a smuggler every American vessel that attempted to
enter any of its ports, she herself, with _forged_ papers, under the
American flag, carried on an extensive trade. The _counterfeit_
American vessel was allowed to pass unmolested by British cruisers,
while the real American was seized. It was estimated that England made
fifteen thousand voyages per annum in these disguised vessels, thus
appropriating to herself all the advantages to be gained by a neutral
nation in trading with the Continent, and using our flag as a
protection.
These were the prominent causes of the war, sufficient, one would
think, to justify the American Government in declaring it.
One-hundredth part of the provocation which we then endured, would now
bring the two governments in immediate and fierce collision.
But, notwithstanding England's desires and necessities, she would
never have committed these outrages, had she not entertained a supreme
contempt for our power, and cherished an inextinguishable hatred of
the nation, rendering her utterly indifferent to our rights. The
treaty of 1783, by which our independence was acknowledged, was wrung
from her by stern necessity. It was not an amicable settlement of the
quarrel--a final and satisfactory adjustment of all difficulties. On
the part of England it was a morose and reluctant abandonment of a
strife which was costing her too dear--the unwilling surrender of her
best provinces under circumstances dishonorable to her flag, and
humbling to her national pride. This hatred of the rebel colony was
mingled with contempt for our institutions and national character,
exhibited in a proud assumption of superiority and disregard of our
rights and our demands. A nation sunk in helpless weakness may submit
to tyrannical treatment, but one rapidly growing in strength and
resources, is sure to have a day of reckoning, when it will demand a
swift and complete settlement of the long-endured wrongs.
Our wisest statesmen, aware of this state of feeling, foresaw an
approaching rupture. The elder Adams, as far back as 1785, says, in
writing from England: "Their present system (the English) as far as I
can penetrate it, is to maintain a determined peace with all Europe,
in order that they may war singly against America."[3] In 1794,
Washington, in a letter to Mr. Jay, after speaking of the retention of
posts which the British Government had, by treaty, ceded to us, and of
the conduct of its agents in stirring up the Indians to hostilities,
says: "Can it be expected, I ask, so long as these things are known in
the United States, or at least firmly believed, and suffered with
impunity by Great Britain, that there ever will or can be any
cordiality between the two countries? I answer, No. And I will
undertake, without the gift of prophecy, to predict, that it will be
impossible to keep this country in a state of amity with Great Britain
long, if those posts are not surrendered." Still later, Jefferson,
writing home from England, says: "In spite of treaties, England is our
enemy. Her hatred is deep-rooted and cordial, and nothing with her is
wanted but power, to wipe us and the land we live in out of
existence."
[Footnote 3: Letter of Adams to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, 19th
of July, 1785.]
Having scarcely recovered from the debility produced by the long
revolutionary struggle--just beginning to feel the invigorating
impulse of prosperity, the nation shrunk instinctively from a war
which would paralyze her commerce and prostrate all her rising hopes.
The Government hesitated to take a bold and decided stand on its
rights, and urge their immediate and complete acknowledgment. This
forbearance on our part, and apparent indifference to the honor of the
nation, only increased the contempt, and confirmed the determination
of the British Government. Still, remonstrances were made. Soon after
the arrival of the British Minister, Mr. Hammond, in 1791, Jefferson
stated the causes of complaint, followed up the next year by an able
paper on the charges made by the former against our Government. This
paper remained unanswered, and two years after Jefferson resigned his
secretaryship.
The next year, 1794, the British Government issued an order of
council, requiring her armed ships to arrest all vessels carrying
provisions to a French colony, or laden with its produce. The American
Government retaliated with an embargo, and began to make preparations
for immediate hostilities. In a few months the order was revoked, and
one less exceptionable issued, that calmed for awhile the waters of
agitation, and Mr. Jay was sent as Minister to England, to negotiate a
new treaty, which was to settle all past difficulties, establish some
principles of the law of nations, especially those affecting
belligerents and neutrals, and to regulate commerce. This treaty
removed many of the causes of complaint, but like all treaties between
a weak and strong government, it secured to England the lion's
portion. But with all its imperfections and want of reciprocity, it
was ratified in the spring of 1796, and became a law. Met at every
step by a determined opposition, its discussion inflamed party spirit
to the highest point, while its ratification was received with as many
hisses as plaudits. Still, it brought a partial, hollow pacification
between the two governments, which lasted till 1806, when the orders
in council before mentioned were issued. Great Britain, however,
hesitated not to impress our seamen and vex our commerce during the
whole period, with the exception of the short interval of the peace of
Amiens. In 1803, with the renewal of the war between her and France,
impressment was again practiced, though met at all times by
remonstrance, which in turn was succeeded by negotiation.
Those orders in Council seemed, at first, to preclude the possibility
of an amicable adjustment of difficulties. The country was on fire
from Portland to New Orleans. Cries of distress, in the shape of
memorials to Congress, came pouring in from every sea port in the
Union. Plundered merchants invoked the interposition of the strong arm
of power to protect their rights, and demanded indemnity for losses
that beggared their fortunes. Scorn and rage at this bold high-handed
robbery, filled every bosom, and the nation trembled on the verge of
war. Jefferson, however, sent Mr. Pinckney as envoy extraordinary to
cooperate with Mr. Monroe, our minister to England, in forming a
treaty which should recognize our maritime rights.
In the spring of the next year Jefferson received the treaty from
London. It having arrived the day before the adjournment of Congress,
and containing so much that was inadmissible, he did not submit it to
that body.
In the first place, there was no provision against the impressment of
seamen; and in the second place, a note from the British ministers
accompanied it, stating that the British government reserved to
itself the right to violate all the stipulations it contained, if we
submitted to the Berlin decree, and other infractions of our rights by
France. This reservation on the part of England was an assumption of
power that required no discussion. To declare that she would annul her
own solemn treaty, the moment she disapproved of our conduct towards
other nations, was to assume the office of dictator.
In the mean time, the death of Fox, whose character and conduct the
short time he was in power had given encouragement that a permanent
peace could be established, and the election of the dashing and fiery
Canning to his place, involved the negotiations in still greater
embarrassments. To indicate his course, and reveal at the outset the
unscrupulous and treacherous policy England was henceforth determined
to carry out, he had ready for promulgation long before it could be
ascertained what action our government would take on that treaty,
those other orders in Council, blockading the continent to us. He
declared, also, that all further negotiations on the subject were
inadmissible; thus leaving us no other alternative, but to submit or
retaliate. Thus our earnest solicitations and fervent desire to
continue on terms of amity--our readiness to yield for the sake of
peace what now of itself would provoke a war, were met by deception
and insult. England not only prepared orders violating our rights as
a neutral nation while submitting a treaty that protected them, but
plundered our vessels, impressed our seamen, and threatened the towns
along our coast with conflagration.
We could not allow our flag to be thus dishonored, our seamen
impressed, and our commerce vexed with impunity, and declared common
plunder by the two chief maritime nations of Europe. Retaliation,
therefore, was resolved upon; and in December of 1807, an embargo was
laid upon all American vessels and merchandize. In the spirit of
conciliation, however, which marked all the acts of government, the
President was authorized to suspend it soon as the conduct of European
powers would sanction him in doing so. This embargo prohibited all
American vessels from sailing from foreign ports, all foreign ships
from carrying away cargoes; while by a supplementary act, all coasting
vessels were compelled to give bonds that they would land their
cargoes in the United States.
This sudden suspension of commerce, threatening bankruptcy and ruin to
so many of our merchants, and checking at once the flow of produce
from the interior to the sea-board, was felt severely by the people,
and tried their patriotism to the utmost. Still the measure was
approved by the majority of the nation. New England denounced it, as
that section of the republic had denounced nearly every measure of
the administration from its commencement. The effect of the embargo
was to depress the products of our own country one half, and increase
those of foreign countries in the same proportion. There being no
outlet to the former, they accumulated in the market, and often would
not bring sufficient to pay the cost of mere transportation, while the
supply of the latter being cut off, the demand for them became
proportionably great. Thus it fell as heavy on the agricultural
classes as on the merchant, for while a portion of their expenses were
doubled, the produce with which they were accustomed to defray them
became worthless. But ship owners and sailors suffered still more, for
the capital of the one was profitless, and the occupation of the other
gone. It is true it helped manufacturers by increasing the demand for
domestic goods; it also saved a large amount of property, and a vast
number of American ships, which, if they had been afloat, would have
fallen into the hands of French and English cruisers.
But, while the embargo pressed so heavily on us, it inflicted severe
damage also on France and England, especially the latter. The United
States was her best customer, and the sudden stoppage of all the
channels of trade was a heavy blow to her manufactures, and would, no
doubt, have compelled a repeal of the orders in council to us, had
not she known that we were equal, if not greater sufferers. But while
the two nations thus stood with their hands on each other's throats,
determined to see which could stand choking the longest, it soon
became evident that our antagonist had greatly the advantage of us,
for the embargo shut ourselves out from the trade of the whole world,
while it only cut England off from that of the United States. Besides,
being forced to seek elsewhere for the products she had been
accustomed to take from us, other channels of trade began to be
opened, which threatened to become permanent.
A steady demand will always create a supply somewhere, and this was
soon discovered in the development of resources in the West Indies,
Spain, Spanish America, and Brazil, of which the British Government
had hitherto been ignorant.
The loud outcries from the opponents of this measure, especially from
New England, also convinced her that our government must soon repeal
the obnoxious act.
Under the tremendous pressure with which the embargo bore on the
people, New England openly threatened the government. John Quincy
Adams, who had sustained the administration in its course, finding his
conduct denounced by the Massachusetts Legislature, resigned his seat,
declaring to the President that there was a plan on foot to divide New
England from the Union, and that a secret emissary from Great Britain
was then at work with the ruling federalists to accomplish it. Whether
this was true or false, one thing was certain, an ominous cloud was
gathering in that quarter that portended evil, the extent of which no
one could calculate.
[Sidenote: 1809.]
Under these circumstances the embargo was repealed, and the
non-intercourse law, prohibiting all commercial intercourse with
France and Great Britain substituted.
While these things were transpiring an event occurred which threatened
to arrest all negotiations.
The Chesapeake, an American frigate, cruising in American waters, had
been fired into by the Leopard, a British 74, and several of her crew
killed. The commander of the latter claimed some British deserters,
whom he declared to be on board the American ship. Capt. Barron denied
his knowledge of any such being in the Chesapeake; moreover, he had
instructed, he said, his recruiting officer not to enlist any British
subjects. The captain of the Leopard then demanded permission to
search. This, of course, was refused, when a sudden broadside was
poured into the American frigate. Captain Barron not dreaming of an
encounter, had very culpably neglected to clear his vessel for action,
and at once struck his flag. An officer from the Leopard was
immediately sent on board, who demanded the muster-roll of the ship,
and selecting four of the crew, he retired. Three of these were
native Americans, the other was hung as a deserter. This daring
outrage threw the country into a tumult of excitement. Norfolk and
Portsmouth immediately forbade all communication with British ships of
war on the coast. [Sidenote: July 2.] The war spirit was aroused, and
soon after Jefferson issued a proclamation, prohibiting all vessels
bearing English commissions from entering any American harbor, or
having any intercourse with the shore.
[Sidenote: 1808.]
The act of the Leopard was repudiated by the English Government; but
the rage that had been kindled was not so easily laid, especially, as
no reparation was made. Mr. Monroe, our Minister to England, and
Canning could not adjust the matter; neither could Mr. Rose, the
English Minister, afterwards sent over for that especial purpose. The
British Government would not consent to mingle it up with the subject
of impressment generally, and refused to take any steps whatever
towards reparation, until the President's hostile proclamation was
withdrawn. Jefferson replied that if the minister would disclose the
terms of reparation, and they were satisfactory, their offer and the
repeal of the proclamation should bear the same date. This was refused
and Mr. Rose returned home.
[Sidenote: March.]
In the midst of this general distress and clamor, and strife of
political factions, Mr. Madison, who had been elected President, began
his administration.
Jefferson had struggled in vain against the unjust insane policy of
England. Embargoes, non-intercourse acts, all efforts at commercial
retaliation, remonstrances, arguments and appeals were alike
disregarded. Proud in her superior strength, and blind to her own true
interests, she continued her high-handed violation of neutral rights
and the laws of nations. In the mean time, the republic itself was
torn by factions which swelled the evils that oppressed it. It was
evident that Madison's seat would not be an easy one, and it was
equally apparent that he lacked some most important qualities in a
chief magistrate who was to conduct the ship of State through the
storms and perils that were gathering thick about her. The commanding
mind overshadowing and moulding the entire cabinet, the prompt
decision, fearless bearing and great energy were wanting. His manifest
repugnance to a belligerent attitude encouraged opposition and invited
attack. Small in stature and of delicate health, with shy, distant,
reserved manners, and passionless countenance, he was not fitted to
awaken awe or impart fear. Still he was a thorough statesman. His
official correspondence, while Jefferson's Secretary of State, his
dissertation on the rights of neutral nations and the laws that should
govern neutral trade, are regarded to this day as the most able
papers that ever issued from the American cabinet. His knowledge of
the Constitution was thorough and practical, and his adherence to it
inflexible. The exigencies of war, which always afford apologies, and
sometimes create demands for an illegal use of power, never forced him
beyond the precincts of law or provoked him to an improper use of
executive authority. His integrity was immovable, and though assailed
by envenomed tongues and pursued by slanders, his life at the last
shone out in all its purity, the only refutation he deigned to make.
But Madison possessed one quality for which his enemies did not give
him credit, and which bore him safely through the perils that
encompassed his administration--a calm tenacity--a silent endurance
such as the deeply-bedded rock presents in the midst of the waves. Men
knew him to be in his very nature repugnant to war, and when they saw
him go meekly, nay, shrinkingly into it, they expected to laugh over
his sudden and disgraceful exit. But while he was not aggressive and
decided in his conduct, he boldly took the responsibilities which the
nation placed upon his shoulders, and bore them serenely,
unshrinkingly to the last. His hesitation in approaching a point
around which dangers and responsibilities clustered prepared the
beholder for weak and irresolute conduct, but he was amazed at his
steadiness of character. This apparent contradiction arose from two
conflicting elements. Incapable of excitement and opposed to strife,
he naturally kept aloof from the place where one was demanded, and the
other to be met. Yet, at the same time, he had a knowledge of the
right, and an inflexible love for it which made him immovable when
assailed.
On the whole, perhaps the character he possessed was better fitted to
secure the permanent good of the country than that of a more executive
man. A bold, decided chief magistrate, possessing genius, and calming
by his superior wisdom and strength, the disturbed elements about him,
and developing and employing the resources of the country at the
outset, would probably have ended the war in six months. But the
knowledge the country gained and communicated also to other
governments of its own weakness and power, was, perhaps, better than
the misplaced confidence which sudden success, obtained through a
great leader would have imparted. In the vicissitudes of the war, we
worked out a problem which needs no farther demonstration.
Madison's administration was based on those principles which had
governed that of Jefferson, and the same restrictive measures were
persevered in to compel England to adopt a system more conformable to
our rights and the laws of neutrality. In the mean time Mr. Erskine
was appointed Minister on the part of Great Britain to adjust the
difficulties between the two countries. [Sidenote: April 19, 1809.]
At first this seemed an easy task, for he declared that his government
would revoke the orders in council on condition the non-intercourse
act was repealed. The proposal was at once communicated to Congress
when it assembled in May, and accepted by it. The 10th of June was
agreed upon as the day on which commercial intercourse should
recommence between the two countries, and the President issued a
proclamation to that effect. In July, however, it was ascertained that
the British Government repudiated the agreement entered into by its
Minister, declaring that he had exceeded his instructions. A second
proclamation reestablishing non intercourse was instantly issued, and
the two countries were farther than ever from a reconciliation.
The conduct of Great Britain, at this period, presents such a strong
contrast to her loud declarations before the world, or rather stamps
them as falsehoods so emphatically, that the historian is not
surprised at the utter perversion of facts with which she endeavored
to cover up her turpitude, and quiet her conscience. Without any
provocation, she had declared war against the infant republic of
France. In order to shield herself from the infamy which should follow
such a violation of the rights of nations, and waste of treasure and
of blood, she planted herself on the grand platform of principle, and
insisted that she went to war to preserve human liberty, and the
integrity of governments. In this violent assault on a people with
whom she was at peace, she made a great sacrifice for the common
interests of states, and hence deserved the gratitude, and not the
condemnation of men. With these declarations on her lips, she turned
and deliberately annulled her agreements with the United States, and
invaded her most sacred rights. She impressed our seamen, plundered
our commerce, held fortresses on our soil, and stirred up the savages
to merciless warfare against the innocent inhabitants on our frontier.
While with one hand she professed to strike for the rights of nations,
with the other she violated them in a hardihood of spirit never
witnessed, except in a government destitute alike of honor and of
truth. So, also, while sacrificing her soldiers and her wealth, to
prevent the aggressions of Napoleon; nay, sending a fleet and troops
to Egypt, for the noble purpose of saving that barbarous state from a
reckless invader; her armies were covering the plains of India with
its innocent inhabitants, and robbing independent sheikhs of their
lawful possessions, until, at last, she tyrannized over a territory
_four times_ as large as that of all France, and six times greater
than her own island. Such unblushing falsehoods were never before
uttered by a civilized nation in the face of history. The most
unscrupulous government does not usually cover up its tyranny and
aggressions by pharisaic mummeries. There are all shades of hypocrisy,
but to do the most damning acts under pretence of religious principle,
has generally been considered the sole prerogative of the Spanish
inquisition.
The disavowal of Mr. Erskine's treaty by the English government, and
the consequent renewal of the non-intercourse act, threw the country
into the fiercest agitation. The conduct of Great Britain appeared
like mockery. Forcing us into conciliation by promises, and then
withdrawing those promises; proposing to settle all difficulties by
negotiation, and yet, in the progress of it, refusing to touch one of
them, she determined to try the patience of the American people to the
utmost. The disavowal of a treaty made by her own minister, which
buoyed up the nation with the hope of returning peace and prosperity,
well nigh exhausted that patience; and there is little doubt but that
an immediate declaration of war would have been sustained by a large
majority of the American people. In passing from town to town, the
traveller saw groups of angry men discussing and denouncing the
tyranny of England. The shout of "_Free trade and sailors' rights_,"
shook the land, while flashing eyes and clenched fists told how
aroused the national feeling had become.
Mr. Jackson was sent, in the place of Mr. Erskine, to negotiate a
treaty; but his proposals were the same as those which the
administration had already rejected, while his insulting insinuation
that the President knew when he made the arrangement with Mr. Erskine,
that the latter was acting without authority, abruptly terminated all
intercourse, and he was recalled.
[Sidenote: 1810.]
On the first of May, Congress passed an act which revoked the
restrictive system, yet excluded British and armed vessels from the
waters of the United States.[4] It provided, however, that it should
be renewed in March against the nation, which did not before that time
so revoke or modify its edicts, as to protect the neutral commerce of
the United States. This was regarded as the ultimatum, and beyond it,
war against which ever government refused our just demands, was the
only resort. Messrs. Pinckney and Armstrong, our ministers at the
courts of England and France, were urged to press the repeal of those
obnoxious orders in council and decrees, in order that such a
catastrophe might be prevented. France receded, and Mr. Armstrong was
notified that the decrees were to cease to have effect after the first
of November, provided England withdrew her orders in council; or, if
she refused, that the United States should force her to acknowledge
the rights that France had, in a spirit of kindness, conceded. This
glad intelligence was made known by the President in a proclamation,
in which he also declared, that unless the British government repealed
her orders in council, within three months from that date, the
non-intercourse law should be revived against it.
[Footnote 4: Act of Congress, passed 1st of May, 1810.]
In the mean time Mr. Pinckney urged, with all the arguments in his
power, the English Cabinet to recede from its unjustifiable position.
The latter endeavored, by prevarication and duplicity, to avoid coming
to a definite understanding, but being closely pushed, it at length
gave our minister to understand that the United States must force
France to take the first step in revoking those odious acts against
which we complained. But as England had been the aggressor, this was
plainly unjust and impossible, and all hope of a peaceful settlement
was given up, and on the 1st of March, 1811, he took a formal leave of
the Prince Regent. At the same time Congress had passed an act,
authorizing the President to arrest the non-intercourse Act at any
moment that England should revoke her orders in council. [Sidenote:
April, 1811.] On the 38th of the next month, Napoleon definitely
revoked his Berlin and Milan decrees, so far as they related to
us--the repeal to be ante-dated November 1st, 1810. This decree was
forwarded by our minister, Mr. Barlow, who had succeeded Armstrong, to
the English Government, but it still refused to repeal its orders in
council on the ground that the decree did not embrace the continental
states, and affected only the United States. It soon became apparent,
therefore, to every one, that war was inevitable. The American
Government had placed itself, where it could not recede without
disgrace, while England was evidently resolved not to change her
attitude.
[Sidenote: 1811.]
Another collision at sea between two armed vessels inflamed still more
the war spirit that was pervading the land. On the 16th of May a
British sloop of war, the Little Belt, fired into the frigate
President, thinking doubtless to repeat the outrage committed on the
Chesapeake, but found her fire returned with such heavy broadsides
that in a few minutes thirty-two of her crew were killed or wounded.
The commander of the English ship declared that the American frigate
fired first. This Rodgers denied, and his denial was sustained by all
his officers.
The election of members of Congress, which took place in 1810 and 11,
had given a majority to the administration, so that there could be
harmony of action between the Legislature and the Executive. Beset
with difficulties, treading on the brink of a war, whose issues could
not be foreseen, anxious and uncertain, the President, by
proclamation, called the Twelfth Congress together a month before the
appointed time. It met Nov. 8th, and Henry Clay was chosen speaker.
From the outset he had been a warm supporter of the Administration,
and his eloquent voice had rung over the land, rousing up its warlike
spirit, and inspiring confidence in the ability of the nation to
maintain its rights. James Fisk, of Vermont, Peter B. Porter, and
Samuel L. Mitchell, of New York, Adam Leybert, of Penn., Robert
Wright, of Md., Hugh Nelson, of Va., Nathaniel Macon, of N. C.,
Calhoun, Langdon, Cheeves, and Wm. Lowndes, of S. C., Wm. M. Bibb and
George M. Troup, of Ga., Felix Grundy, of Tenn., and Wm. P. Duval, of
Ky., rallied round the young speaker, and presented a noble phalanx to
the anxious President. On the other side were Josiah Quincy, of Mass,
and Timothy Pitkin and Benjamin Talmadge, of Conn.
In the Senate the democratic leaders were Samuel Smith, of Md., Wm. B.
Giles, of Va., Wm. H. Crawford, of Ga., George W. Campbell, of Tenn.,
and George M. Bibb, of Ky. Leading the opposition were James Lloyd, of
Mass., and James A. Bayard, of Del.[5]
[Footnote 5: Vide Madison's Administration, by John Quincy Adams.]
The great accession of strength which the democratic members had
received, showed clearly the state of public feeling, especially south
and west, and the doubtful, hesitating policy of the last four years
was thrown aside. The tone of the President's Message was also
decidedly warlike, and no hope was held out of an amicable adjustment
of the difficulties with England. They were invoked as the
"Legislative guardians of the nation," to put the country "into an
armed attitude, demanded by the crisis." The halls of Congress
resounded with the cry of "to arms." The nightmare of fear and doubt
which had weighed down its councils was removed, and bold and fearless
speakers called aloud on the nation to defend its injured honor and
insulted rights. The might of England had ceased to be a bugbear--the
Rubicon of fear was passed. Mr. Madison, deprecating precipitate
measures, saw with alarm the sudden belligerent attitude which
Congress had assumed. The democratic leaders however told him the
nation was for war--that timidity would be his ruin--that those who
were resolved to make Mr. Clinton their candidate at the next
presidential election were taking advantage of his hesitation. In the
mean time bills providing for the enlistment of twenty-five thousand
men in the regular army; for repairing and equipping frigates and
building new vessels; authorizing the President to accept the services
of fifty thousand volunteers, and to require the Governors of the
several States and territories to hold their respective quotas of a
hundred thousand men in readiness to march at a moment's warning,[6]
were rapidly pushed through Congress. [Sidenote: Nov. 7, 1811.] The
brilliant victory, gained three days after Congress met by Harrison,
over the Indians at Tippecanoe, helped also to kindle into higher
excitement the martial spirit of the West and South-west, and for a
while opposition seemed to be struck powerless before the rising
energy of the nation.
[Footnote 6: Vide Madison's Administration, by John Quincy Adams.]
The bill authorizing the President to accept and organize certain
military corps to the number of 50,000, reported by Mr. Porter,
Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, called forth a long and
exciting debate. Mr. Grundy, one of the committee, defended the
resolution in a bold and manly speech. Referring to the Indian
hostilities on our north-western frontier, he unhesitatingly declared
that they were urged forward by British influence, and war, therefore,
was already begun. Some of the richest blood of the country had
already been shed, and he pledged himself for the western country,
that its hardy sons only waited for permission to march and avenge
those who had fallen. He was answered by Randolph, who denied that
Great Britain had stimulated the Indians to their merciless border
warfare--stigmatized the war to which this resolution looked as a war
of conquest--declared it was another mode of flinging ourselves into
the arms of Bonaparte and becoming "the instruments of him who had
effaced the title of Atilla 'the scourge of God.'"
He ridiculed the idea which had been started of conquering Canada, as
an insane project, and useless if accomplished. "Suppose it is ours,"
he exclaimed, "are we any nearer to our point? As his minister said to
the king of Epirus, "may we not as well take our bottle of wine before
as after the exploit? Go march to Canada--leave the broad bosom of the
Chesapeake and her hundred tributary rivers--the whole line of
sea-coast from Machias to St. Mary's unprotected. You have taken
Quebec--have you _conquered England_? Will you seek for the deep
foundations of her power in the frozen depths of Labrador?
'Her march is on the mountain wave,
Her home is on the deep.'
Will you call upon her to leave your ports and harbors untouched only
just till you can return from Canada to defend them? The coast is to
be left defenceless whilst men in the interior are revelling in
conquest and spoil." He pronounced the country to be in a state wholly
unfit for war.
Mr. Clay answered him in an eloquent speech. He defended the character
of our troops, and expressed his full confidence in the loyalty and
bravery of the country. "Gentlemen," he said, "had inquired what would
be gained by the contemplated war? Sir, I ask in turn, what will you
not lose by your mongrel state of peace with Great Britain? Do you
expect to gain anything in a pecuniary view? No sir. Look at your
treasury reports. Yon now receive only $6,000,000 of revenue annually,
and this amount must be diminished in the same proportion as the
rigorous execution of the orders in council shall increase. Before
these orders existed you received _sixteen millions_." He declared
that war was inevitable unless we tamely sacrificed our own interests,
rights and honor. In answering the objection that we ought only to go
to war when we were invaded, he exclaimed in thrilling tones, while
the house gazed in breathless silence on his excited features, "_How
much better than invasion is the blocking of your very ports and
harbors, insulting your towns, plundering your merchants and scouring
your coasts? If your fields are surrounded, are they in a better
condition than if invaded? When the murderer is at your door will you
meanly skulk to your cells? or will you boldly oppose him at his
entrance?_"
Every part of his speech told with tremendous effect. Many of the
members opposed the bill, which continued the subject of debate for
several days. Mr. Williams of South Carolina, defended it in a
fearless speech. In reply to a remark made by one of the members, that
it was unjust to go to war with England, as she was fighting for her
existence, he exclaimed in a loud sonorous voice that pealed through
the chamber, "_If her existence, sir, depends upon our destruction,
then I say down let her go._ She is contending for the liberties of
the world too, it seems. I would as soon have expected to hear that
the devil had espoused the cause of Christianity. Sir, we may trace
her progress for years through blood. Did she raise the standard of
liberty in India? Was it for liberty she offered up so many human
hecatombs on the plains of Hindostan? Was it to plant the standard of
_liberty_ in this country that she immolated even infant innocence
during the war of the Revolution? Is it to extend or secure the
blessings of freedom to us that the fireside and the cradle are
exposed to savage incursions in the west at this time?" This part of
his speech created a marked sensation.
The bill finally passed by 44 to 34.[7] The winter passed in exciting
debates, both in Congress and in the State Legislatures, while every
hamlet in the land was agitated with the notes of hostile
preparations. [Sidenote: March 9.] In the midst of this excitement,
the country was startled by the transmission of documents to Congress
showing that a man by the name of Henry had been sent by the Governor
of Canada to sound the disaffected New England States and endeavor to
form some connection with the leading federalists.[8]
[Footnote 7: Vide Report of proceedings in the House of
Representatives, Dec. 1811.]
[Footnote 8: This adventurer after staying some months in Boston, in
constant communication with the Secretary of Sir James Craig, Governor
of Canada, to whom he asserted that Massachusetts, in case of war,
would separate from the Union and ally herself, probably, with
England, visited the latter country to obtain remuneration for his
services. The Home Government, however, sent him back to Sir James
Craig as better able to appreciate the value of his labors. Indignant
at this neglectful treatment, he returned to Boston and obtained a
letter of introduction from Governor Gerry to Madison, to whom he
offered to divulge the whole conspiracy, of which he had been the head
and soul, for a certain sum of money. Madison gave him $50,000, and
the swindler embarked for France. There is but little doubt that Henry
made a fool of the Governor of Canada, and completely overreached the
President. The publication of the correspondence, however, increased
the hatred both against the federalists and the English nation.
He was an Irish adventurer of commanding person and most engaging
address. At one time he was editor of a paper and afterwards wine
dealer in Philadelphia. In 1798 he was appointed captain in the army,
and stationed at Fort Adams in Newport. Thence he was transferred to
Boston where he mingled freely in the best society of the city.
Becoming tired of a military life, he bought land in Vermont, and
settled down as a farmer. Finding agricultural pursuits unsuited to
his taste, he removed to Montreal and studied law for several years.
Being an aspiring man he made strenuous efforts to obtain the office
of Attorney General. Indignant at his failure, he turned his attention
to politics, in which he was more successful, for in a few months he
acquired the snug little sum of $50,000, paid over to him out of the
public treasury. He however did not enjoy the fruits of his labors. A
Frenchman styling himself Count, and who had accompanied him in his
last voyage from England, wheedled him into the purchase of large
estates held by the former in France. Relieved of most of his money,
and well supplied with deeds, etc., Henry sailed for France. But
failing to find the locality of these large possessions of which he
had become the purchaser, he was again compelled to fall back on his
genius for the means of subsistence, and became a distinguished
correspondent of a London Journal.]
[Sidenote: Apr. 8.]
In the mean time, Jonathan Russell, of Rhode Island, who had been
appointed _chargé d'affaires_ to the English Court on the return of
Mr. Pinckney, wrote home that there was no prospect that the British
government would revoke its orders in council; and the President,
therefore, on the first of April, recommended an embargo to be laid on
all vessels in port, or which should arrive, for the term of sixty
days. The message was received with closed doors, and the house felt
that this was preparatory to a declaration of war. When Mr. Porter, in
accordance with the recommendation of the message, brought in a bill
to lay this embargo, there was great sensation in the house. In reply
to the interrogation, whether this was a peace measure or preparatory
to war, Mr. Grundy, one of the committee, arose and said, "it is a
_war_ measure, and it is meant that it shall lead directly to it." Mr.
Stow, of New York, said, "if it was a precursor to war, there were
some very serious questions to be asked. What is the situation of our
fortresses? What is the situation of our country generally?" Mr. Clay
then left the chair, and, in a short speech, made it apparent that
after what had passed, to shrink from this because it was a war
measure, would cover the nation with disgrace. Randolph, in reply,
said, that he was so impressed with the importance of the subject, and
the solemnity of the occasion, that he could not keep silent. "Sir,"
said he, "we are now in conclave--the eyes of the surrounding world
are not upon us. We are shut up here from the light of Heaven, but the
eyes of God are upon us. He knows the spirit of our minds. Shall we
deliberate on this subject with the spirit of sobriety and candor, or
with that spirit which has too often characterized our discussions
upon occasions like the present? We ought to realize that we are in
the presence of that God who knows our thoughts and motives, and to
whom we must hereafter render an account for the deeds done in the
body." He spoke at some length and earnestly. Clay seeing the effect
of his solemn adjurations on some members of the house, left the
speaker's chair and replied, that the gentleman from Virginia need not
have reminded them in the manner he had, of the presence of that Being
who watches and surrounds us. He thought that consciousness should
awaken different sentiments from those which had been uttered. It
ought to inspire us to patriotism, to the display of those qualities
which ennobled man. God always was with the right, and extended his
protection to those who performed their duty fearlessly, scorning the
consequences. The discussion of the bill continued through several
days, and exhibited, in a striking manner, the different effect of an
event so momentous and fearful as war on different characters. In one,
the overwhelming responsibility and direful results of adopting a
measure leading to it, shut out all other considerations. To another,
its chances and calamities were a matter of mere calculation to be
taken and met by any nation that expected to exist; while many hailed
it with the delight of true patriotism, feeling that the country had,
at last, risen from its humiliating attitude. Mr. Bleecker addressed
the house more like a clergyman than a statesman, warning the members
to desist from the perilous course. On the other hand, Mr. Mitchell,
from New York, declared, that the country was not to "be frightened by
political screech-owls;" and, alluding to the profligate character of
the Prince Regent, said, "he did not think any one should be afraid to
face a nation, at whose head stood such a man--one who was some years
since expelled a jockey club, and who was lately turned out of doors
for his unworthy conduct to his neighbor's wife. The power with which
we are to contend is not so terrific and almighty as is imagined."
[Sidenote: Apr. 4.]
The bill finally passed, 69 to 36. In the senate, 17 to 11.[9] About
the same time another dispatch was received from Mr. Russell, closing
with, "I no longer entertain a hope that we can honorably avoid war."
[Footnote 9: Vide Journal of Secret Session of Congress, of April,
1812.]
This was the feeling of the majority of the nation. In establishing
certain fixed limits beyond which it would not go, and erecting
certain barriers over which it would not allow England to pass, the
American Government had taken a position from which there was no
receding, with honor. While every thing was thus rapidly tending to
war, and the public was eager with expectation, waiting for the next
movement that should precipitate it, with all its horrors, on the
land, a despatch, received by the British Minister, Mr. Foster,[10]
from Castlereagh, closed at once every avenue towards a peaceful
adjustment of the existing difficulties. In it he declared "that the
decrees of Berlin and Milan must not be repealed singly and specially
in relation to the United States, but must be repealed, also, as to
all other neutral nations, and that in no less extent of a repeal of
the French decrees, had the British Government ever pledged itself to
repeal the orders in council."[11] This was saying, that unless the
United States instituted herself lawgiver between France and all other
European powers, and through her own unaided efforts obtained that
which England, with all her maritime strength could not enforce, the
latter would consider herself perfectly justified in withholding from
us our national rights. This awkward attempt to cover up under the
mask of diplomacy, duplicity and falsehood, from which an honorable
mind would have shrunk, was perfectly characteristic of the man who
carried the English and Irish Union by the most stupendous frauds and
bribery and corruption that can be found in the annals of modern
civilization.
[Footnote 10: Mr. Foster had succeeded Mr. Jackson as British Minister
at Washington, in the summer of 1811.]
[Footnote 11: Correspondence between the Secretary of State and Mr.
Foster, British Minister, 1812.]
I know the quasi denial of Mr. Foster, that this construction was a
just one, yet the language used can convey no other. To place it
beyond dispute, Lord Castlereagh, as late as May 22d, 1812, declared
as British Minister, to the House of Commons, that as the Berlin and
Milan decrees "were not unconditionally repealed, as required by his
Majesty's declaration, but only repealed so far as they regarded
America, he had no objection to state it, as his own opinion, that
this French decree, so issued, made no manner of alteration in the
question of the orders in council."[12]
[Footnote 12: Vide Niles' Register, vol. ii. page 332.]
It is rare to find such unscrupulous conduct on the part of a
Ministry, protected by so miserable a subterfuge. It could not be
supposed that the American Government would be deceived for a moment
by it, but the belief that we could not be _forced_ into a war,
rendered ordinary care and cunning superfluous. Occupied with
continental affairs alone, England looked upon the American Republic
as only a means to accomplish her ends there. The administration, at
Washington, was thus _compelled_ by the arbitrary conduct of its
enemy, to declare war, or forfeit all claim to the respect of the
nations of the earth, and all right to an independent existence.
Under these circumstances, Mr. Madison no longer hesitated, but on the
1st day of June transmitted a warlike message to Congress. After
recapitulating, in a general way, the history of past negotiations and
past injuries, he says: "Whether the United States shall continue
passive under these progressive usurpations and accumulating wrongs,
or opposing force to force in defence of their natural rights shall
commit a just cause into the hands of the Almighty Disposer of events,
avoiding all connections which might entangle it in the contests or
views of other powers, and preserving a constant readiness to concur
in an honorable reestablishment of peace and friendship, is a solemn
question, which the constitution wisely confides to the legislative
department of the Government. In recommending it to their early
deliberations, I am happy in the assurance that the decision will be
worthy the enlightened and patriotic councils of a virtuous, a free
and a powerful nation." This message was referred at once to the
Committee on Foreign Relations, who reported ten days after in favor
of an immediate appeal to arms. The deliberations on this report were
conducted with closed doors.
A bill drawn up by Mr. Pinckney, and offered by Mr. Calhoun, declaring
war to exist between Great Britain and the United States, was rapidly
pushed through the House, passing by a vote of 79 to 49. In the
Senate, being met not only by the opposition of the Federalists, but
by the friends of De Witt Clinton, who voted with them, it passed by a
majority of only six.[13] Congress, after passing an act, granting
letters of marque, and regulating prizes and prize goods, authorizing
the issue of Treasury notes to the amount of $5,000,000, and placing a
hundred per cent. additional duties on imports, adjourned. [Sidenote:
July 8.] In accordance with a resolution of Congress, the President
appointed a day of public humiliation and prayer, in view of the
conflict in which the nation had entered.
[Footnote 13: 19 to 13. Mr. Clinton's friends professed not to _oppose
the war_, but the declaration of it as premature.
The members from New Hampshire, most of those from Massachusetts, then
including Maine, those of Connecticut, Rhode Island, New Jersey, and
Delaware, with several from New York, some from Virginia and North
Carolina, one from Pennsylvania, and three from Maryland, opposed the
war. The members from Vermont, some from New York, all but one from
Pennsylvania, most from Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina, all
from South Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio, and
Louisiana, supported it.--_Ingersoll's History of the War._]
CHAPTER II.
Different feelings with which the Declaration of War was
received -- State of the parties at the commencement --
Federalists and Democrats -- Their hostility -- Absurd
doctrines of the Federalists -- Hostility of New England --
Unprepared state of the country -- Culpable neglect of the
government -- Comparative strength of the two navies --
Empty state of the Treasury -- Inefficiency of the Cabinet.
The proud and sensitive American of to-day can scarcely comprehend
how, under the heavy and protracted provocations which I have traced
in the preceding chapter, the country could have been kept for so long
a time from open hostilities. It would seem that the most arbitrary
exercise of executive and legislative power, could not have prevented
the people from rushing spontaneously to arms, and demanding their
rights at the bayonet's point. He is still more astounded, when he
remembers that this declaration of war was received with a storm of
indignation by a large party in the Union--that all New England, with
the exception of Vermont, anathematized it. The pulpit and the press
thundered forth their maledictions, and the wrath of heaven was
invoked on the heads of its authors. The flags of the shipping in
Boston harbor were hoisted at half-mast, in token of mourning, and the
spot rendered immortal by the patriots of the revolution, became the
rallying place of the disaffected, and the hope of the enemy. A common
welfare and a common country, could not allay this hostility, which
strengthened instead of diminishing to the last, and which was so
fanatical and blind in its violence, that it exhibited itself in the
most monstrous forms. Our defeats were gloried in, and the triumphs of
our oppressors hailed as an evidence that God was on their side, while
downright insubordination, plots, and incipient rebellion, crippled
the efforts of an already weak government, and swelled the disasters
on which they fattened.
But to one who knows to what a height the spirit of faction will
reach, nothing in all this unnatural hostility will seem strange. The
country, at this time, was divided into Federalists and Democrats, who
were scarcely less vindictive in their animosities, than the Whigs and
Tories of the revolution. New England was the furnace of Federalism,
and Boston the focal point from which issued incessant and bitter
assaults on Jefferson's, and afterwards on Madison's administration.
Thus, in the most trying period of our existence since the adoption of
the constitution, the country was divided and torn by the fiercest
spirit of faction with which it has ever been cursed.
I shall not enter into a history of the feuds of these two parties.
The principle which originally divided them was plain. One was for a
consolidated government, and more power in the executive; the other
for a larger distribution of power among the separate states of the
confederacy; one was strongly conservative, and the other tending to
radicalism; one was for putting the strictest construction on the
constitution, the other for giving it the greatest possible latitude.
These two parties had grown up with the republic. Their germs were
seen in the first convention that met after the achievement of our
independence, to settle the form of government. On one point all were
agreed--that our mutual safety and welfare depended on a confederacy,
but a difference of opinion arose on the amount of power the separate
states should confer on the Federal head. The constitution which was
finally adopted was not stringent enough to suit the Federalists; but
as a compromise, it was on the whole the best that could be secured.
Besides, by standing firmly with the general government in all
conflicts with the separate states, and with the executive when
brought in collision with Congress, and by the great patronage of the
President, that power which they preferred to see directly delegated
might practically be obtained. This party numbered among its leaders,
the first statesmen of the land.
Nor should these views be considered strange, nor the patriotism of
those who held them be assailed. Some of the noblest men who offered
their lives and fortunes to the cause of liberty, looked upon the
British Government as the best in the world, and stripped of some of
its peculiarities, and purged of its corruptions, would be the best
that human ingenuity could devise. They did not originally war against
a form of government, but to be free from its oppressive acts. They
did not hate, they admired the British constitution, and took up arms
not to destroy it, but to enjoy the rights it guaranteed to its
subjects. The government, in the principles of which they had been
educated, was the most prosperous and the strongest on the globe, and
common wisdom dictated that all its good points should be retained and
incorporated into our own. Why enter on an entirely new experiment
when we had so much to build upon in the experience of the mother
country? One of the grand features of that government was the central
power lodged in the throne; so ours should be characterized by a
strong executive. The very reason, the force of which was felt by all,
and that made a confederacy indispensable, viz., that a number of
independent states, separated by only imaginary lines, would,
inevitably, lead to frequent collisions and final civil war, operated
they thought with equal force against a _loose_ confederacy. The same
results would follow. The wisdom of these fears is seen at the present
day, in the separate power demanded by some of the states, and alas
was soon exhibited by the Federalists themselves in the spirit of
disobedience they instilled into the people against the general
government.
The Democrats, on the other hand, saw in all this a decided leaning
towards a monarchy, and afterwards boldly accused their adversaries of
conspiring to erect a throne in the midst of this republic. They were
taunted with sycophancy to England, and a craving after English
distinctions and aristocratic preeminence. The _principles_ on which
the two parties rested had their birth in true patriotism, and their
effect on the character of the Constitution was, doubtless, healthful.
Nor was there anything in their nature adapted to awaken such
vindictive hate. But like a strife between two individuals, the origin
of which is soon lost sight of in the passion engendered by the
conflict, so these two factions, in the heat of party rancor, forgot
in the main the theories on which they split. In the proposition of
every measure by either party for the welfare of the state, some
secret plot was supposed to be concealed.
The embarrassments in which this fierce hostile spirit placed the
administration, rendering it timid and cautious, was increased by the
form it took. The levelling and radical notions of the French
revolution, followed as they were by such atrocities, disgusted the
federalists, while the democrats, though they denounced the violence,
sympathized with the people, and saw in the commotion the working of
their own principles amid the oppressed masses of France. They not
only loved France, as their old ally, but they sympathized with her in
her efforts to hurl back the banded oppressors who sought to
reestablish a hated throne in her midst. So while the former party
stood charged with hating republics and wishing the domination of
England, the latter was accused of seeking an alliance with the
usurper Napoleon.
Many of the reasons given by the Federalists for their opposition,
furnish another exhibition of the blinding power of party spirit. As
to the simple question between England and America, it would seem that
no sane man could doubt, that sufficient provocation had been given to
justify us in a resort to arms. The impressment of six or seven
thousand seamen, most of them American citizens, the destruction of
nearly a thousand merchantmen, and the insults every where heaped upon
our flag, were wrongs which could not be justified. They therefore
endeavored to cover them up, by saying that the Democrats were
assisting Bonaparte, whom they regarded as a monster in human form,
and whose success would be the downfall of all liberty. The wrongs we
suffered were thus lost sight of, in the greater wrong of crippling
England in her desperate struggle with this modern Attila. Rather than
endanger the success of that conflict, they would suffer for a time
from the effect of her odious measures. They felt that England, in her
conduct, was not governed by hostile feelings towards this
country--that the evils she inflicted on us, were only incidental to
the war she was waging against a tyrant. Placed in imminent peril, as
the champion of freedom, she was compelled to resort to extraordinary
measures, which though they injured us, were intended only to crush a
common enemy. Hence the absurd interrogatory so incessantly urged by
wise statesmen: "Why do you not declare war against France as well as
England?"--as if the neglect to protect the interests and honor of the
country in one quarter, rendered it obligatory on the government to
neglect them in all quarters. The law which would redress one wrong,
is none the less right, because he who administers it refuses to apply
it to a second wrong. The injustice is in the person, not in the deed.
Besides, when a nation is insulted and outraged by two powers, it has
a perfect right to choose which it will first assault and chastise.
And yet the false doctrine was constantly promulgated, that we had no
right to declare war with England, without including France, because
she was equally criminal. In other words, the nation was bound to bear
quietly the evils under which it groaned, or embrace in the contest,
France, which stood ready to do us justice the moment that England
would.
It seems incredible that so absurd a dogma was soberly defended by
clear-headed statesmen. Strictly applied, it would require a nation,
for the sake of consistency, to submit to wrongs that degrade and ruin
her, or enter on a war equally ruinous, from its magnitude, when there
was a safe mode of procedure. Besides, all the circumstances pointed
out England as our antagonist. She harassed our frontiers--had taken
the first step against our commerce, and impressed our seamen. France
was guilty only of violating the laws of neutrality, while she always
stood pledged to recede from her position, if England would do the
same, and finally did recede, leaving no cause for war. The seizures
under the Rambouillet decree, were matters for negotiation before a
declaration of war could be justified.
As Jefferson was the head of the Democratic party, the Federalists
bent all their energies against his administration, and on his
retirement transferred their hostility to that of Madison.
But the Federalists were not all opposed to the war. The elder Adams,
the noblest chief of Federalism, was too clear-headed and high-minded
a statesman to let party spirit come between him and his country's
good, and he firmly advocated it, which brought down on him the
condemnation of many of his friends. Said he--"It is utterly
incomprehensible to me that a rational, social, or moral creature can
say the war is unjust; how it can be said to be unnecessary is very
mysterious. I have thought it both just and necessary for five or six
years." His son, John Quincy, deserted the party to uphold the war. On
the other hand, many friends of the administration and several members
of the cabinet were wholly opposed to it. There seemed to be an awe of
England oppressing our older statesmen that rendered them insensible
to insult, and willing to see the country the scorn and contempt of
the world, for its base submission under the unparalleled indignities
heaped upon it, rather than risk a conflict with that strong power.
Many of the merchants, also, who saw that their own ruin would
inevitably follow hostilities, were averse to it--indeed, the learning
and intelligence of the land was against it--but the people of the
South and West, between whom and their country's honor and rights
selfish interests and bitter party hate did not come, nobly sustained
it.
The gloomy prospect with which a nation always enters on an unequal
war, was in our case saddened by these divided feelings of the people,
and by the open animosity of several of the States. In order to
paralyze us still more, and render our complete humiliation certain,
provided England would strike a bold and decided blow, no preparation
had been made for the struggle. Although we had been for many years on
the verge of war, we had done comparatively nothing to meet its
exigences, but stood and stupidly gazed into its fearful abyss.
The income from the customs, in 1811, was $13,000,000. This, of
course, the Government knew would decrease in time of war, as it did,
to $9,500,000. Our debt at this period was $45,000,000. Yet a loan of
$11,000,000, five millions of Treasury Notes, and the revenue from the
imposts, which were doubled, was all the money furnished to carry on a
war, which was to cost over thirty millions a year. Congress, however,
did, as a last act of wisdom, appropriate $100,000 to the support,
expense, exchange, &c., of prisoners of war. The utter blindness which
had fallen on the Government was exhibited more fully in its neglect
of the Navy. Under the "peace establishment" of 1801, our navy had
been reduced, and from that time to 1812, "a period of eleven eventful
years, during which the nation was scarcely a day without suffering a
violation of its neutral rights, _not a single frigate_ had been added
to the navy." Gun-boats had been built for the protection of our
harbors, and the marine corps increased by seven hundred men, and
$200,000 per annum was appropriated to rebuild three frigates that had
been suffered to decay. Beyond this, nothing was done, and with but
nine frigates and a few other cruising vessels of less rate, while
seven thousand of our merchant ships were scattered over the ocean
claiming our protection, we plunged into a war with a nation that had
a hundred ships of the line in commission, and more than a thousand
vessels of war which bore her flag of defiance over the deep.
Superadded to all, the President, commander-in-chief of the army, was
utterly ignorant of war, and by nature and in principle wholly
repugnant to it. Conscious of his high and responsible position, he
resolved to press it with vigor. But he was unfortunate in his
Cabinet. Mr. Monroe, Secretary of State, had seen a little military
service, but only in a subordinate capacity. Mr. Gallatin, Secretary
of the Treasury, first opposed the declaration of war, and afterwards
insisted that the only hope of the country lay in a speedy peace.
Hamilton, Secretary of the Navy, and Eustis, Secretary of War, were
both ignorant of the duties of their respective departments. Pinckney,
the Attorney-General, shook his head at our prospects, while Gideon
Granger, Postmaster-General,[14] openly declared that the war could
not but end in failure, while Madison conducted its operations. To
complete the climax, a General wholly unfit for his position, was to
open the campaign. At this critical juncture, too, we had scarcely any
representatives abroad to enlist sympathy with us in our struggle. Mr.
Adams had been sent to Russia, and Joel Barlow was our Minister to
France. The latter, however, died in Poland a few months after he
received the news of our declaration of war, leaving us with scarcely
a representative in Europe.
[Footnote 14: The Postmaster-General was not at that time a member of
the Cabinet.]
It is not a matter of surprise that such a commencement to the war was
disastrous; the wonder is, that five, instead of two years of defeat,
were not meted out to us, as a just punishment for such stupidity and
neglect. Nothing but the momentous events transpiring in Europe,
distracting the attention of England, and rendering the presence of
her armies necessary at home, prevented her from striking us a blow,
from which it would have taken years to recover. May our Government
never be left to try such an experiment again!
CHAPTER III.
Plan of the Campaign -- General Hull sent to Detroit --
British officers first receive news of the declaration of
war -- Capture of Hull's baggage, etc. -- Enters Canada and
issues a proclamation, and sends out detachments -- Colonels
McArthur and Cass advance on Malden -- Hull refuses to
sustain them -- Recrosses to Detroit -- Van Horne's defeat
-- Colonel Miller defeats the enemy, and opens Hull's
communications -- Strange conduct of Hull -- Advance of the
British -- Surrender of Detroit -- Indignation of the
officers -- Review of the Campaign -- Rising of the people
-- Harrison takes command -- Advance of the army.
In determining the course to be pursued in carrying on hostilities the
administration selected Canada as the only field of operations
promising any success. The navy was to be shut up in port, leaving our
seven thousand merchantmen to slip through the hands of British
cruisers, and reach home as they best could. It was to be a war on
land and not on the sea, and the conquest of Canada would undoubtedly
be the result of the first campaign. General Dearborn, who had served
in the revolution, was appointed commander-in-chief of the northern
forces, and soon repaired to Plattsburgh, while General Van
Rensalaer, of the New York militia, and General Smith were stationed
on the Niagara frontier.
In anticipation of the war, General Hull, Governor of Michigan, had
been ordered to occupy his territory with an army of two thousand men,
for the purpose of defending the north-western frontier from the
Indians, and in case of war to obtain the command of Lake Erie, and
thus be able to cooperate with Dearborn and Van Rensalaer in the
invasion of Canada. The command naturally descended on him as Governor
of Michigan. Having, also, been an officer of merit under Washington,
the appointment was considered a very judicious one.
With part of the first regiments of United States infantry, and three
companies of the first regiment of artillery, the balance made up of
Ohio volunteers and Michigan militia, and one company of rangers, he
left Dayton, in Ohio, the first of June, just eighteen days before the
declaration of war. On the tenth, he was joined at Urbana by Colonel
Miller, with the fourth regiment of infantry, composed of three
hundred men. Here the little army entered the untrodden wilderness,
and slowly cut its way through the primeval forest, two hundred miles
in extent, to Detroit. It reached Maumee the latter part of June,
where, on the second of July, Hull received the news of the
declaration of war. The letter of the Secretary of War had been
_fourteen days_ reaching him. The British officer, at Maiden, had
been officially notified of it _two days before_. "On this occasion,
the British were better served. Prevost received notice of it, on the
24th of June, at Quebec. Brock on the 26th, at Newark. St. George on
the 30th, at Malden; and Roberts on the 8th of July, at St. Joseph's.
But, a fact still more extraordinary than the celerity of these
transmissions, is, that the information thus rapidly forwarded to the
British commanders, at Malden and St. Joseph, was received under
envelopes, franked by the Secretary of the American Treasury."[15]
But, if the Secretary of the Treasury had been the victim of a shrewd
trick, the Secretary of War had commenced his career by a most
egregious blunder. On the day of the declaration of war, he wrote two
letters to General Hull, one announcing the fact, and the other making
no mention of it. The latter despatched by a special messenger,
reached the General on the 24th of June. The former being intrusted to
the public mail as far as Cleveland, thence to be forwarded as it best
could, did not arrive at head quarters till the 2nd of July, or two
days after the news which it contained had been received by the
British officer at Malden.[16] By this unpardonable carelessness of
the Secretary of War, General Hull not only lost all the advantage to
be derived from having the knowledge of the declaration of hostilities
six days before the enemy, but he had to suffer from the preparations
which this previous information gave the latter time to make.
[Footnote 15: Vide Armstrong's Notices of the War of 1812.]
[Footnote 16: Vide Hull's Memoirs, and Armstrong's Notices of the
War.]
The first disaster that resulted from this culpability of the
Secretary of War, was the loss of General Hull's baggage, "hospital
stores, intrenching tools, and sixty men," together with the
instructions of the government, and the returns of the army. Having
received a letter from the Secretary of War, dated as late as the 18th
of June, in which he was urged to march with all possible despatch to
Detroit, and containing no announcement of a rupture, he naturally
supposed that the two governments were still at peace, and so to carry
out the instructions of the secretary, and expedite matters, he
shipped his baggage, stores, &c., to go by water to Detroit, while he
took his army by land. But the day previous the British commander, at
Malden, had received official notice of the declaration of war, and
when the packet containing the stores, &c., attempted to pass the
fort, it was stopped by a boat containing a British officer and six
men, and its cargo seized.
This first advantage gained over him so unexpectedly, by the enemy,
had a most depressing effect on the General. Instead of rousing him to
greater exertion, it filled him with doubt and uncertainty. He had a
dozen subordinates, either of whom, with that army, would in a few
days have seized Malden, and recovered all he had lost, and inflicted
a heavy blow on the enemy.
At length, however, he seemed to awake to the propriety of doing
something to carry out the objects of the campaign, and on the 12th
crossed the Detroit River and marched to Sandwich, only eighteen miles
from Malden. But here, with an unobstructed road leading to the enemy
before him, he paused and issued a proclamation to the Canadians, and
sent out detachments which penetrated sixty miles into the province.
The friendly disposition of the inhabitants was apparent, while the
Indians were overawed into a neutral position.
Four days after crossing the river, General Hull sent Colonels Cass
and Miller, with a detachment of two hundred and eighty men, towards
Malden. These gallant officers pushed to the river Canards, within
four miles of the fort, and driving the British pickets who held the
bridge from their position, took possession of it, and immediately
dispatched a messenger to General Hull, announcing their success. They
described the occupation of the post as of the utmost importance in
carrying out the plan of the campaign, and begged that if the army
could not be moved there, that they might be allowed to hold it
themselves--the General sending reinforcements as occasion demanded.
Instead of being gratified at this advantage gained over the enemy,
General Hull seemed irritated, condemned the attack as a breach of
orders, and directed the immediate return of the detachment. These
brave officers persisting in their request, he gave them permission to
retain the position, provided they were willing to do so on their own
responsibility, and without any aid from him.
This he knew they would not do. Such a proposition, from the
commanding officer, indicated a weakness of judgment, and a
willingness to resort to the most transparent trickery to escape
responsibility, that no apology can excuse. From the statements of the
British afterwards, it appeared that the approach of this detachment
filled the garrison with alarm; the shipping was brought up to the
wharves, and the loading of baggage commenced, preparatory to flight.
On two sides the fort was in a dilapidated state, while seven hundred
men, of whom only one hundred were regular troops, constituted the
entire garrison. From the panic which the approach of Cass and Miller
created, there is no doubt that the appearance of the whole army, of
two thousand men before the place, would have been followed by an
immediate surrender. One thing is certain, if General Hull supposed
that a garrison of seven hundred men behind such works, could make a
successful defence against nearly three times their number, he had no
right to regard his strong position at Detroit, when assailed by only
an equal force, untenable. Either Malden could have been taken, or
Detroit was impregnable. The troops felt certain of success, and were
impatient to be led to the attack, but he pronounced it unsafe to
advance without heavy artillery; besides, he wished to wait the effect
of his proclamation on the enemy. The Indians and Canadian militia, he
said, had begun to desert, and in a short time the force at Malden
might be "materially weakened." Two thousand men sat quietly down to
wait for this miserable garrison of seven hundred, six hundred of whom
were Canadian militia and Indians, to dwindle to less force, before
they dared even to approach within shot. The army was kept here three
weeks, till two twenty-four pounders and three howitzers could be
mounted on wheels strong enough to carry them, and yet a few weeks
after, behind better works than those of Malden, and with a force
fully equal to that of his adversary, he felt authorized to surrender,
though the largest guns brought forward to break down his defences,
were six pounders.
The cannon at length, being mounted, were with the ammunition placed
on floating batteries, ready to move on Malden, when the order to
march was countermanded, and the army, instead of advancing against
the enemy, recrossed the river to Detroit, over which it had passed a
few weeks before to the conquest of Canada. General Hull had issued a
proclamation, sent out two detachments, mounted two heavy cannon and
three howitzers, and then marched back again. Such were the
astonishing results accomplished by the first grand army of invasion.
The gathering of the Indian clans, and reinforcements pouring into the
British garrison, had alarmed him. The news seemed to take him by
surprise, as though it for the first time occurred to him that during
these three or four weeks in which he remained idle, the enemy might
possibly be active.
The surrender, at this time, of Fort Mackinaw, situated on the island
of the same name in the straits between Lakes Huron and Michigan, was
a severe blow to him, for it opened the flood-gates to all the
Indians, Canadians and British in the north-west. This fort was the
key to that section of the country, and the grand depôt of the fur
companies. By its position it shielded General Hull from all attack in
that direction. Lieutenant Hanks commanded it, with a garrison of
sixty men. As soon as the British commander of St. Joseph's, just
above it, received news of the declaration of war, he took with him
some two hundred Canadians and British, and four hundred Indians, and
suddenly appearing before the fort demanded its surrender. This was
the first intimation to Lieutenant Hanks of the commencement of
hostilities. He capitulated without offering any resistance, and the
Indians at once rallied around the British standard. Here was another
blunder, a double one. In the first place, private enterprise had
outstripped the action of Government. The British officer at St.
Joseph's, though more remote than Mackinaw, received the declaration
of war _nine_ days before it reached the American commander at the
latter place, or rather, Lieutenant Hanks did not receive it at all,
either from the Government or General Hull. Colonel Roberts, of St.
Joseph's, with his band of Canadians and Indians, was kind enough to
convey the information.
It is surprising that General Hull, after his experience, did not at
once provide that a post so vital to him, should not become the victim
of the same criminal negligence which had paralyzed his efforts.
_Fifteen days_ intervened between his receiving the notification of
war, and the taking of Fort Mackinaw, and yet no messenger from him,
the Governor of the Territory, and commander-in-chief of the forces in
that section, reached the garrison. Were it not for the calamitous
results which followed, the whole campaign might be called a "comedy
of errors."
Three days previous, however, to the retreat of Hull from Canada, he
committed another error which increased his embarrassments. Proctor,
who had arrived at Malden with reinforcements, threw a small
detachment across the river to Brownstown, to intercept any provisions
that might be advancing from Ohio to the army. Captain Brush, who was
on the way with the mail, flour and cattle, was thus stopped at the
River Raisin. To open the communication and bring up the provisions,
Major Van Horne was dispatched with two hundred volunteers and
militia. But the detachment, marching without sufficient caution, was
led into ambush, and utterly defeated. Only about one-half returned to
the army. Both Gen. Hull and Major Van Horne were to blame in this
affair--the former for not sending a larger detachment, when he knew
the enemy must be on the march, while at the same time he was ignorant
of his force. This error is the more culpable, because he did not
expect an immediate attack; for, after the detachment was despatched,
he remained quietly in Canada, and then crossed at his leisure to
Detroit. He therefore could, without danger, have spared a larger
force, and should have done so, especially when the want of provisions
was one of the evils he would be called upon to encounter. On the
other hand, Major Van Horne should have heeded the information he
received, that the enemy were in advance, in position, and not allowed
his little army to rush into an ambuscade.
General Hull's position had now become sufficiently embarrassing.
"The whole northern hive was in motion." Reinforcements were hastening
to the support of Malden; his communications on the lake were cut off
by British vessels, while the defeat of Van Horne announced that his
communications by land were also closed. The latter he knew must be
opened at all hazards, and Colonel Miller was dispatched on the route
which Van Horne had taken with four hundred men to clear the road to
the river Raisin. Leaving Detroit on the 8th of August, he next day in
the afternoon, as he was approaching Brownstown, came upon the enemy
covered with a breast work of logs and branches of trees, and
protected on one side by the Detroit river, and on the other by swamps
and thickets. The British and Canadians were commanded by Muir, and
the Indians by Tecumseh. Captain Snelling leading the advance guard
approached to within half musket shot, before he discovered the enemy.
A fierce and deadly fire was suddenly opened on him, which he
sustained without flinching, till Colonel Miller converting his order
of march into order of battle, advanced to his support. Seeing,
however, how destructive the fire of the enemy was, while the bullets
of his own men buried themselves for the most part in the logs of the
breastwork; perceiving, also, some symptoms of wavering, Miller
determined to carry the works by the bayonet. The order to charge was
received with loud cheers; and the next moment the troops poured
fiercely over the breastwork, and routing the British and Canadians
pressed swiftly on their retiring footsteps. Tecumseh, however,
maintained his post, and Van Horne, who commanded the right flank of
the American line, supposing from his stubborn resistance that it
would require more force than he possessed to dislodge him, sent to
Colonel Miller for reinforcements. The latter immediately ordered a
halt, and with a reluctant heart turned from the fugitives now almost
within his grasp, and hastened to the relief of his subordinate. On
arriving at the breastwork, he found the Indian chief in full flight.
He then started again in pursuit, but arrived in view of the enemy
only to see him on the water floating away beyond his grasp.
He, however, had established the communication between the army and
the river Raisin, and dispatched Captain Snelling to Detroit with the
account of the victory, and a request for boats to remove the wounded,
and bring provisions for the living, and reinforcements to supply the
place of the dead and disabled. General Hull immediately sent Colonel
McArthur with a hundred men and boats, but with provisions sufficient
only for a single meal.[17]
[Footnote 17: Miller's testimony on the trial of Hull.]
Colonel Miller was some twenty miles from the supplies, but not
deeming it prudent with the slender reinforcements he had received,
and the still scantier provisions, to proceed, remained on the battle
field, and sent another messenger declaring that the communication was
open, and it required only a few more men and a supply of provisions,
to keep it so. The next evening, the messenger returned, bringing
instead of provisions a peremptory order to return to Detroit. It is
doubtful whether Colonel Miller ought not to have advanced without
waiting for further reinforcements, and formed a junction with Captain
Brush, who had an abundance of provisions, and a detachment of a
hundred and fifty men. But, after the communications were established,
he did not probably see so much necessity for dispatch as for
security. But General Hull seemed to be laboring under a species of
insanity. After sending forth two detachments to open his
communications, and finally succeeding, he deliberately closed them
again, and shut from his army all those provisions, the want of which
he a few days after gave as a reason for surrendering. The rapid
concentration of the enemy's forces, in front of him, might have been
given as a sufficient cause for suddenly calling in all his troops to
defend Detroit, had he not two days after sent Colonel McArthur,
accompanied by Cass, with a detachment of four hundred men, to obtain
by a back, circuitous and almost wholly unknown route through the
woods that which Colonel Miller had secured, and then been compelled
to relinquish.
[Sidenote: Aug. 7.]
When General Hull recrossed the river to Detroit, he left some hundred
and fifty, convalescents and all, "to hold possession of that part of
Canada," which he had so gallantly won, "to defend the post to the
last extremity against musketry, but if overpowered by artillery to
retreat."[18] In the mean time, General Brock, the commander of the
British forces, approached, and began to erect a battery opposite
Detroit to protect his army, and cover it in crossing the river. Not a
shot was fired to interrupt his proceedings, no attempt made to
destroy his shipping which had arrived. Daliba offered "to clear the
enemy from the opposite shores from the lower batteries," to which
General Hull replied, "I will make an agreement with the enemy, that
if they will not fire on me I will not fire on them." Major Jessup
asked permission to cross the river and spike the guns, but this was
considered a too desperate undertaking. In short, every project that
was proposed was rejected, and the twenty-four pounders and the
howitzers slept dumb on their carriages, in the midst of these hostile
preparations of the enemy.
[Footnote 18: McAfee's History.]
At length, on the morning of the 15th, a messenger arrived from
General Brock demanding an immediate surrender of the town and fort.
To this summons Hull replied in a decided and spirited manner; but
this did not seem to daunt the British commander. He immediately
opened his fire from a newly erected battery, which, after knocking
down some chimneys, and disabling a few soldiers, finally ceased at
ten o'clock in the evening. The next morning it re-commenced, and
under cover of its harmless thunder the British, in broad daylight,
commenced crossing a river more than three thousand feet wide. This
presumptuous attempt succeeded without the loss of a man. The troops
then formed in column twelve deep, and marching along the shore, soon
emerged into view, about five hundred yards from the fort. The
opposing forces were nearly equal, but the position of the Americans
gave them vastly the advantage. The fort proper was of great strength,
surrounded by a deep, wide ditch, and strongly palisaded with an
exterior battery of two twenty-four pounders. It was occupied by four
hundred men, while four hundred more lay behind a high picket fence,
which flanked the approach to it. Three hundred more held the town.
Against this formidable array, General Brock, preceded by five light
pieces of artillery, boldly advanced. He did not even have a vanguard,
and rode alone in front of his column. To the most common observer,
they were marching on certain and swift destruction. The militia who
had never been under fire, were eager for the conflict, so confident
were they of victory. On swept the apparently doomed column upon which
every eye was sternly bent, while every heart beat with intense
anxiety to hear the command to fire. In this moment of thrilling
excitement, a white flag was lifted above the works, and an order came
for all the troops to withdraw from the outer posts and stack their
arms. Such a cry of indignation as followed, probably never before
assailed the ears of a commander. Lieutenant Anderson in a paroxysm of
rage, broke his sword over one of his guns and burst into tears. The
shameful deed was done, and so anxious was General Hull that all
should receive the benefit of this capitulation, that he included in
it Colonels McArthur and Cass, and their detachment whom he had sent
to the river Raisin, together with that entrusted with the supplies.
To enhance the regret and shame of this sudden surrender, it was soon
discovered that McArthur and Cass, having heard the cannonading
twenty-four hours before, had returned, and at the moment the white
flag was raised were only a mile and a half from the fort, and
advancing so as to take the enemy in rear. The result of a defence
would have been the entire destruction of the British army. Ah! what a
different scene was occurring on this same day, in another hemisphere.
On this very morning Napoleon crossed the Dnieper, on his way to
Moscow, and Murat and Ney, at the head of eighteen thousand splendid
cavalry, fell on the Russian rear guard, only six thousand strong. Yet
this comparatively small band, composed like most of the troops under
Hull, of new levies, never thought of surrendering. First in two
squares, and then in one solid square they continued their retreat all
day--sometimes broken, yet always re-forming and presenting the same
fringe of glittering steel, and the same adamantine front. Forty times
were the apparently resistless squadrons hurled upon them, yet they
still maintained their firm formation, and at night effected a
junction with the main army, though with the loss of more than
one-sixth of their number. It was to be left to Scott and Brown and
Miller and Jessup and Jackson, to show that Russian serfs were not
braver troops than American freemen.
It sometimes happens that events widely different in their character,
and presenting still wider contrast in the magnitude and grandeur of
the circumstances that attend them, are in their remote results alike,
both in character and in their effect on the destiny of the world.
Thus, six days after our declaration of war, Napoleon crossed the
Niemen, on his march to Moscow. This first step on Russian territory
was the signal for a long train of events to arise, which in the end
should dash to earth the colossal power of Napoleon, while our
movement was to break the spell which made Great Britain mistress of
the seas; and two nations, one an unmixed despotism and the other a
pure republic, from that moment began to assume a prominence they
never before held, and from that time on, have been the only powers
which have rapidly increased in resources and strength, till each
threatens, in time, to swallow up its own hemisphere.
Much has been written of this campaign of Hull, and in the
controversy, statistics differ as widely as opinions. He was tried by
Court Martial, of which Martin Van Buren was Judge Advocate, acquitted
of treason, but found guilty of cowardice and sentenced to be shot.
Being pardoned by the President, his life was saved, but he went forth
a blighted and ruined man.
On many points there is room for a diversity of judgment, but one
thing is certain, General Hull was unfit for the station to which he
was assigned. He had been a gallant subordinate officer in the
revolution, but a man may be a good major, or even colonel, but a bad
commander-in-chief. There are many officers who are fit only to act
under orders, whom personal danger never agitates, but who are
unnerved by responsibility. Let the latter rest on some other person
and they will cheerfully encounter the peril. Hull may have been one
of these, at least it seems more rational to attribute a portion of
his conduct to some mental defect rather than to cowardice. It is
hard to affix such a stain on a man who moved beside Washington in the
perilous march on Trenton--stood firmly amid the hottest fire at
Princeton--gallantly led his men to the charge at Bemis' Heights, and
faced without flinching the fiery sleet that swept the column pressing
up the rugged heights of Stony Point. Gray hairs do not make a coward
of such a man, though they should render him imbecile.
It is not easy at this remote period to appreciate the difficulties of
the position in which Hull eventually found himself. At first he
refused to take command of the expedition, but being urged by the
government, accepted, though with the express understanding that in
case of hostilities, he was to be sustained both by a fleet on Lake
Erie, and an army operating on the northern and western frontier of
New York. He knew that the conquest of Canadian territory would be of
slight importance, if the lake and river communication was controlled
by the enemy, for they could pass their troops from one point to
another with great rapidity, cut off his supplies and reinforcements,
and hem him in till a force sufficient to overwhelm him was
concentrated.
On arriving near Malden, he was astounded to hear that the enemy had
received notice of the war before him, and hence had time to make more
or less preparations. The second blow was the loss of hospital
stores, intrenching tools, army baggage, private papers, &c. The third
came in the fall of Mackinaw, thus removing the only barrier that kept
back the northern hordes. He knew the enemy had possession of the
water communication, and were therefore able to threaten his retreat.
Dearborn, who ought to have been pressing the British on the Niagara
frontier, and thus attracted their forces from Malden, had entered
into an armistice with the Governor of Canada, leaving the latter at
full liberty to reinforce the troops opposed to Hull, a privilege of
which he was not slow to avail himself. There was not a gleam of
sunshine in the whole gloomy prospect that spread out before the
American commander. His own army diminishing, while that of his
adversary was rapidly increasing--behind him a wilderness two hundred
miles in extent, his situation was disheartening enough to make a
strong man sad. The difficulties in which he found himself environed
must always produce one of two effects on every man--either rouse him
to tenfold diligence and effort and daring, or sink him in
corresponding inactivity and despondency. There can be no middle
state. That the latter was the effect produced on General Hull, there
can be no doubt. He proved plainly that he was not one of those whom
great emergencies develope into an extraordinary character worthy to
command and worthy to be obeyed. The very first misfortune unmanned
him, and from that hour to the sad close of the campaign, when he
acted at all he did nothing but heap blunder on blunder. His mind
having once got into a morbid state, his position and his prospects
appeared to his diseased imagination ten times more desperate than
they really were.
With the failure of General Dearborn to invade Canada from the New
York frontier, and more especially with the lakes entirely under the
control of the enemy, his campaign, according to all human
calculations, must prove a failure. Detroit must fall, and Michigan be
given up to the enemy. The only chance by which this catastrophe could
have been prevented, was offered by General Brock when he crossed the
river to storm Detroit. If Hull had possessed a spark of genius or
military knowledge, he would have seen in this rash movement of his
enemy, the avenue opened for his release, and the sure precursor of
his fortunes. With that broad river cutting off its retreat, the
British army would have been overthrown; provisions and arms obtained,
and the enemy received a check which in all probability would have
enabled Hull to sustain himself till reinforcements arrived. But he
had made up his mind to surrender, and thus save Detroit from the
cruelties of the savage, and the enemy could not commit a blunder of
sufficient magnitude to arouse his hopes and spur him into
resistance; and having scarcely heard the report of his guns from
first to last, he veiled the banner of his country in the dust.
This explanation of his conduct would correspond more with his former
life, than to admit the charge of either treason or cowardice, and be
perfectly satisfactory, but for the _mode_ of his surrender. There is
a mystery here, that neither General Hull nor his friends have ever
cleared up. After having shown the imbecility of government, by which
failure became inevitable, they stop as though their task was done.
But the criminality of government being conceded, and the fall of
Detroit acknowledged to be an inevitable consequence, it does not
follow that the surrender of the army was necessary. Why, after
Colonel Miller opened the communications with supplies and
reinforcements, did not General Hull retreat at once? The enemy would
not have attempted a pursuit through that wilderness. With a rear
guard left to man the works, he could have gained two days' march,
while Detroit was able to make as good terms without him as with him.
He could have had no reason for staying, except the determination to
hold his position and defend Detroit to the last. If he had not fully
resolved to do so, the way of retreat was open, and he was bound to
occupy it; if he _had_, why did he not keep to that determination? No
new elements had entered into the struggle--no unforeseen events
occurred to affect the conclusions he had adopted. The enemy was not
in greater force than he imagined, but on the contrary, in less. He
understood the strength of his own position; his troops were never in
greater spirits; why then did he so suddenly and totally change his
purpose? It is impossible to reconcile this grievous inconsistency in
his conduct. Nor is this all that is dark and mysterious; supposing
new conditions had occurred to alter his determination, and affect the
relative position of the armies--an entirely new order of things had
taken place, requiring another mode of procedure than the one adopted
by himself and the army; why did he not call a council of war, and
submit those new features to its consideration? When his troops wished
to attack Malden, he considered the question so momentous as to
require a council of his officers. When a simple repulse was the only
misfortune that could happen, he regarded it his duty to take advice
from his subordinates; but when it came to an absolute surrender of
his whole army, no such obligation was felt. This man, who was so
afraid to compromise his force, lest it should meet with a repulse,
did not in the end hesitate to surrender it entire, and cover it with
dishonor on his own responsibility. Military history rarely records
such an event as this, and never unless either treason or cowardice
was apparent as noonday. Not a faltering word--not a doubtful
movement--not a sign of flinching, till the white flag was seen
flaunting its cowardly folds before the banner of his country. No
general has a right to assume such a responsibility, at least, until
the question has been submitted to his officers. He may peril his
troops in an unsuccessful attack, but never _dishonor_ them without
consulting their wishes. The act was that of a timorous commander, or
of a bold and unscrupulous man, like Gorgey. The rash and unmilitary
advance of Brock, which notwithstanding its success, met the
disapproval of his superior, seems wholly unaccountable, except some
one, in the confidence of Hull, had whispered in his ears, that the
latter intended no defence.
The _manner_ of surrender, conflicts with the explanation of the act
itself, and involves the conduct of Hull in a mystery. To tell us he
was neither a traitor nor a coward, and yet leave those violations of
military rules and contradictions of character unexplained and
unreconciled, is to leave the same painful doubt on the mind as though
no defence had been attempted. A morbid state of mind equivalent to
insanity, thus changing for a time the whole character of the man, is
the only charitable construction.
The blame, however, was not distributed impartially. The Secretary of
War should have been immediately removed from office, Dearborn
withdrawn as commander-in-chief, and the whole administration
thoroughly overhauled, and its policy changed. As it was, the swelling
curses of the land smote the single head of General Hull. The news of
his surrender fell on the country like a thunderbolt at noonday. The
march of his army had been watched with intense interest, but with
scarcely any misgivings. So large a force appearing with the
declaration of war in their hands on the weak and unprepared posts of
the north-western frontier was expected to sweep everything before it.
Its defeat was considered impossible, its entire, shameful surrender,
therefore, could hardly be credited. The nation was stunned, but with
surprise, not fear, at least that portion west of the Alleghanies.
Indignation and a spirit of fierce retaliation swelled every bosom.
But eastward, where party spirit and divided feelings and views, had
rendered the war party cautious and timid, the effect was for a time
paralyzing. If defeated at the outset, while England could bring into
the field scarcely any but her colonial force, what would be our
prospects of success when her veterans drilled in the wars of the
continent should appear? The government, however, awoke to the
vastness of the undertaking, but still remained ignorant of the means
by which it was to be accomplished.
To save the north-western frontier, now laid open to the incursions
of savages, Kentucky, Ohio, Pennsylvania and Virginia, sent forth
crowds of volunteers, eager to redeem the tarnished reputation of the
country. Several members of Congress from Kentucky enlisted as private
soldiers--the young and ardent Clay was seen at the musters, thrilling
the young men who surrounded him, as though he wielded the fiery cross
in his hands. Ten thousand men were raised in an incredible short
space of time, and placed under General Harrison, the hero of
Tippecanoe. To these were added portions of the 17th and 19th
regiments of regular infantry and two regiments from Kentucky and
Ohio, for government was apparently determined to make up for the
insufficient, niggardly expenditures of the first campaign by its
useless prodigality in preparing for the second.
Four thousand men raised by order of Gov. Shelby, of Kentucky, all
mounted on horseback, were put under Major General Hopkins, of the
militia, who, jointly with three regiments already sent to Vincennes
by Harrison, were to defend the frontiers of Indiana and Illinois.
[Sidenote: Oct. 10.]
Reaching Fort Harrison, which Captain, afterwards General Taylor, with
scarcely thirty efficient men, had gallantly defended against the
attacks of four or five hundred Indians, this motley crowd of horsemen
started on the 14th for the Indian villages which lay along the
Illinois and Wabash rivers. But the long and tedious march and the
uncomfortable bivouacs by night, obscured the visions of glory that
had dazzled them, and the fourth day, the enthusiasm which from the
first had been rapidly subsiding, reached zero, and open mutiny seized
the entire body of the troops. A major rode up to General Hopkins and
peremptorily ordered him to wheel about. The General refusing to obey,
he was compelled next day to constitute the rear guard of this
splendid corps of cavalry, whose horses' tails were towards the enemy
and their heads towards Fort Harrison.
[Sidenote: Sept. 12.]
In the mean time, Harrison, with about 2,500 men reached Fort Deposit,
and relieved the garrison composed of seventy men who had gallantly
withstood the attacks of hordes of Indians. Here he paused till the
arrival of other troops, and occupied the time in sending out various
detachments against the Indian villages, all of which were successful.
On the 18th, Harrison returned to Fort Wayne, where he met General
Winchester, with reinforcements from Ohio and Kentucky, in all about
two thousand men. Winchester ranked Harrison, and the latter finding
himself superseded, was about to retire. The President, however,
restored him to his original command, and he continued his march
northward. [Sidenote: Sept.] In the latter part of this month he was
at Fort Defiance. Leaving his troops there, he returned to the
settlements to organize and hasten up the forces designed to
constitute the centre and right wing of his army. Abandoning his
original plan of boldly marching on Detroit and recapturing it at
once, he determined to advance in three different columns, by as many
different routes, to the Miami Rapids, thence move suddenly to
Brownstown, cross the river and seize Malden, which had so annoyed
Hull. All along the highways and rude half-trodden paths, and skirting
the banks of rivers that rolled through nothing but primeval forests
from their sources to the lakes, squads of men, some mounted, some in
uniform, but the most part in the rough frontiersman costume, were
seen toiling northward, to avenge the disgrace of Hull. Their
camp-fires lit up the wilderness by night, and their boisterous mirth
filled it with echoes by day. A more motley band of soldiers were
never seen swarming to battle.
CHAPTER IV.
Operations on the New York frontier -- Battle of Queenstown
-- Death of Brock -- Scott a prisoner -- General Smythe's
Proclamation and abortive attempts -- Cursed by the army --
Duel with General Porter -- Retires in disgrace --
Dearborn's movements and failures -- Review of the campaign
on the New York frontier -- Character of the officers and
soldiers.
While Harrison's forces were thus scattered amid the forests and
settlements of Ohio and Indiana, the army along the Niagara frontier
had begun to move. At this time every eye in the land was turned
northward. That long chain of Mediterraneans, whose shores were
fringed with hostile armies, from Sackett's Harbor to where they lost
themselves in the forests of the north-west, became an object of the
deepest interest. Every rumor that the wind bore across the
wilderness, or that, following the chains of settlements along the
rivers reached the haunts of civilization, was caught up with avidity.
The discomfiture of Hull had filled every heart with trembling
solicitude for the fate of our other armies. Defeat in the west, and
incomprehensible delays in the east, had changed the Canadas from a
weak province, to be overrun by the first invader, into a Gibraltar
against which the entire strength of the nation must be hurled.
I have stated before that Dearborn, commanding the forces on the
Niagara and northern frontier, instead of making a diversion in favor
of Hull, by crossing the Niagara and drawing attention to himself, had
been coaxed into an armistice with Provost, the English Governor, in
which Hull had been left out. This armistice was asked and granted, on
the ground that dispatches had been received, announcing the
revocation of the orders in council. One great cause of the war being
thus removed, it was hoped that peace might be restored. The result
was as we have seen; the British commander immediately dispatched
Brock to Malden, to capture Hull, from which successful expedition he
was able to return before the armistice was broken off. General
Dearborn clung to this absurd armistice, as if it were the grandest
stroke of diplomacy conceivable. He carried his attachment so far as
to disobey the express command of his Government, to break it off.
[Sidenote: August 24.] At length, however, this nightmare ended, and
preparations were made for a vigorous autumnal campaign.
The northern army, numbering between eight and ten thousand soldiers,
was principally concentrated at two points. One portion was encamped
near Plattsburg and Greenbush, commanded by General Dearborn, in
person, the other at Lewistown, was under the direction of General
Stephen Van Rensalaer, of the New York militia, while 1,500 regulars,
under General Smythe, lay at Buffalo, a few miles distant. There were
a few troops stationed also at Ogdensburg, Sackett's Harbor, and Black
Rock.
The discontent produced by Hull's surrender, and the loud complaints
against the inaction of the northern army, together with the
consciousness that something must be done to prevent the first year of
war from closing in unmixed gloom, induced General Van Rensalaer to
make a bold push into Canada, and by a sudden blow attempt to wrest
Jamestown from the enemy, and there establish his winter quarters.
The cutting out of two English brigs[19] from under the guns of Fort
Erie, by Lieutenant Elliot with some fifty volunteers, created an
enthusiasm in the American camp of which General Van Rensalaer
determined to avail himself.
[Footnote 19: One of those, the Caledonia, afterwards did good service
as a part of the fleet of Perry on Lake Erie. The other having gone
aground, was burnt, to prevent recapture.]
The command of the expedition was given to his cousin, Col. Solomon
Van Rensalaer, a brave and chivalric officer, who on the 13th of
October, at the head of three hundred militia, accompanied by Col.
Chrystie with three hundred regular troops, prepared to cross the
river. It wanted still an hour to daylight when the two columns stood
in battle array on the shore. Through carelessness, or inability to
obtain them, there were not sufficient boats to take all over at once,
and they were compelled to cross in detachments. The boat which
carried Col. Chrystie being badly managed, was swept away by the
current, and finally compelled to re-land on the American shore. This
gallant officer was wounded while thus drifting in the stream, yet
soon after he made another attempt to cross, and succeeding, led his
troops nobly until the close of the action.
Col. Van Rensalaer having effected a landing, formed on the shore and
marched forward. The whole force at this time did not exceed one
hundred men. These, however, were led up the bank where they halted to
wait the junction of the other troops that kept arriving, a few boat
loads at a time. But daylight now having dawned, the exposed position
of this detachment rendered it a fair mark for the enemy, who
immediately opened their fire upon it. In a few minutes every
commissioned officer was either killed or wounded. Col. Van Rensalaer
finding that the bank of the river afforded very little shelter,
determined with the handful under him to storm the heights. But he had
now received four wounds, and was compelled to surrender the command
to Captains Ogilvie and Wool,[20] who gallantly moved forward, and
carried the fort and heights. The enemy were driven into a strong
stone house, from which they made two unsuccessful attempts to recover
the ground they had lost. Brock, flushed with the easy victory he had
gained over Hull, rallied them by his presence, and while attempting
to lead on the grenadiers of the 49th, fell mortally wounded. This for
a time gave the Americans undisturbed possession of the heights, and
great efforts were made to bring over the other troops. General Van
Rensalaer, after the fall of his cousin, crossed and took the command,
but hastening back to urge on the embarkation of the militia, it
devolved on General Wadsworth.
[Footnote 20: Now General Wool.]
Daylight had seen this brave little band form on the shores of the
river under a galling fire--the morning sun glittered on their
bayonets from the heights of Queenstown, and the victory seemed won.
The day so gloriously begun would have closed in brighter effulgence,
had not the militia on the farther side refused to cross over to the
assistance of their hard-pressed comrades. A stone house near the bank
defended by two light pieces of artillery, still played on the boats
that attempted to cross, and the Americans on the Canada side, having
no heavy artillery, were unable to take it. The firing from this, and
soon after the appearance of a large body of Indians on the field of
battle, so frightened the militia, that neither entreaties nor threats
could induce them to embark. Through utter want of orderly management,
half of the twenty boats had been destroyed or lost; still it was not
the lack of means of transportation that held them back, but
_conscientious scruples about invading an enemy's territory_.
Attempting to mask their cowardice under this ridiculous plea, they
stood and saw the dangers thicken around their comrades who had relied
on their support, without making a single effort to save them from
destruction.
Lieutenant-colonel Scott by a forced march through mud and rain, had
arrived at Lewistown with his regiment at four o'clock in the morning,
just as the troops were embarking. He begged permission to take part
in the expedition, but the arrangements having all been made, his
request was denied. He therefore planted his guns on the shore and
opened his fire on the enemy. But seeing how small a proportion of the
troops were got across, and perceiving also the peril of Van
Rensalaer's detachment, his young and gallant heart could not allow
him to remain an idle spectator, and taking one piece of artillery he
jumped into a boat with his adjutant Roach, and pushed for the
opposite shore. Wadsworth immediately gave the command of the troops
to him, and his chivalric bearing and enthusiastic language soon
animated every heart with new courage. Six feet five inches in height
and in full uniform, he presented a conspicuous mark for the enemy and
a rallying point to the troops. Had his regiment been with him,
Queenstown would have been a second Chippewa.
Considerable reinforcements, however, had arrived, swelling the
number to six hundred, of whom three hundred and fifty were regular
troops. These, Scott, assisted by the cool and skillful Capt.
Zitten, soon placed in the most commanding positions, and waited for
further reinforcements. Just before, a body of five hundred Indians,
whom the firing had suddenly collected, joined the beaten light
troops of the English. Encouraged by this accession of strength, the
latter moved again to the assault, but were driven back in
confusion. Still the enemy kept up a desultory engagement. On one
occasion, the Indians, issuing suddenly from the forest, surprised a
picket of militia, and following hard on their flying traces,
carried consternation into that part of the line. Scott, who was in
the rear, showing the men how to unspike a gun, hearing the tumult,
hastened to the front, and rallying a few platoons, scattered those
wild warriors with a single blow. But while the day was wearing away
in this doubtful manner, a more formidable foe appeared on the
field. General Sheaffe, commanding at Fort George, had heard the
firing in the morning; and a little later the news of the death of
Brock was brought him. His forces were immediately put in motion,
and soon after midday the little band that had from day dawn bravely
breasted the storm, saw from the heights they had so bravely won, a
column eight hundred and fifty strong, approaching the scene of
combat--not in haste or confusion, but with the slow and measured
tread of disciplined troops. These few hundred Americans watched its
progress with undaunted hearts, and turned to catch the outlines of
their own advancing regiments, but not a bayonet was moving to their
help. At this critical moment news arrived of the shameful mutiny
that had broken out on the opposite shore. The entreaties of Van
Rensalaer, and the noble example of Wadsworth, and the increasing
peril of their comrades, were wholly unavailing--not a soul would
stir. This sealed the fate of the American detachment. A few
hundred, sustained by only one piece of artillery against the
thirteen hundred of the enemy--their number when the junction of the
advancing column with the remaining troops and the Indian allies
should be effected--constituted hopeless odds. General Van
Rensalaer, from the opposite shore, saw this, and sent word to
Wadsworth to retreat at once, and he would send every boat he could
lay hands on to receive the fugitives. He, however, left everything
to the judgment of the latter. Colonels Chrystie and Scott, of the
regulars, and Mead, Strahan, and Allen of the militia, and officers
Ogilvie, Wool, Totten, and Gibson McChesney, and others, presented a
noble yet sorrowful group, as they took council over this message of
the commander-in-chief. Their case was evidently a hopeless one, yet
they could not make up their minds to retreat. Col. Scott, mounting
a log in front of his troops, harangued them in a strain worthy of
the days of chivalry. He told them their condition was desperate,
but that Hull's surrender must be redeemed. "Let us then die," he
exclaimed, "arms in hand. Our country demands the sacrifice. The
example will not be lost. The blood of the slain will make heroes of
the living. Those who follow will avenge our fall, and our country's
wrongs. Who dare to stand?" A loud "ALL!" rang sternly along the
line.[21] In the mean time Gen. Sheaffe had arrived, but instead of
advancing immediately to the attack, slowly marched his column the
whole length of the American line, then countermarched it, as if to
make sure that the little band in front of him was the only force he
had to overcome. All saw at a glance that resistance was useless,
and retreat almost hopeless. The latter, however, was resolved
upon, but the moment the order was given to retire, the whole broke
in disorderly flight towards the river. To their dismay, no boats
were there to receive them, and a flag of truce was therefore sent
to the enemy. The messenger, however, never returned; another and
another shared the same fate. At last Scott tied a white
handkerchief to his sword, and accompanied by Captains Totten and
Gibson, crept under one of the precipices, down the river, till he
arrived where a gentle slope gave an easy ascent, when the three
made a push for the road, which led from the valley to the heights.
On the way they were met by Indians, who firing on them, rushed
forward with their tomahawks, to kill them. They would soon have
shared the fate of the other messengers, but for the timely arrival
of a British officer, with some soldiers who took them to Gen.
Sheaffe, to whom Scott surrendered his whole force. Two hundred and
ninety-three were all that survived of the brave band who had
struggled so long and so nobly for victory. Several hundred militia,
however, were found concealed along the shore, who had crossed over,
but skulked away in the confusion.
[Footnote 21: Mansfield's Life of Scott.]
The entire loss of the Americans in this unfortunate expedition,
killed and captured, was about one thousand men.
General Van Rensalaer, disgusted with the conduct of the militia, soon
after sent in his resignation.
Brock was buried the following day "under one of the bastions of Fort
George," and at the request of Scott, then a prisoner, minute guns
were fired from Fort Niagara during the funeral ceremonies. Above the
dull distant roar of the cataract, the minute guns of friends and foes
pealed over the dead, as with shrouded banners the slowly marching
column bore him to his last resting place. Cannon that but a few hours
before had been exploding in angry strife on each other, now joined
their peaceful echoes over his grave. Such an act was characteristic
of Scott, who fierce and fearless in battle, was chivalrous and kind
in all his feelings.
While a prisoner in an inn at Niagara, Scott was told that some one
wished to see the "tall American." He immediately passed through into
the entry, when to his astonishment he saw standing before him two
savage Indian chiefs, the same who had attempted to kill him when he
surrendered himself a prisoner of war. They wished to look on the man
at whom they had so often fired with a deliberate aim. In broken
English, and by gestures, they inquired where he was hit, for they
believed it impossible that out of fifteen or twenty shots not one had
taken effect. The elder chief, named Jacobs, a tall, powerful savage,
became furious at Scott's asserting that not a ball had touched him,
and seizing his shoulders rudely, turned him round to examine his
back. The young and fiery Colonel did not like to have such freedom
taken with his person by a savage, and hurling him fiercely aside,
exclaimed, "Off, villain, you fired like a squaw." "We kill you now,"
was the quick and startling reply, as knives and tomahawks gleamed in
their hands. Scott was not a man to beg or run, though either would
have been preferable to taking his chances against these armed
savages. Luckily for him, the swords of the American officers who had
been taken prisoners, were stacked under the staircase beside which he
was standing. Quick as thought he snatched up the largest, a long
sabre, and the next moment it glittered unsheathed above his head. One
leap backward, to get scope for play, and he stood towering even above
the gigantic chieftain, who glared in savage hate upon him. The
Indians were in the wider part of the hall, between the foot of the
stairs and the door, while Scott stood farther in where it was
narrower. The former, therefore, could not get in the rear, and were
compelled to face their enemy. They manoeuvred to close, but at every
turn that sabre flashed in their eyes. The moment they should come to
blows, one, they knew, was sure to die, and although it was equally
certain that Scott would fall under the knife of the survivor before
he could regain his position, yet neither Indian seemed anxious to be
the sacrifice. While they thus stood watching each other, a British
officer chanced to enter, and on beholding the terrific tableau, cried
out, "The guard," and at the same instant seized the tallest chief by
the arm and presented a cocked pistol to his head. The next moment the
blade of Scott quivered over the head of the other savage, to protect
his deliverer. In a few seconds the guards entered with levelled
bayonets, and the two chieftains were secured. One of them was the son
of Brant, of revolutionary notoriety.
The prisoners were all taken to Quebec, whence they were sent in a
cartel to Boston. As they were about to sail, Scott, who was in the
cabin of the transport, hearing a noise on deck, went up to ascertain
the cause, and found that the British officers were separating the
Irishmen, to exclude them from mercy due to the other prisoners, and
have them taken to England and tried for treason. Twenty-three had
thus been set apart when he arrived. Indignant at this outrage, he
peremptorily ordered the rest of the men to keep silent and not answer
a question of any kind, so that neither by their replies or voice they
could give any evidence of the place of their birth. He then turned to
the doomed twenty-three, and denounced the act of the officers, and
swore most solemnly that if a hair of their heads was touched, he
would avenge it, even if he was compelled to refuse quarter in battle.
Soon after he reached Boston, he was sent to Washington, and in a
short time was exchanged. He then drew up a report of the whole affair
to the Secretary of War, and it was presented the same day to
Congress. The result was the passage of an act of retaliation (March
3d, 1813.)
[Sidenote: Nov. 10.]
General Van Rensalaer having resigned his commission, making the
second general disposed of since the commencement of hostilities, the
command on the Niagara frontier devolved on General Smythe, who issued
a proclamation to the "men of New York," which was of itself a
sufficient guarantee that he would soon follow Hull into worse than
oblivion. In it, after speaking of the failure of the former
expedition, he said, "Valor had been conspicuous, but the nation
unfortunate in the selection of some of those directing it"----"the
commanders were popular men, destitute alike of theory and experience
in the art of war." "In a few days," said he, "the troops under my
command will plant the American standard in Canada to conquer or die."
He called on all those desirous of honor or fame, to rally to his
standard. He was not one of the incompetent generals whose plans
failed through ignorance. Portions of his proclamations, however, were
well adapted to rouse the military spirit of the state, and in less
than three weeks he had nearly five thousand men under his command.
His orders from the Secretary of War, were, not to attempt an
invasion with "less than three thousand combatants," and with
sufficient boats to carry the whole over together.
Seventy boats and a large number of scows having been collected at
Black Rock, he issued his orders for the troops to be in readiness
early on the morning of the 28th of November, to cross over and attack
the enemy.
Previous to the main movement, however, he sent over two detachments,
one under Colonel Boestler, and the other under Captain King--the
former to destroy a bridge five miles below Fort Erie, in order to cut
off the communication between it and Chippewa, while the latter, with
a hundred and fifty regular troops and seventy seamen, was to carry
the "Red House," and storm the British batteries on the shore.
The boats pushed off at midnight, and were soon struggling in the
centre of the stream. Of Colonel Boestler's seven boats, containing
two hundred men, only three reached the Canada shore. With less than
half his force he advanced and easily routed the guard, but hearing
that a British reinforcement was marching up, he retreated without
destroying the bridge, and re-embarked his men. Captain King started
with ten boats, but six of them were scattered in the darkness, and
only four reached the point of attack. Among these, however, were the
seventy seamen. The advance of the boats having been seen by the
sentinels on watch, the little detachment was compelled to land under
a shower of grape shot and musketry.
The sailors without waiting the order of a regular march, rushed up
the bank with their boarding pikes and cutlasses, stormed the
position, and carried it with loud huzzas. After securing some
prisoners and tumbling two cannon and their caissons into the river,
Lieutenant Angus began to look around for Captain King. The latter
directing his force on the exterior batteries, carried the first by
the bayonet, when the other was abandoned. The position and all the
batteries being taken, the firing had ceased, and Lieutenant Angus
marched his sailors, with the wounded and prisoners, to the shore to
wait for Captain King, and recross the river. Finding only four boats
there, and ignorant that no more had landed, he concluded that the
former had already re-embarked his troops; he therefore launched these
and made good his retreat to the American shore. In a short time
Captain King arrived, and to his amazement found all the boats gone.
After a short search, however, he discovered two belonging to the
enemy, in which he despatched the prisoners he had taken, and as many
of his men as they would hold. He remained behind with the remainder
of his detachment, and was soon after compelled to surrender himself
prisoner of war.
On the return of Boestler and Angus without Captain King and the rest
of the detachment, Colonel Winder volunteered to go in search of them.
But, as he approached the opposite shore, he found all the batteries
re-established, which opened their fire upon him, compelling him to
return with the loss of six killed and twenty-six wounded. In fact his
own boat was the only one that touched land at all--the others being
carried down by the force of the stream.
Through some unaccountable delay, the main body, to which the two
detachments sent off at midnight were designed as an advance guard,
did not embark till twelve o'clock next day. But at length two
thousand men under General Porter, were got on board, while General
Tannehill's volunteers and M'Clure's regiment were drawn up on the
shore ready to follow. As if on purpose to give his adversary time for
ample preparation, thus imitating the fatal examples of Dearborn and
Hull, Smythe kept his men paraded on the beach in full view of the
Canada shore, till late in the afternoon. He then, instead of giving
the anxiously expected order to advance, commanded the whole to
debark. Indignation and rage at this vacillating, pusillanimous
conduct seized the entire army, and curses and loud denunciations were
heard on every side. General Porter boldly and openly accused his
commander of cowardice. The latter, frightened at the storm he had
raised, promised that another attempt should be made the next day. It
was resolved to cross at a place five miles below the navy yard, and
the following day, at four o'clock, nearly the entire army was
embarked. General Porter with the American colors floating from the
stern of his boat, was in advance, to show that he asked no man to go
where he would not lead. But when all was ready, and at the moment
when every one expected to hear the signal to move forward, an order
was passed along the line directing the troops to be relanded,
accompanied with the announcement that the invasion of Canada was for
that season abandoned. A shout of wrath burst from the whole army.
Many of the militia threw away their arms and started for their homes,
while fierce threats against the General's life were publicly made by
the remaining troops. He was branded as a coward, shot at in the
streets, and without even the form of a trial, was driven in scorn and
rage from the army, and chased and mobbed by an indignant people from
the state he had dishonored. Before he retired, however, he made an
absurd attempt to retrieve his honor by challenging General Porter to
mortal combat. They met on Grand Island and exchanged shots without
effect. The seconds having published the transaction in a Buffalo
paper, "congratulated the public on the happy issue." In commenting on
this, Ingersoll very pithily remarks, "The public would have
preferred a battle in Canada."
Beginning at the extreme north-west, and continuing along the lakes to
Niagara, we had met with nothing but defeat. Only one more army was
left to lift the nation out of the depths of gloom by its
achievements, or deepen the night in which the year 1812 was closing.
General Dearborn, the commander-in-chief, had an army of three
thousand regulars and as many more militia, with the power to swell
his force to ten thousand if he thought proper. The plan of government
to conquer Canada through Hull's invasion from Detroit, Van
Rensalaer's and Smythe's from Niagara, both to be supported and their
triumph secured by the advance of Dearborn, had fallen to the ground,
and the latter was passing the autumn in idleness.
General Brown, who commanded the militia appointed for the defence of
the eastern shore of Lake Ontario and southern shore of St. Lawrence,
exhibited, at Ogdensburg, the first indications of those qualities of
a great commander which afterwards developed themselves on the scene
of Van Rensalaer's and Smythe's defeats and failures. Colonel Forsyth
having made a successful incursion into Canada with a noble body of
riflemen, twice defeating double his numbers and burning a block house
with stores; the British, in retaliation, attacked Ogdensburg. On the
2d of October they commenced a cannonade from their batteries at
Prescott, on the opposite side of the river. This harmless waste of
ammunition was continued for two days, when it was resolved to storm
the town. Six hundred men were embarked in forty boats, and under
cover of the batteries, pulled steadily across the river. General
Brown could collect but four hundred militia to oppose them, but
having posted these judiciously, they were able to keep up such a
deadly fire on the enemy that every attempt to land proved abortive,
and the whole detachment was compelled to withdraw to the Canada
shore.
There was, during the summer, a good deal of skirmishing along the
frontier, forming interludes to the more important movements. Colonel
Pike on the 19th of the same month made an incursion into Canada,
surprised a body of British and Indians, and burnt a block-house.
Three days after, Captain Lyon captured forty English at St. Regis,
together with a stand of colors and despatches from the Governor
General to an Indian tribe. The colors were taken by William M. Marcy.
[Sidenote: Nov. 20.]
Thus the autumn wore away, till at last, Dearborn seemed to awake
from his torpor. Moving his army from the little town of Champlain,
he forded the La Cole, and attacked and captured an English
block-house. The grand movement had now commenced, and the British
Governor-General prepared to meet the most serious invasion that had
yet been attempted. But to his astonishment he discovered that all
this display of force was to obtain possession of a guard-house, and
retain it for half an hour. This feat being accomplished, General
Dearborn, amid much confusion, marched his six thousand men back
again, and resting on his honors soon after retired into winter
quarters. After protracted delays and unaccountable inaction, he
seemed at last to feel the necessity of obeying the urgent orders of
the government, "_not to lose a moment in attacking the British
posts in his front_." These he had now obeyed to the letter--he had
_attacked_ a block-house and fled. The great tragedy had begun and
ended in a farce. The surrender of Hull was an unmitigated disgrace,
and the nation turned towards Niagara for relief. The failure of Van
Rensalaer was not unmixed with consolation. He and the officers and
men who bore the brunt of that day's battle, had shown what American
troops could do. Van Rensalaer has been charged with acting rashly,
and exposing himself to discomfiture, when success would have been
of no advantage. But those who suppose that a victory is fruitless,
because no important position is gained, or territory is wrested
from the enemy, commit a vital error. They forget that _moral_ power
is half, even when every thing depends on hard blows. When
confidence is lost, and despondency has taken the place of courage
and hope, a battle that should restore these would be a victory, at
almost any sacrifice. So Van Rensalaer thought, and justly. His
preparations and mode of procedure were not careful and prudent, as
they should have been, exhibiting a want of thoroughness which a
longer experience would have rectified; still, his plan might have
succeeded but for the dastardly conduct of the militia, and a new
impulse been given to the movements along the northern frontier.
This cowardly behavior of his troops he could not anticipate, for
they had hitherto shown no disinclination to fight. At Hull's
surrender there were no indications of a craven spirit--on the
contrary, the soldiers cursed their commander, and the general
feeling was, that give the men a gallant leader and they would fight
bravely. Van Rensalaer knew that his troops would not fail through
reluctance on his part to lead them to battle, and it was enough to
break his noble heart, as he stood bleeding from four wounds, to see
them refuse to come to his rescue.
General Smythe's conduct admits of no apology. His excuse for
countermanding his last order, after the troops had embarked, is
groundless. He says that his orders were strict, not to attempt an
invasion of Canada with less than three thousand men, and that he but
fifteen hundred. Yet in his last attempt all but some two hundred of
his troops were actually embarked, when he commanded them to re-land.
He was either not aware how many soldiers composed his army until he
counted them as they lay off in their boats, ready to pull for the
opposite shore, or he knew it before. If the latter be true, why all
this display, designed to eventuate in nothing? On the other hand, the
confession of ignorance is still worse. This much is clear, all these
difficulties and objections could not have occurred to him for the
first time when he saw the army drawn up on shore or afloat. The
excuse, if honest, is worse than the act itself.
[Sidenote: Aug. 1.]
Dearborn's inactivity furnished less salient points of criticism, but
it was fully as culpable as Smythe's failure. In the first place, he
received orders from the Secretary of War to make a diversion in favor
of _Hull at Niagara and Kingston, as soon as possible_. His position
might have been such that no blame could attach to him for not making
such diversion, but nothing could warrant him in entering into an
armistice with the enemy, in which Hull was excluded. If he assumed
such a responsibility in the hope that peace would be secured, he was
bound to make as one of the first conditions, that no reinforcements
should be sent to Malden and Detroit. One such act is sufficient to
cause the removal of a commander, for he can never be an equal match
against a shrewd and energetic enemy. Prevost wrote to Gen. Brock: "_I
consider it_ most fortunate that I have been able to prosecute this
object of Government, (the armistice,) _without interfering with your
operations on the Detroit. I have sent you men, money, and stores of
all kinds._"[22]
[Footnote 22: Vide Life and Services of Sir George Provost.]
One cannot read this letter without feeling chagrin that the Senior
Major-General of the American army could be so easily overreached.
In the second place, his delay in breaking off this armistice when
peremptorily ordered by government, was clearly reprehensible, while
the fact that with an army of six thousand men under his immediate
command, he accomplished absolutely nothing, is incontrovertible proof
of his inefficiency as a commander. The isle of Aux Noix was
considered the key of Central Canada, and this he could have taken at
any moment and held for future operations; yet he went into winter
quarters without having struck a blow.
The troops, regular and militia, under his general direction, amounted
in the latter part of September to thirteen thousand men. Six thousand
three hundred were stationed along the Niagara, two thousand two
hundred at Sackett's Harbor, and five thousand on Lake Champlain. To
oppose this formidable force, Sir George Provost had not more than
three thousand troops,[23] and yet not even a battle had been fought,
if we except that of Van Rensalaer's detachment, while instead of
gaining we had lost both fortresses and territory.
[Footnote 23: Vide Armstrong's Notices of the War of 1812.]
One naturally inquires what could be the cause of such a complete
failure where success was deemed certain. In the first place, there
was not a man in the cabinet fit to carry out a campaign, however well
planned. The sudden concentration of so large a force on our northern
frontier, before reinforcements could arrive from England, was a wise
movement, and ought to have accomplished its purpose. But there the
wisdom ended, and vacillation and doubt took the place of promptness,
energy and daring.
In the second place, inefficient commanders were placed at the head of
our armies. Both Dearborn and Hull had been gallant officers in the
Revolution, but they were wholly unaccustomed to a separate command,
and while imitating the caution of their great exemplar, exhibited
none of his energy and daring. They remembered his Fabian inactivity,
but they forgot the overwhelming reasons that produced it, and forgot,
also, Trenton, Princeton and Monmouth.
In the third place, the militia were undisciplined and could not be
relied upon. The insubordination, unmilitary conduct, and recklessness
of rules which force a commander into extreme caution, lest his
semblance of an army should be annihilated, are not known to the
persons who coolly criticise him at a distance. These things are
doubtless an ample excuse for much that is unsparingly condemned.
Hence it is unjust to pronounce judgment on this or that action,
because it might apparently have been avoided, unless those actions
and the declarations of their author contradict each other, or stand
condemned by every interpretation of military rules.
In the commencement of the war we had neither an army nor generals
that could be trusted. The troops lacked confidence in their leaders,
and the latter had no confidence in their troops. Such mutual distrust
can result in nothing but failure. Our commanders were in an
embarrassing position, but they ought to have been aware that to
_fight_ their way out was the only mode of escape left them. Battles
make soldiers and develop generals. In the tumult and dangers of a
fierce fight, the cool yet daring officers, fertile in resources,
fierce in the onset, and stubborn and unconquered in retreat, are
revealed, and soon men are found who will follow where they lead, even
into hopeless combat. A spirit of emulation and valor succeeds
timidity and distrust.
The administration at this period was surrounded with great and
perplexing difficulties. With but the germ of a military academy,
efficient officers were scarce. The establishment of the school at
West Point was one of the wisest acts ever performed by this
government, and the attempt, a few years since, to destroy it, one
of the most unscrupulous, reckless and dangerous ever put forth by
ignorant demagogues. Our volunteers and militia have confidence in
men bred to the profession of arms. They yield them ready
obedience--submit to rigid discipline--while the method and skill
with which everything is conducted, impart confidence and
steadiness. A country like ours will never submit to the expense and
danger of a large standing army, nor do we need it if we can keep
well supplied with military schools. A few West Point officers on
the Canada frontier would have brought the campaign of 1812 to a
different close.
CHAPTER V.
THE NAVY.
The Cabinet resolves to shut up our ships of war in port --
Remonstrance of Captains Bainbridge and Stuart -- Rodgers
ordered to sea -- Feeling of the crews -- Chase of the
Belvidere -- Narrow escape of the Constitution from an
English fleet -- Cruise of the Essex -- Action between the
Constitution and Guerriere -- Effect of the Victory in
England and the United States -- United States takes the
Macedonian -- Lieutenant Hamilton carries the captured
colors to Washington -- Presented to Mrs. Madison in a
ball-room -- The Argus -- Action between the Wasp and Frolic
-- Constitution captures the Java -- Hornet takes the
Peacock -- Effect of these Victories abroad.
Having gone through the first campaigns on the Canadian frontier, I
leave for awhile the army of Harrison, swallowed up in the forests of
Ohio and surrounded by the gloom of a northern winter, toiling its way
towards Malden, and turn with a feeling of relief to the conduct of
our little navy during the summer that had passed.
As I stated before, our naval force amounted to but nine frigates and
a few sloops of war, while Great Britain had a hundred ships of the
line in commission, and more than a thousand vessels in all, bearing
the royal flag. Added to this stupendous difference in the number of
ships, was the moral power attached to the universally acknowledged
superiority of the British navy. England was recognized mistress of
the seas. The fleets of Spain, France and Holland had one after
another submitted to her sway, and fresh with still greater laurels
won under Nelson, her navy was looked upon as irresistible. A naval
contest on our part, therefore, was not dreamed of, and hence arose
the determination on the part of the Administration at Washington, to
convert our frigates into mere floating batteries for the protection
of harbors. But it must be remembered, weak as our navy appeared, it
was stronger at the declaration of war than the whole British force on
our coast. We had ships enough to blockade Halifax and Bermuda, and
bear undisputed sway until reinforcements could be sent across the
Atlantic. Our privateers in the revolution--the conduct of our ships
in the Bay of Tripoli had given evidence of what could be done, and
the determination of the Cabinet, therefore, to lay up the ships of
war before their metal had been tested--to leave the waters around our
coast vexed with British cruisers, when at least for six weeks we
could have kept them clear of the enemy, and in all probability
captured their entire squadron on the American station, is another
painful evidence of the utter incapacity of the administration to
carry on the war. If, in anticipation of hostilities, our whole fleet
had been collected and put in such order that it could have sailed at
an hour's notice, results would have been accomplished far greater
than those which followed.
Against our nine frigates, the President, United States, and
Constellation, of the first class, the Congress, Constitution, and the
Chesapeake of the second, the Essex, Adams, Boston and New York,[24]
together with several smaller vessels, there were on the Halifax
station but five frigates and some smaller vessels. The Africa,
sixty-four, was the only two decker on our coast, in active service.
The Halifax station could have been reinforced by the other two
stations, the Jamaica and Leeward Island, but not within a month,
which would have given us an opportunity of cutting them up in detail.
England, at this time, was so occupied with the momentous affairs in
Europe, that she kept her fleets on the eastern board of the Atlantic,
and ignorant of our naval strength, supposed the ships on the Halifax
station more than a match for the whole American navy. Had the British
fleet on this coast been captured, and an alliance offensive and
defensive formed with France, we should have struck the maritime power
of England a blow from which she never would have recovered. But the
outcries of the Federalists filled the administration with as much
dread of French alliance, as it entertained of the naval power of
England.
[Footnote 24: The Boston and New York were not ready for sea, but
could and would have been, had there been a determination on the part
of the Government to use the navy.]
Not only was the American Government innocent of all such plans for
the navy, but it did not even provide for the merchantmen which might
be approaching the American coast, and liable to be captured by the
most contemptible cruiser that sailed unmolested along our shores. No
nation ever before had the opportunity of doing so much with small
means, as circumstances placed in the hands of the American Government
at the commencement of the war, and threw it away so foolishly, so
unpardonably.
The insane project to lay up the American ships in harbor, was
defeated by two naval officers, to whom the nation owes perpetual
gratitude. Captains Bainbridge and Stewart were at Washington when the
subject was under discussion, and being shown the written orders to
Commodore Rodgers, to keep his fleet in the harbor of New York, as a
part of its defence, they sought an interview with the Secretary of
the Navy, and boldly remonstrated against this death-blow to the navy.
"If laid up in war, who would support it in peace?" Although told that
the thing was settled, so far as regarded the fleet in New York Bay,
they appealed with still greater urgency, and in the true spirit of
their profession, declared that the American commanders were capable
of taking care of their own ships; nay, in noble enthusiasm asserted,
that eight times out of ten, an American frigate would capture an
antagonist of equal metal.
The secretary was moved by their appeal, backed as it was with solid
argument, and took them to see the President. They made to him the
same statements which had so deeply impressed the Secretary of the
Navy. Moreover, they promised _victories_, a dream which had never
visited the brain of a member of the cabinet. "Eight times out of
ten," said they, "with equal force we can hardly fail--our men are
better men, and better disciplined; our midshipmen are not mere boys,
only fit to carry orders, but young men capable of reflection and
action. Our guns are sighted, which is an improvement of our own the
English know nothing of. While we can fire cannon with as sure an aim
as musketry, or almost rifles, striking twice out of every three
shots, they must fire at random, without sight of their object or
regard to the undulations of the sea, shooting over our heads, seldom
hulling us or even hitting our decks. We may be captured, and probably
shall be, even after taking prizes from them, because their numbers
are so much greater than ours. But the American flag will never be
dishonored, seldom if ever struck to equal force."[25] The President,
as well as the Secretary of the Navy, was swept away by the arguments
and gallant spirit of those officers, and suddenly remembered the
daring and success of the few ships of war and the privateersmen
during the Revolution.
[Footnote 25: Vide Ingersoll's History of the War of 1812.]
Seeing their advantage, these officers pressed it with redoubled
energy, until the President called a meeting of the cabinet to consult
on the matter. But Mr. Gallatin, to whose sagacity and foresight all
paid the most profound deference, treated the project as absurd. He
had studied European affairs too much, and the rising genius of this
country too little. Like many other wise statesmen, he could not
introduce into the elements from which he drew his conclusions, the
gallant spirit, lofty enthusiasm and indomitable courage, which then
pervaded our little navy. He saw only the tremendous maritime
preponderance against us, and hence, with all his patriotism and
wisdom, acted as a perpetual clog to the government till he was sent
abroad, and his counsels could no longer influence the cabinet.
But his advice that all maritime efforts should be confined to
privateers, prevailed, and Bainbridge and Stewart were told that the
decision which had been made respecting the national ships, could not
be changed. Undaunted by their repulse, they spent nearly the whole
night after this resolve had been made known to them, in drawing up a
remonstrance to the President. Having witnessed the effect of their
personal appeal to him, they determined to address him once more by
letter.
The language of that address was not softened by well rounded periods,
but plain and direct, placed the subject in its true aspect before Mr.
Madison, and put on him as Chief Magistrate of the Union, the
responsibility of keeping the navy from its legitimate field of
action. When this joint communication was laid before the Secretary of
the Navy, he objected to it as too strong and stern to present to the
President, and advised them to modify its language. They refused to do
so, and Mr. Madison instead of being offended at their plainness of
speech, took upon himself the responsibility of acting independent of
his cabinet, and assured them the vessels should be ordered to sea. No
one can tell the joy of these brave men, when they found the navy they
loved so well, was not to be dishonored, and elate with pride,
determined that the flag they had so long carried over the sea, should
never be struck but with honor.
The naval officers knew that the country reposed no confidence in its
marine force, and Captains Bainbridge and Stewart, anticipating the
doom they had struggled so noble to avert, had determined to go to
sea in a privateer which the latter had purchased.[26] With a band of
hardy seamen about them, and each serving in rotation as captain and
first officer, they resolved to claim the right of the American flag
to the high seas.[27]
[Footnote 26: The Snapper, which, under Peregrine Green, was soon
after captured off the Capes of the Delaware.]
[Footnote 27: Vide Cooper's Naval History; Harris' Life of Bainbridge;
Memoir of Commodore Stewart; Naval Chronicle; and Ingersoll's History
of the War of 1812.]
At this time there were in the port of New York, the President,
forty-four; Essex, thirty-two; and Hornet, eighteen; to which, on the
21st of June, were added the United States, forty-four; Congress,
thirty-eight; and Argus, sixteen, all ready to sail in an hour's
notice, with the exception of the Essex, which was repairing her
rigging and restowing her hold. As soon as the President had
determined to send the vessels to sea, this squadron was put under the
command of Commodore Rogers, and he ordered to get under way at once,
and intercept a large fleet of Jamaica men which were reported to have
sailed, and by this time should be off the American coast. An hour
after Commodore Rogers received his orders, he was leading his
squadron down the Bay, and soon his canvas disappeared in the
distance.
From the joy that pervaded this little squadron, as the sails were
given to the wind, one would have supposed it was going to witness a
grand regatta, instead of to unequal and deadly strife with an enemy.
In the gallant hearts that trod those decks, existed none of the
timidity and distrust that weighed down the government. There was not
merely the determination of brave men entering on a desperate
conflict, but the buoyancy of confidence, the joy of those who were to
wipe out with their heavy broadsides the imputations cast on them by
their own countrymen, and hush forever, with their shouts of victory,
the boasting and mockery of their foe. The sailors partook of the
excitement, for it was a common enemy against which they were
going--the oppressor of seamen as well as the invader of national
rights. Says a midshipman on board the Hornet, in his Diary: "This
morning the declaration of war by the United States against Great
Britain was read. *** At ten o'clock, A. M., Commodore Rodgers hove
out the signal to weigh; never was anchor to the cathead sooner, nor
topsail sheeted home[28] to the masthead with more dispatch, than upon
the present occasion; the smallest boy on board seems anxious to meet
what is now looked upon as the common tyrant of the ocean, for they
had heard the woeful tales of the older tars. ** When the ship was
under way, Captain Lawrence had the crew called to their quarters,
and told them that if there were any amongst them who were
disaffected, or one that had not rather sink than surrender to the
enemy, with gun for gun, that he should be immediately and uninjured,
landed and sent back in the pilot boat. The reply fore and aft
was--not one." Not one hesitating voice, but instead, three hearty
cheers, that made the vessel ring. With such a spirit did the first
squadron put to sea, and make its first claim, at the cannon's mouth,
to equal rights.
[Footnote 28: Vide Ingersoll's History of the War.]
[Sidenote: June 23.]
Two days after, Rodgers discovered, at six o'clock in the morning, an
English frigate to the north-east, and instantly crowded sail in
pursuit. The chase led down the wind, and the President being a fast
sailer when going free, soon gained on the stranger, leaving the
squadron far astern. At four o'clock she got within gunshot, but the
wind falling, gave the enemy the advantage, and Rodgers seeing that he
no longer gained on the chase, attempted to cripple it. The first gun
was pointed by the commodore himself, the shot of which struck the
English frigate in the stern, and passed on into the gun-room. This
was the first hostile gun fired on the sea after war was declared. The
second was pointed by Lieutenant Gamble, which also struck the enemy.
The third shot, directed by Rodgers himself, killed two men and
wounded five others. At the fourth shot, fired by Lieutenant Gamble,
the gun bursted, killing and wounding sixteen men. The Commodore was
flung into the air by the explosion, and fell back on deck with such
violence that his leg was broken. The enemy took heart at this
unexpected accident, and opened his fire. The President, however, soon
began to heave her shot again with such precision, that the British
frigate was compelled to cut away her anchors, throw overboard her
boats, and spring fourteen tons of water in order to lighten her. She
was by these means enabled to gain on her pursuers. Commodore Rodgers
finding the distance between them increasing, fired three broadsides,
which falling short, he abandoned the chase. The loss of the
President, in killed and wounded, was twenty-two, only six of whom
were damaged by the shot of the enemy. The Belvidera, for such she was
afterwards ascertained to be, reported seven killed and wounded. After
repairing damages Rodgers again cruised for the Jamaica men, and at
length supposing he had got in their wake, kept on until near the
mouth of the English Channel, when seeing nothing of them, he returned
by way of Maderia and the Western Islands to Boston. It was a barren
cruise, only seven merchantmen being taken during the whole seventy
days the squadron was absent.
In the mean time the report of the Belvidera, which had put into
Halifax, caused the enemy to collect a fleet, which early in July was
off New York, where it captured a great many American merchantmen.
Among the prizes was the schooner Nautilus, the first vessel of war
taken on either side. [Sidenote: July 12.] While the squadron was thus
cruising off the coast, in the hope of meeting the American fleet
under Rodgers, the Constitution, a forty-four, sailed from Annapolis
on her way to New York. Her crew was newly shipped, a hundred men
having joined her on the night before she sailed. The orders which
Captain Hull, the commander, received from the Secretary of the Navy,
exhibit the timidity and weakness of the Government. In the first
place, after giving directions respecting the destination of the ship,
he said: "I am informed that the Belvidera is in our waters, but you
are not to understand me as impelling you to battle previously to your
having confidence in your crew, unless attacked, or with a reasonable
prospect of success, of which you are to be at your discretion the
judge." In a later order he says: "If on your way thither (_i. e._
from Annapolis to New York) you should fall in with the enemy's
vessel, you will be guided in your proceeding by your own judgment,
bearing in mind, however, that you are not voluntarily to encounter a
force superior to your own." One can imagine the smile of contempt
that curled the lip of the stern commander of the Constitution, when
he received this pitiful order, so well adapted in its tone and
language to make timorous officers, and hence ensure defeat. The
Secretary had witnessed the confidence and daring spirit of Bainbridge
and Stewart, and he was afraid such men would fight, when prudence
would dictate flight. But he might have known that when officers like
them were once fairly out to sea, on the decks of their own ships,
beneath their own flag streaming aloft, they would pay no more
attention to orders like the above, than to the sighing of the wind
through their cordage.
On the 17th the Constitution was out of sight of land, though still
within soundings and going under easy canvas, when at two o'clock she
discovered four sail in the north. At four she discovered another a
little to the eastward of the first. Towards evening, the wind blowing
light from the southward, the Constitution beat to quarters and
cleared for action. At ten o'clock she showed the private signal,
which remained unanswered; and concluding she had fallen in with a
squadron of the enemy, made all sail. Just before daybreak the
Guerriere, one of the fleet, sent up a rocket and fired two guns. As
the light broadened over the deep, Capt. Hull, who was anxiously on
the look-out, discerned seven ships closing steadily upon him. This
was the squadron of Commodore Broke, consisting of the Africa 64,
Guerriere 38, Shannon 38, Belvidera 36, Eolus 32, together with the
captured Nautilus and a schooner. As the sun rose over the ocean and
lifted the mist that lay on the water, Capt. Hull had a full view of
his position. Two frigates were beating down from the north upon him,
while the Africa, two frigates, a brig and schooner were following in
his wake, and all with English colors flying. To increase the painful
uncertainty that now hung over the fate of his vessel, the breeze
which had been light all night entirely died away, and the sails
flapped idly against the masts. Hull, however, resolved that his ship
should not be lost, if human energy and skill could save her, and
immediately sent all his boats forward to tow. But he soon found that
the enemy, by putting the boats of two ships on one, were slowly
closing on him. He then took all the rope he could spare and run a
kedge out nearly a half a mile ahead and dropped it. The crew seized
the rope, and springing to it with a will, soon made the ship walk
through the water. As she came up with the kedge she overran it, and
while still moving on under the headway she had obtained, another
kedge was carried ahead, and the noble vessel glided away, as if by
magic, from her pursuers. It was not long, however, before the enemy
discovered the trick the Yankee was playing, and began also to kedge.
A little air was felt at half-past seven, but at eight it fell calm
again, when the vessels resorted to boats, long sweeps and the kedge.
The Shannon, which was astern, having, at last, got most of the boats
of the squadron on her, slowly gained on the Constitution, while the
Guerriere was walking down on her larboard quarter. The prospect for
the American was now gloomy enough--there was scarcely a ray of hope.
The unruffled sea seemed to heave in mockery of the anguish of those
whose every thought was a prayer for wind, and slowly, like the
unpitying approach of death, the hostile fleet kept closing on that
helpless ship. One more hour like the last, would bring her under the
guns of two frigates. Still, there was not a craven heart within those
ribs of oak. Each man, as he looked sternly on his comrade, read in
his face the determination to fight while a gun was left. Hull,
chafing at his desperate position, resolved to close fiercely with the
first vessel that approached; and judging from his after conduct, he
would have made wild work with his antagonist. The men in the boats
strove nobly, but it was a contest of mere physical strength, in which
there was not the least hope of success. But adverse fate seemed at
last to relent, and a light breeze sprung up from the southward. Hull
no sooner saw it approaching on the water than he ordered the sails to
be trimmed, and the moment the vessel felt its gentle pressure, she
was brought up into the wind--the boats fell alongside and were
hoisted to their davits or swung, just clear of the water--the men
working coolly at their posts, although the shot of the Guerriere
were dashing the sea into spray around them.
But in an hour it again fell nearly calm, and the boats were once more
put on. The crew strove to make up by effort what they lacked in
force, but the Shannon steadily gained. With the exception of a little
rest obtained when slight breezes struck the vessel, the men were kept
incessantly at work all the day. At two o'clock, the Belvidera opened
with her bow guns, to which the Constitution responded with her stern
chasers. In half-an-hour, however, Captain Hull ordered the firing to
cease, and the men were again ordered to the boats, and rowing and
kedging were kept up till eleven at night. They were fast becoming
exhausted under the tremendous strain that had been put upon them
since early in the morning, when to their great relief a breeze sprung
up, and every sail that would draw was set. It lasted, however, only
for an hour. At midnight, it was calm again; but the crews of both
vessels had been overtasked, and no boats were sent out. In the
morning, Captain Hull discovered that some of the vessels had gained
on him, and four frigates were within long gun shot. It was now
apparent that the least unfavorable change would settle the fate of
the Constitution. The officers had snatched a little sleep at their
posts, and were ready to defend their flag to the last. It was a
lovely summer morning, and as the orb of day slowly rolled into view,
it lighted up a scene of thrilling interest and transcendant beauty.
The ocean lay slumbering in majestic repose, reflecting from its
unruffled bosom the cloudless sky. A light breeze was fanning the sea,
and every stitch of canvas that would draw was set. All the vessels
had now got on the same tack, the gallant American leading the van.
"The five frigates were clouds of canvas from their trucks to the
water," as slowly and proudly they swept along the deep. The
Constitution looked back on her eager pursuers, each eye on her decks
watching the relative speed of the vessels, and each heart praying for
wind. But, at noon, it again fell calm, when the Belvidera was found
to be two miles and a half astern, the next frigate three miles
distant, and the others still farther to leeward. This was a great
gain on the position of the day before, and with a steady breeze,
there would be no doubt of the issue. About half-past twelve, a light
wind sprung up, and although it kept unsteady during the afternoon, it
was evident the Constitution was walking away from her pursuers. Every
sail was tended, and every rope watched with scrupulous care, that
showed the American frigate to be a thorough man of war. The day which
had been so beautiful threatened a stormy close, for a heavy squall
was rising out of the southern sea. Captain Hull narrowly watched its
approach, with every man at the clew lines. Just before it struck the
ship, the order was given, and the vessel was stripped of her canvas
as by a single blow. The British vessels began to take in sail without
waiting for the near approach of the squall. As soon as the strength
of the gale had been felt, the Constitution was again put under a
press of canvas, and bowing gracefully, as if in gratitude to the
rising sea, she flung the foam joyfully from her bows, and was soon
rushing through the water at the rate of eleven knots an hour. When
the rain cloud had passed, and an observation of the enemy's ships
could be obtained, they were far astern, and with the last rays of the
setting sun, the Constitution bade farewell to her pursuers. It was
gallantly and gloriously done.
Cool and steady action on the part of the commander, met by
corresponding conduct on the part of the officers and crew, thorough
seamanship exhibited in every manoeuvre she attempted, saved the noble
vessel from capture. What a contrast does this conduct of the nephew,
thus surrounded by a superior force and beset with apparently
insurmountable difficulties, present to that of the uncle at Detroit.
In the one, desperate circumstances produced great effort, in the
other none at all. One with no thought of surrendering, while a spar
was left standing, the other meekly laying down his arms without
firing a shot. Shortly after, the Constitution arrived in Boston.
Previous to the sailing of this vessel from Annapolis, the Essex,
under Capt. Porter, having been got ready for sea at New York, started
on a cruise to the southward. Making several prizes of merchantmen,
she again stood to the southward, when she fell in with a fleet of
British transports, convoyed by a frigate and bomb vessel. She
endeavored to get along side of the former, but one of the transports
which Capt. Porter had spoken, threatening to make signal to the other
vessels, he was obliged to take possession of her. To accomplish this,
as the prize had a hundred and fifty soldiers aboard, consumed so much
time that the rest of the fleet escaped.
The Essex having disguised herself as a merchant man continued her
cruise, and in a few days discovered a strange sail, which, deceived
by her appearance, boldly attacked her. The latter having got the
enemy in close range, knocked out her ports, which had been closed,
and poured in her broadsides. This sudden metamorphosis and tremendous
firing completely stunned the stranger, and he immediately hauled down
his colors. The prize proved to be the ship Alert, mounting twenty-two
eighteen-pound carronades. This was the first British war vessel
taken by an American cruiser.
Captain Porter having converted the Alert into a cartel, sent her with
the prisoners into St. John's. The English Admiral, at Newfoundland,
remonstrated against this course, as it deprived the British of the
chances of recapture before entering an American port. He however
could not well refuse to carry out the arrangements which the Captain
of the Alert had entered into.
The Essex, after an unsuccessful cruise and some narrow escapes,
finally reached the Delaware, where she replenished her stores.
[Illustration: The Constitution and Guerriere.]
On the 28th of July an order was sent from the Secretary of the Navy,
to Capt. Hull, at Boston, to deliver up the Constitution to Commodore
Bainbridge, and take charge of the frigate Constellation. [Sidenote:
Aug. 2.] But fortunately for him and the navy, just before this order
reached him he had again set sail, and was out on the deep, where the
anxieties of the department could not disturb him. Cruising eastward
along the coast, he captured ten small prizes near the mouth of the
St. Lawrence and burned them. In the middle of the month he recaptured
an American merchantman and sent her in, and then stood to the
southward. On the 19th he made a strange sail, one of the vessels that
a few weeks before had pressed him so hard in the chase. When the
Constitution had run down to within three miles of him, the Englishman
laid his maintop sail aback, and hung out three flags, to show his
willingness to engage. Capt. Dacres, the commander, surprised at the
daring manner in which the stranger came down, turned to the captain
of an American merchantman whom he had captured a few days before, and
asked him what vessel he took that to be. The latter replied, as he
handed back the glass to Dacres, that he thought from her sails she
was an American. It cannot be possible, said Dacres, or he would not
stand on so boldly. It was soon evident, whoever the stranger might
be, he was bent on mischief. Hull prepared his vessel for action
deliberately, and after putting her under close fighting canvas and
sending down her royal yards, ordered the drums to beat to quarters.
It was now five o'clock, and as the Constitution bore steadily down
towards her antagonist, the crew gave three cheers. The English vessel
was well known, for she had at one of her mast-heads a flag proudly
flying, with the "Guerriere" written in large characters upon it. When
the Constitution arrived within long gun shot, the Guerriere opened
her fire, now waring to bring her broadside to bear, and again to
prevent being raked by the American, which slowly but steadily
approached. The Englishman kept up a steady fire, for nearly an hour,
to which the Constitution replied with only an occasional gun. The
crew at length became excited under this inaction. The officer below
had twice come on deck to report that men had been killed standing
idly at their guns, and begged permission to fire; but Hull still
continued to receive the enemy's broadsides in silence. The Guerriere
failing to cripple the Constitution, filled and moved off with the
wind free, showing that she was willing to receive her and finish the
conflict in a yard-arm to yard-arm combat. The Constitution then drew
slowly ahead, and the moment her bows began to lap the quarters of the
Guerriere, her forward guns opened, and in a few minutes after, the
welcome orders were received to pour in broadside after broadside as
rapidly as possible. When she was fairly abeam, the broadsides were
fired with a rapidity and power that astounded the enemy. As the old
ship forged slowly ahead with her greater way, she seemed moving in
flame. The mizen mast of the enemy soon fell with a crash, while her
hull was riddled with shot, and her decks slippery with gore. The
carnage was so awful that the blood from the wounded and mangled
victims, as they were hurried into the cockpit, poured over the ladder
as if it had been dashed from a bucket. As Hull passed his antagonist
he wheeled short round her bows to prevent a raking fire. But in doing
this he came dead into the wind--his sails were taken aback--the
vessel stopped--then getting sternway, the Guerriere came up, her bows
striking the former abeam. While in this position, the forward guns of
the enemy exploded almost against the sides of the Constitution,
setting the cabin on fire. This would have proved a serious event but
for the presence of mind of the fourth lieutenant, Beekman Verplanck
Hoffman, who extinguished it. As soon as the vessels got foul both
crews prepared to board. The first lieutenant, Morris,[29] in the
midst of a terrific fire of musketry, attempted to lash the ships
together, which were thumping and grinding against each other with the
heavy sea, but fell, shot through the body. M. Alwyn, the master, and
Lieut. Bush of the marines, mounting the taffrail to leap on the
enemy's decks were both shot down, the latter killed instantly with a
bullet through the head. Finding it impossible to board under such a
tremendous fire, the sails of the Constitution were filled, when the
vessels slowly and reluctantly parted. As the Constitution rolled away
on the heavy swell, the foremast of the Guerriere fell back against
the mainmast, carrying that down in its descent, leaving the frigate a
helpless wreck, "wallowing in the trough of the sea." Hull seeing that
his enemy was now completely in his power, ran off a little way to
secure his own masts and repair his rigging which was badly cut up.
In a short time he returned, and taking up a position where he could
rake the wreck of the Guerriere at every discharge, prepared to finish
her. Capt. Dacres had fought his ship well, and when every spar in her
was down, gallantly nailed the jack to the stump of the mizen-mast.
But further resistance was impossible, and to have gone down with his
flag flying, as one of the English journals declared he ought to have
done, would have been a foolish and criminal act. A few more
broadsides would have carried the brave crew to the bottom, and to
allow his vessel to roll idly in the trough of the sea, a mere target
for the guns of the American, would neither have added to his fame nor
lessened the moral effect of the defeat. He therefore reluctantly
struck her flag, and Lieutenant Read was sent on board to take
possession.
[Footnote 29: Afterwards Commodore Morris.]
As he stepped over the vessel's side, a disgusting scene presented
itself. When the vessel struck, Captain Dacres told the crew they
might go and get some refreshments, which was another mode of giving
them liberty to drink. In a short time, all the petty officers and
their wives, together with the sailors, were wallowing together in
filth. The vessel being dismasted lay in the trough of the sea, and as
she rolled backwards and forwards the water came in the ports on one
side, and poured out of those on the other, mingling in a loathsome
mass the motley multitude.
This vessel, as well as all the English ships, presented another
striking contrast to the American. Impressment was so abhorred, that
British officers were afraid of being shot down by their topmen during
an engagement; and hence dared not wear their uniforms, while ours
went into action with their epaulettes on, knowing that it added to
their security, for every sailor would fight for his commander as he
would for a comrade.
Captain Hull kept hovering around his prize during the night; and at
two o'clock, "sail ho," was sent aft by the watch, when the
Constitution immediately beat to quarters. The weary sailors tumbled
up cheerfully at the summons, the vessel was cleared for action, and
there is no doubt that if another Guerriere had closed with the
Constitution, she would have been roughly handled, crippled as the
latter was from her recent conflict.
After deliberating for an hour, the stranger stood off. In the
morning, the Guerriere was reported to have four feet water in the
hold, and was so cut up that it would be difficult to keep her afloat.
The prisoners were, therefore, all removed, and the vessel set on
fire. The flames leaped up the broken masts, ran along the bulwarks,
and wrapped the noble wreck in a sheet of fire. As the guns became
heated, they went off one after another, firing their last salute to
the dying ship. At length, the fire reached the magazine, when she
blew up with a tremendous explosion. A huge column of smoke arose and
stood for a long time, as if petrified in the calm atmosphere, and
then slowly crumbled to pieces, revealing only a few shattered planks
to tell where that proud vessel had sunk. The first English frigate
that ever struck its flag to an American ship of war, had gone down to
the bottom of the ocean, a gloomy omen of England's future. The sea
never rolled over a vessel whose fate so startled the world. It
disappeared for ever, but it left its outline on the deep, never to be
effaced till England and America are no more.
The loss of the Constitution was seven killed and seven wounded, while
that of Guerriere was fifteen killed and sixty-four wounded, a
disparity that shows with how much more precision the American had
fired. It is impossible, at this period, to give an adequate idea of
the excitement this victory produced. In the first place, it was
fought three days after the surrender of General Hull, the uncle of
the gallant captain. The mortifying, stunning news of the disaster of
the North-western army met on the sea-board, the thundering shout that
went up from a people delirious with delight over this naval victory.
From one direction the name of Hull came loaded with execrations--from
the other overwhelmed with blessings. But not only was the joy
greater, arriving as the news did on the top of a disaster, but it
took the nation by surprise. An American frigate had fearlessly stood
up in single combat on the deep with her proud foe, and giving gun for
gun, torn the crown from the "mistress of the sea." The fact that the
Constitution had four guns more and a larger crew, could not prevent
it from being practically an even-handed fight. The disparity of the
crews was of no consequence, for it was an affair of broadsides, while
the vast difference in the execution done, proved that had the
relative weight of metal and the muster roll been reversed, the issue
would have been the same.
Captain Hull on his return to Boston, surrendered the frigate to
Bainbridge, who soon after hoisted his broad pennant on board, but did
not put to sea till the 26th of October.
[Sidenote: Oct. 12.]
In the mean time, Commodore Rodgers having refitted again, started on
a cruise, having the United States, forty-four, commanded by Commodore
Decatur, and the Argus, sixteen, Captain Sinclair, in company.
Commodore Rodgers having captured on the 17th, the British packet
Swallow, with two hundred thousand dollars on board, continued his
cruise to the eastward. Just before, in a heavy gale, the United
States and Argus had parted company with him. The former directed her
course so as to fall in the track of East Indiamen, but on Sunday
morning, the 25th, she saw a large sail to the southward, which proved
to be the English frigate Macedonian. After some manoeuvering, the two
vessels approached within a mile of each other, when the firing
commenced. After the United States delivered her second broadside, she
ceased manoeuvering and took the same tack with her enemy, both
steering free. The Macedonian, however, was to windward, and hence
could make it a yard-arm-to-yard-arm combat whenever she chose. But
she preferred a longer range, and the two vessels swept on, delivering
their rapid broadsides within musket shot. The distance at which they
kept, together with the heavy sea that was rolling, rendered the aim
imperfect and protracted the conflict, so that it continued for an
hour after the guns of both vessels began to bear, before any material
effect was visible. The broadsides of the United States were delivered
so rapidly that she was constantly enveloped in flame and smoke, and
the crew of the Macedonian several times thought her on fire and
cheered. Decatur, with his fine face lit up with that chivalric valor
that was wont to illumine it in battle, moved amid his men with words
of encouragement and praise. As the mizen-mast of the enemy went by
the board, hearing a sailor say to his comrade, "Jack, we've made a
brig of her;" he replied, "Take good aim, Jack, and she will soon be
a sloop." Turning to a captain of the gun, he said, "Aim at the yellow
streak, her spars and rigging are going fast enough, she must have a
little more hulling." Soon after her fore and main top mast went over.
At length, the mizen mast was cut in two by a shot, about ten feet
from the deck, while with every roll of the ship the weakened foremast
threatened to swell the wreck. The Englishman, perceiving that his
vessel would soon become unmanageable, made an effort to close, for
the purpose of boarding. But Decatur saw his advantage too plainly, to
risk it in a desperate encounter, and putting on sail shot ahead. The
enemy mistaking this movement for a rapid flight gave three cheers,
and all the flags having come down with the spars, set a union Jack in
the main rigging in token of triumph. But when the United States was
seen to tack and approach, as if about to close, it was hauled down.
On this same Sabbath, while the cheers of the United States' crew rang
over the deep, Napoleon was traversing in gloom the fatal, bloody
field of Malo-Jaraslowitz, and with two kings and three marshals by
his side, was deliberating on that retreat which was to change the
face of the world.
The superiority of American gunnery, in this combat, was placed beyond
dispute. It was a simple cannonade on a very rough sea. Yet the United
States had but five killed and seven wounded, while out of three
hundred men, the Macedonian had one hundred and four killed or
wounded. So, also, the former lost her top-gallant masts, and had been
hulled but a few times. It is true her rigging suffered severely, but
the English frigate had almost every spar in her more or less
shattered, while her hull was pierced with a hundred shot. In this, as
in the former engagement between the Constitution and Guerriere, the
United States carried _four more guns_ than her antagonist. She was a
heavier ship, but therefore a better mark, and yet the enemy's shot
rarely hulled her. The decks of the latter presented a revolting
spectacle. "Fragments of the dead were distributed in every
direction--the decks covered with blood--one continued agonizing yell
of the unhappy wounded,"[30] filled the ship.
[Footnote 30: Statement of an American officer.]
Decatur having arrived with his prize in New London, dispatched Lieut.
Hamilton, son of the Secretary of the Navy, to Washington, with an
account of the victory, and the captured colors. [Sidenote: Dec. 8.]
Hurrying on, greeted with the acclamations of the multitude as he
passed, he arrived at the capital in the evening. On that very night a
ball had been given to the officers of the navy, at which Hull and
Stewart and the Secretary of the Navy were present. Young Hamilton
walked into the gay assemblage and delivered his message to his
overjoyed father, who immediately announced it to the company. Shout
after shout shook the hall--all crowded around the young lieutenant,
eager to hear the incidents of the action. As he narrated how they
fought and how they conquered, tears of joy and gratitude streamed
from the eyes of his mother, who stood fondly gazing on him. Captured
colors of the enemy decorated the room, and a delegation was sent to
bring those of the Macedonia and add them to the number. Captains
Stewart and Hull bore them in, and presented them, amid the loud
acclamations of the throng, to the wife of the President--the band
struck up an inspiring air, and intense excitement and exultation
filled every bosom.
The Argus met with but little success. The seamanship of her officers
was, however, tested during the cruise. She was chased three days and
nights by an English squadron, and yet not only managed to escape, but
having come upon an English merchantman during the chase, actually
captured it in sight of the fleet, though by the time she had manned
it the enemy had opened on her with his guns. Having made five prizes
in all, she returned to port.
In the meanwhile the Wasp, Captain Jones, which was returning from
Europe with dispatches, the time war was declared, had refitted and
started on a cruise. Sailing northward to the latitude of Boston, she
made a single capture and returned to the Delaware. On the 13th of
October, the very day of Van Rensalaer's defeat at Queenstown, she
again put to sea, and after being four days out, on the night of the
17th, made five strange sail. Not knowing their strength or character,
Captain Jones deemed it prudent to keep off till daylight, when he
would have a better opportunity for observing them. In the morning he
discovered there were six ships under the convoy of a brig of war. Two
of them were armed, but the brig deeming herself alone a match for the
American, sent them all forward, and waited for the latter to
approach. The sea was rough from the effects of a storm that had swept
those latitudes the day before, in which Captain Jones had lost his
jib boom and two of his crew. There was no manoeuvering attempted in
this tumultuous sea, and the Wasp surged on in dead silence, the only
sound heard on her decks being the roar of the waves as they burst
along her sides. She closed on her antagonist with a deadliness of
purpose seldom witnessed in naval combats. She never delivered her
broadside till within a hundred and eighty feet, and then with fearful
effect. At first this heroism seemed doomed to a poor reward. The fire
of the Frolic was incessant. Seldom had an Englishman been known to
deliver such rapid broadsides. In five minutes the main topmast of
the Wasp fell amid the rigging--in two minutes more the gaft and mizen
top-gallant mast followed. Thus, in eight minutes from the time the
vessels closed, the Wasp was so disabled that her destruction seemed
almost certain. But while cut up herself so terribly aloft, she had
struck with every broadside the heart of her antagonist. As she rolled
on the heavy seas her guns were frequently under water, and the
sailors staggered around their pieces like drunken men. Delivering her
broadsides as she sunk, she hulled her antagonist at every discharge;
while the latter, firing as she rose, made sad work with the rigging
of the former. Jones seeing his spars and rigging so dreadfully cut
up, was afraid that his vessel would become unmanageable, and
therefore determined to run foul of his adversary and board. But when
the vessels closed, the bows of the Frolic struck abaft the midships
of the Wasp, which so swung the head of the latter around that she was
enabled to throw a raking fire into the former. The order, therefore,
to board was countermanded, and a fresh broadside directed to sweep
her decks. In loading some of the guns, the rammers struck against the
bows of the Frolic. The shot went crashing the whole length of the
ship, and the crew, excited by this hand-to-hand fight, could no
longer be restrained from boarding. Mr. Biddle, the first lieutenant,
leaped into the rigging, followed by Lieut. Rodgers and other men,
and soon gained the decks of the Frolic--but, in looking round for the
enemy, they saw but three or four officers standing aft, and bleeding.
None but the dead and wounded cumbered the decks. Not one was left to
haul down the colors. The officers threw down their swords in token of
submission, and Lieutenant Biddle, springing into the rigging, lowered
the English flag with his own hand. The carnage was horrible for so
small a vessel--nearly a hundred of the officers and crew being killed
or wounded. The decks were literally covered with the mangled forms of
men and officers. The corpses presented a ghastly appearance as they
rolled from side to side with the tossing vessel, while shivered spars
and masts covered the wreck, and still hanging by the ropes, swung
with every lurch against its shattered hull. There can scarcely be a
more mournful sight than a noble ship dismantled in mid ocean, her
decks crimsoned with blood, while on every side, amid broken and rent
timbers, her gallant crew dismembered and torn, are stretched in
death.
The Frolic was a brig carrying in all twenty-two guns, while the Wasp,
though a ship, carried but eighteen, thus making a difference in favor
of the former of four guns.
The Wasp had, therefore, captured a superior force in single combat.
But in this, as in the two former engagements I have detailed, the
same extraordinary disparity in the respective losses of the two
vessels was exhibited. While near a hundred were killed or wounded in
the Frolic, there were only five killed and as many wounded in the
American ship. It is not a matter of surprise that the belief became
prevalent in England that our vessels were filled with Kentucky
riflemen. These men had become famous for their accuracy of aim; and
it was supposed we had introduced them into our navy. In no other way
could they account for the awful carnage that followed every single
combat of ship with ship. In all her naval history, such destructive
work had never been witnessed in so short a space of time. The moment
an American vessel opened her broadsides, death began to traverse the
decks of her antagonist with such a rapid footstep, that men were
appalled.
This was doubtless owing in a great measure to our guns being sighted,
an improvement introduced by American officers, rendering the aim
infinitely more accurate.
The Wasp in this engagement had been fought nobly, but her victory
proved worse than a barren one to her gallant commander and crew.
Scarcely had the English Jack been lowered to the Stars and Stripes,
before the latter were struck to the English flag. The Poictiers an
English seventy-four, soon hoved in sight and bore down on the two
vessels lying to and clearing away the wreck. The Wasp endeavored to
make use of her heels, but on turning out her sails, they were found
completely riddled. Flight was out of the question, and both vessels
surrendered. They were taken into Bermuda, where the Americans were
parolled and allowed to return home.
On the 26th of October, Commodore Bainbridge left Boston, accompanied
by the Hornet, with the intention of joining Captain Porter, in the
Essex, and passing into the Pacific Ocean, where the British fisheries
and commerce could be easily struck. Captain Lawrence, cruising
southward, at length arrived at St. Salvador, where he found a British
sloop of war, the Bonne Citoyenne. The latter being in a neutral port,
was safe. She was superior to the Hornet, but Lawrence, determined to
provoke her out to single combat, sent a challenge to her
commander--Commodore Bainbridge, in the meanwhile, promising to keep
out of the way. The challenge was declined, and if the fact that she
had a large amount of specie on board, had been given as the reason of
her refusal, the conduct of Captain Green, the commander would have
been unobjectionable. But to intimate, as he did, that the frigate
would interfere, after Bainbridge had pledged his word, and the
American Consul offered guarantees, evinced a contemptible spirit,
almost as degrading as cowardice.
Captain Lawrence determined, however, not to let the vessel go to sea
without him, and he therefore blockaded the port.
The Constitution left the Hornet blockading the Bonne Citoyenne, and
steered south, keeping along the coast, and on the 29th discovered two
sail between her and the land, which was about thirty miles distant
and in full view. One of the vessels being small, kept standing in
towards the shore, while the larger one, a British frigate, the Java,
of thirty-eight guns, directed her course towards the American.
Bainbridge, wishing to get farther from the land, tacked and steered
to the south-east for two hours, the Englishman following after. About
half-past one, finding himself clear of the land, Bainbridge tacked
and stood towards the stranger. At 2 o'clock the two vessels were only
half a mile apart, the Englishman to windward, and showing no colors.
The order to fire a shot to make the latter set his ensign being
misunderstood, a whole broadside was delivered, and the battle
commenced. A tremendous cannonade followed. The wind was light and the
sea smooth, so that full scope was given for manoeuvering and accurate
aim. Bainbridge, who at the commencement of the war, had urged the
President to send the national ships to sea, and was now in his first
fight, felt not only the promise he had given the Secretary of the
Navy weighing on him, but his responsibility as commander of the
Constitution, fresh with laurels from the capture of the Guerriere.
He managed his ship with consummate skill, and not only foiled every
attempt of the enemy to get a raking position, but soon obtained one
himself, and delivered a broadside that swept the decks of the Java.
The vessels had at length approached within pistol shot, and the
effect of the rapid broadsides of the Constitution delivered so
closely and on that smooth sea, could be heard in the rending timbers
of the enemy's ship. Bainbridge, in the mean time, received a musket
ball in his thigh. He however still walked the quarter deck, watching
every movement of his antagonist, and the effect of every broadside.
In a few minutes later, a cannon shot plunged into the wheel,
shattering it in fragments, and sending a copper bolt into his leg.
Crippled and bleeding--refusing even to sit down--he continued to limp
over the quarter deck, watching the progress of the combat, and
directing the movements, apparently unconscious of pain. The
destruction of the wheel he felt to be a more serious affair than his
wounded leg, for he was no longer able to give verbal orders to the
helmsman. The tiller was of course worked below the second deck by
ropes and tackles, where the helmsman unable to see the sails and
steer accordingly, depended entirely on orders transmitted to him.
This would have been of minor consequence in a steady yard to yard-arm
fight, but in the constant manoeuvering of the two vessels, either to
get or prevent a raking fire, it was a serious inconvenience. Still,
the Constitution managed to secure this advantage in almost every
evolution. The tremendous fire she kept up, so staggered the
Englishman, that he resolved to run his vessel aboard at all hazards.
He came stern on, and his bowsprit passed through the mizen rigging of
the Constitution. The next moment, however, it was cut in two by a
cannon shot, when the two vessels parted. At length the Constitution,
after wearing twice to get the right position, threw herself fairly
alongside her antagonist, and they moved on together, yard-arm and
yard-arm, pouring in incessant broadsides. In a few minutes the mizen
mast of the Java went over, and as her foremast had gone long before,
nothing but the main mast was left standing. Her fire had now ceased,
and Bainbridge, under the impression she had struck, set his sails and
passed off to windward to repair damages, make his masts secure, and
be ready for any new combat that might be forced on him, in a sea
filled with the enemy's cruisers. After an hour spent in overhauling
his ship he returned, and finding the enemy's ensign still flying, he
passed directly across her bows, and was about to deliver a raking
fire, when she struck. The combat lasted for more than two hours, and
from the number of evolutions on both sides, was brought to a
termination several miles from where it commenced. The Java was
completely dismantled. Her mizen mast had been cut away close to the
deck--the mainmast fell soon after the firing ceased, while nothing
but a stump of the foremast, some twenty or thirty feet long, was left
standing. Her bowsprit, too, was gone; in fact, every spar had been
shot out of her. The Constitution, on the contrary, at the close of
the long severe conflict, had every spar standing. An eighteen pound
shot had made an ugly hole through her mizen mast, and another had cut
a deep gash in the foremast, and a quantity of ropes swinging loose in
the wind, showed that she had been in the midst of cannon balls, but
she came out of the conflict as she went in, every spar erect and her
royal yards across. The outward appearance of the ships did not
present a more striking contrast than their decks. Those of the Java
were rent and torn, and strewed with the dead. A hundred and sixty-one
had been killed or wounded, while nine killed and twenty-five wounded
covered the entire loss of the Constitution.
Among the prisoners taken was Lieutenant-General Hislop, with his
staff, on his way to Bombay, as Governor. They were all treated with
that kindness and generosity which ever characterizes a truly brave
man--conduct which the English, in the very very few opportunities
offered them, did not generally reciprocate.
The severe wounds of Commodore Bainbridge could not force him to leave
the deck, even after the action was over. In his anxiety for his ship
and the prize, and care of the wounded and prisoners, he forgot his
sufferings, keeping his feet till eleven o'clock at night. These eight
hours of constant exertion increased the inflammation to an alarming
degree, and well nigh cost him his life.
It was a proud day for him; he had redeemed his pledge to the
government, and added another wreath to the laurels that already
crowned the American navy.
The Constitution lay by the Java for two or three days, in order that
the wounded might be removed with care and safety. When this was
accomplished, the latter vessel being so completely riddled that it
would be impossible to get her into an American port, was blown up.
Our gunners fired with too accurate an aim; they so destroyed the
vessels of the enemy, that they could not be secured as prizes.
The Constitution was carried into St. Salvador, where her arrival did
not improve the prospect before the Bonne Citoyenne, should she
venture to break a lance with the Hornet. She was apparently preparing
to go to sea that night, with the intention of avoiding her
antagonist if convenient, and fighting her if necessary. The capture
of the Java, however, produced a change in her plans, and she took
eighteen days longer to reflect on the subject.
Commodore Bainbridge dismissed the private passengers found on board
the Java, without regarding them as prisoners of war, while all the
others were released on their parol. Governor Hislop presented him
with an elegant sword, as a token of his esteem and an acknowledgment
of the kindness with which he had been treated. Captain Lambert,
commander of the Java, was mortally wounded, and just before his
removal to the shore, Bainbridge, leaning on the shoulders of two
officers, hobbled into his room to restore to him his sword. It was a
touching spectacle, the wounded victor presenting to his dying
antagonist, the sword he never would wield again, accompanying it with
expressions of esteem and kindly hopes. Captain Lambert received it
with emotion, and returned his thanks. Two days after, it was laid
across his breast. It was not dishonored in its owner's hand, for his
ship had been gallantly fought to the last, and surrendered only when
not a sail could be set.
Bainbridge, at this time, was not quite forty years of age. Six feet
in height, of commanding person, and an eye that burned like fire in
battle, he moved over his quarter deck the impersonation of a hero.
His noble conduct to the prisoners, won him the praise even of his
enemies. An English Admiral, when told of it, shook his head,
remarking, that it had an ominous look when a young commander, in a
navy unaccustomed to victory, could treat his foes so like an old
Spanish cavalier.[31]
[Footnote 31: There is a curious incident connected with this battle.
A few nights before it occurred, Bainbridge dreamed, that he had a
long encounter with a British vessel, and finally captured her. On
board were several officers, and among them a general. It made such an
impression on him, that he entered the facts in his journal, and spoke
of them to his officers. After the engagement, as he was standing on
deck surrounded by his officers, waiting to receive the commander of
the Java, he saw the boats carrying General Hislop approach. Turning
to lieutenant Parker, he said, "that is the man I saw in my dream."]
The Constitution, in this engagement, carried fifty-four guns, and the
Java forty-nine. On this difference of five guns, the English
attempted to erect a prop to support their naval pride. The effort to
prove a superiority in weight of metal and number of men, in every
victorious American vessel, and the changes rung on the difference of
a single gun, exhibited a sensitiveness that enhanced instead of
lessened the defeats. If a battle is never to be considered equal,
until both ships have the same tonnage to a pound, the same number of
cannon, and the muster roll be equal to a man, it is to be feared
there never will be one fought. Not only did the English allege that
the Constitution was greatly superior in weight of metal, but
declared that her success was owing, in a large measure, to her
musketry; and yet the Java had not a spar standing at the close of the
battle. Muskets do not dismantle vessels, and leave them mere hulks at
the mercy of their foe.[32] The English court of enquiry appointed to
investigate the subject, asked the boatswain, "if they had suffered
much on the forecastle from musketry." "Yes," he very frankly replied,
"_and, likewise, from round and grape_." The latter was, no doubt,
true, and very probably the former.
[Footnote 32: Some time after the peace of 1815, a distinguished
officer of the English navy, visited the Constitution, then just
fitted anew at Boston, for a Mediterranean cruise. He went through the
ship, accompanied by Captain ---- of our service. "Well, what do you
think of her?" asked the latter, after the two had gone through the
vessel, and reached the quarter deck again. "She is one of the finest
frigates, if not the finest frigate I ever put my foot on board of,"
returned the Englishman; "but, as I must find some fault, I'll just
say, that your wheel is one of the clumsiest things I ever saw, and is
unworthy of the vessel." Captain ---- laughed, and then explained the
appearance of the wheel, saying, "When the Constitution took the Java,
the former's wheel was shot out of her. The Java's wheel was fitted on
the Constitution to steer with, and although we think it ugly, as you
do, we keep it as a trophy."]
Bainbridge returned to Boston, and resigned the command of the
Constitution, which stood greatly in need of repairs.
Lawrence continued, as before stated, to blockade the Bonne Citoyenne,
until the latter part of January, when a British seventy-four heaving
in sight, he was compelled to run in beside his adversary. The tables
were now turned upon him, and he had the prospect of seeing the
man-of-war playing the part of keeper at the mouth of the port, while
his own prisoner making use of this protection could pass out, and
continue his voyage. This was a predicament he did not relish, and
taking advantage of the night, quietly slipped out to sea, and
continued his cruise. He made a few prizes, and among them a brig of
ten guns, with $12,500 in specie on board. Arriving, at length, at the
mouth of the Demarara river, he discovered an English brig of war, and
gave chase to her. The latter running in shore, led him into such
shoal water, that he deemed it prudent to haul off. He, however, did
not abandon the hope of forcing the ship into an engagement, and while
beating down on a different tack to get within reach of her, he
discovered another brig apparently seeking to close. He immediately
put the head of his vessel toward that of the stranger. Both were
close on the wind, and as they continued to approach, it was evident
from their course they must pass each other with their yard-arms
almost touching. It was now nearly half-past five, and the lurid rays
of the sun, just sinking behind the hills of the main land, flooded
the two vessels as they silently closed. The moment they began to draw
abeam, so that the guns bore, the firing began. When fairly abreast,
the vessels were not more than fifty feet apart. The words of command
and the shrieks of the wounded could be distinctly heard in either
vessel, as broadside crashed against broadside. It was a stern meeting
and parting. As soon as the guns ceased to bear, the Englishman wore,
in order to get a raking fire on the Hornet. The latter, however, was
too quick for him; he was first about, and coming down on his quarter
in "a perfect blaze of fire," poured in his broadsides with such close
range and destructive effect, that in ten minutes more the enemy not
only struck, but hoisted a signal of distress. Mr. Shubrick being sent
on board to take possession, reported that the vessel was the sloop of
war, Peacock, and that she had six feet water in the hold. Every
effort was made to save the prize, and to get out the wounded. Both
vessels were anchored; the pumps were rigged on board the Peacock, and
bailing was resorted to. The vessel, however, continued to sink, and
at last went down, carrying nine of her own crew and three of the
Hornet with her. Two American officers, and many more seamen came near
losing their lives, in their gallant effort to save the prisoners.
The foremast of the ill-fated vessel protruded from the sea, where she
went down, remaining for some time to mark the place of the battle and
the victory.
The superiority of American gunnery and American seamanship was again
established beyond dispute. The Hornet was slightly superior in weight
of metal,[33] but she not only out-maneuvered her antagonist, but
surpassed her incomparably in the effective use of her guns. The
former had but one man killed and two wounded, while of the latter
there were thirty-eight killed and wounded, and among them the
commander. The Hornet had but a single shot in her hull, while the
Peacock was so riddled that she sunk in a few minutes after the
action.
[Footnote 33:
Peacock. Hornet.
Broadside guns, 9 10
Crew, 130 135]
The thrill of exultation that passed over the land at the announcement
of the first naval victory, was alloyed by the reflection that it was
but an isolated instance, and hence could hardly justify a belief in
our naval superiority. But as frigate after frigate and ship after
ship struck, all doubt vanished, and the nation was intoxicated with
delight. The successive disasters that befel our land forces along the
Canada line, could not check the outburst of enthusiasm on every side.
As the news of one victory succeeding another was borne along the
great channels of communication, long shouts of triumph rolled after
it, and the navy from being unknown and uncared for, rose at once to
be the bulwark and pride of the nation. All faces were turned to the
ocean to catch the first echo of those resistless broadsides, that
proudly asserted and made good the claim to "free trade and sailor's
rights." Where we had been insulted and wronged the most, there we
were chastising the offender with blows that astounded the world. If
the American Government had been amazed at the failure of its deep
laid schemes against Canada, it was no less so at the unexpected
triumphs at sea. Saved from the deepest condemnation by the navy,
which it had neglected--forced to fall back on its very blunders for
encouragement, it could say with Hamlet--
"Let us know,
Our indiscretion sometimes serves us well
When our deep plots do pall."
But our astonishment at these successive and brilliant victories could
scarcely exceed that of the old world. The British navy had been so
long accustomed to victory, that a single-handed contest of an English
frigate with that of any other nation, had ceased to be a matter of
solicitude to her. The maritime nations of Europe had, one after
another, yielded to her sway, till her flag in every sea on the globe
extorted the respect and fear which the declaration, "I am a Roman
citizen" did, in the proudest days of the Empire. Her invincibility on
the ocean was a foregone conclusion. The victories of Napoleon
stopped with the shore--even his "star" paled on the deep. His
extraordinary efforts and energies could not tear from the British
navy the proud title it had worn so long. His fleets, one after
another, had gone down before the might of British broadsides, and the
sublime sea fights of Aboukir and Trafalgar, were only corroborations
of what had long been established. If this was the common feeling of
the Continent it is no wonder that "the English were stunned as by the
shock of an earthquake."[34] The first victory surprised them, but did
not disturb their confidence. They began to discuss the causes of the
unlooked for event with becoming dignity, but before the argument was
concluded, another and another defeat came like successive thunder
claps, till discussion gave way to alarm. The thoughtful men of
England were too wise to pretend that disasters occurring in such
numbers and wonderful regularity, could be the result of accident, and
feared they beheld the little black cloud which the prophet saw rising
over the sea, portending an approaching storm. If, in so short a time,
a maritime force of only a few frigates and sloops of war could strike
such deadly blows and destroy the prestige of English invincibility,
what could not be done when that navy should approximate her own in
strength. Some of the leading journals indulged in foolish boasting
and detraction of American valor, and held up to derision those who
saw portents of evil in the recent defeats. But the Times spoke the
sentiments of those whose opinions were of any weight. Said the
latter: "We witnessed the gloom which the event (the capture of the
Guerriere) cast over high and honorable minds. We participated in the
vexation and regret, and it is the first time we ever heard that the
striking of the flag on the high seas to any thing like an equal
force, should be regarded by Englishmen with complacency or
satisfaction." *** "It is not merely that an English frigate has been
taken, after what we are free to confess, may be called a brave
resistance, but that it has been taken by a _new enemy_, an enemy
unaccustomed to such triumphs, and likely to be rendered insolent and
confident by them." Another declared: "Our maritime superiority is in
fact a part of the nation's right. It has been the right of the
conqueror, since men associated together in civilization, to give laws
to the conquered, and is Great Britain to be driven from the proud
eminence which the blood and treasures of her sons have attained for
her among nations, by a piece of striped bunting flying at the
masthead of a few _fir-built frigates_, manned by a handful of
bastards and outlaws?"
[Footnote 34: Vide Alison.]
Such were the different sentiments entertained and expressed in
England at the outset, but as the war progressed, anxiety and alarm
took the place of boasting.
The war vessels at length grew timorous, and lost all their desire to
meet an American ship of equal rank. It was declared that our frigates
were built like seventy-fours, and therefore English frigates were
justified in declining a battle when offered. The awful havoc made by
our fire affected the seamen also, and whenever they saw the stars and
stripes flaunting from the masthead of an approaching vessel, they
felt that no ordinary battle was before them. English crews had never
been so cut up since the existence of her navy. In the terrific battle
of the Nile, Nelson lost less than three out of one hundred, and in
his attack on Copenhagen, less than four out of every hundred. In
Admiral Duncan's famous action off Camperdown, the proportion was
about the same as that of the Nile. In 1793, the French navy was in
its glory, and the victories obtained over its single ships by English
vessels were considered unparalleled. Yet in fourteen single
engagements, considered the most remarkable, and in which the ships,
with one exception, ranged from thirty-six guns to fifty-two, the
average of killed and wounded was only seventeen per ship, while in
four encounters with American vessels, the Constitution, United States
and Wasp, the average was a hundred and eleven to each vessel.
[Sidenote: Jan. 2.]
This success of the navy at length roused Congress to do something in
its aid, and an act was passed on the 2d of January, authorizing the
President to build four seventy-fours, and six ships of forty-four
guns, thus increasing the force of the navy tenfold. On the 3d of
March, by another act, it authorized the building of such vessels on
the lakes as was deemed necessary to their protection. Sums were also
voted to the officers and crews as prize money.
CHAPTER VII.
Harrison plans a winter campaign -- Advance of the army --
Battle and massacre at the River Raisin -- Baseness of
Proctor -- Promoted by his Government -- Tecumseh, his
character and eloquence -- He stirs up the Creeks to war --
Massacre at Fort Mimms -- Investment of Fort Meigs --
Advance of Clay's reinforcements and their destruction --
Successful sortie -- Flight of the besiegers -- Major
Croghan's gallant defence of Fort Stephenson.
The army of General Harrison, which in October was slowly pushing its
way towards Malden to Detroit, soon became involved in difficulties
that compelled him to abandon his original design of an autumnal
campaign. The lakes being in possession of the enemy, provisions,
ammunition and cannon had to be transported by land, through swamps
and along forest paths which could be traced only by blazed trees, and
traversed only when the ground was frozen. He therefore occupied his
time in sending out detachments and hurrying up his forces, in order
to be ready to advance when the frozen ground, and especially the ice
along the margin of the lake would facilitate the transportation of
his guns and munitions of war.
General Tupper made two attempts, first from Fort Defiance and
afterwards from Fort McArthur, to dislodge the Indians at the Rapids,
but failed in both. Another detachment under Col. Campbell left
Franklintown in December, to attack the Indian villages on the
Missisineway, which were reached on the 18th, and four out of five
destroyed.
At length the column which formed the right of this army, nominally of
ten thousand men, having arrived at Sandusky with the park of
artillery, Gen. Harrison gave the order for the whole to move forward.
In three divisions, one from Sandusky, one from Fort McArthur, and the
third under General Winchester, from Fort Defiance, were to advance to
the Rapids of the Maumee, there take in their supply of ordnance and
provisions, and proceed at once to invest Malden. Harrison, commanding
the central division, started on the 31st of December. Gen.
Winchester, who had moved six miles from Fort Defiance, to Camp No. 3,
did not commence his march till the 8th of January. It was a cold
bitter day and the snow lay over two feet deep in the forest when that
doomed column, one thousand strong, set out for the Rapids,
twenty-seven miles distant. The troops, most of whom were Kentuckians,
were brave and hardy, and cheerfully harnessing themselves to sledges
dragged their baggage through the deep snow. Gen. Winchester was
ordered to fortify himself at the Rapids and wait the arrival of the
other troops. But three days after he reached the place, while
constructing huts to receive the supplies on the way, and sleds for
their transportation to Malden, he received an urgent request from the
inhabitants of Frenchtown, a small settlement nearly forty miles
distant, on the River Raisin, to come to their rescue. Feeling,
however, the importance of fulfilling his orders, he gave the
messengers no encouragement. But another express on the next day, and
a third the day after, telling him that the whole settlement was
threatened with massacre by the Indians--that only a small force of
the enemy held possession of the place, and by a prompt answer to
their prayer the ruin of all would be prevented, he called a council
of war. Col. Allen, and other gallant officers, pleaded the cause of
the helpless settlers with all the eloquence of true sympathy. They
declared that the chief object of the expedition was to protect the
frontiers from the merciless Indians, and that brave men spurned
danger when the prayers of women and children were sounding in their
ears. [Sidenote: Jan. 20.] Such appeals prevailed over the cooler and
safer arguments drawn from the necessity of not damaging the success
of the whole campaign by perilling one of the wings of the advancing
army, and a detachment of five hundred men, under Colonel Lewis was
sent forward to Presque Isle, there to await the arrival of the main
column. But this officer hearing at the latter place that an advance
party of French and Indians were already in possession of Frenchtown,
hurried forward, and the next day in the afternoon arrived on the
banks of the stream opposite the village. The river being frozen, he
immediately ordered the charge to be sounded. The column advanced
steadily across on the ice, and entering the village under a heavy
fire of the British, forced them from their position and soon drove
them to the woods, when darkness closed the combat. Two days after,
General Winchester arrived with a reinforcement of two hundred and
fifty men. He had sent a dispatch to Gen. Harrison, then on the Lower
Sandusky, announcing his departure from his orders, and asking for
reinforcements. [Sidenote: Jan. 23.] The latter sent forward a
detachment of three hundred, and followed himself the same day with a
corps of three hundred and sixty men. The assistance, however, came
too late, for on the day before they started, the fate of Gen.
Winchester's army was sealed. Gen. Proctor, at Malden, only eighteen
miles distant, hearing of Col. Lewis' advance on Frenchtown, hurried
down with about 1500 men and six pieces of artillery to attack him.
The latter had stationed the main force behind pickets, in the form of
a half circle, but the two hundred and fifty men who had arrived with
Gen. Winchester were, through some strange fatuity, placed outside,
four hundred yards distant, and wholly uncovered. Just as the drums
beat the morning reveillé, Proctor advanced to the assault. The troops
came on steadily till within range of the Kentucky rifles, when they
were met by such a fierce and deadly fire that they wheeled and fled
in confusion.
But, while the attack in front was thus repulsed, that on the
unprotected left wing of two hundred and fifty men was, in a few
minutes, completely successful. Such a preposterous position, as that
to to which it was assigned, no sane man could dream of holding.
Outflanked, and almost surrounded by yelling Indians, its danger was
perceived when too late to remedy it. General Winchester and Colonel
Lewis, however, each with a detachment of fifty men, rushed forward to
the rescue, but they only swelled the disaster. Their followers were
cut down and tomahawked, and they themselves captured, and taken to
Proctor. The latter had paused after his attack on the pickets, for
nearly one-fourth of the regular troops had fallen in that one
assault, and he hesitated about exposing himself again to the deadly
fire of Kentucky rifles. It is very doubtful whether he would have
ventured on a second attack. He, however, represented to General
Winchester, that he could easily set the town on fire, and reduce the
garrison; but, in that case, he would not guarantee the lives of the
soldiers, or the inhabitants from the barbarity of the Indians.
General Winchester fully believing that the five hundred men, who
still gazed undauntedly on the foe, must be sacrificed, agreed to a
capitulation; and an officer was sent with a flag to Major Madison, on
whom the command had devolved, informing him of the unconditional
surrender of all the troops by his superior officer. The brave major,
who did not at all look upon himself and gallant band as vanquished
men, indignantly refused to obey so unworthy a summons, even from his
rightful commander, and coolly told the officer, "he should do no such
thing; nay, would not surrender at all, unless the side arms of the
officers would be restored to them at Amhertsburg, the wounded
promptly and securely transported to that post, and a guard sufficient
for their safety assigned them."[35] If the British commander refused
to grant these terms, he and his men would fight to the last, and, if
necessary, die with their arms in their hands. This proposition, to
which any officer fit to wear a sword would have cheerfully accepted,
Proctor at first rejected, and yielded at last only because no other
terms would be listened to. But no sooner did the garrison surrender,
than in direct violation of the conditions, he gave unbridled license
to the soldiers and Indians. The latter were allowed to scalp and
mutilate the dead and wounded, whose bleeding corpses crimsoned the
snow on every side. Proctor, fearing the approach of Harrison, made
all haste to depart, and the next night reached Amhertsburg with the
prisoners, who were there crowded into a "small and muddy wood yard,
and exposed throughout the night to a cold and constant rain, without
tents or blankets, and with only fire enough to keep them from
freezing." He had brutally left the dead at French town unburied, and
sixty of the wounded, who were too feeble to march, unprotected. By a
great stretch of kindness, he allowed two American surgeons to remain
and take care of them. He had promised to send sleds the next day, to
convey them to Malden. These never arrived; but, instead, there came a
party of his Indian allies, who tomahawked a portion of the wounded,
and then set fire to the houses, consuming the dead and dying
together, and responding to the shrieks of the suffering victims with
yells and savage laughter. Captain Hart, a relative of Henry Clay, was
among the number, as was also a member of Congress. Hart, and indeed a
large majority of them, belonged to the most respectable families of
Kentucky. One officer was scalped in presence of his friends, and with
the blood streaming down his pallid features, rose on his knees, and
silently and most piteously gazed on their faces. While in this
position, an Indian boy was told by his father to tomahawk him. The
unskilful stripling struck again and again, only producing faint
groans from the sufferer, till at length the father, in showing how a
blow should be planted, ended the tragedy. The secretary of General
Winchester was shot while on horseback, and scalped, and his body
stripped and cast into the road. The dead, to the number of two
hundred, were left unburied; and, for a long time after, hogs and dogs
were seen devouring the bodies, and running about crunching human
skulls and arms in their teeth. Most of these facts were sworn to
before a justice of the peace, and forwarded by Judge Woodward, of the
supreme court of Michigan, to Colonel Proctor, with the remark, "The
truth will undoubtedly eventually appear, and that unfortunate day
must meet the steady and impartial eye of history." General Harrison
was at the Rapids, hurrying on the reinforcements, when he heard of
the catastrophe. A few days after, he dispatched Dr. M'Kechen with a
flag of truce to the river Raisin, to pass thence, if possible, to
Malden. Seized by the Indians and stript, he was at length taken to
Captain Elliot, who kindly forwarded him to Colonel Proctor. The
latter denied his mission, declaring he was a spy, and would not
recognize him, in his official character, till the fifth of February.
Three weeks after, he was accused of carrying on a secret
correspondence with the Americans, and without the form of a trial
thrown into a filthy dungeon below the surface of the ground, where he
lay for a whole month, and was finally liberated, only to carry the
seeds of disease, implanted by this brutal treatment, to his grave.
[Footnote 35: Vide Armstrong's Notices of the War of 1812.]
When the news of this horrid massacre reached Kentucky, the State
was filled with mourning, for many of her noblest sons had fallen
victims to the savage. The Governor and his suite were in the
theatre at the time the disastrous tidings arrived in Frankfort. The
play was immediately stopped, the building deserted, and the next
morning a funereal sadness rested on the town, and the voice of
lamentation--like that which went up from Egypt when the first born
of every house was slain--arose from almost every dwelling. But amid
it all there was a smothered cry for vengeance, which never ceased
ringing over the State, until it was hushed in the shout of victory
that rose from the battle-field of the Thames.
Language has no epithets sufficiently opprobrious with which to stamp
this atrocious deed of Colonel Proctor. It combines all the inhuman
elements necessary to form a perfect monster--deceit, treachery,
falsehood, murder, and that refinement of cruelty which looks with
derision on slow torture, and the brutality which can insult the dead.
The very apologies which his countrymen made for him only blackened
his character. It was said that the prisoners surrendered at
discretion, and he never pledged his word for their protection--a
falsehood as afterwards fully proved by the prisoners, and a
statement, whether true or false, utterly useless, only to make the
whole transaction complete and perfect in every part. No man who was
sufficiently acquainted with honor to simulate it successfully, would
have attempted to cover an act so damning with such an excuse. The
annals of civilized warfare present no instance of the massacre and
torture of troops who have surrendered themselves prisoners of war on
a fair battle-field. An act like this, committed by a British officer
on the plains of Europe, sustained only by such an apology, would cost
him his head. Absolute inability, on the part of a commander to
protect his captives, is the only excuse a _man_ would ever offer.
This Proctor had not, for his allies were under his control and he
knew it. At all events he never attempted to save the prisoners. No
guard was left over the wounded, as he had stipulated to do--no
sleighs were sent back the next morning to fetch them to Fort Malden,
as promised--no effort whatever made in their behalf. He never
designed to keep his promises or fulfil his engagements--he had
abandoned the dead and wounded at Frenchtown to his savage allies, as
their part of the reward. Our troops frequently employed Indian
tribes, but no such atrocities were ever suffered to sully the
American flag. The whole transaction, from first to last, is black as
night. His deceit, treachery, cruelty to officers and men, neglect of
the dead and abandonment of the wounded to worse than death--his after
falsehood, meanness and cupidity are all natural and necessary parts
to the formation of a thoroughly base and brutal man. He was a
disgrace to his profession, a disgrace to the army and to the nation
which rewarded him for this act with promotion. His memory shall be
kept fresh while the western hemisphere endures, and the transaction
hold a prominent place in the list of dark deeds that stand recorded
against the English name. Just a month from this date three American
seamen went down in the Peacock, while nobly struggling to save the
prisoners. A few years before, some Turkish captives, in Egypt, being
paroled by Napoleon, were afterwards retaken in a desperate battle and
sentenced by a council of war to be shot. Although they had forfeited
their lives by the laws of all civilized nations, in thus breaking
their parole, and proved by their conduct that a second pardon would
simply be sending them as a reinforcement to the enemy, and though
Bonaparte only carried into execution the decision of a council of
war, yet for this act of his, English historians to this day heap
upon him the epithets of murderer and monster; while not the mere
murder, which would have been comparative kindness, but the
abandonment of American prisoners to slow torture by fire and the
scalping knife, was rewarded with promotion in the army.
The difficulties which our volunteers and new levies unaccustomed to
such hardships, had to contend with on the western frontier, may be
gathered from the march of the three hundred men dispatched to the aid
of Winchester, but who did not arrive till after the massacre.
Starting with twenty pieces of artillery, in a heavy snow storm, they
boldly pierced the wilderness, but made the first day only a short
march. The next day, a courier arrived toiling through snow and mud,
ordering the artillery to advance with all speed. But under the weight
of the heavy guns, the wheels sunk to their axles with every slow
revolution, and it was only by dint of great effort, they were got on
at all. After a weary day's march, they encamped around a blazing
fire, and were just making their scanty meal, when a messenger entered
the camp, stating, that Harrison had retreated from the Rapids. A
portion immediately resolved to push on to his help, and snatching a
few hours of repose, they, at two o'clock in the morning, tumbled up
from their couch of snow, and falling into marching order, hurried
forward through the gloom. To add to their discomfort and sufferings,
a January rain-storm had set in, making the whole surface one
yielding mass, into which they sunk sometimes to their waists.
Drenched to the skin with the pelting rain, stumbling and falling at
almost every step in the dissolving snow, they kept on, and at length
reached the black swamp, near Portage river. This was four miles
across, and was covered with a broad sheet of water as far as the eye
could reach. Out of the untroubled surface rose the trunks of sickly
looking and decayed trees, presenting amid the black and driving rain,
a spectacle sufficient to chill and benumb the most manly heart. Ice
was beneath, but of its strength, or of the depth below, no one could
tell. The soldiers, however, hurried forward into the water, and
though the rotten, treacherous ice under their feet would often give
way, letting them down, till their farther descent was arrested by
their arms; they kept intrepidly on, till, at length, the last mile
was won, and weary and staggering they emerged on the farther side.
Although on the whole route, there were but eight miles where they did
not sink below the knee, and often to the middle, this gallant band
accomplished thirty miles by night fall. Weary, dispirited and
benumbed, they then encamped, and without an axe, cooking utensils, or
a tent to cover them, sat down on logs, and having kindled a feeble
fire made their meagre repast. They then placed two logs together to
keep them from the melting snow, and lay in rows across them, exposed
to the pitiless storm. Next morning, they continued their march, and
effected a junction with the army.
To such hardships and exposures were the sons of gentlemen and farmers
subjected, in those disheartening northern campaigns which ended only
in failure.
While such scenes were transpiring in the north, there occurred one of
those events which form the romance and poetry of the American
wilderness. At this time, Michigan was an unbroken forest, with the
exception of Detroit, and a few settlements along the line of the
lakes, containing in all, but five or six thousand inhabitants. Ohio
had but 300,000, while 2,000 Indians still held their lands within its
limits. Thirteen thousand constituted the entire white population of
Illinois. These states, which now number by millions, were then almost
wholly unknown, except on the borders of the lakes and the Ohio river.
All through the interior, numerous tribes of Indians roamed
undisturbed, and hung, in black and threatening war clouds, around the
borders of civilization. The English had succeeded in exciting many of
these to hostilities against the settlers. Their efforts were aided in
a masterly manner by Tecumseh, a Shawnee warrior, who had imbibed a
bitter, undying hostility to the Americans. Brave, temperate,
scorning a lie, and despising the spoils of war, he fought to restore
his race to their ancient rights and power. Unable to cope with the
Americans alone, he gladly availed himself of our declaration of war
to form an alliance with the British. Lifted by native genius above
the vices of savages, he also exhibited a greatness of intellect, and
loftiness of character, which, in civilized life, would have led to
the highest renown. Despising the petty rivalries of tribes and
chiefs, he became absorbed in the grand idea of uniting all the Indian
clans in one great and desperate struggle for mastery with the whites.
He had succeeded in carrying out his scheme, to a great extent,
throughout the North and West. Of erect, athletic frame, noble,
commanding appearance, with the air of a king, and the eloquence of a
Demosthenes when rousing the Greeks to arms against Philip, he went
from tribe to tribe electrifying them with his appeals, and rousing
them to madness by his fiery denunciations against their oppressors.
His brother, the prophet, accompanied him,--a dark, subtle, cunning
impostor, to whose tricks Tecumseh submitted for awhile, because they
foiled the hatred and deceit of rival chiefs. As he arose before his
savage audiences, his imposing manner created a feeling of awe; but
when he kindled with his great subject, he seemed like one inspired.
His eye flashed fire, his swarthy bosom heaved and swelled with
imprisoned passion, his whole form dilated with excitement, and his
strong untutored soul poured itself forth in eloquence, wild,
headlong, and resistless, as the mountain torrent. Thoughts, imagery
leaped from his lips in such life and vividness that the stoicism of
the Indian vanished before them, and his statue-like face gleamed with
passion. The people he always carried with him; but the chiefs, who
feared his power over their followers, often thwarted his plans. When
not addressing the clans, he was reserved, cold, and haughty. His
withering sarcasm, when Proctor proposed to retreat from Malden; his
reply to the interpreter, who offering him a chair in the presence of
Harrison, said, "Your father wishes you to be seated;" "My father! the
sun is my father, and the earth my mother," as he stretched himself
proudly on the ground, reveal a nature conscious of its greatness, and
scorning the distinctions which the white man arrogated to himself.
After passing through the northern tribes, he took his brother, and
went south to the Creeks, to complete the plan of a general alliance.
The journey of nearly a thousand miles through the wilderness, of
these two brothers,--the discussion of their deep-laid scheme at night
around their camp-fire,--the day-dreams of Tecumseh, as gorgeous as
ever flitted before the imagination of a Cæsar,--the savage empire
destined to rise under his hand, and the greatness he would restore
to his despised race, would make a grand epic. Pathless mountains and
gloomy swamps were traversed; deep rivers swam, and weariness and toil
endured, not for spoils or revenge, but to carry out a great idea.
There is a rude, Tuscan grandeur about him, as he thus moves through
the western wilderness impelled by a high purpose,--a barbaric
splendor thrown about even the merciless measures he means to adopt,
by the great moral scheme to which they are to be subject. His
combinations exhibited the consummate general. While England occupied
us along the sea-coast, he determined to sweep in one vast semi-circle
from Michilimackinac to Florida upon the scattered settlements. Fires
were to be kindled North and South, and West, to burn towards the
centre, while civilized warfare should desolate the eastern slope of
the Alleghanies. Tecumseh had seen Hull surrender, and knew that the
British had been victorious all along the frontier. His prospects were
brightening, and with this glorious news to back his burning
eloquence, he had no doubt of exciting the Southern tribes to war. The
Chickasaws and Choctaws in Mississippi, numbered over thirty thousand;
the Creeks twenty-five thousand, while south of them dwelt the large
and warlike tribe of the Seminoles. His chief mission was to the
Creeks, from whom, on his mother's side, he was descended. This
powerful clan stretched from the southern borders of Tennessee nearly
to Florida. The sun in his course looked on no fairer, richer land
than the country they held. Some of them had learned the arts of
civilization, and, hitherto, had evinced a friendly disposition
towards the whites. But British influence working through the Spanish
authorities in Florida, had already prepared them for Tecumseh's
visit. An alliance, offensive and defensive, had been formed between
England and Spain; and the armies of the former were then in the
Peninsula, endeavoring to wrest the throne from Bonaparte. The latter,
therefore, was bound to assist her ally on this continent, and so lent
her aid in exciting the Southern Indians to hostility.
The year before, General Wilkinson had been dispatched to take
possession of a corner of Louisiana, still claimed by the Spanish. He
advanced on Mobile, and seized without opposition the old fort of
Condé, built in the time of Louis the XIV. He here found abundant
evidence of the machinations of the Spanish and English. Runners had
been sent to the Seminoles and Creeks offering arms and bribes, if
they would attack the frontier settlements. But for this, Tecumseh,
with all his eloquence, might have failed. Co-operating with the
British agents in Florida, as he had done with Brock and Proctor in
Canada, he at length saw his cherished scheme about to be fulfilled.
The old and more peaceful,--those who had settled in well-built towns,
with schools, and flocks, and farms about them,--opposed the war which
would devastate their land, and drive them back to barbarism. But the
eloquence of Tecumseh, as he spoke of the multiplied wrongs of the
Indians, and their humiliation, described the glories to be won, and
painted in glowing colors the victories he had gained in the North,
kindled into a blaze the warlike feelings of the young; and soon
ominous tidings came from the bosom of the wilderness that stretched
along the Coosa and Talapoosa rivers. Having kindled the flames, he
again turned his footsteps northward.
Anxiety and alarm soon spread among the white settlers, and the
scattered families sought shelter in the nearest forts. Twenty-four
had thus congregated at Fort Mimms, a mere block-house, situated on
the Alabama, near the junction of the Tombigbee. It was garrisoned by
a hundred and forty men, commanded by Major Beasely, and, with proper
care, could have resisted the attacks of the savages. But the rumors
of a rising among the Indians were discredited. A negro who stated he
had seen them in the vicinity, was chastised for spreading a false
alarm. The night preceding the massacre, the dogs growled and barked,
showing that they scented Indians in the air. But all these warnings
were unheeded, when suddenly, in broad midday, the savages, some
seven hundred strong, made their appearance before the fort, and
within thirty feet of it, before they were discovered. The gate was
open, and with one terrific yell they dashed through into the outer
enclosure, driving the panic-stricken soldiers into the houses within.
Mounting these they set them on fire, and shot down every soul that
attempted to escape. Seeing, at once, their inevitable doom, the
soldiers fought with the energy of despair. Rushing madly on their
destroyers, they gave blow for blow, and laid sixty of them around the
burning buildings before they were completely overpowered. At last, a
yell of savage triumph rose over the crackling of flames, and cries
and shrieks of terrified women and children. Then followed a scene
which may not be described. The wholesale butchery,--the ghastly
spectacle of nearly three hundred mutilated bodies, hewed and hacked
into fragments, were nothing to the inhuman indignities perpetrated on
the women. Children were ripped from the maternal womb, and swung as
war-clubs against the heads of the mothers, and all those horrible
excesses committed, which seem the offspring of demons.
When Tecumseh reached again the British camp in Canada, he found the
American army at fort Meigs. Harrison, after Winchester's defeat,
instead of boldly pushing on in pursuit, had retreated. He was a brave
general, but lacked the energy and promptness necessary to an
efficient commander. Thus far these qualities seemed confined solely
to the English officers, leaving to ours the single one of caution.
Fort Meigs was erected on the Maumee, just above where it debouches
into Lake Erie. Here the army remained inactive, serving only as a
barrier to the Indians, who otherwise would have fallen on the Ohio
settlements, till the latter part of April. General Harrison employed
the winter in getting reinforcements from Ohio and Kentucky, and did
not reach the fort till the first of the month.
In the mean time, Proctor and Tecumseh had organized a large force for
its reduction. On the twenty-third, the sentinel on watch reported
that the boats of the enemy, in great numbers, were entering the mouth
of the river. The fort, at this time, contained about a thousand men,
and was well supplied with every thing necessary for a long and stout
defence, while twelve hundred Kentuckians, under General Clay, were
marching to its relief.
Finding the fortifications too strong to be carried by assault,
Proctor sat down before them in regular siege. The light troops and
Indians were thrown across the river, and heavy batteries erected on
the left bank. A well-directed cannonade from the fort so annoyed the
besiegers, that they were compelled to perform most of their work by
night. The garrison, at first, suffered very little, except from
scarcity of water. The well in the fort having dried up, they were
compelled to draw their supply from the river. But the men detailed
for this purpose, were constantly picked off by skulking Indians, who
becoming emboldened by success gradually drew closer around the
besieged; and climbing into tall trees, and concealing themselves in
the thick foliage, rained their balls into the works. On the first of
May, Proctor having completed his batteries, opened his fire. He sent,
also, a summons to surrender, which was scornfully rejected by
Harrison, who maintained a brisk cannonade for four days, when the
welcome intelligence was received, that Clay with his twelve hundred
Kentuckians was close at hand. Harrison determined, at once, to raise
the siege, and dispatched a messenger to him, to land eight hundred
men on the left bank of the river, and carry the batteries erected
there by storm, and spike the guns; while the remaining four hundred
should keep down the right bank towards the batteries, against which
he would make a sortie from the fort. The eight hundred were placed
under Colonel Dudley, who crossing the river in good order, advanced
fiercely on the batteries and swept them. Flushed with the easy
victory, and burning to revenge their comrades massacred at river
Raisin, the men refused to halt and spike the guns, but drove
furiously on after the flying troops, or turned aside to fight the
Indians, who clung to the forest. In the mean time, Proctor, aroused
by this unexpected onset, hastened up from his camp a mile and a half
below with reinforcements, and rallied the fugitives. At this critical
moment, Tecumseh also joined him, with a large body of Indians. These
advancing against the disordered Kentuckians, drove them back on the
river. The latter fought bravely, but discipline and numbers told too
heavily against them, and but one hundred and fifty of these gallant,
but imprudent men reached the farther bank in safety. Colonel Dudley
while struggling nobly to repair the error they had committed in
refusing to obey his orders, fell mortally wounded. The small, but
disciplined band of three hundred and fifty, led by Colonel Miller, of
the nineteenth infantry, against the batteries on the right bank,
carried them with the bayonet, and spiking the guns returned with
forty-two prisoners.
The two succeeding days, the armies remained inactive. In the mean
time, the Indians began to return home in large numbers; and Proctor
deserted by his savage allies, resolved to abandon the siege.
Embarking his heavy ordnance and stores under a galling fire from the
fort, he made a hasty and disorderly retreat down the river. The loss
of the Americans during the siege, was two hundred and seventy men
killed and wounded, exclusive of the destruction of a large portion of
Clay's command. That of the British was much less, so that although
the attack on the fort had failed, the Americans were by far the
heaviest sufferers.
Harrison leaving the fort in command of Colonel Clay, repaired to
Franklinton, the place appointed for the rendezvous of the regiments
newly raised in Ohio and Kentucky. In the mean time, a deputation of
all the friendly Indian tribes in Ohio waited on him, offering their
services in the approaching conflict on the borders. They were
accepted on the conditions, they should not massacre their prisoners,
or wage war against women and children.
After Harrison's departure, Proctor again appeared before Fort Meigs.
But finding it well garrisoned, he did not attempt another attack; but
taking five hundred regulars and a horde of Indians, seven hundred in
number, suddenly appeared before Fort Stephenson in Lower Sandusky.
[Sidenote: Aug. 1.] Major Croghan, a young man only twenty-one years
of age, held the post, with but a hundred and sixty men. He had only
one cannon, a six pounder, while the fortifications having been
hastily constructed, were not strong enough to resist artillery.
Knowing this, and the smallness of Croghan's force, Harrison had
previously ordered him to destroy the works, and retire on the
approach of the enemy. But this was impossible, for Proctor took
measures at once to cut off his retreat. When this was accomplished,
he sent a flag demanding the immediate surrender of the place, saying,
if the garrison resisted, they would be given up to massacre. This
mere stripling, not old enough to be frightened, like Hull and
Wilkinson, coolly replied, that when he got possession of the fort,
there would be none left to massacre. River Raisin was fresh in his
memory, and lay not far off; but neither the fear of Indian
barbarities, nor the dark array, ten times his number, closing
steadily upon him, could shake his gallant young heart. He was such
stuff as heroes are made of.
This was on Sunday evening, and immediately after receiving the bold
answer of Croghan, Proctor opened on the fort from his gun boats, and
a howitzer on shore. The cannonading was kept up all night, lighting
up the forest scenery with its fire, and knocking loudly on that
feeble fort for admission. At day break, Croghan saw that the enemy
had planted three sixes within two hundred and fifty yards of the
fort. Against this battery, he could reply with only his single gun,
whose lonely report seemed a burlesque on the whole affair. Finding
that Proctor concentrated his fire against the north-western angle, he
strengthened it with bags of flour and sand. The firing was kept up
till late in the afternoon, when seeing that but little impression
was made on the works, Proctor resolved to carry them by storm, and a
column, five hundred strong, was sent against them. With undaunted
heart, young Croghan saw it approach, while his little band, proud of
their heroic leader, closed firmly around him, swearing to stand by
him to the last. Some time previously, a ditch six feet deep and nine
feet wide had been dug in front of the works, and the six pounder,
loaded with slugs and grape, was now placed, so as to rake that part
of it where it was conjectured the enemy would cross. Colonel Short
commanded the storming column, which he led swiftly forward to the
assault. As it came within range, a well directed volley of musketry
staggered it for a moment, but Colonel Short rallying them, leaped
first into the ditch, crying out, "Give the d--d Yankees no quarter."
In a moment, the ditch was red with scarlet uniforms. At that instant,
the six pounder was fired. A wild shriek followed, and when the smoke
cleared away, that section of the column which had entered the ditch
lay stretched on the bottom, with their leader among them. The
remainder started back aghast at such sudden and swift destruction,
but being rallied they again advanced, only to be swept away. All
efforts to rally them the third time, were fruitless; they fled first
to the woods, and then to their boats, and next morning before
daybreak disappeared altogether. This garrison of striplings had
behaved nobly, and notwithstanding the brutal order of the British
commander to give no quarter, exhibited that humanity without which
bravery is not a virtue. Moved with pity at the groans and prayers for
help from those who lay wounded in the ditch, they, not daring to
expose themselves outside in presence of the enemy, handed over the
pickets during the night, jugs, and pails of water to allay the fever
of thirst; and made a hole through which they pulled with kindly
tenderness many of the wounded, and carried them to the surgeon. These
men knew that, if the attack had proved successful, not one would have
been left to tell how they fought, or how they fell, yet this
consciousness did not deaden, for a moment, the emotions of pity. This
generosity and kindness have always characterized the American
soldier, from the commencement of our national existence. The
merciless warfare inflicted by England through the savages during the
revolution, could not make him forget his humanity; nor the haughty,
insulting conduct of English officers in this second war, force him to
throw aside his kind and generous feelings.
This attack closed, for the time, the efforts of Proctor to get
possession of our forts, and he retired with his savage allies to
Detroit. Our whole western frontier was now in a most deplorable
condition. Instead of carrying the war into the enemy's country, we
had been unable to protect our own borders. Notwithstanding the
repulse at Fort Meigs, the savages still hung around our settlements,
making frequent and successful dashes upon them; while the powerful
tribe of the Osages lying west of the Mississippi, threatened to come
into Tecumseh's grand scheme, for the extermination of the whites.
Forts Madison and Mason were evacuated, leaving Fort Howard, only
forty miles above St. Louis, our most northern post on the
Mississippi.
CHAPTER VIII.
Chauncey ordered to Lake Erie to build a fleet -- A plan of
the campaign -- Woolsey -- Attack on York -- Death of
General Pike -- His character -- Capture of Fort George --
Gallantry of Scott -- Repulse of the British at Sackett's
Harbor by General Brown -- Dearborn pursues Vincent -- Night
attack on the American encampment -- Generals Winder and
Chandler taken prisoners -- Retreat of the army --
Reinforced by General Lewis -- Dearborn at Fort George --
Defeat of Colonel Boestler at Beaver Dams -- Attack on Black
Rock -- Dearborn withdrawn from the command of the northern
army.
While Harrison was pushing forward his winter campaign, Dearborn
remained quietly in winter quarters, but soon as he saw the river St.
Lawrence clear of ice, he prepared to renew his invasion of Canada.
Armstrong having resigned the post of minister to France, was
appointed Secretary of War in place of Eustis. Being an officer of
distinction, it was thought he would throw more energy into the war
department, than his predecessor. His plan of the campaign was simple,
and if prosecuted with energy, promised success. Dearborn was to
concentrate his forces at the mouth of the Niagara river, and fall
successively on Kingston, York, and Fort George, thus cutting off all
communication between Montreal and Upper Canada. To carry this out
successfully, naval superiority on the lake, for the safe
transmission of troops and ordnance, was indispensable. From the
commencement of the war, the only vessel of any pretension which the
United States had on lake Ontario was the Oneida, of sixteen guns,
commanded by Lieutenant, afterwards Commodore Woolsey. This gallant
officer managed to preserve his ship, notwithstanding the great
efforts of the enemy to get possession of it, beating off, in one
instance, while lying in Sackett's Harbor, six British armed vessels.
At this time, a vast forest fringed the southern shore of Ontario.
With the exception of here and there a clearing, Sackett's Harbor
containing some half a dozen miserable houses, and Oswego not much
larger, were the only settlements on the American side, while strong
forts and old towns lined the Canada shore. This large body of water,
the control of which was of such vast consequence to the protection of
New York state, could be reached from the Hudson, two hundred miles
distant, only by highways nearly impassable, except in midsummer and
winter. But, whatever difficulties might attend the attempt to build
and man vessels of war on those remote waters, it was evident that
until it was made, all movements against Canada must prove abortive.
Captain Isaac Chauncey was, therefore, ordered thither the summer
previous, to take command, and build and equip vessels. [Sidenote:
1812.] He arrived in Sackett's Harbor in October, with forty
carpenters, and a hundred officers and seamen. To control the lake in
the mean time, he purchased and armed several American schooners. With
these, he on the eighth of November set sail, and soon after chased
the Royal George under the guns of the fort at Kingston, and there
maintained a spirited contest for half an hour. After various
skirmishes with the enemy, he at length returned to Sackett's Harbor,
and spent the winter in building vessels. [Sidenote: Nov. 26.] In the
mean time, the Madison, of twenty-four guns, had been completed and
launched. Nine weeks before, her hull and spars were growing in the
forest. By spring, when Dearborn was ready to commence operations,
Chauncey had a snug little fleet under his command, composed of the
Madison, Oneida, and eleven armed schooners.
It having been ascertained that three British vessels were getting
ready for sea at York, it was resolved to destroy them. The original
plan, therefore, of commencing the campaign by an attack on Kingston,
was by the recommendation of Chauncey changed, and the former place
designated as the first point of attack.
This fleet of thirteen sail could carry but 1700 men. With these
Chauncey, at length, set sail, and on the twenty-fifth of April,
anchored off York. Although it blew a gale from the eastward, the
boats were hoisted out, and the landing of the troops under General
Pike was commenced. The wind carried the boats west of the place
designated, which was an open field, to a thickly wooded shore, filled
with Indians and sharp shooters. Major Forsythe with a corps of
rifles, in two batteaux, first approached the shore. Assailed by a
shower of balls, he commanded the rowers to rest on their oars and
return the fire. General Pike, who was standing on the deck of his
vessel, no sooner saw this pause, than he exclaimed to his staff with
an oath, "I can't stand here any longer; come, jump into the boat."
Ordering the infantry to follow at once, he leaped into a boat, and
with his staff was quickly rowed into the hottest of the fire. Moving
steadily forward amid the enemy's balls, he landed a little distance
from Forsythe. The advance boats containing the infantry reaching the
shore at the same time, he put himself at the head of the first
platoon he met, and ordered the whole to mount the bank and charge.
Breasting the volleys that met them, the Americans with loud cheers
scaled the bank, and routed the enemy. At that moment, the sound of
Forsythe's bugles was heard ringing through the forest. This completed
the panic, and the frightened savages, with a loud yell, fled in all
directions. The landing of the remaining troops, under cover of the
well directed fire of Chauncey's vessels, was successfully made.
Captains Scott and Young led the van, and with the fifteenth regiment,
under command of Major King, covered themselves with honor. The troops
were then formed in sections, and passing through the woods, advanced
towards the fort. The bridges having been destroyed over the streams
that intersected the road, only one field piece and a howitzer could
be carried forward to protect the head of the column, which at length
came under the fire of a battery of twenty-four pounders. Captain
Walworth, of the sixteenth, was ordered to advance with trailed
bayonets at the charge step, and storm this battery. Moving rapidly
across the intervening space, this gallant company approached to
within a short distance of the guns, when at the word, "recover
charge," the enemy deserted their pieces and fled. The column then
continued to move on up a gentle ascent, and soon silenced the
remaining battery, and took possession of the works. But just at this
moment, when a flag of surrender was momentarily expected, a magazine
containing five hundred barrels of powder, exploded with terrific
violence. Huge stones, fragments of shivered timber, and blackened
corpses were hurled heavenward together, and came back in a murderous
shower on the victorious column. Forty of the enemy, and more than two
hundred Americans were killed or wounded by the explosion. The army
was stunned for a moment, but the band striking up Yankee Doodle, the
rent column closed up with a shout, and in five minutes was ready to
charge. General Pike at the time of the explosion was sitting on the
stump of a tree, whither he had just removed a wounded British
soldier. Crushed by the falling fragments, he together with a British
sergeant, who had been taken prisoner, and Captain Nicholson, was
mortally wounded. Turning to his aid, he exclaimed, "I am mortally
wounded." As the surgeons and aid were bearing him from the field, he
heard the loud huzzas of his troops. Turning to one of his sergeants,
he with an anxious look mutely inquired what it meant. The officer
replied, "_The British Union Jack is coming down and the stars are
going up._" The dying hero heaved a sigh, and smiled even amid his
agony. He was carried on board the commodore's ship, and the last act
of his life was to make a sign, that the British flag which had been
brought to him should be placed under his head.
[Illustration: Death of Pike.]
Thus fell one of the noblest officers in the army. Kind, humane, the
soul of honor and of bravery, he was made after the model of the
knights of old. His father had fought in the war of the Revolution,
and though too old to serve, was still an officer in the army. In a
letter to his father, dated the day before the expedition, he, after
stating its character, said: "Should I be the happy mortal destined
to turn the scale of war--will you not rejoice, O, my father? May
heaven be propitious, and smile on the cause of my country. But if we
are destined to fall, may my fall be like Wolfe's--to sleep in the
arms of victory." His prayer was answered, and the country mourned the
loss of a gallant officer, a pure patriot, and a noble man.
Colonel Pearce, on whom the command devolved after the fall of Pike,
took possession of the barracks and then advanced on the town. As he
approached he was met by the officers of the Canadian militia,
proposing a capitulation. This was done to produce a delay, so that
the English commander, General Sheaffe, with the regulars could
escape, and the vessels and military stores be destroyed. The plan was
successful, the regular troops made good their retreat, one magazine
of naval and military stores was burned, together with two of the
vessels undergoing repairs. The third had sailed for Kingston a short
time before the attack.
Owing to the explosion of the magazine the loss of the Americans was
severe, amounting to three hundred killed and wounded. Notwithstanding
the exasperation of the victors at the wanton, and as they supposed
premeditated destruction of life, they treated the inhabitants with
kindness and courtesy. Such had been the strict orders of their
commander before his death. The only violence committed was the
burning of the house of Parliament, and this was owing, doubtless, to
the fact that a scalp was found suspended over the speaker's mace. The
sight of an American scalp, hanging as a trophy in a public building,
would naturally exasperate soldiers, whose friends and relatives had
fallen beneath the knife of the savage.[36]
[Footnote 36: Major Eustis, Captains Scott, Walworth, M'Glarpin, Young
and Moore, and Lieutenants Irvine, Fanning and Riddle, behaved with
great gallantry in the engagement.]
The troops were at once re-embarked, for the purpose of proceeding
immediately to Niagara, but owing to foul weather they were a week on
the way. At length, being reinforced by troops from Sackett's Harbor
and Buffalo, Dearborn, with some five thousand men, sailed for Fort
George. This fort was situated on a peninsula, which it commanded.
Dearborn resolved to make the landing in six divisions of boats, under
cover of the fire of the armed schooners. The first division,
containing five hundred men, was commanded by Winfield Scott, who
volunteered for the service, followed by Colonel Porter with the field
train. The gallant Perry offered to superintend the landing of the
boats, which had to be effected under a heavy fire and through an ugly
surf. The 27th of May, early in the morning, the debarkation began,
and soon the boats, in separate divisions, were moving towards the
shore. Fifteen hundred British lined the bank, which rose eight or ten
feet from the water. Scott rapidly forming his men under the plunging
fire of these, shouted, "Forward!" and began to scale the ascent. But,
pressed by greatly superior numbers, they were at length borne
struggling back. Dearborn, who was standing on the deck of Chauncey's
vessel, watching the conflict through his glass, suddenly saw Scott,
while waving his men on, fall heavily back down the steep. Dropping
his glass he burst into tears, exclaiming: "_He is lost!--He is
killed!_" The next moment, however, Scott sprang to his feet again,
and shouting to his men, he with a rapid and determined step remounted
the bank, and, unscathed by the volley that met him, knocked up with
his sword the bayonets leveled at his breast, and stepped on the top.
Crowding furiously after, the little band sent up their shout around
him, on the summit. Dressing his line under the concentrated fire of
the enemy, Scott then gave the signal to charge. The conflict was
fierce but short; the British line was rent in twain, and the
disordered ranks were driven over the field. Scott, seizing a
prisoner's horse, mounted and led the pursuit.
Fort George was abandoned, and the garrison streamed after the
defeated army. They, however, set fire to the train of the magazines
before they left. This was told to Scott, and he instantly returned
with two companies to save them. Before he could arrive, one magazine
exploded, sending the fragments in every direction. A piece of timber
struck him on the breast, and hurled him from his horse. Springing to
his feet he shouted, "To the gate!" Rushing on the gate, they tore it
from its hinges and poured in--Scott was the first to enter, and
ordering the brave Captains Hindman and Stockton to extinguish the
matches, he ran forward and pulled down the flag. Quickly re-mounting
his horse he put himself at the head of his column and pressed
fiercely after the enemy, chasing the fugitives for five miles, and
halted, only because commanded to do so by Colonel Boyd, in person. He
had already disobeyed two orders to stop the pursuit, and had he not
been arrested by his superior officer in person, would soon have been
up with the main body of the British.
The loss of the enemy in this short but spirited combat was two
hundred and fifty killed and wounded and one hundred prisoners, while
that of the Americans was only seventy-two.
The British army, under Gen. Vincent, retreated towards Burlington
Heights, followed soon after by General Winder, with eight hundred
men.
But while Chauncey and Dearborn were thus destroying the forts on the
Niagara, Sir George Provost made a sudden descent on Sackett's Harbor.
The protection of this place was of vital importance to us. Here was
our naval depôt--here our ship yard with vessels on the stocks, and in
fact, this was the only available port on the lake for the
construction and rendezvous of a fleet. Yet the garrison left to
protect it consisted of only two hundred and fifty dragoons under
Lieutenant Colonel Backus, Lieutenant Fanning's artillery, two hundred
invalid soldiers and a few seamen, making in all some five hundred
men. Two days after the capture of Fort George, the fleet of Sir James
Yeo, carrying a thousand men, commanded by Provost, appeared off the
harbor. Alarm guns were instantly fired and messengers dispatched to
General Brown, who resided eight miles distant at Brownville, to
collect the militia and hasten to the defence of the place. The year
before Brown had joined the army and been appointed brigadier-general
in the militia, but at the close of the campaign, being disgusted with
its management and disgraceful termination, he retired to his farm.
His heart, however, was in the struggle, and the courier sent from
Sackett's Harbor had scarcely finished his message, before he was on
his horse and galloping over the country. Rallying five or six hundred
militia he hastened to the post of danger. He was one of those whom
great exigences develop. Brave, prudent, resolute, and rock fast in
his resolution, he was admirably fitted for a military leader, while
by his daring and gallant behavior, he acquired great influence over
raw troops. Acquainted with all the localities and resources of the
place, he at the request of Lieutenant Backus readily assumed the
command. A breastwork was hastily erected on the only spot where a
landing could be effected, and the militia placed behind it. The
regulars formed a second line near the barracks and public buildings,
while Fanning, with the artillerists, held the fort proper, and
Lieutenant Chauncey, with his men, defended the stores at Navy Point.
The night of the 28th passed in gloomy forebodings. The troops slept
on their arms, and Brown and his officers passed the hours in silently
and cautiously reconnoitering the shores of the lake. That little
hamlet embosomed in the vast primeval forest that stretched away on
either side along the water's edge and closed darkly over the solitary
highway that led to the borders of civilization, presented a lonely
aspect. As hour after hour dragged heavily by, every ear was bent to
catch the muffled sound of the enemy's sweeps, but only the wind
soughing through the tree-tops and the monotonous dash of waves on the
beach disturbed the stillness of the scene. But as the long looked for
dawn began to streak the water, the fleet of British boats were
observed rapidly pulling towards the breastwork. Brown bade the
militia reserve their fire till the enemy were within pistol shot, and
then deliver it coolly and accurately. They did so, and the first
volley checked the advance of the boats. After the second volley,
however, the militia were seized with a sudden panic, and broke and
fled. Colonel Mills, who commanded the volunteers, was shot while
bravely attempting to arrest the disorder. Brown succeeded in stopping
some ninety of them, whom he posted on a line with the regulars. The
British having landed, formed in good order, and moved steadily
forward on this little band of regulars. The latter never wavered, but
maintained their ground with stubborn resolution, and as they were
gradually forced back by superior numbers, took possession of the
barracks, behind which they maintained a rapid and galling fire.
Backus had fallen, mortally wounded, and Lieutenant Fanning was also
severely wounded, but he still clung to his gun and directed its fire
with wonderful accuracy. Finding the troops able to maintain their
position for some time yet, Brown exhorted them to hold firm while he
endeavored to rally the fugitive militia. Riding up to them, he
rebuked and entreated them by turns, until, at last, when he told them
how courageously and nobly the strangers were defending the homes they
had basely abandoned to pillage, they promised to return and do their
duty. Not daring, however, to trust men in an open attack who had
just fled from a breastwork, although he solemnly swore he would cut
down the first that faltered, he led them by a circuitous route along
the edge of the forest, as if he designed to seize the boats and cut
off the enemy's retreat. The stratagem succeeded, and the British made
a rush for their boats, leaving their killed and wounded behind.
Having lost, in all, between four and five hundred men, they dared not
venture on a second attack, and withdrew, humbled and mortified, to
the Canada shore. The American loss was about one hundred.
The successful defence of Sackett's Harbor following so quickly the
capture of Forts York and George, promised well for the summer
campaign. But disasters soon checked the rising hopes of the nation.
General Winder, who had started in pursuit of Vincent, found, on his
arrival at Forty Mile Creek, that the enemy had been reinforced.
Halting here, therefore, he dispatched a messenger to Dearborn for
more troops. General Chandler, with another brigade, was sent, when
the whole force was put in motion, and crossing Stony Creek, arrived
at night-fall, within a short distance of the British encampment. Here
the army halted, preparatory to an attack the next morning. General
Vincent, although greatly inferior in numbers, felt that his future
success depended entirely on his retaining his present position, and,
therefore, resolved to hazard a second battle. But, having, by a
careful reconnoissance, discovered that the American camp guards were
scattered and careless, while the whole encampment was loose and
straggling, he immediately changed his plan, and determined to make a
bold and furious night onset, and endeavor by one well-directed blow
to break the American army in pieces. Following up this determination,
he, with seven hundred men, set out at midnight, and arriving at three
o'clock in the morning at the American pickets silently and adroitly
captured every man before he could give the alarm. Pressing with the
main column directly for the centre of the encampment, he burst with
the appalling war-cry of the savage on the astonished soldiers. The
artillery was surrounded, and several pieces, with one hundred men,
were taken prisoners, and among them the two generals, Winder and
Chandler. General Vincent having lost his column in the darkness, the
second in command ignorant what course to pursue, or what to do,
concluded to retreat with his trophies. The attack had been well
planned and boldly carried out, and but for the blunder made by
Vincent would no doubt have been completely successful. As it was the
loss was nearly equal; so that the American army was still in a good
condition to take the initial and advance. But the command devolving
on Colonel Burns, a cavalry officer, who declared he was incompetent
to direct infantry movements, a retreat was resolved upon. The army
arriving at Forty Mile Creek, a messenger was despatched to Dearborn,
asking for orders. General Lewis, with the sixth regiment, was
immediately sent forward, with directions to engage the enemy at once.
An hour after his arrival at camp the British fleet was seen slowly
beating up abreast of it. A schooner was towed near the shore and
opened its fire, but Lieutenant Eldridge, heaving a few hot shot into
her, compelled her to withdraw. In the mean time, some vessels
appearing off Fort George, Dearborn conjectured that an attack upon
him was meditated, and recalled this division of the army. The boats,
however, sent to bring them, were overtaken by an armed schooner, and
many of them captured.
After these catastrophes Dearborn remained at Fort George an entire
fortnight, wholly inactive. The British, on the other hand, made
diligent use of this interval, in taking possession of mountain
passes, and thus accomplished the double purpose of securing their own
position and narrowing the limits of Dearborn's possessions, and
destroying his communication. The latter, at length, being aroused to
the danger in which these posts placed him, despatched Col. Boestler,
with six hundred men, to break up one of them, seventeen miles
distant. Acting under wrong information, this small detachment arrived
without molestation at Beaverdams, within two miles of the "Stone
House" where the enemy had fortified themselves. But here they were
suddenly surrounded by a body of British and Indians, and a conflict
ensued. Believing it impossible to effect a safe retreat through the
forest, pressed by such a force, Colonel Boestler surrendered his
whole detachment prisoners of war. This ended Dearborn's campaign, and
his military services. Colonel Bishop, who showed great activity in
carrying out the plan of the British commander, finding Fort Erie
ungarrisoned, took possession of it, and crossing suddenly to Black
Rock, with 250 men, drove out the militia and destroyed the guns and
stores. But the news reaching Buffalo, a few regulars, together with
some militia and friendly Indians hastened to the fort and expelled
the invaders, killing their commander.
The successful attacks on York and Fort George had removed much of the
odium with which the disasters of the previous years had covered
Dearborn, and great results were expected from so brilliant an opening
of the campaign. But his after inaction and efforts ending only in
failure, disgusted the people and Congress. Broken down by disease and
demoralized by their long camp life, the soldiers but poorly
represented the vigor and energy of the republic. Dearborn, like the
other generals, received all the blame that properly attached to him,
together with that which belonged to the Government, and when the news
of Boestler's defeat arrived in Washington, the House of
Representatives was thrown into a state of indignant excitement. Mr.
Ingersoll was deputed to wait on the President and demand Dearborn's
removal, as Commander-in-Chief of the Western army. The request was
granted, and on the 15th of July he resigned his command. He had
accomplished, literally nothing, in two campaigns, and though he was
surrounded with difficulties, crippled, and rendered cautious by the
indifferent and unsuitable troops under his command, yet, after making
a large allowance for all, there is margin wide enough to secure his
condemnation. His materials became worse instead of better under his
management, and the prospects on our northern border grew gloomier the
longer he held command. The energy and vigor of his younger days were
gone, and the enfeebled commander of 1812 was a very different man
from the daring and gallant officer of the Revolution. He had stood on
the deck of his vessel and seen Pike carry York, and young Scott Fort
George with mere detachments. He had witnessed the bravery of his
troops under gallant officers, and it needed only energy and activity
in himself to have made the army the pride of the nation.
[Sidenote: 1813.]
Colonel Boyd assumed the command till the arrival of Wilkinson in
September, but with the exception of some skirmishing, the summer
passed away in inactivity.
The British, by capturing two American sloops that ventured into a
narrow part of the lake, near the garrison of Aux Noix, obtained
command of this water communication, which they held the remainder of
the season.
CHAPTER IX.
SECOND SESSION OF THE TWELFTH CONGRESS.
Army bill -- Quincy and Williams -- Debate on the bonds of
merchants given for British goods imported in contravention
of the non-importation act -- Debate on the bills increasing
the army to 55,000 men -- Williams' report -- Quincy's
attack -- Clay's rejoinder -- Randolph, Calhoun, Quincy,
Lowndes and Clay -- State of the Treasury.
The members of Congress, when they assembled in October, did not
exchange those congratulations they promised each other at their
adjournment, after declaring war. Every plan had proved abortive,
every expectation been disappointed. True, the gallant little navy was
left to fall back on. Its successes, however, did not reflect much
credit on their sagacity, but rather by returning good for evil, had
administered a severe rebuke to their neglect. The Federalists could
claim the chief honor there, and make both the victories on the sea
and defeats on land the grounds of attack. They had always said leave
Canada alone and go to the sea, there is the proper theatre for your
exploits. Results had shown the wisdom of their counsels. The army had
accomplished nothing, still its skeleton ranks must be filled. A bill
was therefore introduced, increasing the pay of the soldiers from six
to eight dollars per month, and making their persons secure from
arrest for debt, in order to tempt recruits into the service. They
were allowed also to enlist either for five years or for the war.
[Sidenote: Nov. 20.] A clause inserted in this bill, giving minors and
apprentices, over eighteen, permission to enlist without the consent
of their parents and masters, fell like a bomb-shell in the House.
This was striking at the very foundation of social and domestic
life--viz., parental authority--and putting a premium on disobedience
and rebellion. [Sidenote: 1812.] It furnished a new outlet for Mr.
Quincy's wrath, who declared that if Congress dared apply it in New
England the people would resist it, with the laws against kidnapping
and stealing. He said it was odious and atrocious, unequalled, absurd,
and immoral. Mr. Williams replied, that Great Britain allowed
enlistments over sixteen, as did our Government in the Revolutionary
War--nay, that this very clause passed in 1798, which became a law.
[Sidenote: Dec. 3.] Another exciting debate sprung up relative to the
bonds of the merchants for British goods lately imported in
contravention of the non-importation law. This law, it will be
remembered, was passed in March, 1811, in retaliation for the orders
in council, and was to cease with the revocation of those orders.
Before the news of the declaration of war arrived in England they
were revoked, and American owners supposing the non-importation act
would fall with it, immediately took in cargoes of British goods.
These were allowed to depart, as well as others in process of landing,
and provided with licenses to protect them against British cruisers.
Thus a vast amount of merchandise arrived in the various ports of the
United States during the first two or three months of the war. The
non-importation act being still in force, these goods were seized as
forfeited to the Government. Still many of the district judges
surrendered them to the claimants on their giving bonds to the amount
of their value. As under the non-importation law half the value of the
forfeited goods belonged to the informer, Gallatin proposed that, as
in this case there was no informer, that portion should be given to
the owners, and the Government put the other half, amounting to nine
millions, in the public treasury. This proposal was advocated by some
and strenuously opposed by others. [Sidenote: Dec. 30.] After a
vehement debate, extending through several sittings, all the penalties
of the merchants were finally remitted.
Another debate, still more exciting, followed on the army bill. This
bill contained provisions for raising twenty thousand men for one
year, increased bounty enlistments to sixteen dollars, and appointed
an officer to do all the recruiting. [Sidenote: Dec. 27.] Mr.
Williams, chairman of the committee on military affairs, introduced
it with an able speech. After showing that the country demanded such
an augmentation of the army, making the entire regular force 55,000,
and defending the increased bounty and appointment of a special
officer for the recruiting service, he alluded to the disastrous issue
of Hull's campaign. Said he, "there are those, perhaps, who can sneer
at the disasters and misfortunes of the late campaign, and will object
to this bill, saying there is no encouragement to vote additional
forces, seeing that those which have been already raised have been so
idly employed. It becomes us all to be equally faithful to our
country, whether victorious or not; it is in times of discomfiture
that the patriot's resolution and virtues are most needed. It is no
matter by what party names we are distinguished, this is our
country--we are children of the same family, and ought to be brothers
in a common cause. The misfortune which befalls one portion should
sink deep into the breasts of the others also."
[Sidenote: Jan. 5, 1813.]
Mr. Clay congratulated the committee and the nation on the report
that had been made. Mr. Quincy, who saw in every proposition for
replenishing the army, a project for conquering Canada, opposed the
bill. Assuming that to be the object in view, he assailed it with
all that sarcasm and abuse for which he was distinguished. In the
first place, he said, we could not conquer Canada; in the second
place, if we could, it would be a barren triumph. It would not bring
peace nor be of any advantage to the country. He denounced it as
cruel and barbarous, declaring it was not owing to the Government,
that at that moment the bones of the Canadians were not mixed with
the ashes of their habitations. Said he, "Since the invasion of the
buccaneers, there is nothing like this war. We have heard great
lamentations about the disgrace of our arms on the frontier. Why,
sir, the disgrace of our arms on the frontier is terrestrial glory
in comparison with the disgrace of the attempt! The whole atmosphere
rings with the utterance, from the other side of the house, of this
word, glory! glory! What glory? The glory of the tiger which lifts
its jaws all foul and bloody from the bowels of his victim, and
roars for his companions of the forest to come and witness his
prowess and his spoils--the glory of Zenghis Khan, without his
greatness--the glory of Bonaparte." He asked the members if they
supposed the vagabonds who should conquer Canada would, when their
aim was accomplished, heed the orders of Government. No! they would
obey the "choice spirits" placed over them, who in turn would not
consult spinsters and weavers, but take counsel from their leader
what next they shall do. "Remember," said he, "remember, I warn you,
he who plants the American standard on the walls of Quebec, plants
it for himself, and will parcel it out into dukedoms, and
seignorities, and counties for his followers." It was a solace to
him amid all his regrets, that New England was guiltless of this
war, and that she had done her utmost to hurl the wicked authors of
it from their seats. That way of thinking, he said, was not peculiar
to him, but was "the opinion of all the moral sense and nine-tenths
of the intelligence of the section from which he came. Some of those
who are here from that quarter--some of _the household troops_ who
lounge for what they can pick up about the Government-house will say
differently--those who come here and with their families live and
suck upon the heart of the treasury--toad-eaters who live on
eleemosynary, ill-purchased courtesy of the palace, swallow great
men's spittles, get judgships, and wonder at the fine sights, fine
rooms, fine company, and most of all wonder how they themselves got
here--these creatures will tell you, No--that such as I describe are
not the sentiments of the people of New England. Sir, I have
conversed upon the question with men of all ranks, conditions and
parties in Massachusetts, men hanging over the plough and holding
the spade--the twenty, thirty and fifty acre men, and their answers
have uniformly been to the same effect. They have asked simply, What
is the invasion for? Is it for land? We have enough. Is it for
plunder? There is none there. New States? We have more than is good
for us. Territory? If territory, there must be a standing army to
keep it, and there must be another standing army here to watch that.
These are judicious, honest, patriotic, sober men, who when their
country calls, at any wise or real exigency, will start from their
native soils and throw their shields over their liberties, like the
soldiers of Cadmus, yet who have heard the winding of your horn for
the Canadian campaign, with the same indifference they would have
listened to a jews harp or the twanging of a banjo. He declared that
Mr. Madison and his cabinet had been bent on war from the outset,
and their eagerness to come to blows with England evinced the
disposition ascribed to the giant in the children's old play:--
'Fe, faw, fum,
I smell the blood of an Englishman,
Be he dead or be he alive
I will have some.'
He knew there were those who were ready to open on him with the old
stale cry of British connection. It was not egotism to speak of what
belonged to his country. It would ill become a man whose family had
been two centuries settled in the State, and whose interest and
connections were exclusively American, to shrink from his duty for
the yelpings of those bloodhound mongrels who were kept in pay to hunt
down all who opposed the court--a pack of mangy hounds, of recent
importation, their backs still sore with the stripes of European
castigation, and their necks marked with the check collar." Fierce and
vehement, now rising into eloquence, and now descending to the coarse
language of the bar-room, Mr. Quincy dealt his blows on every side--at
one moment coming down on the administration with sweeping charges of
dishonesty and villany, and again rushing fiercely on the solid
phalanx of the war party, assailing them with scoffs and jeers and
taunts, till scorn and rage gathered on their countenances.
Mr. Clay, in his urbane and gentle manner, rose to reply. He took a
review of the two parties. While the administration was endeavoring to
prevent war by negotiations and restrictive measures, the opposition,
he said, was disgusted with the timorous policy pursued, and called
for open, manly war. They declared the administration "could not be
kicked into a war." "War and no restrictions, is their motto, when an
embargo is laid, but the moment war is declared, the cry is
restrictions but no war. They tack with every gale, displaying the
colors of every party and of all nations, steady in only one
unalterable purpose, to steer, if possible, into the haven of power.
The charge of French influence had again and again been made, which
should be met in only one manner--by giving it the lie direct. The
opposition had also amused themselves by heaping every vile epithet
which the English language afforded on Bonaparte. He had been compared
to every monster and beast, from that of the Revelations to the most
insignificant quadruped. He said it reminded him of an obscure lady
who took it into her head to converse on European affairs with an
accomplished French gentleman, and railed on Napoleon, calling him the
curse of mankind, a murderer and monster. The Frenchman listened to
her with patience to the end, and then, in the most affable manner,
replied, 'Madame, it would give my master, the Emperor, infinite pain
if he knew how hardly you thought of him.' Expressing his regret that
he was compelled to take some notice of Mr. Quincy in his remarks, he
defended Jefferson against his attacks, and showed how absurd were all
his statements and scruples respecting the invasion of Canada, by
referring to the part New England took in the capture of Louisburg. He
then alluded to the treasonable attitude assumed by the Federalists,
denounced their hypocrisy in endeavoring to gain the adhesion of the
people to their views by promising peace and commerce. But, said Mr.
Clay, I will quit this unpleasant subject, I will turn from one whom
no sense of decency or propriety could restrain from soiling the
carpet on which he treads, to gentlemen who have not forgotten what is
due to themselves, the place in which we are assembled, nor to those
by whom they are opposed." He then went into a review of the causes
that led to the war, to show that the government had acted with
forbearance and moderation, and at length took up the subject of
impressment. After proving the illegality and oppression of this
right, as claimed and exercised by the English, he said, "there is no
safety to us but in the rule that all who sail under the flag (not
being enemies) are protected by the flag. It is impossible the country
should ever forget the gallant tars who have won for us such splendid
trophies. Let me suppose that the genius of Columbia should visit one
of them in his oppressor's prison, and attempt to reconcile him to his
wretched condition. She would say to him in the language of the
gentlemen on the other side, 'Great Britain intends you no harm; she
did not mean to impress you, but one of her own subjects, having taken
you by mistake; I will remonstrate and try to prevail on her, by
peaceable means, to release you, but I cannot, my son, fight for you.'
If he did not consider this mockery he would address her judgment and
say, 'You owe me my country's protection; I owe you in return,
obedience; I am no British subject, I am a native of old
Massachusetts, where live my aged father, my wife, my children; I have
faithfully discharged my duty, will you refuse to do yours?' Appealing
to her passions, he would continue, 'I lost this eye in fighting under
Truxton with the Insurgente; I got this scar before Tripoli; I broke
this leg on board the Constitution when the Guerriere struck.' If she
remained still unmoved he would break out in the accents of mingled
distress and despair,
'Hard, hard is my fate! once I freedom enjoyed,
Was as happy as happy could be!
Oh! how hard is my fate, how galling these chains!'
I will not imagine the dreadful catastrophe to which he would be
driven by an abandonment of him to his oppressor. It will not be, it
cannot be, that his country will refuse him protection." This
description of a poor sailor, maimed in his country's service,
appealing to that country he had served so well, for protection, and
rejected, cast off, abandoning himself to despair, sketched as it was
with vividness and feeling, and uttered in that touching pathos for
which Clay's rich and flexible voice was remarkable, went home with
thrilling power to each patriotic heart, and tears were seen on the
faces of members in every part of the house.
After reviewing the progress of the war, and the present attitude of
England, and declaring that propositions for peace offered by the
other party were futile, he drew himself to his full height, and
casting his eye around the house, and pitching his voice to the note
of lofty determination, closed with, "An honorable peace can be
attained only by an efficient war. My plan would be to call out the
ample resources of the country, give them a judicious direction,
prosecute the war with the utmost vigor, strike wherever we can reach
the enemy at sea or on land, and negotiate the terms of peace at
Quebec or Halifax. We are told that England is a proud and lofty
nation, that, disdaining to wait for danger meets it half way. Haughty
as she is, we once triumphed over her, and if we do not listen to the
counsels of timidity and despair, we shall again prevail. In such a
cause, with the aid of Providence, we must come out crowned with
success, "_but if we fail, let us fail like men, lash ourselves to our
gallant tars, and expire together in one common struggle, fighting for
'Seaman's rights and Free trade_.'" Before this patriotic burst of
eloquence the harsh and irritating charges and selfish objections of
the opposition disappeared, like the unhealthy vapors of a morass
before the fresh breath of the cool west wind.
The declaration of war consummated a revolution begun long before in
Congress. The affairs of the nation were taken out of the hands of old
and experienced statesmen, and placed in those of young and ardent
men. Henry Clay was but thirty-five; Calhoun, thirty, and Randolph
thirty-nine. Many of less note were also young men, full of hope and
confidence, and jealous of their country's honor. In their first
conflict with the older and more conservative members, they revealed
the dawning genius and statesmanship that afterwards raised them to
such high renown. The Federalists were represented also by men of
great strength of intellect and forcible speakers. Quincy possessed
the elements of a powerful leader, but he at times allowed his
passions to override all propriety and suggestions of prudence.
Vehement and fearless, he moved down on the enemy in gallant style,
but, like Jackson in battle, his hostility for the time lost all
magnanimity, and assumed the character of ferocity. He made the whole
party opposed to him a person, and attacked it with all the malignity,
scorn, invective, and jeers he would one who had grossly abused his
person and assailed his honor. But there was no secresy or trickery in
his movements--his followers and his foes knew where to find him, and
though he often, in his intemperance, violated the rules of courtesy,
and thus exposed himself to retorts that always tell against a
speaker, he still was an ugly opponent to contend with. Full of
energy, inflexible of purpose--aggressive, bold, and untiring--in a
popular cause he would have been resistless. There were men in the
Federalist party at this time capable of carrying even a bad cause if
relieved from external pressure. But the impressment of American
citizens, massacres in the north, and outrages along the sea coast, so
aroused the national indignation, that both words and efforts became
powerless before it. Like the resistless tide, which bears away both
strong and weak, it hushed argument, drowned explanations, and
silenced warnings, as it surged on, breaking down barriers, and
sweeping away defences that seemed impregnable.
One of the most remarkable men in this Congress was John Randolph, of
Roanoke, as he always wrote himself. Possessed of rare endowments, and
of ample wealth, fortune had lavished on him every gift but that of
sex. He was at this time exceedingly fair. Conflicts and rude
jostlings with the world had not yet wrinkled and blackened his
visage, soured his sensitive temper, or driven him into that
misanthropy and those eccentricities which afterwards disfigured his
life. He was six feet high and frail in person, but his brilliant
black eye fairly dazzled the beholder, as he rose to speak, and made
him forget the fragile form before him. His voice was too thin for
public speaking, and when pitched high was shrill and piercing. But
in common conversation it was like an exquisite instrument, on which
the cunning player discoursed strange and bewitching music, and no one
could escape its fascination. His first glance round the hall
attracted silence, and all bent to catch the tones of that musical
feminine voice. As he became excited in his harangue, his eye burned
with increased lustre, while his changing countenance revealed every
thought and feeling before it was uttered. So expressive was it in
transmitting the transitions that passed over the soul and heart of
the speaker, that they scarcely needed the assistance of language.
Sometimes fearfully solemn and again highly excited; he at this time
rarely indulged in that withering sarcasm which afterwards so often
drew blood from his antagonist. With the delicate organization and
sensibilities of a woman, joined to the thought and ambition of a man,
his destiny had led him into scenes that spoiled his temper and erased
some of the most beautiful features of his character. Chivalrous and
fearless, he at first lent his genius to Jefferson's administration,
but shrunk from the awful consequences of war when it approached.
Calhoun, one of the firmest props of the government, was his antipode
in almost every particular. Though young, his face evinced no
enthusiasm--his glistening eye no chivalry. With thin lips, high cheek
bones, rigid, yet not strong lines in his face, an immense head of
hair, his personal appearance would never have arrested the curiosity
of the beholder but for his eye. This was not brilliant and radiant
like Randolph's. It did not light up with valor, nor burn with
indignation, nor melt with pity, but changeless as a piece of
burnished steel, it had a steady, cold glitter, that fascinated for
the time whomsoever it fell upon. Fixed and precise in his attitude,
and moveless in his person, he poured forth his thoughts and views
with a rapidity, yet distinctness, that startled one. Untrammeled at
this time with those abstractions and theories which afterwards
confused his reasoning faculties and gave an irrecoverable twist to
his logic; he brought his cool, clear intellect to the aid of the
administration, and indicated by the power and influence he soon
acquired, his future greatness. No sophistry could escape him--the
stroke of his cimeter cut through all complexity--and when he had done
with his opponent's argument it could not have been recognized as that
which, just before, looked so plausible and consistent.
Two other representatives from the same state were able friends of the
administration. William Lowndes, a young man, and though not a good
speaker, nor prepossessing in his appearance, carried great influence
by mere weight of character, and the consistency and firmness of his
political opinions. He was six feet six inches high, and slender
withal; and when he rose to address the house, his unassuming and
respectful manner commanded attention. Of great integrity, clear
headed and consistent, a proud, bright career seemed opening before
him, but death soon closed it for ever.
Mr. Cheves was chairman of committee of Ways and Means, and exhibited
great ability in that station.
But the pride of the house was the young and graceful speaker, Henry
Clay. Tall, and straight as a young forest tree, he was the embodiment
of the finest qualities of Western character. Possessing none of the
graces and learning of the schools, nor restrained in the freedom of
thought and opinion by the systems and rules, with which they often
fetter the most gifted genius, he poured his whole ardent soul and
gallant heart into the war. The true genius, and final destiny of this
republic, lie west of the Alleghanies. So there, also, will spring up
our noblest American literature. Not shackled by too great reverence
for the old world, educated in a freer life, and growing up under the
true influences of American institutions, man there becomes a freer, a
more unselfish being; his purposes are nobler, and all his instincts
better.
Impelled by pure patriotism, and excited by the wrongs and insults
heaped upon his country, Clay entered into those measures designed to
redeem her honor, and maintain her integrity with a zeal and
solicitude, that soon identified him with them. He thus unconsciously
became a leader; and whether electrifying the house with his appeals,
or in the intervals of the sessions of Congress traversing his state,
and arousing the young men to action, exhibited the highest qualities
of an orator. His stirring call to the sons of Kentucky was like the
winding horn of the huntsman, to which they rallied with ardent
courage and dauntless hearts. We now always associate with Clay, the
scattered white locks and furrowed face, and slow, majestic movements.
But, at this time, not a wrinkle seamed his youthful countenance; and
lithe and active, he moved amid his companions with an elastic tread,
and animated features. His rich and sonorous voice was so flexible,
that it gave him great power in appealing to the passions of men. When
moving to pity, it was soft and pleading as a woman's; but when
rousing to indignation, or to noble and gallant deeds, it rang like
the blast of a bugle. In moments of excitement, his manner became
highly impassioned, his blue eye gleamed with the fire of genius, and
his whole countenance beamed with emotion. Thoughts, images,
illustrations leaped to his lips, and were poured forth with a
prodigality and eloquence, that charmed and led captive all within
reach of his voice. He loved his country well, and sung her wrongs
with a pathos, that even his enemies could not withstand. When he was
disheartened by our first reverses on the northern frontier, he turned
to our gallant navy with a pride and affection, he maintained till his
death. Madison leaned on him throughout this trying struggle, as his
chief prop and stay.
Though the House, rent by the fierce spirit of faction, would often
break through the bounds of decorum and order, he as speaker held the
reins of power with a firm and just hand. With an easy and affable
manner, that attracted every one to him, he yet had a will of iron.
Under all that frankness and familiarity, there was a rock-fast heart,
that never swerved from its purpose. His manner of carrying out his
plans, often misled men respecting the strength of his will. He was
strictly _suaviter in modo fortiter in re_. Clay, Calhoun, Randolph,
and in the next Congress Webster, were striking representatives of the
young country rising rapidly to greatness. Truly, "there were giants
in those days."
It was estimated that the entire revenue for the ensuing year would be
$12,000,000, while the expenses were calculated at $36,000,000. To
make up the $24,000,000 deficit, the President was authorized to sell
$16,000,000 six per cent. stock, continue outstanding the former
$5,000,000 treasury notes, and raise $5,000,000 towards a new loan.
But the more important business was transferred to the next Congress,
which was to meet early in the spring. The two other principal acts
passed this session, was one authorizing the government to occupy
Mobile, and all that part of Florida ceded to the United States, with
Louisiana, and the other giving it power to retaliate for the
twenty-three Irishmen taken from Scott at Quebec, and sent to England
to be tried for treason.
CHAPTER X.
Action between the Chesapeake and Shannon -- Rejoicing in
England over the victory -- The Enterprise captures the
Boxer -- Death of Lieutenant Burrows -- Daring cruise of the
Argus in the English and Irish channels -- Lieutenant
Allen's humanity -- Action with the Pelican -- Death of
Allen -- His character.
[Sidenote: 1813.]
Defeats on land had thus far been compensated by victories at sea, and
to that element we ever turned with pride and confidence. Our
exultation, however, was for a moment checked by the loss of the
Chesapeake, within sight of our shores. This vessel had started on a
cruise in February, under the command of Captain Evans. Unsuccessful
in her attempts to find the enemy, and having captured but four
merchantmen during the whole time of her absence, she returned to
Boston with the character of an "unlucky ship," which she had borne
from the outset, still more confirmed. Captain Lawrence succeeded
Captain Evans in the command of her, and began to prepare for a second
cruise. An English frigate, the Shannon, was lying off the harbor at
the time, and her commander, Captain Broke, sent a challenge to
Lawrence, to meet him in any latitude or longitude. The Chesapeake was
just getting under way when this challenge arrived, and Lawrence
resolved at once to accept it, though reluctantly, from the
disaffected state in which he found his crew. He had joined his vessel
but a few days before; the proper 1st lieutenant lay sick on shore,
and the acting lieutenant was a young man unaccustomed to his
position, while "there was but one other commissioned sea officer in
the ship," two midshipmen acting as third and fourth lieutenants.
Under these circumstances, and with a discontented, complaining crew,
it was evidently unwise to hasten a combat with a ship that had long
been preparing herself for such an encounter, and was, in every way,
in the best possible condition. But Lawrence, brave and ambitious of
renown, knowing, also, that the motives which would prompt him to
avoid a combat would be misconstrued, and having but a short time
before challenged an English vessel in vain, determined to run the
hazard, and on the morning of the 1st of June, stood boldly out to
sea. At four o'clock he overhauled the Shannon, and fired a gun, which
made her heave to. The Chesapeake, now about thirty miles from land,
came down under easy sail, receiving the fire of the enemy as she
approached. Captain Lawrence having determined to lay the vessel
alongside and make a yard-arm to yard-arm fight of it, reserved his
fire until every gun bore, when he delivered a destructive broadside.
The clouds of smoke as they puffed out upon the sea and rolled upward,
thrilled the hearts of the hundreds of spectators that crowned the dim
highlands around Boston harbor. For a few minutes the cannonading was
terrific, but some of the rigging of the Chesapeake being cut to
pieces one of the sails got loose and blew out, which brought the ship
into the wind. Then taking sternway she backed on her enemy, and the
rigging and an anchor becoming entangled, she could not get off. This,
of course, exposed her to a raking fire, which swept her decks.
Captain Lawrence, during the conflict, had received a wound in the
leg, while several of his officers were killed. When he found that his
vessel would inevitably fall aboard that of the enemy, he ordered the
drums to summon the boarders. But a negro bugleman attempting to
perform this duty was so frightened that he could not blow a note, and
verbal orders were distributed. In the mean time, Lawrence fell
mortally wounded. Carried below, his last words were "Don't give up
the ship," a motto which Perry soon after carried emblazoned on his
flag as he passed from his helpless, dismantled ship, through the
enemy's fire, to the Niagara. With his fall ceased all efforts to
carry the Shannon by boarding. The commander of the latter finding
the quarter-deck guns of the Chesapeake abandoned, gave the orders to
board, and the flag which had never yet been struck to anything like
an equal foe, was hauled down. The destruction on board the American
ship after she fell foul of the enemy was frightful. The entire battle
lasted but twelve minutes, and yet in that short time a hundred and
forty-six of her officers and crew were killed or wounded. The loss of
the Shannon was twenty-three killed and fifty-six wounded. This
victory of the British was tarnished by the brutal conduct of
Lieutenant Faulkener, who took command of the prize. The testimony of
the surviving officers proved him unworthy to serve under the gallant
commander who had so nobly fought his ship.
The Americans had become so accustomed to naval victories that they
felt great chagrin at this defeat, while the unexpected triumph,
coming as it did on the top of such successive disasters, was received
with the most extravagant delight in England: the Tower bells were
rung, salvos of artillery fired, and praises innumerable and honors
were lavished on Captain Broke. Our navy never received a greater
compliment than these unwonted demonstrations of joy uttered. The
state of the crew--the accidental blowing out of the sail--the neglect
of officers to board--and a variety of excuses were offered to solace
the American people for this defeat. There was, doubtless, much force
in what was said, but the falling of a mast, or the loss of the wheel,
or any casualty which renders a vessel unmanageable, and gives one or
the other a decided advantage, is always liable to occur; hence,
unbroken success is impossible. Occasional misfortune is a law of
chance.
But during the summer and autumn our other vessels at sea continued to
give a good account of themselves. The three little cruisers, Siren,
Enterprise, and Vixen, were great favorites, for their gallant conduct
in the bay of Tripoli. The latter was captured early in the war by an
English frigate. The Siren did not go to sea till next year, when she
too, after giving a British 74 a chase of eleven hours, was taken. The
Enterprise was kept between Cape Ann and the Bay of Fundy, to chase
off the privateers that vexed our commerce in those waters. She was a
successful cruiser against these smaller vessels, capturing several
and sending them into port. [Sidenote: Sept. 4.] A few days before
Perry's victory, this vessel left the harbor of Portland, and while
sweeping out to sea discovered a strange sail close in shore. The
latter immediately hoisted four British ensigns and stood on after the
Enterprise. Lieutenant Burrows, the commander, kept away, and ordered
a long gun forward to be brought aft and run out of one of the
windows. He had but lately joined the ship, and hence was but little
known by the under officers and men. The latter did not like the looks
of this preparation, especially as he kept carrying on sail. They
feared he had made up his mind to run, and this gun was to be used as
a stern-chaser. From the moment they had seen the British ensign they
were eager to close with the enemy, and the disappointment irritated
them. The seamen on the forecastle stood grouped together, discussing
this strange conduct on the part of their commander for awhile, and
then went to their officer and begged him to go and see about it--to
tell the captain they wanted to fight the British vessel, and they
believed they could whip her. The latter finally went forward and
spoke to the first lieutenant, who told him they need not be troubled,
Mr. Burrows would soon give them fighting enough to do. This was
satisfactory, and they looked cheerful again. The preparations all
being made, and the land sufficiently cleared, Burrows shortened sail
and bore down on the enemy. As the two vessels, approaching
diagonally, came within pistol shot of each other, they delivered
their broadsides, and bore away together. The Enterprise, however,
drew ahead, and Burrows finding himself forward of the enemy's bows,
ordered the helm down, and passing directly across his track, raked
him with his long gun from the cabin window. He then waited for him to
come up on the other quarter, when they again moved off alongside of
each other, firing their broadsides, till at length the main-top-mast
of the English vessel came down. Raking her again with his long gun,
Burrows took up his station on her bows, and poured in a rapid and
destructive fire.
The men serving one of the carronades being sadly reduced in numbers,
and unable to manage their piece, Burrows stepped forward, and seized
hold of the tackle to help them run it out. Placing his feet against
the bulwark to pull with greater force, he was struck in the thigh by
a shot which glanced from the bone and entered his body, inflicting a
mortal, and exceedingly painful wound. He refused, however, to be
carried below, and laid down on deck, resolved, though writhing in
excruciating agony, to encourage his officers and men by his presence
so long as life lasted.
In forty minutes from the commencement of the action the enemy ceased
firing, and hailed to say he had struck. The commanding officer
ordered him to haul down his flag. The latter replied they were nailed
to the mast, and could not be lowered till the firing ceased. It was
then stopped, when an English officer sprang on a gun, and shaking
both fists at the Americans, cried, "No--no," and swore and raved,
gesticulating, in the most ludicrous manner till he was ordered
below. This, together with the awkward manner of lowering colors with
levers and hatchets, drew peals of laughter from the American sailors.
Lieutenant Burrows lived till the sword of the English commander was
placed under his head, when he murmured, "I die contented." This
vessel, which proved to be the Boxer, was terribly cut up, but the
number of killed was never ascertained, as they were thrown overboard
fast as they fell. She had fourteen wounded, while the loss of the
Americans was one killed and thirteen wounded.
After this the Enterprise, under Lieutenant Renshaw, cruised south, in
company with the Rattlesnake, both having many narrow escapes from
British men of war. The former captured, off the coast of Florida, the
British privateer, Mars, of fourteen guns. Soon after she was chased
by a frigate for three days, the latter often being within gunshot.
So hard was the brig pressed, that Lieutenant Renshaw was compelled to
throw his anchors, cables, and all but one of his guns overboard. At
length it fell calm, and the frigate began to hoist out her boats. The
capture of the brig then seemed inevitable, but a light breeze
springing up, bringing her fortunately to windward, her sails filled,
and she swept joyfully away from her formidable antagonist.
Soon after Renshaw was transferred to the Rattlesnake, in which
vessel he was again so hard pressed by a man of war, that he had to
throw over all his guns but two. Afterwards, near the same spot, being
wedged in between a British frigate and the land, he was compelled to
strike his flag.
The Argus, another brig, was launched this year, and dispatched in
June to France, to carry out Mr. Crawford, our newly appointed
Minister to that country. Having accomplished this mission, Lieutenant
Allen, the commander, steered for the coast of England, and cruised
boldly in the chops of the English channel. Here and in the Irish
channel, this daring commander pounced upon British merchantmen while
almost entering their own ports. He was in the midst of the enemy's
cruisers, and the most untiring watchfulness was demanded to avoid
capture. Unable to man his prizes he set them on fire, making the
Irish Channel lurid with the flames of burning vessels, and lighting
up such beacon fires as England never before saw along her coast.
Great astonishment was felt in Great Britain at the daring and success
of this bold marauder, and vessels were sent out to capture him. But
for a long time he eluded their search, leaving only smouldering ships
to tell where he had been. This service was distasteful to Allen, who
was ambitious of distinction, and wished for an antagonist more worthy
of his attention. Determined to combine as much kindness and humanity
with his duty as he could, he allowed no plundering of private
property. All passengers of captured vessels were permitted to go
below, and unwatched, pack up whatever they wished, and to pass
unchallenged. The slightest deviation from this rule, on the part of
his crew, was instantly and severely punished. This humanity, joined
to his daring acts, brought back to the English the days of Robin Hood
and Captain Kidd.
A cruise like this of a single brig in the Irish Channel, could not,
of course, continue long. Even if she could avoid capture, the crew
must in time sink under their constant and fatiguing efforts.
On the thirteenth of August, Allen captured a vessel from Oporto,
loaded with wine. Towards morning he set her on fire, and by the light
of her blazing spars stood away under easy sail. Soon after daylight
he saw a large brig of war bearing down upon him, perfectly covered
with canvas. He immediately took in sail to allow her to close, and
when she came within close range gave her a broadside. As the vessels
continued to approach the firing became more rapid and destructive. In
four minutes Captain Allen was mortally wounded by a round shot,
carrying off his leg. His officers immediately caught him up to carry
him below, but he ordered them back to their posts. In a short time,
however, he fainted from loss of blood and was taken away. Four
minutes after, the first lieutenant, Watson, was struck in the head by
a grape shot, and he too was taken below. There was then but one
lieutenant left, Lieut. H. Allen, who though alone, fought his ship
gallantly. But the rigging was soon so cut up that the vessel became
unmanageable, and the enemy chose his own position. In about a quarter
of an hour Mr. Watson was able to return on deck, when he found the
brig rolling helplessly on the water, a target for the Englishman's
guns. He however determined to get alongside and board, but all his
efforts to do so were abortive, and he was compelled to strike his
colors. His victorious adversary was the Pelican, a brig of war a
fourth larger than the Argus.
Unwilling to believe that this great disparity of force was a
sufficient reason for the defeat, the Americans endeavored to account
for it in other ways. It was said that the sailors succeeded in
smuggling wine from the brig burned a few hours before, and were not
in a condition to fight--others that they were so overcome with
fatigue that they nodded at their guns. Her fire was certainly much
less destructive than that of other American vessels, which one of the
officers on board said was owing to the powder used. Getting short of
ammunition, they had taken some powder from an English vessel bound to
South America. This being placed uppermost in the magazine, was used
in this engagement. It was afterwards ascertained to be condemned
powder, going as usual to supply South American and Mexican armies. In
proof of this, it was said that the Pelican's hull was dented with
shot, that had not force enough to pierce the timbers. The superiority
of the English vessel in size, however, is a sufficient reason,
without resorting to these explanations.[37] If any other was wanted,
it would be found in the early loss of the superior officers. Such a
calamity, at the outset of an engagement, will almost invariably turn
an even scale. One officer cannot manage a ship, and sailors without
leaders never fight well.
[Footnote 37: The Pelican was 485 tons, the Argus 298. The former
threw nearly two hundred pounds more metal than the latter at every
discharge.]
Captain Allen was taken ashore and placed in a hospital. As he was
carried from the ship, he turned his languid eyes on the comrades of
his perils and murmured, "God bless you, my lads; we shall never meet
again." His conduct on the English coast furnishes a striking contrast
to that of Cockburn, along our shores.[38]
[Footnote 38: Capt. Allen was born in Providence in 1784, and entered
the navy as a midshipman when sixteen years of age. His father was an
officer in the Revolution, and served with distinction. Young Allen,
seven years after his appointment, was lieutenant on board the
Chesapeake, when Barron shamefully struck his flag to the Leopard. He
fired the only gun that replied to the British broadside, touching it
off with a coal that he plucked from the fire in the galley. The shot
passed directly through the ward-room of the Leopard. His indignation
at the conduct of Barron overleaped all bounds, and he told him
bluntly, "_Sir, you have disgraced us._" He drew up a letter to the
Secretary of the Navy, demanding a court martial. "Oh," said he, in
writing home, "when I act like this, may I die unpitied and forgotten,
and no tear be shed to my memory." He was a brave and gallant officer,
and distinguished himself in the action between the United States and
Macedonian, and took command of the latter after her surrender. His
death was a great loss to the navy.]
CHAPTER XI.
Cost of transportation to the northern frontier -- English
fleet on our coast -- Chesapeake blockaded -- Blockade of
the whole coast -- Cockburn attacks Frenchtown -- Burns
Havre De Grace -- Attacks Georgetown and Frederickstown --
Arrival of British reinforcements -- Attack on Craney Island
-- Barbarities committed in Hampton -- Excitement caused by
these outrages -- Commodore Hardy blockades the northern
coast -- Torpedoes -- Hostile attitude of Massachusetts --
Remonstrances of its legislature -- Feeling of the people.
[Sidenote: 1813.]
With such a large extent of ocean and lake coast, and so vast and
unprotected western and southern frontiers occupied by hostile
savages, our troops were necessarily distributed over a wide surface.
The northern army alone acted on the offensive--in all other sections
of the country the Republic strove only to preserve its territory
intact. The summer in which Dearborn's army lay inactive at Fort
George, looked gloomy for the nation. Great exertions were being made
to retrieve our errors, and the war in the north was carried on at an
enormous expense. The conveying of provisions and arms for such a
distance on pack-horses, increased immensely the price of every
article. It was said that each cannon, by the time it reached
Sackett's Harbor, cost a thousand dollars, while the transportation
of provisions to the army of Harrison swelled them to such an
exorbitant price, that the amount expended on a small detachment would
now feed a whole army. The cost of building the indifferent vessels we
had on Lake Ontario, was nearly two millions of dollars.
But while these vast expenditures were made for the northern army, and
Harrison was gradually concentrating his troops at Fort Meigs, and
Perry building his little fleet on Lake Erie, soon to send up a shout
that should shake the land, and while the murmuring of the savage
hordes, that stretched from Mackinaw to the Gulf of Mexico, foretold a
bloody day approaching, an ominous cloud was gathering over the
Atlantic sea-coast. English fleets were hovering around our harbors
and threatening our cities and towns with conflagration. The year
before, England could spare but few vessels or troops to carry on the
war. Absorbed in the vast designs of Napoleon, who having wrested from
her nearly all her allies and banded them together under his
standard--Austria, Prussia, Poland, all Germany pressing after his
victorious eagles as they flashed above the waters of the Niemen--was
at that time advancing with a half million of men on the great
northern power. If he should prove successful, England would be
compelled to succumb, or with a still more overwhelming force he
would next precipitate himself upon her shores. But the snow-drifts of
Russia had closed over that vast and gallant host--his allies had
abandoned him, and the rising of the nations around him, in his weak,
exhausted condition, foretold the overthrow that soon sent him forth
an exile from his throne and kingdom. Released from the anxiety that
had hitherto rendered her comparatively indifferent to the war on this
continent, she resolved to mete out to us a chastisement the more
severe since it had been so long withheld. Irritated, too, because we
had endeavored to rob her of her provinces at a moment when she was
the least able to extend protection to them, she did not regard us as
a common enemy, but as one who by his conduct had ceased to merit the
treatment accorded in civilized warfare. The first squadron appeared
in the Chesapeake in February and blockaded it. Soon after another,
entered the Delaware under the command of Beresford, who attempted to
land at Lewistown, but was gallantly repulsed by the militia,
commanded by Colonel Davis. The town was bombarded, and though the
firing was kept up for twenty hours, no impression was made upon it.
In March the whole coast of the United States was declared in a state
of blockade, with the exception of Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and
New Hampshire. It is not known why Connecticut was not also omitted,
but the invidious distinction made between the eastern and the other
states grew out of the well known hostility of the former to the war.
It was intended not only as a reward for their good behavior in the
past, but a guerdon of better things should that hostility assume a
more definite form. This intended compliment to New England was the
greatest insult she ever received. It was a charge of disloyalty--the
offer of a bribe for treason--the proffer of the hand of friendship,
while that same hand was applying the torch to American dwellings and
carrying the horrors of war to the hearth-stone and fireside.
Admiral Cockburn, especially, made his name infamous by his wanton
attacks on farm houses and peaceful citizens, and the license he
allowed to the brutal soldiery, who were guilty of deeds of shame and
violence like those which disgraced the troops of Wellington at
Badajos and St. Sebastian. After amusing himself by these predatory
exercises on peasants, hen roosts, barns, and cattle, he planned the
more important attack on Frenchtown, a village consisting of six
dwellings and two store houses. Taking with him about five hundred
marines, he set out at night, and rousing the terrified inhabitants by
his cannon, landed his imposing force, burned the two store houses,
after taking such of their contents as he needed--committed some petty
depredations, and retired.
The American frigate, Constellation, was blockaded in the bay by this
fleet, but all efforts to take her were repulsed by her brave crew.
[Sidenote: May 3.]
The scene of his next exploits was Havre de Grace, a thriving town,
situated on the Susquehanna, about two miles from the head of the bay.
He set out with his barges by night, and at daylight next morning
awakened the inhabitants with the thunder of cannon and explosion of
rockets in their midst. A scene of consternation and brutality
followed. Frightened women and children ran shrieking through the
streets, pursued by the insults and shouts of the soldiers. The houses
were sacked and then set on fire. The ascending smoke and flames of
the burning dwellings increased the ferocity of the men, and acts were
committed, from mere wantonness, disgraceful both to the soldiers and
their commanders. The work of destruction being completed, the British
force was divided into three bodies--one of which was ordered to
remain as guard, while the other two pierced inland, spoiling and
insulting the farmers, and robbing peaceful travellers. For three days
this gallant corps remained the terror and pest of the surrounding
country, and then re-embarked with their booty, leaving the
inhabitants to return to the ashes of their dwellings. Georgetown and
Frederictown became, in turn, the prey of these marauders, and the
light of burning habitations, and tears of women and children, fleeing
in every direction, kindled into tenfold fury the rage of the
inhabitants. A sympathetic feeling pervaded Congress, and no sooner
did it assemble than Clay, the speaker, descended from the chair, and
demanded an investigation of the charges brought against British
soldiers and officers. These excesses, however, were but the prelude
to greater and more revolting ones. Admiral Warren having arrived in
the bay with reinforcements, and land troops under the command of
General Beckwith, more serious movements were resolved upon. Norfolk
was selected as the first point of attack. This important town was
protected by two forts on either side of the Elizabeth river, between
which the frigate Constellation lay at anchor. Soon after the fleet
moved to the mouth of James river, and began to prepare for an attack
on Craney Island, the first obstacle between it and Norfolk.
Penetrating their design, Captain Tarbell landed a hundred seamen on
the island, to man a fort on the north-west side, while he moved his
gun boats so as to command the other channel. At day dawn on the 22d,
fifty barges loaded with troops were seen pulling swiftly towards the
island, to a point out of reach of the gun boats, but within range of
the batteries on shore. These immediately opened their fire with such
precision, that many of the boats were cut in two and sunk, and the
remainder compelled to retire. An attempt from the mainland was also
repulsed by the Virginia militia, under Colonel Beatty. The enemy
lost in this attack between two and three hundred men, while the
Americans suffered but little. Three days after the repulse at Craney
Island, Admiral Cockburn, assisted by General Beckwith, made a descent
on Hampton, a small fishing town by Hampton roads. The riflemen
stationed there, and the militia, bravely resisted the landing, but
were finally driven back by superior numbers. The place was then
entered and plundered, not merely of its public stores, but private
property. This little fishing town was literally sacked by the British
army of twenty-five hundred men. Private houses were rifled, even the
communion service of the church was carried away, while the women were
subjected to the most degrading insults, and _ravished in open day_!
The American army marched into Mexico over the bodies of their slain
comrades, and were fired upon for a whole day from the roofs of houses
after the city had surrendered, yet no such acts of violence were ever
charged on them as were committed under the sanction of the British
flag in this little peaceful, solitary, and defenceless village. The
authorities of the different towns took up the matter--witnesses were
examined, affidavits made, and the proceedings forwarded to the
British Commander. The charges were denied, but they stand proved to
this day, a lasting stigma on the name of Cockburn. This rear admiral
in the British navy not only allowed such outrages in one instance,
but repeatedly. There was a harmony in his proceedings refuting the
apology of unintentional baseness. His expeditions were those of a
brigand, and he changed civilized warfare into marauding, robbery, and
pillage. The news of these enormities, aggravated as they passed from
mouth to month, spread like wildfire amid the people. Stirring appeals
were heard in every village and town. Calm reflection and reason were
indignantly spurned; woman, manhood, patriotism, all cried aloud for
vengeance, and the war-cry of an aroused and indignant people swelled
like thunder over the land. The leaders of the anti-war faction saw
with consternation this rising sympathy of the masses. It threatened,
for the time, to sweep away their influence entirely. The British
committed a vital error in allowing these excesses, for they
harmonized the hitherto divided feelings of the people, and furnished
the upholders of the war with a new and powerful argument for unity
and energy. The public ear had become accustomed to the tales of
impressment and charges of the invasion of neutral rights. The
atrocities on the north-western frontier affected the west more than
the east, where they were charged rather to the Indians than to the
British Government, and were inflicted on an invading force. But a
system of warfare so abhorrent to humanity, aroused into activity a
spirit which gave tenfold strength to the administration.
While the Chesapeake remained blockaded, Admiral Cockburn, with a
portion of the fleet, moved southward, preceded by the history of his
deeds. The coasts of the Carolinas and Georgia were thrown into a
state of agitation bordering on frenzy. Mrs. Gaston, wife of a member
of Congress, died in convulsions from the terror inspired by this
British Admiral. He, however, effected but little. Landing at
Portsmouth he seized some booty and a few slaves. From the outset he
had attempted to persuade the slaves to rise against their masters,
and actually organized a company of blacks to aid him in his marauding
expeditions.
The squadron blockading the coast north of the Chesapeake was
commanded by Commodore Hardy, the reverse of Cockburn in every quality
that distinguished the latter. He waged no warfare on defenceless
towns, and villages, and women and children. Humane and generous, he
had more cause to complain of the conduct of the excited inhabitants,
than they of his. Although he landed at various places he allowed his
troops to commit no violence.
The American coast, south of Cape Cod, was at length thoroughly
blockaded, so that not only were our ships at home shut in port, but
those endeavoring to enter from without captured, and our whole
coasting trade was cut off, causing the country to feel severely the
miseries of war. The Constellation remained blockaded in the
Chesapeake, while the Macedonian, United States, and sloop Hornet, in
endeavoring to escape from New York by the way of the Sound, were
chased into New London, where they were compelled to lay inactive. In
the mean time, in accordance with an act of Congress, passed in the
winter, allowing half of the value of war ships to those who should
destroy them by other means than armed or commissioned vessels of the
United States, great ingenuity was exhibited in the construction of
torpedoes. Several attempts were made to blow up the British frigates,
but without success. The Plantagenet, however, riding in Lynn Haven
bay, came near falling a victim to one of these missiles, which spread
terror through the British fleet. After several unsuccessful efforts,
Mr. Mix, to whom the torpedo was entrusted, at length succeeded in
getting it near the bows of the vessel, unperceived. [Sidenote: July
24.] The "all's well" of the watch on deck had scarcely pealed over
the water, when it exploded with terrific violence. A red and purple
column suddenly rose fifty feet in the air, and bursting, fell like a
water-spout on deck. The ship rolled heavily in the chasm, and a
general rush was made for the boats, one of which was blown into the
air. Commodore Hardy remonstrated against this mode of warfare, as
contrary to the usages of civilized nations, and it was soon
abandoned. The terror it inspired, however, made him more wary in
approaching the coast. A boat-guard was kept rowing around the ships
all night, and the most extraordinary precautions taken to protect
them from these mysterious engines of destruction.
While our blockaded coast was thus filling Congress with alarm, and
the whole land with gloom and dread, the bold and hostile attitude
which Massachusetts was assuming, both deepened the general
indignation and added to the embarrassments under which the
administration struggled. Owing, doubtless, to the failures which
marked the close of the previous year, the elections in the New
England states during the early spring had terminated very
satisfactorily to the Federalists. Strong was elected Governor of
Massachusetts by a large majority, while both branches of the
Legislature were under the control of the Federalists. In Connecticut
and New Hampshire they had also triumphed, and Vermont, although her
state government and delegation to Congress were Democratic, was still
claimed as Federalist in the popular majority.
On the other side, New York and Pennsylvania spoke loudly for the
Administration, the latter by offering to loan a million of dollars
to the government, as an offset to the efforts of the Federalists to
prevent the loan proposed by government being taken.
[Sidenote: May 20.]
During the summer, acting under a hostile message received from the
governor, the Massachusetts Legislature drew up a remonstrance,
denouncing the war as wrong and unwise, prompted by desire of conquest
and love of France, rather than the wish to maintain the rights of the
people. The report of a committee against the incorporation into the
Union of Louisiana, as the commencement of western annexation,
destined, if not arrested, to destroy the preponderance of the Eastern
states, was also sustained in this remonstrance, which closed with a
solemn appeal to the Searcher of all hearts for the purity of the
motives which prompted it. Quincy in the House, and Otis and Loyd in
the Senate, were the Federalist leaders. Not content with taking this
hostile attitude to the General Government, the Legislature soon after
refused to pass resolutions complimentary to Captain Lawrence for his
gallant conduct in capturing the Peacock, and passed instead, the
following resolution introduced by a preamble, declaring that such
commendations encouraged the continuance of the war. "_Resolved_, as
the sense of the Senate of Massachusetts, that in a war like the
present, waged without justifiable cause, and prosecuted in a manner
showing that conquest and ambition are its real motives, it is not
becoming a moral people to express any approbation of military or
naval exploits, which are not immediately connected with the defence
of our sea-coast and soil." This was not a mere expression of feeling,
but the utterance of a principle acted on from that time to the end of
the war. This proud assumption of state rights and denunciation of the
war when our coasts were blockaded by British cruisers and our
frontiers drenched in blood, met the stern condemnation of the people
throughout the land, and raised a clamor that frightened the authors
of it. Party spirit had made Massachusetts mad, and blinded by her own
narrow views, she wished to wrap herself up in her isolated dignity
and keep forever from the great brotherhood of the Union those western
territories where the hardy settler had to contend not only with the
asperities of nature but a treacherous foe. That West which she then
abjured has since repaid the wrong by pouring into her lap countless
treasures, and furnishing homes for tens of thousands of her sons and
daughters. Allowing the spirit of faction to override the feelings of
nationality, she refused to rejoice in the victories of her country or
sympathize in her defeats. South Carolina has since assumed a similar
hostile attitude to the Union, but it yet remains to be seen whether
she would not sink her private quarrels when the national rights were
struck down and the country wasted by a common foe. As a state, not
only repudiating the authority of the general government and the
sacredness of the Union, but also refusing to stand by the republic in
the hour of adversity and darkness, Massachusetts occupied at that
time a preeminence in our history which it is to be hoped no other
state will ever covet.
CHAPTER XII.
Perry obtains and equips a fleet on Lake Erie -- Puts to sea
-- Kentucky marines -- Description of the battle -- Gallant
bearing of Perry -- Slaughter on the Lawrence -- Perry after
the battle -- Burial of the officers -- Exultation of the
people -- Harrison advances on Malden -- Flight of Proctor
-- Battle of the Thames, and death of Tecumseh.
But while the country, torn with internal strife and wasted by
external foes, looked with sad forebodings on the prospect before it,
there suddenly shot forth over the western wilderness a gleam of
light, like the bright hues of sunset, betokening a fairer to-morrow.
Perry's brilliant victory, followed by the overthrow of Proctor a few
weeks after, thrilled the land from limit to limit. On the frontier,
where we had met with nothing but disgrace, and towards which the
common eye turned with chagrin, we had cancelled a portion of our
shame, and relieved the national bosom of a part of the load that
oppressed it.
After the capture of Forts York and George, by which the river of
Niagara was opened to American navigation, Captain Perry was able to
take some vessels bought for the service from Black Rock into Lake
Erie. The Lake at the time was in the possession of the British fleet,
commanded by Captain Barclay, and Perry ran great hazard in
encountering it before he could reach Presque Isle, now Erie, where
the other vessels to compose his squadron had been built. He, however,
reached this spacious harbor just as the English hove in sight. Having
now collected his whole force he made vigorous preparations to get to
sea. By the first of August he was ready to set sail, but the enemy
lay off the harbor, across the mouth of which extended a bar, that he
was afraid to cross under a heavy fire. To his great delight, however,
the British fleet suddenly disappeared--Captain Barclay not dreaming
that his adversary was ready to go to sea, having gone to the Canada
shore.
Perry was at this time a mere youth, of twenty-seven years of age, but
ardent, chivalrous, and full of energy and resource. From the time he
arrived on the frontier, the winter previous, he had been unceasing in
his efforts to obtain and equip a fleet. Materials had to be brought
from Pittsburgh and Philadelphia, dragged hundreds of miles over bad
roads and across unbridged streams. But after his vessels were ready
for sea, he was destitute of crews. To his repeated and urgent calls
for men, only promises were returned, nor did they arrive till the
English had been able to finish and equip a large vessel, the Detroit,
which gave them a decided preponderance. Perry was exceedingly anxious
to attack the hostile fleet before it received this accession of
strength, but prevented from doing this through want of men, he was at
last compelled to abandon all his efforts, or take his chance with his
motley, untrained crew, in an action where the superiority was
manifest. He boldly resolved on the latter course, and taking
advantage of Barclay's sudden departure, gave orders for the men to
repair immediately on board ship, and dropped with eight of his
squadron down the harbor to the bar. It was Sabbath morning, and young
Perry, impressed with the great issues to himself and his country from
the step he was about to take, sent his boat ashore for a clergyman,
requesting him to hold religious services on board his ship. All the
officers of the squadron were assembled on the deck of the Lawrence,
and listened to an impressive address on the duty they owed their
country. Prayer was then offered for the success of their cause. Young
Perry reverently listening to the voice of prayer, as he is going
forth to battle, and young Macdonough lifting his own in supplication
to God, after his decks are cleared for action, furnish striking and
beautiful examples to naval men.
Next morning the water being smooth, the guns of the Lawrence, the
largest vessel, were taken out, and two scows placed alongside and
filled till they sunk to the water's edge. Pieces of timber were then
run through the forward and after ports of the vessel, and made fast
by blocks to the scows. All being ready, the water was pumped out of
them, and the vessel slowly rose over the bar. She stuck fast,
however, on the top, and the scows had to be sunk again before she
finally floated clear and moved off into deep water. The men worked
all night to get this one brig over. The schooners passed easily and
moored outside. The Lawrence was scarcely once more afloat before the
returning fleet hove in sight. Perry immediately prepared for action.
But Barclay after reconnoitering for half an hour crowded all sail and
disappeared again up the lake.[39] The next day Perry sailed in
pursuit, but after cruising a whole day without finding the enemy,
returned to take in supplies. [Sidenote: Aug. 12.] He was about to
start again, when he received information of the expected approach of
a party of seamen under the command of Captain Elliot. Waiting a day
or two to receive this welcome aid, he set sail for Sandusky, to put
himself in communication with Gen. Harrison and the north-western
army. He then returned to Malden, where the British fleet lay, and
going into Put-in Bay, a haven in its vicinity, waited for the enemy
to come out. [Sidenote: Aug. 25.] Here many of his crew were taken
sick with fever, which at last seized him, together with the three
surgeons of the squadron. He was not able to leave his cabin till the
early part of September, when he received an additional reinforcement
of a hundred volunteers. These troops came from Harrison's army, and
were mostly Kentucky militia and soldiers from the 28th regiment of
infantry, and all volunteers for the approaching battle. The
Kentuckians, most of them, had never seen a square rigged vessel
before, and wandered up and down examining every room and part of the
ship without scruple. Dressed in their fringed linsey-woolsey
hunting-shirts, with their muskets in their hands, they made a novel
marine corps as ever trod the deck of a battle-ship.
[Footnote 39: It was said he had accepted an invitation to dine in a
Canadian town, and expected to be back before the departure of his
enemy.]
[Sidenote: Sept. 10.]
On the morning of the 10th of September, it was announced that the
British fleet was coming out of Malden, and Perry immediately set sail
to meet it. His squadron consisted of three brigs, the Lawrence,
Niagara and Caledonia, the Trippe, a sloop, and five schooners,
carrying in all fifty-four guns. That of the British was composed of
six vessels, mounting sixty-three guns. It was a beautiful morning,
and the light breeze scarcely ruffled the surface of the water as the
two squadrons, with all sails set, slowly approached each other. The
weather-gauge, at first, was with the enemy, but Perry impatient to
close, resolved to waive this advantage, and kept standing on, when
the wind unexpectedly shifted in his favor. Captain Barclay observing
this, immediately hove to, and lying with his topsails aback, waited
the approach of his adversary. With all his canvass out, Perry bore
slowly and steadily down before the wind. The breeze was so light that
he could scarcely make two miles an hour. The shore was lined with
spectators, gazing on the exciting spectacle, and watching with
intense anxiety the movements of the American squadron. Not a cloud
dimmed the clear blue sky over head, and the lake lay like a mirror,
reflecting its beauty and its purity. Perry, in the Lawrence, led the
line.
Taking out the flag which had been previously prepared, and mounting a
gun-slide, he called the crew about him, and said, "My brave lads,
this flag contains the last words of Captain Lawrence. Shall I hoist
it?" "Aye, aye, sir," was the cheerful response. Up went the flag with
a will, and as it swayed to the breeze it was greeted with loud cheers
from the deck. As the rest of the squadron beheld that flag floating
from the mainmast of their commander's vessel, and saw "Don't give up
the ship!" was to be the signal for action, a long, loud cheer rolled
down the line. The excitement spread below, and all the sick that
could move, tumbled up to aid in the approaching combat. Perry then
visited every gun, having a word of encouragement for each captain.
Seeing some of the gallant tars who had served on board the
Constitution, and many of whom now stood with handkerchiefs tied round
their heads, all cleared for action, he said, "Well, boys, are you
ready?" "All ready, your honor," was the quick response. "I need not
say anything to you. _You_ know how to beat those fellows," he added
smilingly, as he passed on.
The wind was so light that it took an hour and a half, after all the
preparations had been made, to reach the hostile squadron. This long
interval of idleness and suspense was harder to bear than the battle
itself. Every man stood silently watching the enemy's vessels, or in
low and earnest tones conversed with each other, leaving requests and
messages to friends in case they fell. Perry gave his last direction,
in the event of his death, to Hambleton--tied weights to his public
papers in order to have them ready to cast overboard if he should be
defeated--read over his wife's letters for the last time, and then
tore them up, so that the enemy should not see those records of the
heart, and turned away, remarking, "_This is the most important day of
my life._" The deep seriousness and silence that had fallen on the
ship, was at last broken by the blast of a bugle that came ringing
over the water from the Detroit, followed by cheers from the whole
British squadron. A single gun, whose shot went skipping past the
Lawrence, first uttered its stern challenge, and in a few minutes all
the long guns of the enemy began to play on the American fleet. Being
a mile and a half distant, Perry could not use his carronades, and he
was exposed to this fire for a half an hour before he could get within
range. Steering straight for the Detroit, a vessel a fourth larger
than his own, he gave orders to have the schooners that lagged behind
close up within half cable's length. Those orders, the last he gave
during the battle, were passed by trumpet from vessel to vessel. The
light wind having nearly died away, the Lawrence suffered severely
before she could get near enough to open with her carronades and she
had scarcely taken her position before the fire of three vessels was
directed upon her. Enveloped in flame and smoke, Perry strove
desperately to maintain his ground till the rest of the fleet could
close, and for two hours sustained without flinching this unequal
contest. The balls crashed incessantly through the sides of the ship,
dismounting the guns and strewing the deck with the dead, until at
length, with "every brace and bow-line shot away," she lay an
unmanageable wreck on the water. But still through the smoke, as it
rent before the heavy broadsides, her colors were seen flying, and
still gleamed forth in the sunlight that glorious motto--"_Don't give
up the ship!_" Calm and unmoved at the slaughter around him and his
own desperate position, Perry gave his orders tranquilly, as though
executing a manoeuvre. Although in his first battle, and unaccustomed
to scenes of carnage, his face gave no token of the emotions that
mastered him. Advancing to assist a sailor whose gun had got out of
order, he saw the poor fellow struck from his side by a twenty-four
pound shot and expire without a groan. His second lieutenant fell at
his feet. Lieutenant Brooks, a gay, dashing officer, of extraordinary
personal beauty, while speaking cheerfully to him, was dashed by a
cannon-ball to the other side of the deck and mangled in the most
frightful manner. His shrieks and imploring cries to Perry to kill him
and end his misery, were heard even above the roar of the guns in
every part of the ship. The dying who strewed the deck would turn
their eyes in mute inquiry upon their youthful commander, as if to be
told they had done their duty. The living, as a sweeping shot rent
huge gaps in the ranks of their companions, looked a moment into his
face to read its expression, and then stepped quietly into the places
left vacant.
Lieutenant Yarnall, with a red handkerchief tied round his head, and
another round his neck, to staunch the blood flowing from two wounds,
his nose swelled to a monstrous size, from a splinter having passed
through it, disfigured and covered with gore, moved amid this terrific
scene the very genius of havoc and carnage. Approaching Perry, he told
him every officer in his division was killed. Others were given him,
but he soon returned with the same dismal tidings. Perry then told him
he must get along by himself, as he had no more to furnish him, and
the gallant man went back alone to his guns. Once only did the shadow
of any emotion pass over the countenance of this intrepid commander.
He had a brother on board, only twelve years old. The little fellow
who had had two balls pass through his hat, and been struck with
splinters, was still standing by the side of his brother, stunned by
the awful cannonading and carnage around him, when he suddenly fell.
For a moment Perry thought he too was gone, but he had only been
knocked down by a hammock, which a cannon ball had hurled against him.
[Illustration: Battle on Lake Erie.]
At length every gun was dismounted but one, still Perry fought with
that till at last it also was knocked from the carriage. Out of the
one hundred men with whom a few hours before he had gone into battle,
only eighteen stood up unwounded. Looking through the smoke he saw the
Niagara, apparently uncrippled, drifting out of the battle. Leaping
into a boat with his young brother, he said to his remaining officer,
"If a victory is to be gained, I will gain it," and standing erect,
told the sailors to give way with a will. The enemy observed the
movement, and immediately directed their fire upon the boat. Oars were
splintered in the rowers' hands by musket balls, and the men
themselves covered with spray from the round shot and grape, that
smote the water on every side. Passing swiftly through the iron storm
he reached the Niagara in safety, and as the survivors of the Lawrence
saw him go up the vessel's side, they gave a hearty cheer. Finding her
sound and whole, Perry backed his maintop sail, and flung out his
signal for close action. From vessel to vessel the answering signals
went up in the sunlight, and three cheers rang over the water. He then
gave his sails to the wind and bore steadily down on the centre of the
enemy's line. Reserving his fire as he advanced, he passed alone
through the hostile fleet, within close pistol range, wrapt in flame
as he swept on. Delivering his broadsides right and left, he spread
horror and death through the decks of the Detroit and Lady Prevost.
Rounding to as he passed the line, he laid his vessel close to two of
the enemy's ships, and poured in his rapid fire. The shrieks that rung
out from the Detroit were heard even above the deafening cannonade,
while the crew of the Lady Prevost, unable to stand the fire, ran
below, leaving their wounded, stunned, and bewildered commander alone
on deck, leaning his face on his hand, and gazing vacantly on the
passing ship. The other American vessels having come up, the action at
once became general. To the spectators from the shore the scene at
this moment was indescribably thrilling. Far out on the calm water lay
a white cloud, from out whose tortured bosom broke incessant flashes
and thunder claps--the loud echoes rolling heavily away over the deep,
and dying amid the silence and solitude of the forest.
An action so close and murderous could not last long, and it was soon
apparent that victory inclined to the Americans, for while the enemy's
fire sensibly slackened, the signal for close action was still flying
from the Niagara, and from every American vessel the answering signal
floated proudly in the wind. In fifteen minutes from the time the
first signal was made the battle was over. A white handkerchief waved
from the taffrail of the Queen Charlotte announced the surrender. The
firing ceased; the smoke slowly cleared away, revealing the two fleets
commingled, shattered, and torn, and strewed with dead. The loss on
each side was a hundred and thirty-five killed and wounded.
Perry having secured the prisoners, returned to the Lawrence, lying a
wreck in the distance, whither she had helplessly drifted. She had
struck her flag before he closed with the Niagara, but it was now
flying again. Not a word was spoken as he went over the vessel's side;
a silent grasp of the hand was the only sign of recognition, for the
deck around was covered with dismembered limbs, and brains, while the
bodies of twenty officers and men lay in ghastly groups before him.
As the sun went down over the still lake his last beams looked on a
mournful spectacle. Those ships stripped of their spars and canvass,
looked as if they had been swept by a hurricane, while desolation
covered their decks. At twilight the seamen who had fallen on board
the American fleet were committed to the deep, and the solemn burial
service of the Episcopal Church read over them.
The uproar of the day had ceased and deep silence rested on the two
squadrons, riding quietly at anchor, broken only by the stifled groans
of the wounded, that were echoed from ship to ship. As Perry sat that
night on the quarter-deck of the Lawrence, conversing with his few
remaining officers, while ever and anon the moans of his brave
comrades below were borne to his ear, he was solemn and subdued. The
exciting scene through which he had safely passed--the heavy load
taken from his heart--the reflection that his own life had been
spared, and the consciousness that his little brother was slumbering
sweetly and unhurt in his hammock beside him, awakened emotions of
gratitude to God, and he gravely remarked, "I believe that my wife's
prayers have saved me."[40]
[Footnote 40: See Mackenzie's Life of Perry.]
It had been a proud day for him, and as he lay that night and thought
what a change a few hours had wrought in his fortunes, feelings of
exultation might well swell his bosom. Such unshaken composure--such
gallant bearing--stern resolution, and steadiness and tenacity of
purpose in a young man of twenty-seven, in his first battle, exhibit a
marvellous strength of character, and one wonders more at him than his
success.
It was a great victory, and as the news spread, bonfires,
illuminations, the firing of cannon and shouts of excited multitudes
announced the joy and exultation of the nation. The gallant bearing of
Perry--his daring passage in an open boat through the enemy's fire to
the Niagara--the motto on his flag--the manner in which he carried his
vessel alone through the enemy's line, and then closed in half pistol
shot--his laconic account of the victory in a letter to the Secretary
of the Navy, "WE HAVE MET THE ENEMY AND THEY ARE OURS"--furnished
endless themes for discussion and eulogy, and he suddenly found
himself in the front rank of heroes.
The day after the battle the funeral of the officers of the two fleets
took place. A little opening on the margin of the bay, a wild and
solitary spot, was selected as the place of interment. It was a
beautiful autumn day, not a breath of air ruffled the surface of the
lake or moved the still forest that fringed that lonely clearing. The
sun shone brightly down on the new-made graves, and not a sound
disturbed the sabbath stillness that rested on forest and lake. The
fallen officers, each in his appropriate uniform, were laid on
platforms made to receive them, and placed with their hands across
their breasts, in the barges. As these were rowed gently away the
boats fell in behind in long procession, and the whole swept slowly
and sadly towards the place of burial. The flags drooped mournfully in
the still air, the dirge to which the oars kept time rose and fell in
solemn strains over the water, while minute guns from the various
vessels blended their impressive harmony with the scene. The day
before had been one of strife and carnage, but those who had closed in
mortal hate, now mourned like a band of brothers for their fallen
leaders, and gathering together around the place of burial, gazed a
last farewell, and firing one volley over the nameless graves, turned
sadly away. There, in that wild spot, with the sullen waves to sing
their perpetual dirge, they slept the sleep of the brave. They had
fought gallantly, and it mattered not to them the victory or defeat,
for they had gone to that still land where human strifes are
forgotten, and the clangor of battle never comes.
This impressive scene occurred off the shore where the massacre of
Raisin was committed, and what a striking contrast does it present to
the day that succeeded the victory of Proctor. By his noble and
generous conduct Perry won the esteem and love of his enemies, while
Proctor by his unfeeling neglect and barbarity received the curse of
all honorable men. The name of one is linked to the spot where he
conquered, with blessings; that of the other with everlasting infamy
and disgrace.
Harrison, after this victory, collected his army of seven thousand
men, and concentrated them at Put-in Bay. Perry's fleet rode
triumphant on the lake, and he offered its service to Harrison. The
latter ordered the regiment of horse, one thousand strong, to proceed
by land to Detroit, while the rest of the army was embarked on board
the vessels and set sail for Malden. [Sidenote: Sept. 13.] Proctor
commanded at the latter place, and hearing of Barclay's defeat and
Harrison's advance, was seized with alarm, and dismantling and blowing
up the fort, and setting on fire the navy yard, barracks and store
houses, and taking with him all the horses and cattle, fled towards
the Thames. The Americans followed in swift and eager pursuit.
Governor Shelby, of Kentucky, though sixty-two years of age, was there
with his brave Kentuckians, a volunteer, shaking his white locks with
the merriest. Perry and Cass also accompanied the army, sharing in the
animation and eagerness of the men. Sending a detachment across the
river to drive out the hostile Indians from Detroit, Harrison, on the
30th, saw with relief the mounted column of Colonel Johnson winding
along the opposite bank, announcing its approach with the stirring
notes of the bugle. Resting one day to complete his preparations, he,
on the 2d of October, resumed the pursuit, and soon, abandoned guns
and shells, destroyed bridges, and houses and vessels on fire,
revealed the haste and rage of the enemy. Proctor, after reaching the
Thames, kept up the river, with the intention of striking the British
posts near the head of Lake Ontario. But Harrison pressed him so
closely, it soon became evident that a battle could not be avoided. On
the 5th, Colonel Johnson, with his mounted Kentuckians, marching two
or three miles in advance, came upon the retreating army drawn up in
order of battle, on the bank of the Thames near the Moravian
settlement. Proctor had taken an admirable position upon a dry strip
of land, flanked by the river on the left and a swamp on the right.
Here he placed his regulars, eight hundred strong, while Tecumseh with
his two thousand Indian allies occupied the eastern margin of the
swamp. Harrison, with his troops jaded out, encamped that night in
front of the enemy. [Sidenote: Oct. 4.] After dark Proctor and
Tecumseh reconnoitred together the American camp, when the latter
advised a night attack. This, Proctor objected to, and strongly urged
a retreat. The haughty savage spurned the proposition, and in the
morning the British general finding he could not escape an engagement,
resolved to give battle where he was. Thinking only of retreat he had
neglected to erect a breastwork or cut a ditch in front of his
position, which would have effectually prevented a cavalry attack. To
ensure the complete success of this blunder, he formed his troops in
open order, thus provoking a charge of horse. [Sidenote: Oct. 5.]
Colonel Johnson, at his earnest request, was allowed to open the
battle with his thousand mounted riflemen. But just as he was about to
order the charge, he discovered that the ground was too cramped to
admit of a rapid and orderly movement of the entire force, and he
therefore divided it into two columns, and putting his brother,
Lieutenant Colonel James Johnson, at the head of the one that was to
advance on the British, he led the other against the Indians. These
two battalions moved slowly forward for a short time parallel to each
other, the infantry following. The column advancing on the British
was checked at the first fire--the horses at the head of it recoiling.
Their riders, however, quickly recovered them, and sending the rowels
home, plunged with a yell of frenzy full on the British line. A few
saddles were emptied, but nothing could stop that astonishing charge.
Those fiery horsemen swept like a whirlwind through the panic-stricken
ranks, and then wheeling, delivered their fire. Nearly five hundred
rifles cracked at once, strewing the ground with men. It was a single
blow, and the battle was over in that part of the field. Scarcely a
minute had elapsed, and almost the entire British force was begging
for quarter. A charge of cavalry with rifles only, was probably a new
thing to those soldiers. Proctor, with forty men and some mounted
Indians, fled at the first onset. His carriage, private papers, even
his sword, were left behind, and goaded by terror he was soon lost in
the distance. He remembered the massacre at Raisin, and knew if those
enraged Kentuckians, whose brothers, fathers and sons he had given up
to the savage, once laid hands on him they would grant him short
shrift. Cruelty and cowardice are often joined together.
The other battalion not finding firm footing for the horses could not
charge, and Johnson seeing that his men were being rapidly picked off,
ordered them to dismount and take to the cover. Tecumseh led his men
gallantly forward, and for a few minutes the conflict was sharp and
bloody. Johnson was wounded in three places, yet stubbornly maintained
his ground. At length Tecumseh fell, when the savages with a loud
whoop, the "death halloo" of their leader, turned and fled. The death
of this remarkable chieftain was worth more than a whole hostile tribe
destroyed, and broke up forever the grand alliance of the Indians with
the British. Not more than twenty-five hundred American troops mingled
in the battle at all; of these but fifty were killed and wounded.
Among the latter was Colonel Johnson, who was borne from the field in
a blanket, with the blood running out at either end. Six hundred
prisoners were taken, a large quantity of stores, ammunition, etc.,
and six pieces of artillery, among which were three captured from the
British during the Revolution, and surrendered by General Hull at
Detroit. The news of this important victory coming so quick on that of
Perry's, filled the nation with increased confidence, and placed a
cheerful countenance once more on the war party. The cloud that had
hung so darkly over the land seemed lifting, and if Chauncey on Lake
Ontario, and Wilkinson on the St. Lawrence, would give equally good
accounts of themselves, the season would close with Canada within our
grasp.
CHAPTER XIII.
Wilkinson takes command of the northern army -- Plan of the
campaign -- Hampton entrusted with the 5th military district
and takes position at Plattsburg -- Quarrel between the two
Generals -- Hampton advances, against orders, into Canada;
is defeated -- Concentration of Wilkinson's army -- Moves
down the St. Lawrence -- Its picturesque aspect -- Harassed
by the enemy -- Battle of Chrystler's field -- Hampton
refuses to join him -- The expedition abandoned and the
armies retire to winter quarters -- Disappointment and
indignation of the war party, and gratification of the
Federalists -- Abandonment of Fort George and burning of
Newark -- Loss of Fort Niagara and burning of Buffalo and
the settlements along the river -- Retaliation -- Gloomy
close of the campaign.
[Sidenote: 1813.]
While Perry and Harrison were thus reclaiming our lost ground on Lake
Erie and in the north-west, Armstrong was preparing to carry out his
favorite plan of a descent on Kingston and Montreal. When he accepted
the post of Secretary of War, he transferred his department from
Washington to Sackett's Harbor, so that he might superintend in person
the progress of the campaign. In April previous, the United States had
been divided into nine military districts, that portion of New York
State north of the Highlands and Vermont, constituting the ninth.[41]
Although Wilkinson had superseded Dearborn, as commander-in-chief of
this district in July, he did not issue his first orders to the army
till the 23d of August. Three days after a council of war was held at
Sackett's Harbor, in which it was estimated that by the 20th of
September the army would consist of nine thousand men, exclusive of
militia. The garrisons at Forts George, Niagara, Oswego and
Burlington, were therefore ordered to rendezvous at Grenadier Island,
near Sackett's Harbor. General Wade Hampton, who had been recalled
from the fifth military district to the northern frontier, encamped
with his army, four thousand strong, at Plattsburg, on Lake Champlain.
The plan finally adopted by the Secretary was, to have Wilkinson drop
down the St. Lawrence, and without stopping to attack the English
posts on the river, form a junction with General Hampton, when the two
armies should march at once on Montreal. These two Generals were both
Revolutionary officers, and consequently too advanced in years to
carry such an expedition through with vigor and activity. Besides, a
hostile feeling separated them, rendering each jealous of the other's
command, which threatened to work the most serious mischief.
Armstrong, however, being the friend of both, thought by acting
himself as commander-in-chief, he could reconcile their differences,
sufficiently to insure harmony of action. Chauncey, in the mean time,
after an action with Yeo, in which both parties claimed the victory,
forced his adversary to take refuge in Burlington Bay. [Sidenote:
Sept. 28.] He then wrote to Wilkinson that the lake was clear of the
enemy, and reported himself ready to transport the troops down the St.
Lawrence.
[Footnote 41: Massachusetts and New Hampshire constituted the first;
Rhode Island and Connecticut the second; New York, south of the
Highlands, and a part of New Jersey, the third; the remaining section
of New Jersey, with Pennsylvania and Delaware, the fourth; Virginia,
south of the Rappahannock, the fifth; Georgia and the two Carolinas,
the sixth; Louisiana, Mississippi and Tennessee, the seventh;
Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois and Missouri, the eighth.
A tenth was erected during the summer, including Maryland, the
District of Columbia, and that portion of Virginia lying between the
Potomac and Rappahannock rivers.]
The greatest expectations were formed of this expedition. The people
knew nothing of the quarrel between Wilkinson and Hampton, and thought
only of the strength of their united force. The victories of Perry and
Harrison had restored confidence--the tide of misfortune had turned,
and when the junction of the two armies should take place, making in
all nearly twelve thousand men, the fate of Canada, they fondly
believed, would be sealed. No large British force was concentrated on
the frontier, while a garrison of but six hundred held Montreal. The
press, deeming Canada already won, had begun to defend its conquest.
The question was no longer, _how_ to take it, but to reconcile the
nation to its possession.
[Sidenote: Sept. 19.]
While Wilkinson was preparing to fulfill his part of the campaign,
Hampton made a bold push into Canada on his own responsibility.
Advancing from Plattsburg, he marched directly for St. John, but
finding water scarce for his draft cattle, owing to a severe drought,
he moved to the left, and next day arrived at Chateaugay Four Corners,
a few miles from the Canada line. Here he was overtaken by an order
from Armstrong, commanding him to remain where was, until the arrival
of Wilkinson. But jealous of his rival, and wishing to achieve a
victory in which the honor would not be divided, he resolved to take
upon himself the responsibility of advancing alone. Several
detachments of militia had augmented his force of four thousand, and
he deemed himself sufficiently strong to attack Prevost, who he was
told had only about two thousand ill assorted troops under him.
[Sidenote: Oct. 21.] He therefore gave orders to march, and cutting a
road for twenty-four miles through the wilderness, after five days
great toil, reached the British position. Ignorant of its weakness, he
dispatched Colonel Purdy at night by a circuitous route to gain the
enemy's flank and rear and assail his works, while he attacked them in
front. Bewildered by the darkness, and led astray by his guide,
Colonel Purdy wandered through the forest, entirely ignorant of the
whereabouts of the enemy or of his own. General Hampton, however,
supposing that he had succeeded in his attempt, ordered General Izard
to advance with the main body of the army, and as soon as firing was
heard in the rear to commence the attack in front. Izard marched up
his men and a skirmish ensued, when Colonel De Salaberry, the British
commander, who had but a handful of regulars under him, ordered the
bugles, which had been placed at some distance apart on purpose to
represent a large force, to sound the charge. The ruse succeeded
admirably, and a halt was ordered. The bugles brought up the lost
detachment of Purdy, but suddenly assailed by a concealed body of
militia, his command was thrown into disorder and broke and fled.
Disconcerted by the defeat of Purdy, Hampton ordered a retreat,
without making any attempt to carry the British intrenchments. A few
hundred Canadian militia, with a handful of regulars, stopped this
army of more than four thousand men with ten pieces of artillery, so
that it was forced, with a loss of but thirty men killed, wounded and
missing, to retreat twenty-four miles along the road it had cut with
so much labor through the forest. Hampton, defeated by the blasts of a
few bugles, took up his position again at the Four Corners, to wait
further news from Wilkinson's division.
[Illustration: Wilkinson Flotilla Amid the Thousand Isles.]
The latter having concentrated his troops at Grenadier Island,
embarked them again the same day that Hampton advanced, against
orders, towards Montreal. Three hundred boats covering the river for
miles, carried the infantry and artillery, while the cavalry, five
hundred strong, marched along the bank. Beaten about by storms,
drenched with rain, stranded on deceitful shoals, this grand fleet of
batteaux crept so slowly towards the entrance of the St. Lawrence,
that the army, dispirited and disgusted, railed on its commander and
the government alike. They were two weeks in reaching the river.
Wilkinson, who had been recalled from New Orleans, to take charge of
this expedition, was prostrated by the lake fever, which, added to the
infirmities of age, rendered him wholly unfit for the position he
occupied. General Lewis, his second in command, was also sick. The
season was already far advanced--the autumnal storms had set in
earlier than usual--everything conspired to ensure defeat; and around
this wreck of a commander, tossed an army, dispirited, disgusted, and
doomed to disgrace. General Brown led the advance of this army of
invasion, as it started for Montreal, a hundred and eighty miles
distant. Approaching French Creek, eighteen miles below Grenadier
Island, it was attacked by a fleet of boats from Kingston, but
repulsed them with little loss. The news of the invasion, however,
spreading, the British detachment at Kingston, reinforced by the
militia, followed the descending flotilla, harassing it whenever an
opportunity occurred. To a beholder the force seemed adequate to
secure the object contemplated, for the spectacle it presented was
grand and imposing. As the head of that vast fleet came winding around
the bend of the stream and swept out of view below, the long
procession of boats that streamed after seemed to be endless.
Scattered in picturesque groups amid the Thousand Isles, or assailed
with artillery from British forts--now swallowed up in the silent
forest that clothed the banks, and again slowly drifting past the
scattered settlements, or shooting the long and dangerous rapids, it
presented a strange and picturesque appearance. When it reached the
head of the long rapids at Hamilton, twenty miles below Ogdensburg,
Wilkinson ordered General Brown to advance by land and cover the
passage of the boats through the narrow defiles, where the enemy had
established block houses. In the mean time the cavalry had crossed
over to the Canadian side and with fifteen hundred men under General
Boyd, been despatched against the enemy, which was constantly
harassing his rear.
[Sidenote: Nov. 11.]
General Boyd, accompanied by Generals Swartwout and Covington as
volunteers, moved forward in three columns. Colonel Ripley advancing
with the 21st Regiment, drove the enemy's sharp shooters from the
woods, and emerged on an open space, called Chrystler's Field, and
directly in front of two English regiments. Notwithstanding the
disparity of numbers this gallant officer ordered a charge, which was
executed with such firmness that the two regiments retired. Rallying
and making a stand, they were again charged and driven back. General
Covington falling fiercely on the left flank, where the artillery was
posted, forced it to recoil. But at this critical moment, while
bravely leading on his men, he was shot through the body. His fall
disconcerted the brigade, and a shower of grape shot at the same
moment scourging it severely, it retired in confusion. This restored
the combat, and for more than two hours that open field was the scene
of successive and most gallant charges. The front of battle wavered to
and fro, and deeds of personal courage and daring were done that
showed that the troops and younger officers only needed a proper
commander, and they would soon give a report of themselves which would
change the aspect of affairs.
At length the British retired to their camp and the Americans
maintained their position on the shore, so that the flotilla passed
the Saut in safety. This action has never received the praise it
deserves--the disgraceful failure of the campaign having cast a shadow
upon it. The British, though inferior in numbers, had greatly the
advantage in having possession of a stone house in the midst of the
field, from which, as from a citadel, they could keep up a constant
fire, without being injured in return. The conflict was close and
murderous, and the American troops gave there a foretaste of Chippewa
and Lundy's Lane. Nearly one-fifth of the entire force engaged were
killed or wounded; a mortality never exhibited in a drawn battle
without most desperate fighting.
General Wilkinson, who lay sick in his boat, knew nothing of what was
transpiring, except by report. Brown's cannon thundering amid the
rapids below--the dropping fire in the rear of his flotilla, and the
incessant crash of artillery and rattle of musketry in the forest,
blended their echoes around him, augmenting the power of disease, and
increasing that nervous anxiety, which made him long to be away from
such turbulent scenes, amid occupations more befitting his age and
infirmities.
The army, however, still held its course for Montreal. Young Scott,
who had joined the expedition at Ogdensburg, was fifteen miles ahead,
clearing, with a detachment of less than eight hundred men, the river
banks as he went. Montreal was known to be feebly garrisoned, and
Wilkinson had no doubt it would fall an easy conquest. He therefore
sent forward to Hampton to join him at St. Regis, with provisions.
Hampton, in reply, said, that his men could bring no more provisions
than they wanted for their own use, and informed him, in short, that
he should not cooperate with him at all, but make the best of his way
back to Lake Champlain.
On receiving this astounding news, Wilkinson called a council of war,
which reprobated in strong terms the conduct of Hampton, and decided
that in consideration of his failure, and the lateness of the season,
the march should be suspended, and the army retire to winter quarters.
This was carried into effect, and Wilkinson repaired to French Mills,
on Salmon river, for the winter, and Hampton to Plattsburgh. Thus, for
months, an army of twelve thousand men had marched and manoeuvred on
the Canadian frontier without striking a single blow. Confidence in
the success of this campaign had been so great, that its disgraceful
issue fell like a sudden paralysis on the war party, and on the nation
generally. Like Hull's defeat, it was unredeemed by a single glimmer
of light. The mind had nothing to rest upon for momentary relief. The
failure was so complete and total, that the advocates of the war were
struck dumb, and Washington was wrapped in gloom. The Federalists, on
the contrary, were strengthened. Their prognostications had proved
true. The nation had concentrated its strength on Canada for two
years, and yet been unable to make the least impression. A Boston
paper that from the first had denounced the war, said, "Democracy has
rolled herself up in weeds, and laid down for its last wallowing in
the slough of disgrace."
Now lift ye saints your heads on high,
And shout, for your redemption's nigh.[42]
[Footnote 42: Vide Ingersoll.]
The Federalists knew their advantage and prepared to use it, for this
was not a lost battle that might in a few days be retrieved; it was a
lost campaign, and a whole winter must intervene before an opportunity
to redeem it could occur. In that time they hoped to make the
administration a hissing and a bye-word in the land. The war party
looked glum and sullen in view of the long and merciless scourging
which awaited it. Armstrong was loudly censured, while on Wilkinson
and Hampton it poured the whole vials of its wrath. Armstrong was
doubtless too much of a martinet, and could carry through a campaign
on paper much better than practically; still, the one he had proposed
was feasible, and ought to have succeeded. He could not be held
responsible for the insubordination of officers. He however committed
one great error. Aware of the hostile feeling that existed between
Wilkinson and Hampton, he should have remained on the spot and acted
as commander-in-chief, or else if his duties rendered his absence
imperative, accepted the resignation of Wilkinson. Old and sick as the
latter was, no commander could have been more inefficient than he,
while the enmity between him and Hampton was certain to end in
mischief. The junction of the two armies would not have prevented, but
on the contrary increased it. He knew, or ought to have known, they
would not act harmoniously together, and it required no prophet's
vision to foretell the fate of a divided army acting on the enemy's
territory. If he had remained to urge forward the expedition, and sent
home Hampton for disobeying his orders, and compelled the army to form
a junction with that of Wilkinson, no doubt Montreal would have
fallen. But knowing, as he did from the outset, that Hampton would
never harmonize with his enemy--to allow the success of the campaign
to depend on their concerted action, was committing a blunder for
which no apology can be made.
Wilkinson came in for more than his share of public abuse. Sickness
must always cover a multitude of sins. There are very few men whose
will is stronger than disease. The firmest are unstrung by it. Even
Cesar, when prostrated by fever, could say:
"Give me some drink, Titinius,
As a sick girl."
This is especially true of men advanced in years. Age tells heavily
enough on both physical and mental powers in an arduous campaign,
without the additional aid of fever. Wilkinson was perfectly aware of
this, and requested twice to be released from the command. Forced to
retain a position he felt unequal to, his conduct was necessarily
characterized by no vigor; and insubordination, disgraceful quarrels,
and duels, combined to make a sorry chapter in the history of the
expedition. It must be confessed, however, that for some of his
conduct, age and disease are but sorry excuses, and it is pretty
apparent he was in character wholly unfit for the enterprise he had
undertaken. For Hampton there is no apology. His disobedience of
orders in the first place should have been followed by his immediate
withdrawal from the army, while his refusal to do the very thing he
had been sent north to perform, was a crime next to treason. All the
forts we occupied on the frontier had been emptied of their garrisons,
and great expense incurred by the government to carry forward an
expedition, the chief feature in which was the junction and united
advance of the two armies. His resignation saved him from public
disgrace. The withdrawal of our troops from Lake Ontario and Niagara,
together with the suspension of hostilities on the St. Lawrence, was
followed by the capture of all the posts we had been two years in
taking.
When Scott obtained permission to join Wilkinson's army, he left Fort
George in the command of General McClure of the New York militia. The
fort had been put in a complete state of defence by Scott, and was
supposed able to repel any force that would be brought against it.
Vincent, who had abandoned its investment after Proctor's overthrow,
returned when he heard of Wilkinson's retreat. McClure, under the plea
that his militia had left him, and that those volunteers promised
could not be obtained, resolved to abandon the fort without risking a
battle.
[Sidenote: Dec. 10.]
He therefore dismantled it, and then in order to deprive the enemy of
shelter, set fire to the neighboring village of Newark and drove four
hundred women and children forth to the fierce blasts of a northern
winter. The English, who during this war rarely waited for an excuse
to resort to the barbarities of savage warfare, of course retaliated
with tenfold violence.
[Sidenote: Dec. 19.]
Nine days after, Fort Niagara was surprised by a party of British and
Indians, under the command of Colonel Murray, and sixty of the
garrison murdered in cold blood. The manner in which it was taken
created a strong suspicion of treachery somewhere. The British made no
secret of the premeditated attack, and the day before, General McClure
issued a proclamation to the inhabitants of Niagara, Genesee and
Chatauque counties, calling on them to rally to the defence of their
homes and country. To this was appended a postscript, stating, "since
the above was prepared, I have received intelligence from a credible
inhabitant from Canada (who has just escaped from thence) that the
enemy are concentrating all their forces and boats at Fort George, and
have fixed _upon to-morrow night for attacking Fort Niagara_--and
should they succeed they will lay waste our whole frontier." On that
very "morrow night" the attack _did_ take place, and yet the
Commandant, Captain Leonard, was absent, having left during the
evening, without entrusting the command of the post to another. The
picquets were taken by surprise, and the enemy entered by the main
gate, which, it is said, was found open.
It seemed at this time as if the government had carefully selected the
most inefficient men in the nation to command on our frontier, in
order to show what a large stock we had on hand, before those more
capable and deserving could be given a place. General McClure not only
fixed the _time_ of the attack, but declared that the fall of the fort
would be followed by the desolation of the whole frontier, (in both of
which prognostications he proved an admirable prophet,) yet not a man
was sent to reinforce it, no orders were issued to its commander, and
no precautions taken. Had Scott been in his place, fort Niagara would
have enclosed him that night--every door would have been bolted and
barred, and the 27 guns it contained rained death on the assailants
as they approached. McClure was right, the enemy did "lay waste the
frontier." Marching on Lewistown, they burned it to the ground.
Setting fire to every farm-house as they advanced, massacring many of
the inhabitants, and mutilating the corpses, they burned Youngstown,
the Tuscarora Indian village, and Manchester, kindling the whole
frontier into a glow from the light of blazing dwellings. Eleven days
after another party crossed at Grand Island, and burned Black Rock and
Buffalo, leaving scarcely a house standing in the latter place.
[Sidenote: Dec. 30.] At Black Rock they burned three of the schooners
belonging to Perry's gallant fleet. Cruel and merciless as was this
raid, it had a justification, at least in the burning of houses, on
the principles of war. The destruction of Newark was a barbarous act,
and in no way borne out by the orders of government, which authorized
it only on the ground that the defence of the fort rendered it
necessary. To fire a town, turning forth houseless and homeless women
and children, because an attacking enemy might employ it as a shelter
from which to make their approaches: and destroy it on the plea that
it affords merely the shelter of a bivouack, after the position is
abandoned, are totally different acts, nor can they be made similar by
any sophistry. These outrages inflamed the passions of the inhabitants
occupying the frontier to the highest degree. No epithets were too
harsh when speaking of each other, and no retaliation seemed too
severe. This feeling of hostility was still farther exasperated by the
treatment of prisoners of war. The imprisoning of twenty Irishmen,
taken at Queenstown the year before, to be tried as traitors, was no
doubt a stroke of policy on the part of England, and designed to deter
adopted citizens from enlisting in the army. It was announcing
beforehand, that all English, Scotch and Irish taken in battle would
not be regarded as ordinary prisoners of war, but as her own subjects
caught in the act of revolt. Our government could not in any way
recognize this arrogant claim, and twenty-three English prisoners were
placed in close confinement, with the distinct pledge of the
government that they should meet the fate pronounced on the Irishmen.
Prevost, acting under orders, immediately shut up twice the number of
American officers. Madison retorted by imprisoning an equal number of
English officers. Prevost then placed in confinement all the prisoners
of war; Madison did the same. The treatment of these prisoners was
alike only in form, for while we showed all the leniency consistent
with obedience to orders, the English, for the most part, were
haughty, contemptuous, and insulting.
The Creek war commenced this year, and though the Indians were not
subdued, no defeat had sullied the American arms. This, together with
the capture of Detroit, summed up the amount of our successes on land
for the year. York and Fort George were lost to us, while Fort
Niagara, standing on our soil, was in the hands of the enemy. Such,
the administration was compelled to exhibit as the results
accomplished by a regular army of thirty-four thousand men, _six
thousand volunteers_, and the occasional employment of _thirty
thousand militia_. This report following on the heels of the disasters
of the previous year, would have completely broken down the government
but for the exasperated state of the nation, produced by the cruelties
and atrocities of the English. Tenacity of purpose has ever been
characteristic of the nation, and ever will be; disasters make us
sullen and gloomy, but never incline us to submission. Armies may be
beaten, but the nation, never, is a sentiment so grounded and fixed in
the national heart that to question its truth excites only amazement.
To deepen still more the shadows that had closed upon us, Bonaparte,
at this time, was evidently in his last struggle. Although battling
bravely for his throne, and exhibiting in more brilliant light than
ever the splendor of his marvellous genius, yet the "star" that had
led him on was already touching the horizon; and soon as his vast
power should yield and fall, England would give us her undivided
attention, and then our little navy, our pride and solace, would be
swept from the seas.
CHAPTER XIV.
1813--1814.
Winter operations -- Decatur challenges Commodore Hardy to
meet the United States and Macedonian with two of his
frigates -- Wilkinson's second invasion of Canada -- Battle
of la Cole Mill -- Holmes' expedition into Canada --
Romantic character of our border warfare -- Inroad of the
British marines to Saybrook and Brockaway's Ferry.
During the autumn and winter of this year, while Congress was shaken
with conflicting parties, and deeper gloom and embarrassments were
gathering round the administration, reports of conflicts ever and anon
came from the bosom of our northern and southern wildernesses.
Wilkinson was endeavoring to redeem his failures along the St.
Lawrence, and Jackson was leading his gallant little band into the
fastnesses of the Creek nation. Most of the national vessels were
blockaded in our harbors and rivers, but still our bold little
privateers were scouring the ocean in every direction. At this time,
too, a single war vessel might be seen struggling in tempestuous seas
off the stormy cape, on her way to the Pacific ocean to finish in
disaster the most remarkable cruise found in our naval annals.
Decatur, with his squadron, lay blockaded at New London, and it was
said that every attempt to get to sea was thwarted by some disaffected
persons, who burned blue lights at the mouth of the river to give
information of his movements to the enemy. He wrote a letter to Mr.
Jones, the Secretary of the Navy, on the subject, and a proposition
was made in Congress to have it investigated, but it was dismissed as
of trivial importance. Irritated at his inactivity, he challenged the
Endymion and Statira to meet the United States and Macedonian in
single combat, offering to reduce his force till they said it equalled
their own. To this Commodore Hardy at first gave his consent, but
afterwards withdrew it. If the challenge had been accepted, there is
little doubt but that the Chesapeake would have been signally avenged.
At one time Decatur was so confident of a fight, that he addressed his
crew on the subject.
Wilkinson soon after his retirement to winter quarters at French
Mills, on Salmon river, resigned his command to General Izard, and
proceeded to Washington to recruit his health. He here planned a
winter campaign which for hardihood and boldness exceeded all his
previous demonstrations. He proposed to pierce by different routes
with two columns, each two thousand strong, to the St. Pierre, and
sweeping the defenceless cantonments as he advanced, stop and occupy
them or turn with sudden and resistless energy against the Isle Aux
Noix, or go quietly back to his winter quarters again. At the same
time, four thousand men were to cross the St. Lawrence, take Cornwall,
fortify and hold it so as to destroy the communication between the two
provinces. Nay, he proposed at one time to barrack in Kingston. The
secretary, however, distrusting the feasibility of these plans,
ordered him to fall back to Plattsburgh with his troops. Brown, in the
mean time, was directed to take two thousand men and proceed to
Sackett's Harbor, for the defence of our flotilla there, while young
Scott was stationed at Buffalo.
[Sidenote: 1813.]
Matters remained in this state till March, when Wilkinson resolved to
erect a battery at Rouse's Point, and thus keep the enemy from Lake
Champlain. The latter, penetrating the design, concentrated a force
two thousand strong at La Cole Mill, three miles below the point. The
early breaking up of the ice, however, had rendered the project
impracticable. Still, Wilkinson resolved to attack La Cole Mill,
though it does not appear what use he designed to make of the victory
when gained. With four thousand men, and artillery sufficiently heavy,
it was supposed, to demolish the walls of the mill, he set forth. The
main road was blockaded for miles with trees that had been felled
across it. He therefore, after arriving at Odletown, was compelled to
take a narrow winding path only wide enough for a single sleigh, and
which for three miles crept through a dense wood. With a guide who had
been forced into the service to show the way, and who marched on foot
between two dragoons, the advance, led by Major Forsyth and Colonel
Clarke, slowly entered the wintry forest. An eighteen pounder broke
down before it reached the woods, a twelve pounder lagged on the way,
so as to be useless. A twelve pounder and a howitzer were got forward
with great labor, for the wheels sunk into the yielding snow and mud,
and thumped at almost every revolution against the trees that hemmed
in the narrow path. The column was necessarily closely packed, and as
it waded through the snow the fire of the concealed enemy soon opened
upon it. But the two guns, what with lifting and pushing, lumbered
slowly forward, and at length were placed in a position in a clearing
in sight of the mill, which proved to be garrisoned by only two
hundred men. The snow was a foot deep, and the panting troops, though
full of courage and confidence, were brought with difficulty forward.
The woods were so thick that the mill was hidden till directly upon
it, and the only open space where the cannon could play unobstructed
on the walls was so near, that the sharp shooters within the building
could pick off the gunners with fatal rapidity. The first shots told
heavily on the building, but in a short time, of the three officers
who commanded the guns, two were severely wounded, and of the twenty
men who served them, fourteen were dead or disabled. The troops as
they came up were posted so as to prevent the escape of the garrison.
Sortie after sortie was made to take the guns, but always repulsed by
the American troops, who fought gallantly under their intrepid
leaders. Larribee who commanded the howitzer was shot through the
heart, and Macpherson who had charge of the twelve pounder, though cut
by a bullet under the chin, maintained his ground till prostrated by a
frightful wound in the hip. The infantry was of no avail, except to
repel sorties, and stood grouped in the forest waiting till the enemy,
forced by the cannonade to retreat, should uncover themselves. But it
was impossible to serve the guns under the concentrated fire of two
hundred muskets and rifles in such close range. Men dropped in the act
of loading; in one case, after the piece was charged, but a single man
remained to fire it. A portion of the garrison seeing it so
unprotected, rushed forth to seize it. The single man, however, stood
his ground, and as the enemy came, fired his piece. At the same time
the troops in the wood poured in a volley. When the smoke cleared away
but a single man was left standing. The whole column had been shot
down. At length a hundred and forty or fifty having fallen and night
coming on the troops were withdrawn. It was resolved to renew the
attack next morning, but a rain storm set in during the night, turning
the snow into a half fluid mass, and rendering a second approach
impracticable. The chilled and tired army was therefore withdrawn, and
Wilkinson ended at once his invasion of Canada and his military
career. He retired from the army, and younger and more energetic men
were appointed over it, who should lead it to victory. [Sidenote:
1814.] On the 24th of January, Brigadier-Generals Brown and Izard were
promoted to the rank of Major-Generals, and later in the spring took
command on our northern frontier.
While these unsuccessful plans were maturing on the St. Lawrence,
Colonel Butler, commanding at Detroit, dispatched Captain Holmes with
a small detachment into Canada to destroy Fort Talbot, a hundred miles
inland, and what ever other "military establishments might fall in his
way." [Sidenote: Feb. 24.] He had less than two hundred men and but
two cannon. Pushing his way through the forests he found the road when
he reached Point Au Plat, so filled with fallen trees and brushwood
that his guns could not be carried forward. Leaving them therefore
behind, he kept on until he ascertained that his approach was
expected. Seeing that all hopes of a surprise must be abandoned, he
changed his course and marched rapidly against Fort Delaware, on the
Thames, occupied by the British. But when he arrived within fifteen
miles of the place he was informed that his attack was expected, and
that ample preparations had been made to meet it. He immediately fell
back behind Twenty Mile Creek, where he had scarcely taken position,
before the rangers left to protect his rear emerged on a run from the
woods that covered the opposite bank, pushed fiercely by the head of
the enemy's column. He immediately strengthened his position by every
means in his power, and on the following morning was ready for an
attack. Only a small body of the enemy, however, appeared at day
break, and soon after retreated. Holmes at first suspected this to be
a ruse to draw him from his position, but ascertaining from a
reconnaissance that not more than sixty or seventy men composed the
force, he started in pursuit. His first conjecture, however, proved
true, for after marching a few miles he came upon his adversary, well
posted, and expecting him. His great anxiety was now to get back to
his position, and at the same time practice the very deception which
had beguiled him from it. He succeeded admirably, and the British
imagining his retreat to be a hasty and disorderly flight pressed
after, and on coming to the creek resolved at once to attack him.
Crossing the stream they ascended the opposite bank boldly, and
without opposition, till within twenty yards of the top, when they
were met by such a sudden and destructive volley that they broke and
fled. Hiding behind trees they then kept up a harmless fire till
night, when under cover of darkness they effected their retreat with
the loss of nearly a hundred men, or one-third of their force, while
some half dozen killed and wounded covered the loss of the Americans.
This half partisan, half regular warfare, in the midst of our vast
forests, combined much of the picturesque and marvellous. There was
not the pomp of vast armies, nor the splendor of a great battle, but
courage, skill and endurance were required, sufficient to make able
commanders and veteran soldiers. The long and tedious march of a
hundred miles through the snow-filled forest--the solitary block-house
with its small garrison, situated in a lonely clearing, around which
the leafless trees creaked and groaned in the northern blasts--the
bivouack fire gleaming red through the driving storm--the paths of
wild beasts crossing the wilderness in every direction, their cries of
hunger mingling with the muffled sound of half frozen torrents--the
war-cry of the savage and the crack of his rifle at still midnight,
waking up the chilled sleepers to battle and to death--the sudden
onset and the bloody hand-to-hand fight, made up the experience and
history of our border warfare. Far away from the haunts of
civilization, men struggled for the control of an imaginary line, and
many gallant and able officers, fell ingloriously by some Indian
marksman. At far intervals, stretching from the St. Lawrence to
Mackinaw, the faintly heard thunder of cannon amid those vast
solitudes, announced that two nations were battling for untrodden
forest tracts and undisturbed sheets of water. Those tracts are now
covered with towns and cities, and those sheets of water freighted
with commerce. Then it was announced as a great miracle of speed, that
a steamboat made four miles an hour in passing up the Ohio--now the
northern lakes are ploughed with steamers, going at the rate of
eighteen or twenty miles an hour, and wrapped round with railroads,
over which cars are thundering with a velocity that annihilates
distance, and brings into one neighborhood the remotest States.
[Sidenote: April 8.]
An unsuccessful attempt on the part of the British to destroy the
American vessels just launched at Vergennes, and which were to compose
Macdonough's fleet, and a bold inroad of the English marines from the
blockading squadron off New London, in which twenty American vessels
were burned, the men pitching quoits, drinking and playing ball during
the conflagration, till night, when they quietly floated down the
river, constituted the other chief movements that terminated in the
early spring.
CHAPTER XIV.
THIRTEENTH CONGRESS. MAY 27, 1813.
Democratic gain in Congress -- Spirit in which the two
parties met -- Russian mediation offered and accepted, and
commerce opened -- State of the Treasury -- Debate
respecting a reporter's seat -- Direct tax -- Webster's
resolutions -- Governor Chittenden -- Strange conduct of
parties in New Hampshire -- The embargo -- England proposes
peace -- Commissioners appointed -- Army bill -- Webster's
speech upon it -- Sketch of him -- The loan bill -- Defended
by Mr. Eppes -- Sketch of Mr. Pickering, with his speech --
Sketch of John Forsyth, and his speech -- Calhoun --
Grosvenor -- Bill for the support of military establishments
-- Speech of Artemus Ward -- Resolutions of Otis in the
Massachusetts Senate -- Repeal of the embargo -- Calhoun and
Webster -- Strange reversal of their positions -- Strength
of our navy and army.
Soon after the capture of York the Thirteenth Congress assembled. By
the new apportionment made the year previous, a hundred and eighty-two
members had been added to the House of Representatives. One remarkable
man, Randolph, had disappeared from the arena, having been defeated by
Mr. Eppes, son-in-law of Jefferson. As the two great parties came
together they surveyed each other's strength--prepared to close in
combat with the same determination and hostile feeling that had marked
the proceedings of the last session of the Twelfth Congress. In the
accession of members the Federalists had made important gains, chiefly
from New York, so that the House stood one hundred and twelve for the
war and sixty-eight against it, and the Senate twenty-seven to nine.
In the latter, however, the party lines were not so strongly drawn,
and on many questions the Democrats had much less majorities than
their nominal superiority would indicate. Among the new members were
Pickering, who had succeeded Quincey, and Cyrus King, from
Massachusetts, and Daniel Webster, from New Hampshire, Federalists.
Forsyth, of Georgia, M'Lean, of Ohio, Taylor, of New York, and
Findley, of Pennsylvania, were Democrats. Mr. Clay was elected speaker
on the first ballot. The President's message was short, and related
wholly to the war. He informed Congress that an offer of mediation had
been made by the Emperor Alexander, of Russia, on the 8th of March
previous--and accepted, and that Mr. Gallatin, Mr. Bayard, and Mr.
Adams, had been appointed Commissioners under it, to negotiate a peace
with England, and also a treaty with Russia. He expressed the belief
that England would accept the mediation, whether it resulted in any
settlement of difficulties or not.
The receipts into the Treasury during the six months, ending the last
day of March, including sums received on account of Treasury notes and
loans, amounted to $15,412,000, the expenditures to $15,920,000. A
balance, however, was in the Treasury previously, so that there
remained $1,857,000 unexpended. Of the loan of sixteen millions,
authorized in February, one million had been paid in, and formed
[Sidenote: Feb. 18.] part of the receipts mentioned, so that the
remaining $15,000,000, together with $5,000,000 of Treasury notes, and
$9,700,000, the sum expected from customs, sales of public lands,
making in all $29,000,000, constituted the provision for the remaining
nine months of the current year. To avoid the necessity of loans,
which were made at rates injurious to the government, and to give a
more permanent basis to the revenue, additional taxes were
recommended.
The first act of Congress was the passage of a resolution, introduced
by Clay, to refer that part of the message which related to the
barbarous manner in which the enemy waged war to a select committee,
of which Mr. Macon, of Georgia, was chairman. Mr. Eppes was made
chairman of that of Ways and Means, and Calhoun of that on Foreign
Affairs. The gentlemen constituting the latter were Calhoun, Grundy,
Desha, Jackson of Virginia, Ingersoll, Fisk of New York, and Webster.
The extreme sensitiveness of the two parties, and the readiness with
which they seized upon the most trifling matter as a bone of
contention, were strikingly exhibited in some of the earliest
proceedings of Congress. The reporter of the Federal Republican, the
paper which had been mobbed by the Democrats at Baltimore, and was now
published in Georgetown, presented a petition, asking a place to be
assigned him, like that of the other reporters, and stating that the
Speaker had refused to give him one. The implication was, that Mr.
Clay had denied him a place on account of his politics. Mr. Clay said
this was not so, that the true reason was, he had no place to give;
all of those furnished by the House being pre-occupied. This
statement, however, could not satisfy the members, and it was proposed
to make an extra provision for the gentleman. Calhoun was opposed to
the admission of any reporters. Almost the entire day was occupied in
discussing this trifling affair, when such momentous questions asked
the attention of Congress. It even adjourned without coming to a
decision, and not until next day was it disposed of, by rejecting the
prayer of the petitioner.
[Sidenote: June 14.]
Mr. Eppes, from the Committee of Ways and Means, made a report, in
which, after showing that the expenditures for the next year, 1814,
would exceed the revenue by $5,600,000, twelve bills were offered, one
for direct taxation, another establishing the office of Commissioner
of the Revenue, and others laying duties on imported salt, on licenses
to retailers of liquors, on foreign merchandise, carriages, distillers
of liquors, on auction sales of foreign goods and vessels, on sugars
refined in the United States, on bank notes, notes of hand and certain
foreign bills of exchange, and on foreign tonnage.
Mr. Webster then rose and delivered his first speech in the House,
introduced by four resolutions, the purport of which were to inquire
into the time, manner, &c., with the attending circumstances, in which
the document, asserted to be a repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees,
was communicated to this government. Although these resolutions had
their origin in Federal hostility, and were designed to sustain the
old charge against the administration, of being under French
influence, because it was well aware those decrees had not been
repealed when it declared war against England, yet Webster carefully
avoided implying it in his speech. He felt bound to offer these
resolutions in justice to his constituents. A heated discussion
followed their introduction, but young Webster conducted himself with
great prudence and caution. At home he had made inflammable speeches
against the war, but after he got out of the atmosphere of
Massachusetts, and came in contact with such ardent young patriots as
Clay and Calhoun, his sympathies, doubtless, were moved, and his
patriotism received an impulse which went far to neutralize the views
of Federalism, with which he had been inoculated. The political
opponents of that war having been successively thrown overboard by
the nation since its termination, much effort seems to have been made
by the friends of Webster to omit entirely this portion of his life,
but I have no doubt were it truly and honorably written, it would
exalt his character and enhance his fame. Coming from the very furnace
of Federalism--educated under the influence of men whose opinions he
had been taught to venerate, and who, throwing aside their party hate,
were the wisest statesmen of the land, sent to Washington on purpose
to represent their views, it seems unaccountable that he, a young
aspirant for fame, did not at once plunge into the arena and win
reputation by crossing swords with such men as Clay and Calhoun.
Standing for the first time on the field where political fame was to
be won, and goaded on by attacks upon principles he had been taught to
venerate, he nevertheless carefully stood aloof, and shortly after
retired entirely on leave of absence. How is this strange conduct to
be accounted for in one who ever after never refused to close like a
lion with his foes? With his powers he would soon have been a leader
of the opposition, and yet this soul, full of deep thought and
slumbering fire, looked apparently cold and indifferent on the strife
that was rending the nation asunder. Did not this conduct grow out of
a sense of duty and of patriotism? He could not do less, as a
representative of Federalism, than offer resolutions of inquiry, and
without turning traitor to his constituents, he could not do more for
the administration. Did not that judgment, on whose decisions the
nation afterwards so implicitly relied, tell him even then that his
country was right and his teachers wrong on the great question of war
or no war, and did not that grand heart, which heaved like the
swelling sea when he spoke of the glorious Union, even then revolt at
the disloyal attitude of New England? If this be not true, then his
conduct is wholly inexplicable and contradictory to his after life.
The first session of the Thirteenth Congress continued till August 2d,
when it adjourned to December. In the mean time, a direct tax,
amounting to $3,000,000, apportioned to the eighteen different states,
was laid. A bounty of $25 was voted to privateers for every prisoner
taken, and heavy penalties were placed on the use of British licenses,
and provisions made to raise ten companies for the defence of the sea
coast. The disasters of our northern army, during this autumn,
increased the boldness of the Federalists, and a paper of Boston
openly advocated the proposition for each state to take care of
itself, fight its own battles, and make its own terms. Governor
Chittenden of Vermont, attempted to recall a brigade of militia,
appointed to garrison Burlington, during Hampton's march into Canada,
on the ground it had been unconstitutionally ordered out. The
commander and a part of the brigade refused, when the former was put
under arrest. The Legislature of New Hampshire, in order to get rid of
the democratic judges, appointed by Langdon and Plumer, abolished all
the courts in the state, and constructed an entirely new system, with
new judges. To this high-handed measure the democratic judges refused
to submit, and held court sessions as formerly, side by side with the
new judges. In those counties where the sheriff was democratic, their
decision was sustained by this functionary, confusing and confounding
every thing. By such measures, party spirit was inflamed to the
highest pitch, dividing friends and families and societies. It became
a frenzy, a madness, obliterating, in many parts of New England, all
traces of former urbanity, justice, affection and courtesy. The
appellation of Democrat and Federalist, applied to one or the other,
converted him, in his opponent's eye, into a monster. The charge of
highway robbery, rape or murder would not have been more instantaneous
and direful in its effect. The Boston papers advocated the most
monstrous doctrines, creating great anxiety and solicitude at
Washington. But soon as the New England line was crossed, passing west
and south, the feeling changed. To go from these fierce, debasing
broils, into the harmonious feeling in favor of the war, was like
passing from the mad struggles of a vessel amid the breakers to a
quiet ship moving steadily on her way. The governors of the several
states in their proclamations and messages firmly upheld the
administration, and the legislatures pledged their support.
In the midst of such excitements, oppressed by the failure of
Wilkinson's campaign, and dreading the use which the Federalists would
make of it, Congress, according to adjournment, reassembled.
[Sidenote: Dec. 6.] Mr. Eppes was still continued chairman of the
Committee of Ways and Means. Among the first measures was the
introduction of an embargo act. Madison, in a special message,
strongly recommended it, on the ground that under the present
non-importation act the enemy on our shores and at a distance were
constantly furnished with the supplies they needed. An illegal traffic
was also carried on with foreign ports, not only exporting forbidden
articles, but importing British manufactures. To stop this illicit
trade in future, an act was passed in secret session, laying an
embargo on all the ports of the Union. To prevent evasion, it was
guarded by the most stringent provisions and heavy penalties, so that
the coasting trade suffered severely. Fishermen were compelled to give
bonds that they would not violate it, before they were allowed to
leave port. That portion of it, however, which related to the
importation of woolen, cotton, and spirits, was rejected by the House,
as that prohibiting the release of goods on bonds was rejected by the
Senate.
Soon after, a great excitement was caused in the country by a rumor
that a British schooner, the Bramble, had arrived in Annapolis,
bearing a flag of truce, and despatches of a peaceful nature to our
government. [Sidenote: Jan. 7.] Seven days after, the President
transmitted a message to Congress, informing it of a proposition on
the part of the English government, to have commissioners appointed to
negotiate a peace. This announcement was the signal for the Federalist
papers to indulge in laudations of Great Britain's generosity and
magnanimity. She had taken the first amicable steps, and that, too,
when she was in a condition, owing to Napoleon's sinking fortunes, to
direct her entire power against us. The same vessel brought the news
of the disasters of Leipsic. There was, on the other hand, much
distrust among the Democrats, because the offer of the Russian
mediation had been coldly rejected three several times.
John Quincy Adams, and Henry Clay, and Jonathan Russel and Bayard who
were already abroad, were appointed Commissioners, to whom Gallatin
was soon after added, to proceed to Gottenberg. Russel, after the
negotiations closed, was to remain as minister to Sweden. [Sidenote:
Jan. 19.] Mr. Clay, in an eloquent address, resigned his station as
Speaker of the House, and Mr. Cheves was elected in his place.
[Sidenote: Dec.] One of the most exciting debates during this session
of Congress arose on the introduction of resolutions by the editor of
the Federal Republican, demanding an inquiry respecting a letter
written by Turreau, in 1809, then Minister from France, to the
Secretary of State, said to be withdrawn from the files. The
disappearance of the letter was proof positive that its contents
committed, in some way, the administration. A vehement debate of three
days duration followed. Endless changes were rung on the old charge of
French influence. At length the question was taken, and the
resolutions voted down, and a simple call on the President for
information substituted. This shell which had been so suddenly thrown
into the House, threatening in its explosion to shatter the war party
to fragments, proved a very harmless thing. Turreau, it eventually
turned out, had written a letter of complaint to the Secretary of
State, so overbearing in its tone, so absurd in its complaints, and so
undiplomatic in every respect, that he was requested to withdraw it,
which was done. In such a sensitive and excited state was party
feeling at this time, that the most trivial matters became distorted
and magnified into extraordinary proportions.
The army bill, providing for the filling of the ranks, the enlistment
of men to serve for five years instead of twelve months, and the
re-enlistment of those whose term of service had expired; and another
bill authorizing a new loan of $25,000,000, was the bugle blast
summoning the combatants to battle. Mr. Webster was for the first time
roused. The army bill was evidently designed to provide for a third
campaign against Canada. From the first, almost the entire military
force of the nation had been employed in these futile invasions. The
successive failures, especially the last, gave the opposition great
vantage ground in declaring against the scheme altogether. They
condemned it not only as an aggressive war, and therefore
indefensible, but declared the acquisition of that country worse than
worthless if obtained. The whole project was not only wrong in
principle, but would be evil in its results, if successful.
The clause extending the term of enlistment, and authorizing the
raising of new regiments, making the money bounty $124--fifty of it to
be paid on an enrollment, fifty on mustering, and the remainder at the
close of the war, if living, and if not to go to his heirs, was
assailed with vehement opposition. [Sidenote: Jan. 3, 1814.] Mr.
Webster, who had been cut short in an attack on the administration by
the Speaker, on the ground that no question was before the house, now
rose to speak. Carefully avoiding the asperity which distinguished
his colleagues, he levelled all his force against the embargo act, and
the conquest of Canada. [Sidenote: Jan. 10.] The former he denounced
unjust and unequal in its bearing, and ruinous in its consequences. He
called on the administration to remove it at once, as the first step
towards the acquirement of a just position. He then denounced the
Canadian war, to prosecute which this extraordinary bill was
introduced, whose provisions if carried out would swell the regular
army to sixty-six thousand troops, to say nothing of the power
conferred on the President for calling out the militia for six months
instead of three. Let us, he said, have only force enough on our
frontier to protect it from invasion--let the slaughter of our
yeomanry cease, and the fires along our northern boundary be
extinguished. Already the war had cost nearly half as much as the
entire struggle for independence; and said he, in conclusion, if war
must be, "apply your revenue to the augmentation of your navy. That
navy, in turn, may protect your commerce. Let it no longer be said
that not one ship of force built by your hands since the war, floats
on the ocean. Turn the current of your efforts into the channel which
national sentiment has already worn broad and deep to receive it. A
naval force competent to defend your coast against considerable
armaments, to convoy your trade, and perhaps raise the blockade of
your rivers, is not a chimera. It may be realized. If, then, the war
must continue, go to the ocean. If you are seriously contending for
maritime rights, go to the theatre where alone those rights can be
defended. Thither every indication of your fortune points you. There
the united wishes and exertions of the nation will go with you. Even
our party divisions, acrimonious as they are, cease at the water's
edge. They are lost in attachment to national character, on that
element where that character is made respectable. In protecting naval
interests by naval means, you will arm yourselves with the whole power
of national sentiment, and may command the whole abundance of national
resources. In time you may enable yourselves to redress injuries in
the place where they may be offered, and if need be, to accompany your
own flag throughout the world with the protection of your own cannon."
This speech produced a marked impression on the house. Succeeding as
it did, the resolutions of the Legislature of Massachusetts, refusing
to compliment our naval commanders for their victories, on the ground
that encouragement would be given to the war, it looked like a change
in that quarter. The war was not denounced as it had ever been by the
Federalist leaders--he quarrelled only with the mode of carrying it
on. Nay, it implied that we had wrongs to redress at sea, and thither
our force should be directed. The policy proposed in this speech
should doubtless have been adopted at the commencement of the war, and
might have been wise as late as 1814, but Webster did not propose it
for the purpose of having it acted upon. This fine peroration was
simply a safety-valve to his patriotism. He dared not--he could not
uphold the war, or put his shoulders to any measures designed to carry
it on with vigor. He represented a State opposed to it in principle,
not in mode. Still, the language he used was so different from the
other leading Federalists, that the Democrats, on the whole, did not
wish to complain. Webster at this time was but thirty-one years of
age, and little known except in his own vicinity. This speech,
however, delivered with the fervor and eloquence which distinguished
him, gave clear indications of his future greatness. Though a young
man, he exhibited none of the excitement and eagerness of youth. Calm,
composed, he uttered his thoughts in those ponderous sentences which
ever after characterized his public addresses. Large, well made, his
jet black hair parted from a forehead that lay like a marble slab
above the deep and cavernous eyes; there was a solemnity, and at times
almost a gloom in that extraordinary face, that awakened the interest
of the beholder. There was power in his very glance, and the close
compressed lip revealed a stern and unyielding character. Even at
this age he looked like one apart from his fellows, with inward
communings to which no one was admitted. When excited in debate, that
sombre and solemn face absolutely blazed with fire, and his voice,
which before had sounded sharp and unpleasant, rung like a clarion
through the house. His sentences fell with the weight of Thor's
hammer--indeed, every thing about him was Titanic, giving irresistible
weight to his arguments.
The bill having passed the house, the other authorizing a loan of
$25,000,000 and a reissue of treasury notes to the amount of
$10,000,000, came up. The expenditures for the coming year were
estimated at $45,000,000, to meet which the ordinary means of revenue
were wholly insufficient. A violent and bitter debate arose on its
presentation, which lasted three weeks. Regarded as so much money
appropriated to the conquest of Canada, it met with the determined
hostility of the opponents of the war. Mr. Eppes defended his bill,
and went into a long and statistical account of the revenue and
expenditures of the nation--showed how she could easily, in time of
peace, pay off every dollar she might owe--estimated the value of the
land and produce and capital of the country, and proved, as he deemed
satisfactorily, that the loan combined "all the advantages of safety,
profit, and a command at will of the capital invested." The long
debate upon it had little to do with the bill itself, but swept the
whole range of politics for the last four or five years. The history
of the war was gone over--orders in council, and Berlin and Milan
decrees revived with fresh vigor--the influence of Bonaparte in our
councils, though now struggling for life, was charged anew on the
administration. Personalities were indulged in, and the most absurd
accusations made by men, who on other subjects, exhibited sound
judgment and able statesmanship. Mr. Pitkin spoke a part of two days,
making a frightful exhibit of expenses, and denounced the war in
Canada. Pickering, with his large, powerful frame and Roman features,
not belying the fearless character of the man, came down on the
administration with all the power, backed by the most unquenchable
hatred he was master of. A distinguished man in the Revolution, he had
from that time occupied a prominent place in the political history of
his country. A "Pharisee of the Pharisees" in the Essex Junto, he
cherished all the intense hatred of that branch of the Federalists for
the war and its supporters. Built on a grand scale, yet with a heart
hard as iron towards a foe, fierce and bold, denouncing his old friend
and patron, John Adams, because he did not hate France as cordially as
he thought every good Christian should, having no sympathy with
Washington's quiet and non-committal character, he looked upon
Bonaparte and our war and its supporters, as the most monstrous births
of the age. His indignation at their existence was only exceeded by
his wonder that heaven, in its just wrath, did not quench all
together. Probably the administration had not such a sincere and
honest hater in the whole Federalist ranks. He was an honest man and
possessed of most noble traits, but his feelings obscured his judgment
when speaking of the war, and he gave utterance to the most
extraordinary and absurd assertions. In this speech he wandered over
the whole field--took bold and decided ground--advocated openly the
doctrine of the right of search, as defended by our enemy--declared
that our complaints were unjust--denied the statement respecting the
number of impressed seamen, saying that many Americans served
voluntarily on board of British cruisers--glorified England for her
efforts to overthrow Napoleon, calling her the "world's last hope."
Having thus defined his position so clearly, that there could be no
doubt where he stood, he turned to the Speaker and looking him sternly
in the face through his spectacles, and "swinging his long arm aloft,"
exclaimed, "I stand on a _rock_ from which all Democracy--no, _not all
Democracy and hell to boot_ can move me--the rock of integrity and
truth." Mr. Shelby and Mr. Miller followed in a similar strain, and
Canada, with its disastrous campaigns, was flung so incessantly in the
face of the war party, that it hated the very name. Grundy defended
the bill, and Gaston, of North Carolina, opposed it. Grosvenor
launched forth into a violent harangue, and was so personal and
unparliamentary in his language that he was often called to order.
Very little, however, was said on the merits of the bill. This served
only to open the flood-gates of eloquence, which embracing every topic
of the past and present, deluged for twenty days the floor of
Congress. Langdon Cheves, the Speaker, though opposed to the
restrictive measures of the administration, upheld the war, and
defended the bill in a long and temperate speech. One of the best
speeches elicited by it, was made by John Forsyth. Hitherto he had
taken but little part in the debates of the House, and hence his
brilliant effort took the members by surprise and arrested their
attention. Handsome, graceful, fluent, with a fine voice and
captivating elocution, he came down on the Federalists with sudden and
unexpected power. Their unfounded assertions, unpatriotic sentiments
and personal attacks had at length roused him, and as they had
wandered from the question in their blind warfare, so he passed from
it to repay the blows that had been so unsparingly given. Turning to
the New England delegation, he charged boldly on Massachusetts the
crime of fomenting treason to the State, if not intentionally, yet
practically, by her legislative acts, inflammatory resolutions and
violent complaints of injustice, which were the first steps towards
more open hostility. "I mention them," said he, "not from fear, but to
express my profound contempt for their impotent madness. Fear and
interest hinder the factious spirits from executing their wishes. _If
a leader_ should be found bad and bold enough to try, one consolation
for virtue is left, that those who raise the tempest will be the first
victims of its fury." Calhoun, with his clear logic, demolished the
objections that had been raised. He said they could all be reduced to
two. One was, that the loan could not be had--the other, that the war
was inexpedient. He declared both false, going over the ground he had
been compelled so often to traverse since the commencement of the war.
He took up the question of impressment--declared our war a defensive
one--bore hard upon those who voted against supplies--showed that the
war had liberated us from that slavish fear of England which had
rested like a nightmare on the nation--and started into vigorous
growth home manufactures, destined in the end to render us independent
of foreign products, and furnishing us with ampler means to carry on
any war that might occur in the future.
This debate might have lasted much longer but for a violent harangue
of Grosvenor, full of gross personalities, discreditable to himself
and insulting to the House. It was resolved to put an end to such
disgraceful scenes, and the previous question was moved and carried by
a majority of forty. A similar fierce conflict, however, took place
soon after on the bill for the support of military establishments, in
the ensuing year, and on the motion to repeal the Embargo Act. In a
speech against the former, Artemus Ward opposed not only the invasion
of Canada, and reiterated the old charge of subserviency to France,
but openly and boldly defended England in the course she had taken;
declared that impressment was in accordance with the law of nations,
and that the doctrine "the flag protects all that sails under it" was
untenable and false. He then went gravely into the reasons of the war,
and laid down the following propositions, which he proceeded soberly
to defend:--
"1st. Napoleon had an ascendancy in our councils through the fear or
hopes he inspired.
"2d. The administration wished to destroy commerce, and make an
agricultural and manufacturing people.
"3d. It wished to change the form of our government."
These extraordinary propositions were severally defended, and declared
by himself fully proved. In reply to the charge that the Federalists
were nullifiers, he pronounced it unjust and unfounded, and said that
the Federalists of Massachusetts would "cling to the Union as the rock
of their salvation, and will die in defence of it, _provided they have
an equality of benefits_. But everything has its 'hitherto.' _There is
a point beyond which submission is a crime._ God grant that we may
never arrive at that point." Such language, though guarded, was
significant, and justified the very charges it was designed to rebut.
Coupled with the action of Massachusetts, it furnished ground for the
gravest fears. [Sidenote: Jan. 6.] A motion having been introduced
during the session to the effect that the Attorney-General of the
United States should prosecute Governor Chittenden, of Vermont, for
recalling the militia of the state from Burlington, Otis presented a
resolution to the Massachusetts Senate, declaring that the State was
prepared to sustain, with her whole power, the Governor of Vermont in
support of his constitutional rights. [Sidenote: Jan. 44.] In the mean
time the Legislature voted an address, denouncing the war altogether,
ascribing it to hatred of the friends of Washington's policy, to the
influence of foreigners, to envy and jealousy of the growing
commercial states, and desire for more territory. The Pennsylvania
Legislature, on the other hand, censured the conduct of both
Chittenden and the Massachusetts Legislature, declaring that the
State would support the General Government in meting out justice to
all violators of the Constitution. [Sidenote: Feb. 12.] New Jersey was
still more enraged, and after giving utterance to her contempt and
abhorrence of the "ravings of an infuriated faction, whether issuing
from a legislative body, a maniac governor, or discontented and
ambitious demagogues," "Resolved, that the State was ready to resist
internal insurrection with the same readiness as the invasion of a
foreign foe." Thus the storm of political hate raged both within and
without the halls of Congress, threatening in its fury to send the
waves of civil strife over the already distracted and suffering land.
But there was a large party, composed of the middling classes of New
England, in favor of the war. This, together with the outward pressure
of the entire Union, combined to make the Federalist leaders extremely
cautious in their movements. The farmer was benefitted by the war, for
his produce commanded a higher price in the market, while the
manufacturing interests, which the restrictive acts had forced into
importance, were also advanced, thus creating a new antagonist to the
Federalists. The embargo, however, pressed heavily on a large portion
of the country, calling forth loud denunciations and petitions from
the whole New England coast.
Fortunately for the administration, circumstances soon rendered it
useless. After struggling with almost superhuman courage and endurance
to repel the allies from the soil of France, Napoleon saw them at last
enter Paris in triumph, and demolish with a blow the splendid
structure he had reared with so much skill and labor. With the
overthrow of the French Empire ended the Continental War, and of
course the Orders in Council, the Berlin and Milan Decrees fell at
once to the ground. The grand cause of the restrictive system having
been removed, Madison sent a message to the House of Representatives,
advising a repeal of the Embargo and Non-Importation Act. A bill to
this effect was reported by Mr. Calhoun from the Committee on Foreign
Relations. [Sidenote: Apr. 4.] He spoke at some length on the first
section, embracing the embargo, supported it on the ground of the
recent changes in Europe, resulting from Bonaparte's downfall. Russia,
Sweden, Germany, Denmark, Prussia, and Spain, might now be considered
neutral nations, and by opening our commerce to them, we should in
time, in all probability, attach them to us in common hostility to
England, should she continue her maritime usurpations. This country
had from the first contended for free trade, and consistency required
we should allow it to neutral powers, just as we had claimed it for
ourselves. In short, there was no reason for its continuance, except
the plea of consistency. But he contended that a change of policy
growing out of a change in the circumstances that had originated it,
could not be called inconsistent. Mr. Webster replied to him, saying
that he rejoiced it had fallen to his lot to be present at the funeral
obsequies of the restrictive system. He felt a temperate exultation
that this system, so injurious to the country and powerless in its
effect on foreign nations, was about to be consigned to the tomb of
the Capulets. After ridiculing the whole restrictive system, saying it
was of like faith, to be acted--not deliberated on, and that no saint
in the calendar had been more blindly followed than it had been by its
friends, he went on to show that it was designed, originally, to
cooperate with France. He denounced any system, the continuance of
which depended on the condition of things in Europe. Such policy was
dangerous, exposing us to all the fluctuations and changes that
occurred there. If this universal application of a principle was
unsound and extraordinary in a statesman, what followed was still more
surprising. Speaking of the effect of the system to stimulate
manufactories, he said he wished none reared in a hot-bed. Those
compatible with the interests of the country should be fostered, but
he wished to see no Sheffield or Birmingham in this country. He
descanted largely on the evils of extensive manufactories and populous
towns, and intimated strongly that any protective legislation in
reference to them would be unwise. What complete summersets those two
great men, Webster and Calhoun, and the sections of country they
represented, have made since 1814. Then South Carolina firmly
supported the union against the doctrine of state rights, and Calhoun
reasoned eloquently for manufactories, against Webster, opposed to
them. Years passed by, and Massachusetts, through her Webster, pleaded
nobly, sublimely, for the union, against the nullifying doctrines of
South Carolina, and those two men, standing on the floor of Congress,
fought for the systems they had formerly opposed, and in fierce and
close combat crossed swords each for the cause of the other. Webster
in 1814 condemning measures that forced manufactories into existence,
and afterwards pleading earnestly for a high tariff, and Calhoun at
the same time defending even the embargo on the ground that it
encouraged them, and afterwards fighting sternly against that tariff,
are striking illustrations of the changes and fluctuations of
political life. And yet there may be no inconsistency in all this.
"_Tempora mutantur, et nos mutamur in illis_," is a sound maxim.
Webster, when he charged inconsistency on the administration for
advising the repeal of the embargo act, after the great change in
European affairs, little thought how soon he would be compelled to
shelter himself behind this Latin maxim. In 1814 the interests of New
England were closely allied with free commerce, and her destiny
pointed towards the sea. In a few years her capital was largely
invested in manufactures, and could the tariff have been made a
permanent policy, all her crystal streams and dashing torrents
hurrying from the mountains to the sea, would have been mines of
almost exhaustless wealth. The times being changed, the dictates of
true wisdom required a change of policy. There is no inconsistency so
glaring and injurious as a stubborn adherence to old dogmas or
systems, when events in their progress have exploded both.
Added to the acts of Congress already mentioned, the most important
were those making appropriations for the support of the navy--for the
building and equipment of floating batteries for the defence of the
harbors and rivers of our country. The Yazoo claim was also disposed
of during this session. [Sidenote: April 18, 1814.] After an
ineffectual attempt to introduce a bill for the establishment of a
national bank, and the transaction of some minor business, Congress
adjourned to the last Monday in October.
Our naval force in service in January of this year, independent of the
lake squadrons, gun-boats, etc., for harbor defences, was but seven
frigates, seven sloops-of-war, four brigs, three schooners, and four
other small vessels. The secretary, however, reported in February
three seventy-fours and three forty-fours on the stocks, besides
smaller vessels, which would make thirty-three vessels, large and
small, in actual service or soon to be afloat, while thirty-one were
on the lakes. The army, by law, was increased at this session to
64,759 men, while the militia of the union amounted to 719,449 men.
Added to this, the president was authorized to accept the service of
volunteers to the number of 10,000, their term of service not to
exceed one year.
With such an imposing array of force on paper, with the increased
revenue from the direct tax laid the year before, with a loan of
$25,000,000, and treasury notes amounting to $10,000,000, the
government prepared to enter on a third campaign.
END OF VOL. I.
J. T. HEADLEY'S WORKS.
NAPOLEON AND HIS MARSHALS. By J. T. HEADLEY, 2 vols. 12mo., cloth,
gilt. Illustrated with 12 Portraits, $2.50. 25th Thousand.
WASHINGTON AND HIS GENERALS. By J. T. HEADLEY, 2 vols. 12mo., cloth,
gilt. Illustrated with 16 Portraits, $2.50. 22d Thousand.
THE SACRED MOUNTAINS. By J. T. HEADLEY, Illustrated with 12
engravings, by Burt, with designs by Lossing, 20th Thousand.
Do. do. do., 12mo., cloth, gilt, $1.25.
SACRED SCENES AND CHARACTERS. By J. T. HEADLEY, with 12 Illustrations.
Designed by Darley, 4th Thousand.
Do. do. do., 1 vol. 12mo., cloth, gilt, $1.25.
LETTERS FROM ITALY AND ALPS AND THE RHINE. By J. T HEADLEY, 1 vol.
12mo, cloth. A New Edition. Revised and Enlarged. With a Portrait of
the Author, $1.13. 8th Thousand.
LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL. By J. T. HEADLEY, 1 vol. 12mo., cloth, gilt,
with Portrait, $1.25. 6th Thousand.
HEADLEY'S MISCELLANIES. Authorized Edition, 1 vol. 12mo., cloth, $1.
2d Thousand.
ADIRONDACK; OR LIFE IN THE WOODS. By J. T. HEADLEY, with Original
Designs from Gignoux, Ingham, Durand, etc., 1 vol. 12mo., cloth,
$1.25. 4th Thousand.
SKETCHES AND RAMBLES. By J. T. HEADLEY, 1 vol. 12mo., cloth, 75c. 2d
Thousand.
THE IMPERIAL GUARD OF NAPOLEON. From Marengo to Waterloo. By J. T.
HEADLEY, 1 vol. 12mo., with Illustrations, cloth, $1.25. Just
Published.
J. T. HEADLEY'S WORKS--Uniform Edition, 12 vols., in sheep, for
Libraries and District Schools.
"Mr. Headley's peculiarities as an author are universally
known. He is one of the most vigorous and spirit-stirring
writers of the day, especially graphic and powerful in
narratives of exciting events. No one can fail to get from
his descriptions most graphic, vivid, and lasting
impressions of the scenes of which he speaks."--_N. Y.
Courier and Enquirer._
"His descriptions are graphic, his history correct, and his
summing up character scarcely suffers by a comparison with
similar pages in Tacitus."--_N. Y. Evening Post._
"He speaks heartily, earnestly, truthfully; and the warm
heart answers to his voice."--_N. Y. Observer._
"Each one of his Biographies is a grand historical picture,
conveying in a most impressive way, a true idea of the
events of the time."--_Cincinnati Herald._
"Mr. Headley is truly eloquent in his description of
character. He presents to you the strong points of the man
with a clearness that seems to place him before you as an
old acquaintance."--_Cleveland Herald._
"Whatever critics may choose to say, Mr. H. will never lack
readers. The stir and fire of his descriptions will touch a
popular chord. In describing the battle field and the
tumultuous stirring life of the camp, Mr. H. is what Cooper
was upon the Sea."--_N. Y. Evangelist._
LIVING ORATORS OF AMERICA. By Rev. E. L. MAGOON 1 vol. 12mo., with
portraits. Price, $1.25.
THE ORATORS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. By Rev. E. L. MAGOON. 1 vol.
12mo., with portraits. Price, $1.25.
Mr. Magoon is a decided original. Both his thoughts and his
manner of expressing them, are peculiar and striking.--_N.
Y. Evangelist._
Mr. Magoon, who is a vivid, nervous writer, has thrown a
charm around the character of the men whose history he has
delineated, that will cause the book to be read with unusual
interest.--_Christian Secretary._
These volumes contain exceedingly clear sketches of our
greatest orators; so arranged, contrasted and compared, that
the peculiar powers and excellencies of each are set before
the mind in a strong light.--_Springfield Republican._
Every American will read these works with national pride,
and have his better feelings and sentiments enkindled and
strengthened.--_Western Literary Messenger._
THE WOMEN OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. By Mrs. E. F. ELLET. 3 vols.
12mo., with portraits. Price, $3.50.
The work fills a place in our Revolutionary history that
would scarcely be complete without it; indeed, we consider
it as one of the most valuable contributions that have been
made to the history of our country in a long time.--_Hunt's
Magazine._
We counsel especially the young women of our country to lay
aside their novels, at least until they shall have read "The
Women of the Revolution." Those of them who have souls will
find it replete with interest and instruction.--_N. Y.
Tribune._
The narratives are brief, spirited, and profoundly
interesting; especially as showing how the toils, the
privations and dangers of the war, made themselves felt,
perhaps even more keenly, in the homes than on the
battle-fields of the Revolutionary champions.--_N. Y.
Commercial._
The authoress has succeeded in collecting a large amount of
new and important facts, illustrative of the heroism evinced
in action and suffering, by the women who bore their part in
the Revolution, which have no place in the political
histories of the time, and have been derived almost entirely
from private sources.--_N. Y. Journal of Commerce._
The rich store of information contained in these volumes,
has been procured at the cost of much and laborious
research, from the surviving relatives of the heroines,
scattered through various parts of the Union. Personal
recollections have been recorded, family papers and letters
examined, and the work thus made a faithful and vivid
exhibition of the domestic scenes of the war.--_Charleston
Inquirer._
The conception of the book is at once beautiful and
patriotic, and its execution is worthy of its subject, and
worthy of the reputation of its gifted authoress.--_Albany
Atlas._
These sketches are of thrilling interest, as we gather from
a hasty glance at their pages. The narrative is clear,
concise, and very agreeably written.--_N. B. Mercury._
[Transcriber's notes:
Obvious printer's errors have been corrected. Hyphenation and
accentuation have been standardised, all other inconsistencies are as
in the original. The author's spelling has been maintained.
This book does not have a chapter VI.
Some dates were misprinted in the original (e.g. Jan. 44), they have
been left as it is.]
End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Second War with England, Vol. 1 of
2, by Joel Tyler Headley
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