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Title: Lives of the early Medici
As told in their correspondence
Editor: Janet Ross
Release date: December 25, 2024 [eBook #74973]
Language: English
Original publication: London: Chatto & Windus
Credits: ellinora, Hannah Wilson and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LIVES OF THE EARLY MEDICI ***
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
“_It has ever been a hobby of mine, though perhaps it is a truism,
not a hobby, that the true life of a man is in his letters.... Not
only for the interest of a biography, but for arriving at the inside
of things the publication of letters is the true method. Biographers
varnish, they assign motives, they conjecture feelings, they interpret
Lord Burleigh’s nods, but contemporary letters are facts._”--Dr.
Newman to his Sister, Mrs. John Mozley, _May 18, 1863_.
[Illustration:
LORENZO DI PIERO DE MEDICI.
_From a picture at Poggio a Caiano._]
LIVES OF
THE EARLY MEDICI
AS TOLD IN THEIR
CORRESPONDENCE
TRANSLATED & EDITED BY
JANET ROSS
[Illustration]
WITH 12 PORTRAITS AND FACSIMILES
LONDON
CHATTO & WINDUS
1910
_All rights reserved_
PREFACE
Many a book has been written about the Medici; yet how little has been
said about the private lives of the founders of that wonderful family
which rose from prosperous middle-class condition to take its place
among the sovereign houses of Europe, to seat its daughters on the
throne of the Queen-consorts of France, and its sons on the Chair of
St. Peter? Their rival capitalists north of the Alps climbed high in
those days when the gulf was dug deep between nobles and all who were
below them in the social scale. The Fuggers made many alliances with
the German and Bohemian nobles, and the Welsers had the unheard-of
glory of mating one of their daughters with the Emperor of Germany;
does not the Philipine-Welser Strasse in Augsburg commemorate to this
day the renown of the match? But neither had the fortune to found a
dynasty as did the Medici. They are so inseparably connected with the
history of their native city that the biographies have insensibly
become sketches of Florentine, even of European history. The men and
women have disappeared, and we see instead the dexterous manipulators
of tortuous Italian diplomacy, or the splendid patrons of art and
literature during the best period of the Renaissance. Yet, in our day,
we sometimes like to turn aside from the stage life to learn about the
_vie intime_ of personages who have become historical. We are curious
about their doings within the home circle, about their private loves
and hates, whether they were good or bad husbands and wives, parents
and children. The simpler human interests attract us.
This book attempts to supply such details. It is founded on letters,
for the most part private, of Medici men, women, and children, and
their friends, written during those decades when the family was being
moulded for the great European destiny which lay hidden in the future
before it. In these old-world epistles Contessina artlessly displays
her household economies, Lucrezia reveals her fondness for bathing,
Clarice quarrels with no less a tutor than the celebrated Poliziano
about the lessons he gave to her children, and the child Piero tells
his father how he has studied hard, even writing in Latin, “in order to
give a more literary tone to my letters,” and proudly and persistently
demands the pony promised as a reward for diligence.
The materials have been gathered from many a quarter. Angelo Fabroni’s
ponderous tomes, _Magni Cosmi Medicei Vita_ and _Laurentii Medicis
Magnifici Vita_; the Histories of Florence by Giovanni Cavalcanti,
Giovanni Cambi, and Niccolὸ Machiavelli; rare pamphlets, published in
small editions of twenty-five or a hundred copies, by Italian men of
letters in honour of the marriage of some friend, which are a mine of
wealth; and last, but not least, the Florentine Archives. Most of the
letters from the _Archivio Medicei ante Principato_ have never been
published before, much less translated; others are given here in full,
which have hitherto seen the light only in very fragmentary form.
The volume can therefore claim to contain a great deal of thoroughly
original matter. In them it will be seen that well-born or important
men and women were addressed as Your Magnificence, and written to and
spoken of as The Magnificent. It was, therefore, no special title
bestowed on Lorenzo de’ Medici, but suiting so well with his character
and whole personality it has become, as it were, his property.
My best thanks are due to Cavaliere Angelo Bruschi, librarian of the
Marucelliana Library in Florence, without whose valid assistance and
advice I should have had great difficulty in collecting the letters;
to Dr. Dorini of the Florentine Archives, whose aid was invaluable in
helping me to decipher the almost illegible manuscripts; and to Signor
Gugliemo Volpi, several of whose pamphlets and articles are quoted. I
must also thank the Baroness Mollinary of Como for so kindly having
photographed for me her most interesting early portrait of Lorenzo
the Magnificent, never before published; and Dr. Giovanni Poggi,
director of the Bargello in Florence, for giving me the photograph
of Lorenzo’s portrait at Poggio a Caiano. The Baroness Mollinary’s
picture is one of the many that belonged to her ancestor Paolo Giovio,
and bears a strong resemblance to the fine miniature of Lorenzo, the
property of M. Prosper Villon, reproduced in _Le Musée de Portraits
de Paul Jove_ by M. Eugène Muntz, in which, however, Lorenzo looks
rather older. Both show the same humorous, kindly face, with a strong
mouth, determined jaw, and fine eyes. In the miniature the head and
shoulders are against and under a baldaquin, on each side of which is a
small bit of landscape. Below is inscribed _Laur M P P_ and the Medici
arms (with six balls), surmounted by Lorenzo’s device, three ostrich
feathers, white, green, and red (faith, hope, and charity), while
a floating ribbon behind bears his motto _Semper_. The portrait at
Poggio a Caiano is perhaps by Alessandro Allori, therefore of course
not contemporary; it may be a copy of an older and lost picture. I
must also express my great gratitude to the Rev. Principal Lindsay of
Glasgow for kind help and criticism during the progress of my work.
The portrait of Piero de’ Medici in the chapel of the Riccardi palace,
by Benozzo Gozzoli, has been given sometimes as that of his father
Cosimo, or even of his son Lorenzo. But if the bust by Mino da Fiesole,
in the Bargello, represents Piero, then he is the man grasping his
horse’s mane with one hand as he rides by the side of his father
Cosimo, who, as we know, generally rode a mule.
JANET ROSS.
CONTENTS
PAGE
INTRODUCTORY 1
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE’ MEDICI (1389-1464) 7
Contessina de’ Medici to her husband Cosimo in Ferrara 10
Cosimo de’ Medici to Averardo de’ Medici, Ambassador
to Ferrara 11
Contessina de’ Medici to her son Giovanni at Ferrara 14
Cosimo de’ Medici to Averardo de’ Medici at Pisa 15
Cosimo de’ Medici to Averardo de’ Medici 16
Cosimo de’ Medici at Florence to Averardo de’ Medici
at Pisa 18
Diary of Cosimo de’ Medici and his Oration to the
Signory of Florence when sentence of exile was
pronounced against him 19
Cosimo de’ Medici to his son Piero de’ Medici 31
Niccolò Fortebraccio to Cosimo de’ Medici and Neri di
Gino Capponi 34
Lorenzo de’ Medici to his brother Cosimo, Ambassador
to Ferrara, in the name of the “Dieci di Balia” 35
Count Francesco Sforza to Cosimo de’ Medici 36
Count Francesco Sforza to Cosimo de’ Medici 38
Count Francesco Sforza to Cosimo de’ Medici 39
Contessina de’ Medici to her son Piero 40
Commissio Laurentii de’ Medicis, 3 Decembris 1438 42
Additio facta Commissioni Laurentii de’ Medicis 43
Francesco Sforza to Cosimo de’ Medici 44
Contessina de’ Medici to her son Giovanni at the Baths
of Petriolo [near Siena] 46
Alberto Averardo de’ Alberti, from Rome, to Giovanni
de’ Medici 47
Contessina de’ Medici to her son Giovanni in Rome 47
The Same to the Same 48
Contessina de’ Medici to her son Piero 48
Lucrezia de’ Medici, at the Baths of Petriolo; to her
husband Piero at Florence 50
Contessina de’ Medici to her son Piero at Trebbio 50
Contessina de’ Medici to her son Giovanni in Rome 51
Cosimo de’ Medici to Giovanni his son in Rome 52
Contessina de’ Medici to Giovanni her son at Volterra 53
Contessina de’ Medici to her son Giovanni at Volterra 54
The Same to the Same 55
Contessina de’ Medici to Ginevra, wife of her son
Giovanni, at the Baths of Petriolo 58
Cosimo de’ Medici to his son Giovanni at Milan 59
Lucrezia de’ Medici (from Careggi or Cafaggiuolo) to
her husband Piero at Florence 60
Contessina de’ Medici to her son Piero at Venice 62
Cosimo de’ Medici to his son Giovanni at the Baths of
Petriolo 62
Contessina de’ Medici to her son Giovanni and his wife
Ginevra at Bagno a Morba 63
Pope Pius II. to Cosimo de’ Medici 64
Cosimo de’ Medici to Pope Pius II. 65
Cosimo de’ Medici to Pius II. 66
Lucrezia de’ Medici to her husband Piero 69
Cosimo de’ Medici to his son Piero at Pisa 70
Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, &c. &c. 71
Cosimo de’ Medici to the Reverend Master Marsilio
Ficino, Platonist 73
Piero de’ Medici to Lorenzo and Giuliano, his sons, at
Cafaggiuolo 74
Marsilio Ficino to the noble Lorenzo de’ Medici 76
Brief Memorandum by Piero de’ Medici about his
Father’s Death 77
Notes of the Funeral and of the Masses and Offices said
for the Soul of Cosimo di Giovanni de’ Medici 79
PIERO DI COSIMO DE’ MEDICI (1416-1469) 82
Pope Pius II. to Piero de’ Medici 84
Louis XI., King of France, to Piero de’ Medici 85
Privilege granted by Louis XI. to the Medici to quarter
the Lily of France in their arms 86
The Magnificent Lorenzo to the Illustrious Lord
Federigo, son of the King of Naples 88
Piero de’ Medici to his son Lorenzo at Milan 93
Piero de’ Medici to his son Lorenzo at Milan 94
Luigi Pulci to Lorenzo de’ Medici 100
Piero de’ Medici to his son Lorenzo at Rome 102
Piero de’ Medici to his son Lorenzo at Rome 103
Agnolo Acciaiuoli to Piero de’ Medici. Siena, 17th
Sept. 1466 105
Piero de’ Medici to Agnolo Acciaiuoli. Florence, 22nd
Sept. 1466 105
Luigi Pulci, from Pisa, to Lorenzo de’ Medici at
Florence 107
Lucrezia de’ Medici to her husband Piero 108
Lucrezia de’ Medici to her husband Piero 109
Lucrezia de’ Medici to her husband Piero 110
Lucrezia de’ Medici to her husband Piero 111
Lorenzo de’ Medici to his mother Lucrezia at Bagno a
Morba 115
Piero de’ Medici to his wife Lucrezia at Morba 115
Lorenzo de’ Medici to his mother Lucrezia at Bagno a
Morba 116
Contessina de’ Medici to her daughter-in-law Lucrezia
at Bagno a Morba 117
Piero de’ Medici to his wife Lucrezia at Bagno a
Morba 117
Luigi Pulci from Pisa to Lorenzo de’ Medici at Florence 118
Luigi Pulci at Pisa to Lorenzo de’ Medici 119
Cardinal Latino Orsini to Piero de’ Medici 120
Filippo de’ Medici, Archbishop of Pisa, at Rome, to
Piero de’ Medici 120
Francesco Tornabuoni to his nephew Lorenzo de’
Medici 122
Clarice Orsini to Lorenzo de’ Medici 123
Francesco Tornabuoni to Lorenzo de’ Medici, his
nephew 123
Clarice Orsini to Lorenzo de’ Medici 125
Rinaldo Orsini to Lorenzo de’ Medici 126
Maddalena Orsini to Lorenzo de’ Medici 127
Filippo de’ Medici, Archbishop of Pisa, to Lorenzo de’
Medici 127
An Account of the Wedding of Lorenzo de’ Medici 129
Rinaldo Orsini to his sister Clarice de’ Medici 134
Giovanni di Bentivogli from Bologna to Piero de’
Medici at Florence 135
Piero de’ Medici at Careggi to Lucrezia his wife in
Florence 137
Gentile Becchi to Clarice de’ Medici 138
Lorenzo de’ Medici to his wife Clarice 140
Lorenzo de’ Medici from Monza to his father Piero
in Florence 141
LORENZO DI PIERO DE’ MEDICI (1450-1492) 143
Ricordi of Lorenzo the Magnificent, son of Piero di
Cosimo de’ Medici 150
Agnolo Poliziano to Lorenzo de’ Medici 156
A. Alexander di Conio to Contessina de’ Medici 158
Luigi Pulci to Lorenzo de’ Medici at Florence 159
Clarice de’ Medici to her husband Lorenzo 161
Luigi Pulci to Lorenzo de’ Medici 162
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Sixtus IV. 163
Ingherami di Volterra, Apostolic Scribe, to Lorenzo de’
Medici 165
Francesco Filelfo to Lorenzo de’ Medici 166
Jacopo Ammanati, Cardinal of Pavia, to Lorenzo de’
Medici 167
Jacopo Ammanati, Cardinal of Pavia, to Lorenzo de’
Medici 168
The Syndic and Ancients of Galatea to Lucrezia de’
Medici 171
Fra Cristofano d’Antonio di Mast ... to Lucrezia de’
Medici 172
Matteo Franco to Lorenzo de’ Medici 173
Giuliano de’ Medici from Pisa to his mother Lucrezia 174
Bertoldo di Giovanni to Lorenzo de’ Medici 175
Niccolò Roberti to Duke Borso d’Este 176
Agnolo Poliziano at Pisa to Clarice de’ Medici 177
Agnolo Poliziano to Clarice de’ Medici 178
Clarice de’ Medici to her husband Lorenzo at Florence 178
Lucrezia de’ Medici, from Bagno a Morba, to her son
Lorenzo 179
Lucrezia de’ Medici, from Bagno a Morba, to her son
Lorenzo at Pisa 179
Lucrezia de’ Medici to her grandmother Lucrezia at
Bagno a Morba 180
Agnolo Poliziano to Lucrezia de’ Medici at Bagno a Morba 181
Lucrezia de’ Medici, from Bagno a Morba, to her son
Lorenzo 182
Lucrezia de’ Medici to her son Lorenzo, from Bagno a
Morba 183
Piero Malegonnelle (Vicar of Pomerance) to Lucrezia
de’ Medici 184
Piero Malegonnelle (Vicar of Pomerance) to Lucrezia
de’ Medici 184
Louis XI., King of France, to the Florentine Republic 192
Louis XI. to Pope Sixtus IV. 193
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Tommaso Soderini at Milan 194
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Giovanni Lanfredini, Florentine
Ambassador at Venice 196
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Louis XI., King of France 198
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Sforza de’ Bettini 199
Messer Ceccho, from Milan, to Lorenzo de’ Medici 201
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Messer Giovanni di Bentivoglio
at Milan 202
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Girolamo Morelli, Florentine
Ambassador at Milan 203
Sixtus IV. to the Duke Federigo of Urbino 205
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Girolamo Morelli, Florentine
Ambassador at Milan 207
Agnolo Poliziano at Pistoja to Lorenzo de’ Medici in
Florence 208
Agnolo Poliziano at Pistoja to Lorenzo de’ Medici 209
Agnolo Poliziano at Pistoja to Lorenzo de’ Medici 210
Agnolo Poliziano at Pistoja to Lorenzo de’ Medici at
Florence 211
Agnolo Poliziano at Pistoja to Lorenzo de’ Medici 212
Piero de’ Medici (born 1472) to his father Lorenzo 212
Clarice de’ Medici to Lucrezia 213
Agnolo Poliziano to Lucrezia de’ Medici 213
Lorenzo de’ Medici to the King of Spain 215
Agnolo Poliziano, from Cafaggiuolo, to Lorenzo de’
Medici at Florence 216
Piero de’ Medici to his father Lorenzo 216
Agnolo Poliziano to Lorenzo de’ Medici 217
Piero de’ Medici at Cafaggiuolo to his father Lorenzo 217
Clarice de’ Medici to her husband Lorenzo 218
Lorenzo de’ Medici to his mother Lucrezia in Florence 219
Piero de’ Medici at Cafaggiuolo to his father Lorenzo 219
Piero de’ Medici at Cafaggiuolo to his father Lorenzo 220
Piero de’ Medici at Gagliano to his father Lorenzo 221
Antonio Pucci to Lorenzo de’ Medici at Cafaggiuolo 221
Lucrezia de’ Medici (daughter of Lorenzo) to her
grandmother Lucrezia 222
Nannina Rucellai to her mother Lucrezia de’ Medici 222
Bianca de’ Pazzi to her mother Lucrezia de’ Medici at
Careggi 223
Agnolo Poliziano to Lucrezia de’ Medici at Careggi 224
Guidantonio Vespucci, _Legatus in Epistolis_ at Paris, to
the Ten of the Balìa in Florence 226
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Girolamo Morelli, Florentine
Ambassador at Milan 227
To the Signoria of Florence, from Lorenzo de’ Medici 229
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Antonio Montecatino, Ambassador
to Florence of the Duke of Ferrara 230
Bartolommeo Scala, Secretary of the Florentine Republic,
to Lorenzo de’ Medici at Naples 231
Bartolommeo Scala, Secretary to the Florentine Republic,
to Lorenzo de’ Medici at Naples 233
Bartolommeo Scala, Secretary of the Florentine Republic,
to Lorenzo de’ Medici at Naples 234
Doctor Oliverio, from Bagno a Morba, to Lucrezia de’
Medici 235
Ippolita Maria d’Aragona, Duchess of Calabria, to
Lorenzo de’ Medici 236
Papinio di Artimino to Lucrezia de’ Medici 237
Papinio di Artimino, from Rome, to Lucrezia de’ Medici 238
Lorenzo de’ Medici to the Doge of Venice 239
To Albino, dear to me as a brother, Secretary of the
Illustrious Duke of Calabria, from Lorenzo de’ Medici 240
From Bartolommeo Sgnippi, Clerk of the Embassy, to
Antonio Montecatino, Ambassador of the Duke of
Ferrara (who had gone to Ferrara for a few days)
to the Florentine Republic 241
Lorenzo de’ Medici to the Duchess Eleonora d’Aragona
d’Este at Ferrara 244
Lorenzo de’ Medici to the Duke Ercole d’Este 244
Frederick, Duke of Urbino, to Lorenzo de’ Medici 246
Ugolino Baccio, from Basel, to Lorenzo de’ Medici 247
Ugolino Baccio to Lorenzo de’ Medici 249
Ugolino Baccio to Lorenzo de’ Medici 252
Louis XI., King of France, to Lorenzo de’ Medici 254
Bartolommeo Scala to Lorenzo de’ Medici at Bagno a
Morba 255
“In Amorpham Nympham,” Latin poem by Bartolommeo
Scala, sent to Lorenzo de’ Medici at Bagno
a Morba, April 25, 1484 256
Guidantonio Vespucci, Florentine Ambassador at Rome,
to Lorenzo de’ Medici at Florence 258
Lorenzo de’ Medici to his son Piero in Rome, November
26, 1484 260
Niccolò Michelozzi to Lorenzo de’ Medici at Morba 265
Matteo Franco to Ser Piero Dovizi da Bibbiena,
Chancellor of Lorenzo de’ Medici 267
Two of Piero’s Sayings 272
Lorenzo de’ Medici to the Duke Ercole d’Este 273
Messer Guidone Aldrovandini, Ambassador to the Republic
of Florence from Ferrara, to Duke Ercole
d’Este 274
Duke Ercole d’Este to Messer Aldrovandini, Ambassador
of Ferrara to the Republic of Florence 276
Messer Guidone Aldrovandini, Ambassador of Ferrara
to the Republic of Florence, to the Duke Ercole
d’Este 277
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Ugolino Baccio in Apulia 278
Messer Guidone Aldrovandini, Ambassador from Ferrara
to the Florentine Republic, to the Duke Ercole
d’Este 280
Duke Ercole d’Este to Messer Aldrovandini, Ambassador
of Ferrara to the Florentine Republic 282
Messer Guidone Aldrovandini, Ambassador of Ferrara
to the Republic of Florence, to Duke Ercole
d’Este 283
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Innocent VIII. 285
Messer Aldrovandini, Ambassador from Ferrara to the
Florentine Republic, to Duke Ercole d’Este 285
Agnolo Poliziano to Lorenzo de’ Medici 288
Matteo Franco, from Stigliano, to Ser Piero Dovizi da
Bibbiena, Chancellor to Lorenzo de’ Medici, at
Florence 289
Messer Aldrovandini, Ambassador from Ferrara to the
Florentine Republic, to the Duke Ercole d’Este 294
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Pope Innocent VIII. 296
Messer Aldrovandini, Ambassador to the Republic of
Florence, to the Duke Ercole d’Este 297
Messer Aldrovandini, Ambassador of Ferrara to the
Republic of Florence, to Duke Ercole d’Este 298
Stefano, a trusted servant of Piero de’ Medici, to
Lorenzo de’ Medici 299
Petrus Bonus Avogarius, Doctor, to Lorenzo de’ Medici 301
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Piero Alamanni, Florentine
Ambassador at Rome 303
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Innocent VIII. 304
Manfredo di Manfredi (a new Ferrarese Ambassador) to
Duke Ercole d’Este 305
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Pope Innocent VIII. 306
A Manager of the Medici Bank to the Duke Ercole
d’Este 309
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Giovanni Lanfredini, Florentine
Ambassador at Rome 310
Lorenzo de’ Medici, from the Baths of Spedaletto, to
his daughter Contessina 310
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Giovanni Lanfredini, Florentine
Ambassador at Rome 311
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Monseigneur d’Argenton
(Philippe de Comines) 312
Pietro Vettori, Florentine Ambassador at Naples, to
Lorenzo de’ Medici 314
Lorenzo de’ Medici, from Bagno San Filippo, to his
son Piero 316
Lorenzo de’ Medici to the Commissaries of Pistoja 317
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Ser Andrea at Siena 317
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Giovanni Lanfredini, Florentine
Ambassador at Rome 318
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Giovanni Lanfredini, Florentine
Ambassador at Rome 319
Lorenzo de’ Medici to the King of England 322
Agnolo Poliziano to Lorenzo de’ Medici in Florence 323
Pier Filippo Pandolfini, Florentine Ambassador at Rome,
to Lorenzo de’ Medici 325
Piero Leoni of Spoleto to Lorenzo de’ Medici 326
Matteo Franco at Rome to Ser Piero Dovizi at Florence 327
Manfredo di Manfredi, Ambassador from Ferrara to
Florence, to the Duke Ercole d’Este 330
Lorenzo de’ Medici to his son, Cardinal Giovanni, at
Rome, in March 1492 332
Cardinal Giovanni de’ Medici to his father Lorenzo 336
Poliziano’s letter to Jacopo Antiquario describing the
death of Lorenzo de’ Medici 336
Bartolommeo Dei to his uncle Benedetto Dei, with
Machiavelli in Ferrara 341
INDEX 345
ILLUSTRATIONS
Lorenzo di Piero de’ Medici _Frontispiece_
_From a picture at Poggio a Caiano_
Cosimo di Giovanni de’ Medici _To face page_ 7
_From the marble relief by Andrea Del Verrocchio (?) in the
Kaiser Friedrich Museum, Berlin_
Letter from Cosimo di Giovanni de’ Medici 10
Cosimo di Giovanni de’ Medici 31
_By Jacopo da Pontormo. In the Convent of S. Marco, Florence_
Letter from Contessina de’ Medici 46
Letter from Lucrezia de’ Medici 50
Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici 82
_Detail from the fresco by Benozzo Gozzoli in the Chapel of
Palazzo Riccardi, Florence_
Letter from Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici 94
Lorenzo di Piero de’ Medici 143
_In the Museo Giovio (Villa Soave, Como)_
Letter from Lorenzo di Piero de’ Medici 206
Piero di Lorenzo de’ Medici 212
_Detail from the fresco by Domenico Ghirlandaio in the Church
of S. Trinità, Florence_
Lorenzo di Piero de’ Medici, and three members
of the Sasseti family 312
_In the fresco by Domenico Ghirlandaio in the Church of
S. Trinità, Florence_
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
INTRODUCTORY
The ancestors given to the Medici are many, and their origin is not
easy to trace amid the conflicting accounts of friends and foes. The
latter declare they sprang from the very dregs of the people, and that
a charcoal-burner in the Mugello was their progenitor, whose son was a
doctor (_medico_). Their friends say they descend from Perseus, from
a Roman consul, or even from an emperor. Others state that a brave
knight, Averardo de’ Medici, came into Italy with Charlemagne and
killed the fierce giant Mugello, who for years had kept Tuscany in
bondage; while those who cling to the _medico_ story, on account of the
name, tell of a learned physician who saved the life of Charlemagne by
applying cupping-glasses of his own invention. The well-known arms,
six red balls on a field or, are accounted for in as many different
ways. Doctors’ pills, cupping-glasses, apples from the gardens of the
Hesperides, dents made by the giant’s mace on Averardo’s golden shield,
and heads of enemies slain in battle by a valiant knight who killed
eleven of his assailants, because the oldest shield of the Medici bore
eleven balls.
According to genealogists the real progenitor of the Medici was a
certain Giambuono. He appears to have been a priest, as is indicated in
an ancient inscription on the wall of the church of the Assumption near
S. Piero a Sieve in the Mugello. What is certain is that the family
owned houses and towers in Florence in the twelfth century in the
Piazza de’ Medici, afterwards called de’ Succhiellinai, near the church
of S. Tommaso, which was in the Ghetto, now swept away. There a little
inn, Del Porco, used to be pointed out as standing where once was the
loggia of the family.
We have historical proof of the brothers Chiarissimo and Bonagiunta
de’ Medici, descendants of Giambuono. Chiarissimo was a member of the
council which made an alliance with the Sienese against Semifonte in
the Val d’Elsa, when that strong castle was razed to the ground in
1201. Ardingo, a great-grandson of Bonagiunta, was the first of the
family to hold high office in Florence. He became Prior of the city in
1291, Gonfalonier of Justice in 1296, and again in the following year.
This proves decisively that the Medici were not of the old nobility,
which had been excluded from all magisterial offices by a law passed in
1293, called the _Ordinamenti della Giustizia_, which Bonaini terms the
Magna Charta of the Republic of Florence.[1] Ardingo’s brother Guccio,
who was Gonfalonier in 1299, made himself so popular that when he died
he was buried with great pomp in a sarcophagus of the fourth century,
which stood outside the baptistery. Later it was removed into the
cathedral, and in the eighteenth century was placed in the courtyard of
Palazzo Riccardi (once Medici), where it still is. The cover, bearing
the Medici arms and those of the Arte della Lana, or Guild of Wool, to
which Guccio belonged, was made by order of the Priors at the time of
his burial.
In 1314 another of the family, Averardo, was Gonfalonier of Justice,
and one of his grandsons, Filigno di Conte de’ Medici, has left
_Ricordi_, or Memoirs, written in 1373, which show how rich and
influential the Medici had already become. The book, which still exists
in the Florentine archives, was evidently once bound in vellum; the
frontispiece is decorated with the Medici arms, six red balls on a
field or, and the shield is surmounted by the head and paws of a black
wolf rising out of what looks like the coronet of a modern Marquess.
Addressing his children he writes:
“In the name of God and of his blessed Mother Madonna Saint Mary, and
of the whole Court of Paradise, who will I pray give us grace to act
and to speak well.
“I, Filigno di Conte de’ Medici, seeing the late misfortunes of civil
and foreign wars and the terrible mortality from the plague sent by
our Lord God to this earth, which we fear he may send again as our
neighbours have it, will write down the things I see which may be
needful for you who remain or who come after me, so that you can find
them if need be for any emergency. I pray you to write well in the
future and to preserve those lands and houses which you will find
inscribed in this book; most of them were bought by the noble knight
Messer Giovanni di Conte, my brother of honoured memory, after whose
death I began to write this book, taking from his records and from
those of others. I beg you will take care of it and keep it in a secret
place so that it may not fall into other hands, also because it may
be necessary to you in the future as it is now to us, who have to
find papers of one hundred years ago, for reasons which you will find
written, because States change and have no durability.
“Also I beg of you to preserve not only the riches but the position
attained by our ancestors, which is considerable but ought to be
higher. It begins to decline on account of a dearth of capable men, of
whom we once had many.
“Such was our greatness that it used to be said, ‘Thou art like one of
the Medici,’ and every man feared us; even now when a citizen does an
injury to another or abuses him, they say, ‘If he did thus to a Medici
what would happen?’ Our family is still powerful in the State by reason
of many friends and much riches, please God preserve it all to us. And
to-day, thank God, we number about fifty men.
“Since I was born about one hundred of our men have died; there are
but few families and we are badly off for children, that is to say
there are few. I write this book in several parts. First I shall note
certain facts which are useful to know, then the dowers and as many
papers as I can collect, the bills of sale and such like, then all the
purchases and who drew up the deeds, and then all the houses and lands
we possess....”
Page 84 is interesting as showing where the houses of the Medici stood
in Florence, and also that Cafaggiuolo belonged to them in early times.
“In the name of God amen.
“Here I inscribe all our lands and their boundaries and where they are
situated, and the houses in Florence, and what possessions came to us
from Conte our father in the division made between the brothers (that
is the late Conte, Messer Jacopo, Messer Giovenco the knight, Talento,
Francesco and Chiarissimo) of the inheritance of their father Averardo,
those bought by Conte and also those bought by Messer Giovanni di
Conte, knight, together with myself Filigno, and Jacopo and Michele,
our brothers, during their life. To-day I begin to write and to cause
Michele my son also to write on account of the fatigue, and of not
being a good penman. God grant we do well.--1373, in February.
“A house with shops in front in the parish of S. Tommaso in the Mercato
Vecchio in Florence; the first side fronts the street or rather the
Mercato Vecchio, the second boundary is ours, the third is the street
wherein stands S. Tommaso, the fourth is Talento di Chiarissimo de’
Medici and ourselves. Adjoining this house are two others, three
smaller ones and several shops.... Also a palace with a courtyard, an
orchard and a well, in the parish of S. Lorenzo of Florence, in Via
Larga di S. Marco. The confines are first the said street; secondly
the sons of Tantini with a common wall between us, saving that what is
above their roof belongs to us and to Baglo di Dante, with the wall of
our courtyard below; the third is the inn of the Cock, now the property
of Niccolò di Cristofano di Geri Gazza, &c.; the fourth is the palace
of Andrea Franceschi and Francesco di Biccio de’ Medici. A house is
annexed to this palace....
“In the name of God amen. Possessions in Mugello.
“The half of a palace with houses around it, a courtyard, a loggia
and a wall and moat, with an orchard outside in Cafaggiuolo in the
parish of S. Giovanni in Petroio, with the sixth part of the interior
courtyard, and the old walls, and all other things pertaining thereto
that are in the division. The broad road is to be 7 feet 8 inches wide
round the old enclosure of Cafaggiuolo, so that the sons of Messer
Giovenco cannot prevent us from using the road in front of the palace
and by their wall, as far as the bridge. The moat round Cafaggiuolo is
entirely ours as it touches our walls.”[2]
A cousin of Filigno, Salvestro de’ Medici, led the Florentine troops
against Giovanni Visconti, Archbishop and Lord of Milan, and was
knighted on the battlefield of Scarperia. Gonfalonier of Justice in
1370, when Florence was distracted by the rivalry of the Guelphs
and Ghibellines, he, being a Ghibelline, took the side of the people
against the nobles, and advocated enforcing the enactments of the
_Ordinamenti della Giustizia_, which excluded the nobles from power.
But for the moment he failed, and was nigh being exiled when his name
was again drawn from the _borsa_, or ballot-bag, as Gonfalonier in
1378. Once more he proposed to apply the law against the Guelph nobles,
and meeting with opposition, threatened to resign. One of his friends
then appealed to the populace, and the result was the Ciompi riot. The
mob broke into the Palazzo de’ Priori and the Palazzo del Podestà,
burnt many palaces, and knighted sixty-four citizens in the Piazza
della Signoria, of whom Salvestro was the first.
His popularity is shown by a sonnet addressed to him by Franco
Sacchetti, author of many tales, who rather profanely calls him “non
gia Salvestro, ma Salvator mundi.” Salvestro was, however, a canny
burgher and made some profit out of the revolution, as the rents of
the shops on the Ponte Vecchio were assigned to him. Henceforward the
Medici were looked upon as the friends and defenders of the people
against the _Grandi_ or nobles.
The founder of the line of citizens who ruled Florence like princes
was Giovanni d’Averardo, surnamed Bicci, de’ Medici, born in 1360. He
was several times a Prior, and in 1421 Gonfalonier of Justice. During
the Councils of Basel and Constance he made a fortune in exchange,
and being charitable was much beloved by the people. His popularity
increased when, against his advice, the nobles insisted on advancing
to meet the Duke of Milan instead of waiting for him to attack them in
Tuscany, with the result that at Zagonara the Florentines were beaten.
The expenses of the war exhausted the treasury, and disturbances
broke out in Florence. The nobles, fearing a repetition of the Ciompi
riots, attempted to form a government of _Ottimati_, as the party
of the oligarchy were called, and thus undermine the power of the
minor guilds. Some even suggested seizing the property of charitable
confraternities in order to obtain money. Giovanni de’ Medici was
consulted, and declared he would have nothing to do with such robbery.
A few years later he successfully advocated the abolition of the odious
system of forced loans, and the institution of the _catasto_, which
regulated all the taxes to be paid to the Commune of Florence. He
then became the idol of the people. Cavalcanti writes that when he lay
dying on 20th February 1429, “he called his sons Cosimo and Lorenzo,
and in the presence of their mother, Piccarda Bueri, of their wives,
and of other citizens, spoke to them thus: ‘Beloved sons, neither
I nor any man born into this world should feel grief at exchanging
worldly cares for perpetual repose. I know that the last days of my
life are nigh, and where timid or foolish women or cowardly men would
feel sorrow, I feel great joy. I leave you in possession of the great
wealth which my good fortune has bestowed upon me, and which your good
mother and my own hard work has enabled me to preserve. I leave you
with a larger business than any other merchant in the Tuscan land, and
in the enjoyment of the esteem of every good citizen and of the great
mass of the populace, who have ever turned to our family as to their
guiding star. If you are faithful to the traditions of your ancestors,
the people will be generous in giving you honours. To achieve this, be
charitable to the poor, kindly and gracious to the miserable, lending
yourselves with all your might to assist them in their adversity. Never
strive against the will of the people, unless they advocate a baneful
project. Speak not as though giving advice, but rather discuss matters
with gentle and kindly reasoning. Be chary of frequenting the Palace;
rather wait to be summoned, and then be obedient, and not puffed up
with pride at receiving many votes. Have a care to keep the people
at peace, and to increase the commerce of the city. Avoid litigation
or any attempt to influence justice, for whoso impedes justice will
perish by justice. I leave you clear of any stain, for no evil deed
has been committed by me. Thus I bequeath glory and not infamy to you
as a heritage. I depart joyfully and with more happiness if you do not
enter into party strife. Be careful not to attract public attention. I
commend to you Nannina my wife and your mother, see that after my death
ye change not the habits and customs of her life. Pray to God for me,
my sons, that my passage may be crowned by the salvation of my immortal
soul. Now take my blessing. Cosimo, see that Lorenzo be kindly and a
good brother; and thou, Lorenzo, honour Cosimo as the elder.’ Saying
this, he passed from this life.”[3]
[Illustration:
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE’ MEDICI.
_From the marble relief by Andrea Del Verrocchio (?) in the Kaiser
Friedrich Museum, Berlin._]
FOOTNOTES:
[1] For an account of the _Ordinamenti della Giustizia_ see _I Primi
Secoli della Storia di Firenze_, chap. viii. Pasquale Villari, Firenze,
1893.
[2] _Archivio Mediceo ante Principatum._ Registro, _Della famiglia de’
Medici_.
[3] _Istorie Fiorentine_, Giovanni Cavalcanti, i. 262. Firenze, 1838.
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE’ MEDICI
(1389-1464)
Of Giovanni di Bicci de’ Medici’s two sons, Cosimo was by far the most
remarkable. “The father,” writes Gibbon, “of a line of princes, whose
name and age are almost synonymous with the restoration of learning;
his credit was ennobled into fame; his riches were dedicated to the
service of mankind; he corresponded at once with Cairo and London, and
a cargo of Indian spices and Greek books were often imported in the
same vessel.” For even when most deeply engaged in political matters,
Cosimo always found time to attend to his business, and himself
conducted the correspondence with the heads of the banks which were
known throughout Europe and in Asia. All had orders to buy ancient
manuscripts and rare books. As a lad he served in the Pisan war, and
in 1414 was sent by his father in the suite of Pope John XXIII. to
represent the bank at the Council of Constance. After the flight of the
Pope, Cosimo left Constance in disguise and returned to Florence, where
he was elected a Prior of the city in 1415, and again in 1417.
Cosimo was forty when his father died in 1429. Ammirato describes
him as of middle height, with an olive complexion, and of imposing
presence. Machiavelli says that he applied himself so strenuously to
increase the political power of his house that “those who had rejoiced
at Giovanni’s death, now regretted it, perceiving what manner of man
Cosimo was. Of consummate prudence, staid yet agreeable presence,
Cosimo was liberal and humane. He never worked against his party nor
against the State, was prompt in giving aid to all, and his liberality
gained him many partisans among the citizens. Chief amongst those
who helped to consolidate his power were Averardo de’ Medici and
Puccio Pucci--Averardo by his audacity, Puccio by his prudence and
sagacity, augmented his popularity and greatness. The advice and the
sane judgment of Puccio were so highly esteemed and so well known
by all that Cosimo’s party was not called by his name but by that of
Puccio.”[4]
Much of Cosimo’s influence and popularity, no doubt, arose from his
generosity to men of letters. When Niccolò de’ Niccoli, “censor of
the Latin tongue,” ruined himself by buying books, Cosimo opened an
unlimited credit for him at his bank. After Niccoli’s death he paid his
debts on the condition of being allowed to dispose of the collection of
manuscripts, amounting to six hundred volumes. Four hundred he gave to
the library of S. Marco, the rest he kept or distributed among friends.
Cosimo also provided Tommaso Parentucelli, Bishop of Bologna, with what
money he needed; a service that was well repaid when the Bishop became
Pope, and made him his banker. Parentucelli catalogued de’ Niccoli’s
library, and noted for Cosimo the books that were necessary to complete
it. This catalogue Vespasiano declared to be indispensable to all
collectors of books. When the Badia of Fiesole, certainly designed, if
not actually built by Brunelleschi at Cosimo’s expense, was finished,
he summoned Vespasiano, who has recorded their conversation: “One day,
when I was in his room, he said to me, ‘What plan can you suggest for
the formation of this library?’ I answered that to buy the books would
be impossible, since they could not be purchased. ‘What, then, do you
propose?’ he added. I told him they must be copied. He then asked me
if I would undertake the business, and I replied that I was willing.
He bade me begin at my leisure, saying that he left all to me, and he
ordered that for the money needed day by day Don Arcangelo, at that
time Prior of the monastery, should draw cheques upon his bank which
would be honoured. After beginning the collection, since it was his
will that it should be finished with all speed possible, and money was
not lacking, I soon engaged forty-five copyists, and in twenty-two
months provided two hundred volumes, following the admirable list
furnished by Pope Nicholas V.”[5]
Cristofano Landino, Lionardo Aretino (Bruni), whose translations from
the Greek were celebrated for their pure latinity, while his speeches
were compared to those of Pericles, and Carlo Aretino (Marsuppini),
were friends of Cosimo, and members of the Platonic Academy. They
often met in the Badia, and Pico della Mirandola, on whom, says
Poliziano, “nature seems to have showered all her gifts,” passed
some time there in study. In the cell of Ambrogio Traversari in the
convent degl’ Angeli at Fiesole, Cosimo was wont to pass his spare
hours in the company of learned men. He was quick in recognising
talent, and possessed the gift said to belong to royalty of suiting his
conversation to his visitors. Vespasiano tells us that “when giving
audience to a scholar he discoursed concerning letters; in the company
of theologians he showed his acquaintance with theology, a branch of
learning always studied by him with delight. So also with regard to
philosophy. Astrologers found him well versed in their science, for he
somewhat lent faith to astrology, and employed it on certain private
occasions. Musicians in like manner perceived his mastery of music,
wherein he much delighted. The same was true about sculpture and
painting; both of these arts he understood completely, and showed great
favour to all worthy craftsmen. In architecture he was a consummate
judge, for without his opinion and advice no building was begun or
carried to completion.”[6]
While spending money in a princely manner on works of art, public
libraries and buildings, Cosimo lived as simply as any other citizen.
Though for twenty-five years he was practically the ruler of Florence,
he remained the merchant, the plain burgher, the agriculturist.
His estates were in good order; he superintended the planting, and
rose early to prune his vines. Gambling he detested; the only game
he played, and that but rarely, was chess. Habitually taciturn,
particularly in his later years, yet he could give witty and even sharp
answers; as when one of his adherents, a loquacious, not very wise man,
who, on being named Podestà of a foreign (_i.e._ not a Tuscan) town,
asked him for advice. “Dress suitably and talk little,” was the answer.
To another he said there was a weed that ought not to be watered but
allowed to wither, and that weed was envy.
In Cosimo’s letters one sees how well his father’s last words, “Be
careful not to attract public attention,” were obeyed by him. The pity
is that even those who pass their lives poring over manuscripts in the
Florentine archives find the greatest difficulty in deciphering his
handwriting, and there are allusions to passing events or to people
which are impossible to understand, as he uses the _gergo_, or slang,
of his day, or nicknames, the meaning of which are lost to us. The date
of his marriage with Contessina, daughter of Giovanni de’ Bardi, Count
of Vernio, is not recorded, but her eldest son, Piero, was born in
1416. The little we know of her, chiefly from her letters, depict her
as a good, rather parsimonious housewife and a tender mother. In 1427
Cosimo was at Ferrara, and she writes:
Contessina de’ Medici _to her husband_ Cosimo de’ Medici _in Ferrara_
This evening I have a letter from thee and have understood how much
we are to pay for the barrels at Careggi; as soon as they arrive I
will do as thou sayest. I have a letter from Antonio Martelli saying
that he is sending nine bales of our linen cloth, which were at home,
by now I think they must have arrived, give orders that they be put
in a dry place so that the linen be not spoiled. At Careggi every one
is well as usual and I am also well, may it please God that it be so
in the future; one of our labourers it is true, who lives where the
young partridges were, rather frightened us, but he is well again. I
wrote to thee by Giovannino, so be not chary with ink and paper, so
be it is not wearisome to thee. Ginevra and Pier Francesco[7] are in
the Val d’Arno and Amerigo Cavalcanti is with them. They are all well
as Giovannino will have told thee. Lorenzo[8] and I are here, both
well. Shouldst thou want anything let me know. Above all be careful of
thy health and keep a good watch on thyself. No more at present. May
Christ preserve thee.--In Florence, March 4, 1427 (1428).
La Contessina who commends herself to thee.
Matteo gave me the little keys, if thou hast need of them tell
me. Thy mother who put that Santelena[9] into the bag with the others
thou hadst from here is much surprised that thou hast not found
it, she remembers to a certainty putting it into the bag the first
thing after thy departure. She wrote to-day and answered about this.
Those who were in debt for their rents have paid to Piero d’Orlando
according to Lorenzo’s orders.[10]
The following letter was written during the negotiations for peace with
Visconti, Duke of Milan. Florence and Genoa had fared badly in the
war. The former had been defeated over and over again, and the whole
of the Western Riviera had been overrun by the Milanese troops. The
interference of Venice had changed the state of affairs, and the Duke
of Milan was desirous for peace. Averardo de’ Medici with Palla Strozzi
were the ambassadors of Florence, and Cosimo discusses the difficulties
attending the negotiation. The Florentines thought that Venice was too
grasping, as she demanded Bergamo as well as Brescia; but the real
crux of the problem was that the Duke of Milan held tenaciously to his
conquests in the Riviera. Peace was finally concluded on April 28,
1428. The Cardinal di Santa Croce had been appointed by the Pope as
arbiter between the parties. Part of the letter refers to Florentine
internal politics, to which now we have no clue; we also see how these
great Florentines mingled their private mercantile affairs with grave
political matters.
Non ò tue lettere poi ti scrissi per una vostra de dì 29 currente
viddi e dubj v’ erano in animo veduto le diferenze sono nella domanda
et chome dite è da dubitare non tanto per le diferenze quanto
perché si vede el ducha non viene schietto su questi ragionamenti,
pure vorrei voi vi fossi ingiegnati sendire che diferenza è questa
et maxime de fatti di Berghamo e che inporta et chosì quelle di
Valchamonicha la quale a me pare picchola se altro non v’è aschosto
et poi le chose sono ridotte qui non si vorebe per si picchola chosa
tanto bene restasse et pero credo v’ingiegnerete a rottura non si
vengha et chosì si vuole fare et vedere se di queste diferenze si
potesse fare remissione nel chardinale chome de l’altre sarebe tanto
magiore lo schorno se a rottura si venisse quanto per ognuno si tiene
a certo pace deba seghuire fu qui jeri Franceschino da Macerata et
secondo da lui ritrassi non pareva avesse nuova se di questo fatto si
facesse questo dicho per tuo aviso che mi fa assai dubitare benchè
jo creda pure che chostì di cò a dire chon el chardinale per suo
interesso dovria farne ogni chosa posibile ✕ de fatti delli grani
chome per altra ti dissi non te ne gravare troppo in confortare perchè
n’aresti graveza et per ire chosì ci è chommodo Ser p. el chompare
che altra volta non se ne faceva menzione e ora sta chosì forte et
acordasi il chonpare e’lla chomare nonn è però che per questo si
volgla laschare nulla adrieto nè qui anche si lascerebe ma stimasi
sendo d’achordo de l’altre chose per questa sola non vorebe rimanesse
et forse questo medesimo stima el chonpagno ora Idio ne lasci seghuire
el meglio de fati de’ Bordoni che si mandi fiorini 24 per lane a le
gienti di Lomb e chosì di nuovo mandi a quelli di Riviera e rimettonsi
in punto tutti e chosì subito passato pasqua si manderà i resto in
modo potranno scrivere e simile al marchese credo se si fosse fatto
già è un mese sariano in migliore disposizione le chose non sono.
Di verso Gienova cì è la cho[sa] prospere sechondo usanza pure invero
credo abino assai travaglo anno di nuovo perso uno chastello tra
Gienova et Saona et chosì tutta quelle riviera di ponente è in arme
et non v’è dubio se si facesse quello si potrebe quella terra se li
leverebe ma meglo sarebe a non ne avere a fare prouva.
Ne piu per fretta ✕^o ti ghuardi in Firenze a dì primo d’Aprile 1428.
Chosimo.[11]
[Illustration]
Cosimo de’ Medici to Averardo de’ Medici, _Ambassador to Ferrara_
I have not had any letter from you since I wrote. By yours of the 29th
I saw the doubt in your mind seeing the difference in the demand, and
as you say there is reason for suspicion, not so much on account of
the differences as because it is evident the Duke [of Milan] is not
straightforward in this matter, so I wish you to try and discover what
the difference is, especially about these affairs at Bergamo and what
they mean, and also those of Valcamonica, which seem to me of small
account unless there is something concealed. As matters stand here,
one would not desire to move for so small a thing, and so I trust
you will do your utmost to prevent a rupture; we shall do the like,
and see whether it is not possible to refer these differences to the
Cardinal [di Santa Croce] like the others. The shame would be great to
fall out just when every one expects peace to be made. Franceschino
of Macerata was here yesterday, and from what I could gather had not
heard what was to be done in this affair; this I tell you for your
guidance, as it seems to me very suspicious, although I think the
Cardinal for his own interest will do all that is possible. About the
wheat business, as I said in my last, do not overburden yourself, else
you will have trouble; as it is, it has been a convenience. Ser P.,
the godfather,[12] of whom there was no mention last time, is now in
a strong position, and godfather and godmother are united. This is,
however, no reason for neglecting to take precautions, and we shall
take them; but as we are agreed about other matters, we do not wish
to draw back on this point alone, and perhaps our companion thinks
the same. Now let God lead us on the right path. As to the affairs
of Bordoni, let 24 florins be sent for the wool to the people of
Lombardy, and send again to those of the Riviera, thus setting all in
order; and directly after Easter the rest shall be sent, so that the
same can be written to the Marquess. I think if this had been done a
month ago, things would be in a better condition than they are now.
Towards Genoa things go on as usual, although I think they are hard
pressed; they have again lost a castle between Genoa and Savona, so
that all the western Riviera is under arms, and there is no doubt that
were we to do what we could do the province would rebel, but it is
better not to put it to the proof. I write no more, as I am pressed
for time. Christ guard you.--In Florence on the 1st day of April 1428.
Cosimo.[13]
The letters written by Cosimo de’ Medici to his cousin Averardo de’
Medici, in October and November of 1430 and February of 1431, relate to
the costly and disastrous war waged against Lucca, and require a few
explanatory sentences.
The war was proposed to the Commune of Florence by the impetuous
young leader of the aristocratic party in the city, and Cosimo, who
after the death of his father Giovanni was the recognised head of the
democracy, supported the proposals of his opponent and rival, Rinaldo
degl’ Albizzi. The war was popular. The Florentines believed that they
had secured the acquiescence of the Duke of Milan and of the Pope. All
things seemed to favour them (letter of February). The plan of the
Florentine generals in the field was to starve Lucca into surrender
by seizing on the districts of Camaiore and Pietrasanta, whence the
Lucchesi drew their supplies. The “Ten of the Balìa” or Florentine war
committee countermanded this prudent plan of campaign and their troops
could effect nothing against Lucca. The Lucchesi were hard pressed,
however, and appealed to the Duke of Milan. He permitted Francesco
Sforza to take service under Lucca, and that great general soon reduced
the Florentines to extremities. In their need they resolved to bribe
Sforza, and on receiving 50,000 florins he abandoned the Lucchesi. The
“tyrant” of Lucca, Paolo Guinigi, was overthrown; the city became a
Republic, and sued for peace. But Florence resolved to prosecute the
war, and engaged Count Guido Antonio di Montefeltro, Lord of Urbino,
as their general. Thereupon the Lucchesi again appealed to the Duke
of Milan, who permitted Niccolò Piccinino and his troops to take
service under Lucca. The continual interference of the “Ten” with their
generals in the field resulted in one defeat after another. In these
circumstances Cosimo wrote his October letter. He recognises that the
conduct of the war by Florence had been disastrous; sees, when too late
(for the Milanese troops prevented it), that Lucca ought to have been
starved into surrender; and declares that the only way out of their
difficulties is for Florence to induce Venice to attack Milan from
the north. As the “Ten” from their gross mismanagement of the war had
occurred great opprobrium in the city, and as there was little prospect
of matters improving without aid from Venice, the astute Cosimo advises
that none of his prominent friends shall stand as candidate for
election to the Balìa. The letter of December relates to a proposed
embassy to Venice to urge the great Republic to attack Milan.
The war went on for three years longer, and though we have no more
comments of Cosimo on the matter its course may be indicated. Venice
did at length yield to the prayers of the Tuscan Republic, and this
brought her rival Genoa into the fray. At last all parties were weary
of the strife and desired peace. The Marquesses Ettore of Este and
Lodovico of Saluzzo were named arbiters. The Cardinal di Santa Croce
again worked for harmony. A general peace was concluded on April 26,
1433, and its publication in Florence on May 10th was celebrated with
all manner of popular rejoicings.
In the midst of these wars and intrigues it is pleasant to see the good
Contessina careful only that her boys should be brought up in the old
Florentine fashion and that her husband should be properly clad.
Cosimo evidently continued to “be chary with ink and paper,” at all
events to his wife; as when he was again absent at Ferrara with their
two sons, Contessina corresponded with Giovanni, the youngest, who was
barely fourteen.
Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Giovanni _at Ferrara_
I wrote to thee a few days ago, so have but little to say. By a letter
from Ser Alexo I gather you are all well, God be thanked. We are the
same, thanks be to God. I hear that thou desirest to come home and
dost not like the place. Thou shouldest be glad to be there, if only
to be in the bank and to learn something. Besides it is not healthy
here. Therefore, my son, I beg thee not to think of returning until
the plague has ceased, and say the same to Piero. Let me know what
clothes he has had made as I do not know what he wore when he left,
and he has not asked me to send his coat lined with cloth. It has
been very hot here for several days, and I suppose will have been the
same there; so be careful and keep cool. I do not know why Cosimo
has not told me to send his summer clothes, but I think he intends
to return any day. Do thy best to please him in all things, and see
that he wants for nothing; though they tell me he is quite fat, which
is all that is needful. Commend me to madonna Dina and salute monna
Ginevra and thank them from me; Ser Alano tells me they treat you
both as though you were their brothers. I should also like much to
know whether thou art working in the bank, thou or Piero, and whether
Cosimo makes use of Piero. Mind and write this to me. I add no more.
Christ guard thee.--At Castelluccio, 6th June 1430.
Thy Contessina.[14]
In the autumn of the same year Cosimo again left Florence, partly on
account of the plague, but probably also on account of the bitter
party strife in the city. He writes to his cousin from Verona and then
from Ostiglia, where he heard the news of the defeat of the Florentine
troops near Lucca.
Cosimo de’ Medici _to_ Averardo de’ Medici _at Pisa_
During the last few days I have written thee several letters; this
morning I received thine of the 18th and with it some letters received
by thee from Florence; I have understood, &c. &c., and reply herewith.
I see thou hast been at Florence and understand thou hast to go there
again; the death of Francesco di Tomaso is a great loss, but if the
plague increases I advise thee not to think of business but of saving
thy life.
The affairs of Lucca do not appear to turn out as we expected, which
displeases me; and the money spent on Count Francesco [Sforza] was
thrown away. Every one laughs at us because he could not remain on
account of the plague, and only consumed the provisions of the people.
It is clear that all that happened and is happening at Lucca has been
done with the knowledge and by the orders of the Duke [of Milan],
particularly as the principal fortresses are in his hands; it appears
to me therefore that there is no hope of getting them by treaty or by
any way save famine, and I suspect the Duke has known how to grasp
fortune, and his troops being near, has provisioned Pietrasanta. The
war will thus last longer than we wished, and all because we would
not when we could. May God forgive those who are the cause. If some
of the present Signori had not enough sense to be of the Ten of the
Balia, instead of ten they should be made nine ... as I already told
thee. It does not seem to me advisable to be one of the Ten of the
Balia this time, partly to let others have their turn, partly because,
on account of party divisions, I do not think the affairs of our
city can prosper; things will go as they did before or even worse on
account of events in Lombardy, for if the enemy is not attacked from
there, it is useless to expect help from here. I am therefore writing
to the Gonfalonier and to Antonio di Ser Tomaso to beg that neither
Lorenzo[15] nor I should be nominated, and I advise thee to do the
same. There are Messer Niccolò Valori and Luca di Messer Maso who
would do well and be pleased.
In my last I told thee that Lorenzo and the children were going to
Venice, as there are some cases of plague here; now they are gone.
If it continues I suppose we must also leave.... No more at present.
Christ guard thee.--Verona, 21st October 1430.[16]
Cosimo de’ Medici _to_ Averardo de’ Medici
I arrived here late this evening and found thy letter of the 4th
telling me about the affairs of Lucca; right glad was I to get it,
as yesterday on the road to Venice I heard far worse news. God be
thanked. We certainly seem to have shown but little prudence; we will
talk of this when we meet. Our people ought to hear what is said of us
and how little we are esteemed; if we go on thus we shall be treated
like Jews. I just hear that I have been elected ambassador together
with Francesco Tornabuoni, and have understood about future movements.
I was on the point of coming back on account of our own affairs and
also about this nomination, of which I have only now been told, for it
will be most inconvenient if I have to go, on account of our private
affairs and also because I am not properly prepared, being away from
home. I have therefore determined to come back at once and try to be
exonerated. I think our friends will be willing to serve us if thou
bestirrest thyself. Thou writest as though my going was certain, so
perhaps I shall receive orders and have to start without returning
home, which would be most awkward. If it be so tell Bernardo de’
Medici to send me those suits which are at home, for as thou knowest
we are in mourning and I have no clothes with me; also I shall have to
provide myself with attendants and horses, I have but seven, and must
have twelve at least. I write this, not because I have made up my mind
to go, for this journey would be most irksome, but because if it is
absolutely necessary I must go in a manner befitting the honour of the
Commune.... No more. Christ guard thee.--In Ostilia [near Rimini] on
the 10th day of December 1430.
_P.S._--I intend taking the road by Ravenna and Faenza.[17]
Cosimo did not go, and Francesco Tornabuoni was sent alone to Venice.
Cosimo de’ Medici _at Florence to_ Averardo de’ Medici _at Pisa_
I wrote to thee the other day by Pietro Chaetano, and have had no
letter from thee since. This will be given to thee by Battista of
Verrazano, who was it seems once employed in thy office, and is, I am
told, a worthy man: he asks me to recommend him to thee, and I do so.
About the affairs of Lucca I say nothing, because where thou art thou
wilt hear them sooner than I. There are those who, hoping to see
injury and infamy inflicted on others, would inflict injury and infamy
on the Commune, and try with all their might to bring this about;
which shows an evil nature. Nevertheless I think this enterprise is
generally popular, and seeing things have gone so far as to implicate
the honour of the Commune, every one ought to favour it as much as
possible; and this I am doing here, and advise thee, although I know
there is no need, to act likewise.
Letters have come from the Duke displaying great affection for this
Commune and promising every help in this affair. There are also
letters from our ambassador at Rome, saying that the Pope and all the
Cardinals are of the same mind, so it appears to me that they are
abandoned by all, and if they are wise will submit.
From Lorenzo[18] I have a letter of the 80th, and by what he says
he must now have left Venice for Milan together with Messer Andrea
Contarini. They have hopes of doing good business during this year,
particularly as I understand the Duke is in need. Thou shalt hear as
soon as I know anything.
I hear thou hast had a few cases of plague, which grieves me: here
also in the last two or three days there have been some cases, which
makes one fear it may increase. The loss and damage to the city will
be great. I have been thinking where to go, and as far as I can learn
there are three places, either Arezzo in thy house near Anghiari,
Bologna or Modena, or some distance into the Venetian territory, where
it appears to be perfectly healthy. It does not seem to me wise to
come there [Pisa] or to go near Siena or Perugia, for they are all
suspect, as is the Romagna and the Malatesta district, where also
they are preparing for war. As I said it is a serious matter, and
I should like to have thy advice. No more at present. Christ guard
thee.--February 1430 (1431).[19]
In April 1433 the war with Lucca came to an end, leaving things
very much as they were before, and the bitter hatred between Cosimo
de’ Medici and Rinaldo degl’ Albizzi grew in intensity. The nobles
accused Cosimo of using his riches to buy popularity, and he withdrew
almost entirely from public life and retired to Cafaggiuolo, his
fortress-villa in the Mugello. What followed is best told in his own
words, translated from his diary.
On the election of the new Signory (September 1433) it was rumoured
that during their rule great changes were to be made. News was sent
to me in the Mugello, where I had been for some months in order
to escape from the contests and divisions in the city, that my
presence was necessary. So on the 4th of September I returned, and
on the same day visited the Gonfalonier and the others, as well as
Giovanni dello Scelto who I thought was my friend, and who was under
obligations to me, as were also the others. When I told them what
I had heard, they denied it, and told me to be of good cheer, as
they hoped to leave the city in the same condition as they found it
when their time was up. On the 5th they called a council of eight
citizens, saying they desired their advice on certain matters. They
were Messer Giovanni Guicciardini, Bartolommeo Ridolfi, Ridolfo
Peruzzi, Tommaso di Lapo Corsi, Messer Agnolo Acciaiuoli, Giovanni
di Messer Rinaldo Gianfigliazzi, Messer Rinaldo degl’ Albizzi, and
myself, Cosimo. So although, as has been said, it was reported that a
revolution was imminent, yet, having their assurances and believing
them to be my friends, I did not credit it. On the morning of the
7th, under colour of the said council, they sent for me; and when I
arrived at the Palace I found most of my companions and we talked
together. After some time I was told by order of the Signory to go
upstairs, and by the captain of the infantry I was put into a room
called the Barbaria,[20] and locked in. On hearing this the whole
city rose. During the day a council was held by the citizens who had
been summoned, and the Gonfalonier told them I had been detained for
a good reason, which would be explained another time, and that the
Signory desired no advice on this point, and so dismissed them. And
the Signori banished me to Padua for a year. This decision was at
once made known to my brother Lorenzo, who was in the Mugello, and
to Averardo, my cousin, who was at Pisa. The news was also sent to
Niccolò da Tolentino, captain of the Commune, who was my good friend.
Lorenzo came to Florence that same day, and the Signori sent for him,
but he being warned why they wanted him, left at once, and returned
to Trebbio.[21] Averardo also left Pisa in haste, as they had given
orders to seize him. Had they taken us all three, we should have been
in evil plight. Niccolò da Tolentino, on hearing the news, came to
Lastra with his company, intending to raise the city, so that I might
be released. At the same time, when it was known in the mountains of
the Romagna and in other places, great numbers of foot-soldiers went
to Lorenzo. But the captain and Lorenzo were advised not to make a
disturbance, or evil might befall me, so they desisted. Although this
advice was given by relations and friends, and in all sincerity, yet
it was not good, for had they advanced at once I should have been
free, and he who was the cause of all would have been undone. We
may, however, say that all was for the best, as in the end good came
of it, and more honour to me, as I shall relate hereafter. My friends
being averse, as I have said, to create any disturbance, the captain
returned to his quarters, pretending that he had come for another
reason, and Lorenzo went to Venice with my sons, taking with him
all he could of money and small valuables. And the Signori banished
Lorenzo to Venice for a year, myself to Padua for five years, and
Averardo to Naples for five years. Then on the 9th the bell was rung
for a parliament, and those who had been the cause of all assembled
on the Piazza with much infantry. Twenty-three citizens were also
summoned, verily a small number, and but few of the people were
present, because in truth the mass of the citizens were ill-pleased.
The Oration of Cosimo de’ Medici to the Signory _when sentence of exile
was pronounced against him_.[22]
If I thought that this my misfortune and terrible ruin might serve
to bring peace to this blessed people, not only would exile be
acceptable, but I should even welcome death, if I were sure that my
descendants, O Signori, might pride themselves on my having been the
cause of the wished-for union of your Republic. As you have decided
that I am to go to Padua, I declare that I am content to go, and to
stay wherever you command, not only in the Trevisian State, but should
you send me to live amongst the Arabs, or any other people alien to
our customs, I would go most willingly; and if your Lordships command
me to discover the origin of the ill, as a beloved son is bound to
obey his father’s wishes and a good servant the orders of his master,
so would I obey you for the peace of your people. One thing I beg
of you, O Signori, that seeing you intend to preserve my life, you
take care that it should not be taken by wicked citizens, and thus
you be put to shame. I do not so much fear the pain of death as the
abominable infamy of undeserved assassination, for a violent death
is the manifest sign and outcome of a bad life, and I have not led
the life of a villain, but of an honest and good merchant. Even if
I have not been faultless, I have always tried to merit the love of
good men, because my actions were good. As, however, disaster comes to
me by your orders, I accept it as a boon, and as a benefit to me and
to my belongings. Have a care, O Signori, that those should not have
their way who are in the Piazza with arms in their hands and anxiously
desire my blood, without regard for my innocence. My pain would be
small, because such a death being over in a short time cannot be very
painful or hard to bear; nothing is so brief as death. But you would
earn perpetual infamy by having made me a promise which was broken
by villainous citizens: infamy is worse than an innocent death. If
I go to the Trevisian State, I leave my heart and my soul with you,
and shall only be happy when I can do something for the good of your
people, as I pray you and every good citizen to do. Every trouble will
be easy to bear as long as I know that my adversity will bring peace
and happiness to the city. I know, and this is no small comfort to me,
that I never permitted wrong to be done to any one. I never frequented
the Palace[23] save when I was summoned; I never roused hatred of
the Republic amongst your subalterns, because I never ill-treated
them; I always declined to be nominated an official, which is often
prejudicial to the body and hurtful to the soul; with no small pride
I affirm that none can say my ill-behaviour ever caused a city to
rebel or to be taken from you; on the contrary, our money bought
several: ask your soldiers how many times they were paid by me for the
Commune with my own money, to be returned to me when convenient to
the Commune. Never have I been found wanting when the Commune could be
enlarged, and although I am exiled, I shall ever be ready at the call
of this people. In conclusion, O Signori, I pray God to keep you in
his grace and in happiness in this fortunate Republic, and to give me
patience to bear my unhappy life.
* * * * *
Balìa was given by the parliament to certain citizens and I was
banished to Padua for ten years, Lorenzo to Venice for five, Averardo
to Naples for ten, Orlando de’ Medici to Ancona for ten years, and
Giovanni di Andrea di Messer Alamanno and Bernardo d’Alamanno de’
Medici to Rimini. My branch of the family were created Grandi (_i.e._
incapable of holding any magisterial office), with the exception of
the sons of Messer Vieri, and the sons of Antonio di Giovenco de’
Medici, because Bernardetto was much beloved by the Captain of War,
and in deference to the Captain, Averardo and his brothers were passed
over. We were more rigorously dealt with, particularly in that I was
forbidden to sell any possessions or to touch my money in the Monte,
and I was kept in the Palace until the 3rd day of October.
When this was known in Venice three ambassadors were sent here, who
left no means untried to procure my liberation, offering to keep me
in Venice, and promising that I would do nothing against the Signory,
and would obey all orders. Though they could not obtain my freedom
yet their advent was most useful, for there were those who desired
my death, and they secured a promise that no harm should be done to
my person. In like manner the Marquess of Ferrara sent orders to the
Captain of the Balìa, who was Messer Lodovico del Ronco of Modena, a
subject of his, that if I were put in his hands he was to treat me as
though I were Messer Lionardo his son, and that if he fled with me he
was to fear nothing.
They kept me, as has been said, until the 3rd of October for two
reasons; first, to obtain permission from the Balìa to rule the city
according to their pleasure, threatening to kill me if it was not
given; thus those of my friends and relations who were in the Balìa
were fain to agree to all they wished. Secondly, they thought to
ruin us by preventing me from making use of what was mine. But in
this they failed, for we lost no credit, and many foreign merchants
and gentlemen offered to us, and even sent to Venice, large sums of
money. Finding at length that their plan of making us bankrupt did
not succeed, Bernardo Guadagni (the Gonfalonier), being offered money
by two persons, 500 florins by the Captain of War, and 500 by the
treasurer of S. Maria Nuova, which were paid him in cash, and Mariotto
Balduinetto being offered 800 florins by Baccio d’Antonio di Baccio,
they took me out of the Palace and accompanied me beyond the Porta
S. Gallo. They had small intelligence, for they might have had ten
thousand or more for allowing me to escape from peril.
On the 4th October I arrived at Cutigliano in the mountains of
Pistoja, being accompanied by two of the Eight of the guard. The
mountaineers presented to me wax and grain as though I had been an
ambassador. On the 5th I left and arrived at Fassano in the territory
of the Marquess of Ferrara, accompanied by more than twenty of the
mountaineers. On the 6th I reached Modena, and the governor met me on
behalf of his lord, presented gifts, and next morning went with me as
companion and guide. On the 7th I was at Bondeno and next day went by
water to Francolino, where I waited two days for Antonio Uguccione de’
Contrari, who made me many offers of service from the Marquess. On the
11th I arrived at Venice, being met by many gentlemen, our friends,
together with Lorenzo. I was received like an ambassador, not like an
exile. Next morning I visited the Signori to thank them for all they
had done for my welfare, saying that I owed my life to them. I was
received with more honour and affection than I can describe; they
pitied my sufferings and offered the Signoria, the city, and their
treasure for my needs, and a house. Many gentlemen visited me and
brought me gifts. On the 13th I left for Padua according to command,
and Messer Jacopo Donato went with me and lodged me in his fine
house, furnished with linen, beds, and eatables fit for the greatest
personage, and he remained with me until I returned to Venice about
the 20th. At Padua, by order of the Signoria of Venice, they offered
to place at my disposal anything I wanted. I have recorded these
honours that were paid to me in order not to seem ungrateful by not
mentioning them, and also because it is incredible that, banished from
home, I should yet be treated with so much honour; for generally one
loses one’s friends with one’s fortune. Lorenzo was informed with what
honour I had been treated by some merchants, and also by a servant of
the Signoria who came to Padua with me, and who had been ordered not
to speak about it.
Bartolommeo de’ Ridolfi being Gonfalonier of Justice, I asked leave of
the Signori to be allowed to live at Padua, Venice, or elsewhere, in
the Venetian territory, and the permission was given, but with orders
not to approach within 140 miles of Florence. This was done to please
the Signoria of Venice who, through their ambassador, Messer Andrea
Donato, asked it. It is true that severe penalties were attached to
the grace, as can be seen in the document.
After giving the names of the new Gonfalonier and Priors (who were
elected every two months), Cosimo continues:
The people and all good citizens being discontented, Antonio di Ser
Tommaso Nasi came to me at Venice and begged me to draw nigh to
Florence, offering to escort us home in case we were attacked. Also
many of our relations and friends wrote to us. We thought it better to
first ascertain the intentions of the Signori, and replied we would
do nothing against their wishes. For this we sent Antonio Martelli
from Venice to learn what they wished. From him we got the good news
that we were to come. On receiving the letter Lorenzo and I, Cosimo,
left on the 29th of September; Averardo, being ill of fever, remained
in Venice. On the 30th we reached Ponte a Lago and lodged in the
house of the Magnificent Uguccione who, together with the Marquess,
had collected at our request a large body of foot-soldiers in the
mountains of Modena and Frigano, together with 200 horsemen he had
in his pay, to accompany us as had been previously arranged. On the
1st October, while we were at mass, a courier arrived from Antonio
Salutati with letters stating that the intentions of the Signori
having become known in the city, and our arrival being expected, our
enemies, that is to say Messer Rinaldo degl’ Albizzi, Ridolfo Peruzzi,
and others had taken up arms on the 26th to the number of 600. But
their heart failed them towards evening, and being persuaded by
Messer Giovanni Vitelleschi, then Bishop of Recanati, and afterwards
Archbishop of Florence and a Cardinal, who was my good friend, they
went to S. Maria Novella, where dwelt the Pope.[24] Hearing that our
friends were well provided with arms and with men, and being in fear
for their lives, Messer Rinaldo, Ormanno his son, and Ridolfo Peruzzi
remained there that night, and their companions dispersed and put away
their arms. The Signori summoned a large force of infantry to come
into the city, while from the Mugello, the Alps, and Romagna more
than 3000 men came to our house. Niccolò da Tolentino was called with
his company, and on the 29th, the day of S. Michael, a parliament was
held on the Piazza, at which the people assisted fully armed. Their
number was great, and good order was kept. Balìa was given to ...
citizens and they annulled all that had been ordained the year before.
First they decided that Cosimo and Lorenzo should be reinstated in
their former positions--there were not four contrary votes--so we
were pressed to come home with all speed. Having read the letter, we
at once sent it to Venice, where it caused much rejoicing, and we
then went to visit the Marquess, who showed even more pleasure than
ourselves. After thanking him for all the favours he had shown us
we left Ferrara on the 2nd and got to Modena next day. The Governor
and the Podestà came out to meet us with many citizens, and we were
received most honourably in the Marquess’s house. All our journey
was at his expense, and everywhere we found men-at-arms who had been
ordered to accompany us; but there being no need for them we dismissed
them. On the 5th we reached Cutigliano and then Pistoja; and exactly
at the expiration of a year, on the very same day, _i.e._ the 5th
October, we again set foot in the Commune at exactly the same place.
I record this because when we were banished some well-affected and
kindly persons told us that before the year was out we should be
recalled, and once more find ourselves in Florence. Many citizens came
out to meet us on the road, and at Pistoja the whole population was at
the gate to see us pass fully armed, for we would not enter the town.
On the 6th we arrived at our own house, Careggi, to dinner, and found
much people. The Signori sent to tell us not to enter the city until
they told us, and this we did. At sunset they sent to bid us come and
we set forth with a great following. But as the road we were expected
to take was crowded with men and women, Lorenzo and I with one servant
and a mace-bearer of the Commune rode round the walls. Going behind
the Servi, and then behind S. Reparata and the Palazzo del Podestà,
we entered the Palazzo de’ Signori without being seen, as every one
was in Via Larga, waiting for us near our house. The reason why the
Signori did not wish us to enter by daylight was lest we should be the
cause of an uproar in the city. By the Signori we were received most
graciously. We thanked them with fitting words, and they insisted on
our remaining in the Palace with them and some other citizens. We did
so. We found that before we arrived Messer Rinaldo and Ormanno his
son, Ridolfo Peruzzi, and many other citizens had been banished. The
city was quiet, though the people were always in the Piazza, and in
the Palace were many armed men for security.
Cosimo gives the names of the Signory for November and December and
continues:
They banished many citizens and set down (_i.e._ made _Grandi_ or
nobles) many disloyal families and did many things favourable to the
city. During their rule the Balìa given to various citizens expired,
the Squittini, or Scrutinies, came to an end, and the borse, or
ballot-bags, remained for five years in the hands of the Accopiatori,
that is to say, the borse of the Priors, so that they could make
whomsoever they would Priors and Gonfaloniers of Justice. In January
my name was the first to be drawn from the borse as Gonfalonier, and
in my time no one was banished nor was ill done to any one. I caused
the sentence of death passed upon Francesco Guadagni, and upon some
others whom I found in the hands of the Captain of the Balìa, to be
commuted to perpetual imprisonment. Also I ordered the armed men who
stood at the door of the Palace to be removed and the Palace and the
Piazza to be kept as they were before the revolution, and I prolonged
the league with the Signory of Venice for ten years.
“Seldom has a citizen returning triumphant from a victory,” writes
Machiavelli, “been received by such a concourse of people and with such
demonstrations of affection as was Cosimo on his return from exile,
saluted by all as the benefactor of the people and the father of his
country.”[25]
It was probably while at Venice that Cosimo bought the slave girl
by whom he had a son, Carlo, who was brought up for the Church and
recognised as belonging to the family. He inherited his father’s
tastes, and was employed by him and by Piero to buy books,
manuscripts, statues, &c., in Rome. He became a Canon of the cathedral
in Florence and Arciprete at Prato, where he died. The number of female
slaves imported into Florence in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries
was a most disturbing element in family life and the cause of much
jealousy, as can be gathered from the novelists of the time. Nearly
all came from Caffa (Theodosia in the Crimea) and from the mouth of
the Tana. Caffa must have been practically a Genoese settlement, as
the Genoese consul levied a tax on every slave that passed through the
town, and they were many. Hundreds of Circassian, Tartar, Armenian,
Georgian, Arab, Turkish, Russian, and Greek girls were shipped, chiefly
to Genoa and to Venice, where the trade had existed since the eighth
century. In Florence the duty paid on every slave that entered the city
must have brought in a considerable sum to the Commune, as owners were
obliged to register every newly-acquired slave within two months and to
have him or her baptized, if the rite had not been already performed.
One would have thought that good Catholics might have had some qualms
of conscience about keeping a Christian as a slave, but Sacchetti
writes:
“May a slave being born a pagan who becomes a Christian be sold? I say
yes. None may be free who do not believe that Christ will come again.
Even though I buy a slave who is then baptized, he or she is baptized
as a servant and a subject and is like unto one in prison, who cannot
give a bond or go bail, and most of them go to baptism like oxen.
Baptism does not make them Christians, and no one is obliged to set
them free even if they be Christians unless they wish. I do not say
that if you perceive them to be good, and that they desire to be good
Christians, you should not set them free, but you would commit a sin if
your slave is like most, even if he or she be a Christian, to set them
free, for you take the stick from off their backs and give them full
scope to do every sort of evil.”[26]
The saintly Archbishop Antonino is of the same opinion as the novelist.
He declares that baptism does not free a person from slavery, _quia
servitus introducta est etiam de jure divino et per jus gentium et jus
canonicum approbata_.
By a law of 1366 the flight of a slave was declared a serious offence;
any one aiding or inciting a slave to run away was fined 200 florins
(piccoli), half to go to the Commune, half to the owner. The seduction
of a slave was still more severely punished, and the seducer was held
responsible for her price if she died in childbirth. If the father was
a free man the child was also free, and the father was bound to provide
for it.
From 1366 to 1397, 259 Tartars, 27 Greeks (from Constantinople or from
Rhodes), 7 Turks, 3 Slavonians, 3 Circassians, 2 Bosnians, 1 Arab, 1
Saracen, and 1 Candiote, nearly all girls from nine to twenty-four
years of age, and 26 little boys or lads, are carefully described in
the register. They cannot have been handsome, as many were marked with
small-pox, others had scars (_margines_) which were probably tribal
marks.[27]
They were sold either _sub jugo perpetue servitutis_, or for a certain
number of years. Thus Rucellai bought a slave for eight years, but
finding that she was with child he sent her back to her former
owner; many were bought, or rather hired, for two or three years as
wet-nurses. Baldovinetti in his _Ricordi_ or Memoirs notes: “On May
7, 1376, I bought a slave for thirty-five florins from Bartolommeo
of Venice, named Tiratea, or Dorothea, a Tartar from Russia. She was
about eighteen years of age, and Cieci the broker only put twenty-five
florins into the bill of sale on account of the duty. With brokerage
and duty she cost me one florin, and four florins for clothes, as she
was almost naked when I bought her. I sold her in September 1379 for
thirty-six florins.
“In 1380 I bought on November 28th a slave for forty-five florins, her
name is Domenica, she is fair-skinned and comes from near Tartary. I
bought her of Bartolommeo of Venice, who in writing declares her to be
sound in all ways. With brokerage and other expenses she cost me before
I got her home eleven golden florins, and as she was almost naked,
altogether forty-seven florins.”[28]
[Illustration:
_Alinari_
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE’ MEDICI.
_By Jacopo da Pontormo. In the Convent of S. Marco, Florence._]
In the fifteenth century prices rose, as the Florentines insisted on
having Russian or Circassian girls as being better-looking. Their
reputation for honesty and morality did not stand high, and they were
often brutally ill-treated and imprisoned in the dreaded prison of
the Stinche for stealing, &c. Alessandra Strozzi, writing to her son
Filippo at Naples in 1465, warns him about two he thought of buying.
“Thou tellest me in thy letter of the 28th that a slave is offered
thee who was here with Lionardo Vernacci and that thou wouldest have
taken her but for the old one thou hast in the house. I must tell
thee that she is not fit for thee according to my ideas. Lionardo’s
wife had her four or five years, and as she did not learn and was of
a bad disposition they feared she might do some ill to herself or to
others, so they got rid of her; she was also dishonest. They sold her
to Antonio della Luna, with whom she remained but a short time, as
he would not have her and sent her back; so she was sent down there
[Naples]. Lionardo’s wife had her for sewing, but she had no aptitude
for it. Had she been a good servant they would have kept her for
themselves. Thou sayest thou hast one now who belonged to Filippo degl’
Albizzi; she was highly thought of and well treated, but was sold
because wine began to affect her and made her extremely lively, and
also she was immoral. Having a wife and children in the house he would
not keep her. She is praised for loyalty and intelligence. Now do as
thou wilt.... I have told thee what I know.”[29]
Towards the end of the fifteenth century the manumission of slaves
begins to be mentioned in wills together with bequests to hospitals
and convents. By the word _este civis romana_ the slave became a free
man or woman, could own property, buy and sell, and act in all other
respects as if free-born.[30]
Cosimo de’ Medici _to his son_ Piero de’ Medici _at Venice_
Send by the women who are returning the things mentioned in the list
given to Ser G., and look closely yourself, as is but right, after
what is sent here and what remains there.
Put the books that are in my desk into a small strong-box so that
they should not be opened, and see that the others which we lent
should be sent back in such a manner as not to spoiled.
It seems to me that thou shouldest remain at Venice this winter, for
there is nothing doing here, and thus thou canst devote thyself to
learning something of the affairs of the bank and of book-keeping. I
have ordered a book which thou art to keep according to instructions
which Antonio Martelli will send thee. In this way thou wilt learn
book-keeping properly, and canst return here at Lent.
Be careful to conduct thyself well at home and abroad, so as not to
put either me or thyself to shame. Consort with our friends according
to usage; make thyself acquainted with what is doing in the company,
and learn what is going on.
Try to get back that book on ethics from the son of Messer P.
Corro,[31] and the Sallust and Suetonius I lent to G. Lignacci, in
one volume. If they have done with them get them back before S. Lucia
(13th December). Also get back a small volume of Chrysostom which
they say they want to translate. Keep the books from Nicola de Servi,
as is said in the minute given to Ser G., and send back twenty or
twenty-five volumes of our books of each subject. Thou canst put
them with the quilts, or in other bales, so that they should not be
spoiled, and take care that those which remain are not gnawed or
spoiled.
As I said before, for many reasons I think it would be better for thee
to remain at Venice, for nothing of any good is doing here. But if
thou wishest to return here, do as thou wilt. Nought else to say.--[No
date.]
Cosimo.[32]
The letter of Lorenzo de’ Medici and those of Francesco Sforza to
Cosimo relate to a second war with Lucca, and need some explanation.
The recall of Cosimo from exile, as told in his diary, was followed
by a wholesale banishment of his enemies from Florence, and left him
practically master of the Republic. The exiled Florentines naturally
desired to return, and according to the custom of the time were eager
to invoke foreign aid. The times for long offered no opportunity. But
in 1436 Genoa at last shook off the yoke of the Duke of Milan and
became a republic. The sister republics of Florence and Venice at
once allied themselves with the new free State, and Filippo Visconti
believed himself to be seriously threatened by the new league. He had
at the same time lost the services of one of his two great generals.
Francesco Sforza, determined to acquire a principality for himself,
had seized part of the Marches which nominally belonged to the Popes.
In these circumstances the Duke of Milan resolved to attack Florence,
the one of the allies which lay nearest to him. While the Florentines
engaged mercenary troops (Taliano, or Tagliano, mentioned in the
letters, being one of the leaders of small bands) and named Sforza
the General of the Republic--a very untrustworthy general, as events
proved. In the war which ensued Lucca was attacked by the Florentines
and defended by the troops of Milan. In 1438 Florence was twice
threatened by Visconti’s army, then in the territory of Lucca. The
second time they were led by the famous condottiere Niccolò Piccinino,
and Francesco Sforza had orders to oppose him and if possible to seize
Lucca. The attempt failed, partly because Sforza, always hoping to
obtain the hand of Madonna Bianca, Visconti’s illegitimate daughter,
did not wish to offend him by fighting against his troops, partly
because Venice, jealous of the possible acquisition of Lucca by
Florence, laid claim to his services and refused to pay her share of
his stipend unless her commands were obeyed. Cosimo went to Venice
“thinking,” writes Machiavelli, “to be able to persuade her. To the
Senate he pointed out the condition of Italy, the power of the Duke of
Milan, his reputation and the number of his troops, and concluded by
saying that if the Count (Sforza) went over to him they would together
command the sea, and the liberty of Venice would be endangered. To this
the Venetians replied that they well knew their own power and the power
of the Italians, and believed they could defend themselves. Adding that
they were not in the habit of recompensing soldiers for serving others,
and that the Florentines, having made use of the Count, might pay him
themselves. They considered it more necessary for the safety of their
State to lower his pride than to give him money; and the ambition of
men being unlimited, if he were paid now without serving them, he would
eventually advance far more dishonest and dangerous demands. Thus it
seemed to them desirable to curb his insolence before it became too
great. But if out of fear, or for any other reason, the Florentines
desired to retain his friendship, they were at liberty to pay him. Thus
Cosimo returned without concluding anything.”[33]
Cosimo never forgave the Venetians for traversing his plans, and the
enmity between the two Republics began from that day.
Niccolò Fortebraccio _to_ Cosimo de’ Medici _and_ Neri di Gino Capponi
_Magnifico Domino et spectabili viro Fratibus carissimus Cosme de
Medicis civitatis Flor. Vexillifero et Nero Gino de Capponibus._
_Magnifice Domine ac spectabilis vir frates carissimi_,--In order
that you may be kept informed of what sometimes happens here I tell
you that the messengers of your magnificent General Count Francesco
[Sforza] had the courtesy to come rather to us than to those to whom
they were sent. For your information I send you the enclosed copy
of a letter from the aforesaid Count found in the bosom of one of
his people, by which you will understand, &c. You will no doubt take
counsel about it with your friends, so that I shall not have to call
you blind Florentines,[34] as others have called you before. By my
faith you ought not to be, but rather you should have a hundred eyes
like Argus.--Assisi, January 5, 1436 (1437).
Nicolaus Fortebraccis.[35]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to his brother_ Cosimo de’ Medici, _ambassador to
Ferrara, in the name of the “Dieci di Balìa”_
_Spectabilis collega noster carissime_,--Yesterday I wrote to thee
by Messer Alexio. Since then we have nought from thee. Now we write
because having turned over in our own minds this affair of Taliano and
consulted with other citizens about it, it seems to us that it would
be an excellent thing for the State of Count Francesco and for the
League if some arrangement could be come to between His Holiness the
Pope and the aforesaid Count as to the Marches, as thou art aware was
once proposed. We therefore tell thee to employ every possible means
to achieve this, which would be a most excellent thing, and as soon as
thou canst learn aught about the intention of the Holy Father let us
know, because until we hear from thee we shall not communicate with
the Count.
To-day we have received a letter from our ambassadors to the Count, of
which we enclose a copy. It appears to us a new departure, of which
we know nothing, which we do not understand, nor can we judge how the
Signoria of Venice will take it when they hear. Think over it well,
and if it seems good to thee to tell them or to take any other steps,
do so, only make them understand perfectly that we have nothing to do
with this affair, which is quite outside our intentions, and above
all declare that it is our desire to live in perfect brotherhood and
friendship with that Signoria, and thus to cause the Count to keep on
good terms with them. If this letter finds thee at Ferrara, and thou
thinkest well to send or to write to Venice about this business, or
if thou thinkest better neither to send or to write, do as it seemeth
best to thee, for we place complete trust in thy well-known prudence.
To-day Messer Giuliano Davanzati has been named ambassador to Venice
by the Signori and the Colleges, and they have sent for him to
Pisa.--Florence, January 29, 1437 (1438).
Decem Balie.[36]
Count Francesco Sforza _to_ Cosimo de’ Medici
_Spectabilis ac Magnifice vir tanquam pater carissime_,--I have
read your letter and see you suspect that Niccolò Piccinino is not
following the course traced by the Illustrious Duke of Milan, and you
beg me to come to a good understanding with Niccolò, lest danger to
the Magnificent Commune of Florence and to myself should ensue. As
to the said Niccolò, I cannot believe he would act thus. First, on
account of the great honours he has received and is receiving from the
Illustrious Lord Duke, who only now has with great pomp declared him
Marquess and Count of the house of Visconti with the right of bearing
their arms. Secondly, because being of a certain age and with so great
a reputation in the past, I do not believe that he would run the risk
of being reviled in the present. Also he must know that he cannot
swallow the world, and that it might happen to him as it does to oxen
when they leave their stables in the morning, who think they are going
to pasture, but are put to the plough; to him also the contrary might
happen to what he expected. Thirdly, as you know, he has published
everywhere a letter declaring his allegiance to the Duke of Milan.
As to your advice about being good friends with him, I think you
say well; and by the copies of my letters to Niccolò, which Lorenzo
must have sent you, you will see whether it is my fault or his that
this has not succeeded. It is true, and I declare to you, that I do
not intend to lose my honour or my possessions for the sake of his
friendship, and it would be a strange thing if in order to gain the
friendship of the said Niccolò, I, who have always transacted and
settled all disputes between the Duke and myself, and those arising
from them, should be the first to lose what is mine, and what has
been gained by my own exertions. I am certain that even should I wish
to give away my possessions, or to make any sort of compromise which
would indicate a doubt as to my ownership, you, whom I regard as a
father, would not allow it, seeing how my reputation would suffer.
* * * * *
To conclude, I have agreed with the Duke of Milan and have the
agreement in my house, which I quite believe he will observe. In the
document there is no mention, either for good or for evil, of Niccolò
Piccinino, so I have nothing to do with him, and am much astonished
at the things he demands of me. Now either he does this with the
knowledge and consent of the Duke or not. If with the Duke’s consent
it is done with the intent that this affair should go on and that
your Signoria should break the promises and contracts with me, which
I do not believe; if done without the Duke’s knowledge it is most
probable he will take another course. In so doing he would give us
every right to oppose him, and he might in many cases be a loser, in
one among others which would bring infinite loss and ignominy upon
him, that is his Company, for eight out of ten of the men have wives
or children, so that what would happen I know not, and do not see that
Niccolò would gain either profit or honour. My opinion, which I have
not breathed to man alive, is that the Duke has consented to Niccolò
putting forward these demands, not seeing how to refuse him permission
to make them, but not with the intention that we should come to blows.
And you will see that Niccolò will eventually follow the course traced
out by the Duke, and that all these intrigues and demonstrations, and
loud talk, wherein Niccolò shows such valour, are rather scarecrows
to frighten people; but scarecrows are good for frightening kites and
such-like birds of prey, I do not heed them, being the son of a Sforza
and not of a kite. Let what will happen, as long as none can say that
I have been the cause of any troubles. I am not; and I believe I shall
be held guiltless by God and by the world. But whoso tries to take
from me what is mine will find it far harder and more thorny than to
demand it, as at present. I have replied to the Marquess, so there is
no more to say.--Given in my Camp near Arezzo, 28th May 1438.[37]
Count Francesco Sforza _to_ Cosimo de’ Medici
_Magnifice tanquam Pater carissime_,--I have received your letter in
cipher and have understood what you say about the affairs of Florence,
Venice, and Macerata; I need say no more, because Messer Rinaldo will
inform you of everything. I thank you for the news about Lombardy. I
had heard something of the sort here, and that the Venetian troops
were as though they did not exist, so little are they esteemed by
those of the Duke of Milan. The arrival of the person sent by the
magnificent Signoria of Florence will be most welcome to me, the
sooner he comes the better I shall be pleased.
Piero Gian Paolo [Orsini] passed through here and sent to tell me
that if I wished he would join me, as he is disengaged, and says he
has been badly treated with regard to money, and also that others no
better than himself, such as Tagliano and Luigi del Verme, have been
set above him and have received more honours, so nothing will induce
him to remain there, which may be useful. It would be good in every
respect to have him, but you know what are my expenses, so that I
cannot alone undertake to engage him. Therefore I wish the Signoria
of Florence would do so at the rate of 8 ducats a month and 1 for
commission, whereas the Signoria pays 12 for each man. I pray you let
me know quickly as to the intentions of the Signoria, so that I may
know what to do. Until I have your reply I shall keep the affair in
suspense, although I am not sure whether he really means what he says
or not. If he does, the thing may be arranged; if he does not, it will
fall of itself, and at any rate we may discover why he came here. For
it is better to be forewarned and on one’s guard against the craft
of others. I have no more to say save that I am advancing into the
Marches and shall be near there.--_Paratus ad omnia_, 11th August 1438.
Francesco Sforza Vicecomes,
_Comes et Marchie_, _&c._[38]
Count Francesco Sforza _to_ Cosimo de’ Medici
_Magnifice tanquam Pater carissime_,--The honourable Alamano is going
to inform the Signoria exactly how things are, and from him you will
have ample information. And as I think you will discuss whether
it will be better to side with the Signoria of Venice as has been
suggested, or with Niccolò Piccinino, as you will see in the despatch
brought by the said Alamano, I hereby give you my opinion. Seeing that
the Signoria of Venice are up to their throats in water, and that
their State is half ruined, and that now, when the need is great, they
do nothing; and also considering that to remedy this state of things
they will need much time, and will delay when quickness is necessary;
and also considering that the Signoria of Florence, yourself,
and others, were always advised to ally yourselves with the said
Piccinino, I conceive that it is far more dangerous to steer a middle
course than to side with one or the other. For these reasons it is far
better to side with Niccolò Piccinino, particularly as the Duke of
Milan has several times advised me to do so, and has just written me
duplicate instructions, saying he will never give me Madonna Bianca,
or anything else I desire from him, unless I am in perfect accord with
and make an alliance with Niccolò Piccinino. This can be done to avoid
all trouble. So I send Battista my secretary with my conclusions for
you to see, and have taken time enough to answer for the reply to come
from Florence; for whatever you decide is to be done, will be well
done. In case you do not agree, take the course that seems best to
that Magnificent Commune, only let me know; for what I once said I say
again, that my wishes are those of that Magnificent Commune. Only I
wanted to give my opinion. If the Magnificent Commune and you decide
for Niccolò Piccinino, you can tell Battista to write at once without
referring to me, and to follow his instructions, because the Commune
is contented with what I have done. Despatch the courier to Mantua,
for he knows that road, and in case he has not passed through let him
wait. But if the alliance with Niccolò Piccinino does not please you
do not write there, but to me here as quickly as possible. In any
case negotiations with Venice must be kept open, and if you write to
Battista be so good as to tell me at once, so that I may know how
things go.--Given in our Camp, 22nd August 1438.
Francesco Sforza,
_Vicecomes et Marchio_, _&c._[39]
The careful, rather fussy nature of Contessina is shown in this letter
to her son, who was evidently staying, together with his younger
brother Giovanni, with his uncle Lorenzo, perhaps at Trebbio, the old
castle on a hill above Cafaggiuolo in the Mugello.
Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici
Most dear Son,--Thou tellest me to send thee the grey cape lined with
lynx, because thou hast suffered from the cold. But why? For hadst
thou asked for it before I should have sent it as I did the other. It
appears to me you have all decided not to return to Careggi on Monday
where, thanks be to God, we are all well. It will be a happy hour, for
it seems to me a thousand years till you come home again. I am sure
you are all very busy there, particularly Ginevra,[40] so help her in
every way that thou knowest and canst, and keep thy things in order
and don’t leave one thing here and another there, and tell the other
boy to do the same. It would be well that both of you should order a
pair of shoes from P. Thou hast a pair of hose with the shoes, but he
has not. So I send thee a pair of his oldest hose which button on to
the shoes. Tell the bearer who it was that sent thee those new shoes
which do not fit, and he will inform Francesco Martelli who ordered
them for thee. If thou hast aught to send in the bag of Antonio
Martelli’s messenger do so, unless it is something that has to pay
duty. I was going to send some cloth hose, but as thou art coming back
so soon I shall not trouble about them. Let me know what thou sendest
by the messenger. No more. God guard thee.--Florence, the 14th day of
October 1438.[41]
The two following documents relate to the celebrated Council of the
Church which met at Florence during Cosimo’s second term of office as
Gonfalonier, or chief magistrate. The Œcumenical Council of Basel had
actually come into conflict with Pope Eugenius, in the end deposed him,
and declared the papal chair vacant. Whereupon Eugenius ordered the
Council to transfer its sittings to Ferrara, excommunicated all its
members who refused to obey and packed the assembly with his adherents.
But a pestilence broke out at Ferrara, and proposals were made to bring
the assembled ecclesiastics to Florence. The citizens were eagerly
excited, for both the Patriarch and the Emperor of Constantinople
were expected to attend. The Pope arrived in Florence on January 2nd,
1439-40, the Patriarch on the 12th, and the Emperor John Palæologus
on the 15th February (the entry of the latter is represented in the
fresco in the chapel of the Riccardi palace), and were all sumptuously
lodged. The essential findings of this Council are important, for they
were reproduced in the Canons of Trent. It was supposed to unite the
Greek and Latin Churches, but its real result was to introduce the
Italians to ancient Greek literature, and, if such things can be dated,
it marks the beginning of the Italian Renaissance.
Cosimo’s brother Lorenzo de’ Medici was sent to Ferrara in December
1438 to arrange with the Pope about transferring the Œcumenic Council
to Florence. The instructions given by the Signory are curious and show
how burdensome the Councils were to the cities in which they were held.
Commissio Laurentii de’ Medicis, _3 Decembris 1438_
Thou art to go to Ferrara and present thyself at the feet of H.H.
Pope Eugenius, commending to him our city, and this Signoria and our
whole people, as faithful and devout sons of Holy Church and of His
Holiness, offering our city and our people to His Holiness.
To descend now to substantial matters; thou wilt say that this
Signoria has heard that His Holiness is inclined to come to Florence
with his Court, and the Greeks, and the other members of the Council
gathered together there. Having heard this the Signoria send thee to
H.H. to devoutly offer our city as the residence and the abode of H.H.
and his Court and the others above mentioned; being moved thereto, as
in all matters, by their special devotion towards H.H.
Should His Sanctity ask anything special for the Greeks thou wilt
answer that we shall willingly provide houses for them gratis,
without demanding any rent, and that we shall strive to render the
houses suitable for their various degrees of nobility. If money for
the maintenance of the Greeks is mentioned, which we hear amounts to
1500 florins a month, thou art to say that our Commune is very short
of money on account of the long war, &c., and for this reason our
Commune would be most grateful not to be burdened, but nevertheless
if absolutely necessary we are ready to lend H.H. the said amount of
1500 florins, or of ducats, every month, on receipt of a promise and
valid security as to repayment at a given date, to be agreed upon by
both parties. For as the Greeks come on business of the Church, it is
only reasonable that the Church should pay and bear the burden. It is
enough if we advance the money every month, which will only be repaid
after some time. Otherwise it would seem as though we had bought his
visit, which would not be at all to the honour of our Commune, and we
are certain His Sanctity does not desire us to do anything which would
be dishonourable to our Commune.
We consent to begin the payment of 1500 florins, or ducats, per month,
from the day the Greeks leave Ferrara, and to continue it while they
are in Florence, but not for more than eight months.
If agreements and conventions for the Court are mentioned, such as
taxes on houses, jurisdiction, immunity from excise duties in and out
of the town and such things, and houses for the Lord Cardinals, &c.,
thou art to say we are ready to concede everything that is reasonable
and just, and that the last time H.H. was at Florence with his Court,
agreements and conventions were made, and the same thing can be done
now. When H.H. is here we can settle, and add or correct whatever is
reasonable on one side and the other.
_Additio facta Commissioni Laurentii de’ Medicis_
Lorenzo, thou seest the commissions we have given thee in the full
instructions. Strive to carry them out. But if the Pope insists
on having money for the expenses of the Greeks without giving any
security or promise to repay, reduce the various amounts as much as
possible, so as not to exceed 1500 ducats a month, or at the utmost
1700; to begin when the Court arrives here, or, that being impossible,
when they leave Ferrara, and then only promise money for eight months
and no longer.
If the Pope will not consent to the agreements about his Court
mentioned in thy instructions being drawn up here, ask what he
demands, and look at the conventions conceded to him when he was here
last, and act upon those within certain limits, for some of them need
revision. The necessary changes have been noted at the end of each
article.
The Signoria think the Pope ought gladly to promise and to give
security for the repayment of the money used for the expenses of the
Greeks; reason and justice demand this, therefore do thy best in this
matter, so shalt thou reap honour and the Republic benefit by thy
intelligence and industry. Should the Pope ask for any security for
his own person or that of others, see that thou understandest clearly
the nature of such security and write to us here; we will then do what
His Sanctity wishes.[42]
Francesco Sforza _to_ Cosimo de’ Medici
_Magnifice vir et tanquam Pater honorandissime_,--If I have erred
in writing my humble opinion to Your Magnificence, I beg you will
not attribute it to presumption, but rather to my fidelity, and to
affection for the State of our Lord the Pope and for your Commune.
I do not deal in occult secrets, but speak of what I have seen
in the past while weighing present events, which are by no means
clear. Believe me, Cosimo, my motives are not dictated by passion,
because I am the devoted and faithful servant of our Holy Father, of
Holy Church, and especially of Monsignore the Florentine Cardinal,
therefore I think the present opposition of His Reverence to the
Lord of Foligno is, _sententia mea_, not only untimely but dangerous
to the State of His Holiness and may be also to yours. I do not say
this to excuse the errors of the said Lord, indeed if it were of any
use I would blame him, but to try and ward off imminent danger. You
know the position of Foligno, her Lord can do much damage with even
a small number of men. The Perugians are suspicious, and suspicion
is a malady one cannot doctor, so that a great disaster and much
trouble may arise in the land, and it is ill fighting with desperate
men. Believe me that other lords and communes are as suspicious as
the Perugians, each one is intent on guarding his own State, and
the discords of parties here are not good for the State of our Holy
Father, for Holy Church, or for your Commune. It seems to me that for
the common good Monsignore the Cardinal should rather attend to the
conquest of Romagna; he could do nothing more useful, it would cut the
passage of the Ducal troops, and it is no longer a good frontier for
the League or for you gentlemen of Florence. If ever the possession
of Romagna was necessary it is so now, considering the action of the
Council towards His Sanctity; although from what I hear it will not
lead to much, still it unsettles the minds of the people, and Italy
is altogether in a disturbed condition, as you see. The establishment
of Romagna as a barrier would be a great boon to the State of His
Holiness, to the Church, and to yourselves; if we do not strike when
we can, when we wish to do so it will be too late. Remember that the
last time we fell out with the Lord of Foligno he obtained help from
troops in Romagna; had they been in Lombardy they would not have
come, indeed they could not. I pass over many things which it would
be difficult to answer, but I beg of you, Cosimo, to think over this,
which touches your Republic very closely, and of all the troubles
which are brewing or which may brew from the Alps downwards; do your
best to find a remedy, and you will be the author of peace and quiet
in all Tuscany. You may rest assured, Cosimo, that I write in all
sincerity and truth, without subterfuge, if you will believe me. Not
only my small faculties but my life is at the service of our Holy
Father and of Holy Church, and also at that of your Commune. One thing
I will not conceal, and that is that I suspect this enterprise of
Foligno is distasteful to the Illustrious Count, and having entered
with such goodwill and liberality into the affair, great caution must
be used not to do anything he would dislike. I write all this not
with the desire of pleasing or of displeasing any one, but to satisfy
myself, as I conceive it to be my bounden duty, seeing the affection
shown me by His Holiness and by Monsignore your Cardinal, and the
great benefits I have received from your Commune. I should be very
glad if you would impart what I have written, if it so pleases you, to
Neri di Gino and to Piero di Messer Luigi. Be assured, Cosimo, that
for good reasons I do not mention many things which I well understand.
Offering myself, &c.--Siena, July 20, 1439, _manu propria_.[43]
Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Giovanni _at the Baths of Petriolo_
[_near Siena_]
Most dear Son,--The reason I write is that this morning at table
Cosimo told me that Maestro Mariotto had gone to spend eight days with
thee, and said that when Maestro M. returns he will let me come to
be with thee, so I pray thee to ask him to remain with thee as long
as thou art there, as I think thou hast need of him, and also Cosimo
is well pleased that he should remain, and bids thee arrange so that
he may be content. Let me know, for if he comes away nothing shall
prevent my coming, for on no account will I permit thee to be there
without him or me, so tell me his intentions. Had I known when he left
I would have saved him the trouble and come myself. Tell me whether
thou hadst rain on the day of thy departure, and if thou hast need of
anything write to me. I say no more. Christ protect thee.--In Florence
on the 13th day of September 1443.
Mona Contessina di Cosimo.[44]
Karissimo figliuolo, la chagione di questa si è che essendo io stamane
a tavola Chosimo mi disse che maestro Mariotto era venuto chostà per
stare techo otto dì et Chosimo dicie che tornando qua il maestro M.,
ch’ elli si contenta ch’ io venghi costà a star techo Sicchè io ti
priegho che ttu lo prieghi ch’ elli stia techo tanto quanto tu chè mi
pare che ttu n’abbia nicissità et anche Chosimo si chontenterebbe ch’
elli stesse techo et profferali che ttu lo provederaj per modo che da
sarà contento Avisambti che sse delli torna che rimosso ogni chagione
io verrò costà ch’a niun modo io voglio che ttu stij chostì sanza
lui et sanza me sicchè avisami di sua intenzione che ss’ io l’avessi
saputo quando di qui si partì non bisogniava che delli pigliasse
questa faticha che io sarei venuta chostà Avisami se avesti dell’aqua
il dì che andasti et se vuoi nulla schrivimelo Altro no dicho Xpo ti
guardi. In Firenze a dì XIII di settembre MCCCCXLIII.
M^a Chontessina di Chosimo.[45]
[Illustration]
Alberto Averardo de’ Alberti, _from Rome, to_ Giovanni de’ Medici
The condition of this city thou must have heard from others, so I
shall be brief. There are many splendid palaces, houses, tombs, and
temples, and other edifices in infinite number, but all are in ruins;
much porphyry and marble from ancient buildings, and every day these
marbles are destroyed by being burnt for lime in scandalous fashion.
What is modern is poor stuff, that is to say the buildings; the beauty
of Rome lies in what is in ruin. The men of the present day, who call
themselves Romans, are very different in bearing and in conduct from
the ancient inhabitants. _Breviter loquendo_, they all look like
cowherds. Their women are generally handsome in face; all the rest is
uncommonly dirty; the reason, they tell me, is that they all cook.
They seem agreeable, but one seldom sees them. Amusements there are
none, save to go to these pardons (indulgences) which are perpetual,
and in these days of Lent the women frequent them, as well as those
who, like me, have nothing else to do.
_Ex Urbe delacerata_ (From the ruined City), 22nd March 1443 (1444).
Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Giovanni _in Rome_
Since thy departure I have no news of thee save from one who saw thee
when leaving Siena, and who said thou wert well. I know not how thou
hast fared, as the weather has not been favourable, but by now thou
must be near Rome. I trust God has guided thee in safety; this week
has seemed to me like a year. Therefore I pray thee let me know how
thou art, and whether the journey has fatigued thee. Remember above
all to have care of thyself, and if thou needest aught from here let
me know. We are all well, thanks be to God. I say no more. God protect
thee.--The 21st day of February 1444 (1445).
Mona Contessina.[46]
_The Same to the Same_
To-day I received thy letter, and see that thou art well: please God
to preserve thee so. It has been told me that fever has begun there as
it did last summer; I pray thee if there be any danger come away, for
Roman fevers are bad. Remember Bartolommeo di Nanni di Nettolo, he had
enough of them: do not wait to fall ill, as Piero did at Ferrara.
I have a jar of excellent raisins, and will send it in a few days;
when it arrives see that it is given to Monsignore di Capora.
Lucrezia is well, she is stouter and altogether improved; she bids me
remind you of her salve. Shouldst thou need anything I can do for thee
tell me. Pray to those holy relics and to the Pardons, especially to
the Holy Face (_Sudario_), to give thee holiness.
Tell Riccio his people are well, and that I caused capons, spices,
saffron, and comfits to be given to the women for the confinement;
and Matteo, who has just come from the Mugello, says that he has sent
stakes for his vineyard. No more at present: Christ guard thee.--In
Florence, 20th March 1444 (1445).
Mona Contessina.[47]
Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Piero
I have thy letter asking for the rose-coloured lucco[48] lined with
down, a jacket, and the boots. The hat I sent thee by Benedetto
Altoviti. The other things I will send next week. I have received
the steaks, the hams and the salted meat thou hast sent. I write so
shortly because the messenger is going off in haste. No more. God keep
thee.--From Florence on the 11th day of April 1445.
La Contessina.[49]
The following is the first letter from Lucrezia, the devoted wife
of Piero de’ Medici (the Gouty). She was the daughter of Cosimo de’
Medici’s intimate friend, Francesco Tornabuoni, and must have been a
remarkable woman. Cosimo had a high opinion of her ability; after his
death in 1464 her husband consulted her on all political questions, and
when she was absent kept her minutely informed about passing events.
She corresponded with many of the literary men of her time, was no mean
poetess, and many of her sacred plays and lauds were very popular.
Niccolò Valori praises her rare eloquence and her translations from
Holy Writ into the vulgar tongue. She was also an excellent housewife,
and by her tact, goodness, and kindly manners did much to preserve the
pre-eminence of the Medici. The education of her children occupied her
greatly, and few princes of that day were brought up like Lorenzo and
Giuliano. Lucrezia’s deep religious feeling was tempered by a joyous,
merry nature, which comes out in her letters, and accounts for the
affection she inspired in so many and such different people. It is
strange that no authentic portrait of her is known. One cannot help
thinking she must be depicted in Ghirlandajo’s fresco in the choir of
S. Maria Novella representing the life of S. John the Baptist, which
she narrated in her poem _La Vita di San Giovanni Battista_. The more
so that the fresco was commissioned by her brother Giovanni Tornabuoni,
and contains many portraits of his family and of friends and dependants
of the Medici. It is true it was painted a few years after her death,
still her image cannot have faded so rapidly from recollection.
Lucrezia de’ Medici, _at the Baths of Petriolo, to her husband_ Piero
_at Florence_
Lord and Master mine,--Yesterday I had a letter from thee advising
me what to do about the baths. I had already settled to do all thou
sayest in thy letter and whatever Maestro Giovanni orders; nothing
will seem fatiguing or irksome to me for regaining my health, which I
believe by the grace of God will improve, so I think you will all be
well pleased.
I see thou hast purged thyself and art going to the villa, of which I
am glad; be careful to keep well and do not give way to melancholy,
for I shall return cured and do honour to Maestro Giovanni, to whom I
show much attention, for he deserves it.
If thy coming here can be done without fatigue and with pleasure
to thyself it would be a great joy to me, but if troublesome and
fatiguing to thee, do not come. I am glad Bianca Maria has recovered;
how I pray to God that she may continue well as thou, I, and her
husband desire, I leave thee to imagine. To Mona Nanna and to Filippo
I have given greetings and they commend themselves to thee and to all;
commend me to Cosimo, to Mona Contessina, Mona Ginevra, and Giovanni,
and salute Pier Francesco and kiss Bianca Maria from me. Christ guard
us.--In Petriolo, May 17, 1446.
If without trouble and it pleases thee, thou canst spare Franceschino
for the remaining time I am here, I should be very glad, as he is most
useful to me in this place, but whatever pleases thee pleases me.[50]
✕ Al nome di Dio.
Domine et maggiore mio, ieri ebbi una tua per quella m’avisi del
governo mio intorno a fatti del bangno ero diliberato far tanto quanto
m’avisi per la letera tua et quanto per maestro Giovanni mi sarà
ricordato et non mi parà faticha ne disagio niuna chosa per la santa
la quale credo, gratia di dio, che n’arà a seguire per modo che credo
che tutti ne sarete ben chontenti.
Vego ti se’ purgato et vaitene in villa che mi piace et chonfortoti a
stare sano et non ti dare manichonia che tornerò guarita. Al maestro
Giovanni faremo onore e buona chonpagnia perchè ’llo merita.
La venuta tua se sarà con achoncio et chontentamento di te l’arò molto
charo, ma sendoti disagio et schoncio son chontetta la lasci istare,
piacemi la Bianca Maria si sia rifatta et chosì priego idio perseveri
come il chontentamento vostro e il mio e del marito, lacerò pensare a
te, a Maria Nanna et a Filippo ho fatte le salutatione e rachomandasi
a te e a tutti voi e rachomandami a Chosimo e mona Ginevra e Giovanni
e saluta Pier Francesco e bacia la Bianca Maria per mia parte. Ne’
altro per ora. Xpo ci guardi in Petriuolo.
Se si può con tuo chontentamento et achoncio per questo resto del
tempo lascianci Francescino l’are molto charo perche eè utile ai
bisogni mia in questo luocho nondimeno ogmni tuo chontentamento eè mio.
per la tua Lucretia,
ti si rachomanda.[51]
[Illustration]
Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Piero _at Trebbio_
I send thee a quarter of a roe, a hare and a kid, so shall not send
any veal. I understand thy letter and also trust that God will bestow
this grace upon us, and I send thee capers. Giovanni[52] wanted to
go at all hazards to-day to see Lucrezia and the children: he says
too that he has hardly seen thee. With difficulty I prevented him so
that he might not be over-tired. Tell Lucrezia that the child’s frock
shall be re-lined and she shall have it on Monday, and that she must
encourage the baby to suck and have a care of all the children. Cosimo
is well: this morning his knee pained him a little, a touch of the
gout; but it will soon pass, as it is but a slight thing. If Lucrezia
or thou shouldst want anything let me know. No more. Christ guard
thee.--In Florence on the 6th day of February 1449 (1450).
Mona Contessina in Florence.[53]
Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Giovanni _in Rome_
Most dear Son,--As there was no need I have not written since thy
departure. Now it seems to me necessary, because we hear the plague
is causing many deaths, even among the well-to-do. I must beg thee
for God’s sake and for the sake of the love I bear thee to return as
soon as thou canst. Thou knowest how anxious Cosimo and I are about
thy stay in Rome; thy brother also is anxious. Had Cosimo known that
plague was there he would never have let thee go. Cosimo has perpetual
fever as he had when thou didst leave him, and these doctors call
gout fever, and have done so for some time as thou knowest, and one
can never be sure what may happen from one day to another. Therefore
I beseech thee to return as quickly as thou canst, for thou art well
aware how much he has to do. More I will not write to-day. Piero and
his family have gone to Careggi because he also has fever. Tell me how
thy ailment is? I will add no more.--In Florence 24th February 1449
(1450). From thy
Mona Contessina di’ Cosimo.[54]
Cosimo de’ Medici _to_ Giovanni _his son in Rome_
With my own hand I wrote thee a letter on the 21st: since then I
have had two letters from thee announcing thy safe arrival, and that
thou art trying to obtain the indulgences in order to come away. I
advise thee to do so with all possible speed, for although thou sayest
that the death of the Bishop of Volterra has not changed matters,
other letters I have seen declare the contrary; a prolonged stay is
therefore not advisable.
The affectionate manner in which our Holy Father received thee, and
what thou sayest as to the love he bears us, is most grateful to me. I
see by his reply that thou hast told him what I said, that we are not
idle and will do all we can to persuade them to follow the counsels
of His Holiness. But it will be difficult, because if either party
thinks to gain anything he will not abide by the agreement. What the
Venetians want and what the Count wants is of such importance to them
that nothing else will be regarded as of any moment. We have sent
Messer A. and are leaving no means untried to reconcile them, as we
know how important it is to our city.
Messer Agniolo Simonetto and Messer N. Arimboldi sent to the King by
the Count with powers to sign the compact will have arrived; I know
not what is thought of it there, but we shall soon hear the truth.
From Lombardy letters have come from the Count of the 19th, dated
from Vimercato. He reports that with his whole force he is there and
at Melzi and Casciano and other places near by, and that Milan is
so surrounded that no supplies can enter. The Venetian troops are
encamped in the positions he held at first, and one sees that both
armies are suffering much discomfort. Any attempt to revictual Milan
must be made by ascending from the heights into the plain and passing
by the places held by the Count, when there would be fighting. They
say Milan is in dire straits. Other news there are none, and we
know not what is said there. Innocenzio Cotta has taken the town and
fortress of S. Calombano for the Count, which it seems is a place of
importance. Nothing more is said about our peace with the King, and to
my sorrow there is a coolness about sending ambassadors. Pray God it
may be for the best.
I see Messer Giovanni di Nerone is to have the bishopric of Volterra;
I hope he may do well. If Messer Carlo[55] gets the Parish Church[56]
I do not mind. I did not wish to ask for the canonry of Messer
Giovanni which is in the gift of the Consuls, as many citizens wanted
it. With this I send thee a letter from Messer Giovanni Migliorati
received to-day. Thou wilt see what he writes. If this be true, and
it can be had for Messer Carlo, it would be well. If thou thinkest it
might be of use, speak to His Holiness about it and try to obtain a
conditional promise, I would then let thee know at once if the event
occurs: for our Holy Father shows us such affection that it seems to
me unwise not to ask if one can get anything. No more at present.
Christ guard thee.--In Florence on the last day of February 1449
(1450).
Cosimo de’ Medici.[57]
Contessina de’ Medici _to_ Giovanni _her son at Volterra_
In the name of God on the 18th day of December 1450.
Yesterday I had a letter from thee. The things thou wantest shall
all be sent by the first man going to Volterra. Cosimo continues to
improve; he has not been very ill this time, although the fever has
not yet left him, but it is slight. Thy shoes were ready, but they
have made them black, so others must be made, and I will send them
by the first messenger. We have not yet heard of the arrival of our
party, but one who met them on the road says they were well: as soon
as I hear I will let thee know. Although I told thee we paid too much
for the pigs, I want thee to send us a pig or a roe for Christmas,
if they are offered to thee; if we have to buy them we will not have
them. Messer Rosello writes that he is coming to pass Christmas with
me, and has sent Cosimo a fine cloak of Polish fashion of marten and
sable, a pair of gloves, and the tooth of a fish a foot and a half
long. As we have to prepare for the festival of the Three Kings, they
will make a little change from my cloth of gold.
The plague affects us but little. For three days out of four during
the week no one mentions it, they are all people one does not know. I
should be so glad to know how thou art, and whether thou art better or
worse since thy departure. Thy return, when it takes place, will be a
great joy to me.
Antonio degl’ Strozzi has been to see me, and pestered me much about
that business: he wants to come here for Christmas, tell him what
thou thinkest; and so be he says that I promised him anything do not
believe it, for he could learn nothing from me: so be cautious how
thou dealest with him.
Tell the women I do not write because there is a dearth of writers
until Mateo returns from Rome, he ought to be here to-morrow. Salute
them from me, and say many things, and caress the children and kiss
them for love of me; if the women want anything I can send, tell me.
No more at present. God guard thee.
Mona Contessina in Florence.[58]
Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Giovanni _at Volterra_
In the name of God on the 3rd day of January 1450 (1451).
Most dear Son,---I only write this because for several days I have not
had a letter, and because I thought Antonio degl’ Strozzi was coming
back, and from him I might have heard news of thee. But Michele has
been here, and says that since Friday thou hast been expecting the
party from Rome. So I write to tell thee that it is impossible they
could arrive because they were expected at Siena that evening. By now
they ought to be with thee; if they are do not fail to tell us how
they fare, for Roberto wrote to Cosimo that they left last Friday. If
they come here we shall send thee word. No more at present. Christ
protect thee. Written in haste.
Mona Contessina in Florence.[59]
_The Same to the Same_
In the name of God on the 5th day of January 1450 (1451).
The other day I wrote to thee in haste, and have now heard of the
arrival of Piero and Pier Francesco.[60] God be praised. We shall be
much rejoiced if they have returned in good health: I hear Piero’s
foot has given him some trouble. I know not what thou hast decided
about staying or returning; if thou dost return here put all thy
belongings together in one place, so that if they are wanted thou
wilt not be obliged to ask those women to find them, and so drive
them crazy. I think Cosimo has written to thee about the strong box
he wants. Here the plague has ceased, and I am glad thou art coming
back; although it might be well to stay a little longer and see how
thy health goes, but thou canst always return there if necessary.
Tell me thy decision. I wrote the day before yesterday to ask thee to
search in the cupboard in my room there for a pair of scissors which
belong to Cosimo and to bring them, or they can be put into the strong
box. No more to-day. Salute Pier Francesco from me, and tell him he is
welcome back, and that I long to see him. Christ guard thee.
Mona Contessina in Florence.[61]
When, after the death of Visconti, Francesco Sforza had attained the
object of his ambition and become Duke of Milan in 1450, Cosimo sent
his eldest son Piero with Neri Capponi, Luca Pitti, and Diotisalvi
Neroni, to salute the new duke. “They proceeded in triumph,” writes
Cambi, “through the Milanese territory, and all their expenses were
paid. The number of horsemen was so great when they arrived within five
miles of Milan that it seemed like a manœuvring ground. Then the Duke
in person advanced to meet them, and embraced and kissed them. Never
was greater honour paid to Florentine ambassadors.”[62]
Piero de’ Medici was also one of the citizens deputed to meet the
Emperor Frederick III. on his entry into Florence in January 1451. He
dismounted at the church of S. Gallo, which had been magnificently
decorated with hangings of cloth of gold and silk. In his train was
the poor boy-King of Hungary, Bandilagho, as Cambi writes Ladislaus,
and many German princes and bishops, whose outlandish names are quite
beyond the old chronicler’s powers of spelling. “The Emperor seated
himself,” continues Cambi, “on a most splendid chair under the loggia
of the church, and all the gentlemen stood round him while the Ten
of the Balìa bent the knee before him on either side, representing
the Magnificent Signori. Messer Carlo d’Arezzo made a speech, to
which Monsignore Enea, Bishop of Siena [the celebrated Æneas Sylvius,
afterwards Pope Pius II.], replied in the name of the Emperor. Then the
Emperor mounted again, and the Ten of the Balìa took the bridle of his
horse, and in that manner they proceeded to the fore-port of the Porta
S. Gallo where the Magnificent Signori of Florence awaited him seated.
The Colleges had a fine banner with the Emperor’s arms, and when he
came under it the Signori rose and went to his bridle, which the Ten
abandoned. Mariotto Benvenuti, the Gonfalonier of Justice, took the
right side and Rosso Ridolfi took the left, the other Signori with all
the citizens following them, and thus they accompanied the Emperor to
S. Maria Novella where the Pope’s apartments had been prepared for him.
The magistrates were on foot, and the others who had gone out to meet
him were on horseback. It was, indeed, a splendid sight. Please God he
may recognise it, and be grateful for such honours which have been so
costly.”[63]
After the sack of Constantinople in 1453 Florence became the
headquarters of Greek men of learning. For fifteen years John
Argyropoulos “poured forth wisdom from his golden mouth,” and Demetrius
Chalcondyles, Johannes Andronicus Calistus, Constantius and Johannes
Lascari succeeded him. They gave a fresh impetus to the study of
Platonic philosophy as opposed to that of Aristotle; even the children
of the chief citizens spoke Greek with such case and purity that
Poliziano exclaims, “Athens has not been destroyed by the barbarians
but has migrated to Florence.” It was then that Cosimo determined to
found the celebrated Platonic Academy, and selected Marsilio Ficino,
the son of his physician, to preside over it, although he was little
more than a boy.
The sack of Lodi gave Cosimo’s opponents an opportunity to interfere
in home politics. Their first step in June 1454, on the pretext that
war was over, was to abolish the Balìa, which they imagined was the
mainstay of his authority. This, of course, was useless as long as
the Scrutiny made by the Balìa and the Accopiatori appointed by them
were still in office. In November, therefore, a new Scrutiny was made,
and in January 1455 the new Signory ordered that in six months’ time
the power of the Accopiatori should cease, and the Gonfalonier and
the Priors be once more chosen by lot. The measure was a popular one,
and it worked, not against Cosimo, but against Luca Pitti, Diotisalvi
Neroni, and Agnolo Acciaiuoli, as it put an end to their power of
manipulating the appointments to office. The disturbed condition
of Italy after the death of Pope Nicholas the peace-lover, and the
discharge by the Venetians of Jacopo Piccinino, whose standard became
the rallying-point for all discontented and dissatisfied men, reacted
upon Florence. A feeling of unrest was abroad. Many citizens considered
the Government weak and vacillating, and were only waiting for the
election of a Signory who shared their views to make an attempt to
“reform” the city. But without the consent of Neri Capponi this was
impossible. So things remained as they were until his death in 1457
left Cosimo with a free hand. The re-assessment of the _catasto_
early in 1458 was a heavy blow to his opponents, the new register
of property entailing upon them considerable loss. In their dismay
they turned to Cosimo, and suggested the creation of a new Balìa, a
new Scrutiny, and fresh Accopiatori, but he refused to listen to any
proposal for the renewal of the Balìa save in the usual way through
the Colleges and the Councils. When Luca Pitti became Gonfalonier of
Justice in 1458 he tried in vain to induce the Council to appoint a new
Balìa, and Girolamo Machiavelli, a hot-headed republican who declared
against all Balìe as inimical to the freedom of the citizens, was
arrested and tortured with others who shared his views. Luca Pitti made
the most of this so-called conspiracy, and tried to set his authority
against that of Cosimo. Losing patience, Cosimo said to him: “You
strive towards the indefinite, I towards the definite. You plant your
ladder in the air, I place mine on the earth so that I may not climb
so high as to fall. It seems to me but just and natural that I should
desire the honour and reputation of my house to surpass yours. Let
us therefore do like two big dogs which sniff one at the other when
they meet, and then, both having teeth, separate and go their ways;
you to attend to your concerns, I to look after mine own.” Cosimo
then summoned a parliament. His position can be gauged by the advice
given to Duke Sforza by his Ambassador to Florence: “When you would
have one thing done rather than another, write your opinion or your
desire privately to Cosimo, and he will always arrange it for you.
Do not waste your time in saying, I would have their opinion, &c....
Popular governments are alien to and diverse from others, and Cosimo
cannot be for ever in the Palace as he once was.” Pope Pius II. also
declared, “Nothing is denied to Cosimo. He is the arbiter of peace and
of war, and the moderator of the laws. Not so much a private citizen
as the lord of the country. The policy of the Republic is discussed in
his house; he it is who gives commands to the magistrates. Nought of
royalty is wanting to him save the name and the state of a king.”
Contessina de’ Medici _to_ Ginevra, _wife of her son_ Giovanni, _at the
Baths of Petriolo_
Dearest Daughter,--In these days I received a letter from thee and
learn thou art well, which rejoices me. I see that thou art preparing
to return, it seems to me a thousand years. Piero is going there now,
so leave out the things he may need, and leave Florino and Giannello
and give over everything to them in case thou comest away before Piero
arrives; he will need a good many days for the cure of his eczema. The
curtains thou tookest away bring back to me here, for Mona Lucrezia
takes mine with her, and some slaves from here, so she will need no
other women. Thy boy is well and has cut two teeth, and I think will
get accustomed to these wet nurses in such a way ...[64] night and day
we see after him. It seems to me that having cut his teeth and the
evenings being warm he will do well. I say no more. May Christ guard
thee.--In Florence on the 10th day of April 1455.
Mona Contessina di Cosimo.[65]
Cosimo de’ Medici _to his son_ Giovanni _at Milan_
During the last days I have written thee several letters, but have
only had one from thee from Modena. We have heard of thy arrival at
Milan, and of the great honours paid thee by the Duke, at which I am
well pleased.
I expect to hear from thee how things passed.
As I told thee, and as I have written to thee, I do not at all desire
that thou shouldest go further in order to accompany the Duke of
Calabria. We should lose more here than we should gain there by this.
Thou hast already done quite enough by accompanying him hitherto,
without going any further, and next month thou must return here. No
more at present. Christ guard thee.--Florence, July 28, 1455.
Cosimo de’ Medici.[66]
Lucrezia de’ Medici (_from Careggi or Cafaggiuolo_) _to her husband_
Piero _at Florence_
This day I received thy letter, which is most dear to me as telling
how thou art. I see that by the grace of God riding has not been too
irksome to thee, of which I am glad. Mona Contessina told me the
same, and that thou hast been received with great demonstrations of
affection. Truly, as thou sayest, we have much to thank God for. So
I beg thee to bear gladly a little discomfort, for these things are
not accomplished without some fatigue. I see all the family is well,
which is a great consolation to hear, and I thank thee. I beg that,
as we are not coming there, thou wilt return as soon as thou canst,
for it seems to us a thousand years since we saw thee, particularly
to Giuliano. Lorenzo is learning the verses his master there gave
him and then teaches them to Giuliano. No more at present. Commend
me to Cosimo and to Mona Contessina. We are all well. Christ guard
thee.--28th February 1457 (1458).
Thy Lucrezia.[67]
The entry into Florence of Galeazzo Maria, Count of Pavia, son of
Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, is described in a curious poem written
in 1459 by an unknown author.[68] Leaving Cafaggiuolo, where the lad
slept, he entered Florence on 17th April 1459, and dismounted at the
Medici palace. Next day Messer Galeazzo visited the Signoria, who made
him sit in their midst and offered him their services. “I thank you for
your greeting,” answered the young Count, “and beg you to command me
and to dispose of all I possess. For you I will abandon any enterprise,
and serve you against any power.” Then with a prayer to God to grant
them happiness and long lives the lad of fifteen added: “I beg you to
pardon my youth if, from want of knowledge, I have not spoken aright
in your presence; remember I am but a boy. I commend you to Christ
our Lord.” From his letters to his father we get a glimpse of the home
life of Cosimo. He writes that even the ladies of the family helped to
entertain him, and he was charmed with the playing of one of Piero’s
daughters on the “organo di cave.” At a dinner at Careggi he notes
that Giovanni, Cosimo’s second son, did not sit at table, but acted as
a kind of steward, and saw that every one was properly served. After
dinner a poet improvised verses in honour of the guest. “Certes, Lucian
or Dante could have done no better,” he remarks. Then they danced,
Piero’s wife Lucrezia Tornabuoni, Giovanni’s Maria Ginevra degl’
Alessandri, and a daughter of the Strozzi, held to be the handsomest
maiden in Florence, and some peasant girls.
Two days later came Pope Pius II. on his way to the Congress he had
summoned at Mantua to arrange for another crusade. He was received
with great honour, and young Sforza made an oration, kneeling in the
dust before the Pope. Then Pius seated himself on a gestatory chair
and was borne into the city on the shoulders of the lords of Faenza,
Rimini, Carpi, and Forli, instead of riding on a mule, which was the
usual practice. “This,” observes Cambi, “was a proof of pride, not of
holiness.” The old chronicler then describes a tournament in the Piazza
S. Croce “for the temporal lords, but many ecclesiastics also went. And
on 29th April there was a ball in the Mercato Nuovo, which was enclosed
with a stockade surrounded by seats covered with tapestry. Sixty young
Florentine gentlemen, who were expert dancers, richly adorned with
pearls and jewels, and many pretty maidens and girls who were good
dancers, danced; and they changed their dresses several times. All the
ambassadors were there and some of the cardinals, and it was calculated
that in the seats, in the houses round, and on foot, there were more
than 60,000 persons. There was also a great hunt in the Piazza de’
Signori, which was closed all round with a stockade, and inside were
turned loose two lions, two horses, four bulls, two young buffaloes,
a cow and a calf, a wild boar, a giraffe, with twenty men and a large
ball of wood, so made that a man could stand upright inside and roll
it about in order to exasperate the animals. But the loud shouts of
the people so frightened the lions that they were as though stupefied,
many men broke into the enclosure and the lions were as lambs among
them. The preparations had been great, and the expense large, but the
pleasure given was small.”[69]
Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Piero _at Venice_
Dearest Son,--This day I have received thy letter saying that thou art
well and improving every day, which rejoices me. I think thou must
wish for news of Cosimo. Some days ago he had a bad attack of plague.
He is ill in bed, but this time he has escaped and now the fever is
slight. I hear that thou hast bought the quilts and the ticking, which
is well done. If thou wouldst like to send them to Careggi, I [will
keep them][70] until thy return. Do as thou wilt. The other family
is quite well. It seems to me a thousand years until thy return,
and I hear no rumour of it; I do not know how long thy absence will
last, which is a grief to me. I say no more at present. May God guard
thee.--In Florence on the 21st day June 1459.
Mona Contessina.[71]
Cosimo de’ Medici _to his son_ Giovanni _at the Baths of Petriolo_
The men who brought back the horses gave us thy letters, and told us
of thy safe arrival, thanks be to God. We have heard nothing from thee
since, nor how the baths agree with thee; we should be glad to have
news often from thee to say how thou art, so do not omit to cause some
one to write often. Here by the grace of God we are all very well and
are preparing a fine feast at Careggi for the day of S. Cosimo. In
three days we expect Guglielmo de’ Pazzi,[72] for Lorenzo has gone
with his tutor to Cafaggiuolo, where he was expected. Be diligent in
doing all that is necessary, and come back as soon as thou canst.
Be not remiss in what thou art there for, and be careful to take
thy baths properly, so that they may be beneficial. Christ guard
thee.--Careggi, September 1459.
Cosimo de’ Medici.[73]
Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Giovanni _and his_ _wife_ Ginevra
_at Bagno a Morba_
Dearest Children,--We have received your letters, which have given us
great pleasure and relief, seeing that thou art better and that the
improvement continues; may it please God that it shall continue, in
order to give these two old people joy and consolation whilst they
still live. It has been reported to thee that Cosimo and Piero have
been ill; this annoys me, for I did not wish anything to sadden thee,
so that the baths might have their proper effect. Their illness was
but slight. Cosimo had a cold, which was soon cured, and he is now
well; Piero had some pain, which is not yet gone; but you both know
what always happens, so he will soon be well also. Cosimo has put an
end to the worry of being one of the Eight, and Pier Francesco has
been named in his stead: this might also be done for thee. I should be
glad, Ginevra, to hear from thee how the baths act and how Mona Nanna
serves thee. If I can do aught for thee here, tell me. Mona Pippa has
the ailment thou knowest of, the others of thy party are well.--At
Careggi on the 28th day of August 1460.
Thy Contessina.[74]
The last few years of Cosimo’s life were clouded by ill-health and
suffering, and the knowledge that the growing arrogance and rapacity
of his party, the Palleschi, were to a great extent alienating the
affection and the esteem of the citizens from his house. Then the death
in 1461 of Cosimino, the only child of Giovanni and Ginevra de’ Medici,
was a bitter grief to his grandparents, whose especial pet the little
boy had been. Two years later Giovanni himself died, and the old man
sadly exclaimed that the palace in Via Larga was now far too large for
so small a family. He had always counted on the help Giovanni would
give to his elder brother Piero, who was crippled with gout, and his
death at the early age of forty-six was a blow from which Cosimo never
rallied.
Pope Pius II. _to_ Cosimo de’ Medici
Beloved Son,--Peace and apostolic blessing. The news we have just
received of the death of your son, Giovanni of blessed memory, has
grieved us deeply, not only because it is in itself untimely, but
also because we fear it is likely to prove hurtful to a man of your
age and infirmity. Yours is a life that should be prolonged in the
sweetness of the Spirit, and you ought at all times to find comfort.
Our own consolation is that you are wise, that you are well versed in
the chances of fortune and able to hold your feelings in restraint. We
urge you then, Cosimo, to do this, and looking towards God, to bless
Him and to trust that all is for the best. We are ignorant of His
secrets; He alone knows our needs and our true advantage. Let us then
have faith that we and your son have been dealt with in gentleness,
for neither you nor he could foresee the future. We look to your lofty
nature, my son, to continue bearing God’s will in this with patience,
even as we hear you do bear it, without giving way to grief. Mourning
accords not with your age; it is contrary to your health, and we
ourselves, your native city, and all Italy, require that your life
should be as far as possible prolonged. Let good works and acts of
piety be your tribute to your son’s memory. Anything else would be
inconsistent with your nature; deeds of charity, devotion, and prayer
are their own reward. This brief letter is written to acquaint you
with our grief, and to assure you of our solicitude. Let these few
words be counted for our affection.--Given at S. Peter’s, in Rome,
under the ring of the Fisherman, on the 1st day of November 1463, in
the 6th year of our pontificate.[75]
Cosimo de’ Medici _to_ Pope Pius II.
Most blessed Father,--The power and wisdom of the words you wrote made
me feel, while I read them, that I was veritably listening to the
consoling voice of Him whose true Vicar you are. Nothing more sweet,
nothing more saintly, or even divine, could have been written. And
your consolation had this effect: I have always thought it expedient
and praiseworthy to control (for I could not quench) my grief; but
now, most blessed Father, to act contrary to your advice would seem
to me positively sinful. I therefore strive to the best of my power,
and so far as my weak spirit will permit, to bear this great calamity
with calmness. To me it appeared a calamity; but God alone knows what
is truly a misfortune, and we, as you write so wisely and devoutly,
are ignorant of it. Yet I never thought it was not well with my son
Giovanni, for I remembered that he had gone forth, not from life, but
into life from death. For this, which we call life, is death, and
that is the true life which is everlasting. And I recognised that the
only suffering his death brought with it was ours, who truly must
needs miss him. Yet we know not for what to pray. I trust that God
in the abundance of His mercy will pity us that are left behind; for
the Lord is gentle and full of mercy. But for my own life, I count
it happy, because the Supreme Pontiff, the Vicar of Christ, has been
thoughtful on its account. I will indeed take care of it; but not for
the reasons which you, in your more than human kindness, have put
forward. For what is my power now worth? What worth has it ever had?
Nay, my purpose in caring for my life is that I may be found not to
have despised this precious gift of God, nor to have forgotten the
mercies which I have received from the divine love. I ask of you, most
blessed Father, that your Holiness offer a prayer for me, your son, to
God, that I may have strength to achieve this.--[1463].[76]
On 3rd November 1463 Pius II. wrote again to Cosimo, to ask him to
induce Florence to aid him, by equipping two galleys for his projected
crusade against the Turks. Cosimo’s answer is most respectful and very
wary.
Cosimo de’ Medici _to_ Pius II.
Cosimo greets the Supreme Pontiff.
Most blessed Father,--I received your Holiness’ letter a few days
ago, a letter full of grandeur and dignity, whose wisdom, as no one
can doubt, could have proceeded from none but your Holiness. Me, at
any rate, it so affected that after reading it several times I became
convinced that such speech was beyond the common use of men, and was
indeed none other than what might seem to be written at the dictation
of that truly divine Spirit which spoke in the saints of old. When
you speak of the insecurity of man’s lot, who would not straightway
be moved by the power of your eloquence to despise all that is human?
And when you solemnly tell of our immortal life to come, can any be
so dull and leaden that he would not feel exalted, as he reads, so as
to gain a vision, even here, of the glory of his own immortality and
be inspired by a wonderful longing to attain it? And your deeds are
no less holy than your words. I say nothing of what you have achieved
in the past, saintly though it is and worthy of sacred remembrance.
But with regard to the enterprise which you are now preparing, is it
possible, most blessed Father, to believe that you, who are Christ’s
Vicar, are attempting it without the presence within you of Him whose
representative you are? The task is one so novel and so marvellous,
that without God’s impulse and support to your age and infirmity the
undertaking would seem doomed to fail. That I suppose is the reason
why some people regard it, as you say in your letter, with amazement
and disapproval. But I ask you, most blessed Father, whether it is
not indeed a matter for wonder that a man like you, whose years and
feeble health make their own claim to a life of ease and repose,
should embark on the exertions of travel and all the hardships of
war. It is natural, then, that the well-wishers of the Christian
Commonwealth, the friends of peace in Italy, and all who desire the
true and righteous tranquillity of kingdoms and the permanence of
the Christian sway, should behold these difficulties and dangers
with dread. They look upon your virtue as a gift clearly sent by God
for the healing of human ills; they love the Roman Church and care
for the integrity and happiness of Christendom; and they regard your
safety as their security for all these. It must needs be that they are
alarmed by your undertaking such difficulties and your exposure to
such dangers, seeing that they do not possess your wisdom nor are they
supported by the divine breath which inspires you. But though they do
not see that which is before the eyes of your greater wisdom, perhaps
since they wish only for what may be best for you and most beneficial
for your flock, they do not deserve so much blame for disapproving
an enterprise which to their limited apprehension appears so great
and so difficult. You, most blessed Father, whom God will guide to
victory even as He has brought you thus far, will persevere in spite
of it all. Nor will the faith of Peter whose seat you occupy fail you.
The end of this undertaking, which you begin so splendidly, will be
to the glory of God and the joy and felicity of all that are yours,
even though its initial stage be difficult and laborious. Behold the
faithful shepherd offers his life for his sheep.
I now come to the summons which you address to me and the invitation
to join you in this beneficent and glorious enterprise. There you
write to me not as a private man who is satisfied with the mediocre
dignity of a citizen, but as though I were a reigning prince, and your
exhortation is so kind that I find myself unable to thank you as I
would wish. For though all through my life God’s kindness and bounty
has showered upon me much more of human goods than I ever deserved,
whereof you most eloquently adduce examples, yet by the grace of Him
who is the giver of all that is good, I have never been oblivious of
my humble lot. You, however, most blessed Father, in your superhuman
kindness write to me in terms of moderation and in the form of a
request, whereas it would be your right to urge, nay to command.
But the things you ask of me, most blessed Father, are not of the same
nature; as to the first, to procure you a vote of assistance from our
city, well you know how limited is the power of a private citizen in
a free state under popular government. Nevertheless I am ready to
exert my influence, such as it is, in this direction, and will do so
to the best of my ability, even as I have done hitherto; I will try to
arrange that your interests should be consulted, for your interests
are ours and those of the common cause of all Christians. This city
of ours has never yet remained behind in any glorious undertaking;
but has often by her own choice taken upon herself enormous expenses,
difficulties, and dangers, for the defence and dignity of the Roman
Pontiff. Therefore I do not believe that she will now hold aloof when
you summon her to take part in this enterprise which is pious and
necessary and to the common interest of us all.
Personally, from my own resources I can promise you something more
definite; that is to say I promise you, not indeed to equip two
galleys (which would be an undertaking for a prince not for a private
man), but to assist you so far as the limitations of my resources
permit. I am not the man to imagine that the gifts of fortune which
I possess are the deserved rewards of my business forethought, or of
any virtue on my part, or that I have gained them by my human work
or my industry, no, I am convinced they are but the gifts of a most
bountiful God. If God, who is Himself the giver of all good things,
either now or at any other time claims any part of it back, I should
deserve to be deemed most ungrateful and impious if I grudged to
return what He gave ungrudgingly; but especially now, when such a
reward is promised me, which he, who in truth can loose and bind, puts
before me.
Be bold therefore, most blessed Father, in the cause of Christendom,
persevere with energy and confidence, and bring the matter to an end.
Be convinced, since God inspires you, that opportune assistance will
not be wanting. And at last, when you have scattered the barbarous
foes of the Christian name, when your sheep are defended and their
fold protected, not only will mankind ever remember to honour in you
the father and the shepherd, but when in the end God recalls you to
His heaven, whence you have now been sent down as His Vicar, you will
live in unceasing heavenly joy, having as it were gloriously served
your term of divine office.[77]
Lucrezia was as anxious about the physical well-being of her children
as about their education. Some months before Cosimo died she was at
Pisa with Giuliano, who was ill, and she writes to her husband:
Lucrezia de’ Medici _to her husband_ Piero
I write thee several letters on the same day so that should one go
astray thou wilt have news of Giuliano as thou desirest, by any one
going there. Yesterday I wrote that as he was better I did not think
the change suggested by Messer Mariotti was necessary, and last night
I told thee the fever had returned as usual. My last letter was
written at seven. After that he did not rest so quietly as on other
nights, and he seems to me more uneasy than he should be now that the
fever has diminished. I wish thee to know every small change so that
thou canst the better judge what Maestro Mariotto writes; and act, not
according to my ideas, but as thou thinkest best after reading our
reports. His pulse is good, all functions are natural. The fever has
returned almost as strong as on the fourteenth day, and has lowered
but little. He is not so lively during the day as I could wish, being
weakened by the strength of the fever. The Maestro says this is caused
by the nature of the phlegm which is in him. I wish thee to know this.
But do not be anxious, for Giuliano is strong; he walks about the
room, and, though pale, is of good complexion. I give thee all these
details more for thy information than because Giuliano seems to me
ill, or that the amelioration does not continue. I commend myself to
thee.--The 24th November 1463 at the 16th hour.
Thy Lucrezia at Pisa.
At this moment Giuliano is awake, and the Maestro says he has never
found him so free from fever, and that during convalescence people are
always more uneasy. Dost thou understand?[78]
Cosimo de’ Medici _to his son_ Piero _at Pisa_
Yesterday we received yours of the 19th, by which we see you are all
well. This is most pleasing to us, also that the town is healthy and
that you are taking good care of Giuliano who is well. Again we beg of
you to see that he takes care of himself. We have also received the
letters from Bruges and all my other letters which you had, all shall
be answered.
I note that you will write to Niccolò in a few days, when the farm
of Piero da Gagliano will be taken over. The sooner this is done the
better, as the creditors have begun to get restless, that is Giovanni
Rucie ...[79] to whom I have notified that he is to stop proceedings,
as he will be paid before the end of the month.
The plague here has abated, and no one mentions it any longer. The
cold weather with snow and ice in these last days has put an end to
it, so for the present we are all well. Day by day you shall have
news how things go. Yester evening it began to rain, and is much
milder.
By the grace of God Contessina and I are very well, and so are Bianca
and Gugliemo and the little Contessina. They come to us often to
keep us company. To-morrow morning we shall get a letter from the
Signori here to the Consuls [of the Sea][80] at Pisa, in order that
you may cut the wood for the galleys that are to be built. This is a
favourable moon for felling trees.
Ruberto is dangerously ill, there is small hope of his recovery. God
help him. For this reason none of his brothers can go to help about
the wood for the galleys.
Thy companions here will write and send their letters by a horseman
and....[81] We do this so that you may have frequent news. Christ
guard thee.--Florence, January 23, 1463 (1464).
Cosimo de’ Medici.[82]
The following document shows that Francesco Sforza realised how much he
owed to Cosimo de’ Medici. When on the death of Filippo Maria Visconti
in 1447 Milan declared herself a Republic, popular feeling in Florence
ran high in her favour. It needed all Cosimo’s authority and influence
to induce his fellow-citizens to assist Sforza in seizing supreme
power. Cosimo saw that as a republic Milan would inevitably fall a prey
to Venice, and thus the communications of Italy with the North would
be cut off. A strong ruler who owed his crown to Florence would be an
invaluable ally, and preserve the balance of power in Italy. We shall
see that Piero faithfully carried out his father’s policy.
Francesco Sforza, _Duke of Milan_, _&c._ _&c._
As we have always felt a particular affection for the magnificent
Cosimo de’ Medici of Florence on account of his singular virtues, and
as he also has loved us and all that pertains to us, we are bound and
obliged to love all that belongs to him. Now here in Milan Pigello
Portinaro, a Florentine citizen and merchant, the administrator and
partner in the business and bank of the Magnificent Cosimo de’ Medici
and of Piero and Johanni his sons in Milan, who has served us and the
illustrious Madonna Bianca our consort ever since he came to inhabit
this our city, about eleven years ago, with very large sums of money,
with stuffs and with jewels, and with loans of divers kinds as appear
by the entries in our private books. These services, subsidies, and
favours given by the said Pigello according to the orders of the
aforesaid Magnificent Cosimo and his sons were most pleasing and
acceptable to us because they were given willingly, and the said
Pigello carried them out and fulfilled them with great diligence,
loyalty, and love towards us, and with admirable discretion, by which
means we were enabled to arrange our affairs. Pigello made every
effort to do this with the smallest possible loss to us, and we are
sure he will continue to do so. Therefore we are much pleased and
have been well served by the aforesaid Pigello; and all the profit,
lucre, and gain that the said Pigello has made, either in their name
or in his own with us and with our stewards, officials, and any other
agents of ours, we for the above-named reasons approve of and are well
content. By this our letter we declare that they can have and hold all
without fear of contradiction or qualms of conscience, releasing and
absolving the said Magnificent Cosimo, his sons and the said Pigello,
and their sons and heirs in perpetuity from any claims; promising
for ourselves, our sons and successors, that no question shall be
raised about any profits or gains they may have made with us up to
the present day for the above said reasons, or for any depending or
arising therefrom. Because as has been said we have already, and by
this our letter we do now make a general donation of the aforesaid
privileges which is formal and binding, and is to be understood as
including all those clauses and formalities which are necessary in a
full and valid donation _de jure_; with the reservation that if any
error is discovered in the books, writing, or reasons above said, they
are to be corrected and amended in honest and just fashion; and this
is to be understood as binding upon both parties. We command all our
governors, clerks of the exchequer, and all other our officials and
subjects who see the present letter, to observe it implicitly without
contradiction or exception. And that all who see this letter may know
that it is written by our own orders, we have signed it with our own
hand, and had it sealed with the seal we always use.--Given in Milan
on the 11th day of March 1463 (1464).
Francischus Sfortia,
_Vicecomis_, &c., _manu propria.
Cicchus._[83]
The last months of Cosimo’s life were passed chiefly at Careggi, and
his great solace was in study, as the following letter shows:
Cosimo de’ Medici _to the_ Reverend Master Marsilio Ficino, _Platonist_
Yesterday I came to the villa of Careggi, not to cultivate my fields
but my soul. Come to us, Marsilio, as soon as possible. Bring with
thee our Plato’s book _De Summo Bono_. This, I suppose, you have
already translated from the Greek language into Latin as you promised.
I desire nothing so much as to know the best road to happiness.
Farewell, and do not come without the Orphean lyre.
About twenty days before his death, whilst talking to Ficino, Cosimo
bewailed the unhappy lot of humanity and exulted in the happier
prospect he felt was opening out before him. Ficino replied by citing
corresponding ideas from Greek authors, particularly from Zenocrates,
upon which Cosimo demanded of Ficino, as a last service, to translate
his treatise on Death into Latin. The end was fast approaching, and
Cosimo’s calm, rather ironical nature was not changed by physical
suffering or by the fear of death. When his wife asked him why he
remained silent for so many hours at a time, he answered: “When we go
to the villa the preparations for our departure occupy thee for fifteen
days; dost thou not understand that I, who am leaving this life for the
next one, have much to think on?”
* * * * *
A few days before Cosimo died Piero wrote to his two sons Lorenzo and
Giuliano at Cafaggiuolo, where they had been sent with their mother,
Lucrezia, on account of the plague which had broken out in Florence.
Indeed there was a report that Cosimo’s malady was the plague, and many
were afraid to visit him.
Piero de’ Medici _to_ Lorenzo _and_ Giuliano _his sons at Cafaggiuolo_
I wrote to you the day before yesterday how much worse Cosimo was.
It appears to me that he is gradually sinking, and he thinks so
himself. On Tuesday evening he would have no one in his room save Mona
Contessina and myself. He began to recount all his past life, then he
touched upon the government of the city and then on its commerce, and
at last he spoke of the management of the private possessions of our
family and of what concerns you two; taking comfort that you had good
wits and bidding me educate you well so that you might be of help to
me. Two things he deplored. First, that he had not done as much as he
wished or could have accomplished; secondly, that he left me in such
poor health and with much irksome business. Then he said he would make
no will, not having made one whilst Giovanni was alive, seeing that
we were always united in true love, amity, and esteem, and when it
pleased God to so order it he desired to be buried without pomp or
show, and reminded me of his often expressed desire to be buried in S.
Lorenzo. All this he said with much method and prudence, and with a
courage that was marvellous to behold, adding that his life had been
a long one and that he was ready and content to depart whensoever it
pleased God. Yester morn he left his bed and caused himself to be
carefully dressed. The Priors of S. Marco, of S. Lorenzo, and of the
Badia of Fiesole were present. He made his confession to the Prior of
S. Lorenzo and then heard mass, and he spoke the responses as though
in perfect health. Then being asked the articles of faith he repeated
them word by word and made his confession and took the Holy Sacrament
with more devotion than can be described, having first asked pardon of
all present. These things have raised my courage and my hope in the
Almighty, although according to the flesh I am sorrowful, yet seeing
the greatness of his soul and how well disposed he is, I am in part
content that his end should be thus. Yesterday he was pretty well, and
also during the night, but on account of his great age I have small
hope of his recovery. Cause prayers to be said for him by the friars
of Il Bosco[84] and bestow alms as seems best to you, praying God to
leave him with us for a while, if such be for the best. And you, who
are young, take example and assume your share of care and trouble as
God has ordained, and being boys, make up your minds to be men; your
condition and the present case demanding that of you lads. Above all
take heed to everything that can add to your honour and be of use to
you, because the time has come when it is necessary that you should
rely on yourselves. Live in the fear of God and trust that all will
go well. Of what befalls Cosimo I will advise you. We are expecting a
doctor from Milan, but I have more hope in Almighty God than in aught
else. No more at present.--Careggi, the 26th July 1464.[85]
The following letter is undated, but as it refers chiefly to the
character of Cosimo de’ Medici, and to a certain extent describes him,
I have inserted it here.
Marsilio Ficino _to the noble_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
Even as harmony delights us more at the moment it strikes our ears
than when we remember tunes we have heard, and the actual sight of war
moves us more than any recital thereof, thus the great deeds of noble
and illustrious men animate our courage far more than the words of
orators and philosophers who dispute about valour. For it is ordered
by nature that things themselves should be more potent than their
names, and that real events should move the soul with greater force
than what is either false or may have happened. Therefore by imitating
the deeds of Socrates we are taught better how to attain courage
than by the art displayed by Aristotle in his writings on morality.
And Christ solely by His example has done more to make us adopt a
holy and virtuous way of life than all the orators and philosophers
that ever existed. Therefore, my Lorenzo, whilst I applaud you for
not despising the writings which teach morals, I beg you to prefer
learning from reality instead of from description, as you would
prefer a living thing from a dead. Particularly as you have decided
to emulate that aged man on whom our Senate bestowed the title of
Father of His Country. I mean the great Cosimo, your grandfather and
my lord. A man prudent above all men, pious towards God, just and most
charitable towards men, temperate in living, diligent in his care for
his family, and still more so in the affairs of the Republic; a most
honourable man who lived not only for himself, but for the good of
his country and his God; whose soul was as humble as any man’s, and
yet great and exalted. I, my Lorenzo, for more than twelve years gave
myself up to philosophy with him. He was as acute in reasoning as he
was prudent and strong in governing. Certainly I owe much to Plato,
but must confess that I owe no less to Cosimo. Inasmuch as Plato only
once showed me the Idea of courage, Cosimo showed it me every day.
For the moment I will not mention his other qualities. Cosimo was
as avaricious and careful of time as Midas of money; he spent his
days parsimoniously, carefully counting every hour and avariciously
saving every second; he often lamented the loss of hours. Finally,
having like Solon the philosophor (even when occupied in most serious
business) diligently studied philosophy, yet even till the last day
when he departed from this world of shadows to go to light he devoted
himself to the acquisition of knowledge. For when we had read together
Plato’s book dealing with the _Origin of the Universe_ and the _Summum
Bonum_ he, as you who were present well know, soon after quitted this
life as though he was really going to enjoy that happiness which he
had tasted during our conversations. Farewell, and as God fashioned
Cosimo according to the Idea of the world, do you continue as you have
begun to fashion yourself according to the Idea of Cosimo.
Marsilio Ficino.[86]
Brief Memorandum by Piero de’ Medici about his Father’s Death
I record that on the 1st August 1464, at the hour of 22-1/2, Cosimo di
Giovanni de’ Medici quitted this life, having been a great sufferer
from pains in his joints, although free from all other ills. Towards
the end of his life he was afflicted with suppression of urine, which
caused frequent fever. He was seventy-seven years of age, a tall,
handsome man, and healthy, save for the above-mentioned ills. Of great
prudence and still greater kindness, he was the most eminent and
the richest citizen our city had possessed for many years, and was
trusted and loved by the people above all other men. Indeed there is
no record of any citizen who died at that age who was so kind and so
famous, and was so universally mourned and with reason, for no man
ever had to complain of him, but many have been helped, and succoured,
and assisted, for his greatest pleasure lay in aiding others; not
only relations and friends, but strangers; and what is more difficult
to believe, and still more difficult to accomplish, those who were
unfriendly. By such praiseworthy actions he made many persons his
friends, who by their own fault or the fault of others had been his
enemies. He was liberal, charitable, and merciful, and gave many
alms during his life, not only in the city and the State, but in far
distant places for things pertaining to religion, rebuilding churches,
and giving for other worthy objects which had come under his notice.
He was highly esteemed and believed in by all the lords and princes in
and out of Italy. He filled all the greatest positions in our city,
all foreign ones he declined; but he joined in the most important and
honourable embassies sent by our Republic in his time. In the city
his commerce enriched many men, besides procuring a large fortune to
himself. He was not only a wise and cautious man of business, but a
lucky one. As has been said, he died on the aforesaid day in our house
at Careggi, after receiving all the sacraments of Holy Church with
the utmost devotion and reverence. He would not make a will, but left
everything in my hands. He was buried in the church of S. Lorenzo in
the earth, in the sepulchre ordered by him, without any honours or
pomp, as he would have none but the canons and priests of the said
church, the friars of S. Marco, and the canons regular of the Badia of
Fiesole, and neither more nor less wax torches than were used at an
ordinary funeral. This he ordered with his last breath; saying that
alms-giving and other good works ought to be performed while alive,
as he had done, and were then of more use. Notwithstanding I, wishing
to pay my filial debt to paternal piety, did what was requisite on
account of those who remained, ordering alms and masses, as follows
in this book.
_Note of the Funeral and of the Masses that are to be said in the
Church of S. Lorenzo and in other places for the Soul of Cosimo di
Giovanni de’ Medici, &c._
On the morning of August 2, which was Thursday, the funeral took place
in the church of S. Lorenzo; for wax we paid lire 43-1/2; for torches,
94 lbs. of candles for putting in the church, and 13 small torches to
be carried by the priests, in all 190-1/2 lbs., and for 16 torches of
97 lbs. for placing round the body.
_Note of the Masses and Offices celebrated for the Soul of Cosimo_
To the Chapter and priests of S. Lorenzo for an office lasting eight
consecutive days, beginning on August 3rd; with 30 masses for each
office, which make 8 offices, with 240 masses for the octave, we paid
16 lire for 6 torches of 33 lbs. and 10 lbs. of candles.
To the Chapter and priests of S. Lorenzo for an office beginning on
August 11th, and continuing for thirty consecutive days, finishing on
the 11th September, we paid 60 lire per torch of wax of 170 lbs.
Then follows a long list of members of the family, friends, dependants,
and slaves, each of whom had from 30 to 10 braccia each of black cloth
for the funeral; the women of the family had also black veils and
kerchiefs.
Besides the many offices celebrated in Florence for the soul of Cosimo,
the various Companies of Rome, Venice, Milan, Bruges, Geneva, London,
and Avignon celebrated a great many; and liberal alms were given, and
many prisoners were pardoned and set free from divers prisons.
_Memorandum of all the Men to whom was given Mourning for the said
Funeral_
Yds. Ins.
Pietro di Cosimo de’ Medici had dark clay cloth 8 29
Pier Francesco di Lorenzo had cloth 11 4
Lorenzo di Pietro di Cosimo had cloth and Giuliano 16 29
Messer Carlo di Cosimo, cloth 9 16
Niccodemo, Ducal Secretary, cloth 8 29
Messer Gentile di Giorgio, Florentine Canon, cloth 8 29
Maestro Mariotto di Niccolò, our doctor, cloth 8 29
Messer Bartolommeo Scala, Chancellor, cloth 8 29
Matteo di Ser Giovanni de’ Rossi, cloth 8 29
Fruosino d’Andrea da Panzano, cloth 8 29
Ser Francesco Cantansanchi, cloth 8 29
Ser Filippo di Cristofano, Piero’s Chancellor, cloth 8 29
Francesco di Giovanni Fracassini, Factor in Cafaggiuolo, cloth 6 1
Felice di Simone, Factor in Careggi, cloth 6 13
Piero di ..., Factor at Fiesole 6 13
Antonio di Meo Turco, Steward in Florence 6 13
Gugliemo di Francesco da Rovereto 6 13
Guasparri di Francesco da Vicchio 6 13
Piero di Domenico, surnamed Malerba 6 13
Prandino di Piero da Lodi 6 13
Matteo di ... da Vicchio, Barber 6 13
Giovanni di Giovanni, German 6 13
Piero d’Angiolino of Brieg, German 6 13
Donnino di Jacopo, who is in Cafaggiuolo. 6 13
Andrea di Piero from Vienna 6 13
_Memorandum of all the Women who received Mourning for the said funeral_
Yds. Ins.
Madonna Contessina, wife of Cosimo, had cloth, and
besides eight veils and two kerchiefs 20 8
Madonna Lucrezia, wife of Piero di Cosimo, cloth,
and besides two veils and one kerchief 8 29
Maria Nannina, daughter of Piero di Cosimo, cloth 8 29
Madonna Ginevra, wife of the late Giovanni di
Cosimo, cloth, and besides two veils and one
kerchief 8 29
Madonna Ginevra, wife of the late Lorenzo de’ Medici,
cloth, and besides two veils and one kerchief 8 29
Laudomine, wife of Pier Francesco de’ Medici, cloth,
and two veils and one kerchief 8 29
M. Lisabetta, wife of Sozo da Vernio, cloth, and two
veils and one kerchief 8 29
M. Luisa, wife of Alexandro da Vernio, cloth, and
two veils and one kerchief 8 29
M. Marta, wife of Gualtrotto da Vernio, cloth, and
two veils and one kerchief 8 29
_Maids_
M. Marta, widow of Stefano da Villa nuova 6 13
M. Maddalena di Giovanni di Benavenni 6 13
M. Maddalena, widow of Martino da Barberino 6 13
M. Maddalena, widow of Viviano da Cafaggiuolo 6 13
M. Bartola, widow of ----. 6 13
_Slaves_
Caterina 6 13
Crestina 6 13
Caterina 6 13
Tita 6 13
Cosimo de’ Medici died at Careggi on August 1, 1464. His family, as has
been said, respected his wish that he should be buried as a private
citizen, without any public and official pomp. His fellow-citizens
nevertheless resolved to commemorate in some special fashion the
decease of the real head of their State. A minute setting forth his
services was incorporated in the _Acta_ of the Ten, who also passed a
law declaring that he was to be afterwards known by the title of _Pater
Patriæ_, and appointed Donato Acciaiuoli to commend its adoption to the
people in a set oration. The law was adopted by acclamation, and Cosimo
is always known as Cosimo Pater Patriæ.
FOOTNOTES:
[4] _Le Istorie Fiorentine_, Niccolò Machiavelli, p. 240. Firenze, 1900.
[5] _Vita di Cosimo_, Vespasiano, p. 254. Symonds’ translation,
_Renaissance in Italy_, ii. 127. London, 1897.
[6] Ibid., ii. 228.
[7] Ginevra Cavalcanti, wife of Lorenzo de’ Medici, Cosimo’s brother,
and her son, Pier Francesco.
[8] Lorenzo de’ Medici, Cosimo’s brother.
[9] Crusaders returning to Italy brought with them medals with the
effigy of S. Helen. These were called Santelena, and gradually the name
was given to other medals.
[10] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xi. No. 233.
[11] Letter is addressed on the outside of the sheet:
[spectab]ili viro Averardo de
[Medic]is Oratori florentinorum
[Ferrari] e fratri honorando.
(_Archivio Mediceo innanzi il Principato_, Filza 2, No. 306.)
[12] It is impossible even to guess at who “Ser P., the godfather,”
or “the godmother” are. As has been already mentioned, Cosimo often
alludes to people by nicknames or initials.
[13] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza ii. No. 302.
[14] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza v. Avanzi, No. 9.
[15] Cosimo’s brother.
[16] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza ii. No. 588-89.
[17] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza ii. No. 612.
[18] Cosimo de’ Medici’s younger brother.
[19] _Magni Cosmi Medicei Vita_, Angelo Fabronio, ii. 28.
[20] Or Alberghettino, a small cell about eight feet by six, in the
tower of the Palazzo Vecchio.
[21] A castle near Cafaggiuolo.
[22] Cosimo’s oration is not in his diary, but is given by Fabroni,
_Magni Cosmi Medicei Vita_, Angelo Fabronio. Pisis, 1784, ii. 75.
[23] To frequent the Palace of the Signoria was esteemed in Florence
the sign of an intriguing politician. Giovanni had advised his sons “to
be chary of frequenting the Palace” (see p. 6).
[24] Eugenius IV. was a fugitive in Florence.
[25] _Le Istorie Fiorentine_, Niccolò Machiavelli, p. 220. Firenze,
1900.
[26] _Sermoni Evangelici_, Sacchetti, p. 94.
[27] A slave, Margherita, ten years of age, is thus described by her
owner Lapini: _Pellis ulivigne cum margine magno in testa apud cilium
sinistrum, margine in gena sinistra prope nasum, naso rincagnato,
aurichulis olim foratis, hodie reclusis, resaldatis_ (register of June
18, 1367). She cost twenty-nine golden florins. Another, Exilana, a
Tartar, is described as of: _Pellis ulivigne, cum margine in cornu
sinistra, parva, et alia margine in templa dextra, oculis quasi
suffornatis et litiginibus per faciem_ (register of April 1, 1389.)
Many are described as _bucterata vaiolo per totam faciem_, and only one
is _pulcra corpere_. In the bill of sale they are generally guaranteed,
_sana et integra omnibus suis membris tam occultis quam manifestis, et
specialiter a morba caduca_, which seems to show that the slaves were
subject to epilepsy.
[28] _Memoriale del Baldovinetti_, Cod. Cart. Magliabecchiana.
[29] _Lettere di una Gentildonna_, &c., p. 504.
[30] Most of the facts are taken from _Le Schiave Orientali a Firenze
nei Secoli XIV. e XV._, Saggio dì Agostino Zanelli. Firenze, 1885.
[31] Perhaps an abbreviation of Cornaro.
[32] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xiv. No. 469.
[33] _Le Istorie Fiorentine_, N. Machiavelli, p. 242. Firenze, 1900.
[34] Alluding to the old proverb, _Fiorentini ciechi, Senesi matti,
Pisani traditori, Lucchesi signori_. Niccolò Fortebraccio, formerly
in the service of the Florentine Republic, was the great rival of
Francesco Sforza. These two condottieri had both seized on separate
portions of the Marches, and while Sforza’s fortress was Ancona, Assisi
was that of Fortebraccio. The two captains fought for the mastery in
the Marches, and in the end Fortebraccio was defeated and slain.
[35] _Cosmi Vita_, &c., _op. cit._ ii. 110 (Ex Filza 18).
[36] _Cosmi Vita_, &c., _op. cit._ ii. 133.
[37] _Cosmi Vita_, &c., _op. cit._ ii. 131.
[38] Ibid., ii. 126.
[39] _Cosmi Vita_, &c., _op. cit._ ii. 124.
[40] Ginevra Cavalcanti, wife of Lorenzo de’ Medici, Cosimo’s younger
brother.
[41] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xvi. No. 8.
[42] _Cosmi Vita._, op. cit. ii. 135.
[43] _Cosmi Vita_, op. cit. ii. 161.
[44] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza viii. No. 336.
[45] Addressed on the outside of the letter: Giovanni di Chosimo de
Medici in Sienna o al Bagnio a Petriulo. (_Archivio Mediceo innanzi il
Principato_, Filza 8, No. 336.)
[46] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza. v. Avanzi, No. 274.
[47] _VII Lettere di Contessina Bardi nei Medici_, per nozze
Zanichelli-Mariotti. Edizione di lxxv. esemplari. September 6, 1886.
[48] A long, loose robe, generally tied round the waist, worn by
Florentine citizens in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
_Mettersi il lucco_ became a common saying for putting on fine clothes.
[49] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza ix. No. 262.
[50] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xvi. No. 30.
[51] The letter is addressed in a different handwriting: Spettabili
Viro Piero di Chosimo de’ Medici, Magnifico onorando in Firenze.
(_Arch._, &c., Filza 13, No. 20.)
[52] Her younger son.
[53] VII. _Lettere_, &c., _op. cit._
[54] Ibid.
[55] Cosimo’s illegitimate son by a slave-girl.
[56] “Pieve,” chief church of a parish, and the only one where baptisms
took place.
[57] _Cosmi Vita_, op. cit. ii. 194.
[58] _VII. Lettere_, &c., _op. cit._
[59] _VII. Lettere_, &c., _op. cit._
[60] Only son of Lorenzo de’ Medici, Cosimo’s brother, who was dead.
[61] _VII. Lettere_, &c., _op. cit._
[62] _Istorie di Giovanni Cambi_, Delizie degli Eruditi Toscani, xx.
273.
[63] Ibid., _op. cit._, xx. 281.
[64] A piece torn out of letter.
[65] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza ix. No. 147.
[66] Ibid., No. 171.
[67] _Donne Medicei avanti il principato_, Berta Felice, Rassegna
Nazionale, 1907.
[68] _Ricordi di Firenze dell anno 1459_, di Autore Anonimo, a cure di
Guglielmo Volpi. Città di Castello, S. Lapi, MDCCCCVII.
[69] _Istorie di Giovanni Cambi._
[70] A piece of the letter is torn out.
[71] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xvii. No. 124.
[72] Husband of Bianca de’ Medici, Piero’s daughter.
[73] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza ix. No. 509.
[74] _VII. Lettere_, op. cit.
[75] _Cosmi Vita_, op. cit. ii. 234.
[76] _Cosmi Vita_, op. cit. ii. 235.
[77] _Cosmi Vita_, op. cit. ii. 243.
[78] _Lucrezia Tornabuoni, Donna di Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici_, G.
Levantini-Pieroni, p. 37. Firenze, 1888.
[79] A piece torn out of the letter.
[80] For an account of the Consuls of the Sea, see _Pisa_, “Mediæval
Towns.” Dent, London, 1909.
[81] A piece torn out of the letter.
[82] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza ii. No. 546.
[83] _Cosmi Vita_, op. cit. ii. 246.
[84] A monastery built by Cosimo not far from Cafaggiuolo, in the
forest.
[85] _Cosmi Vita_, &c., _op. cit._ ii. 251.
[86] _Epistole Marsilii Ficini Florentini._ XV Decembris MCCCCXXXXIIII.
Florentiæ.
PIERO DI COSIMO DE’ MEDICI
(1416-1469)
Pietro, or, as he was commonly called, Piero de’ Medici, was
forty-eight when his father died in 1464, and had neither the moral
nor the physical strength necessary for his position. He was a martyr
to gout, from whence his surname _il Gottoso_. Kindly and indolent
by nature, he could be stern, terse, and eloquent when roused, and
his political insight was keen. The commencement of his reign, if
one may use the word, was unfortunate. Cosimo on his deathbed had
recommended his son to consult Diotisalvi Neroni, and to follow his
advice. The shrewd old man had been singularly deceived in his estimate
of the character of the man he bade Piero take as his right hand.
Machiavelli’s account of the conspiracy which so nearly wrecked the
power of the house of Medici is as follows:
“Messer Diotisalvi, moved more by his own ambition than by affection
for Piero or gratitude for the benefits he had received from Cosimo,
thought it would be easy to ruin Piero’s credit, and to deprive him of
the authority inherited from his father. He therefore gave him advice
which appeared most honest and reasonable, but in reality was meant
to lead to his ruin. Showing him the disorder in his affairs, and how
much money was absolutely necessary to save his own credit and that
of the State, he declared that the most honourable way to remedy his
difficulties would be to call in the debts due to his father by both
foreigners and citizens. For Cosimo, in order to gain partisans in
Florence and friends abroad, had been most generous in the use of his
riches, and the moneys owing to him amounted to a very considerable
sum. Such counsel seemed good and honest to Piero, who wished to remedy
his affairs with his own means. But as soon as he demanded repayment
of these loans the citizens, as though he wanted to take what was
theirs and not what was his own, complained loudly, and showed
small respect in speaking ill of him, and accusing him of ingratitude
and avarice. When Messer Diotisalvi saw the universal disfavour his
advice had brought on Piero he joined Messer Luca Pitti, Messer Agnolo
Acciaiuoli, and Niccolò Soderini, and they conspired to deprive Piero
of his credit and his authority. They were influenced by various
motives. Messer Luca aspired to fill the position held by Cosimo,
having become so great a man that he disdained to obey Piero. Messer
Diotisalvi, knowing that Messer Luca was unfit to be the head of the
government, thought that once Piero was out of the way the management
must of necessity fall to him. Niccolò Soderini desired that the city
should enjoy more freedom, and be governed according to the wishes of
the magistrates, while Messer Agnolo had private reasons for hating the
Medici. Some time before his son Raffaello had married Alessandra de’
Bardi, whose dower was very large. Owing either to her own misconduct,
or to the faults of others, she was maltreated by her father-in-law and
her husband; so one night Lorenzo d’Ilarione, her kinsman, moved to
pity for the girl, with many men-at-arms, took her away from the house
of Messer Agnolo. The Acciaiuoli complained of the insult done to them
by the Bardi, and the matter being laid before Cosimo he decreed that
the dower was to be repaid to Alessandra, and that she was to decide
whether she would or would not return to her husband. Messer Agnolo
did not think that in delivering this judgment Cosimo had behaved as
a friend, and not being able to do anything against him he determined
to take revenge on his son. The conspirators, though animated by such
diverse motives, agreed to give the same reason publicly, declaring
that they desired the city to be ruled by magistrates and not by the
uncontrolled will of a few men. The hatred felt against Piero and the
reasons for attacking him, were increased by the bankruptcy of many
merchants for which he was blamed; his unexpected demand to be repaid
having caused these men to fail, and thus brought great discredit and
loss upon the city.”[87]
[Illustration:
_Anderson_
PIERO DI COSIMO DE’ MEDICI.
_Detail from the fresco by Benozzo Gozzoli in the Chapel of Palazzo
Riccardi, Florence._]
Florence was divided into two camps, the Party of the Hill, so-called
because Luca Pitti’s palace was being erected on the highest part of
the city, and the Party of the Plain, because the palace of the Medici
was on the flat. “While things were in this disorder,” continues
Machiavelli, “the time arrived for renewing the chief magistrate, and
Niccolò Soderini was elected Gonfalonier of Justice.” But Niccolò
wasted his two months’ tenure of office in futile attempts to “reform”
the government, accomplished nothing, and quitted office a discredited
man. The conspirators then determined to murder Piero as he returned to
Florence from his villa of Careggi. He was only saved by the presence
of mind of his young son Lorenzo, who preceded him on horseback,
and noticed armed men loitering on the road. Lorenzo rode quietly
on announcing that Piero was close behind him, but sent back in hot
haste a messenger to order his father’s litter to take an unfrequented
lane. Luca Pitti, perceiving that if the Medici were swept away
Neroni and not himself would be the head of the Republic, betrayed
his fellow-conspirators, and made peace with Piero. His defection was
a death-blow to the conspiracy and to his own fortunes. Neroni and
Niccolò Soderini fled to Venice, Acciaiuoli to Siena first and then to
Naples, and the power of the Medici was once more firmly established.
Piero inherited his father’s love of letters and of art. He was the
first to employ Luca della Robbia, who decorated the ceiling of his
study in the Medici palace and made tiles for the floor, which, as
Vasari says, “was a new thing and most excellent for summer.” Luca also
made the vaulted roof of the marble chapel of the Crucifix inside the
ancient church of S. Miniato a Monte, erected by Piero’s orders by his
father’s faithful friend, Michelozzo Michelozzi.
Whatever currents of opinion disturbed the city of Florence at the
death of Cosimo de’ Medici, foreign powers universally recognised his
son Piero as his successor in the rule of the Republic. The Pope sent
him a letter of condolence on his father’s death, while the King of
France, Louis XI., testified his regard for the Medici by creating him
a Privy Councillor, and giving him the right to add the Lily of France
to the arms of his family.
Pope Pius II. _to_ Piero de’ Medici
Beloved Son,--Greeting and apostolic blessing. We have just heard that
Cosimo, your father, has departed this life. This is indeed bitter
and mournful news, and most grievous to us. For we loved him with
sincere affection as a man whom we always found devoted to ourselves
and to the Apostolic See, whom we knew to be gifted with unusual
insight and kindness. Yet, my son, though many besides yourself will
mourn his death, you must bear with a brave heart this fate which
divine law has ordained for mortals. Accept this expression of God’s
will patiently, and do not give way to grief. If you consider the
course of human existence, Cosimo has had a long life; he has paid
his debt to nature, and in his old age he has gone the way of all
flesh. His life was full of honour; his glory extended beyond his
own city to all Italy, nay, to the whole world; he has lived in the
highest esteem and, what we must value more, in piety, and abiding in
the fear of God. It is not right to mourn the death of a man who has
lived righteously and justly, since we must believe that he has gone
from this troubled human existence to one that is full of peace and
tranquillity. As for us, beloved son, we intend to preserve towards
you the feelings we had for your father, and for him we had a singular
paternal affection. We promise that we shall always do what in our
judgment will be conducive to your honour and your interest, and to
that of the house of Medici. This we wish you to understand.--Given at
Ancona under the seal of the Fisherman, the 8th day of August 1464, in
the sixth year of our pontificate.[88]
Louis XI., _King of France_, _to_ Piero de’ Medici
_Dilecto Filio Nobili Viro Petro de’ Medicis._ Louis, by the grace of
God King of France.
Most dear and great Friend,--We have received by our beloved and
faithful courier Francesco Nori your letters which you sent to us
by him. From him and from your letters we have learned how kindly
you have acted in our favour towards our dear and beloved uncle the
Duke of Milan about the affair of the Marches of which we wrote,
and we are much pleased and very grateful to you. We also heard of
the death of the late Cosimo de’ Medici, our great friend and your
father, which has given and does give us much sorrow, both for the
singular love we bore him and for the great and laudable services he
rendered to us and to the French crown during his whole life. For the
enduring memory thereof and of the friendship he showed to us and to
the crown, and in order to honour him and you and all his relatives
and family, and for the salvation of his soul, we beg you to dedicate
to the service of your said dead father banners with our arms, of
such number as seems best to you and is customary in such cases. We
have also, in order to show the confidence we place in you, in your
wisdom, loyalty, goodness, and diligence, and for the preservation of
the friendship and goodwill which always existed between your late
father and ourselves, appointed you one of our privy councillors, and
have ordered the letters patent to be made out, which we send by the
bearer; and when you desire anything for yourself, for your family or
for your Commune, we shall grant it in your favour if you signify it
and let us know by the said Franceschino, for whom we have always felt
and feel singular affection and esteem.[89]
_Privilege granted by Louis XI. to the Medici to quarter the Lily of
France in their arms_
Louis, by the grace of God King of France. We make known to all
present and for the future: Bearing in mind the great, praiseworthy,
and much to be commended fame enjoyed by the late Cosimo de’ Medici
during his life in all his actions and his affairs, which he conducted
with such great virtue and prudence that his children and other
relatives and friends must be commended and held in high honour.
For these reasons and moved by the supplication and prayer which has
been addressed to us by our friends, and by our loyal Councillor
Piero de’ Medici, son of the said late Cosimo de’ Medici, we by
our own will, special grace, full power and royal authority decree
and command by these presents that the said Piero de’ Medici ...
his heirs and successors born and to be born in legal wedlock may
henceforward and for ever have and bear in the arms three Fleur de
lis of the shape and manner herein portrayed.... And these arms we
have given and give to them by these said presents, to use as seems
good to them in all places and among all people, in time of peace or
in time of war, without any impediment either now or hereafter being
placed to their so doing. And in order that this thing should be firm
and stable for ever, we have caused our seal to be set to these two
presents, reserving our rights in all other things and our authority
in everything.--Given at Mont Luçon in the month of May, the year of
grace 1465, and the fourth year of our reign.[90]
Owing to Piero’s miserable health, his son Lorenzo was sent, even as
quite a lad, to visit foreign courts and to receive foreign princes
who passed through Tuscany. Thus in April 1465 he met Don Federigo
d’Aragona, second son of the King of Naples, at Pisa, on his way to
Milan to escort his eldest brother’s bride, Ippolita Maria, daughter
of Francesco Sforza, to Naples. The two youths formed a lasting
friendship, and on Federigo’s return with his sister-in-law they came
to Florence and stayed in the Medici palace. Ippolita and Lorenzo then
became such friends that she never hesitated to appeal to him when,
as often happened in the needy Neapolitan court, she wanted money.
They often corresponded, and when Lorenzo went to Naples in 1479, the
Duchess of Calabria and Don Federigo were his powerful allies. The
following letter, a remarkable one for a lad of seventeen, was sent
to Don Federigo with a volume of poems selected from those writers
Lorenzo considered to be masters of the Tuscan tongue. There are two
copies in Florence, one in the Nazionale Library,[91] the other in the
Riccardiana.[92]
_The Magnificent_ Lorenzo to the Illustrious Lord Federigo, _son of the
King of Naples_
Often have I reflected, Illustrious my Lord Federigo, which among the
many and infinite poems of antiquity is the most excellent. Certes,
one must have been more admirable than the others. It has always
been a matter of surprise to me that no great and fine work was
originated in ancient times, either of hands or head, which did not
receive private and public recognition and reward. So as all rivers
and springs are said to have their origin from the great Ocean, all
the famous deeds and marvellous works of bygone men may be said to
derive from this laudable habit. The nutriment of every art is honour,
and by the desire of glory alone are men’s minds spurred to produce
admirable works. Thus in Rome we see magnificent triumphal entries,
in Greece the famous Olympian games, and both are celebrated by poets
and orators with infinite mastery. For this alone were the chariot
and the triumphal arch, the highly decorated theatres, the statues,
the palm branches, the garlands, the funereal honours; for this alone
were devised other splendid ornaments, and thus were encouraged high
and noble deeds of the intellect and of the sword, all the marvellous
works of the great men of ancient days, who assuredly (as our Tuscan
poet says) will never lack fame so long as this world lasts. These
of a truth were great and divine men, desirous of enduring fame and
supremely grateful to those who, by celebrating the valour and noble
deeds of great men in fine poetry, made their names immortal. Inflamed
by such desire, Alexander the Great on seeing the tomb of the famous
Achilles with a sigh uttered those memorable words: “Fortunate art
thou to have so glorious a sepulchre and to have been sung by such a
pen.” Fortunate indeed. For without the divine poet Homer Achilles’
body and fame would have been buried in one tomb together. And even
this poet, excellent above all others, would not have attained such
honour and glory had he not been so admired by a learned Athenian,
almost one may say raised from death to life. For after his death
the great poet’s noble work was scattered and dismembered until
Pisistratus, prince of Athens, a man endowed with many virtues and
of noble presence, offered large rewards to whosoever brought him
verses by Homer. Thus with great diligence and care he collected
and reconstructed the glorious poem, giving to it eternal life and
to himself everlasting glory. For this reason the only epitaph on
his statue is the record that he collected the poems of the great
Homer. Oh, truly divine men, born for the good of humanity and of
the world. The prince knew that his other deeds, however admirable,
were as nothing compared with this one poem. Such were these antique
men, whose deeds are not to be equalled in later times, and indeed
are hardly believed. For as rewards for noble deeds no longer exist
the flame of courage is extinguished; and as men do nothing worthy of
praise the singers of great deeds are despised. If this had not been
the case we should not now mourn the loss of so many Greek and Latin
writers. With them have also perished many of our own old poets, who
had begun to cultivate the desert fields of the Tuscan tongue, which
now again, in our century, are covered with wild flowerets and weeds.
But thy gracious hand, Illustrious Federigo, which thou hast deigned
extend to them will, after their long struggle, lead them safely into
port.
When we were together last year in the ancient city of Pisa we spoke
of those who had written poetry in the Tuscan tongue, and thy Lordship
expressed a desire that I should collect their works in one volume for
thee. Being desirous in this, as in all other matters, to fulfil thy
wishes I have, not without great labour, caused search to be made for
the works of all the old poets, and choosing the less rugged pieces
have gathered them into the volume I now send thy Lordship, in the
hopes that my efforts, such as they are, may please and that thou wilt
accept it in memory of me and as a proof of my true affection. Let
no one, however, despise this Tuscan tongue as unadorned or diffuse.
For if its richness and beauty be rightly understood it will not be
accounted rugged but rich and refined. There is nothing delicate,
elegant, graceful, or ornate, nothing witty, ingenious or subtle,
nothing ample and rich, nothing magnificent and sonorous, finally
nothing ardent, bold, or moving, that is not found in those two
magnates Dante and Petrarch, and even in others of whom thou, my Lord,
didst cite brilliant examples. Poetry (according to what Petrarch
writes in a Latin epistle) was held in high honour by the old Romans,
and after long neglect appeared again in Sicily not so many centuries
ago; then passing into France finally came to Italy as though to its
own home. The first who courted the new style was Guittone of Arezzo,
and about the same time the famous Bolognese, Guido Guizzinello. Both
were learned in philosophy, serious, and sententious. The first rather
harsh and severe and without the gift of eloquence, the second far
more lucid, suave, and ornate, so that our honoured Dante did not
scruple to call him his father and also father of others who wrote
love songs of great sweetness and charm. He was certainly the first to
colour and soften our language, which had only been roughly sketched
out by the rude Aretine. After them emerged the elegant Florentine,
Guido Cavalcanti, a subtle logician and philosopher, an honour to
his age. As he was handsome and graceful in person and of most noble
blood, so there was in his writings something, I know not what, more
beautiful, noble, and rare, than in others. Acute in reasoning,
sonorous, admirable, and grave in his sentences, rich and elevated
in composition, wise and prudent; and all these gifts are enhanced,
and as clothed in a precious garment, by a rare and exquisite style.
Had he used this on a wider field no doubt he would have attained to
the highest honours. One of his most admirable works is a song in
which this subtle and charming poet describes every quality, virtue,
and precedent of love. This was held in such high estimation that it
was commentated by three renowned philosophers, his contemporaries,
among them the Roman Egidio. We must not forget Bonagiunta of Lucca
and the notary of Lentino, both grave and sententious writers, but
so devoid of charm that they may be proud to be mentioned in the
company of these honoured men. They, and Pier delle Vigne in the
time of Guittone, were celebrated. The little written by the latter
is not without solemnity and erudition. He was the keeper (as Dante
says) of the keys of Frederick’s heart, and locked and unlocked it
at his pleasure. After these shone those two great men who illumined
our tongue, Dante and Petrarch. Of them (as Sallust says of Carthage)
I think it better to say nothing than to say too little. Onesto the
Bolognese and the earlier Silicians who flourished before them and
were therefore less versed in their art, did not lack talent or
ambition. Cino da Pistoja, in my estimation, well deserves his high
reputation; tender and loving, he was the first to entirely shake off
the antique ruggedness of which the divine Dante was not altogether
free. Then comes a long line of more modern writers who are far behind
those two great ones. All these, and with them some of our own time,
come to thank thee, who art more worthy of praise than that ancient
Athenian already mentioned. He only gave immortality to one, whilst
thou givest it to many. At the end of the volume (as seemed to be
thy desire) we have copied a few of our own sonnets and songs, so
that when reading them thou canst remember my loyalty and affection.
Although not worthy to be placed among the splendid works of the old
poets, yet they may serve as a foil to show their greater beauty.
Receive, therefore, Illustrious Lord, this volume and myself, not only
in thy house, but in thy heart and soul, as thou hast a blithe and
enduring abode in ours.
In the commentary Lorenzo wrote on some of his sonnets he not only, as
in the above letter, praises Italian, but affirms its equality with the
classic languages, and declares that neither Ovid, Tibullus, Catullus,
or Propertius wrote love songs of such beauty and grace as Petrarch.
It was by this enthusiastic participation in the intellectual pursuits
and interests of his day that Lorenzo, even as a youth, attained such
popularity with his fellow-citizens. They were proud of the lad who was
already known as a poet, who excelled in all bodily exercises, and who
was treated by foreign princes and potentates as an equal. The above
letter to Federigo d’Aragona shows that he was, to quote John Addington
Symonds: “A Florentine of the Florentines. Tuscan to the backbone,
imbued with the spirit of his city, a passionate lover of her customs
and pastimes, a complete master of her vernacular. His education,
though it fitted him for Platonic discussions with Ficino and rendered
him an amateur of humanistic culture, had failed to make a pedant of
him. Much as he appreciated the classics, he preferred his Tuscan
poets; and what he learned at school he brought to bear upon the study
of the native literature.”[93]
Soon after his return from Pisa Lorenzo was despatched by his father
to Bologna, Ferrara, Venice, and Milan. Piero calls the journey
“the touchstone of thy abilities.” The letters show that the boy of
seventeen was received as a prince, and discussed with the rulers of
the various states he visited important political matters, in all of
which he was kept carefully informed by his father. At the same time,
with characteristic Medicean shrewdness, Lorenzo was instructed to
place himself in the hands of his father’s agents in each city visited,
and the whole journey could be represented as a tour of inspection of
the various agencies of a great banking-house, and the introduction of
the heir to the business of the family.
Piero de’ Medici _to his son_ Lorenzo _at Milan_
Thou hast arrived at Milan later than I thought, and perhaps than
thou didst wish, on account of the delay caused by the honours paid
thee by the Duke at Ferrara. I have written to thank him, and to say
we are his debtors, and also to Messer Giovanni Bentivoglio I have
sent thanks, &c. Thou art to follow the advice of Pigello[94] and his
written instructions; be careful not to worry the Duke, he will have
enough of that with this marriage.[95] Thou art to consider thyself
as the servant and as belonging to the household of his Excellency,
and to ask Pigello’s advice as to what visits to pay, and what to
say. Remember to be civil and alert; act as a man and not as a boy.
Show sense, industry, and manly endeavour, so that thou mayst be
employed in more important things, for this journey is the touchstone
of thy abilities. I sent by carrier the rest of the silver [plate] to
Pigello, but have not yet heard of its arrival. If thou needst aught
else let me know, but Pigello will provide all that is necessary.
Consult with him about inviting Don Federigo one day to the house
there, or anything else thou thinkest needful. Arrange with him
after due reflection, and whatever is settled do with splendour and
in honourable fashion. Gugliemo,[96] thou, and Pigello can settle
together, and whatever is decided will please me, only, as I said, do
not stint money, but do thyself honour. When thou hast time, after
having paid thy visits, commend me to the Duke and to Madonna, to
Count Galeazzo and to whoso else thou thinkest right. Amuse thyself
and do not worry about us here, the time will come soon enough when
thou wilt have to do so. Nannina is well again; we will talk about her
marriage after thy return from Naples. Gugliemo’s family are all well;
tell him not to forget them entirely, and be not so taken up with all
those festivities as to forget thyself. I think thou hast better leave
there a few days before the others, because as I have Madonna the
Princess here in our house, and Gugliemo and thyself being absent, I
shall be as a man without hands, but of this I will write later. No
more at present. Christ guard thee.--Florence, May 4, 1465.[97]
Da Vinegia ho la tua de 2 dì et dovevi partire el dì seguente et così
da Allessandro a dì 3 m’avisa essere seguito et quanto haveir seguito
a Ferrara nel soprastare a complacentie di quel Signore et a Vinegia
nel vicitare el doge et quelli altri gentiluomini che tucto lodo et
commendo et cosὶ credo che harete facto la più parte delle vicitationi
harj trovato una mia lettera scrittati a dì 4 e per quella dettoti
come t’abbi a governare per questa el simile ti ricordo et per dire
con una parola a te bisogna fare conto essere huomo et non garzone
le parole e gesti et modi sieno circa quest’ effecto et bisognando
convitare o fare alcuna altra cosa per farti honore non perdonare a
spesa o cosa che facci di bisogno per ora non entrerò in altro Innanzi
che parta di costì sarai avisato di quello che haraj a fare da poi
la partita ma mi sono ristretto con questi cittadini et a ciascuno è
paruto jo debba ricevere alla tornata questi S. qui in casa nostra
et così m’a commandato la S. la quale ho ubbidito volentieri et era
mestieri che tu o Gugliemo vi trovassi di qua che m’aresti levato
assai noje pur si farà el melglio che si potrà Sarà necessario che
vi partiate qualche giorno innanzi alla brigata di costà et a tempo
ne sarete avisati. Io non ti scrissi a Vinegia perché ’l soprastare
tuo a Ferrara ruppe l’ordine benché poco porti la brigata qui nostra
grazia di Dio tutti siamo sani et sta bene la Nannina in tucto guari
la brigata di Gugliemo similmente sta benissimo così atendete voi
acciò che ritorniate qui in buon ordine qui s’aparecchia per venuta di
cotesti S. fare una bella festa per San Giovanni et così si cerca per
altra via fare loro grandiximo honore essi levato su Giuliano nostro
messo al punto da Baccio Benci at da altri et vorrebbono armeggiare ma
farla altrimenti Mca. che non s’è usato La S. vuole che faccino io non
me ne contento vedrò di sgabellarmene se potrò non vorrei tante noie a
un tracto et maraviglomi di Giovanni de’ Pazzi che havendo facto una
volta ci si rimette la seconda che seguira sapraj Ne altro al presente
Xpo ti guardi In Firenze a dì XI di maggio 1465.
Non ti scordi racomandarmi al Mco. conte Guasparre.
Piero de Medici.[98]
[Illustration]
Piero de’ Medici _to his son_ Lorenzo _at Milan_
I have thy letter of May 2nd from Venice, saying thou wert to
leave the next day. Alessandro wrote on the 3rd and told me of thy
departure, and of what thou didst at Ferrara to please the Duke,
and of thy visits at Venice to the Doge and other gentlemen, all of
which I approve and commend, and I think thou hast paid nearly all
necessary visits. Thou wilt have received my letter of the 4th telling
thee what conduct to pursue, all of which remember; in a word, it is
necessary for thee now to be a man and not a boy; be so in words,
deeds, and manners, and if thou givest dinners or other entertainments
do not let there be any stint in money or whatever else is needful
to do thyself honour. For the present I say no more. Before leaving
thou shalt hear what to do. I have consulted with the citizens here,
and they all agree that I must receive the princes[99] in our house
on their return, and the Signoria has commanded me to do so: I obey
willingly, but it would have taken much trouble off my hands hadst
thou and Gugliemo been here; however, we will do the best we can. It
will be better for thee to leave a few days before the others, thou
shalt be warned in time. I did not write to Venice because the delay
at Ferrara threw out all arrangements, but it is of no consequence.
All our family here are well, and we hope thou art the same and wilt
return in safety. We are preparing great festivities for these princes
on S. John’s day, and shall try and do them honour also in other
ways. Our Giuliano has been persuaded by Baccio Benci and others to
arrange a tournament, but in more magnificent fashion than usual. The
Signoria wishes it; I am against it, and shall try to get out of it if
possible. I do not want to have so many bothers at the same time, and
am astonished that Giovanni de’ Pazzi, having done it once, undertakes
to do it again. Thou shalt know what is decided. No more at present.
Christ guard thee.--In Florence on the 11th day of May 1465.
Do not forget to commend me to the Magnificent Count Guasparre.
Piero de’ Medici.[100]
S. John’s Day (24th June) is still a great holiday in Florence. The
cathedral and the baptistery are illuminated, and fireworks (the
scaffoldings for which used to be erected on the Ponte della Carraja
until the tramway took possession of the bridge) are now let off on
the Piazza Michelangelo. An old chronicler writes: “On the day of S.
John, the patron saint of the city, and on the vigil thereof, not only
are there infinite demonstrations of spiritual joy, but everything
that can be done in such a city is done to show temporal happiness and
gaiety. Swift horses called _Barberi_ race in public for a _palio_, or
banner, of cloth of gold lined with precious fur. Merchants display
untold riches in gold, jewels, pearls, and money, and in cloth of gold,
silks, and woollen goods of incredible value. There are illuminations,
bonfires, and fireworks, both public and private, and the whole city
is given over to rejoicing. Among other diversions is jousting. This
is a game played by men clothed in the richest damasks and costumes
and varied liveries, according to the costumes and liveries of their
families, who place themselves in proper order in the field (having
first triumphantly escorted an emperor in a gilded car, with a fine and
noble procession of kings, dukes, marquesses, counts, soldiers, and
baggage waggons), on splendidly caparisoned horses, well trained to
race. First they race in the public squares, and then in certain places
set apart for breakneck exercises they break lances with no small
dexterity.”
On that day also the Signori, surrounded by their attendants, and the
soldiers and trumpeters of the Commune, sat on the _ringhiera_[101] of
the Palazzo Vecchio, in their magnificent official costumes, which must
have been rather trying in hot summer weather. The Gonfalonier was clad
in a long loose crimson velvet coat lined with ermine and embroidered
with golden stars; his _berretta_, or cap, was turned up with ermine
and trimmed with gold lace, pearls, and silver embroidery, like the
rays of stars. The crimson coats of cloth worn by the Priors were also
lined with ermine, and had ermine collars and cuffs, and they wore a
large red berretta or a hood. The Podestà dressed like the Priors, but
without a hood; the Preposto’s coat was of black satin, and his _lucco_
of black velvet was lined with satin of various colours, and he always
wore a hood. Seated thus in state, the Signori received tribute from
all the cities, castles, and villages that were under their rule or
protection.
Dati enlarges on the magnificent and marvellous aspect of the Piazza
della Signoria, “with one hundred towers, which shone like gold, some
on waggons, some borne on the shoulders of men. These last, made of
wood, pasteboard, and coloured wax figures, are called tapers (_ceri_).
Inside the towers are men, who cause these figures to move and to turn
round. They represented horsemen tilting, foot-soldiers with spears
or waving banners, and girls dancing in a ring. Near and around the
_ringhiera_ hung a hundred or more _palii_ or banners, their staves
being stuck into the iron rings on the walls. First were those of
the chief cities who send tribute to the Commune, as Pisa, Arezzo,
Pistoja, Volterra, Cortona, Lucignano, and Castiglione Aretino, and of
certain lords of Poppi and Piombino, who are under the protection of
the Commune, made of thick velvet, lined with satin or with silk; the
rest are of strips of thinner velvet, or of other cloth or silk; so
that the sight is truly marvellous. The first offering in the morning
is made by the Captains of the Guelph party, with all their knights
and gentlemen, and ambassadors and foreign knights who accompany them,
and a great number of the most honourable citizens of Florence; the
great banner of the Guelph party being borne before them by one of
their followers on a tall horse, caparisoned in white cloth embroidered
with the device of the Guelph party. Then followed the afore-mentioned
_palii_, or banners, each one carried by a man on horseback, and both
man and horse are clothed in silk. One after another they go in the
order in which they were called to offer the said _palii_ to the church
of S. Giovanni, which are the tributes paid by the places conquered by
the Florentines.
“The _ceri_, or tapers, which resemble golden towers, are the tributes
of the most ancient possessions of the Florentines, and according to
their rank they proceed one after another to offer them to S. Giovanni,
and the next day the tapers are all stuck up round the inside of the
church where they remain until the next feast-day, when they are
removed and used for the altars, and some are sold by auction. After
the tapers a marvellous quantity of large wax candles are offered,
some of a hundred pounds weight, some of fifty or less, carried by the
peasants belonging to the villas from whence they are sent. Then the
Masters of the Mint offer a splendid taper, borne on a richly adorned
car drawn by a pair of oxen whose loin-cloths bear the device of the
Mint, and the said Masters are accompanied by about four hundred
venerable men, all matriculated in and belonging to the Guild of
Cloth-weavers. The last to make offerings are the Signori, the Priors,
and their colleagues, with the Podestà and the Captain, in great pomp
with many servants, and so many instruments, fifes and trumpets, that
the whole world seemed to resound. After the Signori had left, all
the horses that have come for the race are presented, and then the
Flemings and Brabanters--weavers of woollen cloth--who are in Florence
make their offering; and lastly, twelve prisoners, delivered from gaol
for love of God in honour of S. Giovanni, are offered to him. When
all this has been done, men and women return home to dine, and in
all the city that day are so many marriages and great banquets, with
innumerable fifes, music, songs, dances, and gaiety, that it seemed as
though the place was Paradise.”
In 1466 Piero sent Lorenzo, then eighteen years of age, to Rome on a
mission of great moment both politically and commercially. Perhaps the
most important part of the private business was to secure from the Pope
a monopoly of working the alum mines discovered not many years before
in the short range of volcanic hills lying round the little village
of La Tolfa (Tofa), about eleven miles due west of Civita Vecchia and
within the Pope’s dominions. A few deposits of alum had been known and
partially worked in Europe, _i.e._ at Volterra and Ischia: but for
all practical purposes almost all the alum used in Christendom came
from Asia Minor, and the supply was always inferior to the increasing
demand. A certain Giovanni di Castro prospecting among the hills
round La Tolfa found what he believed to be an inexhaustible supply,
“seven hills of alum.” Castro made sure of his find by calcinating
the stone. He then hastened to Rome, appeared before the Pope, and
somewhat grandiloquently announced his discovery. “I make known to you
a victory over the Turk. He draws yearly from the Christians more than
300,000 pieces of gold, paid to him for the alum with which we dye
wool of various colours, because none is found in Italy, save a little
at Ischia.... I have found seven hills so abounding in alum that they
might supply seven worlds. If you will send workmen, cause furnaces
to be built and the stone to be calcined, you may furnish almost all
Europe, and what money the Turk used to acquire will fall into your
hands.” The Holy See made haste to secure the newly-found treasure, and
in order to have a monopoly in the sale the Pope excommunicated every
one who tried to import alum into Europe from the Turkish dominions. So
determined were the Popes to maintain what in modern language would be
called their “corner in alum,” that in the proclamation of Indulgences
it was always expressly declared that the pardon promised did not
include those who imported alum into Europe from the Turkish dominions.
Such a deposit needed capital to work it properly and the Holy See
farmed out the monopoly, protected by excommunication, to a firm of
capitalists. Young Lorenzo was instructed to secure, and did obtain,
this very valuable concession for his family. Hereafter the profits of
the monopoly of alum were a source of great wealth to the Medici.
The political problem, overshadowing all others, entrusted to the
youthful Lorenzo was the maintenance of the league between the King of
Naples, Milan, and Florence. This was the keystone of Piero’s foreign
policy. He believed it to be essential to the balance of power and the
preservation of peace in the peninsula. The alliance received an almost
deadly blow in the somewhat sudden death of Francesco Sforza, the Duke
of Milan, and Piero’s fears are reflected in the despairing letters
he wrote to his son. The league between the three powers survived the
shock. Francesco Sforza’s son Galeazzo was, after some little delay,
universally recognised as his father’s successor, and the foreign
policy of Piero de’ Medici was maintained.
But the note of despair in Piero’s letters was probably occasioned
by a presentiment of what might, and what actually did, occur within
Florence herself. As has been said, many of the hitherto strenuous
supporters of the Medici within the Republic were inclined to revolt
against the continuance of their rule, and the death of Francesco
Sforza furnished the occasion for testing their strength. It had been
part of Cosimo’s foreign policy to support Sforza at Milan by a subsidy
from the Florentine treasury. On his death the question was at once
raised whether the grant was to be continued to his successor Galeazzo.
Piero supported its continuance. It was part of the Triple Alliance and
an essential portion of his foreign policy. Yet it was also capable
of being represented as something which concerned only the internal
affairs of the city. This was at once seized upon by Luca Pitti and
Diotisalvi Neroni. We see all these fears reflected in the letters of
Piero to Lorenzo while the latter was at Rome.
The letter from Luigi Pulci shows how the young Lorenzo was already
recognised as one of the foremost citizens of Florence and the future
lord of the city, round whom aspiring men desired to rally. Pulci
had been banished from Florence and was in hiding on account of his
brother’s debts for which he had become surety.
Luigi Pulci _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici[102]
_Sis felix, mi Laurenti_, &c.--Thou hast decided to leave me in these
woods among the snow, so lonely and so desolate, and to go to Rome.
Such is my destiny that to all my other troubles is added this one,
that I am never to go a journey with thee on horseback. When shall
I go? When I am quite old? What more faithful servant or companion
canst thou find who is more maltreated and repulsed by heaven? How
many times have we talked together about Rome, and that I was to be
there with thee: why dost thou leave me, art thou afraid I should be
an expense to thee? Do not fear, for in spite of my adverse fortune I
should still do thee honour. From thee I should only need a horse. I
have so many friends in that city and enough wits not to shame thee as
perhaps thou fearest. Of a truth thou drivest me from thee wrongfully,
and it would be unjust to leave me so unhappy: this hurts me more than
anything else. Do not cast me aside like old broken iron, I shall
be sound enough if thou lovest me. And even were I broken to bits I
should have the more need of help and comfort. In the midst of thy
prosperity remember my misfortunes. Generous hearts and true friends
act thus; and my old affection and well-tried fidelity merit it. Time
will pass. It would be a great restorative after so many troubles
which I have now unjustly suffered for sixteen months. It will
prevent me from going to the devil, or into exile in strange lands
with strange thoughts. _Denique_, by all the Gods, by everything, I
pray thee to include me among the number of thy elected for Rome;
it will be enough, as I said before, if thou lendest me a horse. If
thou dost not want me, I will never more be thine nor any one’s. So
good-bye. I leave thee for a long time, thou wilt not see me again,
nor wilt thou know where I am, and God will pardon thee for me, for I
will never pardon thee. Also, if thou willst, surely some means can
be found for my security. The magistrates can protect me, and if they
set me free, as would only be just, a safe-conduct voted by six of the
Signori would be sufficient, or it would be enough if the creditors
promised thee not to molest me. But thou hast forgotten me and art
occupied, and thy mind is set on greater things. Thou art right, but
also, certes, I am not in the wrong to trust in thee alone, because
I am entirely thine and turn to thee as I have always done. If thou
dost not help me I have lost all hope. What am I to do? Give myself to
three hundred thousand devils?
If thou hast not received the swords tell me and I will go and wake
the man up; and if thou wilt send me a line written by thee, so that I
may know whether thou still lovest me or not, I should be very glad.
Many times have I taken my pen in hand for love of thee, so I wish
thou wouldst deign do the same for love of me. This alone will be to
me, among these mountains, what the Holy Ghost was to the Apostles
who thought God had forgotten them until the dove came to them. If
thou dost not do it no more verses, no more gossipings, never more
shall we be boon-companions. Tell me whether the affair we talked
about under the Tetto de’ Pisani is concluded and whether it will be
necessary; thou hast probably already tried a portion of it. Commend
me to our Magnificent Piero and to Madonna Lucrezia, and greet and
bless my Giuliano a thousand times, and also my Piero Allamanni and
Berlinghieri and Braccio and Gismondo, and all our friends, not
forgetting Messer Gentile.--At Vernia, February 1, 1465 (1466).
Thy Luigi, as content as he can be.[103]
Piero de’ Medici _to his son_ Lorenzo _at Rome_
I am in such affliction and sorrow for the sad and untimely death of
the Illustrious Duke of Milan that I know not where I am; thou canst
imagine what it means to us both in private and in public matters.
Condole most heartily in my name with his ambassador, and take comfort
in thine own thoughts and do not give way to melancholy, which is
of no service; thoughts are sometimes useful when they are good. I,
although it is a hard blow, am trying to bear it and I hope time will
accomplish what as yet reason cannot. There are letters from Milan
of the 9th and the 10th which I send, so that thou canst see how
things are there. They may perhaps turn out better than many people
think. I wrote at once to the Holy Father to beg him, as head and
leader not only of the League but of all Christians, to think how
best to preserve the stability of that State, for His Holiness can
do more than any one else, if only for the preservation of peace and
tranquillity in Italy. Although I think His Holiness is well disposed
yet we must do our utmost, for thou knowest what we owe and what
is our duty to the blessed memory of the late Lord and towards Her
Excellency Madonna and her noble children. Put an end to all playing
on instruments, or singing or dancing, for Malatesta has arrived, so
let all be at least until after Easter. Do not talk about it because
I think we may have to change our plans. But thou shalt know what I
decide; meanwhile keep silence with all save Giovanni [Tornabuoni] and
Malatesta.
I see that thou hast arrived safely by thy letter of 8th, of which I
am glad, and that great honours were paid thee, for which we must be
grateful to God and to the men of this world to whom we owe much. Thou
must study to merit this by deeds and be old beyond thine years, for
the times require it.
Of what happens there day by day, as I said before, take counsel with
Giovanni, and study the condition of that region and what state it is
in, so that on thy return thou canst give a clear report. No more at
present. Christ guard thee.
I forgot to say that last night letters of the 11th came from Mantua,
saying how that lord had agreed and stipulated to remain in the
service of King Ferrante [of Naples]; this is a good and useful thing.
We have also letters of the 11th to-day from Genoa, with news that
all those citizens have determined to be faithful to Madonna and
her children as they were to the Duke of blessed memory, and that
they have elected eight citizens to act with the governor in case of
need.--Florence, March 15, 1465 (1466).[104]
Piero de’ Medici _to his son_ Lorenzo _at Rome_
I wrote fully to thee lately, and now have thy letter of 15th saying
that the death of the Duke of Milan was known there, may God be
merciful to him, and of the arrangements made to send to Milan and
to write to others, and also of the Holy Father’s decision as to the
safety of that State, which satisfies every one. We are of the same
opinion; to do all that is possible for the Illustrious Madonna and
their noble children that accords with our own liberty. Probably
nothing more will be needed than the intimation of our intentions, as
up to the 17th, the last news I have from Milan, nothing had happened,
all passed off quietly. From what one hears from Venice the Signoria
there shows a desire to live in peace and quiet with Madonna and her
sons, as they did with the father of blessed memory. I am inclined
to believe this, it being their interest. I say no more, having told
thee enough in my other letter, and also because I send thee the
letter I have received from Venice. It is however of the greatest
importance and utility that His Sanctity our Holy Father should desire
to preserve peace and quiet in Italy, in which I conceive he will have
the aid of us all. I am sure that this is his desire, he having always
shown it, so I do not dwell on it, hoping that by the grace of God and
the help of His Holiness everything will go well.
I note that thou hast seen His Sanctity the Pope, and spoken about
the affair of Stefano da Osimo, and that His Holiness is satisfied;
it is necessary for the common good of the different parties and
of the whole city, and it seems to me that our Holy Father has
understood rightly and sagely that the affair cannot be ended but
must be maintained. It may be that time will make a change also in my
views. It is enough to know that it was not _de motu proprio_ of His
Holiness, but was suggested by others. But above all see that he is
satisfied and content; were it otherwise I should be uneasy.
I know not what thou hast done about the deposit of alum, as I said
before I am content that thou shouldst accept it in my name, and
there can be no doubt that our conduct will be to the satisfaction
and the interest of our Holy Father. Consult about this with Giovanni
Tornabuoni, and settle this and other matters as you both think best.
About continuing thy journey beyond Rome I think, as I said before, it
would be better to wait until after Easter; we shall meanwhile know
more and be better able to decide. Thou hast done well to urge Messer
Agnolo to make haste, we expect him here every day. Return the letters
from Milan which I sent in my last letter, and those which I now send.
Here we are expecting to hear of the entry of the Illustrious Galeazzo
Maria. The Count of Urbino was at Scarperia on the 18th but did not
come here, probably not to lose time. By now he must be at Milan, as
well as the Lord Alessandro. Thou shalt hear what occurs. The Lord
Gismondo had arrived at Venice.
The Archdeacon was at the point of death, but he is so much better
that it is not expected he will die of this illness. I highly approve
of thy thought of Pellegrino, and if the occasion had arisen would
have shown him how greatly I desire to please and to serve him. When
thou seest the Bishop of Raugia commend me to him, and also to Messer
Lionardo Dati. No more. Christ guard thee.--On the 22nd day of March
1465 (1466).[105]
After the conspiracy against Piero de’ Medici had been discovered,
Agnolo Acciaiuoli fled to Siena on his way to Naples. There he waited
some time in the vain hope that Piero would relent and permit him to
return to Florence. At last he wrote the following letter, which as
given by Fabroni, who copied from the archives, differs somewhat from
the more literary version given by Machiavelli.
Agnolo Acciaiuoli _to_ Piero de’ Medici. _Siena, 17th Sept. 1466_
_Spectabilis vir Frater honorande_,--I laugh at what I see. God has
put it in thy power to cancel all the debts I have against thee, and
thou dost not know how to do it. I lost my country and my estates for
thy father, thou art in the position to restore all to me. I prevented
his being despoiled, now corn and other belongings are taken from me;
thou canst save them; be not tardy in showing thou art not ungrateful;
I do not say this for my belongings, although I have need of them, so
much as for thy reputation. I commend myself to thee.[106]
Piero de’ Medici _to_ Agnolo Acciaiuoli. _Florence, 22nd Sept. 1466_
_Magnifice eques tanquam Pater honorande_,--Your laughter is the cause
of my not shedding tears, although I am sorry for your ill fortune.
You have not shown your accustomed good sense, which in such cases is
necessary. Your guilt, as I said in a former letter, is manifest and
so great that neither my intercession nor that of any other person
would be of any avail. My nature is to forget and forgive you, and
all who have shown me enmity and hostility. I have pardoned every
offence; the Republic cannot and may not lightly do so on account of
the bad example, as you know better than I, having had experience of
such matters and having proclaimed it in public and in private. You
say you were exiled on my father’s account, and for having saved what
belonged to him. I do not deny your friendship with my father and with
us, which ought to have made you regard me as a son, and as such I
considered myself. You were banished with my father and were recalled
with him, according to the pleasure of the Republic, which has full
power over us. I do not conceive that our friendship was in any way
hurtful or dishonourable to you as can be clearly demonstrated, and
if obligations and benefits were weighed, perhaps the scale would
not be equal, although from what you write you do not seem to think
so. I always considered myself beholden to you, but if you examine
your conscience you will see that you have exempted me from any
obligations; nevertheless I am willing to remain your debtor in so far
as it touches me privately, but the public injury I cannot, will not,
and may not pardon. For myself personally I forget everything, forgive
all wrongs, and remain as a son ought to be towards such a father.[107]
In 1466 Piero de’ Medici’s daughter Nannina was married to Bernardo
Rucellai, son of Giovanni, who built the beautiful palazzo Rucellai
after the designs of his friend Leon Battista Alberti. Giovanni spent
3686 golden florins on the festivities for his son’s wedding, and for
three days the Florentines danced, ate, drank and listened to music, in
Via della Vigna Nuova. The street, and the loggia (one of the few still
existing in Florence), which was temporarily enlarged so as to cover
the small triangular square in front of the palace, were hung with blue
cloth and decorated with flowers. One of Nannina’s sons, Giovanni, is
well known as the author of _Rosmunda_ and of _Le Api_, the poetical
gifts of Lucrezia thus descending to a second generation.
Luigi Pulci, _from Pisa_, _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici _at Florence_
_Salve_, &c. I send thee some poems so that thou mayst remember me. I
have a thousand phantasies in my head which thou shalt hear some day
and which will please thee. The poem is nearly finished; then we must
do a more important work, and perhaps three nymphs, who are here, will
come to be judged by a better man than Paris, and we will bestow the
prize to our liking. Whoever is ill pleased shall pay the expenses of
a ball; but I mean to prepare a triumph which shall be praised by thee
and that for me is always sufficient.
I have nought to say save that I am thine as ever. _Scriptum est._
Commend me to the Magnificent Piero and to Madonna Lucrezia, and to
all at home. _Salutam Vale, et me dilige._--From Pisa, January 12,
1466 (1467). _Tuus servitor_,
Aloysius Pulcher.
This day Tanai[108] and his wife with about a hundred horse entered
Pisa in great triumph, and _Palle_ resounded everywhere; we shall
amuse ourselves and talk much of thee.[109]
Several brides had been proposed for Lorenzo, and at last Piero decided
for a daughter of the proud house of Orsini. The suggestion was first
made by his brother-in-law Giovanni Tornabuoni, head of the Medici bank
at Rome, and treasurer to Sixtus IV. But Lucrezia insisted on seeing
the girl with her own eyes before coming to a final decision, and in
March 1467 set out for Rome, from whence she wrote to her husband:
Lucrezia de’ Medici _to her husband_ Piero
On the way I wrote to thee often and told thee about the roads. I
arrived on Thursday, and was received with much joy by Giovanni, as
thou canst imagine. I have had thy letter of the 21st which consoled
me greatly, hearing that the pains had ceased. But every day seems to
me a year until I return for thy and my consolation.
On the way to S. Peter on Thursday morning I met Madonna Maddalena
Orsini, sister to the Cardinal [Latino Orsini], with her daughter, who
is about fifteen or sixteen years old. She was dressed in the Roman
fashion with a _lenzuolo_ [long loose shawl or cloak]. In this dress
she seemed to me handsome, fair, and tall, but being so covered up I
could not see her to my satisfaction. Yesterday I paid a visit to the
said Monsignor Orsini in his sister’s house, which adjoins his. When
I had saluted him in thy name his sister came in with the maiden, who
had on a tight frock of the fashion of Rome without the _lenzuolo_. We
talked for some time and I looked closely at the girl. As I said she
is of good height and has a nice complexion, her manners are gentle,
though not so winning as those of our girls, but she is very modest
and would soon learn our customs. She has not fair hair, because here
there are no fair women; her hair is reddish and abundant, her face
rather round, but it does not displease me. Her throat is fairly
elegant, but it seems to me a little meagre, or to speak better,
slight. Her bosom I could not see, as here the women are entirely
covered up, but it appeared to me of good proportions. She does not
carry her head proudly like our girls, but pokes it a little forward;
I think she was shy, indeed I see no fault in her save shyness. Her
hands are long and delicate. In short I think the girl is much above
the common, though she cannot compare with Maria, Lucrezia, and
Bianca.[110] Lorenzo has seen her and thou canst find out whether she
pleases him. Whatever thou and he determine will be well done, and I
shall be content. Let us leave the issue to God.
The girl’s father is Signor Jacopo Orsini of Monte Rotondo, and her
mother is the Cardinal’s sister. She has two brothers; one a soldier
in the good graces of Signor Orso, the other a priest, sub-deacon of
the Pope. They own the half of Monte Rotondo, the other half belongs
to their uncle, who has two sons and three daughters. Besides this
there are three other castles belonging to her brothers, and as far
as I can learn they are otherwise well provided. They will be still
better off in the future because besides the Cardinal, the Archbishop,
Napoleon, and the Cavalier, being their uncles on the mother’s side,
they are cousins through the father, who is a second cousin in direct
line of the aforesaid gentlemen, and they are all very fond of them.
This is what I have heard. If before treating this matter it seems
well to thee to await our return do as thou thinkest best.
I intend to leave on Monday week and shall write on the way. So I
shall be at home at the time fixed. I pray God in His mercy to guide
me safely and to keep thee in good health. I do not write to Madonna
Contessina, it seems to me useless. Commend me to her and salute the
girls and Lorenzo and Giuliano.--In Rome, 27th March 1467.
Thy Lucrezia.
A few days later Lucrezia wrote again on the subject which engrossed
all her thoughts:
Lucrezia de’ Medici _to her husband_ Piero
As I told thee in my last letter dictated to Giovanni, our seeing the
girl was managed quietly, without ceremony; so should nothing come of
it thou wilt lose nought, as there has been no parleying. The maiden
has two good qualities, she is tall and fair; her face is not pretty,
but it is not common, and her figure is good. Lorenzo has seen her,
find out whether she pleases him, there are so many advantages that if
he likes her we may be content. Her name is Crarice.
Thy Lucrezia.
Like a true Florentine, Lucrezia turns the _l_ in Clarice into an _r_.
Lorenzo had seen the girl without her mother’s knowledge one day at
mass. On the homeward journey Lucrezia writes in answer to a letter
from her husband:
Lucrezia de’ Medici _to her husband_ Piero
I have thy letter by Donnino and see the determination thou hast
taken, which pleases me. I am sure when I get home and tell thee all
thou wilt be well satisfied, particularly as Lorenzo is pleased. We
did not see the girl again, but that does not surprise me. Thou sayest
I write coldly about her: I do it not to raise thy hopes too high:
there is no handsomer girl at present unmarried in Florence. On my
return I will tell thee all, and as I said before we shall be able
to arrange matters, so at present I will say no more. I arrived here
very tired, the road was so bad, and we had so much rain that little
was left of me, but after resting I am well. We were to have left on
Monday, but it does nothing but rain, so they have persuaded me to
wait a little. All is ready, and as soon as the weather is favourable
we shall start, for it seems to me a thousand years since I left. I
commend myself unto thee.--April 1, 1467.
Thy Lucrezia.[111]
The long journey and the damp told on Lucrezia who was never strong,
and at Foligno she fell seriously ill.
Lucrezia de’ Medici _to her husband_ Piero
I know not, she writes, whether it is thanks to these doctors or to
thy letter received last night, but this morning I felt so well that
I hope to set forth in three days. Maestro Girolamo will tell thee
exactly the state of my health, which I think will content thee. I
only lament the many annoyances I have caused thee on my journey.
But believe me, wherever I might have been I should have been ill,
for I have brought up much phlegm and nastiness which must have been
there for a long time. Commend me to Mona Contessina and beg her to
have patience, for soon, as soon as it pleases these doctors, I shall
return to her and maybe she will take better care of me, though here,
thanks be to God, I have wanted for nothing. I know not whether I
should even have had such conveniences at home, certainly not at Rome.
If it seems good to thee that I should send back Messer Gentile for
Giuliano let me know before we start.[112] I shall wait to get quite
well as thou sayest, and to recoup. Meanwhile and always I commend
myself to thee and beg thee to be patient with me.--In Foligno, May 4,
1467, at 1 o’clock.
Thy Lucrezia.
Yesterday and last night I slept, as the Maestro will have told thee,
as though quite well.[113]
After her return to Florence the doctors sent Lucrezia early in
September to Bagno a Morba, a place already mentioned in earlier
pages. But here, where several letters are given written by Lucrezia
from that celebrated spring, a few words may be added on the bathing
habits of the fifteenth century to show how large a part they played
in the social life of the time. For it is a delusion to think that the
frequent use of water, cold or hot, is a modern virtue. It is true that
from the middle of the sixteenth century till the end of the eighteenth
men and women washed but sparingly. Marguerite de Valois could say to
her lover, “See these fair hands. Though they have not been washed
for eight days, they are cleaner than yours.” Manuals of Etiquette,
published in 1667 and in 1782, recommend ladies and gentlemen to clean
their faces with a dry white linen cloth, because to wash the face
with water makes it more susceptible to cold in winter and to tan in
summer. But in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the use of water
was nearly as common as it is now. The whole population, whether north
or south of the Alps, rejoiced in bathing. They used cold baths, hot
baths, and steam baths; they gathered to bathe in mineral water; above
all they delighted in baths when the water came from hot springs, and
those were most prized which were strongly impregnated with sulphur,
as was the case at Morba. The site of many an Italian monastery was
selected simply because it was near enough a hot spring for the monks
to enjoy what was looked on almost as necessary to healthy living.
Indeed one of the punishments inflicted on unruly members of the
community was a prohibition to use the bath. The Italian doctors
distinguished between _Stupha_, or hot air, and _Balneum_, or hot water
baths. Rubbing and even scratching whilst bathing was recommended, and
Arnaldo di Villa Nuova (1300-1366) ordered his elderly patients to be
well rubbed when in the water, and to take a herb-bath four times a
month. Soap, and sometimes lye, was used, and Italian soap was in great
request, particularly in Germany.
The hot sulphur springs of Morba had been known for centuries, and
belonged to the Commune of Volterra, as is mentioned in a document of
1297. They lie some ten miles south of the old Etruscan city, in that
part of the Apennines dominated by the imposing Monte Cerbole, in a
region which then and now produced borax and alum. The wild desolate
scenery gave rise to legends. It was said that on stormy nights a fiery
chariot drawn by fiery horses rushes along the mountain side, and then
with a terrific noise which drowns thunder and wind, dashes down into
the valley leading to the lagoons of Larderello, which were supposed
to be the mouths of hell, and disappears. After the apparition of the
chariot, the jets of white sulphureous smoke which always rise more or
less from the grey soil are more dense and hiss like great serpents as
they curl upwards to the sky. It is altogether an uncanny place. Here
and there the black mud bubbles and boils, rising up in small cones
which subside with a strange rumbling noise like the hoarse barking or
growling of a distant watchdog. The ground sounds hollow under foot,
and shakes if you walk near any of the blowholes, while the smell of
rotten eggs, so characteristic of sulphur springs, is overpowering,
particularly after rain.
The famous baths are not far off. They had been largely deserted,
conduits broken, bathing-houses tumbling down, everything neglected
and falling to ruin. The sulphureous springs, left to find their way
through the rocks and the soil, were wasted and produced nothing but
evil-smelling ooze. When the Florentines became masters of Volterra
they sent Doctor Ugolino da Montecatini with their Chancellor Colucci
da Salutati to report on the virtues of the waters in 1388. Something
was done to render the baths useful and productive. The village with
its small castle was rebuilt and surrounded with a sheltering wall.
Visitors were protected from the sudden assaults of the robber nobles
whose castles crowned neighbouring heights, and who swooped down on
the bathers in hopes of plunder and ransom. The baths regained some of
their old prosperity, and gouty or rheumatic Florentines braved the
discomforts of the road to make use of the waters. Cosimo Pater Patriæ
visited them frequently, and on a memorable occasion a favourite pair
of scissors were left in his lodgings, which Contessina tells her son
Giovanni to send back to Florence (p. 55). The probability is, however,
that the arrangements were anything but luxurious when Lucrezia first
tried and found the benefits of the healing springs.
She soon saw the advantages of the position, and after buying the
village and baths of Morba in 1477 from the Commune of Florence, in
true Florentine fashion at once made plans which would benefit the
place, its visitors, her own health, and her pocket. The valuable
water was largely wasted; cisterns were needed; more springs might
be discovered. Accordingly experts were engaged, the ground was
investigated, and work was carefully planned. The known springs were
cleared, the water was carefully collected and brought into a great
covered cistern built of well-burnt bricks and covered with tiles
according to the most approved pattern of the day. Search was made for
other springs; the streamlets were followed back to their sources in
neighbouring rocks. Soon the supply of water was more than doubled.
Meanwhile the bathing-houses with their twelve separate baths were
rebuilt. Old engravings enable us to form some idea of these Italian
baths, which were made much more luxurious than those north of the
Alps. There is no trace of that promiscuous bathing so common in
Germany. Either the sexes had separate bathing-houses or, what is
more probable, used the same baths at different hours. We see a room
with one or more oblong baths set in the floor, and to each bathroom
was attached a smaller apartment with a bed for the hour of repose
enjoined after bathing. The bathing establishment was a long row of
such bathrooms completely separate from each other. At first the same
stream of water served all the baths at Morba, but it was found that
those nearest the cisterns were too hot, while those furthest from
them were too cold. The defect was remedied by an ingenious system of
conduits. Provision was made in each bathroom for shower or douche
baths, the water being conducted along the walls in open gutters
pierced with holes above each wooden tub. Lucrezia also built a large
house which served as an hotel and, as at Cauterets--the favourite
bathing resort of Marguerite d’Angoulême, the Queen of Navarre, where
there was a _Maison du Roi_, while the other bathers lived in _cabanes
et logis_--there was a “small palace” for her own use and that of her
family. It must have been a thorough holiday for the energetic and busy
woman, for, as the Queen of Navarre said, “while at the baths one must
live as free from care as a child.”
Lorenzo accompanied his mother to Morba, but there was a report which
seems to have been well founded, though Piero in his letter to her
treats it as an idle dream, that the Florentine exiles had resolved
to attack the place and capture both mother and son. So Lucrezia
invented some pretext to send him back to Florence, and the family
doctor prevented his return. It will be noticed that although children
in those days spoke of their parents by their Christian names, yet they
almost always wrote _voi_ (you) in addressing them. Only husband and
wife and parents used the familiar _tu_ (thou). _Lei_, now universally
used to all but near relations or great friends, is never met with.
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to his mother_ Lucrezia _at Bagno a Morba_
I thought I should have been with you by now, but the weather has
become much cooler, and Maestro Mariotti does not think it would be
good for my eczema to return there. Therefore I have determined not
to come. Piero has promised to go and see you either with Messer
Benedetto or soon afterwards. Let us find that you are so improved
in health that nothing more will be necessary. We are all well here,
particularly Piero, whose only need is to hear oftener about you; in
truth, whether from the negligence of the writer or perhaps of the
messenger, till now we have had but scant news. Therefore to satisfy
us all, more particularly Piero, see that we get your answers more
quickly, and apply yourself diligently to benefit from your sojourn
there. I commend myself to you.--In Florence on the 19th day of
September 1467.
I should be glad if you send me back my purple _cioppetta_ (tunic) as
I have nought to wear, the other things I do not want.
Your Lorenzo de’ Medici.[114]
Piero de’ Medici _to his wife_ Lucrezia _at Morba_
I wrote to thee a few days ago, and soon afterwards Lorenzo arrived.
It was wiser to send him away from there, although I think they are
all dreams. From him and also from thy letter to Mona Contessina I
learn that thou art better, so I hope for thy complete recovery,
which is indeed certain. It cannot be otherwise after the prayers
and supplications which have been and are being made in places some
of which thou knowest, and in others which thou knowest not. But
what must be attributed to the grace of God is that prayers have
been made by those who know us not, and whom thou hast never known:
a wonderful thing truly, more divine than human, and I steadfastly
believe that owing to these prayers we shall receive grace from God:
but as thou in thy wisdom knoweth we shall remain deeply in debt. God
make us grateful and send us the power to satisfy all. Have faith
and be obedient to the doctors, do not depart one drachm from their
commands, submit and suffer all things, if not for thyself and for us,
for the love of God who shows He will help us. Attend to nought but
to the reason for which thou art there ...[115] give no thought to us,
for we are well and want for nothing ...[115] return well, in better
health than when thou wentest ...[115] are prosperous, and there is
good hope of peace. Giovanni Tornabuoni, if it pleases God, leaves
for Rome to-morrow. Do not trouble to write if thou canst not. Nought
else.--October 1, 1467.
Piero di Cosimo de’ Medicis.[116]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to his mother_ Lucrezia _at Bagno a Morba_
I have your letter and am most grieved to hear that your pains have
returned, but as you say they are not so severe I do hope that this
time they will take leave of you, and depart for good. Please God it
may be so, also in the future. I wrote to you that Giovanni had to go;
he went on Saturday; but he could not pass by Bagno a Morba because
he was obliged to leave in great haste; so he will not do as I said.
I have been too long absent and therefore I shall not be able, as I
wished, to come and see you again, and you will probably not remain
there long. Please God that you return in good health, as you and we
hope. We are all well, Piero especially, and we long to see you soon,
and as we trust well. I commend myself unto you.--In Florence, October
4, 1467.
Your Lorenzo de’ Medici.[117]
Contessina de’ Medici _to her daughter-in-law_ Lucrezia _at Bagno a
Morba_
Dearest as a Daughter,--This morning I received thy letter by which
with great joy I learn that thou art better, for this we must give
thanks to God and pray with all our hearts that He may restore
thee to perfect health. From Piero I hear continually about thee,
so thou must not tire thyself by writing to me. I sent back by the
messenger the spices asked for, and I received the knives, which
shall be looked to. Do not worry about Ginevra, for I have arranged
and will continue to arrange for her family. The visits in thy name
to Laudomina[118] have been paid and all that was necessary has been
done. She is very discontented although it was a boy. Here all are
well, thanks be to God. I hope it is the same with all of you. No more
at present.--October 25, 1467.
Mona Contessina.[119]
Piero de’ Medici _to his wife_ Lucrezia _at Bagno a Morba_
Lucrezia mine,--As I know thou wilt understand the letter I have
written to Niccolò I shall not write to thee at length; also because
thy return is nigh at hand, which I await with infinite longing. I
enclose a letter from the Illustrious Madonna Duchess, thou wilt
understand what she says. Show it to Messer Benedetto. See how much
we are beholden to her. We must give thanks to Almighty God, and also
to her when the time comes. No more at present. Christ give thee
health--At Florence on the 12th day of November 1467, at the fifth
hour.
Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici.[120]
Luigi Pulci _from Pisa to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici _at Florence_
_Salve amicissime_, &c.,--I have been delayed, and shall remain here
several days. I know not whether Tomaso Capponi or my Bernardo[121]
will ask thee to help them about that business; if they do I beg thee
to do so, as is thy wont. If my presence is necessary let me know.
Anyhow I shall come on Saturday, but if I am wanted I am always ready
to leave everything at thy bidding.
If Gualterotto has not replied about my dog, or if his reply calls for
another letter, I beg thee as warmly as ever I begged for anything to
answer.
On Friday the Illustrious Duke of Calabria and the Magnificent Luigi
de’ Pulci talked of thee all day long, and said much ill. Thou hast
gained great honour by thy letter given to him by the Captain, he has
followed thy advice, and told me what an admirable letter it was; so
the Captain and he have made a warm friendship. On Sunday night I sup
here with him, and the Captain has charged me to thank thee by letter
and by word of mouth, so he has not written. As I do now by letter, so
will I also do later with my tongue.
The Illustrious Duke spoke to me about the festival of St. John which
he is most desirous to see, and he charged me to tell thee to help
him and to order that it shall be a fine festival, and said many other
things which I cannot now repeat or give thee to understand, as said
Betto della Centina.
I have no more to say save that I commend myself to thee. Salute our
Dionigio from me, and tell him this letter is not from Pini,[122] and
that he is to think of me at Pietra al Migliaio. If there is any fear
that the wine should be finished ere I arrive with his own hand he
must measure what remains in the butt, and keep two flasks against my
return, for if I thought I was not to see it any more I should be in
despair.--Pisa, May 30, 1468. _Vale._
Thy Luigi Pulci.[123]
Luigi Pulci _at Pisa to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
If thou dost not wish it to be known or thought that I am thy friend
and can have all I want from thee, cause it to be published everywhere
at thy expense. As I have had no money to spend I have spent (traded
on) thy reputation. Here I am pointed at wherever I go: that is
Lorenzo’s great friend. Therefore three peasants from Buti will come
to thee, certain Giovanni and Piero and Mariano of Buti, friends of
Piero Vespucci; they have some business about which he has written
and I am requested to recommend them to thee. For love of me be good
to them, for it would give me much pleasure, either with a promise,
or hand them over to whomever thou wilt: only help them in some way.
I will then inscribe it in the book of benefits and obligations I owe
thee.
No more, I commend myself to thee as usual. God be with thee. _Vale et
me dilige._--From Pisa, May 31, 1468.
On Sunday evening the Duke and I shall be together. If I am to tell
him aught from thee let me know.
Thy Luigi de’ Pulci.[124]
Cardinal Latino Orsini _to_ Piero de’ Medici
_Magnifice vir, affinis tanquam frater carissime, salutem_,--With
great joy we have signed what our Johanni Tornabuoni brought us from
you. I hope, thanks be to God, that this thing will conduce to the
well-being of your house and of ours, for it pleases us old people,
also the youth and the maiden, and indeed all. We should be glad to
see our nephew Lorenzo, or _saltem_ his brother, at the feast of the
Nativity. We should give him a magnificent, a quiet, or a middling
reception, according to your wishes, for we only desire to please you
in this: and you may rest assured that all we have is at your disposal
and pleasure. Be careful, I beg of you, to keep well and joyful, thus
nought will be wanting to you or to us.--_Ex Urbe, die 26 Novembris
1468._
L. Cardinalis De Ursinus,
_Manu propria, Episcopus Tusculanus_.[125]
Filippo de’ Medici, _Archbishop of Pisa, at Rome, to_ Piero de’ Medici
_Magnifice vir, tanquam pater honorande, post commendationem_,
&c.,--By Giovanni Tornabuoni I received your letter, and he has given
me the message from Your Magnificence. It pleases me mightily; I
do not think that in these times Your Magnificence could have done
better. I could not be better pleased or more gratified, considering
that it is for the benefit and the common good of all; therefore I
congratulate Your Magnificence. And that Your Magnificence may be
amply informed about everything, although I know you will hear all
from Giovanni, nevertheless it is my duty to tell you that this very
day, in the name of God, everything has been concluded. The reason
why the contract is not _per verba de presenti_ is that Monsignore
[Cardinal Orsini] does not wish it to be divulged, therefore we send a
sketch of the contract according to his desire; the one sent to us was
simple enough. Everything has been agreed to in the following fashion,
_videlicet_: That they give a dower of 6000 Roman florins in money,
jewels, and dresses; which they stipulate should return to their heirs
should she not have children or dispose of it by will. They agree that
you should not give her the fourth part of the dower, as is customary
here; and in this and all other matters, the Florentine usage and
custom is to be followed save in the restitution of the dower if she
dies _sine filiis et intestata_. Thus neither the custom here nor the
custom there will be absolutely adhered to, so that both parties will
be content. I have been present at all the arrangements, and they seem
to me honest and reasonable; for you do not need her fortune, and your
own remains to you. It is but reasonable that they should have their
way in something.
Magnificent Piero, I value the connection much, but they are even more
desirous and glad to be related to you. Of a truth their pleasure is
not to be described. This must be a satisfaction to you, and every
day, if it pleases God, you will be better satisfied, and we also; for
truly if I had a hundred tongues I could not tell Your Magnificence
how pleased I am. Send the contract soon, for it will be impossible to
keep this affair secret, as Pietro d’Arcangelo, chancellor of the Duke
of Urbino, has spoken of it, and these Pazzi have begun to spread the
news.
You have not sent the letters I asked Your Magnificence for; probably
because you had letters from the King to send here concerning the
affair about which I wrote. If you have them it would be well to send
them as I can assure Your Magnificence that if the friend takes up
the business I have good hopes of success. Whatever Your Magnificence
does in this and other matters about which I shall write will be well
done, as I am certain that Your Magnificence values my well-being
and my honour as much as I do myself. I commend myself to Your
Magnificence, _et quam Deus felicem conservet_.--Rome, November 27,
1468. _Magnificentie Vestres_,
_Filius_ Phy. Archiepiscopus Pisanus,
_manus propria_.
I said above that I had good hopes if the letters are sent, not
because I rely on the benevolence of him who is to do the affair, but
because he, if he wishes to gain a place, must give his companion a
share, who will either do nothing or be obliged to act according to
the will of the other. But he has a great desire to succeed, and will
not give heed to what people say, and therefore will not care much
for those who may claim their share at any cost. The afore-mentioned
affair [the marriage] has not been announced yet to our Lord the
Pope, because it did not seem good to Monsignore to do so before the
contract is here.[126]
Francesco Tornabuoni, Lorenzo de’ Medici’s uncle, who together with
his brother Giovanni was in the Medici bank at Rome, did his best to
inspire his nephew with love for the girl suggested by Giovanni as his
bride by writing flowery descriptions of her.
Francesco Tornabuoni _to his nephew_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
Not a day passes that I do not see your Madonna Clarice, who has
bewitched me: she improves every day. She is beautiful, she has the
sweetest of manners and an admirable intelligence. It is about eight
days since she began to learn to dance, and each day she learns a
new one; no sooner is it shown her than she knows it. Master Agnolo
had begged her to write to you with her own hand, but nothing would
induce her to do so. Then I begged of her, and she said she would,
only she told me you were evidently extremely occupied with this
tournament; and then arrived Donnino who brought no letter from you.
As you cannot visit her in person at least write to her often, it
would give her great pleasure. Of a truth you have the most perfect
bride in Italy.--January 4, 1469.
Your Francesco di Filippo Tornabuoni in Rome.
Francesco’s letter had the desired effect, and Lorenzo wrote to his
bride. Unfortunately his letters are not to be found. Her answers are
touching in their girlish simplicity, but they show that Clarice,
brought up in strictly clerical surroundings, was not the woman to
captivate the brilliant, rather sceptical Lorenzo.
Clarice Orsini _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
_Magnifico consorte, recommandatione_, &c.,--I have received a letter
from you and have understood all you write. That you liked my letter
rejoices me, as I am always desirous to do what pleases you. Then you
say that you write but little; I am content with whatever is your
pleasure, living always in hope for the future. Madonna, my mother,
sends you her blessing. I beg you to commend me to your and my father,
to your and my mother, and to the others you deem right. I always
commend myself to you.--At Rome the 28th day of January 1469.
Your Clarice De Ursinus.
Francesco Tornabuoni _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici, _his nephew_
In the name of God, on the 16th day of February 1469.
_Magnifice vir et maior honorandissime_,--This day letters from
Giovanni have come, saying how you jousted in the tournament, and
that Your Magnificence was unhurt and had achieved great honour. As
soon as I heard the news, I went to tell your Madonna Clarice, and
took her a letter from Giovanni, which gave her more pleasure than I
can describe. For four days she has been sad by reason of her fear for
Your Magnificence in the tournament, she also had a slight headache;
as soon as she heard the news the headache disappeared and she was
quite merry. Of Madonna Maddalena [Orsini] I say nought, for it is
impossible to say how contented and happy she is; the only thing she
desires is that you should come here for Lent, for she says she wants
you to see your merchandise before you take it home: it improves every
day. Enclosed you will find a letter from her. Madonna Clarice would
not write, and she bids me say from her that she has a great secret
to tell you which she will entrust to no one, neither will she write
it for fear the letter should go astray. Indeed she longs to see you,
and now the tournament is over you have no valid excuse. She commends
herself to Your Magnificence, and to the Magnificent Piero and Madonna
Contessina, and to Bianca, Nannina, and Giuliano. I have bought some
purple cloth from London for a petticoat _a la romanesca_, which will
I think suit her; she intends to visit all the _perdoni_ (relics) to
pray God for you.
Nought is talked of here but the splendour of the entertainment given
by you and especially of your own doings; they say no paladin ever
did more than Your Magnificence, and every one rejoices, particularly
your friends. Messer Giovanfrancesco, son of the Marquess of Mantua,
commends himself to Your Magnificence, and sends you many compliments.
I have no more to say at present save to commend myself to Your
Magnificence, praying that God may keep you from all ill.
Your Francesco di Filippo Tornabuoni, in Rome.[127]
Clarice Orsini _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
_Magnifice consorte, recommandatione_, &c.,--I have received a letter
from you which was most pleasing to me, telling me of the tournament
wherein you gained much honour. I am most glad that you have been
satisfied in a thing which gives you pleasure; and if my prayers have
been granted in this, I, as a person who desires to do something to
give you pleasure, am well satisfied. I beg you to commend me to my
father Piero, to my mother Lucretia, to Madonna Contessina, and to all
others you think right. I commend myself to you. No more.--In Rome the
25th day of February 1469.
Your Clarice de Ursinus.
The tournament of which Clarice writes was held on February 7, 1469,
in honour of the marriage of Lorenzo’s great friend, Braccio Martello,
and is recorded in a poem by Luigi Pulci.[128] It took place in the
Piazza S. Croce, and cost, as Lorenzo notes in his _Ricordi_, 10,000
ducats. This estimate, however, can only refer to the structures and
decorations in the Piazza S. Croce, and cannot include the money
expended on personal adornment. The dress of Giuliano alone, then
a handsome boy of fifteen, was said to have cost 80,000 ducats. It
was made of silver brocade strewn with pearls. Lorenzo’s, with its
jewels, must have cost a great deal more. He rode to the lists on a
magnificently caparisoned horse given to him by Ferrante, King of
Naples. Over his surcoat he wore a broad silk scarf, with fresh and
withered roses embroidered round his motto, _Le Tems Revient_, written
in pearls. In his black velvet cap studded with pearls was a feather
of gold filagree set with diamonds and rubies, and on his shield were
displayed the three golden lilies of France on an azure ground, the
privilege of bearing which was granted to his father Piero in 1465
(see p. 86), while in the centre of the shield blazed the great Medici
diamond, _Il Libro_. In the Piazza he mounted a charger presented to
him by Borso d’Este, Duke of Ferrara, and buckled on armour sent by the
Duke of Milan. His prowess is celebrated by Luigi Pulci as rivalling
the deeds of Orlando and Achilles, and the first prize, a helmet
of silver with a figure of Mars, was assigned to him. Lorenzo more
modestly states that he was not well versed in the use of weapons and
the delivery of blows.
These Italian tournaments, which we read about so frequently as forming
part of the festivities attending weddings among the richer citizens of
Florence and other Italian towns, were more processions and pageants
than the rough-and-tumble feats of arms among northern nations. At one
of the tournaments held during the sitting of the Diet of Augsburg we
are told by a spectator that six competitors were killed: at another
that Ferdinand, King of the Romans, was thrown violently and his horse
rolled on him, endangering his life. We never hear of such accidents
attending the tame tournaments of Italy.
Rinaldo Orsini _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
_Magnifice affinis ac frater honorande, salutem_, &c.,--A few days
ago I heard, but not by any letter of yours, of the tournament and
the honour done to you. God be praised for all, and especially that
you emerged safe and unhurt; in which I think you were aided by the
prayers of your Clarice. Now I have been informed of the wishes of the
Magnificent Piero and your own as to Clarice’s journey to Florence.
Although I should have certainly desired, albeit I have not been
consulted, that your wishes should be followed in this matter, always
subordinate to those of Madonna our mother, who is very sorrowful at
her departure, yet it would only have been seemly if I, as well as
other people, had been written to about this business, for you have no
nearer relation here, nor one who is more desirous to please you in
this and in other matters. So when you want an explanation or anything
done, write openly to me and I shall do my best to satisfy you. Say
also to the Magnificent Piero that in future he is not to apply to
middle-men, for he must dispose of me as he would of a son. _Bene
valete._--Rome, February 26, 1469.
Rainaldus De Ursinus,
_Apostolice Sedis subdiaconus_.[129]
Maddalena Orsini _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
_Magnifice vir, et mi fili benedicte, salutem_,--I have had a letter
from you which is most welcome, in which you say that your coming here
depends upon the will of the Magnificent Piero and the opinion of his
Lordship the Cardinal. I am quite content with whatever pleases them.
How glad I should be to see you before sending my daughter I cannot
express, but I am sure the Magnificent Piero knows best, and that we
shall never err by carrying out his commands. At all events I hope you
have the wish to know me and all your relations here. No more. God
preserve you ever in good health and happiness. Clarice is well and
commends herself to all.--Rome, March 4, 1469.
Maghdalena De Ursinus.[130]
Filippo de’ Medici, _Archbishop of Pisa_, _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
_Magnifice vir et frater honorande_, &c.,--I hardly know how to
express to Your Magnificence with what pleasure and contentment I
have this day espoused in your name the Magnificent and noble Madonna
Clarice degl’ Orsini, a maiden whose looks, carriage, and manners I
conceive merit the bridegroom who was I think destined for her by
Heaven. For this Your Magnificence ought devoutly to thank God who
in this, as in other matters wherein you have been so well treated
by fortune, has protected you; and I, who desire your well-being
and honour as ardently as any one, for many reasons have longed for
this day and congratulate Your Magnificence _ex intimo cordis_; may
it be productive of all good. I pray our Lord Jesus Christ to grant
to both a happy and a long life together and to let you see _filios
filiorum vestrorum usque in quartam et quintam generationem_. I will
say no more because from Giovanni [Tornabuoni] you will have heard
everything. If I can do aught for your service let me know, and I will
do it as willingly as any one alive, as I am sure Your Magnificence
knows _quam Deas diu felicem conservet_.[131]
Lorenzo in his _Ricordi_ writes: “I, Lorenzo, took to wife Clarice,
the daughter of Signor Jacopo Orsini, or rather she was given to me
(_i.e._ betrothed), in December 1468 and the marriage was celebrated in
our house on the 4th June 1469. Till now I have by her two children,
a daughter called Lucrezia ... years old, and a son called Piero ...
months old. King Ferrante is the godfather of the girl. She is again
with child. God spare her to us for a long time and preserve her from
all ill” (see p. 153).
The following description of Lorenzo de’ Medici’s wedding is taken from
a contemporary manuscript existing in Codex 574, Class xxv. of the
Strozziani MSS. in the National Library of Florence. There is no record
of the writer in the manuscript, but his name appears in the catalogue
of the Library as Piero di Marco Parenti, and it may be that it was
on the cover which is wanting. Born in Florence in January 18, 1450,
Parenti died in May 1519, and according to Moreni was the author of
several other works which still exist in manuscript in the Library. The
name of the person to whom the letter was written does not appear, but
from people mentioned, and other indications, he may have been Filippo
di Matteo Strozzi, the builder of the fine Palazzo Strozzi in Florence,
who was then in Naples.
_An Account of the Wedding of_ Lorenzo di Piero di Cosimo, _according
to what was told me by Cosimo Bartoli, one of the principal Directors
of the Festival, particularly as regards Sweetmeats and Sugar-plums,
and also what I saw myself_.
On Friday, which was the 2nd of June, the presents offered by the
countryside began to arrive from the principal towns, Pisa, Arezzo,
and other communes, villas, and castles. All presented eatables, such
as calves, fowls, geese, wine, sweetmeats, wax, and fish. I send you
the exact list as far as I could get it. The presentations of these
went on all day on Saturday with great noise and rejoicings: and on
that day pieces of veal of from 10 to 20 lbs. in weight were given to
800 citizens. You and I were among the number.
Calves, 150.
More than 2000 couples of capons, geese, and fowls.
Sea fish and trout in large quantities. I do not yet know how many.
Sweet things in abundance; sugar-plums as big as arbutus berries,
almonds, pine-seeds, sweetmeats, also the imitations thereof from
there [Naples?]. The number I do not yet know.
Wax I know not how much.
Many hundreds of flasks of wine and several casks of foreign wines,
such as malvasy and the like, and of native red wine.
Of corn, oats, and the like, I do not think there was much.
On Sunday morning the bride left the house of Benedetto degl’
Alessandri on the big horse given to Lorenzo by the King [of Naples],
preceded by many trumpeters and fifers, and surrounded by the
youths usually in attendance on marriage festivities, well clothed.
Behind her came two cavaliers, Messer Carlo and Messer Tommaso, on
horseback with their retainers, who according to the usage of the city
accompanied her to her husband’s house which was most sumptuously
adorned, and where a stage had been erected in the street for
dancing. As she dismounted the bride’s retinue arrived from the house
of the Alessandri: thirty young matrons and maidens most richly
dressed, and among them was your Fiammetta, one of the two handsomest
there. They were accompanied by another set of youths dressed for
dancing and preceded by trumpeters. Thirty other maidens were in
Lorenzo’s house to receive the bride and her retinue. After the olive
tree, to the sound of much music, had been hauled up to the windows,
all went to dinner. The tree was arranged in a vase like those used on
the triumphal cars for the feast of S. Giovanni and was almost like a
_trionfo_.
The order of the banquets, of which there were five, was alike on the
mornings of Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday.
The bride, with about fifty maidens who were the dancers, ate in the
garden under the loggia which you know, and the tables were set at
the sides as far as the doors, one of which leads into the house,
the other outside. In the loggia which surrounds the courtyard of
the house sat the citizens who had been invited. The tables were
placed on three sides, beginning from the garden, and following the
wall were six tables: here sat from seventy to eighty citizens. In
the ground-floor hall the youths who danced, about thirty-two or
thirty-six, were seated. Forty or more men of more mature age were
occupied in marshalling the banquet, and at every table were two who
acted as seneschals. On a balcony in the great room upstairs dined
the women of a certain age, among them was your mother-in-law Monna
Antonia, and like her were about forty others in the company of Monna
Lucrezia. In short, at the principal tables dined about two hundred
people.
The order observed in serving was marvellous. For all the dishes were
brought in at the door opening into the street, preceded, as is the
custom, by trumpets. The bearers turned to the right in the loggia
and returned to the foot of the staircase up which some went, while
others passed into the hall to the youths, and others to the maidens
in the garden, and others again remained under the loggie where were
those who had been invited, so that all were served at the same time.
The like order was observed in taking away the dishes, and each man
knew his service and his place and did nought else. The dishes were
according to the tables, and among those who brought them in were the
stewards, each of whom directed his own men to the proper table. There
were fifty large dishes, the contents of each of which were sufficient
to fill two trenchers, and one trencher was placed between every two
guests, a carver being in attendance.
The banquets were prepared for a marriage rather than for a
magnificent feast, and I think this was done _de industria_ as an
example to others not to exceed the modesty and simplicity suitable
to marriages, so there was never more than one roast. In the morning
a small dish, then some boiled meat, then a roast, after that wafers,
marzipan and sugared almonds and pine-seeds, then jars of preserved
pine-seeds and sweetmeats. In the evening jelly, a roast, fritters,
wafers, almonds, and jars of sweetmeats. On Tuesday morning, instead
of the roast were sweet pies of succulent vegetables on trenchers; the
wines were excellent malvasy, trebbiano,[132] and red wine. Of silver
plate there was little.
No sideboards had been placed for the silver. Only tall tables in the
middle of the courtyard, round that handsome column on which stands
the David,[133] covered with tablecloths, and at the four corners were
four great copper basins for the glasses, and behind the tables stood
men to hand wine or water to those who served the guests. The same
arrangement was made in the garden round the fountain you know. On the
tables were silver vessels in which the glasses were put to be kept
cool. The salt-cellars, forks, knife-handles, bowls for the fritters,
almonds, sugar-plums, and the jars for preserved pine-seeds were of
silver; there was none other for the guests save the basins and jugs
for washing of hands. The tablecloths were of the finest white damask
linen[134] laid according to our fashion.
About four hundred citizens were invited to these five banquets, and
among them the first of your house was your Lorenzo, and then Agnolo
and Lodovico; I was also there.
On Monday morning to all who had received veal, jelly was given,
and then about 1500 trenchers full were presented to others. Many
religious [monks and nuns] also received gifts of fowls, fish,
sweetmeats, wine, and similar things.
After the guests at the first tables had finished many hundreds ate.
They say that between the house here and that of Messer Carlo[135]
more than a thousand people ate, and at Messer Carlo’s every day one
hundred barrels of wine were drunk.
In the house here, where the marriage feast was, every respectable
person who came in was at once taken to the ground-floor hall, out of
the large loggia, to refresh himself with fruit, sweetmeats, and white
and red wine. The common folk were not invited.
The feasting began in the morning a little before dinner-time, then
every one went away to repose. At about the twentieth hour (4 o’clock)
they returned and danced until supper-time on the stage outside, which
was decorated with tapestries, benches, and forms, and covered in with
large curtains of purple, green, and white cloth, embroidered with
the arms of the Medici and the Orsini. Every time a company came on
to the stage to dance they took refreshments once or twice, according
to the time. First came the trumpeters, then a great silver basin,
then many smaller ones full of glasses, then small silver jars full
of water, then many flasks of trebbiano and then twenty-three silver
bowls full of preserved pine-seeds and sweet conserves. To all was
given in abundance and all the dishes were emptied; and the same with
the flasks of wine. The account has not been made, but from five to
... thousand pounds of sweetmeats and sugar-plums were consumed.
The bride has received about fifty rings, costing they say from ten to
fifty or sixty ducats each; one piece of brocade; a sweetmeat dish of
silver, and many other such things; and a small book of the offices
of Our Lady, most beautiful, the gift of Messer Gentile,[136] written
in letters of gold on blue vellum and covered with crystal and worked
silver, which cost about two hundred florins. On Tuesday the bride
left (a tournament was held first), and returned to the house of the
Alessandri in the same dress in which she came to be married. This
was a robe of white and gold brocade and a magnificent hood on her
head, as is used here. She rode the same horse and was accompanied
by the same youths, whose rich dresses of silver brocade embroidered
with large pearls and jewels baffle description. From what they tell
of courts of great princes nothing was ever seen like it save certain
jewels of great value worn by some great Lords. Of the women I say
nothing! Such jackets and robes of silk, all of them embroidered with
pearls. I rather blame than praise this height of civilisation. And
thus ended this marriage.
One day it rained; on the Monday, just when the feast was at its
highest. It seemed as though done on purpose. It enveloped everything
and wet the beautiful dresses, for the rain was so sudden and so heavy
that many could not get under shelter soon enough. But the youths and
the women had not put on the finest clothes which they had reserved
for that day, the most important of the feast, so that to many it
seemed their money had been spent in vain, not being able to wear
them. However, on Tuesday morning when the bride went to hear mass in
S. Lorenzo, accompanied by all the youths and maidens who had attended
her at the wedding, every one was in their finest clothes. I warrant
you that there were about fifty maidens and young girls and as many or
more youths, so richly dressed that I do not think that anywhere among
so many people could such a splendid and fine spectacle be seen.
I know that though I have written you many things and in much detail
there is much still to be said; and although it is not worth your
reading or my writing, yet I have done so for your information, as I
know you to be curious, and that you like to know exactly how things
went. So I have written thus thinking it would please you better than
a more serious style.[137]
Rinaldo Orsini _to his sister_ Clarice de’ Medici
Magnificent sister, _salutem_. From Messer Giovanni [Tornabuoni] we
have heard all the excellent news about your family, so that we are
most happy and contented, and could have received no better news. We
all beg and advise you to conduct yourself in such manner with every
one that you will become even dearer to Piero, Lorenzo, Giuliano,
Madonna Contessina, and Madonna Lucrezia, and to your sisters-in-law,
and generally to all relations and other persons you meet. If we can
do anything here for Lorenzo or any of your family offer me to them,
for nothing shall be left undone to fulfil any desire of theirs. Also
if there is aught you wish done tell me, and I shall show that I hold
you as dear as I do Organtino, who, as a male, and careful of the
interests of our house, I love as I do my own life. Commend me to the
Magnificent Piero and the ladies, and salute Lorenzo and Giuliano from
me. _Item_ it is necessary that Messer Baptista da Augubio [Gubbio]
should go to Florence, you know how devoted he is to us; if needs be
ask Piero and Lorenzo, for love of us, to favour him.--Rome, June 1469.
Rainaldus de Orsini.[138]
Giovanni di Bentivogli _from Bologna to_ Piero de’ Medici _at Florence_
_Magnifice et Prestantissime Pater honorande_,--I have not written
to Your Magnificence in these last days about the affair at Rimini,
because I was sure you would hear of it from diverse sides, and that
the Illustrious League would take proper steps. But as I neither see
nor hear that the Illustrious League has made any sign of life and
considering the great injury to us, to the friends of the League, and
to yourself, which will be occasioned in the future, I am moved to
note it and to impart my thoughts to Your Magnificence; although I
do not esteem myself of sufficient capacity to write such notes. But
anxiety, and devotion to the Illustrious League, and the love I bear
Your Magnificence induce me to warn you. I have also written this my
opinion to H.E. the Duke, and should have done the same to H.M. the
King, only the road is long and our messengers pass with difficulty;
also I thought Your Magnificence would have sent the news from there.
Your Magnificence must have heard that the Signoria of Venice has
again made an alliance with our Lord the Pope, _et inter alia_ has
promised to send, whenever he demands them, 4000 horse and 3000
foot-soldiers into Romagna. From good authority I hear that the Pope
has just asked for them, and that the Signoria is arming them and has
ordered His Magnificence Ercole [Duke of Ferrara], the Lords of Carpi
and of Mirandola, to hold themselves in readiness to march; and that
yesterday they were to receive their pay. Also I hear that bridges
are being thrown across the Po near Ravenna, for the passage of the
troops of the Signoria of Venice, and that the picked squadrons and
Antonello da la Corna were advancing to meet these others. What all
these preparations mean I leave to the judgment of Your Magnificence.
I can only imagine that the Pope and the Signoria of Venice intend to
occupy Arimino and the rest of Romagna and then Bologna. Should Rimini
fall this will probably happen, and where Bologna and Imola would be
Your Magnificence and the League may, like prudent men, calculate.
He who does not put a stop to such beginnings will spend a hundred
instead of one, and God grant things may go well. I therefore beg and
entreat Your Magnificence to succour little Arimino in order that the
wound may not fester and increase in such wise that none can heal it.
The Illustrious League must not allow its friends to lose courage and
faith, else the end will be our perdition. To me it seems this is not
a moment for losing time. Your Magnificence must remember that the
Pope and the Signoria of Venice have been preparing this for a long
time, otherwise the Pope would not have spent so much money, a thing
quite against his nature. Had the move been only against Arimino;
but it is more especially against Bologna and the rest of Romagna,
and more considerable events may follow. I commend myself to Your
Magnificence.--June 17, 1469.
Johannes di Bentivolis.[139]
A few weeks after his wedding Lorenzo had to leave his bride and
undertake an embassy to Milan. A son had been born on June 20th to
Galeazzo, Duke of Milan, and Piero de’ Medici was asked to stand
sponsor to the child. He was too ill to travel, and “somewhat
unwillingly,” he confesses, sent Lorenzo to act as his proxy. The
embassy went by Prato, Pistoja, Lucca, and Pietrasanta to Sarzana,
which town and district had been recently purchased by Pietro and
added to the Florentine dominions. Thence the company travelled by
Pontremoli to Milan. The preparations for the journey were evidently
on too magnificent a scale to please the cautious father, and we find
him complaining to his wife Lucrezia in a less affectionate tone than
usual. The following three letters refer to the journey. To it also
belongs the passage in Lorenzo’s _Ricordi_ or memoranda, in which he
states that Sforza proposed that he should stand godfather to all his
other children.
Piero de’ Medici _at Careggi to_ Lucrezia _his wife in Florence_
Thou knowest how unwilling I was for many reasons, particularly in
order not to give any importance to this mission, to allow Lorenzo
to go. Yesterday we agreed about this, but I have not heard what
thou hast done; it has been much talked about, which displeases me.
Herewith I repeat that they must be here this evening and start
_infallanter_ to-morrow morning. If they do not, I shall arrange in
some other way. Meanwhile see that everything is ready, and tell
Lorenzo that he is not to exceed his orders, or to make any great
show;[140] he is not an ambassador. I am determined that the gosling
shall not lead the gander to drink. Make haste, for thou must return
here without fail this evening. No more.--Careggi, July 13, 1469.
Piero di Cosimo.[141]
Gentile Becchi _to_ Clarice de’ Medici
_Magnifica Domina_, &c.
Your Magnificence commanded me to send you news of your Magnificent
Lorenzo every eight days. I now begin to recount the first week. As
you will have heard from Francesco Nori and Gugliemo de’ Pazzi, after
leaving you in the early morning we arrived at Prato during the cool.
He dined with the Protonotary of the Medici, together with the Podestà
of the place, his own people and Giuliano. There was some wind when we
left about the 20th hour [4 P.M.], and he reached Pistoja on Friday
evening, being met by several citizens of the town. He dismounted at
the Bishop’s palace, as a messenger had said that Monsignore expected
him. Having saluted the Bishop he went, while the luggage was being
unloaded, to visit the two governors (_Rettori_), the Captain and
the Podestà of the town, who were all invited by the Bishop to keep
him company at supper. Four citizens came on behalf of the Priors to
excuse themselves in the name of the townspeople, that on account of
his unexpected arrival they had not, &c. &c., and begged him with
affectionate words that on his return, &c. On Saturday he mounted at
nine in the morning, and dined at Pescia with the governor, Baptista
Nasi, there being no better inn; the heads of the Commune came to
pay their respects, and presented wine, marzipan (cakes made with
sweet almonds), and corn, and some private citizens did the same.
After resting in the house of the Grand Master of Altopascio, who
had accompanied him for dinner, he left at 20 of the clock, and met
several chief citizens who had come to do him honour in their houses.
Passing through Lucca at 23 of the clock, he dismounted at the inn
della Corona,[142] outside the town on the Pisan road, intending to
leave the next morning (Sunday). But after supper came six citizens of
Lucca, with torches and servants of the Signoria, and finding Lorenzo
on the square in the cool receiving visits from private acquaintances
Paolo Trenta and Piero Guidiccioni addressed him, complaining that he
had not deigned to dismount in a city where he was so welcome and had
such influence, but had gone outside, and then in a long oration they
prayed him to wait until the Signoria had, &c. &c. Lorenzo replied
that to see them, whom he reverenced as fathers, gave him patience to
undertake these visits, and perceiving that he was expected to reply
in person he would put off his departure until after dinner, and next
morning would come and demonstrate his affection towards the Signoria.
Messer Niccolò da Noceto, Paolo di Poggio, and many other citizens
came on Sunday morning to fetch him, and placing him first in their
midst, and then Bernardo Rucellai, and then the Chancellor, they
accompanied him to mass in the chapel of the Volto Santo, and then to
the Signoria, where he spoke so fluently and so well that he drew to
himself the hearts of all the people. When he returned presents began
to arrive, torches, large and small, marzipan, boxes of sweetmeats,
and wine. He thanked, bestowed gifts, kept a few of the gentlemen
to dinner, spread out his silver, and as some showed symptoms of
moving the wind having risen, he left before the time fixed; yet
many of the citizens rode after him, and insisted on accompanying
him and talking much. On the way he rested at Chiesa, Mazzarosa, and
Capezzano, all very pretty places. At Pietrasanta he arrived at 23 of
the clock, and lodged at the inn of the Campana outside, for it is an
untrustworthy town; S. George had not much faith in S. Zita.[143] But
the governor, who is a gentleman from Fiesco, sent to offer to pay his
respects, and to do anything in his power. He saw him, thanked, and
then, accompanied by all those men who could not take their eyes off
him, supped with some of the citizens under an arbour; the place is
beautiful with the sea in front and fertile plains behind. At 8 of
the clock he mounted and rode sixteen miles most gaily. Under Monte
Tignoso he met an envoy of the Magnificent Marquess of Fosdinovo, who
invited him in the name of his master, and at Lavenza, or a little
before reaching Luni, the Marquess Gabriello himself, who conducted
him to his house at Sarzana. On dismounting he visited the governor
who rules here for the Florentines, then we dined, and after resting
a little went to see Sarzanella, which seen from the castle seemed to
him a good purchase.[144] When he had supped he went to visit Messer
Francesco, ducal Cameriere, who lives out of the town, and finding
him ill provided for supper, he supplied him bountifully. To-morrow
he goes to dine at Villa Franca, and in the evening will be at
Pontremoli. The journey has been so arranged that he will be at Milan
on Saturday, and after fulfilling his Magnificent father’s commission
he will return at once to you who are the only one he regrets being
absent from. He is very well and gay, and so is Bernardo.[145] Tell
Nannina this. Our party is as when we left all good friends and
obedient; we have had no drawbacks, for not even a nail is wanting. We
have had no delays or frauds. All goes well and happily: please God we
shall find you the same, to whom we all commend ourselves.--The 18th
day of July 1469.[146]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to his wife_ Clarice
I have arrived here safely and am well. I am sure this will please
thee more than any other news save that of my return, judging by my
own feelings of longing for thee and for home. Make much of Piero,
Mona Contessina, and Mona Lucrezia; I shall hasten to finish here and
return to thee, for it seems to me a thousand years since I saw thee.
Pray to God for me, and if thou wantest aught from here let me know,
so be I have not already left Milan.--July 22, 1469.
Thy Lorenzo de’ Medici.[147]
In Lorenzo’s _Ricordi_ he writes: “In the month of July MCDLXIX I went
to Milan at the request of the most illustrious Duke Galeazzo to stand
godfather, as proxy for Piero our father, to his first-born child. I
was received with much honour, more so than the others who came for
the same purpose, although they were persons more worthy than I. We
paid our duty to the Duchess by presenting her with a necklace of gold
with a large diamond, which cost near 2000 ducats. The consequence was
that the said Lord desired that I should stand godfather to all his
children.”[148]
Lorenzo de’ Medici, _from Monza_, _to his father_ Piero _in Florence_
Being here at Monza with His Excellency, he wishes me to write to you
about sending aid to Arimino, and begs you to arrange that Signor
Roberto [Malatesta] with his troop should join the Duke of Urbino. As
I know that Messer Luigi is writing fully about this I say no more,
and all being in his hands I should not have mentioned it but for His
Lordship’s orders. You will see what I write to Sagromora about being
careful of your own person, so that nothing unforeseen should happen.
It is well to give ear to all, though I do not think the danger is as
great as it seems. Still it is better to be prudent, and to imagine
danger may be greater than it really is.
I have taken leave of His Excellency, and this evening go to Milan,
where I shall spend all to-morrow. On Monday, if it pleases God, I
leave by way of Genoa, as after talking to His Lordship he thought it
a good plan. I expect to stay two or three days in Genoa and to be
with you on the 13th or at the latest the 14th of August. Meanwhile I
commend myself to you.--Moncia [Monza], July 28, 1469.
Your Lorenzo.[149]
In the autumn of 1469 Piero de’ Medici was very ill, partly no doubt
from anxiety about the state of Florence, “grievously troubled by
her own citizens.” He summoned the chief burghers to his bedside,
reproached them in the bitter words cited by Machiavelli, and
threatened that he would cause them to repent. Fair words in plenty
they gave him, but never changed their evil courses. “Whereupon,”
continues Machiavelli, “Piero called Agnolo Acciaiuoli secretly to
Caffagiuolo and conferred at length with him about the condition of
the city. There is no doubt that had he not been prevented by death he
would have reinstated all those who had been banished in order to put a
stop to the robbery of the others. But death put an end to these most
praiseworthy intentions. Tormented by increasing infirmity and anguish
of mind, he died in the fifty-third year of his age. His country could
not fully recognise his worth and his goodness, because until nearly
the end of his life he was associated with his father Cosimo, and the
few years during which he survived him were passed in civil contests
and constant illness.” Piero died at Careggi on December 2, 1469, and
was buried in S. Lorenzo, near his father.
[Illustration: LORENZO DI PIERO DE’ MEDICI.
_In the Museo Giovio (Villa Soave, Como)._]
FOOTNOTES:
[87] _Delle Istorie Fiorentine_, Niccolò Machiavelli, pp. 410 _et seq._
Milano, 1823.
[88] _Cosmi Vita_, op. cit. ii. 286.
[89] This document is undated, but was in all probability given in 1464.
[90] _Laurentii Medicis Magnifici Vita_, Angelo Fabronio, ii. 117.
Pisis, 1784.
[91] Palatina Codex 204. The volume bound in white vellum contains 622
pages. There is no title-page. Lorenzo’s letter occupies the first six
and a half pages, and without any division or new paragraph follows the
Life of Dante by Boccaccio, in the same handwriting. At page 63 the
writing changes and continues the same for forty pages. The poems were
evidently copied by various scribes, as the writing so often differs.
[92] Codex 2723. A far smaller volume in modern wooden binding. The
title-page is: _Rime del Poliziano, di Lorenzo de’ Medici, di Dante e
d’altri_. The famous letter begins on page 71 (really 142, as only the
right-hand page is numbered) and above it is written in a different and
more modern hand in red ink, _Epistola di M. Angelo Poliziano al S.
Federigo insieme con raccolto volgare mandatogli dal Magco. Lorenzo_.
The same scribe has written the names of the various poets in the
margin of the letter where they are mentioned in red ink. The Life
of Dante by Boccaccio and many of the poems that are in the Palatina
Codex are wanting. At page 78 (_i.e._ 156) the handwriting changes,
and at the end of the volume is inserted a Latin autograph letter from
Poliziano to Philippu Beroaldus. In 1814 the Abbate Vincenzo Nannucci
and Luigi Ciampolini published a collection of Poliziano’s poems and
at the end printed Lorenzo’s letter, attributing it to Poliziano. They
were evidently misled by the anonymous annotator of this codex. The
attribution to Poliziano is absurd, as he was then barely fourteen
years of age, and only knew Lorenzo in 1470, when he sent him a
translation of part of the Iliad (see p. 157).
[93] _Renaissance in Italy_, J. A. Symonds, iv. 323. Smith, Elder, &
Co., London, 1898.
[94] Manager of the Medici Bank at Milan.
[95] Ippolita Maria, daughter of Francesco Sforza, was married by proxy
to the Duke of Calabria, eldest son of King Ferrante of Naples.
[96] Gugliemo de’ Pazzi, husband of Piero’s daughter Bianca.
[97] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xx. No. 12.
[98] The address is torn, and there only remains:
... entio de Medicis
... ediolani.
(_Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza. 20, No. 157.)
[99] Don Federigo and his sister-in-law, Ippolita Maria.
[100] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xx. No. 15.
[101] A long balustrade of stone raised several feet above the Piazza,
with steps leading up to it, which once occupied the front of the
Palazzo Vecchio to the left of the door. The erection was decreed on
May 27, 1323, of “_unam nobilem, pulchram et decentem arengheriam, in
muris seu juxta muros Palatii Populi in eo loco seu parte dicti palati
ubi videbitur officia dominorum priorum_.”
[102] Luigi Pulci was born in Florence on August 15, 1432, of Jacopo
Pulci and Brigida de’ Bardi. His brothers Luca and Bernardo were also
poets. and Bernardo’s wife Antonia was a poetess of some repute. Luca
went into trade but failed, and died in gaol in 1470, leaving his widow
and children dependent on his brothers. Luigi, an intimate friend of
the Medici family, wrote _La Giostra_ (sometimes attributed to his
brother Luca) to celebrate the tournament held by Lorenzo de’ Medici
in honour of the marriage of Braccio Martelli, but really of Lucrezia
Donati just before his marriage with Clarice Orsini. The poem _Driades_
was first published under the pseudonym of Lucio Pulcro in Florence in
1479, but the later editions bear his name. His greatest work, less
read than it deserves, _Morgante Maggiore_, was, as Mr. Armstrong says,
a growth rather than a composition. Stanzas were recited at table,
and Lucrezia de’ Medici urged him to collect them into an epic poem.
Besides being a poet, Luigi Pulci was an acute and clever politician,
often employed by Lorenzo in missions to foreign courts. He died in
1484, probably at Padua whilst on the road to Venice.
[103] _Lettere di Luigi Pulci a Lorenzo il Magnifico_, Nelle Nozze
della Volpe Zambrini, p. 6. Salvatore Bonghi, Lucca, 1868.
[104] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 47.
[105] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 49.
[106] Ibid., ii. 36.
[107] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 36.
[108] Probably Tanai, son of Vieri de’ Medici.
[109] _Lettere di Luigi Pulci_, op. cit., p. 26. The _Palle_ are the
balls in the Medici arms, and the people saluted the Medici by shouting
“_Palle, Palle_.”
[110] Her own daughters.
[111] _Tre Letter di Lucrezia Tornabuoni a Piero de’ Medici_, Ricordo
di Nozze, Cesare Guasti. Firenze, 1859.
[112] Gentile Becchi, tutor to Lorenzo and Giuliano, afterwards Bishop
of Arezzo.
[113] _Lucrezia Tornabuoni, Donna di Piero de’ Medici_, Studio da G.
Levantini-Pieroni. Firenze, 1888.
[114] _Arch. Med. Miscellanea_, p. 6.
[115] Illegible.
[116] _Lucrezia Tornabuoni_, &c., _op. cit._
[117] Ibid., Filza lxxx.
[118] Daughter of Agnolo Acciaiuoli, married to Pier Francesco de’
Medici.
[119] _Archivio_, &c., Filza xxi. No. 55.
[120] _Lucrezia Tornabuoni_, &c., _op. cit._
[121] Luigi Pulci’s brother.
[122] In the Mugello where Luigi Pulci owned a small property.
[123] _Lettere di Luigi Pulci_, op. cit. 31.
[124] Ibid.
[125] _Tre Lettere di Lucrezia_, &c., _op. cit._
[126] _Tre Lettere di Lucrezia Tornabuoni_, op. cit.
[127] _La Fidanzata di Lorenzo de’ Medici_, per nozze Bondi-Levi.
Isidoro Del Lungo, 8th July 1897.
[128] _La Giostra di Lorenzo de’ Medici_, erroneously attributed by
many writers to his brother Luca.
[129] _Tre Lettere di Lucrezia_, &c., _op. cit._ Rinaldo Orsini was
afterwards Archbishop of Florence.
[130] Ibid.
[131] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, &c., vol. ii. p. 39.
[132] A Tuscan white wine still much prized.
[133] Donatello’s David. It was placed in the courtyard of the Palazzo
Vecchio after the expulsion of Piero de’ Medici in 1494 and is now in
the Bargello.
[134] _Tela di Renza_, or _Rensa_, so-called because it came from
Rheims in France.
[135] The illegitimate son of Cosimo, canon of the cathedral of
Florence.
[136] Gentile Becchi of Urbino, tutor to Lorenzo and Giuliano de’
Medici, afterwards Bishop of Arezzo.
[137] _Delle Nozze di Lorenzo de’ Medici con Clarice Orsini nel 1469.
Informazione di Piero Parenti Fiorentino_, per le Nozze di Florestano
ed Elisa dei Conti di Larderel. In Firenze, 1870.
[138] _Donne Medicee avanti il Principato_, Berta Felice, Rassegna
Nazionale.
[139] A. Fabronio, _Laurentii Medicis Magnifici Vita_, Annotationes et
Monumenta, p. 45. Pisis, 1784.
In _Memoirs of Dukes of Urbino_, by J. Dennistoun, vol. i. p. 186,
is the following passage: “Federigo’s [of Urbino] condotta in the
papal service had just expired, leaving him free to consult the
dictates of policy, his views as to which were stated in an appeal
to Pietro de’ Medici on behalf of Rimini, in words which may almost
be deemed prophetic. ‘I am constrained to believe that the Pontiff
and the Venetian Signory intend to occupy Rimini and all Romagna, and
eventually Bologna too. Rimini once lost, the rest will readily follow,
and your lordship and the league may easily suppose where Bologna and
Imola would then be. Those who will not resist such projects at first
may have afterwards to pay a hundredfold, and God grant that it be to
good purpose.’” Edited by Edward Hutton. John Lane, London, 1909.
It is a curious coincidence that Bentivoglio and Federigo of Urbino
should use almost identical words, unless Dennistoun has made a mistake
about the writer.
[140] _Non fare tante melarancie_ (Not make so many oranges): an old
proverb.
[141] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Avi, No. i. 474.
[142] The inn still exists.
[143] S. George is the patron saint of Pietrasanta, S. Zita a favourite
saint in Lucca.
[144] Sarzana and Sarzanella had been bought the year before by Piero
de’ Medici from Lodovico di Campo Fregoso. They were valuable to
Florence as Sarzana commanded the direct road from Milan to Florence
which near there lay between the mountains and the sea. An invasion
from the north was thus rendered difficult, while an attack on Lucca
could be carried out without fear of her allies being able to come
swiftly to her help. Sarzanella, the fine fortress built by the great
Lucchese Ghibelline, Castruccio Castrocane, in its turn commanded
Sarzana.
[145] Bernardo Rucellai, husband of Lorenzo’s sister Nannina.
[146] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 54.
[147] Ibid., ii. 56.
[148] See p. 153, Lorenzo’s _Ricordi_.
[149] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza. vii. No. 411.
LORENZO DI PIERO DE’ MEDICI
(1450-1492)
Lorenzo de’ Medici, whose wonderful personality still has the power
to excite bitter hatred and an almost passionate admiration, was
a marvellously many-sided man. Marsilio Ficino said he possessed
the three endowments called “graces” by Orpheus, splendour,
light-heartedness, and rejuvenescence--splendour of intellect,
light-heartedness in resolution, and a continual renewal of youth in
person and in fortune. He was not twenty-one when his father died,
worn out by bodily suffering, but Lorenzo had been his right hand for
years, had been sent to represent him at foreign courts, and had seen
more of the world than most men of double his age. He and his younger
brother Giuliano received the education of princes rather than of the
sons of a merchant. Gentile Becchi of Urbino, a man of unblemished
life and considerable learning, was their tutor, Landino taught them
Italian literature, Argyropoulos Greek, and Marsilio Ficino Platonic
philosophy. They had also evidently been taught good manners, as Cambi,
who never misses an opportunity to decry the Medici, tells us that when
Lorenzo was with a citizen older than himself he always gave him the
place of honour on his right. Above all, the two lads had the example
and the teaching of their mother Lucrezia, a woman of strong good sense
and genuine piety, who possessed a sunny nature, that rare gift humour,
and a marked poetical temperament. From early childhood she sent
Lorenzo to the meetings of the confraternity of S. Paolo, where men
met for vigil and prayer, and after the services Messer Gentile by her
orders made him distribute alms to the poor. When the boy was thirteen
Gentile wrote to his father: “Lorenzo is well, your absence is ever
before him. We are well advanced in Ovid and also in Justinian, four
books of history and fables. You need not ask how he delights in these
studies. His conduct is excellent, and he is very obedient.”
After Piero’s death Lucrezia, who had always been her husband’s trusted
helpmate, became the counsellor to whom Lorenzo turned for help,
consolation, and advice. He also had the good fortune to have a wise
and capable man by his side, Tommaso Soderini, husband of his mother’s
sister, Dianora Tornabuoni. Soderini’s influence was considerable, and
he used it to induce his fellow-citizens to confirm Lorenzo in the
pre-eminent though entirely unofficial position held by his grandfather
and his father. There was hardly a dissentient voice when the chief
citizens of Florence came to the Medici palace and begged him to take
charge of the city as they had done.
Niccolò Valori describes Lorenzo as “above the common stature, with
broad shoulders, solidly built, robust, and second to none in agility.
Although nature had acted towards him like a stepmother with regard
to his personal appearance, in all things connected with the mind she
had been a loving mother. His complexion was swarthy, and although
his face was not handsome, it was so full of dignity as to command
respect. He was short-sighted, his nose was flattened, and he had no
sense of smell. This did not trouble him. He was wont to say that he
was grateful to nature, disagreeable things being more common than
agreeable ones to so delicate a sense.”
Lorenzo was much inferior to his grandfather Cosimo in commercial
talent, but he was a genius, and as Symonds writes, “possessed of
one of those rare natures, fitted to comprehend all knowledge and to
sympathise with the most diverse forms of life. While he never for a
moment relaxed his hold on politics, among philosophers he passed as
a sage, among men of letters for an original and graceful poet, among
scholars for a Grecian, sensitive to every nicety of Attic idiom, among
artists for an amateur gifted with refined discernment and consummate
taste. Pleasure-seekers knew in him the libertine, who jousted with the
boldest, danced and masqueraded with the merriest, sought adventures in
the streets at night, and joined the people in their May-day games and
Carnival festivities. The pious extolled him as an author of devotional
lauds and mystery plays, a profound theologian, a critic of sermons.
He was no less famous for his jokes and repartees than for his pithy
apothegms and maxims, as good a judge of cattle as of statues, as much
at home in the bosom of his family as in the riot of an orgy, as ready
to discourse on Plato as to plan a campaign or to plot the death of a
dangerous citizen.”[150]
A philosopher, a diplomatist, a “Pagan much inclined to the worship of
Venus,” as Machiavelli tells us, a Christian as shown in his _Laudi_
and his _Capitoli_, evidently written _con amore_, a staunch friend,
generous and kind, yet he is generally accused of having ordered the
sack of Volterra--now, however, proved to have been instigated by the
mercenaries engaged to defend the town--and of causing his opponents to
be tortured and executed. The indelible stain on Lorenzo’s fair name is
his interference with the deposits in the _Monte_.[151] Cambi, who it
must be remembered was no friend of the Medici, writes: “On the 13th
August 1490 seventeen so-called Reformers were created by the authority
of the Signory, the Colleges of the Council, of the People, and of the
Commune, the Council of the One Hundred, the officers of the _Monte_,
and the whole _Popolo_ of Florence. Under pretext of revising the
coinage and the duties they altered the entries of all monies received
for the use of the State for the benefit of Lorenzo de’ Medici, who
needed money in order to make his son Messer Giovanni a cardinal, which
he did. And it was done with the money of the Commune. Counting what
they gave him after he became a cardinal, it cost the Commune 10,000
scudi in gold. From the poor dowers of the married maidens and of those
about to be married they deducted by means of taxes and the reduction
of all future interest 3/4 per cent. of the interest, so that what
should have given 3 per cent. they lowered to 1-1/2 per cent., and even
that was not paid.... Thus few maidens married, and those few only
by dint of money. Even then the permission of Lorenzo de’ Medici was
necessary. Let every one therefore consider what it means to create
tyrants in the city, to make a Balia and to call a parliament.”[152]
It was fortunate for the Italian language that the young Lorenzo fell
under the influence of Leon Battista Alberti, who asserted that “though
the ancient tongue has undisputed authority because so many learned
men have employed it, the like honour will certainly be paid to our
language to-day if men of culture take the pains to purify and polish
it.” The revival of classical learning had almost arrested the study
of Italian. In spite of the example of Dante and Boccaccio, Latin was
the patrician and literary language, and even when men of letters used
the vulgar tongue they interlarded it with Latin. Poliziano’s letters
are a case in point. The example of Lorenzo altered all this. In his
letter to Federigo of Naples (p. 88) he passes extraordinarily acute
criticism on the old Italian poets, and in his Commentary, which takes
up ninety-three double pages in the Aldine edition of his poems, he
predicts a glorious future to the language used by Dante, Cavalcanti,
Petrarch, and Boccaccio. “Men and practice,” he says, “have rather
been wanting to the language than the language to the men.” Muratori,
treating of the poetry of the fifteenth century, gives the palm to
Lorenzo, and Carducci declares him to be little if at all inferior to
Poliziano and Pulci.
Incessantly occupied in preserving the balance of power in Italy, yet
in his short life of forty-two years he wrote an amount of poetry,
and good poetry, which would do credit to a man whose whole life is
dedicated to literature. Treated as an equal by popes and princes--the
King of France doffed his cap to his ambassadors and called him “my
beloved cousin”--he was at home with the artisan and the peasant,
whose tastes he to a certain degree shared, and whose characters he
so perfectly understood and describes. In _La Nencia da Barberino_,
that gayest of gay poems overflowing with _la joie de vivre_, often
imitated but never surpassed, Vallera, the shy love-sick peasant, sings
the praises of his Nencia, who, with her pretty ways and soft words,
her eyes as black as coal, and her fair curly hair, would bear away
the palm among a thousand city maidens. Such a dancer too. She bounds
like a young goat, whirls like the wheel of a mill and then curtsies,
no Florentine lady can do it better. He offers to buy her a paper
cornet full of rouge or powder, or pins, or a necklace of those little
red buttons [coral] when he goes to Florence, for he would draw the
marrow from his bones to give her pleasure. Could he put his heart
into her hands it would cry “_Nencia, Nencia bella_,” if she cut it
with a knife. But Nencia flirts with other swains, his sighs are full
of tears, he waits for her to come with her sheep when he drives his
heifers to pasture, and the cruel girl turns back.[153]
Lorenzo’s love of the country, of country life, and of animals,
is shown in _Ambra_ and _La Caccia col Falcone_. The former is an
allegorical description of a flood which swept away an island at
Lorenzo’s favourite villa, Poggio a Caiano. Winter is approaching. Only
the bay, the myrtle, and the prickly juniper, shine among the bare
trees, while the few birds take refuge in the cypresses. The olives
on a southern slope sway, now green now silver white, to the breeze.
The cranes print varied and beautiful lines on the sky, and Lorenzo
notes how the leader cedes his place, when tired, to one of those in
the rear. The eagle slowly circles in the air, a menace to all smaller
fowl. Zephyr has fled to Cyprus, where he dances with the lazy flowers
among the green grass. Boreas drives the mists down from the Alps,
and the river, writhing like a serpent in the valley, gathers his
tributaries. With strange sounds he rises. The yellow foam is tossed
into the air as the wicked turbid stream rolls stone upon stone, and
dashing against the dykes, overwhelms Ambra, “beloved of Lorenzo.”
The terrified peasants take refuge on the roofs of their cottages,
and watch their poor riches being swept away. Then comes the more
artificial and well-worn tale of the lovely nymph Ambra pursued by the
river god Ombrone, her prayer to the chaste goddess, and her farewell
to Lorenzo as she is turned to stone.
_La Caccia col Falcone_ is a graphic account of the sport Lorenzo
loved. Falcons, dogs, and men are drawn with facile pen by a man who
delighted in country life and open air.
_Selve d’Amore_ is a lover’s complaint on the absence of his lady.
Jealousy, Hope, and the Age of Gold, which existed before the opening
of Pandora’s box, are described. He invokes his mistress in these
beautiful lines beginning:
“O vaghi occhi amorosi,”
and at last she appears, Beauty on her right hand, Love on her left.
This is, however, not the place to describe Lorenzo’s poems, the fine
_Altercazione_, a Platonic dialogue; the _Capitoli_, or _I Beoni_. His
_Ballate_, _Canzone di Ballo_, and _Canzone Carnescialeschi_, which
represent the popular, often very licentious poetry of the streets, are
known to all Italian scholars. Il Lasca (A. Grazzini), after describing
the masqueraders parading the streets with _Trionfi_, allegorical or
mythological cars, and _Carri_ filled with men representing various
trades, each one preceded and followed by its special attendants
singing and dancing, and many masqued horsemen, says: “The Magnificent
Lorenzo invented this manner of celebrating the festival. Formerly
men dressed up as women went about the streets singing and dancing,
imitating the maidens who thus greeted the month of May. The
Magnificent, finding it was always the same thing, imagined to change
not only the songs but the whole representation and the words, writing
songs with varied metres, and causing new and different airs to be
written. The first of these masquerades was performed by men who sold
sugar-plums and _berriquocoli_ (small cakes), and the music, for three
voices, was written by a certain Arrigo Tedesco,[154] head of the choir
of S. Giovanni, a musician of great repute in those days.”
The most beautiful of Lorenzo’s carnival songs is _Il Trionfo di Bacco
e Arianne_, beginning:
“Quant’ è bella giovanezza
Che si fugge tuttavia.”
Lorenzo’s sonnets are many, and some are worthy to rank with those of
the most famous poets; indeed Muratori, in the specimens of perfect
poetry appended to his treatise, cites four of them, together with
the finest of Dante, Cavalcanti, Petrarch, and other great poets. In
the _Laudi_, and the sacred play _S. Giovanni e Paolo_, can be traced
Lorenzo’s early bringing up under his mother, herself no mean poetess,
and the good Bishop Gentile. The play was written in later life for his
children who acted it. It is said that Lorenzo himself took the part
of Constantine. Already ill, and oppressed with cares, the Emperor’s
address to his sons describing the duties of a ruler, and the lines
“Spesso chi chiama Costantin felice
Sta meglio assai di me e’l ver non dice,”
have a sad autobiographical ring.
Lorenzo, the one great statesman of Italy, had no easy part to play.
As prudent as he was dexterous, the preservation of peace in Italy
was his constant aim, to be attained by a maintenance of the balance
of power so that no one State should become pre-eminent. His violent
and unscrupulous enemy Sixtus IV. used every arm against him. When
assassination failed he tried excommunication, and the laying of
Florence under an interdict. The Florentines answered by appointing
twelve citizens as a bodyguard to Lorenzo, and bidding the clergy to
celebrate the sacraments. His sagacity, not only as a Tuscan but an
Italian, was shown by the able way in which he traversed French schemes
for interfering in Italy, although the fortune of his house was largely
dependent on the well-being of the bank at Lyons. So quietly and
unostentatiously was this done that French ambassadors were instructed
to act according to his advice, and he became the intermediary between
Rome and Paris.[155] “Lorenzo,” writes Dr. Creighton, “had striven
to identify the Medici family with Florence, and had been himself
the representative and expression of the desires and aspirations of
Florentine life and culture. He had also learned that the existence
of Italy depended upon the maintenance of internal peace, and his
efforts for that end had, for the last ten years of his life, been
unceasing. His early experience had taught him how difficult was the
position which he had to maintain, that of chief citizen of a free
city, whose fortunes and whose very existence depended on exercising
absolute power without seeming to do so. It is easy to accuse him of
insidiously destroying Florentine liberty; but the policy of Sixtus IV.
left him no choice between such a course and retirement from Florence,
and he may be pardoned if he doubted whether his abdication would
conduce to the welfare of the city. He has been accused of abetting the
moral enervation and corruption of his people; but the causes of this
corruption are to be found in the general character of Italian life,
and Lorenzo did no more than follow the prevailing fashion in lending
his refinement to give expression to the popular taste. Lorenzo did
what all Italian statesmen were doing; he identified his city for good
and ill with his own house. He worked craftily and insidiously, not by
open violence, and in the midst of his self-seeking he retained the
large views of a statesman and embodied the culture of his age.”[156]
The Marquess Gino Capponi in his History of Florence writes: “The
Medici palace was a museum, a school, and a place of meeting for all
the learned men who flocked thither, from it proceeded grave counsel
and intellectual teaching as well as shows and festivals, and a general
corruption of manners. Two popes passed their childhood there, and the
Platonic Academy, intended to raise the standard of life and thought,
was founded within its walls. Poliziano and Pico della Mirandola, one
of the greatest men of his time, were constant visitors. There the
first chips flew off the marble under the chisel of Michelangelo, and
there Luigi Pulci read the Morgante aloud. Such exuberance of life,
such magnificence, such gaiety, has probably never been witnessed in
any other age, and the name of Lorenzo towers above it all.”[157]
Ricordi of Lorenzo the Magnificent, son of Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici
A brief narrative of the course of my life and of some other important
things worthy of remembrance for the guidance and information of
those who will succeed me, and especially for my sons. Begun this day,
the 15th March 1472.
I find from the books of Piero our father that I was born on January
1, 1449 [1450]. By our mother Maria Lucrezia di Francesco Tornabuoni
our father had seven children, four male and three female, of whom
four are still alive. They are Giuliano my brother, aged ... and
myself, aged twenty-four, Bianca, wife of Gugliemo de’ Pazzi, and
Nannina, wife of Bernardo Rucellai.
Giovanni d’ Averardo, surnamed Bicci, de’ Medici, our
great-grandfather, died on the 20th February 1428, at the fourth
hour of the night. He would not make a will, and left property to
the amount of 179,221 scudi _di suggello_, as appears in a record in
the handwriting of Cosimo our grandfather in his red leather book on
page 7. The said Giovanni lived sixty-eight years, and left two sons,
Cosimo our grandfather, then about forty, and Lorenzo, aged thirty.
Lorenzo had one son, Pier Francesco, born on ... 1430, who is still
alive.
Cosimo had two sons, our father Piero, born ... and our uncle
Giovanni, born ... On September ... 1433 our grandfather Cosimo
was imprisoned in the Palace, and in danger of losing his head. On
September 9th he was banished to Padua, together with his brother
Lorenzo, a sentence confirmed by the Balìa of 1433 on the 11th, and on
the 16th December he was permitted to reside anywhere in the Venetian
territory, but not nearer to Florence than Padua.
On September 29, 1434, the Council of the Balìa revoked the sentence
of exile, to the great joy of the whole city and of almost all Italy,
and here [in Florence] he lived until his last day as head of the
government of our Republic.
Lorenzo de’ Medici, brother of Cosimo our grandfather, quitted this
life at Careggi on September 20, 1440, aged about forty-six, at the
fourth hour of the night, and would not make a will; Pier Francesco,
his son, was his sole heir. The property amounted to 235,137 scudi
_di suggello_, as appears in the said book kept by Cosimo on page 13,
which amount Cosimo kept for the use and benefit of the said Pier
Francesco, and for Piero and Giovanni, his own sons, until they were
of proper age, as appears in the books of the said Cosimo, wherein is
a detailed account of all.
On December ... 1451 the said Pier Francesco being of age, we
divided the property according to the arbitration of Messer Mannello
degl’ Strozzi, Bernardo de’ Medici, Alamanno Salviati, Messer Carlo
Marsuppino, Amerigo Cavalcanti, and Giovanni Serristori, by whom a
liberal half of our possessions was assigned to him, giving him the
advantage over us and the best things. The deed was drawn up by Ser
Antonio Pugi, notary, and at the same time we gave him an interest of
one-third in our business, whereby he gained much more than we did as
he had no expenses.
Giovanni, our uncle (_et hujus quidem ingenio et virtute, plurimum
confidebat Cosmus, qua propter ejus interitu maxime doluit_), died on
November 1, 1463, in our house in Florence, without making a will,
because he had no children and was under parental tutelage. But all
his last wishes were faithfully carried out. By Maria Ginevra degl’
Alessandri he had a son named Cosimo, who died in November 1461, at
about the age of nine.
Cosimo our grandfather, a man of exceeding wisdom, died at Careggi
on August 1, 1464, being much debilitated by old age and by gout, to
the great grief not only of ourselves and of the whole city but of
all Italy, because he was most famous and adorned with many singular
virtues. He died in the highest position any Florentine citizen ever
attained at any period, and was buried in S. Lorenzo. He refused to
make a will and forbade all pomp at his funeral. Nevertheless all
the Italian princes sent to do him honour and to condole with us
on his death; among others H.M. the King of France commanded that
he should be honoured with his banner, but out of respect for his
wishes our father would not allow it. By public decree he was named
Pater Patriæ, and the decree and the letters patent are in our house.
After his death much sedition arose in the city, especially was our
father persecuted out of envy. From this sprang the parliament and the
change of government in 1466, when Messer Agnolo Acciaiuoli, Messer
Diotisalvi, Niccolò Soderini, and others were exiled, and the State
was reformed.
In the year 1465 H.M. King Louis of France, out of regard for the
friendship between our grandfather, our father, and the House of
France, decorated our escutcheon with three Lilies d’or on a field
azure, which we carry at present. We have the patents with the royal
seal attached, which was approved and confirmed in the Palace with
nine beans [votes].
In July 1467 came the Duke Galeazzo of Milan. He was fighting against
Bartolomeo of Bergamo in the Romagna, who was vexing our State. By his
own wish he lodged in our house, although the Signory had prepared
everything for him in S. Maria Novella.
In February or in March of the same year Sarzana, Sarzanelle, and
Castelnuovo were bought by the aid of our father Piero from M. Lorenzo
and M. Tommasino da Campofregoso; notwithstanding that we were
engaged in hot war the payment was made by Francesco Sassetti, our
confidential agent, at that time one of the managers of the _Monte_.
I, Lorenzo, took to wife Clarice, daughter of the Lord Jacopo Orsini,
or rather she was given (_i.e._ betrothed) to me in December 1468, and
the marriage was celebrated in our house on June 4, 1469. Till now I
have by her two children, a girl called Lucrezia, of ... years, and
a boy named Piero, of ... months. Clarice is again with child. God
preserve her to us for many years and guard us from all evil. Twin
boys were born prematurely at about five or six months old, they lived
long enough to be baptized.
In July 1469 I went to Milan at the request of the Illustrious Duke
Galeazzo to stand godfather as proxy for Piero our father to his
first-born child. I was received with much honour, more so than the
others who came for the same purpose, although they were persons more
worthy than I. We paid our duty to the Duchess by presenting her with
a necklace of gold with a large diamond, which cost near 2000 ducats.
The consequence was that the said Lord desired that I should stand
godfather to all his children.
To do as others had done I held a joust in the Piazza S. Croce at
great expense and with great pomp. I find we spent about 10,000 ducats
_di suggello_, and although I was not highly versed in the use of
weapons and the delivery of blows, the first prize was given to me; a
helmet fashioned of silver, with Mars as the crest.
Piero, our father, departed this life on July 2nd, aged ... having
been much tormented with gout. He would not make a will, but we drew
up an inventory and found we possessed 237,988 scudi, as is recorded
by me in a large green book bound in kid. He was buried in S. Lorenzo,
and we are still at work to make his and his brother Giovanni’s tomb
as worthy to receive his bones as we can. God have mercy on their
souls. He was much mourned by the whole city, being an upright man and
exceedingly kindly. The princes of Italy, especially the principal
ones, sent letters and envoys to condole with us and offer us their
help for our defence.
The second day after his death, although I, Lorenzo, was very young,
being twenty years of age, the principal men of the city and of the
State came to us in our house to condole with us on our loss and
to encourage me to take charge of the city and of the State, as my
grandfather and my father had done. This I did, though on account of
my youth and the great responsibility and perils arising therefrom,
with great reluctance, solely for the safety of our friends and of our
possessions. For it is ill living in Florence for the rich unless they
rule the State. Till now we have succeeded with honour and renown,
which I attribute not to prudence but to the grace of God and the good
conduct of my predecessors.
I find that from 1434 till now we have spent large sums of money, as
appear in a small quarto note-book of the said year to the end of
1471. Incredible are the sums written down. They amount to 663,755
florins for alms, buildings, and taxes, let alone other expenses. But
I do not regret this, for though many would consider it better to
have a part of that sum in their purse, I consider that it gave great
honour to our State, and I think the money was well expended, and am
well pleased.
In the month of September 1471 I was elected to go as ambassador for
the coronation of Pope Sixtus, and was treated with great honour. I
brought back the two antique marble heads, portraits of Augustus and
Agrippa, given to me by the said Pope Sixtus, and also our cup of
chalcedony incised, and many other cameos which I then bought.
The following adjunct is written on the fly-leaf of a small codex in
the archive in Florence without any date, but probably in 1483-5,
containing a list of letters written by Lorenzo to various people, and
above is written _Ricordi di Lorenzo de’ Medici_. All the first part
is in a codex in the Nazionale Library, a copy of Lorenzo’s _Ricordi_,
the original of which seems no longer to exist. It differs somewhat
from the version given by Roscoe, which he says was in Lorenzo’s own
handwriting.
On the 19th day of September [1483] came the news that the King of
France by his own free will had given to our Giovanni the Abbey of
Fonte Dolce. On the 31st we heard from Rome that the Pope had ratified
this and declared him capable of holding benefices, being seven
years of age, and had created him a Protonotary. On the 1st June our
Giovanni came from Poggio [a Caiano] and I with him. On his arrival
he was confirmed by our Monsignore of Arezzo [Gentile Becchi] who
gave him the tonsure, and thereafter he was called Messer Giovanni.
These ceremonies took place in our own chapel, and in the evening
we returned to Poggio. On the 8th June Jacopino, the courier from
France, arrived about twelve of the clock with letters from the king,
who has bestowed on our Messer Giovanni the Archbishopric of Aix en
Provence, and after vespers the man was despatched to Rome about this
business, with letters from the King of France to the Pope and the
Cardinal of Macon, and to Count Girolamo, to whom we sent at the same
hour letters by the courier Zenino to Forlì. God grant that all will
be well.
On the 11th Zenino returned from the Count with letters for the Pope
and the Cardinal of S. Giorgio, and we forwarded them to Rome by the
Milan post. God grant that all will be well. On the same day after
Mass in the chapel the daughters and sons of the house were confirmed,
with the exception of Messer Giovanni.
On the 15th, at six in the evening, came letters from Rome saying that
the Pope raised difficulties about giving the archbishopric to Messer
Giovanni on account of his youth, and the courier was at once sent on
to the King of France.
On the 20th came news from Lionetto that the Archbishop was not dead.
On March 1, 1484 (1485), the Abbot of Pasignano died and we at once
sent off an express messenger to Messer Giovanni d’Antonio Vespucci,
our ambassador at Rome, to do all he could to obtain this abbey for
our Messer Giovanni. On the 2nd we took possession of the estate under
the seal of the Signoria, by reason of the reservation made by Pope
Sixtus to our Messer Giovanni, confirmed by Innocent during the visit
of our Piero to Rome to do obeisance.[158]
Agnolo Poliziano _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
Magnificent Lorenzo, to whom heaven has given charge of the city and
the State, first citizen of Florence, doubly crowned with bays lately
for war in S. Croce amid the acclamations of the people [alluding to
the tournament] and for poetry on account of the sweetness of your
verses, give ear to me who drinking at Greek sources am striving to
set Homer into Latin metre. This second book which I have translated
(you know we have the first by Messer Carlo d’ Arezzo)[159] comes to
you and timidly crosses your threshold. If you welcome it I propose to
offer to you all the Iliad. It rests with you, who can, to help the
poet. I desire no other muse or other Gods but only you; by your help
I can do that of which the ancients would not have been ashamed. May
it please you therefore at your leisure to give audience to Homer.
The young translator, if assailed by a Zoilus, commends himself to
you.--Your servant,
Agnolo Poliziano, 1470.[160]
Lorenzo, poet and fine critic, at once sent for the youth, installed
him in his palace in Via Larga and bade him continue his work. This is
the first letter Poliziano wrote to Lorenzo.[161]
The following letter to Contessina, Lorenzo’s grandmother, written
in 1471 when Lorenzo and five other eminent Florentine citizens went
to Rome to pay their respects to the newly elected Pontiff, shows how
men turned to the Medici for aid, and that the women of the family had
more influence than is generally supposed. Sixtus IV. named Lorenzo
treasurer to the Holy See and gave him the two busts mentioned in his
_Ricordi_. He was also able to buy many fine medals, cameos, &c., as
the Pope knew nothing and cared less about art, and only thought of
turning the collection made by Paul II. into money. It was probably
during this visit that the nomination of Giuliano de’ Medici to the
cardinalate was broached, and Sixtus and Lorenzo, who were afterwards
implacable foes, parted the best of friends.
The next letter is from the poet Luigi Pulci who was sent to treat
with King Ferrante about establishing a branch of the Medici bank at
Naples, but in order not to arouse the jealousy of the Duke of Milan he
ostensibly went to get fine horses. The King gave him two for Lorenzo,
but turned a deaf ear to the gentle hints about allowing Garetto,
probably a stud groom, to enter Lorenzo’s service. Soon after Pulci’s
return he accompanied Clarice to Rome for the marriage of one of her
brothers, which was however put off.
A. Alexander di Conio _to_ Contessina de’ Medici
Magnificent and noble Lady,--It is a usual thing when in need to
address those in whom one has firm faith. Having therefore heard that
the Magnificent Lorenzo has been named ambassador to His Sanctity our
Holy Father, and having two sons of nearly the same age who are only
desirous to do what is pleasing to you, I send one to you, praying
with all my heart that it may please him to take the lad with him as
his page, or attendant, or relation, or in any position he chooses.
And as there is no recommendation like a mother’s I send him to you,
beseeching you in God’s name to arrange that he should, if possible,
take him instead of some stranger. If he be already provided, then
may it please you to give him to your Giuliano or to whomso else you
think fit, so that he may acquire some knowledge by your help, for
he is apt: if he remains here he will learn nothing. I grieve to give
you so much trouble, but I grieve more to see him anxious to learn
and not to be able to help him, save through your being moved to take
compassion on him. I beg you for the love of God not to abandon him,
for he has a good nature and a desire to do well, and God in His grace
will repay you for me. I know you are aware of my condition and so do
not recall it to you; have no regard for his nobility, if you cannot
place him as I said, he will always be well pleased. I give him to you
entirely, and as you would accept a dog as a gift you can accept a
human creature who is more faithful. I entreat you to deal with him in
every way according to your wishes.
May God Almighty preserve and keep you in happiness.--In Conio, on the
2nd day of September 1471.
A. Alexander di Conio.
Luigi Pulci _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici _at Florence_
_Magnifice et generose vir et major honorande_, &c.--I know not if
thou hast received my two letters from Naples. By the replies I
doubt it, and therefore repeat some portions. In the last I told
thee that H.M. the King, hearing that thy liking for his Fals’ Amico
and Abruzzese still continued, has decided to send them both.[162]
I know this because as soon as I returned to Naples the other day
Count Matalona said to Gostino Billiotti, who went to see his garden,
“Our Lord the King has ordered two fine horses to be sent to your
Magnificent Lorenzo, and says if he wishes for others he is to say
so, for finding that he takes pleasure in them, the King intends to
keep him supplied, and that nothing would give him greater pleasure
than to be asked for others, or for anything else.” We thanked him,
and also sent thanks to H.M. the King, adding that the sooner they
were sent the more welcome they would be. Yesterday we saw the Count
again, and he told us that Messer Antonio Cicinello was to take the
horses: he is to leave in two days, and to go to thee as ambassador.
So the horses will be there in twelve days, and as I think thou wilt
like them I am well pleased. In Rome I heard from Garetto that thy
wish is to take him into thy service, so we have dropped gentle hints
of this to H.M. the King, and now let them work. Messer Marino has
done this skilfully, but the drum must not be beaten too hard, for he
has been more glad to give thee these horses than thou art to have
them. During these last days he talked of thee for several hours with
Garetto in the presence of the Count and asked much about Giuliano,
what he was like and what were his favourite pursuits. He showed such
a desire to see him that one of these days thou wilt have to grant him
permission to come here, where he will be received with such pleasure,
and with so much honour, that all at home will be astonished: I am not
exaggerating. Thou canst believe me as thou knowest, and when I return
I will tell thee things that will please thee.
Hadst thou done as I said, and written a line, thou wouldest have
had Garetto. Certes thou hast not done this, but we will do what we
can; he never tires praising thee, and wishes to live and die in thy
service.
A large army is being collected here against the Turks, but the King’s
ambassador writes that he has small hope of any help from thee. I
trust God may convert thee during Lent, and cause thee to behave as
a Christian. I shall soon be with thee. My poor Bernardo has I know
need of thine aid at the _Monte_ about his dower, which cost us 5 per
cent. with the sister-in-law who appeared to be our friend, Luca’s
dower.[163] Bernardo is timid by nature, and not enterprising like me;
so I pray thee to give him the help he asks if thou canst.
All thy doings are much discussed here, with us thou art in good
hands, and above all thou art the darling of our Lord the King. May
God preserve thee. I commend myself to thee.--Naples, February 27,
1471 (1472).
To Giuliano and to all I commend myself and send greetings. Written in
haste.
Put Dionigi on Abruzzese, so that he may, like Francesco de’ Pazzi,
regain his lady’s love; but do not keep him shut up as on the day of
S. John.
_Post Scriptum._--The Duke has told Gostino that the horses are to
leave to-morrow with one of his own men, who will not be Garetto; but
early in the morning I will try whether by means of Count Matalona it
cannot be arranged. A handsome and good horse, much admired here, is
also being sent for our Gugliemo de’ Pazzi, who will be pleased.[164]
Commend me to him.
Thy Luigi Pulci.[165]
Clarice de’ Medici _to her husband_ Lorenzo
_Magnifice vir et coniux amantissime_,--By the present you will know
what has occurred since we left. The first evening we reached Figline
and stayed at S. Cerbone with Giovanni d’Antonio, who received us with
great honour, and treated us with still more, as did the women of
his family and some of his sisters-in-law. Then by his and Filippo’s
advice, after a rest at Levane, on the second evening we arrived at
Arezzo, and Morello--that is, Antonio da Pantaneto--greeted us with
such honour that we were much moved. We were visited by the Captain
and the Podestà and those of the Commune with such things as they
deemed would do us honour, and at our arrival and departure we were
accompanied by many men of worth with diverse instruments. Before
starting, the Podestà of Castiglione sent a special messenger, and
begged and entreated us to dine the following morning with him, which
we did with the more pleasure as we heard he was much attached to
your Magnificence. Then we were visited by those of the Commune, and
this evening we shall be in Cortona with the Captain, who hearing from
Braccio of our arrival sent as far as Castiglione to meet us. Here we
have been received with joyous faces and great honour by the Captain
and the Commune. We shall continue our journey with gladness, as we
have done till now, if by your letter we hear that you have commended
us to Mona Contessina and Mona Lucrezia, and that my Lucrezia and
Piero are well. Commend me to Bianca and Nannina. If you have any news
which you deem it is not necessary to keep secret we pray you not to
consider it too much trouble to write me a line: it would give us
great pleasure. No more at present.--April 24, 1472.[166]
Clarice.
Luigi Pulci _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
Ardito will have given thee my letter from Sabina. From thence we
went for some days to Monte Rotondo,[167] and were received with much
honour. Yesterday we entered Rome in pomp with about eighty horse.
Our Madonna Clarice does thee great honour everywhere, and much is
paid to her. In two days I shall return to the Marches, and then to
thee. According to my idea the stay here will be short--I mean thy
wife’s--for as thou knowest the wedding is put off. In this case we
only lose time and reputation, besides which Lucrezina and Pierino
draw us back to them like magnets. Thou wouldst do well to advise a
quick return. Whenever great personages, men or women, stay for long
in one place they are pestered and taken as targets. Besides, some of
us will be useful to thee for the feast of S. Giovanni; more than a
year has passed since the last, and I know that without us things will
lag. Enough that if I have the hope that as usual _festaiuoli_[168]
are to be appointed, I shall whisper something into the ear of one of
them that will delight him. I rather wonder at thy letting this feast
pass with so little recognition, being so good a citizen and lover of
thy country, whose protector is S. Giovanni; we should therefore do
him honour. If by any mischance we are not back in time, thou wilt see
how ill they get on without us. I have said enough to be understood,
believe in one who has sharp eyes and can speak the truth. Send for
us. We take the road by Siena, and shall look out for falls, but at
last we shall arrive triumphantly.
To-day there is strange news from Volterra. They say H.M. the King
[of Naples] has sent word to the Count of Urbino that he is to march
and do what he can. All the follies I said unfortunately turn out to
be prophecies. Now act so that things may go well. Monsignor of Pavia
speaks only of thee. If I understand anything he is thy true friend.
No more. Farewell.--Rome, May 6, 1472.
Thy Luigi Pulci.[169]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Sixtus IV.[170]
_Sanctissime et Beatissime Pater_,--To avoid troubling your Beatitude
I have written to Giovanni Tornabuoni and told him to talk with you
about the long-standing desire of our house to have a Cardinal.
Although I have such entire faith in Your Sanctity that I am sure it
is needless again to solicit what was so freely promised, nevertheless
as there is a report that Cardinals are soon to be created I thought
it best to remind your Beatitude of this our desire; supplicating
with all humility that to our other everlasting obligations your
Beatitude will deign to add this one, which will be the greatest and
the most prized, as Giovanni will explain. I beg Your Beatitude to
accord him the same confidence as though I was speaking with Your
Holiness, at whose feet I commend myself and my affairs with all
humility.--Florence, November 21, 1472. _Humilis Servus_,
Laurentius de Medicis.[171]
The following letter was written after Lorenzo’s visit to Volterra. The
city had rebelled against Florence in consequence of a dispute between
a company in which Florentine shareholders were interested, and the
Commune of Volterra about an alum mine. The Commune alleged that the
lease was illegal and seized the mine, whereupon the company appealed
to the Signoria of Florence. Volterra had already, in 1429, attempted
to rise against the imposition of the _catasto_, and the Florentines
now determined to take severe measures.[172] Duke Federigo of Urbino,
the Florentine general, in command of some six thousand men, including
contingents from the Pope and the Duke of Milan, attacked the city. Her
mercenaries refused to fight, and she capitulated after a siege of
twenty-five days. When the troops entered there was an uproar, caused
it is said by a mercenary in the service of the city, which was sacked
and the inhabitants were brutally maltreated in spite of the efforts of
the Florentine commanders.[173] Many historians have accused Lorenzo
of being the prime instigator of the attack on Volterra in order to
get control of the alum mine. But his name is not in the list of
shareholders and the deposit of alum was too small to compete with the
mines of Tolfa of which he was the lessee (see pp. 98-99), and was soon
afterwards abandoned.
Ingherami di Volterra, _Apostolic Scribe, to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
_Magnifice vir et protector mi singularis commendatione premissa_,
&c.,--I derived great consolation from the visit of Your Magnificence
to Volterra. With your own eyes you should see and judge far better
than by listening to the accounts of others of the public and private
despair and misery here. You have seen the afflicted and faithful
friends and servants of Your Magnificence naked, despoiled of all
their goods, robbed without mercy, for everything was taken during
the sack of the city; and I doubt not that Your Magnificence with
your kindly nature was moved to great compassion. Your arrival and
seeing with your own eyes has been the sole hope of this people and
has consoled and comforted them greatly. Therefore by this present
and by other letters I have written to Your Magnificence (I know
not whether you received them), I beg and pray of you not to allow
them to be deprived of that hope, and to show them your justice and
grace by helping and restoring, and listening to the prayers of this
wretched and miserable city. Now that she belongs faithfully and
devotedly to Your Magnificence and to the Florentine State she ceases
to be an enemy. All now depends on Your Magnificence. We do not so
much expect as feel certain that we shall receive this help from you;
first from your own goodness, and then for love of the blessed memory
of the grandfather and father of Your Magnificence, to whom this
poor and miserable city, which always formed part and parcel of the
house of Your Magnificence, showed such reverence. Especially we your
partisans, for our affection and devotion, have been so ill-treated
and smitten that we are reduced to nothing, unless Your Magnificence,
who has never known what it is to be ungrateful or unjust, does not
let us share in your victory as belonging entirely to you, and taking
pity on our unhappy and miserable condition will care for and guard
us, who desire only to live and die under the protection of Your
Magnificence, whom God preserve in happiness.--Volterra, March 10,
1472 (1473).[174]
Francesco Filelfo _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici[175]
_Magnifice et Clarissime Vir_,--The Magnificent Messer Ciccho, my
compeer, has advised me that I should be better and more quickly
employed in the service of friends of this Illustrious Lord [Duke of
Milan] than in Rome or any other place, and has mentioned the chair
which Your Illustrious Republic has instituted anew at Pisa. Advice
was indeed unnecessary, for I desire nothing better than to be in a
place where I can use my abilities in the service of that renowned
Signoria, and more particularly in yours, to whom I am so indebted.
But considering your laws against rebels, among whom, thanks to Carlo
d’Arezzo and Poggio with their crew, I was most unjustly included, I
have delayed making any application as I thought it would be useless.
Now however that my beloved compeer has again mentioned it, and
remembering the Greek proverb that the potter fixes the handle on
whichever side of the pot seems best to him, I have determined to
write to you and to beg Your Magnificence to consider this, for you
well know that in this land you cannot find another Philelphus or a
man more devoted to yourself.
Then about my coats which are together with the books which you have
recovered for me. They are three, two of crimson velvet, the other a
cloak of rose-coloured cloth lined with rose-coloured silk. You would
do me a great service if you would order the cloak to be given back to
me as I need it now the weather is warmer, also it might be spoiled
by cockroaches, as it is together with those that are lined with fur.
_Vale spes mia._--Milan, April 23, 1473.[176]
Jacopo Ammanati, _Cardinal of Pavia, to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
Lorenzo mine,--Your Donato having provided me with spectacles to see
far and near, I now write to try whether they are good. And you will
have patience if it is not clear, for nature’s laws are inexorable.
I will be as brief as possible. It will not be long before the Holy
Father will be obliged to make new Cardinals, particularly for those
States which have none. You, for instance, are without, which for many
reasons is unseemly. There has been much talk here of your Giuliano,
and by fishing at the fountain-head I find he has been mentioned in
the proper quarter. I know not what are your intentions, and do not
pretend to give advice as I am sure you know the needs of your house
better than I. All I say is that you must make up your mind. If you
do think of Giuliano I doubt he may be too unpolished at present to
please here; it would be better for him to assume the surplice of the
Church or of a Protonotary, then I think there would be no difficulty.
If, to avoid any accidents and to preserve your house or for any other
reason, this plan does not please you (and the suggestion should come
from others and not from yourself), you had better reflect whether
the Archbishop of Pisa[177] or any one else would suit you, and take
measures, for to remain inert is unwise, particularly as you consider
that a Cardinal would be useful to the city and to yourself. Choose
any one, so he is not a person to be ashamed of. On my part whatever
aid a poor priest can give is yours as is my bounden duty. For this I
have written you these few words, which accept as from a good friend
and a lover of you and of your country, to which I owe much. _Bene
Valete._--_Romæ_, April 25, 1473.[178]
Jacopo Ammanati, _Cardinal of Pavia, to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
Lorenzo mine,--This is the result of a long conversation with Giovanni
[Tornabuoni]. I am not in the position to advise you whether it would
be well to continue this affair of your Giuliano, because it depends
on the state of things in Florence, with which I am not familiar. You
know them better than I. Only I wished for information _in utramque
partem_, whether yes or no. To begin with, any possible danger to
yourself or to your house is a matter that must be considered, for
many eyes are upon you both at home and abroad; a man sees and hopes
to be able to give one blow, who has no hope of giving two, and thinks
that striking one adversary will serve his purpose; but the other
would remain, and thus his design would fail. Braccio of Perugia did
not attack his enemy, Messer Pandolfo, until after many months he saw
father and son together in one place; then having both, he cut the
tree and its roots with one stroke. Besides this danger there is the
other of sickness, which occurs every day. Should it please God to
call you to Himself, and Giuliano were in the position we are striving
for while your children were still young, it seems to me your house
would be in danger to lose the pre-eminence left by Cosimo to Piero,
and by Piero to you, and with the pre-eminence lose the riches, and
thus close the door against your successors. On the other hand, there
is the reputation which would be acquired by the enhanced dignity of
Giuliano, the aid he might give to your State, and the certainty of
having a trusty person in the College. Then one hopes that, as danger
increases, your watchfulness would also increase, that God in His
mercy will preserve you, and that you may live long enough to see
your children be a support to you, and finally that they will inherit
your high position. But, as I said before, you must judge according
to matters domestic and public in Florence what is best to be done.
Speaking for myself, nothing would be more pleasing than to have the
company of Giuliano, and we having such a pledge should be entitled to
expect faithful aid from your State. His joyous nature would make us
all jocund and happy.
Let us therefore assume that you say Yes. I will tell you frankly my
opinion how the business ought to be managed. I consider it necessary
that he should be made a Protonotary and be seen in that dress
for at least a month; for none of us would venture to suggest that
from a layman he should at once be promoted to so high a position.
But I should not let him take any holy orders until what he desires
has been accomplished, so that if difficulties arise he may be at
liberty to return to his usual dress, a thing I have seen done quite
justifiably by others. His position would not be that of a full
Cardinal; _videlicet_ he would only have four or six chaplains in
his train, and eight equerries to precede him. Because, although we
are sure to do much more for him, here humility is much prized. _In
reliquis_, between Messer Gentile [Bishop of Arezzo] and myself,
for I shall regard him as my son, he shall be so advised as to gain
universal commendation. I see no difficulty, if his Holiness lives,
to his attaining the highest honour, for I can promise for more than
one [vote]. Have no uneasiness about the cardinals who have just been
made, as it will be necessary soon to create others for the Emperor
and King Ferdinand, for Rome and for you Florentines, if you desire
it; it had been arranged to await Pentecost for their nominations,
but certain reasons, as you will have heard, induced greater haste.
In short, Lorenzo, examine well my advice and that of others who are
better informed, which I think you will have received: _et tandem_ put
your trust in God as to what path to pursue. Take a courageous course,
and tell me what you wish done. It would, however, be well beforehand
to inform the Duke of Milan, _et quidem pro forma_, in order that he
should not say No to what you desire; if you are in doubt ask for his
real opinion. For my own satisfaction I have not contented myself
with writing to Giovanni [Tornabuoni], but have scrawled these lines.
I am fond of you, and I love you, not your position or your riches.
Charity bids me say everything openly, and attribute everything to
her. _Dominus Deus sit in corde vestro, et dirigat gressus vestros
in semitam rectam._ That He should do this increase your donations
to pious works and cause special prayers to be made, for in truth
the affair is not a light one, or of small importance, and all in
my judgment depends on His clemency. _Bene Valete._--Rome, May 15,
1473.[179]
This letter is inserted to show how all in trouble or distress turned
for help to Madonna Lucrezia, knowing her kindly disposition, and the
great influence she had over her son Lorenzo.
The Syndic and Ancients of Galatea _to_ Lucrezia de’ Medici
_Magnifica ac generosa domina nostra singularissima_,--Your
Magnificence is aware how attached and bound to your house our
community has always been and will be as long as life lasts. This
encourages us to turn to you in our necessities and troubles, and also
in those of any of our friends who have need to have recourse to Your
Magnificence who has always been kind to us and helped us. We hope
now more than ever in you on account of the great faith we all have
in your house; for could you but know you would find the name of your
family written in the hearts of big and little of our community. Now
Magnificent Madonna, after such long and tedious words, we come to
implore aid from Your Magnificence. It is several months since one
Ser Michele, a priest, was seized by the Lords of Vazoca, they say
for coining money, and after suffering much torture he was put in the
Stinche,[180] thus it may be conceived that he has been sufficiently
punished for his sins. Here live some relations of his, honourable
men, who are desirous for the honour of the world to liberate him from
such misery, and we, agreeing with him, come to beg Your Magnificence
to ask them [the Lords of Vazoca] to allow him to be released from
this wretchedness so that he should not die in such infamy. Your
Magnificence would be doing a most kind act to this community for
which we shall be ever grateful. We commend him strongly to you, and
also we commend ourselves, offering to Your Magnificence your ever
ready and most faithful servants the Syndic General _Vexillifori et
Antiani_ of the Commune of Galatea.--Ex Galatea, 23rd August 1473.[181]
Fra Cristofano d’Antonio di Mast ... _to_ Lucrezia de’ Medici
Illustrious Matron and Lady,--I have not written before, because I
know that my news will have reached you in other letters. Nevertheless
the more good one hears of one’s family the more contented and happy
one is; let us thank God heartily with words and acts, as S. Paul says
to the Ephesians in the epistle we shall read on Sunday morning.
To begin with, Mona Contessina is well. Giuliano is as usual. I have
often been to see Mona Bianca[182] who is well, and her children
have been for three days with Mona Contessina to her great delight.
Lucrezia still has a little eczema, otherwise she is well, and is well
cared for by Mona Nanna and she ...[183]; little Lucrezia is obedient,
like the wise little person she is. Piero has a fine colour and is
happy and full of spirits, by the grace of God; he often comes to the
side door calling you all, saying Granny, Papa, and Mamma, so that
you would laugh if you were here. Maddalena is also well and every
day when I return from the house of the Tornabuoni I go to stay a
little with her, and to the wet nurse I say, “Now go, walk a little;”
so that she may amuse herself and take some exercise, and thus keep
in good health and have better milk. She is very pleased, and thanks
me saying, “I shall pray to God for you.” Of a truth she serves you
faithfully and well. Mona Nannina’s[184] Cosimino is well but will
not read, saying, “I did not come into the country to read.” This
displeases Mona Contessina. In November we will make up for lost time.
Galasso[185] comes to read with me every morning, and then I go,
for love of the children, back with him. He gives me much trouble,
although it does not seem great to me, because I do it willingly for
the love of God, and for love of Lorenzo, Mona Clarice, and you,
for you know I am yours. I have even for the honour of God made him
learn by heart little by little the Salve Regina, and part of the
introit and of the psalter. Sister Magante has gone to another world,
_requiescat in pace_. I know that you must have many petitioners,
but when any little thing like this of small value falls in, think
of me, you know my need, and that you would have a faithful servant.
All your relations are well. Mona Bartolomea and Mona Francesca often
go to see Mona Contessina and the children. The men are well also.
All commend themselves to you. I commend myself to you, to Lorenzo,
to Mona Clarice, and to Mona Nannina. No more. Christ guard you from
ill.--September 25, 1473.
Your Cristofano d’Antonio di Mast ...
Priest....[186]
Matteo Franco _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici[187]
Lorenzo mine,--Have mercy. God well knows how and in what attitude
I write to you. A chopping-board on my bed, whereon lies my paper,
my arm bare with the sleeve rolled up, I am as a dead man laden
with bricks, with a head like a big onion on an arid heap of
cappelline,[188] I seem to be all east wind. With trembling voice and
hands I write, Signor mine, because the sacristan of Or San Michele
has just come to my bedside to tell me that the priest of my little
church, which Your Magnificence promised me, is dead; it is at Empoli
and worth twelve or fifteen florins a month, and there are no duties.
Now being vacant, Lorenzo my life and hope, I throw myself into your
arms. I know not what to say. I have but my own mother-wit and my
tongue. Do not judge of me for the love of God by my writing, but
by my affection, my need, and the straits in which I find myself. I
commend myself to you as heartily as I can and will not again molest
you. No more, in haste, I am sweating as though I were harnessed to a
waggon. God keep you in health and prosperity, and inspire you to do
what is best for the salvation of my soul.--April 1, 1474.
Your Matteo Franco.
Not most faithful servant, for as yet there is nothing in which I can
be faithful.[189]
Giuliano de’ Medici _from Pisa to his mother_ Lucrezia
The Lady Lucretia de Medici most dear to me,--So that you should know
something about us since our departure we send you word that, thanks
be to God, we have arrived safely, and are all very well. We are in
the midst of a thousand fine doings here, of which you shall hear more
by word of mouth when we return. Yesterday we had dinner with our
rector, which was magnificent, and he played the pedant. To-day is the
ball, and to-morrow I shall go my own way, for there is much to see;
it is a beautiful place. Till now we have not had a moment without
entertainments, which are given in our honour.
We have no more to say; if you want anything from here let us
know.--Pisa, May 16, 1474.
Jul. Med.[190]
Bertoldo di Giovanni _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
Magnificent Lorenzo, &c.,--This moment I have thrown away burin,
chisel, compasses, square, wax, modelling tools, architecture,
perspective, have given four kicks to that bull, and have sent back
the clay to the potter, because hideous pots had been made for me,
and because I perceive that the peppered dishes of our knight of
Prato, Messer Luca Calvanese, are more esteemed by Count Girolamo
than all other talents, sciences, or arts, they having obtained for
him knighthood. Now the art of cooking is not inborn in Luca, but has
been obtained by him in a piggish way solely out of my book, and I
believe the cleanest dish he ever prepared was at Monte Guffoni, when
he gave you two plates full of beccafichi[191] cooked by hand. So I
have determined to abandon all other arts and to take to cooking, and
therefore pray Your Magnificence to recommend me to the head steward,
who is over the cooks, in order that I may get back my book. I hope
that in a short time Messer Luca of the Pepper will not be able to
hold a sieve. I would to God I had been brought up under Cibacca[192]
instead of under Donatello, for seeing how times go, before I had made
two giacomini[193] or two jellies, the Count would have created me
Prior of Pisa. And I say if they make him head of the giants, or of
something else which had better not be mentioned, you are the better
judge, I being a pupil of Donato. But above all, before Messer Luca
has taken possession of it, I beg you to get me back my cookery book.
Once I have it in my hands trust me to put him, his pepper-pot, his
wantons and his title, into a pie covered with pepper, without passing
them through a sieve, and then I will make so many pills of it. May
God send all that court to the devil. I pray Him that I may see the
Pope, the Count, and Messer Luca suffocated in a vat full of pepper,
and you, beware of their treachery. From the castle of S. Anthony in
the Wilderness.--[No date.] From your servant
Bertoldo.[194]
In 1475 everything was peaceful in Italy. Lorenzo was able to give his
attention to the reconstruction of the University of Pisa, in which
town he spent some months, to devote himself to poetry and philosophy,
and often to indulge in his love of outdoor sports. Niccolò Roberti,
Duke Borso d’Este’s ambassador to Florence, wrote to his master in
January:
Most illustrious Lord,--There is no news to send save that near Pisa,
where Lorenzo is enjoying much sport with the King’s [Ferrante of
Naples] hawkers, two of the falcons sent to him by H.M. have been
lost, and they are the two best. Your Excellency must not wonder at my
sending such news, because here little else is talked about. Idleness
is so universal in Italy that if things do not change there will be
more to write of battles between birds and dogs than of armies and
gallant deeds.--January 22, 1474 (1475).
In this same year was held Giuliano de’ Medici’s magnificent and costly
tournament, which would however be forgotten had not Poliziano written
his immortal _Stanze per la Giostra del Magnifico Giuliano di Piero
de’ Medici_, “a masterpiece,” writes Symonds, “which blent the ancient
and the modern world in a work of art glowing with Italian fancy....
Each stanza of _La Giostra_ is a mimic world of beauty, art, and
scholarship; a painting where the object stands before us modelled with
relief of light and shade in finely modulated lines....”[195]
Agnolo Poliziano _at Pisa to_ Clarice de’ Medici
_Magnifica Domina mea_,--I did not write yesterday to Your
Magnificence because Lorenzo sent me to Lucca. I have just come back
and take up my pen to keep faith with you. Lorenzo is well and in good
spirits. Yesterday as there was but little wind he went hawking; but
they had not much luck because the young falcon belonging to Pilato,
called the Mantuan, was lost. This morning they went out again, but
the wind was not favourable, nevertheless we saw some fine flights,
and Maestro Giorgio flew his Peregrine falcon which came back to
the lure most obediently.[196] Lorenzo is quite in love with it. Of
a truth he is not wrong, for Maestro Giorgio says he never saw a
handsomer or a better, and declares he will make of him the finest
falcon in the world. While we were in the fields Pilato came back from
the river with his lost falcon, so Lorenzo was doubly pleased. If I
knew what to write I should be glad: but I can only give you news
of his hawking as we do nought else in the fore- and the afternoon.
This evening I hear that on Monday Lorenzo intends to hunt roe deer
and then to return at once to Florence. Please God we may find you
well and with a boy in your arms.[197] I commend myself to Your
Magnificence.--In Pisa, December 1, 1475. Make my excuses to Madonna
Lucrezia if I have not written to her, but I have nought to say save
what I write to you. Commend me to her. Your servant,
Agnolo da Montepulciano.[198]
Agnolo Poliziano _to_ Clarice de’ Medici
_Magnifica Domina mea_,--Yesterday after leaving Florence we came as
far as San Miniato [al Tedesco], singing all the way, and occasionally
talking of holy things so as not to forget Lent. At Lastra [a Signa]
we drank _zappolino_, which tasted much better than I had been told.
Lorenzo is brilliant and makes the whole company gay: yesterday I
counted twenty-six horses of those who are with him. When we reached
San Miniato yester evening we began to read a little of S. Augustine,
then the reading resolved itself into music, and looking at and
instructing a certain well-known dancer who is here. Lorenzo is just
going to Mass. I will finish another time.--At San Miniato, April 8
(1476). Servitor.
Your Agnolo.[199]
Clarice de’ Medici _to her husband_ Lorenzo _at Florence_
By the bearer we send you seventeen partridges which your falconers
took to-day. I should have been glad had you come to enjoy them with
us; we have expected you until the third hour [an hour before sunset]
for the last three evenings. I was astonished you did not come and
fear something extraordinary must have happened to keep you. I beg
that if it is so you will let me know, for surely it is in any case
better we should be together than one in France and the other in
Lombardy. I expect you at all events to-morrow and pray if it is
possible that we should not await you in vain. The children are well
and so are all the rest of the family. I commend myself to you, and
beg you to come and to bring Madonna Lucrezia.--Cafaggiuolo, August
20, 1476.
Lucrezia de’ Medici, _from Bagno a Morba, to her son_ Lorenzo
By the grace of God we have arrived safely and well at Bagno a Morba,
I trust He will keep you the same. Of the riding horses we have kept
here the ambling palfrey and the chestnut as best suited to this
place. So have patience if we have not sent back the palfrey as you
desired: none of the others stood the journey well, and it seemed best
to me to keep these so that should anything happen we should not be
forced to go afoot. But if you want him, tell me, and send us another
horse instead. They shall be well looked after here. Of the honours
paid us and the amusing things that have happened you shall hear in
my next, as the bearer of this has one foot in the stirrup. To begin
with, the rooms are like those of an alchemist [_i.e._ small, dark,
and hot] and the bugs are as big as capons. Lionardo and Sano can
testify to this, they were the first to begin the hunt. _Valete._ In
haste.--On the 10th day of May 1477.
L. de Medicis, at Bagno a Morba.[200]
This letter was dictated to some secretary, and the handwriting is
plain enough. Whenever Lucrezia dictates evidently the writer did not
think it respectful to use _thou_, which she always uses when writing
with her own hand.
Lucrezia de’ Medici, _from Bagno a Morba, to her son_ Lorenzo _at Pisa_
_Salutem_, &c. I send you sixteen flasks of good old Greek wine:
eight of Poggibonsi, marked with ink: and eight of Colle. To us they
seem good, you must however choose, and four _torte besse_ (cakes
made at Siena). I do this because I think that with the arrival of
the Madama[201] you may need them, although I doubt not you have
made every provision. Yet as I had these and they seemed to me good
I send them, for I think they may please you. Do not let the carrier
return here empty. Oranges, biscuits, and _marino_[202] would be met
with banners flying. No more at present. I am well and hope for good
results from the baths. God be thanked, may He keep you well. In
haste.--On the 23rd day of May 1477.
Your Lucrezia de’ Medici
at Bagno a Morba.[203]
Lucrezia de’ Medici (_Lorenzo’s daughter, born 1470_) _to her
grandmother_ Lucrezia _at Bagno a Morba_
Magnificent Grandmother mine,--Let me know how you are and when you
began your baths. It seems to me a thousand years since you left, and
every day I say a Pater noster and an Ave Maria for your return well
and happy. Send me that basket of roses you promised. We are all well
here, all we children with Mona Clarice. Mona Bartolomea and all her
family are here too, tell Leonardo that they are well and commend me
to him. We often go up to your little spring, and there we talk of
you. Lorenzo has gone to Pisa, may God accompany him, he will come
back to us soon.
I pray you to be careful and of good cheer for love of me, so that you
may return well and bright, it seems a thousand years to me. If I can
do aught for you here, command me.--Written on May 24, 1477. No more.
May Christ guard you.
Your Lucrezia de’ Medici, Careggi.[204]
Agnolo Poliziano _to_ Lucrezia de’ Medici _at Bagno a Morba_
_Magnifica Domina mea honoranda_,--the family are all well. Lorenzo
has informed us of the honours paid to Madama of Ferrara at Pisa, so
I do not repeat what no doubt you have heard from others. She left
evidently well pleased.
There is again talk about the affairs at Milan and the Lord Ruberto
[Count of San Severino]. You will have heard how he went to Milan with
Messer Obietto, and it appears the Illustrious Madonna Duchess heard
of some understanding between them. Donato del Conte, who was also in
the secret, was sent for and imprisoned. Upon which it seems the Lord
Ruberto took arms with his followers and attempted to raise the city
together with some of the Duke’s brothers. Then seeing there was no
hope he fled, and with him went Messer Obietto, who they say to-day
has been taken; of the Lord Ruberto there is as yet no news. The
Duke’s brothers have implored the Duchess to forgive them, alleging
as an excuse that they feared for their lives. The Lord Ottaviano is
reported to have been drowned while flying from his pursuers. There
is also the affair of Messer Antonio Ridolfo, who was attacked by
some soldiers of Pietra Santa and Melia on his way from the Riviera
of Genoa. After a skirmish of several miles his mounted crossbow-men
showed good fight and wounded and killed those soldiers with great
honour to themselves, and Messer Antonio arrived here safe and sound.
Your Piero and Lucrezia and the other children are well and commend
themselves to Your Magnificence. I have not been able to write to
you because I am at Careggi, and therefore have no means of sending
letters. Madonna Clarice, Bianca and Nannina, and all our people are
well. I commend myself to Your Magnificence.--Florence, the last day
of May 1477. Your Magnificence’s servant,
Angelus Pol.[205]
Lucrezia de’ Medici, _from Bagno a Morba, to her son_ Lorenzo
_Salvus sis, mi suavissime filii_,--To-day I have received a letter
in thy name which has caused me much rejoicing, particularly as thou
sayest thou art well and also the others. I am delighted to hear of
the marriage arranged between Cosimino Rucellai[206] and the daughter
of the Marquess Gabbrielle. Quite an unexpected piece of news. Coming
from so good a source it must be good; and having been settled by
so excellent a person, excellent. We are celebrating it with great
rejoicings, and so are all the people of the Bagni. To so fortunate
and good a beginning may God grant a joyous and happy ending, _et
suffit_. By the grace of God I am well and have nearly finished my
baths. I have decided, if it pleases God, to leave this on the 21st,
that is Saturday week, and to stay the night with Madonna Tita, widow
of Messer Antonio Cortesi, at San Gemignano. She has been with me here
for several days and entreated me to do this; then she sent her son,
who left this morning, to settle about the visit. So because of her
entreaties, and because she is a widow, I have been forced to promise
without awaiting thy assent. We shall go quietly and stay little, and
on Monday the eve of S. John [23rd June] we shall be at home. I do
not see my way to come before, as I am still weak from the effects
of the baths. But should any necessity arise for me to come sooner,
let me know and I will leave all. Send the horses, if it suits thee,
to arrive here on the 19th, so that they can rest on the 20th, and as
I have said, we start early on the 21st. Seven horses must be sent,
nought else is wanted. May Christ keep you all. I commend myself to
thee.--In haste on the 8th day of June 1477.
Thy Lucrezia.
I have given orders to Maso of Fiesole for the donkeys and mules he is
to send.[207]
Lucrezia de’ Medici _to her son_ Lorenzo, _from Bagno a Morba_
_Karissime filii salutem_, &c.,--To-day the 18th the horses have
arrived, two days before the time; I suppose by the over-zeal of
whoever was charged to send them. It does not matter, although there
is a dearth of stabling, straw, and oats, but we have sent them where
they will be well cared for and fed until we leave as I said on
the 21st. I cannot leave before as I am very weak and have not yet
finished my baths. But to keep my word and be with thee on S. John’s
day I shall leave, although if I remained another eight days it would
be more necessary than superfluous. However now it is settled. We
shall not be at Florence before Monday for the reasons already given.
So that if thou hast sent the horses before the time fixed in order
that I might be home earlier, forgive me: if I had received a letter
from thee urging me to return I should have left at once without
considering my own convenience and well-being. Nought else. I commend
myself to thee and pray God to keep thee well and happy. Salute the
family and tell them I shall be at home on the vigil of S. John, if it
pleases God, for I never expected to live so long. In haste, in haste,
on the 18th day [of June] 1477.
Thy Lucrezia at Bagno a Morba.[208]
Piero Malegonnelle (_Vicar of Pomerance_) _to_ Lucrezia de’ Medici
Honoured as a Mother,--Being here at Bagno a Morba, and hearing that
what I always desired has been accomplished,[209] it is only my duty
to congratulate you, not so much because of your satisfaction, as for
the good of what otherwise would never have risen again to its ancient
reputation. May God be pleased to give you grace to enjoy it for a
long, long time. There is the same quantity of water in the baths as
before, but with the new cistern we have made there will be more and
of a better quality, as Riccio, the bearer of this letter, can fully
explain when he sees you. Riccio and his brother understand such
works, as you know. I recommend them to you most heartily in case you
need their services here.
As the one necessary thing is to try and conduct as much water as
possible to the baths, having to remain near here this winter, which
I take to be the best time for searching for the springs, if you send
an efficient and able man I offer, as is my bounden duty, to aid him
in every way. It only remains for me to place myself at your disposal
and to commend myself to you. May the Almighty keep you in health and
happiness.--Bagno a Morba, on the 16th day of September 1477. Your
servant,
Piero Malegonnelle.[210]
Piero Malegonnelle (_Vicar of Pomerance_) _to_ Lucrezia de’ Medici
Most honoured as a Mother,--As I shall leave at the end of my service
here and am expecting my successor from day to day, I have not written
about the baths. I went there last Friday and found the water had
increased rather than diminished, and that it was extremely hot. The
trench is finished from where the water rises under the building as
far as the baths which have been rebuilt, and are twelve in number.
The cistern is also finished, except covering in the roof, according
to the designs sent; and as far as my poor judgment goes all seems to
me well done, saving that the water will enter the cistern at only
one place and then will have to flow 12-3/4 yards, so that I fear
the baths will be too hot to be borne where the water enters and not
hot enough at the other end. I think the water ought to be brought
into the cistern by two conduits. This might still be easily arranged
by dividing the channel in two when it reaches the room where the
shower baths are, and digging another trench 19 yards long 2-3/4 yards
further in. This can always be done if necessary. There has been some
difficulty in the work, as just under the hill where the water comes
out they have been obliged to underpin the ground and then to cut
through the rock from whence the water comes. But the rock is hard and
3 yards 30 inches thick, and a channel 2 feet long has to be cut in
order that the water may have sufficient fall to flow under the small
palace to the baths. In two or three days I think it will be finished.
The lime has been burnt and they say it is good, about eighty bushels
for twenty soldi; and in the fields opposite the trench they have
found earth fit for making tiles and bricks. The levellers are at work
making them and a Lombard has undertaken to bake them, so they will
cost four lire or less the thousand. They are now in the kiln and this
will be a great saving to you. The room for the shower baths, 4-1/2
yards wide and 12-3/4 yards long, is partly finished, and the bath
at the side also. They say they need certain slabs which are made on
purpose for shower baths, and they want them at once. Riccio has been
dismissed from the inn and Giovanni di Pace has taken it and says that
he has orders for rooms from Volterra, Florence, and elsewhere, and
that in addition to what he has he needs all the things noted in the
enclosed list. The orchard has been planted in a way that will please
you when you see it. I say no more but commend myself to you and may
God preserve you in happiness. Ex Castro di Pomarancii, March 25, 1478.
Petrus de Malegonnellis, _Vicarius_, &c.[211]
The following letters from Louis XI., from Lorenzo, and from Sixtus
IV., relate to the famous Pazzi conspiracy when Giuliano de’ Medici was
murdered and Lorenzo wounded in the cathedral of Florence. Antagonism
and rivalry had for some time existed between the two great families,
although Lorenzo’s favourite sister Bianca was married to Gugliemo de’
Pazzi, who had been regarded by Piero almost as his own son, and is
often mentioned in these letters as the companion of the Magnificent
on hunting excursions and visits to foreign courts. Gugliemo’s brother
Francesco, head of the Pazzi bank at Rome, worked incessantly against
Lorenzo’s uncle Giovanni Tornabuoni, manager of the Roman branch of the
Medici bank, and eventually succeeded in depriving him of the business
of the Holy See given to Lorenzo in the first days of Sixtus’ rule. The
third brother, Giovanni de’ Pazzi, was married to Beatrice Borromeo,
who on the death of her father without having made a will claimed,
according to the existing laws, the whole of his property. His nephews,
however, intimate friends of the two young Medici, contested her right,
and in 1476 a retrospective law of intestacy was passed setting aside
the claims of females to the estate of a father who died intestate,
and giving it to the nearest male relative. Machiavelli, Nardi, and
Guicciardini, all accuse Lorenzo of instigating the drafting of “this
law made for the occasion,” as Nardi calls it. Roscoe maintains that it
was passed more than ten years before, but the proofs he adduces are
quite illusory. Without extraneous aid it is however very improbable
that the Pazzi would have dared to attempt the assassination of the two
brothers Medici. This aid they obtained from the Pope. Sixtus IV. had,
as Dr. Creighton says, “elevated nepotism into political principle ...
he took his nephews, men of no position and little capacity, and placed
at their disposal all the resources of the Roman See.” Giuliano della
Rovere and Piero Riario were created cardinals in total disregard of
the regulations of the Conclave, while for Piero’s brother, Girolamo,
he bought Imola from the Duke of Milan, at the same time arranging
a marriage between him and Caterina Sforza, the Duke’s illegitimate
daughter. Florence had long coveted Imola, and Lorenzo tried to prevent
the purchase by raising difficulties about advancing the necessary
money to the Pope. Francesco de’ Pazzi then seized his opportunity and
was appointed Treasurer to the Holy See in Lorenzo’s place.
Another grievance Sixtus had against Florence was the indirect aid
given to Niccolò Vitelli, who had taken the side of Todi and Spoleto
when they rose against the Pope, by despatching troops to Borgo San
Sepolcro when the Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere laid siege to Città
di Castello. The appointment of the anti-Medicean Francesco Salviati,
as Archbishop of Pisa in the place of the late Filippo de’ Medici,
in spite of a previous promise that no archbishop or bishop should
be appointed within Florentine territory save by the consent of the
Signory of Florence, was deeply resented by Lorenzo. Though unable
to prevent the nomination he succeeded in keeping Salviati out of
his archbishopric and consequently without his emoluments for three
years. In 1477 the Pope’s anger against Lorenzo rose to fever-heat.
He suspected, unjustly as it appears, that Florence had aided Carlo
Fortebraccio in his endeavour to seize Perugia. The attempt failed and
Fortebraccio overran the territory of Siena, which at once appealed to
the Pope and the King of Naples, at the same time arrogantly summoning
Florence to immediately recall the condottiere. Fortebraccio was in
Venetian service, so the Florentines answered that they had nothing to
do with him and only wished he would keep quiet.
The murder of Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan, had further complicated
matters. Girolamo Riario was astute enough to realise that if the
Pope died, the change of government in Milan might expose him to the
resentment of Florence, and determined to try and overthrow the Medici.
Francesco de’ Pazzi and Archbishop Salviati were easily persuaded to
join, but shrewd old Jacopo de’ Pazzi, who lived in Florence and knew
the hold the Medici had over the people, gave them no encouragement.
Promises of foreign aid and the assurance of the assent of the Pope
however at last won him over. An Abruzzese, Giovan Battista da
Montesecco, a captain in the service of Girolamo Riario, was selected
as a man to be trusted; his confession[212] is curious reading but
too long to give _in extenso_. When he met Francesco de’ Pazzi in the
Archbishop Salviati’s house at Rome he expressed grave doubts. “Have
a care, gentlemen, what you are undertaking. Florence is no small
matter, and Lorenzo, I hear, is very popular.” The Archbishop answered
that they knew better how it stood with Lorenzo, that it was their
affair and he was only the instrument. Montesecco then asked what the
Pope would say, and was assured he hated Lorenzo and would follow
their advice. Moreover he would receive the captain. Plans were then
discussed. It was arranged that troops were to be held in readiness
by Giovanni Francesco da Tolentino from Imola, Lorenzo Giustini from
Città di Castello, and Napoleone Orsini from Todi and Perugia, to enter
Florence as soon as the assassins had done their work. Soon afterwards
Montesecco was summoned to the Vatican. “I will have no bloodshed,”
said the Pope, “it is not consistent with my office to cause the death
of any man. Lorenzo has behaved shamefully and iniquitously towards
us, but I do not desire his death, though I do desire a change of
government.” Girolamo Riario promised that everything should be done to
prevent bloodshed, but asked the Pope to pardon any man who was forced
to commit murder. “Thou art a stupid fool,” answered the Pope. “I tell
thee I will have no man killed, but I desire the government to be
changed. To you, Giovan Battista, I repeat that I wish the government
of Florence to be changed and Lorenzo to be overthrown, for he is an
undutiful and a bad man who defies us. When he is out of the way we
can deal as we choose with the Republic which will be most convenient
to us.” Riario and the Archbishop agreed to this and added, “Then Your
Holiness is content that we should take every means to bring this
about?” Sixtus repeated, “Again I say I am not. Go and do what you
will, as long as no blood is shed.” As they left Salviati turned to the
Pope, “Holy Father, are you content that we steer this boat. We will
guide it well.” The Pope answered, “I am. But see to it that the honour
of the Holy See and of the Count does not suffer.”
The Archbishop now went to Pisa, and Francesco de’ Pazzi to Florence.
Knowing the hospitable nature of Lorenzo, he suggested that Raffaello
Sansoni, a nephew of Girolamo Riario (whose name he adopted), who had
just been created Cardinal of S. Giorgio at the age of seventeen and
was studying at Pisa, should come to the Pazzi villa near Florence.
As he expected, the lad was at once invited to supper at the Medicean
villa at Fiesole, and the conspirators were jubilant. But Giuliano
was ill and did not come, so they were foiled. The young Cardinal,
simply an instrument in the hands of the Pazzi and the Archbishop,
then expressed a desire to see the Medici palace in town, and proposed
the Sunday before Ascension day (26th April), when he was to celebrate
High Mass in the cathedral. Lorenzo asked him to dine afterwards, and
it was arranged that the two Medici brothers were to be killed as they
rose from table. It is singular that no rumour of the plot had got
abroad, as so many were cognisant of it. Besides Jacopo and Francesco
de’ Pazzi, the Archbishop and Montesecco, there was Jacopo Salviati,
the Archbishop’s brother, and his cousin another Jacopo, Bernardo
Bandini, a dissipated adventurer, and Jacopo Bracciolini, son of Poggio
Bracciolini the humanist, who owed much to the Medici. Jacopo was
deeply in debt and inordinately vain. Two priests, destined to play a
prominent part, were also implicated, Antonio Maffei of Volterra, an
Apostolic scribe, and Stefano da Bagnone, chaplain to Jacopo de’ Pazzi.
Montesecco had hired a band of Perugian exiles, and the Archbishop had
a large retinue; these were to aid in seizing the Palazzo de’ Signori.
At the last moment Giuliano sent word that he was not well enough to
dine, but would attend Mass. The conspirators then determined that
the deed must be done in the cathedral, as on that evening Tolentino
and Giustini would be drawing near to Florence with their troops.
Francesco de’ Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini undertook to kill Giuliano,
Lorenzo was entrusted to the abler hands of Montesecco. No doubt
all would have gone as they had planned but for the scruples of the
soldier, who absolutely refused to commit a murder “where God would see
him.” The two priests, who had no such feeling, offered themselves as
substitutes--and failed.
Lorenzo accompanied the Cardinal and the Archbishop, who had come to
Florence on the pretext of seeing his invalid mother, to the cathedral.
Suddenly the conspirators saw that Giuliano had not come. Francesco de’
Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini ran across the square and persuaded him
to go with them, affectionately clasping their arms round him to feel
whether he wore a shirt of mail.
The scene in the cathedral is best described in the words of Filippo
Strozzi, who was present: “At the words _missa est_ Ser Stefano da
Bagnone, secretary of Messer Jacopo de’ Pazzi and Messer Antonio Maffei
of Volterra assailed Lorenzo de’ Medici, while Francesco de’ Pazzi
and Bernardo Bandini fell upon Giuliano. Both were walking round the
choir outside, and Lorenzo at once understood, drew his sword, leaped
into the choir, rushed across in front of the altar, entered the new
sacristy and ordered the door to be locked. There he remained until aid
came from his house. He was only wounded in the neck, and in a few days
was well. Francesco de’ Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini sprang at Giuliano,
who was walking in front of the chapel of the Cross, and with ten or
twelve blows laid him dead on the pavement; they also killed Francesco
Nori, who was with him. The uproar was great in the church. I was there
talking with Messer Bongianni and the other gentlemen, and we were all
struck with astonishment, people flying now here, now there, while the
church resounded with loud shouts, and arms were seen in the hands of
partisans of the Pazzi who had joined in this matter. The Cardinal was
left all alone by the side of the altar, until some priests came and
led him into the old sacristy, where he remained until two of the Eight
with many soldiers arrived and took him to the Palace. At the time this
was happening the Archbishop of Pisa, under the pretence of paying a
visit to the Signory, was at the Palace, and hearing the tumult in
the city, he tried to seize it. With him was his brother Jacopo and
Jacopo his cousin, Jacopo Poggio, the Perugians, and others. But the
Signory and their guard defended themselves and sounded the tocsin, and
the citizens rushed armed into the piazza, and forced a way into the
Palace, the door of which had been closed on the inside, and all were
made prisoners.”
Poliziano describes the agony of suspense of the small group in the new
sacristy, who thought the church was in the hands of the Pazzi. “Some
feared that the priest’s dagger was poisoned, and Lorenzo’s friend,
Antonio Ridolfi, a most excellent youth, sucked the wound in his neck.
Lorenzo, however, gave no heed to it, continually repeating, ‘Is
Giuliano safe?’ Then came sharp knocks at the door. ‘We are friends,
we are relations. Let Lorenzo come out ere the enemy gains a foothold.’
We were undecided, and shouted, ‘Enemies or friends? Is Giuliano safe?’
No answer was given. Then Sigismondo Della Stufa, devoted to Lorenzo
since his boyhood, climbed up the ladders into the organ loft, looked
down into the church, and saw the dead body of Giuliano. He recognised
those below as friends, and shouted to us to open the door. Closing
around Lorenzo we led him, so that he should not come past the dead
body, to his house.”
How the Archbishop of Pisa, the Pazzi, and Jacopo Bracciolini were
hung from the windows of the Palace of the Signoria, and how the
people hunted their adherents through the streets, shouting, “_Palle!
Palle! down with the traitors_ and cut them to pieces,” is a matter
of history. Montesecco lay in hiding for some days, and before he was
beheaded in the Palazzo del Podestà, dictated and signed the confession
which throws full light on the participation of Sixtus IV. and his
nephew Girolamo Riario in the plot.
On Ascension Day Giuliano was buried in S. Lorenzo, amid the grief
of the people whose darling he was. “He was tall,” writes Poliziano,
“broad-shouldered, wide-chested, with well-developed and strong arms,
a small waist, powerful thighs, and well-made legs; black, sparkling
eyes, a dark complexion, with thick black hair falling on to his
shoulders. A fine rider, jouster, and dancer, an excellent wrestler
and runner, passionately devoted to the chase, submitting patiently
to want of sleep, to hunger, and to thirst, which he often endured
for a whole day. Magnanimous, steady, pious, and without vice, he
delighted in music, painting, and everything connected with art. He
liked poetry, and wrote some good verse in the vulgar tongue. He
spoke well, but was reserved and not quick-witted; yet he enjoyed
a good joke, and sometimes made one. Liars he hated and those who
nursed vengeance. In dress he was not extravagant, but always neat and
well-clothed. Serious, handsome, and dignified, he was most courteous
and kind-hearted. He adored and revered his brother, while his courage
and high spirits endeared him to the people.”
Vasari tells in his Life of Verrocchio of three waxen images of
Lorenzo, the size of life, made by order of his friends and relations
to commemorate his escape from the dagger of the assassin by Arsino,
a celebrated worker in wax, with the help and after the designs
of Verrocchio. “The skeleton inside was of wood, as has been said
elsewhere, with a framework of split canes covered with waxed cloth in
handsome folds, so well arranged that nothing better or more lifelike
can be imagined. The heads, hands, and feet were made of thicker wax,
hollow inside and copied from life, painted in oils, and ornamented
with hair and other necessary things, so natural and so well made, that
they seemed living men and not waxen images, as can be seen in any
of these three. One of them is in the church of the nuns of Chiarito
in Via S. Gallo in front of the miraculous crucifix. This figure is
clothed in the very dress Lorenzo wore when, with his neck bandaged, he
showed himself at the window of his house to the people, who had rushed
there to see whether he was alive, as they hoped, or to avenge him
if dead. The second figure of Lorenzo is clothed in the _lucco_, the
ordinary dress of the Florentines, and is in the church of the Servites
of the Annunziata above the smaller door, beside which is the table
where candles are sold. The third was sent to S. Maria degl’ Angeli at
Assisi and placed in front of the Madonna, where, as has been already
said, Lorenzo de’ Medici caused the road which goes from S. Maria to
the gate of Assisi and leads to S. Francesco to be laid down in bricks,
and at the same time restored the fountains built by his grandfather
Cosimo at the same place.”[213]
Louis XI., _King of France, to the_ Florentine Republic
Beloved and great Friends,--We have just heard of the great and
inhuman outrage, opprobrium and injury, which not long ago has been
committed against your Seigneury, against the persons of our most dear
and beloved cousins Lorenzo and Giuliano de’ Medici, their friends,
relations, servants, and adherents, by those of the Pazzi Bank and
their dependants; and of the death of our said cousin Giuliano de’
Medici, whereby we have been and are as much grieved as though it
had happened to ourselves. Now as your honour and our own has been
so gravely offended, and as the Medici are our relations and allies,
and as we regard this outrage and the death of our cousin Giuliano
as though it had happened to our own person, and therefore consider
the Pazzi guilty of _læsæ Majestatis_, we cannot permit this deed to
go unpunished; we desire with all our heart that adequate punishment
should follow as an example to others. We have therefore decided to
send to your Excellencies our well-beloved and faithful Councillor and
Chamberlain, Messire d’Argenton,[214] Seneschal of our province of
Poitou, who is one of the men in whom we have the utmost confidence,
to inform you at length of our wishes; he will tell you more about
this matter. We beg you to place the same trust in him and the same
belief in his words as you would in ours, it is for this that we send
him. I pray God, beloved and great friends, to keep and to guard
you.--12th May 1478.[215]
Louis XI. _to_ Pope Sixtus IV.
_Copy of our Letter sent to the Pope_
Most Holy Father,--We have been fully informed that wantonly by the
hands of Count Girolamo, of one of your nephews recently promoted to
the dignity of the Cardinalate, of the Archbishop of Pisa, and of
members of the Pazzi family and their adherents, an outrage, insult,
and personal attack has been made on the person of our dear friend
Lorenzo de’ Medici and on Giuliano his brother. That the said Giuliano
and others, his friends, have been killed, murdered, and assassinated
in a church in Florence, in which we have been. We are deeply grieved
and still more astonished that such an outrage should have been
committed against one of such a House as is that of the Medici;
renowned in the whole world, and known as belonging to the Church
and filling high offices, such as that of Cardinal and Archbishop,
and in the precincts of a Church, a sacred place dedicated to God.
Therefore, Holy Father, we are much displeased at so abominable a sin
and outrage, which we regard as even more grave than if it had been
done to our own person, or to the person of one nearly related to us,
and we hold that your and our honour has been most deeply offended.
On account of the special love we have always borne, and bear, to
the said Lorenzo our cousin and to all of his House, and of the
great friendship, cemented by loyalty, oaths, and alliance, which in
past times existed, and exists at present, between our predecessors,
ourselves, and the city of Florence, we most affectionately supplicate
and pray Your Holiness that for love of us as well as for love of our
Holy Mother Church, in order that others should not go unpunished,
amends shall be made for this crime by punishing the delinquents,
and all who have aided and participated, in such way that it may be
an example for all men to remember, and that greater ills shall not
arise. Otherwise, by virtue of the said alliance and confederation
existing between us and the said Florentines, and on account of
the love we bear to our said cousin, we have determined to declare
against all those who are implicated and not to allow this thing to go
unpunished. We pray the Blessed Son of God that Your Holiness may long
be spared to rule our Holy Mother Church.[216]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Tommaso Soderini _at Milan_[217]
I wrote to you on the 8th. Since then I have received yours of the
6th, to which I now reply. I thought it best to send the last by a
special courier, because I have heard that the troops of the King
[of Naples] and of the Pope intend making a serious attack, so I
think it will be necessary to gather a larger force here than we had
asked for, as when the enemy comes he will probably come in force.
By yours and Orfeo’s letters we understand that 1000 men have been
engaged and are ready for our service. If this is correct I think it
will suffice if one half crosses our frontier, the rest being held in
readiness for what I mentioned in my last, the assault of Imola. It
must be remembered that in defending ourselves we are defending those
Illustrious Lords [of Milan], and if we gain anything for ourselves
it will be most unexpected, for these Venetian ambassadors declare
that if peace is not made with the Turk we can hope for but small aid
from them. In ten or twelve days we shall have 450 men under arms. If
there is a chance of engaging any condottieri it would be an excellent
thing. I think I am sure of Signor Costanzo and do not believe he will
fail me. Those Illustrious Lords have written to their ambassador
here that they will only subscribe 8000 ducats towards the pay of the
Romagna troop. It seems to me they do wrong to state a given sum, as
this might put off the Venetians, if they say they will subscribe one
third for this troop it can afterwards be settled between ourselves
that we should pay whatever sum is needful beyond the 8000 ducats.
Those Illustrious Lords also seem not to wish to engage Signor
Costanzo, as I heard yesterday. But the negotiation is so far advanced
that not only would it be most unjust to him, but also my motive in
hindering him from serving with the enemy must be considered. If he
only guards and defends his own territory it seems to me it would be
a great advantage to us. In short these gentlemen must be prepared to
disburse the above-mentioned sum and the troops must be ready to move
as I have said. Above all there must be no delay, as our adversaries
are hastening their preparations; if they see that we are strong and
able to resist they may change their minds. From the Venetians I do
not think we shall get other help than those few men on this side of
the Po and their contribution towards the pay of the Romagna troop,
which they appear to give willingly.
Letters from Rome show that although the Pope knows that Cardinal
Riario has been set at liberty, he shows no disposition to raise the
excommunication or the interdict.[218] This is a bad sign and makes
one believe that he will do all in his power to injure us. We shall
see what will happen and are determined to defend ourselves as well as
we can.
Girolamo left to-day. He came by way of Pontremoli; I reminded him
of your business and he promised me to do all he could. If you pass
through Ferrara I need not tell you what to say to the Duke to keep
him in the same friendly mood towards us he now displays. I say no
more because I know these ambassadors are writing at length.--June 10,
1478.[219]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Giovanni Lanfredini, _Florentine Ambassador at
Venice_
I received yours of the 6th this morning and should have waited for
another letter from you with the answer of the Signoria [of Venice],
but from various sources I have heard that the forces of the King and
the Pope are marching to attack us, and so I write at once in order
that you may hasten any aid we can get from Venice. Our ambassador
there will I think send our opinion _in scriptis_ to the Signoria,
who will have to consult with him. We have need of more men than
those who are on this side of the Po. If the Signoria approve of our
plan of attacking Imola in case war is declared against us, we should
prefer that the above-mentioned men should be employed there. If they
do not approve, then it is imperative that the men be sent with all
haste to guard our territory, and we will give orders that they are
to be allowed to cross our frontier. We are most anxious about this,
not on account of the number of men, but in order to prove to our
adversaries that we are united, for they count much on our disunion.
Try therefore to settle this one way or the other and reply quickly,
for the affair is _in fieri_, and at any moment some impediment might
arise. The Signoria of Venice intimated that they did not believe the
Pope and the King intend to advance; now I conceive they understand it
is true. We have set the Cardinal at liberty, but the Pope has shown
no sign of taking off the excommunications or the interdicts; on the
contrary he maintains them and encourages troops to attack us. So this
is no time for loitering. It would be most harmful to us if their
ambassador left here before his successor was appointed. We wish this
also to be seen to at once. I will have a copy of the deliberations of
the last council sent to you in order that you may press these matters
with all the tact demanded by the customs there and by the questions
themselves.
I wrote thus far yesterday evening. Afterwards we of the _Pratica_
met, and it was decided not to send our opinions _in scriptis_, but
to await the reply to those we have sent. More particularly as our
opinion is as follows. On all sides we perceive signs of incertitude
and hesitation in spite of our solicitations to grant us what they
can. If this was cleared up we might hope. If the Venetians will only
make a demonstration in our favour, with small cost to themselves
they would do us a great service, because, as I have already said,
our adversaries believe we are not unanimous in our desire to defend
ourselves, and this makes them more enterprising. We thought at
least that we should receive help which cost little, as for example
in the affair of submission [to the Pope], particularly as these
ecclesiastical censures still continue, and so that the Signoria must
either incur the same interdict if they help us, or break faith with
us, which however would be absolved by the Bull of the interdict. As I
said before, discover what we can hope for from there, in order that
I may not be again deceived. Present these questions skilfully so as
not to cause any friction; rather leave a part unsaid, for our great
object is to maintain the union of our League in appearance and in
reality.
I am writing to our envoy [Tommaso Soderini], who I do not think
can have arrived. If he has, lay everything before him.--June 10,
1478.[220]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Louis XI., _King of France_
Most Serene King and especially my Lord,--The letter Your Majesty has
deigned to write about our unhappy case, replete with great love and
paternal benevolence, shows me how keenly you felt our misfortune,
and how kindly disposed you are towards me. Should I even attempt to
return adequate thanks to Your Majesty I should deserve to be called
utterly unfit to understand so great a benefit, because words so full
of love and benevolence coming from Your Majesty to a humble servant
cannot be repaid by any act or word. I can therefore only beg Your
Majesty specially to accept my heartfelt declaration of loyalty as a
token and a pledge of my gratitude, trusting that God will repay to
Your Majesty the rest of my debt. As to Your Majesty’s wise counsels
to bear this calamity with fortitude, you may rest assured that I do
not so much deplore what has happened to myself as the grave affront
to the Christian name; because where I hoped, in such bitter trouble,
to receive help, I found instead the fountain-head and instigator
of all ill. For he, in the presence of many, dared to confess
spontaneously that this crime was caused by him, and promulgated
against me, my children, successors, intimates, and well-wishers, an
iniquitous sentence of excommunication. Not satisfied with that, he is
arming against this Republic, has instigated King Ferdinand against
us, and has urged the King’s eldest son to march against us with a
formidable army in order with violence and arms to destroy him he
could not succeed in utterly ruining by deceit and fraud. For I well
know, and God is my witness, that I have committed no crime against
the Pope, save that I am alive, and having been protected by the grace
of Almighty God have not allowed myself to be murdered. This is my
sin, for this alone have I been excommunicated and massacred. But I
believe that God, scrutiniser of hearts and most just Judge, who knows
my innocence, will not permit this and will defend me, whom He saved
from those sacrilegious hands in front of His Body, from such unjust
calumny. On our side we have Canon Law, on our side laws natural and
political, on our side truth and innocence, on our side God and men.
He has violated all these at once, and now desires to annihilate us. I
write these things to Your Majesty as to a compassionate father, and
from you, on account of your goodness, piety, and greatness of soul,
I have no doubt I shall receive much help, favour, and military aid,
if required. For we cannot believe that any good man can tolerate that
he, who wilfully precipitates himself into such an abyss of crime,
should drag with him the Christian name. May Your Majesty keep well,
to whom I humbly commend myself--Florence, June 19, 1478.[221]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Sforza de’ Bettini
Sforzie de Bettinis,--I wrote to you this morning. Later I received
yours of the 28th, with news of the arrival of the Duke of Calabria
and the others at Todi. We wrote at once to all our troops, save to
those who are already there, to unite and join those of the Duchess
[of Milan] with all speed, part are in the Pisan territory, the others
are on the march; to Giovanni Conti [one of the Milanese generals],
telling him to advance into the territory of Bologna; to the Venetian
contingent to come into that of Faenza. All the others are to march
on Todi. We have asked for two hundred additional men-at-arms from
Milan besides those that are in readiness, and said that these two
hundred are to be placed at once in our pay. With this letter is sent
the number of men and the names of the places where they are, so that
you can direct them wherever you think best. We have thus done all we
can for the moment. You must try and obtain more certain information
whether what you have written is true or not. If not, you ought not
to lack means to discover the dealings and intentions of the enemy. I
think that among them are several who would willingly do us a service.
If you can contrive to interview the Cavaliere I think you might learn
something. Make every effort, for I cannot believe that you are unable
to defend so just a cause.
I understand that the Lord Giovanfrancesco has given orders that the
troops he is to send are to be paid, which will be so much more money.
I am astonished that the Lord Virginio [Orsini, Clarice’s brother]
should give them an escort after replying as he did to that trumpeter,
however I do not think, as I said this morning, that we need despair.
I have no more to add save that you must send us frequent news, and
as true news as you can, and use every means to discover as much as
possible of the movements and intentions of our adversaries. If this
arrival of the Duke of Calabria is true it will probably alter the
plans about which we wrote this morning, and we think it will be
necessary to concentrate our forces as you suggested. Farewell--June
25, 1478.[222]
Messer Ceccho, _from Milan, to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
_Magnifice tanquam Pater honorande_,--To yours of the 28th of last
month in reply to mine of the 22nd, I will only refer by thanking Your
Magnificence for accepting my letter in good part.
As to the Lord of Forli it would seem to me wise to make every effort
to draw him to our side for the honour, advantage, and reputation of
our League; the said Lord is clever, and I think, as Your Magnificence
says, he will attempt to get as much money as he can from the Pope,
and then _cum sua justificatione_ withdraw: I have lived for many
years with these lords of Romagna and know their nature, but one
cannot count on this, and we must do all we can to get him on our side.
Monsignore de Chiaromonte (Clermont), ambassador of the King of
France,[223] has been here, my Illustrious Masters showed him
great honour, and this morning he left: the Illustrious Madonna
and we counsellors spoke to him with much openness, and gave him
to understand that in favour of that Republic and of Yourself my
Illustrious Masters will give all the aid this State can _usque ad
vitam_, and we spoke thus as freely as possible, in order that he
might understand that this State was _unum velle et unum nolle_ with
yours. He seemed to me a worthy man, and one to be cultivated; this I
advise you to do, and to send to meet him without delay at Bologna,
and do what my Masters have written to their ambassador there and this
quickly, so that you may be in time.
It seems to me useless to enlarge on other things, only I beg Your
Magnificence to take heed of your person and to be of good cheer,
because I think there is every indication that things are going well,
and that the Republic, our League, and Your Magnificence, will gain in
reputation; on this side we shall leave nothing undone.
I beg Your Magnificence not to allow the letters my Illustrious
Masters have written, or mine about affairs with the King of France,
go into any other hands, but to deliver them there to Monsignore
d’Argenton,[224] with the circumspection and prudence that I know
Your Magnificence possesses, and thus we shall arrive at obtaining,
between my Masters and H.M. the King of France, the essence of what
is contained in those letters, which will redound to your honour,
reputation, and advantage, because our League being strong and united,
and helped by the friendship and reputation of France, things cannot
but go well.
Yesterday morning I obtained possession of some letters from France
written by one Lancilotto of Macedonia to King Ferrante. We find that
King Ferrante has at present four of his people at the French court,
this same Lancilotto, Zohan Copula of Salerno, Tommaso Tarquino, who
resides there, and a Messer Antonio de Alexandro, only just arrived
by the route of Catalonia with instructions and mandates of divers
intrigues and plots. I have informed Hieronimo Morelli, ambassador of
their excellencies the Signoria [of Florence] of all, so that he may
write to Your Magnificence, and I am sure he will have done so. I do
not enlarge on this point, because I am sure you will understand and
form a better judgment than I can. I entreat of you to keep my letters
in your own custody and in that of no other man, for I would on no
account that our ambassadors or others should see them for certain
reasons, which are legitimate, to avoid rancour, envy, and calumny,
&c.--Milan, July 3, 1478.[225]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Messer Giovanni di Bentivoglio _at Milan_
_Magnifice vir_,--By your letter of the 1st I see what the Lord of
Forlì has answered. I cannot understand how this difficulty has
arisen, and it is unreasonable. His stipend at present is 8000 ducats,
so he ought to be satisfied with 20,000. Perhaps he does not wish to
serve and tries to throw the blame on us. If this is so I do not see
what his object is in behaving thus. We will not give more than 20,000
ducats with the title of governor of the camp, and the protection of
our League. I have sent again to offer him this, as I had a hint that
he would accept. If he does it will be well, if not I shall cut short
the negotiation, and we will not mention the matter again.
I understand from letters from the Illustrious Lords of Milan that
they encourage Your Magnificence to take steps to obtain the recall of
the Legate. This seems to me perfectly justifiable, our League being
no longer in any way bound to obey the Pope. His presence can only
be harmful and a cause of suspicion. As I am writing I must say that
I heartily approve the advice of those Illustrious Princes and think
Your Magnificence would do well to get rid of the Legate for your own
good and for your reputation, and in order not to appear reluctant in
following the advice of those Illustrious Lords and the wishes of our
Illustrious League. You will gain in credit and security. I commend
myself, &c.--July 4, 1478.[226]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Girolamo Morelli, _Florentine Ambassador at
Milan_
_Magnifice orator tanquam Pater_,--Your letter of the 11th tells me
many things to which I now reply. First, if you do not receive news
day by day the only reason is that I have so much to do that it is
difficult for me to be exact, not to speak of my own dilatory nature.
But I will make every effort to inform you of essential matters every
day. I will do all I can and even a little more.
I understand what the Magnificent Messer Ceccho and Orfeo told you,
and with regard to the affair of Messer Ruberto am exceedingly sorry
that by no fault of mine they and I have such perpetual annoyance
and vexation. Your answer was wise and true. In this business I have
never thought or done anything without first referring to them.
Whether these ambassadors, who have written what I never charged
them to write, have stated the truth I know not. As soon as I heard
the news, and that at Bologna they doubted whether Signor Ruberto’s
father-in-law would give this money, I wrote to Messer Giovanni and
sent you the copy, and I showed these ambassadors the admirable reply
made by Signor Giovanni. Thus those Illustrious Lords will see that
from that moment, for this and many other reasons, Signor Ruberto was
the enemy of those Illustrious Lords, as he was mine. I desire to
clear this matter up once for all and to settle it, for added to all
my other worries it is too much for me to bear.
As to Signor Taddeo we are quite willing to do as you say, but as yet
we have not settled with the Lord of Forlì, as he demands more than we
can well give. We were willing to pay him 25,000 ducats and to give
him the title of Captain-General of our forces. Now he wants double
in time of war, besides making many other dishonest demands. We are
willing to grant anything he asks when he is employed in fighting
outside of Romagna, but not otherwise, and are expecting his answer.
If he does not accept we shall break off negotiations, as we should
lose in money and in reputation. Once this is settled we can treat
with Signor Taddeo, to whom I will write in the meanwhile and find out
what he wants. He is now secretly in Bologna.
We have replied in general terms to King René’s mandate, as he wrote
to us. But privately we have given him to understand that events may
take a course favourable to his designs. I am sure that if the League
decides to undertake anything in that quarter what we have done here
concerning his mandate will be of service to him. I think he intends
to return by Milan in order to see Messer Ceccho, at least so he
wrote to me, and I advised him to do so. From what we hear from the
camp the enemy makes no sign of life. If they do not receive strong
reinforcements, or hopes of some treaty, I think they will do us
little harm. But you had better hurry our contingent there, for whom
you have the money, and see that they are ready and fit to march;
though we hope even without them soon to be as strong as the enemy
is at present. Let us know if our contingent from Brescia has passed
through, they ought to arrive soon.
We had told Signor Giovanni Conte to come here; but he probably left
this morning for the camp as Giovanni di Sapone and Messer Alberto
Visconti are both ill, so he was wanted. His men are following to join
the others. When necessary to send all to him we can do it from here
...[227] meanwhile those who are ill may recover. But it is absolutely
essential to arrange about a Captain-General who is much needed,
although until now there is perfect order and unity in the camp.
You already know from others my desire about Genoese affairs, and that
I do not think other matters should be imperilled for them. I know
it was unnecessary, but I cannot have done wrong in saying what I
thought. I am still of the same opinion that other people should not
be placed in a dangerous position unless one is sure of success.
The Office has I believe written to you as to the affairs of the camp
and of Montepulciano, as well as about a Brief from the Pope and the
answer to it, so I say no more. I commend myself to you.--Florence,
July 15, 1478.
Laurentius de Medicis.[228]
Sixtus IV. _to the_ Duke Federigo _of Urbino_
_Carissime fili noster at affinis salutem et Apostolicam
benedictionem_,--We have received your letter written _manu propria_
and were rejoiced to hear your health was good, which is what I
desire above all things and for which I pray to God, for nothing is
more desirable to us. The letter written by the Florentines, full of
contempt of Christ and of His unworthy Vicar does not alarm us, but
causes us to think that God has destroyed their intellect and their
judgment as a punishment for their sins. We trust that God, whose
honour and glory is at stake, will grant you victory in everything,
especially as our intentions are straightforward and just. For we
make war on no one save on that ungrateful, excommunicated, and
heretical Lorenzo de’ Medici; and we pray to God to punish him for his
iniquitous acts, and to you as God’s minister deputed to avenge the
wrongs he has iniquitously and without cause committed against God and
His Church, with such ingratitude that the fountain of infinite love
has been dried up.
To the Venetians we have replied in proper terms that if they act
unjustly God is above all, and will requite every one according to his
acts.
We have sent many Nuncios with our justification to the King of France
and to other princes, such as the Emperor, the Kings of Hungary and
Spain, and all the others.
Moreover our Bull which has been printed and published to the whole
world will justify us; but allowing that everything goes wrong we
shall rejoice in dying as a martyr and hear every persecution for
love of the Church of God of which we are the unworthy head. We are
sure that when you reflect on what merit you will acquire before God
for defending His Church you will act as a true Christian Prince, and
that my son the Duke of Calabria, together with yourself, will obtain
glory with God and men; the Church will support you who support a just
cause, &c. I am told that some, from ignorance or malignity, depict
me as of hell; this I do not refute, but only despise their words,
confiding in thy fidelity who wilt not abandon God and me, who trust
in thee, so I let who will talk.
These French ambassadors are, they say, coming to us, let us hope that
God may inspire us with suitable answers, all which shall be notified
to you. Salute my illustrious son the Duke of Calabria cordially from
me. For him, as for you, we pray continually to God. I wish thee good
health, most beloved cousin.--July 25, 1478.
They threaten schism and disobedience. God’s will be done: but it
might be desirable that you write to the King of England, and that
King Ferdinand should write to his colleagues and to the King of
France, as he in his prudence will know how to do in proper terms.[229]
Per avisi ho da Napoli il Re persevera pure in molestare assai le
cose mie et in non mi lasciare riscuotere et volere che io paghi
dubito ancora che subito che ’l papa intenderà questi cenni di levare
la obedienza non faccia qualche novità alle mie cose a Roma nelle
quali benchè mi paia avere passato il pericolo maggiore pure havendo
grandissima fidanza costì per ogni mio bisogno vorrei che con ogni
cautela e buono modo et segretamente che non lo intendessi altri che
Messer Cecho intendessi se a qualche mio bisogno mi porrei valere di
costì di XXXm o XLm ducati per VI overo VIIj mesi benchè non credo
haverne bisogno perchè come dico mi pare in questa parte havere avuto
il male ch’io possi et insino a hora ho proveduto francamente pure
a mia satisfactione vorrei intendessi questo benche mi pare essere
certo non mi habbi a essere dinegato fate d’intenderlo et avisatemene
subito governandola con quella cautela et segreto che merita il caso e
la fede che ho in voi ho costì Antonio e cotesti portinari et niente
di meno non do questo aviso se non a voi solo et ho scritta questa
di mia mano per non mi fidare d’altri, vorrei come dico intendessi
questa parte da messer Cecho sanza che o voi o lui he conferissi con
altri havendo tante diverse persecutioni harò tanto maggiore animo
a resistere gagliardamente quando sarò certo questo favore non mi
habbi a manchare costì bisognandomi aoperarli farò quelle cautioni et
obligationi che saranno di bisogno. In Firenze a dì XXV di luglio 1478.
Vostro Lorenzo de’ Medici.[230]
[Illustration]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Girolamo Morelli, _Florentine Ambassador at
Milan_
I hear from Naples that the King continues to molest me and my affairs
as much as he can by not allowing me to encash and desiring me to pay.
I fear that as soon as the Pope hears of these attempts to provoke
disobedience he will make some move against my affairs at Rome.
Although I think the imminent peril has passed over as I have very
considerable credit there, yet I wish that with the utmost caution
and care, and so secretly that none but Messer Ceccho should know,
you would find out whether I can count upon 30,000 or 40,000 ducats
for six or seven months in case of need. I do not expect they will be
wanted because, as I said, I think all the ill that could be done to
me there has been done, and till now I have been able to provide for
everything. Yet, for my own tranquillity I should like to know this,
and I have not the least fear that it will be refused. See that you
find out at once and let me know, acting with all the caution and
secrecy necessary in such business. I have in Rome Antonio and the
Portinari, nevertheless I confide this to you alone, and have written
with my own hand in order that none should know. I wish, as I said,
that you should arrange this with Messer Ceccho without either he or
you conferring with others. I shall be able to face the many troubles
I have with much more courage if I know that I can count on this help.
If I do need it I will give every obligation and bond.--In Florence on
the 25th July 1478.
Your Lorenzo de’ Medici.[231]
In 1478, after the Pazzi conspiracy, when the Pope was stirring up war
against the Medici he hated, Lorenzo sent his wife and children to
Pistoja, where they were the guests of the Panciaticchi, for safety.
With them went Angelo Poliziano as tutor to Piero the eldest boy,
then about six years of age. The stiff, proud Roman, Madonna Clarice,
had never known how to gain her husband’s love, and did not get on
well with his brilliant, sarcastic, rather Bohemian friends. She
particularly disliked Poliziano’s growing influence over Piero, and
at the end of the year there was an open rupture, when she dismissed
him with scant courtesy. One pities them both. Clarice, already far
gone in consumption, was irritable and anxious about her husband,
whose attitude towards the Holy See she, with her education, could not
approve; while Poliziano, used to the brilliant talk in the Medici
palace, where he measured his wit with Luigi Pulci, Matteo Franco,
Marsilio Ficino, Pico della Mirandola, &c., and Lorenzo himself, was
bored to death and always longing to be back in Florence. The letters
from the little boy to his father show how simple was the family life
of the Magnificent Lorenzo, indeed he is blamed by Machiavelli for
joining in childish games with his children and for being seen playing
with them.
Agnolo Poliziano _at Pistoja to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici _in Florence_
_Magnifice mi patrone_,--I hope and trust Your Magnificence has not
been disturbed by my letter written this morning under the influence
of anger; the want of patience is my great fault. I hope in _bonam
partem acceperis rebusque nostris prospectum curabis_.
Madonna Clarice sends you three pheasants and a partridge. She says
you are to beware as though they came from an enemy because she does
not know the man who brought them; he is the father of your Pisan
courier who broke his leg.
By the bearer I send you the opinion of Messer Bartolommeo Sozzino.
Every hour I have been entreating him to finish it and found a copyist
who made all the haste he could, but it was impossible to get it done
quicker.[232]
Piero is well and I take every care of him, all the others are also in
good health; but I get all the kicks; yet _te propter Libyeæ_.[233]
I am longing for news that the plague has ceased on account of my
anxiety for you and in order to return and serve you; for I hoped and
I thought to be with you; but as you have, or rather my evil fortune
has assigned to me this post in the service of Your Magnificence, I
endure it, _quamvis durum, nec levius fit patientia_. I commend myself
to Your Magnificence.--Pistoja, August 24, 1478.[234]
Agnolo Poliziano _at Pistoja to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
_Magnifice mi Domine_, &c.,--Madonna Clarice is well and so are all
the others. Here we knew nothing of the tumult until the bearer of
this gave me Franco’s[235] letter and calmed our fears which were
aroused by his former one; Madonna Clarice suspected that things were
more serious and that you _de industria_ made light of them. So now
she is comforted _et acquievit_. We want for nothing; only we grieve
sorely over your worries, which are of a truth great. God will help
us. _Spes enim in vivis est, desperatis mortui._
If you have not absolute need of Giovanni Tornabuoni Madonna Clarice
wishes you would send him here, she is lonely without him, and for
many reasons she thinks it would be well if he came.
I look after Piero and incite him to write; in a few days I think he
will write to you in a fashion that will astonish you, we have here a
master that teaches writing in fifteen days, he is excellent at his
trade. The children play about more than usual and are in splendid
health. God help them and you. Piero never leaves me or I him. I wish
I had to serve you in some greater thing, but as this has fallen to
my lot I do it willingly. _Rogo tamen, ut aliquid aut literarum aut
nuntii huc perlatum ivi cures, desque operam, ne quidquid est in me
auctoritatis, patriaris exolescere, quo et puerum facilius in officio
teneam, et meo munere, ut par est defungar. Sed hæc si commodum; fin
minus, quod fors feret, feremus æquo animo._ Be of good cheer and take
courage, for great men are formed by adversity. _Durate, et vosmet
rebus servate secundis._ I commend myself to you.--Pistoja, August 26,
1478. Your servant,
Ang. Pol.[236]
Agnolo Poliziano _at Pistoja to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
_Magnifice mi Domine_,--All the family here are well. Piero studies
but little, every day we go out enjoying the country. We visit the
gardens of which the town is full, and sometimes the library of
Maestro Zambino, in which I have found several good things, both
in Greek and in Latin. Giovanni is on his pony all the day, and
all the people run after him. Mona Clarice is very well; but takes
little pleasure in aught save any good news we get from Florence.
She rarely goes out. We want for nothing. Presents we refuse, save
salad, figs, and a few flasks of wine, some _beccafichi_ or things of
that sort. These citizens would bring us water in their ears. From
Andrea Panciaticchi we have received so much kindness that we are all
indebted to him. We keep good watch and have begun to put a guard at
the gates. Be of good cheer and conquer; and when you have time come
and see your family who expect you with open arms. I commend myself to
Your Magnificence.--Pistoja, August 31, 1478.[237]
Agnolo Poliziano _at Pistoja to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici _at Florence_
_Magnifice Domine mi_,--Madonna Clarice has not felt very well since
yesterday evening.... Piero went out to meet the Lord[238] this
morning, and was the first to greet him. He spoke a few words of the
sentence you wrote for him very well, and the Lord set him on his
horse before him and thus entered Pistoja. Mona Clarice sent him a
fine bunch of partridges, and this evening we all go to visit him at
twenty-two of the clock, it being now nineteen. Giovanni Tornabuoni
was with Piero and finished his little speech. Judging from what
his people say, the Illustrious Lord is most anxious to do himself
honour and to satisfy the Most Excellent Signoria and especially Your
Magnificence.
Clarice sends you I know not how many partridges of those given to her
to present to this Lord. I shall see how things go and as in duty
bound shall inform Your Magnificence, whom God preserve. I commend
myself to you.--Pistoja, September 7, 1478.
Agnolo Pol.[239]
Agnolo Poliziano _at Pistoja to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
My letters cannot but be acceptable to you, for I only write to give
you news of your family. All, by the grace of God, are well; Piero
continues to learn to write and will soon be so good a penman that I
hope he will relieve me of the trouble of writing _sine argumento_ as
I do now to you, so that I am ashamed of myself. But may it please God
that I shall always have to write the same words to you, which are
that we are all well. Madonna Clarice is much happier and better in
health. We keep good guard and watch here, but we are anxious about
you. God keep you, for it seems to me that all depends upon that. Have
no fear about us, for we are very careful. As far as I am concerned
neither care nor goodwill shall be wanting. I know how much I owe to
Your Magnificence, and the love I bear to Piero and to your other
children is hardly second to your own. If anything unpleasant and
unkind does sometimes happen I shall endeavour to bear it for love of
you, _cum omnia debeo_. I commend myself to you.--Pistoja, September
20, 1478.
Agnolo Poliziano.[240]
Piero de’ Medici (_born 1472_) _to his father_ Medici
_Magnifice Pater mi_, &c.,--I write this letter to tell you we are
well, and although I do not as yet know how to write well, I will
do what I can. I shall try hard to do better in the future. I have
already learnt many verses of Virgil, and I know nearly the whole
of the first book of Theodoro by heart;[241] I think I understand it.
The master makes me decline and examines me every day. Giovanni comes
to mass sometimes with the master. Madonna Clarice and the others are
well. I commend myself to you.--Pistoja, September 21, 1478.
V. M. filius Petru de Medicis.[242]
[Illustration:
_Alinari_
PIERO DI LORENZO DE’ MEDICI.
_Detail from the fresco by Domenico Ghirlandaio in the Church of S.
Trinità, Florence._]
In October or November of 1478 Clarice and the children left Pistoja
and went to the great fortress-villa Cafaggiuolo in the Mugello, which
in winter must have been terribly cold and dreary.
Clarice de’ Medici _to_ Lucrezia
_Magnifice Mater honoranda_,--On account of the bad roads and the much
rain we have not sent in the carrier for three days. Now either he or
another will go to you with this: because I wish to know how you and
Lorenzo are, and the others. I beg of you to write and tell me. We,
by God’s grace, are all quite well but in the water above our heads.
We remain all day in the house, and nothing gladdens us so much as
letters and news from you all. I commend myself to you.--Cafaggiuolo,
December 16, 1478.[243]
Agnolo Poliziano _to_ Lucrezia de’ Medici
_Magnifica Domina mea_,--The news we can send you from here are these.
That the rain is so heavy and so continuous that we cannot leave the
house and have exchanged hunting for playing at ball, so that the
children should have exercise. Our stakes are generally the soup, the
sweet, or the meat; and he who loses goes without; often when one of
my scholars loses he pays tribute to Sir Humid.[244] I have no other
news to give you. I remain in the house by the fireside in slippers
and a greatcoat, were you to see me you would think I was melancholy
personified. Perhaps I am but myself after all, for I neither do, nor
see, nor hear anything that gives me pleasure so much have I taken
our calamities to heart. Sleeping and waking they haunt me. Two days
ago we began to spread our wings for we heard the plague had ceased;
now we are again depressed on learning that it still lingers. When
at Florence we have some sort of satisfaction, if nought else that
of seeing Lorenzo come home in safety. Here we are in perpetual
anxiety about everything. As for myself I declare to you that I am
drowned in weary sloth, such is my solitude. I say solitude because
Monsignore[245] shuts himself up in his room with only his thoughts
for company, and I always find him so full of sorrow and apprehension
that my melancholy is only increased in his company. Ser Alberto di
Malerba mumbles prayers with these children all day long, so I remain
alone, and when I am tired of study I ring the changes on plague and
war, on grief for the past and fear for the future, and have no one
with whom to air my phantasies. I do not find my Madonna Lucrezia in
her room with whom I can unbosom myself and I am bored to death. Our
sole relief is in letters from Florence, from Malerba, who has written
these last few days, but I must tell you he generally sends good news
which we believe for a little while, such is our desire that they may
be true. But these plums usually turn into sloes. However I am trying
to arm myself with hope and cling to everything in order not to sink
to the bottom. I have nought else to say. I commend myself to Your
Magnificence.--Cafaggiuolo, December 18, 1478. _Servitor_
Angelus.[246]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to the_ King of Spain
Most Serene and Excellent Lord my King: after humble recommendation,
&c.,--I have been informed during the last few days that your Majesty
wrote me a letter full Of affection and benevolence at that terrible
time when my beloved brother Giuliano was so cruelly torn from me
in the centre of the church, and when I was wounded. This letter, I
know not why, never reached me; would to God it had, for the emotion
evinced by so great a King would have been a great comfort to me when
I was oppressed by such a terrible sorrow. Had I only known that the
letter had been sent by your Majesty and delayed in the journey, it
would have been no small comfort, and I should have at once thanked
your Majesty for such a proof of kindly feeling towards me. Even
now I send most heartfelt thanks and express my deep obligation. I
desire nothing more than that an opportunity may arise for me to show
my devotion to your Majesty. It is far beyond my power to repay not
alone the letter, but even the slightest sign from so great a King,
all I can do is to place myself entirely at your Majesty’s orders. I
commend myself ever to your Majesty O my Lord and King, and beg to be
taken under the shadow of your wings. Your Majesty is I know fully
acquainted with our affairs. We are preparing for war and working hard
to be able to resist the forces of the enemy. Resist we shall, as I
hope, because we shall not fail to ourselves, and I trust God will aid
the good cause. Again I commend myself to your Majesty, whom may God
preserve in happiness.--Florence, April 3, 1479. Your Serene Majesty’s
most devoted servant,
Lorenzo de’ Medici.[247]
Agnolo Poliziano, _from Cafaggiuolo, to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici _at
Florence_
Agnolo Poliziano to his patron Lorenzo de’ Medici greeting.
Our little friend Piero writes you about what is happening here
at Cafaggiuolo; it is my part to explain that his last letter was
not, like the previous ones, submitted to me for suggestions while
he composed it and then a fair copy made. It was completed in one
sitting, as the saying is, and by himself alone. I only suggested in
course of conversation what he should write about. The words and the
composition are all his own.
I am training him in such a way that I have no fear but that he will
fulfil the expectations I have formed of him, although you fear his
excessive impetuosity.
As for Giovanni, you will have seen for yourself. His mother has taken
it upon herself to change his course of reading to the Psalter, a
thing I did not approve of. While she was absent he had made wonderful
progress. He was already able to select, without any help from me, all
the letters and syllables in his exercise in composition.
My only petition to God is that I may be able to prove to you some day
my loyalty, diligence, and patience. This I would willingly purchase
even at the expense of death.
I omit much lest I should weary your busy mind.
Farewell and remember me with all the rest.--From Cafaggiuolo, April
6, 1479.[248]
Piero de’ Medici _to his father_ Lorenzo
_Magnifice pater mi honorande_, &c.,--Till this day I have not written
to you because nothing of importance has happened. A few days ago
three well-armed boats arrived in the port of Cafaggiuolo from the
village of Mozzete to offer us their services, and we made them
welcome. We do not know what to do; I wish you would send us the best
sporting dog that can be had. Nothing more. We all commend ourselves
to you, I above all. I beg you will guard yourself from the plague and
that you will remember us because we are little and have need of you.
We are all well, thanks be to God, and so is Giuliano. I attend to my
studies and the master commends himself to you.--Cafaggiuolo, April
16, 1479.[249]
Agnolo Poliziano _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
_Magnifice mi Domine_,--I am here at Careggi, having left Cafaggiuolo
by command of Madonna Clarice. The cause and the manner of my
departure I should wish, indeed I beg of you as a grace, to explain by
word of mouth, it is too long to write. When you have heard me I think
you will admit that all the fault is not mine. Out of respect, and not
wishing to come to Florence _præter jussa tua_, I am here to await
the commands of your Magnificence as to what I am to do, because I am
yours even if the whole world was against me. If I have had but small
success in serving you it was not that I did not serve with all my
heart. I commend myself to Your Magnificence, at whose commands I am
most entirely.--Careggi, May 6, 1479. Ever Your Magnificence’s servant,
Angelus Pol.[250]
Piero de’ Medici _at Cafaggiuolo to his father_ Lorenzo (_in Latin_)
Magnificent Father,--Lucrezia and I are trying who can write best.
She writes to grandmother Lucrezia, I, my father, to you. The one
who obtains what he asks for will win. Till now Lucrezia has had all
she wished for. I, who have always written in Latin in order to give
a more literary tone to my letters, have not yet had that pony you
promised me; so that I am laughed at by all. See to it therefore, Your
Magnificence, that she should not always be the winner. The war as
far as I understand goes in our favour this year, but we do not quite
understand how the sword that wounded us is to be broken if only the
sheath is hit. For if the enemy makes war on us even outside his own
country, on what does he rely for again attacking us another year when
tired out. We only hope for peace through victory. Scipio is to be
driven to Carthage in order to get Hannibal out of Italy. We beseech
you, we your children, to have the more care for yourself the more you
see that the enemy rather lays hidden snares than dares open warfare.
I commend Martino to you, who aids me not to forget my Greek and
to improve my Latin.[251] He would have been named chaplain of S.
Lorenzo by his patrons, Antonio and Lorenzo Tornabuoni, had not Your
Magnificence recommended another. It is but just that they should
bestow their patronage on their own people, and not be prevented in
so doing by you, who in general give to others what is yours. I hope
therefore to have letters recommending my Martino to those to whom he
has already recommended himself. God save you.--26th May 1479.
Your son Piero.[252]
Clarice de’ Medici _to her husband_ Lorenzo
_Magnifice Conjux_, &c.,--I hear the plague is committing more ravages
in Florence than usual. Your wife and children pray with all their
might that you will take care of yourself, and if you can, with due
precaution, come here and see the festival we should be greatly
consoled. I should be glad not to be turned into ridicule by Franco,
as was Luigi Pulci, and also that Messer Agnolo [Poliziano] should not
be able to say that he will live in your house whether I like it or
no, and that you have put him into your own room at Fiesole. You know
I told you that if you wished him to remain I was perfectly content,
and although I have endured a thousand insults if it has been by your
permission I will be patient, but this I can hardly believe. I quite
understand that Ser Niccolò has entreated me to make peace with him.
The children are all well and long to see you, I long even more, for I
have no other torment than that you should be at Florence during such
times. I commend myself always to you.--Cafaggiuolo, May 28, 1479.[253]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to his mother_ Lucrezia _in Florence_
Most beloved Mother,--You will have heard from Ser Niccolò that there
has been a case of plague at Cafaggiuolo, I have nothing more to add.
For precaution sake we left there at once and came to Trebbio. I
enclose a list of things Messer Stefano has prescribed in order to be
prepared should anything happen. Please God it may all end in nothing.
Do not be at all anxious. No more.--Trebbio, May 31, 1479.
Your Lorenzo.
Send the things here quickly.[254]
Piero de’ Medici _at Cafaggiuolo to his father_ Lorenzo
Magnificent Father mine,--That pony does not come, and I am afraid
that it will remain so long with you that Andrea will cause it to
change from a beast to a man, instead of curing its hoof.
We are all well and studying. Giovanni is beginning to spell. By this
letter you can judge where I am in writing; as for Greek I keep myself
rather in exercise by the help of Martino than make any progress.
Giuliano laughs and thinks of nothing else; Lucrezia sews, sings, and
reads; Maddalena knocks her head against the wall, but without doing
herself any harm; Luisa begins to say a few little words; Contessina
fills the house with her noise. All the others attend to their duties,
and nothing is wanting to us save your presence. We hear that things
are better than last year, and hope that you being well there will be
nought but victory in the future. Strong and brave men are not good at
subterfuges but shine in open warfare. Thus we confide in you, as we
well know that besides your goodness and valour you bear in mind the
heritage left to us by our ancestors, and the injury and outrages we
have endured. God save you--1479.
Your son Piero.[255]
Piero de’ Medici _at Cafaggiuolo to his father_ Lorenzo
Magnificent Father mine,--I fear that some misfortune has happened to
that pony, for had it been well I know you would have sent it to me
as you promised. I beg of you therefore as a grace that you will take
this fear from me; for I think of it night and day, and until the pony
comes I shall have no peace. In case that one cannot come be pleased
to send me another. For, as I have already written to you, I am here
on foot, and sometimes it is necessary for me to go in the company of
my friends. See to this therefore, Your Magnificence.
I am studying hard, and all here attend to their duties. It only needs
that you should diligently guard yourself from the plague and from
every other danger of death, and that you should come here sometimes
to see us. God save you.--1479.
Your son Piero.[256]
Piero de’ Medici _at Gagliano to his father_ Lorenzo
_Magnifico Patri meo_,--I cannot tell you, Magnificent Father, how
glad I am to have the pony, and how his arrival incites me to work.
If I desire to praise him, _Ante diem clause componet vesper Olympo_.
He is so handsome and so perfect that the trumpet of Maronius would
hardly suffice to sing his praises. You may think how I love him;
particularly when his joyous neighs resound and rejoice all the
neighbourhood. I owe you and I send you many thanks for such a fine
gift, and I shall try and repay you by becoming what you wish. Of this
be sure. I promise you that I shall try with all my heart. We are all
well, and we all long for your arrival. God save you.--1479.[257]
Your son Piero at Gagliano.[258]
Antonio Pucci _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici _at Cafaggiuolo_
_Magnifice Frater honorande_,--That priest from Imola has been
interrogated. He says Count Girolamo [Riario] sent him here to offer,
on the pretext that he had been badly treated, to poison the Count;
thinking that we, desiring the Count’s death, would entrust him with
poison. We were then to be accused to the Pope, and in the Consistory,
and the Count was to show the poison, saying, “See, Lorenzo de’
Medici has attempted to poison me.” He also offered to consign into
our hands one of the gates of Imola in order to accuse us before the
Pope and the Cardinals so that they might imagine that we were going
to make war on the Pope. He has been tortured and shall be put to
the question again in order to get everything out of him. God guard
thee.--Florence, June 18, 1479.
Till to-day there have been eighteen deaths and fourteen new cases [of
plague]. Benedetto Nori is one.[259]
Lucrezia de’ Medici (_daughter of Lorenzo_) _to her grandmother_
Lucrezia
Magnificent and loved as a Mother,--I send you news that we are all
well; and I hope you are so too, may God keep us so. I long to see
you and pray you to come, for it seems to me a thousand years since I
last saw you. Mona Lucrezia mine, I wish you would send me a sash of
the _palio_ of Sancto Giovanni, or better still that one from Volterra
which was given to you when you stood godmother to me. Piero and
Maddalena commend themselves to you and Giovanni begs you to send him
some sugar-plums, he says that last time you sent very few. I pray you
to answer, for reading your letters is a great comfort to me. No more.
Christ guard you from all ill.--Written on July 7, 1479.
Your Lucrezia in Cafaggiuolo.[260]
Nannina Rucellai _to her mother_ Lucrezia de’ Medici
To the honoured hands of the Magnificent Lady Lucrezia de’ Medicis at
Careggi.
Dearest Mother,--I must tell you that Bernardo has dismissed the tutor
to my great sorrow, as I do not know where to send him. At Figline,
from whence he comes, the plague is very bad; in his house two of his
brothers are dead and his father is ill. Vincenzo has not a farthing,
if he had anything he spent it here in clothes, and now we repay him
with “Go in peace.” Nothing could be more displeasing to me. Whoso
wants to do as they wish should not be born a woman. I should be so
glad if you will ask Lorenzo, if not inconvenient, to give him shelter
where he would not be in the way for two or three months until the
plague has ceased. I do not think he is capable of teaching any save
the little ones, whom he might look after and teach. You could not do
me a greater pleasure, as it will show that I have some one who is
willing to oblige me; there are others who do the reverse. If during
this time he should be in need of a little money for his clothes
I will provide it from my own pocket, for he seems to me in a bad
plight. Here I could give him nothing as I had no money. I should be
glad if any small sum comes into your hands or any small living you
would help him, for I do not like to repay him with ingratitude. We
are all well. I commend myself to you, commend me to Lorenzo and kiss
Giulio for me. Christ guard you and see that you guard yourself.--In
Casentino, July 12, 1479.
Your Nannina.[261]
Bianca de’ Pazzi _to her mother_ Lucrezia de’ Medici _at Careggi_
Dearest and most honoured Mother,--I have had a letter from you
which has greatly consoled me as I see you are all in good health,
particularly you and Lorenzo, I pray God to keep you so for many
years. I have not written before as I feared to importune you and also
because I have sent often to your house to Marco for malvasy and for
the book of St. Margaret, all of which I have received; and from him I
heard news of you. I should have sent to you [at Careggi] but thought
that on account of the plague you would keep close guard. We have had
it near here, but by the grace of God it is now finished. So I did
not send as I ought to have done. As I told you in Florence I mean
to lie in here for I know you have enough on your hands, and I want
for nothing. If I am worse than usual which I do not expect as by the
grace of God I am very well, I am in the ninth month now and as I said
well, should anything unforeseen happen there is Maestro Giorgio close
by who fled here from the plague. So be in no anxiety about me for I
feel sure God will assist me as ever, if it so pleases Him. Of the
family in the Mugello I hear good news, which rejoices me, and also
of Nannina,[262] who they tell me passed along the road going to the
Casentino. I am so glad you are all of you well, which is not little
to say in such times as these, for I was and I am anxious about you as
you said you had to see so many people. I wonder you were not somewhat
afraid, but our Lord God will not abandon us entirely. Do persuade
Lorenzo to take more care, for I hear he has no fear at all[263] ...
on all sides, and also to beware of his enemies. Until this sickness
is past he ought to put his pleasures on one side; if he lives he will
have more than now, for I trust God will recompense him for the ill
he has received. I commend myself to him, as do these children, and
Guglielmo commends himself to you and to Lorenzo. By the grace of God
we are all well.--Alla Torre, July 15, 1479.
Your Bianca.[264]
Agnolo Poliziano _to_ Lucrezia de’ Medici _at Careggi_
Magnificent Madonna mine,--By Tommaso I send back your lauds,
sonnets, and poems in terza rima, which you lent me when I was with
you the other day. All these women were delighted with them and
Madonna Lucrezia, or rather Lucrezia, has learnt all the lauds and
many sonnets of _the_ Lucrezia by heart.[265] There is also a little
white book in manuscript which I beg you to give to your and my good
Giovanni Tornabuoni, it contains certain rules his children asked me
to give them. I am also writing to Giovanni, to the children, and to
their master. I pray you to give him the letters and to commend me to
him, for I set great store and count much on the affection he shows
me. I have been to see Lorenzo several times and cannot describe how
well he received me. Do try and discover what are his intentions with
regard to me; it would surprise me if Piero were allowed to lose time,
it would be a great pity. I hear that Messer Bernardo, brother of Ser
Niccolò, is with him, but I do not know how his teaching will combine
with mine.[266] If he is to remain permanently, then of a truth I
can assume that the bubble has burst. But I cannot believe it, and
therefore beg you to find out what are Lorenzo’s intentions, then I
shall know whether I am to arm for a joust only or for war. It will
be easy for you and I shall always be at the beck and call of Lorenzo
as I am sure he knows better than I, and that he will put me in an
honourable position as he always has done and as my fidelity and good
services merit. I am working hard. Till now I have not been able to
send you the promised book as one copy is at Florence and the other
at the binder’s who has kept it a long time. As soon as I have it I
will send it. I commend myself to you and I pray you to commend me to
Lorenzo.--Fiesole, July 18, 1479. Your Magnificence’s servant,
Angelus Polizianus.[267]
The following extracts from Vespucci’s letters to the “Ten” allude
to the one victory gained by the Florentine troops over the Prefect
of Rome, nephew of Pope Sixtus IV., near Lake Trasimene during the
war between Florence and the Pope with his ally the King of Naples,
in 1479. But the fortune of war soon changed. The Florentines were
beaten at Poggibonsi, within sixteen miles of Florence, by the Duke of
Calabria. Fortunately for her, Duke Alfonso stopped to lay siege to the
small walled town of Colle which held out for two months and inflicted
considerable loss on his army. Meanwhile the summer, generally
considered in the fifteenth century to be the only proper time for
fighting, was over; the Duke offered a three months’ truce, withdrew
his troops to winter quarters, and Florence was saved.
Guidantonio Vespucci, _Legatus in Epistolis at Paris, to the_ Ten of
the Balìa _in Florence_
When the King of France heard the news he gave signs of great joy,
kneeling as is his wont three times and kissing the ground, thanking
God. All that day he talked of nought else with his people, saying:
“My friends the Florentines and my cousin Lorenzo de’ Medici will
have their revenge this year....” You heard how the King’s Majesty
had received news of the glorious victory of our troops near Perugia
and how delighted he was, so that according to what I hear from court
he showed extreme pleasure both by actions and in words, to the great
content of the Magnificent Monsignor of Argenton[268] who, as though
he had been a born Florentine, continually _tamquam tuba exprobando_
the acts of the Pontiff and of King Ferrante, goes about Paris
proclaiming our victory; particularly to those ecclesiastics whom I
have met sometimes at supper with his Lordship.
Vespucci adds that Louis XI. refused to receive a certain Raffaello
Ballerini sent by the Pope to explain his actions, and that when
King Ferrante asked that his galleys might use the ports of Nice and
Provence for the purpose of attacking the Florentines, the Duke of
Savoy by command of the King of France refused his consent.--1479.[269]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Girolamo Morelli, _Florentine Ambassador at
Milan_
Yours of the 8th and 9th tell me that everything goes well there.
It is useless for me to say much as we must wait to see how affairs
shape themselves and try to turn them in our favour. I cannot believe
that the Lord Lodovico being all-powerful and an absolute ruler will
consent to our undoing, because it would be against his interest. He
is by nature kindly and has never received any injury from us either
public or private. It is true that he obtained power by the King’s
favour, but I think he is even more beholden to the help given him
by others and to his own qualities. From the little I know of His
Lordship he seems to me capable of understanding what is right and
willing to execute what he understands. Therefore as soon as you can
it would be well to see His Lordship and demonstrate to him that on
account of ancient friendship we expect nothing but good from him,
there being no reason for antagonism, and according to my view it
will be his interest. Impress upon him that this city desires to go
hand in hand with the State of Milan, that is with His Lordship, and
for this reason beg and encourage him to inform you in some measure
of his intentions so that we may act in conformity with his wishes.
Explain our difficulties to him, and how they react upon that State,
and the remedy which is in his own hands. This is what I have to say
at present. As soon as I received your first intimation I despatched
Niccolò d’Antonio Martelli, who is very intimate with His Lordship,
it was through him that formerly I transacted all important affairs
with His Lordship. I send him to you to whom he will show all his
despatches. He will soon be with you, as to-day he must be at Bologna.
It appears to me that we must now throw ourselves entirely into the
arms of His Lordship and discover as soon as possible what are his
ideas and his intentions towards us, and this quickly, for I have
had no letter from him. I have thought it better to write to him and
enclose the letter, but I rely more on your interview with him, when
you can tell him as much as you think fit of what I have written. I
commend myself to you.--Florence, September 11, 1479.
I must remind you of what I wrote yesterday about the Marquis of
Mantua. If he is deposed that country will immediately be included
among our enemies, it would be our ruin.
Laurentius de Medicis.[270]
In November Niccolò Martelli, the trusted friend of Lorenzo, was
still in Milan, and on the 12th Lodovico Sforza (il Moro) told him to
inform Lorenzo that the King of Naples would be willing to listen to
overtures of peace, and that he strongly advised him to strike while
the iron was hot. Ten days later he told the same thing to Pier Filippo
Pandolfini, the Florentine ambassador, adding that Lorenzo ought not
to trust Venice who thought only of her own interests, and would leave
Florence in the lurch. He could himself promise little or nothing as
Milan was sore pressed, and he wished Lorenzo to know this, in order
to avoid future recrimination. He advised immediate action, and was
ready to undertake negotiations with Naples. It is clear that Lodovico
had been charged by King Ferrante to sound Lorenzo. On November 24th
Filippo Strozzi, who had lived long in Naples and knew the King well,
left Florence on a secret mission. “I was to tell the King,” he writes
in his journal, “that Lorenzo placed himself in the King’s hands,
and would willingly do all the King desired if he only gave peace to
Florence, and restored to her the towns she had lost. I found H.M. at
Arnone [at the mouth of the Volturno] hunting, and when I delivered my
message he answered that he had later news; that Lorenzo was coming
in person, and so we would wait and see what his visit would bring
forth.”[271]
The following letter from Lorenzo to the Signoria was written after
he had started for Naples. Many in Florence feared that he might meet
the same fate as Piccinino, who had been invited to Naples and foully
murdered by the King’s orders.
_To the_ Signoria _of Florence, from_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
Most Illustrious my Lords,--It is not from presumption that I did not
notify the reason of my departure to Your Illustrious Excellencies,
but because it seemed to me that the agitated and disturbed condition
of our city demands acts and not words. I conceive that she desires,
and indeed has extreme need of peace. Seeing that all other endeavours
have been fruitless, I have determined to run some peril in my own
person rather than expose the city to disaster. Therefore, with the
permission of Your Excellencies of the Signoria, I have decided to
go openly to Naples. Being the one most hated and persecuted by
our enemies I may by placing myself in their hands be the means of
restoring peace to our city. One of two things is certain, either
His Majesty the King loves our city as he has asserted and some have
believed, and is attempting to gain our friendship by affronting us
rather than by despoiling us of liberty; or His Majesty really desires
the ruin of this Republic. If his intentions are good there is no
better way of testing them than by placing myself voluntarily in his
power, and I make bold to say that this is the only way to make peace
and to render the condition of our city stable. If His Majesty the
King intends to attack our liberty it seems to me well to know the
worst quickly, and that one should be injured rather than the many. I
am most glad to be that one, for two reasons: first, because being
the principal object of our enemies’ hatred I can more easily and
better explain all to the King, as it may be that our enemies only
seek to injure me. The other reason is that having a greater position
and larger stake in our city, not only than I deserve but probably
than any citizen in our days, I am more bound than any other man
to give up all to my country, even my life. These are the feelings
with which I go, for perchance our Lord God desires that this war,
which began with the blood of my brother and my own, should be put an
end to by me. My ardent wish is that either my life or my death, my
misfortunes or my well-being, should contribute to the good of our
city. I shall therefore carry out my idea. If it succeeds according
to my wishes and hopes I shall be most glad to benefit my country
at the risk of my life and at the same time to save myself. Should
evil befall me I shall not complain if it benefits our city, as it
certainly must; for if our adversaries only aim at me, they will have
me in their hands: if they want aught else it will be patent to all.
I am certain that our citizens will unite to protect their liberty,
so that by the grace of God it will be defended as was always done
by our fathers. I go full of hope, and with no other object than the
good of the city, and I pray God to give me grace to perform what is
the duty of every man towards his country. I commend myself humbly to
Your Excellencies of the Signoria.--From San Miniato on the 7th day of
December 1479. Your Excellencies’ Servant,
Laurentius de Medicis.[272]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Antonio Montecatino, _Ambassador to Florence of
the Duke of Ferrara_
_Magnifice tanquam Pater_,--From S. Miniato I wrote to tell you the
reason of my departure, but as a note from you does not mention my
letter, perhaps you will have had it later.
Anyhow I reply briefly to assure you that your affairs and those
of your and my Illustrious Lord are most dear to me, and that at
present and in the future they are and ever will be more so. I know
my obligations towards His Excellency, and know what is my duty,
which I shall perform. Wherever Lorenzo de’ Medici intervenes Your
Lordship may be sure that there is one of your most faithful servants.
His Excellency will know this from the effects if I succeed in doing
what I wish. Meanwhile this is to inform Your Magnificence that I
hope to leave here to-night and to join the galleys, which arrived
this evening, at dawn. On board is Ser Giantommaso Caraffa, son of
the Count di Matalone, and Prinzivalle di Gennaro, whose position at
the court of the Duke of Calabria I think you are aware of. They have
come to bear me company, though a far greater man than I am would be
much honoured by their companionship. I pray God may lead me there and
bring me back in safety, having accomplished something. I beg you to
let Your Illustrious Lords and Madonna know what I have written, and I
commend myself to their Excellencies and to you.--Pisa, the 10th day
of December 1479.
Filius Laurentius de Medicis.[273]
Bartolommeo Scala, _Secretary of the Florentine Republic, to_ Lorenzo
de’ Medici _at Naples_
_Magnifice Pater mi_,--I send herewith a duplicate of the mandate in
case the first has not reached you, your primary instructions and the
letter of credit. I think however that you will have received them as
Poccia had a safe-conduct from the Duke.
As you are to use them I hope they are according to your wishes. If
anything is wanting I beg you to send me the formula you desire and it
shall be sent.
I also send you a cipher if you want to write anything secret.
How things go at Sarzana owing to the return of Ser Alessandro you
will see by the letter of the 10th. The Duke of Calabria continues
the same line of conduct with letters and mandates drawn up like an
agreement for peace. It does not seem to me to promise well. Deal
with it as you think best. We have more adversaries in this matter
than is pleasant, and maybe he who ought to favour us does not do so,
but craftily acts against us in the interests of others. I cannot now
write more openly, another time I will explain at greater length in
cipher.
Your letter of the 18th rejoiced us all, and peace seemed imminent.
That of the 22nd altered the outlook and gave rise to grave thought
in those who heard it. The reply was debated on for several days. You
will see what was decided. Only to you would such large powers be
given in so important a matter. It is the first time a white sheet
[unlimited authority] has been given, for it amounts to that. But as
it is to you that such a commission is sent no one doubts that good
will come of it. I, as your devoted friend, point out that whatever
was not carried through here at once has been completed by the
authority given to you in the last paragraph of your letter. Peace
would be most welcome here, but if the conditions are not honourable
you know our nature; we praise or we blame according to which way
the wind blows or our feelings move us. We do not trouble to reason.
The Milanese appear favourable but there [at Naples] you will know
better about this. Venice will I think not be satisfied with anything
which would be displeasing to us. But you understand all this better
than I can explain it so I will not enter into more particulars, as
I know you are kept minutely informed by others. I commend myself to
you.--Florence, January 1, 1479 (1480).[274]
Bartolommeo Scala, _Secretary to the Florentine Republic, to_ Lorenzo
de’ Medici _at Naples_
_Magnifice Benefactor mi_,--I take the keenest delight for many
reasons in your letters, both in those you write to me and in those
written to the Ten. _In primis_ for the hope you give both in public
and in private of good results. God will not frustrate your work _et
ricordabitut servi sui_. You are satisfied with the mandate so I am
content. In former times things pertaining to knighthood were much
prized there [at Naples]. This is why I acted as I did. I am not at
all vexed, how could I be with anything you do with regard to public
things or with regard to myself, who owe everything to you and to whom
I would give my life?
The affairs of Milan have put new life into some people here, they
are well known and much discussed. You will see by the copies the
Office sends what has arrived here. But there are those who do not put
much faith in words when gainsaid by deeds. Nevertheless the general
opinion is that they desire to keep that duck and make it grow,
because reason and duty must at last prevail. I tell you this in order
that you should insist as much as you can on honourable conditions
of peace, so that no one here will be able to say that your going to
Naples has made things worse, as a few have already tried to induce
others to believe and say: You know how many we are, but boys, &c.
Enclosed is a mandate from the Lord of Faenza. He has talked to me and
displays great faith in you, nevertheless I see he is much alarmed,
and suspicious of that prince [Duke of Milan?]. A Venetian ambassador
is at Faenza with 200 soldiers as a guard. I had the same suspicion,
and suspected others as well, as I have told you before, and now it is
increased by what has happened at Rimini. Although Pesaro has always
followed our lead, yet suspicions and State jealousies have great
influence on men’s minds. We must carefully consider what security
can be given to pacify them, particularly as lies are told about
everything as one knows is always the case in such important affairs.
Your dealings with H.M. the King about the restitution of Sarzana is
much commended. If it can be obtained before peace is concluded, for
every one here had lost all hope and even doubted that peace would be
made, you would gain much honour and all would be attributed to you.
Here everything goes on as when you left, there is still some
ill-humour, but it is I think a good sign that it is less apparent
than when you were here. Your reputation seems to have increased and
if all ends as we desire and you give us hopes--_nihil supra_. I
commend myself to you.--From the Palace [Florence], January 12, 1479
(1480).
News has reached here written from there [Naples] to private
individuals in Rome, by, I have been told, persons in your suite,
_sunt pleni rimarum_ written by them in Naples. If you think this
matters admonish them, but without mentioning me, for as you know we
live in glass houses.[275]
Bartolommeo Scala, _Secretary of the Florentine Republic, to_ Lorenzo
de’ Medici _at Naples_
_Magnifice Pater benefactor mi_,--We are all hoping against hope for
the conclusion of this affair which has delayed so long, as you will
see by the letter of the Ten. Letters from Rome come often to our
merchants which addle our brains, not only do they vary every time,
but are contradictory. The Pope will never consent. The Count agrees
to everything. The Pope agrees, the Count will not hear of it, &c.
The news is crumbled into a thousand bits. Messer Lorenzo da Castello
has gone to lay the land waste, also he has gone to set things right,
also to clear up matters, in short infinite are the opinions and the
whims. For the love of God get us out of this by the good offices of
him [King of Naples] on whom we are to depend in future; for his power
and authority are such that finally every one will have to do as he
pleases. The Ten desire your return either with peace or without,
but more with peace. This long delay is grievous to them and to all,
especially to your friends. Yet, notwithstanding, hope and faith in
H.M. the King grows day by day and affection towards you. And as it
appears _agat partes nostras_ in this treaty of peace against our
other adversaries, I encourage this opinion as much as I can, because
it seems to me beneficial to our public and private needs. Everything
here is quiet and in the same condition as when you left, as I told
you before. If there is peace you will see how the city will flourish.
I commend myself to you.--Florence, January 15, 1479 (1480), _quam
raptim_.[276]
Doctor Oliverio, _from Bagno a Morba, to_ Lucrezia de’ Medici
Magnificent and honoured _Domina, humili commendatione premissa,
salutem_,--In my last I informed Your Magnificence that the spring
called _Cacio cotto_[277] gave about six barrels[278] a day and
that we are now searching for an increased supply. Being anxious to
meet your wishes and to prevent the said water from escaping from
whence it rises as I found had been the case, whereby much of its
virtue is lost, I caused the building made for Giovanni di Pace to
be demolished, and at the bottom, nearly in the centre of the Bath,
I found another spring and several smaller ones which will give much
water, and are exactly the same as that of _Caccio cotto_, which[279]
... give twenty barrels, or more.[280] The ingredients contained in
the said water are sulphur and some alum. It is excellent for scabies
and for asthma, it is a dissolvent, heals all ills in the body and
pains in the joints and the nerves. Many other virtues are contained
in it as I will demonstrate to Your Magnificence. Also of the other
springs, particularly that of the principal bath, you shall have exact
descriptions, for I am analysing the said waters with all diligence,
and in three days I hope to finish this work entrusted to me. I
commend myself to Your Magnificence.--The 28th April 1480.
Oliverius Medicus.[281]
Ippolita Maria d’Aragona, _Duchess of Calabria, to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
_Magnifice Domine amice specialissime_,--If Giovacchino had arrived
at Florence without any letter from me Your Magnificence would have
had every right to complain. To avoid this therefore I write; and
also to satisfy H.M. the King, who often asks how I stand with my
confederate, that is with you. This letter however is not that of a
confederate, nor is it political, but only to tell Your Magnificence
how continually we think of you. But we are not at all sure that you
often think of our walk, which is in great beauty with all the flowers
out, in truth it does not wish to be visited by a crowd in order to
put forth tender shoots. Anyhow the walk and ourselves both bear Your
Magnificence in our memories. Giovacchino, the bearer of this, is our
very good friend, and we recommend him to Your Magnificence, not only
in a general way but _etiam_ in things which touch his honour and
reputation, praying that you will grant him, for love of us, every aid
and thus give us much pleasure.--Naples, July 3, 1480.
Castello Capuano.[282]
Papinio di Artimino _to_ Lucrezia de’ Medici
_Magnifica Domina post humilissima comendamenta vestra_,--For some
time I have not written to Your Magnificence, now I write to tell you:
that this evening news has come from H.M. the King [of Naples] that
the Turkish army has arrived in Apulia and has already seized more
than twenty towns and castles, and taken prisoners more than fifteen
thousand inhabitants, whom they have butchered in most cruel fashion.
They are said now to be encamped before a port called Oitontoto
[Otranto], where they have disembarked ten thousand men and more than
four thousand horses, and have planted many mortars with which they
are bombarding the walls. The opinion of those who have been there is
that by now the town is lost. This news has made a great sensation
here and is held to be very serious. God help us in our need: for I
see it will cause the affairs of Italy to be forgotten.[283]
Then there is also a report that H.M. the King has spontaneously ceded
all our castles and has ordered M. Giovan Battista Bentivoglio to
consign them to the Florentines; this is good news.
I shall have your yarn on the 10th of this month, it has been spun at
Naples and Benedetto Salutati writes that you have been well served,
so, if you wish, as soon as I get it I can send it on to you. I
delayed, if you remember, until my return. Tell me what to do and your
commands shall be obeyed. I think we shall be here all September. I
have no more to say save that I commend myself to Your Magnificence,
and if any friend of yours is at present Vicar of San Giovanni, I beg
you to keep me in mind, for I should do you honour. Valete.--In Rome,
August 4, 1480. Your servant,
Papinio di Artimino, _Cancellarius_.[284]
Papinio di Artimino, _from Rome, to_ Lucrezia de’ Medici
_Magnifica atque honestissima Domina, post recomandationem_ &c.,--In
my last of the 2nd instant I replied to a letter of Your Magnificence
of the 26th of last month, and informed you of what had happened until
now.
Now I must tell Your Magnificence that this morning while visiting
the ambassador of H.M. the King to hear whether there was any fresh
news, he told me that he had heard from the Venetian ambassador that
the Turkish camp which was at Rhodes had been broken up, and the army
had returned to Constantinople, the Venetian ambassador said he had
letters to this effect. If true, this seems to me good news.
On Monday morning a school-building here fell and it was feared that
more than twenty boys had been killed. But only the master perished,
which is looked upon as a great miracle. The loud screams of the
fathers and the mothers cannot be described. God, at that moment,
shielded innocence. He continues to work great wonders. Let us pray
that He will not look at our great sins.
Messer Antonio Ridolfi, the ambassador of our Republic, bears himself
in such guise that all the citizens are much indebted to him, he never
ceases day or night to solicit and press forward their affairs. I have
hopes in Almighty God and His glorious Mother the Virgin Mary that he
may return with great honour and an end be put to so much tribulation.
May God be pleased to do this.
By my letter of the 23rd of last month I suggested, in case you and
the Magnificent Lorenzo approved, that His Magnificence should
write a letter to the Cardinal of Milan and one to the Cardinal of
Portugal advising and begging them to accelerate this holy enterprise;
for although they are well disposed yet I know it would help
matters much. I see their Seigneuries often and they are favourably
inclined. _Valete._--_Ex Roma, die 8 Octobris 1480. Vester servitor
fidelissimus._
Papinus de Artiminus, _Cancellarius_.[285]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to the_ Doge of Venice
I cannot refrain from thanking Your Serenity for deigning to write
to one of your servants, by whom your letters on any subject are
so highly valued and esteemed. This is the case now that Your
Serenity informs me that the Magnificent Messer Andrea Cappello and
his brothers are satisfied. I do not feel that I need trouble Your
Serenity with any explanations about this business as I have written
to Giovanni Frescobaldi [Florentine ambassador at Venice] to explain
some points by which Your Serenity will see that I have fulfilled
_ad unquem_ the obligations imposed on me by those known to Your
Excellency. I beg humbly that you will deign to listen favourably to
the reasons Giovanni will state in my defence and to rest assured that
as I have never yet broken faith with any man I shall not be found
wanting in far more important affairs than those now under discussion
by those Magnificent Citizens. I trust that the friendship that has
always existed between us will be preserved by the intervention of
those who have concluded this business between us and will enable me
to continue to act according to my precepts. I confide in the great
goodness and clemency of Your Serenity when you hear my justification,
and I desire and hope to retain the good opinion and the friendship
of Your Excellency, which has been gained by the long service
of my ancestors and myself to that Illustrious State and to Your
Serenity.--1480. To whom, &c.[286]
_To_ Albino, _dear to me as a brother, Secretary of the Illustrious_
Duke of Calabria, _from_ Lorenzo de’ Medici[287]
Albino my dear and good Brother,--I cannot decide whether your letters
of 2nd and 8th May give me more pleasure than pain. With the strongest
desire for the fame of our Lord Duke, which has begun so well by the
good beating of those Turkish dogs on the 18th, comes a fear that His
Lordship may not come to some harm by his courage. Those skirmishes
which you describe, at which His Lordship often assists, made me turn
pale more than once, for I have read and re-read your letter. If
possible, my Albino, send us news often, and implore His Lordship to
be cautious. I will say no more because I feel nervous as I write. Bid
him to take care of his person for the sake of God and himself, and
for us his servants, and do what is needful at the peril of others and
not of his own. You, who are by his side, must see to this even at
the price of your own life, and if you do not on your own account do
it for mine, if you love me. Commend me to His Lordship. I anxiously
await your reply to hear whether this my friendly recommendation has
any effect without hindering what I look upon as certain, and that
is that His Lordship will return from the expedition wreathed with
laurels. So I expect from day to day to have your news.--Florence, May
18, 1481.
Laurentius de Medici.[288]
These and other extracts from despatches of the various Ferrarese
ambassadors are inserted as they give such vivid pictures of Lorenzo
and of the condition of Florence. Day by day rumours, gossip, and their
own conversations with Lorenzo were noted down for the information of
their master Ercole d’Este, Duke of Ferrara and Modena.
_From_ Bartolommeo Sgnippi, _Clerk of the Embassy, to_ Antonio
Montecatino, _Ambassador of the Duke of Ferrara (who had gone to
Ferrara for a few days) to the Florentine Republic_
Magnificent Ambassador,--I make known unto you that the day before
yesterday in the evening a certain Moroto Baldovinetto was arrested,
and yesterday morning Battista Frescobaldi, who were about to
assassinate the Magnificent Lorenzo de’ Medici with poisoned daggers.
Their ancestors were great people, but these fellows are of no
standing. Moroto was at Rome several days with Count Girolamo (Riario)
and has only just returned; as yet it is not known whether the Count
is mixed up in the affair ... June 3, 1481.[289]
The confession of these two ruffians who wanted to assassinate the
Magnificent Lorenzo and who were hung this morning at eleven o’clock
in the palace of the Bargello, is that Baptista Frescobaldi, the
man who arrested Bernardo Bandini at Constantinople,[290] told the
Magnificent Lorenzo that he had spent so much for the said arrest
and that he did not consider the Magnificent Lorenzo had paid him
_secundum eius rationem_ and claimed more money, which was refused.
Seeing that he could not revenge himself in any other way six months
ago he determined to murder the said Magnificent Lorenzo. Being at
Rome he spoke about it to Neri Acciaiuoli who encouraged him to do the
evil deed. Moroto being at the same time at Rome the two began to
talk about the government of Florence. Knowing Moroto to be a man of
great courage, Neri persuaded him _ad idem scelsus_. Aware that such
an undertaking could not succeed without accomplices he brought Moroto
and Battista together and thus it was settled. They suggested telling
Count Girolamo,[291] but Neri said it would be better to say nothing
as the Count, having been blamed enough already, would certainly
refuse to join. But he would undertake to provide _quod ille nunquam
deficeret, et etiam_ would get Obietto (del Fiesco) to lend them
men-at-arms, and when everything was ready, would come to Castellina
and double the pay for every eventuality in Romagna. He hinted at
help from other people and said he had influential and well-known
citizens at his back. Now though all this was told to them by Neri,
in their confession they declared they did not much believe in him,
but thought he did it to encourage them. Through him they obtained a
few arms and some money, for it appears that Moroto on being asked
whether he had arms said he had a cuirass in pawn. They were given
certain chain mail, and stuff for poisoning daggers which he brought
to them in a small phial with soap on the top. When they arrived here
they tried, following their instructions, to persuade a few hot-headed
opponents of the government, &c., to join, but without entering into
particulars, save with Francesco Balducci. To him they unbosomed
themselves and he promised every help. Balducci having fled, his
brother, to whom he had told the project, was arrested. It seems that
_post multas cogitationes tandem_ they settled to do the deed on one
of the three days of the coming feast of the Holy Spirit in the church
of S. Liberata, and afterwards to take refuge in some safe house until
part of the people had risen. Then, with a banner taken from a church
with the arms of the Commune, to parade the streets crying “_Viva
il Popolo_,” &c., _et præsertim_ in the lower parts of the city to
breach casks of wine for the poor. Battista was deputed to give the
blow, the other two were to defend him. It appears Moroto only joined,
persuaded by the words of Neri, for the honour and glory of the thing.
They are considered _hominis insani_. The shirts of mail belonging
to them were found. This is all that is known of their confession
and they say no one else is implicated either here or abroad. Three
have been hung, Francesco Baldovinetto, Moroto, and the brother of
Francesco Balducci.--Florence, June 6, 1481.[292]
The ambassador hastened back to Florence and wrote to the Duke.
I arrived here on the 6th, at one of the night, and found that the
three who had conspired to assassinate Lorenzo had been hung that
morning.... It is stated that they had no sympathisers in the city but
acted like reckless and desperate men ... though they sounded many
they found none willing to listen. I believe people were afraid: but
if the deed had succeeded everything would have been topsy-turvy--of
this I have no doubt. They showed great hopes and determination. When
told they were to die next morning several citizens visited them and
exhorted them to take courage. They answered laughing that they feared
not death, but that they were grieved not to have been able to free
them from such servitude and had only done what any other citizen
ought to do, and that if they were only given two hours of freedom
they would show what they could do. It is supposed, although not
admitted, that others in the city are implicated. They say it does not
appear that they had friends abroad, but from what D. Bernardo said
to Girolamo it is thought that Neri Acciaiuoli was agreed with Count
Girolamo, but did not confide in others. Here, however, they pretend
not to believe this; but suspect it the more because so many of their
enemies have left for Rome.... Your Excellency must know that these
men ought _de jure_ not to have been hung, for as they committed no
overt act they did not deserve death. So the Signoria, together with
the Seventy, determined that it was _crimen lesæ maiestatis_, alleging
that they had tried to curtail liberty and change the government
which depended upon Lorenzo; so it was declared that whoever attacked
Lorenzo commits _crimen lesæ maiestatis_, thus giving to him great
honour. Some say this will rather injure than benefit him, because the
more he is elevated above others the more enemies he will have....
June 9, 1481.[293]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to the_ Duchess Eleonora d’Aragona d’Este _at
Ferrara_
_Illma. Domina mea_,--The duty I owe Your Excellency compels me to
communicate to you the terrible and disastrous blow that has to-day
befallen me through the death of my most beloved mother Madonna
Lucrezia. This leaves me utterly desolate as Your Excellency can
think, for I have lost, not only a mother, but the only person I
could turn to in many vexations and who aided me in many troubles.
It is true that we ought to submit patiently to the will of God, but
in this case my heart refuses to be comforted. I pray He may perhaps
send me patience and comfort, and grant her peace and happiness. Your
Excellency to whom I thus pour out my grief for such a loss, and to
whom I turn for comfort in such sorrow, will understand the state in
which your attached servant, who commends himself to you with all his
heart, finds himself.--Florence, March 25, 1482. Your Excellency’s
Servant,
Laurentius de Medicis.[294]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to the_ Duke Ercole d’Este
_Illme. Domine mi_,--Although in tears and in great grief I cannot
but inform Your Excellency of the terrible loss I have sustained by
the death of my most dear mother Madonna Lucrezia; who to-day quitted
this life. I am more full of sorrow than I can say, as besides losing
a mother, at the mere thought of whom my heart breaks, I have lost
the counsellor who took many a burden from off me. It has pleased God
that this should be and we neither can nor ought to contest His will.
Much I grieve that I have not the necessary constancy nor strength of
mind, but I pray our Lord God to grant me patience and to her soul
peace, as I firmly hope He will on account of her upright life. I
write in order that Your Excellency may know the condition in which
is one of his good servants who commends himself to you with all his
heart.--Florence, March 25, 1482. Your Excellency’s Servant,
Laurentius de Medicis.[295]
The peace of November 1480 did not last long. Sixtus IV., entirely
under the influence of his nephew Girolamo Riario, had deposed
Antonello Ordelaffi in order to give Forli to Riario, who was known
also to covet Faenza. This was a direct menace to Florence whose road
to the Adriatic would have been cut off. Ferrara likewise attracted
him; he visited Venice, where he was received like a king and made a
patrician of the Republic, to plan an attack on Duke Ercole. Venice
was to take the Duchy of Modena, which belonged to the Duke, while
Riario added Ferrara to his other possessions. A pretext was easily
found. The Venetians claimed the sole right of supplying salt to North
Italy from Cervia and summoned the Duke to cease collecting it at
Comacchio. He refused and war was declared in May 1482. Preparations
for resisting Riario and Venice, and defending Ferrara, were pushed
forward in feverish haste, as is shown by the letter from the Duke
of Urbino to Lorenzo, while those from Ugolino Baccio relate to that
simple-minded, scatter-brained Slav, Andrea Zuccalmaglio, a Dominican
Archbishop of Krain. Sent to Rome in 1479 as ambassador by the Emperor
Frederick III. he was intensely shocked by what he saw and did not
hide his feelings. The Pope showed his displeasure and the Archbishop
was recalled. Before he could leave Rome he was imprisoned in Castel
S. Angelo, and on his release went to Basel determined to proclaim
a Council. He assumed the titles of Cardinal and Papal Legate, and
made a clever notary of Trier, Peter Numagen, his secretary, who in
his _Gesta Archiepiscopi Crayneris_ describes his master as touched
in the brain. On March 25th he denounced Sixtus IV. during service in
the cathedral and solemnly proclaimed a Council. On July 20th he cited
the Pope thus: “Francesco of Savona, son of the devil, you entered
your Office not through the door, but through the window of simony.
You are of your father the devil and labour to do your father’s will.”
Sixtus excommunicated him and laid Basel under an interdict, of which
no notice was taken. He was both angry and alarmed as he suspected the
Emperor of secretly abetting the Archbishop, while Milan and Florence
sent envoys to see how matters stood. The Florentine evidently at
first sided hotly with the Archbishop, and believed in the possibility
of a reforming Council. But Lorenzo was cautious. He left Baccio’s
letters unanswered, to the poor man’s discomfiture. The Archbishop was
disavowed by the Emperor, and the magistrates refusing to give him up
to the papal Legate he was imprisoned in Basel, and hanged himself in
his cell in November 1484.
Frederick, _Duke of Urbino_, _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
_Magnifice frater carissime_,--By the copy of a letter I have written
to the Illustrious Duke of Ferrara which I send to the Honourable
Eight of the Balìa, Your Magnificence will see that I have had news of
the loss of the fortress of Melara. The enemy evidently means to join
that force with their navy and to follow the course of the river to
attack Ferrara. There is no doubt that if the Illustrious League does
not instantly provide reinforcements in that quarter they may succeed
in their attempt, because that Illustrious Lord is not strong enough
to resist without help as Your Magnificence knows.
In this state of imminent peril it is imperative that the Honourable
Signoria of Florence should send me in all haste as many men-at-arms
as possible, particularly from Romagna and Valle de Lamone, who are
nearer, and being better trained men are more useful than any others.
As soon as the Illustrious Duke of Milan sends me the foot and horse I
have asked for, I shall advance into the Ferrara territory to keep the
enemy in check. If the Illustrious League provide what, for their own
honour and advantage, is necessary to enable me to confront the enemy
I shall not be found wanting, but there is a great difference between
projecting a thing and carrying it through. I do not enlarge on this
as I know Your Magnificence will understand how important it is, and
_cum omne diligentia_ will give the requisite orders.
I remind Your Magnificence about hastening to despatch the troops we
arranged were to come into the State of the Signor Constanzio [Sforza]
and into Urbino. This is pressing as I have summoned my men to join
me here, but until those troops arrive they cannot move as our lands
cannot be left defenceless.
My opinion is that the said Signor Constanzio should advance into
Tuscany and take up a position between Arezzo and Anghiara, which
will not only protect the State of the Honourable Signoria of
Florence, but my own and that of Signor Constanzio and perhaps, if
fortune favours us, be a means of offending the enemy. It would be
a good move and I beg Your Magnificence to send orders from there
without losing a moment. I have already given this same advice to His
Excellency.--Rovere, May 4, 1482.[296]
Ugolino Baccio, _from Basel, to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
_Magnifice vir_, &c.,--I arrived here on the 14th, and by the aid
of a citizen here, called Giovanni Hermin, very friendly to your
house, was introduced to Craina.[297] I offered him your help in
his undertaking, praising him and alluring him _ut moris est_. After
exchanging many sweet speeches (_chiaverini_) we came at last to
essential matters, to which, although he enlarged _et vultu et verbis_
as much as he could, I do not attach more faith than is necessary
unless he adduces better evidence. He shows nothing from the Emperor
[Frederick III.], which proves there is no great eagerness in that
quarter. He talks much about France and other countries, particularly
about Savoy, but I believe what I see; there are many ruffians to be
found, but I am a cut-throat.
Who does please me is the chief personage. In capacity, talent, and
doctrine, he seems to be fit for any great enterprise, _et quod magis
me movet_ has great knowledge and experience of the world, for many,
many years he has been employed in grave affairs and honourable
legations.
_Accedit_ he is a friar, which is the summit, or the adornment, of all
his other qualities, and he has so confident and fearless an air that
he would make a man dance a gagliarda[298] against his will, whoever
he might be.
Secondly the town chosen pleases me. It is convenient, handsome,
healthy, and there is ample accommodation for congresses, vehicles,
and ships.
Thirdly the citizens are most well-disposed, which pleases me most
of all. I have proof of this because they will not permit their
priests to observe the interdict and support the Archbishop _quantum
possunt_. Yesterday they despatched their Chancellor to the Emperor to
complain of the Pope _propter interdictum_, and to remind him not to
allow the Council to depart, as if it is not held in Basel it will be
transferred elsewhere to his loss and shame, &c.
Another of their ambassadors went to the Emperor a month ago and a
courier later with letters. There is as yet no news of either, but
they expect an answer from day to day. The Milanese envoy and I are
idly waiting and do not know what to do with ourselves. We came here
as private persons without any show and have not kept our attendants
with us, in order not to spend much money in case nothing comes of
this business, and so we shall remain for the present.
If a favourable answer comes we shall present ourselves officially to
the Commune. Perhaps I shall do so before, without the Milanese, as a
guarantee to our persons _in omnem eventum_; particularly as they know
through Craina that I am here for this affair, and it might rather
cause suspicion and give them a bad opinion of me if I do not announce
myself openly and show that I am informed of what is going on. But I
have not yet made up my mind and shall follow God’s inspiration.
If, owing to the Emperor, the Council is not held here, we have talked
of transferring it to Pisa or elsewhere in Italy. His Paternity does
not think the idea a bad one. Consider about this and let me know.
Pisa would be convenient to the Spaniards and to many other kingdoms,
who perhaps would serve our purpose better than Germany. His Paternity
is ready to do anything to upset the Pope and the Count [Girolamo
Riario]. I have said enough.
I do not write at any length so that you may not be bored. If
you desire to know more, ask the Eight to show you what I have
written to them with far more details. I commend myself to Your
Magnificence.--Basel, September 20, 1482.[299]
Ugolino Baccio _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
Magnificent Lorenzo,--By the Milanese courier who left this on the
20th I wrote very fully to the Eight and also to Your Magnificence, of
what had occurred.
Since then nothing of any importance has happened; things seem more
favourable than otherwise. The adverse Legates have made no sign,
they are still in a Swiss town called Torego, _alias_ Suringg, a long
day’s journey from here. We suppose they do not like to risk coming
here on account of the anger excited by the interdict, and that
they are feeling their way how to approach without danger. This is
the opinion of the Council. Perhaps they have other designs and are
waiting in order to give us a heavier blow. Who knows their secrets?
We have no fear of them, if they have of us; but this is uncertain.
The fact is they have not come, and as things are they would only
arrive here in pieces.
The citizens are strongly in favour of the Council, and unless forced
by the Emperor I do not think they will let it drop, particularly as
it brings them great gain and honour.
The ambassador sent to Duke Sigismondo has returned bringing, they
say, a most favourable reply. I know no particulars as yet, for these
people are much more taciturn than we are, and very strict observers
of public honour. Unfortunately that friend of the house of Medici has
been sent on an embassy, so it is hard fishing for secrets. _Tamen si
quid erit, haud diu nos latere potest._
No reply has yet come from the Emperor. But as the road is long and
there is war in the countries the messenger must traverse this is
not to be wondered at. An answer is expected every day, so it seems
to me that _pendeant leges et Prophetæ_. Other help appears to me
vain. We will see what God sends, and I shall inform you of all _cum
diligentia_. I have suggested Pisa to Monsignore several times in case
Basel fails us, but at present he hopes in Cæsar. Think well about
this so that (_quod Dii prohibeant_) we are not left with our feet out
of both stirrups.
Monsignore has told the people here that we have come in favour of
their cause, and as on account of the delay of these envoys I feared
they might draw back seeing Monsignore unsupported, I informed the
town council that I was sent officially by our Signoria, presented
the letters, &c., and made a long oration _in favorem Consilii_,
praising the holy enterprise and Craina, and condemning the Sixtine
government, and showing the necessity for a Council; all which they
heard with great pleasure, particularly as I offered not only help and
favour, and embassies and prelates from the Florentines, but promised
to confirm this in their name and in that of the League.
I am sure that in their _perplexione propter venturos Legato
Pontificiis_ this has comforted their minds, _juxta Terentianum illud,
dum in dubis est animus_, &c.
They promised to reply _post consultationem_. _Sic res se habent
nunc._ To-day I await them in my house and shall hear their answer.
_Post scripta._--Four of the members have just been here and in the
name of the Senate praised my speech, and thank the Florentines for
their offers which they reciprocate.
As to the Council they declare that they are well-disposed towards
the Apostolic See if the Church is reformed _pro Religione et fide
Christi, quam vident in magno periculo vel potius ruina_. They also
affirm that they initiated nothing, but only acted according to the
wishes of the Emperor, from whom an explicit answer is expected in
a few days. When it arrives they will tell me at once so that I can
write to my Signoria who can then send prelates and ambassadors as I
have promised. For this I thanked them with opportune words. I see
that I am everything in their eyes, besides which Craina depends
entirely on me and has not been happy since he entered into this
business until I spoke officially. He will not let me out of his
sight, either to go to the Emperor or elsewhere. A thousand times a
day he raises his hands to heaven thanking God for sending me to him.
You have no idea how intently these Doctors of the University read
the documents I have published. What can I say more? The Pope is more
hated here than he is with us, and if the Emperor does not spoil our
game _non sum sine spe_ to arrive at something.
This is all I write to-day as I send this by a man who is passing
through in haste. Will Your Magnificence be good enough to make my
excuses to the Eight? Your letter was begun and there is no time to
write another. This must serve also for their Excellencies. I commend
myself to Your Magnificence.--Basel, September 30, 1482.[300]
Ugolino Baccio _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
_Magnifice vir_, &c.,--By my last of the 24th to the Honourable Eight
Your Magnificence will have seen my hopes and designs, and nothing has
occurred since to alter my opinion about the Council, although there
are doubts as to where it is to be held and as to Craina himself, on
account of the great opposition made by our enemies against God and
justice. I am in great tribulation at not receiving any reply from
Florence to my many letters, sent by trustworthy messengers so long
ago that there has been ample time to send an answer to the first
three.
Had I only received a hint from Your Magnificence as to the choice of
Pisa about which Craina made me write, I should know which way the
wind blows and how to steer this unsteady bark. But without any reply,
although I know the intentions of Your Magnificence up to a certain
point, I do not know them absolutely, as happens to those who, like
me, have several affairs in hand.
Although Craina hopes for success here he is feeling his way
elsewhere; if he fails here and can extricate himself he will throw
himself into the arms of him who promises most. Till now I have only
been able to give assurances of my personal aid, promising him support
and favour from the League in order to pacify him. But how do I know
what will be my fate? Perchance the League will have nought to do with
the Council save at Basel, or has some other plan of which I know
nothing. So that although I have a general mandate to do all I can
to help forward the Council, which I, although you do not write, am
doing, yet I do wish for your own particular views, otherwise I grope
in darkness.
However now we are here making every effort that things should go
forward, and though we found the foundations rather weak we have so
propped the house that we do not fear it will fall at every small
stroke. But if, through the Emperor or the Swiss, Basel was shut to
us, I do not see why the League after such a beginning should abandon
the enterprise. I gave the reasons in other letters, but the decision
lies with others who perhaps are of a contrary opinion.
I have written a detailed account of what happens to the Eight. My own
impressions, such as they are, I write to Your Magnificence, to whom I
can explain things with more freedom than to such eminent magistrates.
You can therefore guess at the truth; to me it appears that although
there is danger there is also hope.
_Exitus in Diis est: tamen_ if a month after our arrival here a bishop
had declared for us things would not be so backward or so ill looked
on as they are; even if one was now on the way here so as not to delay
giving medicine to the corpse! _At inquies._ Either the Emperor has
not manifested his approval, what then? or he has not openly turned
against the enterprise. For my designs it would be sufficient to
stay here long enough for things to make a little progress, and then
I would gladly pay ready money for a valid impediment in order to
transfer all to a more convenient spot. I pray Your Magnificence to
take the follies I have written for what they are worth and to judge
and command according to your own wishes. _Ego jussa exequar_ and to
that I commend myself.--Basel, October 25, 1482.[301]
Sixtus IV. had been thoroughly frightened by the threatened Council at
Basel and had also fallen under the influence of his nephew Cardinal
Giuliano della Rovere, who feared the growing power of Venice and
was friendly to the Medici. In December 1482 he hurriedly made peace
with Naples and Ferrara, and received the Duke of Calabria in the
Vatican. Alfonso then started for Ferrara, passing through Florence
early in January, where he stayed three days in the house of Giovanni
Tornabuoni. Venice refused to obey the Pope’s commands to make peace
with Ferrara, and the city was in dire straits. It was only the
encouragement and advice of Bongianni Gianfigliazzi, the Florentine
ambassador, that prevented Duke Ercole from quitting Ferrara and
taking refuge at Modena. A Congress of the Allies was summoned at
Cremona, to which Lorenzo went early in February 1483, in spite of
strong opposition from his fellow-citizens, who feared he might be
assassinated by his arch-enemy Girolamo Riario. Louis XI. shared these
fears as is seen in his letter. The Congress at Cremona consisted of
the Cardinal Legate Gonzaga, Alfonso Duke Of Calabria, Lodovico and
Ascanio Sforza, Ercole d’Este Duke of Ferrara, Federigo Gonzaga Marquis
of Mantua, Giovanni Bentovoglio of Bologna, Girolamo Riario,[302]
Lorenzo de’ Medici, and various envoys.[303]
Louis XI., _King of France, to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
My Cousin,--By your letter of January 30th I learn your wishes
regarding your son Giovanni, if I had only known this before the death
of the Cardinal de Rohan I should have done all in my power to please
you. I will gladly do whatever I can when a benefice falls vacant. As
to Ferrara, where you have promised to go, I should have advised you
to abstain, and to be very careful about your personal safety, for I
do not know the people or the place you will be in. I would gladly
have sent an ambassador from here to excuse you. However as you have
promised I leave it to you, to good fortune, and to God.--Written at
Plessis du Parc, February 17, 1482 (1483).
Luy.[304]
The following tale and poem in Latin (which I have done into prose)
were sent to Lorenzo by Bartolommeo Scala,[305] who prided himself on
his literary conceits and on his pure Latinity. I insert them as they
are typical of the conceits of the fifteenth century.
Bartolommeo Scala _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici _at Bagno a Morba_
My Patron, greeting,--Last September when I was at Morba, where you
now are, for my gout, I composed a conceit on the nymph Amorba,
childish enough perhaps. If you have time to read this it may not
displease you. Trifles of this kind sometimes give pleasure. Indeed
those who have been with you inform me that you have sought anew the
society of the Muses and are their constant boon companion. Of a truth
they can heal our diseases much more pleasantly than any baths.
This indeed is attested with perhaps a certain neatness by an apologue
of mine. It is as follows.
Once upon a time Immortality and Old Age were quarrelling. The cause
was small, the quarrel was and still is a grievous one. Immortality
had reared from the nest a tame jackdaw, cunning, thievish, clever,
with a power of imitating our language not unmusically. She had kept
it in luxury for ninety years. The neighbours actually approved of
it in their enjoyment of the constant jesting and laughter which it
caused. For it used secretly to steal from the tailor’s workboxes
rings and needles and other implements, and then, when the fancy
seized it, all of a sudden gave them back. How the onlookers used
to laugh and applaud when it brought a modest blush to a maiden’s
cheek as she walked along the road by calling with a gentle chuckle Ω
χόρη καλη[306] (it had learnt Greek as well as Latin) Ἡλίου ὡς ὁμοιῷ
φωτί.[307] But Old Age was envious and sent disease, her frequent
minister, and killed the jackdaw. So was war kindled. Then when
Old Age had taken many towns, and sacked many cities, she forced
Immortality at length to take refuge in her citadel.
Her citadel stands on a high mountain. Its walls and battlements are
of brass, but the rooms of its inner chambers of sweetest-smelling
cedarwood. The enemy is held at bay (and this no one who did not know
would easily believe) by maidens alone, by three maidens with their
songs and verses. Now, could you but extract the harmonies of these
maidens from the letters in which they are written and manage to apply
them to your bare breast and heart, there is nothing so health-giving
against all diseases of body and mind. I commend myself to you.
Farewell.--Florence, April 15, 1484.
Thy Bartolommeo Scala.[308]
“_In Amorpham Nympham_,” _Latin poem by_ Bartolommeo Scala, _sent to_
Lorenzo De’ Medici _at Bagno a Morba, April 25, 1484_
Thou askest who I am, what is my name, and whence comes this hot and
health-giving water that springs perennial? Once I was the loveliest
nymph of these woods. Apollo loved me and gave me the power of curing
all ills. Fleeter of foot than the stag or the roe, I was the most
renowned and the most welcome of the Oread sisters or the Dryads. But
we have long known how cruel and potent is fate, and how unstable are
all things here below. When wandering one day, bow in hand, my quiver
on my shoulder, O unhappy nymph! Cerberus saw me and was inflamed with
brutal lust. Of no avail were my bow, my arrows, or my swift feet.
Furiously he pursued me and deaf to my prayers and tears he seized
me, O unhappy one. In vain I screamed and struggled, and called upon
all the Gods of heaven. Almost vanquished I cried out, imploring aid:
“O you sylvan nymphs, have mercy, hasten to save me.” The goddesses
heard, changed me into a hot stream and thus delivered me from those
ferocious hands. As a spring I still preserve the power bestowed by
Apollo of curing all ills. Phœbus pitied and wept over my fate, and
swore by the Styx to undo thee, O Cerberus. A huge stone, high as a
mountain, surrounded by precipices and broken rocks, was torn asunder
and a yawning and dark cave opened, whence issued a horrid wind
charged with fetid odours. Inside all was putrid, in festering matter
lay the entrails and bones of oxen which he bore while yet alive into
the cave to satiate his rabid hunger. Whilst intent on devouring the
raw flesh and sucking the stream of hot blood, the highborn Archer
wounded him. His torn and bleeding entrails gushed forth. But as he
could change his form at will, Cerberus became a dog. From three
throats came despairing howls and the vapour of burning sulphur when
Apollo hurled him down from the rock into deepest hell, where it is
rumoured that he still retains the semblance of a dog. There, where
the brute sank, remain signs of hell, and they say that sinners are
there drawn down to well-deserved punishment. All around are lakes
of deep mud; mud and sulphur are belched up, and from afar one still
hears the ever-renewed howling of dogs. The rock preserved the name
and the mountain whence it fell is called Cerberus. But I remain
unknown, no kind Muse remembered me and I waited for one to tell of
my woes. Lo he comes, and here he writes a poem for me. Read it, O
pilgrim; then thou wilt know that Amorba is the name of the nymph. The
waters will drive away all illness, let the sick come here and they
will find health.[309]
Lorenzo’s great enemy Sixtus IV. died on August 12, 1484, killed, say
contemporaries, by a violent fit of anger at the proclamation of the
peace of Bagnolo. The Cardinals entered into Conclave on August 26th,
and three days later Giovanni Battista Cibò, born at Genoa in 1432, was
elected Pope under the name of Innocent VIII.
Guidantonio Vespucci, _Florentine Ambassador at Rome, to_ Lorenzo de’
Medici _at Florence_
_Magnifice vir_,--If my letter about the election of the Pope
[Innocent VIII.] was delayed, the fault lies with Antonio Tornabuoni
who sent off the courier without waiting for me. I was at Mass
with the other ambassadors and could not leave before them. The
Milanese courier was despatched by Francesco da Casale and not by the
ambassador. I beg you to excuse me.
Of the new Pope I will tell you all I have heard. As Cardinal he
passed for a kindly and benign man, and was most courteous to all,
kissing any and all even more than one you know of. His political
experience is small and he is not learned, though not ignorant. He
was always devoted to S. Pietro in Vincula [Giuliano della Rovere,
afterwards Julius II.] and indeed was made a cardinal by his
influence. He is tall, full in the face, about fifty-five years of
age, and very robust. He has a brother, at least one grown-up bastard
son and some daughters, who are married here. As cardinal he did not
agree well with the Count [Girolamo Riario, nephew of the late Pope].
S. Pietro in Vincula is now as good as Pope and will have more power
than under Sixtus if he knows how to steer. The Pope has a Genoese
friar who is said to have a mistress of the house of Cibò, Guelph of
course. Here he has a nephew, a priest, related to Filippo di Nerone,
whose mistress is a certain Maria Clemenza--she was wife to Stoldo
Altoviti. The late Captain of infantry is married to a relation of
his. The Pope seems rather a man in need of advice than one capable of
giving it to others.
The election took place thus. The Rev. Monsignori of Aragona and
Visconti seeing that they could not effect the election of the
Vice-Chancellor and that he stood on the defence, tried to persuade
him to play their game, and _ante omnia_ reconciled the Camarlingo and
Ursino with S. Pietro in Vincula, towards whom they were beginning
to be friendly, and I think they promised to arrange the affairs
of the Count and of the Camarlingo. Many other promises were made.
First, to the Cardinal of Aragona the Pope gives his own house; to
Messer di Visconti the house belonging to the Count, which the Pope
will pay for, besides 12,000 ducats, the legation of the Patrimony,
and I know not what besides at Castello; to Savello the legation of
Bologna; to Milan that of Avignon; all of which latter legations were
held by S. Pietro in Vincula who consented to everything in order to
carry this business through, he has also renounced certain abbeys to
satisfy others whose names I know not. Colonna will no doubt also be
recompensed, and the Vice-Chancellor has obtained certain things he
wanted in Spain. Noara has had I know what castle. Of others I have
not heard. No doubt there are many similar cases.
To conclude, this election is attributed entirely to Monsignore di
Visconti and I think you ought to write to him that he should help us
when I have need of aid in your affairs. Also send a proper letter to
S. Pietro in Vincula for he is the only one I have any fear of in
the business of Fonte Dolce,[310] he is the Pope, _et plusquam Papa_.
Believe me that Monsignori Aragona and Visconti will plunder this
court at every election, they are the two biggest scoundrels in the
world.
In a few days I shall begin to adjust your affairs and shall succeed,
as in the beginning these princes and popes are usually very gracious,
and His Holiness is well disposed towards you and has always been very
friendly to me. Remember before the new Signori are named to have my
leave arranged as I want to be at home during September, and I hope
you will grant my desire that my Simone should be made one of the
Eight.--Roma, August 29, 1484. Remember also to push on the enterprise
of Sarzana, afterwards there might be danger.[311]
According to custom the Republic of Florence sent an embassy to
congratulate Innocent VIII. on his nomination. With them went Lorenzo’s
eldest son, Piero, then fourteen years of age, to whom his father wrote
the following letter containing minute instructions as to his speech
and conduct. From Lorenzo’s remark, “Though thou art my son, thou art
but a citizen of Florence,” and his impressing upon him to be polite
and not to take precedence of his elders, one sees he was already
anxious about the boy’s overbearing, turbulent temper.
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to his son_ Piero _in Rome, November 26, 1484_
Thou wilt have only four letters of introduction for Siena, one to
Messer Paulo di Gherardo, one to Messer Cristofano di Guido, and
one to Messer Andrea Piccolomini, whom thou art to visit at their
houses and there deliver the letters to them. Commend me to Their
Magnificences, using the same words to all, thus: that passing through
Siena on thy way to Rome with these ambassadors I charged thee to
visit Their Magnificences whom I love and revere as fathers; that I
hope they will regard thee as a son, command thee at any time or in
any place, as I do, and that thou wilt obey them; and that as they
can dispose of my property, State, and children, of whom thou art
one, thou presentest thyself to them as being theirs to dispose of
according to their pleasure. Use proper words to this effect without
affectation or constraint, and do not try to appear learned with them
or with others, but speak graciously, pleasantly, and seriously.
Thou wilt have a list of Sienese citizens to whom, if there is time,
thou art to pay visits, using the same words I have already indicated
and offering me to them, as well as to the three above-named, for the
protection of their State, all the more that our city is of this mind.
When together with other youths of the ambassadors bear thyself
sedately, politely, and kindly, towards thy equals. Be careful not to
take precedence of those who are thine elders, for although thou art
my son, thou art but a citizen of Florence, as they are. When Giovanni
[Tornabuoni] thinks fit to present thee to the Pope privately first
inform thyself well of all the needful ceremonies, then when presented
to His Sanctity kiss my letter which will be given thee for the Pope,
entreating him to deign to read it. When it is thy turn to speak,
first place me at the feet of His Beatitude, saying that I am aware it
was my duty to prostrate myself in person at the feet of His Holiness,
as I did at those of his Predecessor of saintly memory; but that I
trust in his goodness to forgive me, because at that time I had my
brother who was well able to fill my place, whereas at present I have
no man of greater years and authority than thyself, and therefore I do
not think it would have been pleasing to His Holiness if I had left
Florence. Say that I send thee in my stead as the strongest proof I
could give of my desire to go in person. Besides other reasons also
I have sent thee in order that thou shouldst learn early to regard
His Beatitude as thy Father and Lord, and be encouraged to continue
in this devotion, in which I educate my other children, whom I would
rather not have if they were not so inclined. Then thou wilt inform
His Holiness that I am firmly resolved not to transgress his commands,
because, besides my natural devotion to the Holy See, my devotion to
His Beatitude himself arises from many causes and from obligations
which ever since I was _in minoribus_ our house has received from
him. Add that I have experienced how hurtful it has been to be out
of favour with the late Pontiff although, as it seems to me, I was
unjustly persecuted rather for others’ sins than for any insult or
offence to him of holy memory. But I leave this to the judgment of
others. Be it as it may I am firmly determined, not only not to offend
His Beatitude in any way, but to think day and night on what I can
do to please him; thus I trust that the joy and pleasure which the
nomination of His Beatitude to the Pontificate caused me will endure
for long, and I supplicate His Beatitude to accept me and my children
and all that is mine as his humble sons and servants, and to preserve
to us his grace, inasmuch as we shall make every effort to deserve his
goodwill.
After this thou art to say to His Holiness that having thus
recommended me, brotherly love constrains thee to recommend also
Messer Giovanni, whom I have brought up as a priest, and endeavour to
educate morally and intellectually in such a way that he should not
be put to shame among others. All my hope in this matter is in His
Beatitude who has already, out of his clemency and humanity, shown
him some affection, and as we are in his good graces I entreat him
to continue his benevolence, and to add to the other obligations our
house has towards the Holy See by favouring this affair of Messer
Giovanni; strive with these and other words to recommend thy brother.
I have now said enough about the Pope. Thou wilt have my letters
to all the cardinals which thou wilt deliver or not according to
Giovanni’s directions. Commend me to them and say thou art come to
Rome to express my devotion to Their Most Reverend Lords, and also in
order that they may make acquaintance with him who will continue the
devotion of our house towards them, and that they are to command thee
and make use of thee as of all that is mine, offering thyself, &c.
This thou wilt say to all in general, but to those on the marked list
thou wilt say as follows.
To Cardinal Visconti say that even were he not a Cardinal, our house
has old and innate obligations to all his illustrious house, and that
as my son and by nature an ally of the Sforzas (Sforzesco), and a
devoted servant of His Most Reverend Lordship thou beseechest him to
command thee, and to treat thee as one of his house and accept thee as
his servant, as are all of our house.
To Cardinal d’Aragona say that as I place all my hopes and trust in
H.M. the King his father, it is thy duty as my son to present thyself
to His Most Reverend Lordship, and that thou and my other sons,
besides the many benefits received from H.M. the King, can never
forget the honours paid to me at Naples and the mode of sending me
home, and that thou art well aware what would have been thy condition
and that of my other children, if things had gone differently. For
this reason His Most Reverend Lordship and all the other sons of
H.M. the King may sell thee, or pawn thee, and treat thee as a thing
belonging to them.
To Cardinal Orsini say that I have sent thee to Rome for him to see
how offshoots of their tree prosper in our soil and what fruit they
bear, and that, such as they are, I send the first-fruit to His Most
Reverend Lordship, and that although an unworthy son of the house
of Orsini thou desirest, such as thou art, to be a servant of His
Reverence, to whom as head of the house thou art willing and ready,
during thy whole life as far thou canst, to repay the obligations thou
art under to his noble house, which are indeed great, as thou owest
thy being to it. For this reason thou art come to beg him as head,
&c., to take thee under his care and to instruct thee, for thy honour
and success will reflect upon him as much as upon me, thy father;
commend to him Clarice and thy brothers and sisters, &c.
To the cardinals who are related to the Orsini, as I think are the
Savelli, Conti, and Colonna, thou wilt make use of more familiar
language than to the others, saying that besides other obligations
I have towards them, we are, by the grace of God, related to their
noble families, which I consider as one of the chief ornaments of
our house. To Monsignore our Archbishop of Florence thou art to show
all these instructions before making any visits, which on account of
thine age may be very short ones. I hope that His Lordship, being
better informed and more prudent, will add anything needful, assuring
him that what I say is not merely formal but the truth, and do either
more or less than his Lordship directs, as though it was I who told
thee. At all events thou art to visit all the Orsini who are in Rome,
speaking with due reverence, commending me to Their Lordships and
offering thyself as their son and servant, they having deigned to
become our relations by which thou art the chief gainer as being of
higher birth, and therefore it is but right thou shouldst strive to
repay them. I send thee with Giovanni Tornabuoni, whom thou art to
obey in all things and not to presume to do aught without him. Be
modest and kindly in manner towards him and every one, and strive to
bear thyself with sedateness, all the more that sedateness is not a
youthful virtue. The honours and flatteries that will be bestowed upon
thee will be a great danger if thou art not discreet and rememberest
who thou art. If Gugliemo [de’ Pazzi] or his sons or grandsons come
to see thee receive them kindly, but quietly, showing sorrow for
their condition and encouraging them to act well and to hope for
better things by so doing. Should Monsignore our Archbishop think it
right for thee to go to any place outside Rome to visit any of the
Orsini, thou canst do so; obey His Lordship in this and in everything,
as I have already said, as thou wouldst obey me. Tell Gugliemo that
Bianca[312] having written in my name, and in that of Bernardo
Rucellai, to ask him to give up the Canonry of Pisa to her for a
certain exchange she wishes to make, he ought to do it, particularly
as Bernardo offers to serve him and to help him in whatever way he
thinks best. Impress this upon him.
Niccolò Michelozzi _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici _at Morba_
I send this horseman, not because the enclosed letters are of any
great importance, but because all your people, both those of your
house and your friends, wish to have news of you: though in all hope
is great, yet the desire will only be appeased by news of you and
of good results [from the baths]. Give orders therefore that your
secretaries write often.
Antonio Tornabuoni informs me that this morning the Captain of
infantry was sent to Romagna, we think he will do well what is
necessary, and at Pietrasanta ...[313] to fly from peril.
The Doge of Genoa writes that a safe-conduct for eight days has been
given to Francesco Centurione, principally because some persons have
an idea that he comes for a purpose and is not merely passing through.
You will be the first to know whether he is the bearer of anything.
Sassetto tells me he has, by your orders, replied to the letter from
Amaretto in Venice to you, and has told him to come here.
From the letters from Rome you will understand about the Pope, who has
been trying to trick us.
Pier Filippo tells me that they intend to send a Commissary to Pisa
who can if necessary also act at Leghorn and at Pietrasanta, a man of
resolution. They think of sending Piero di Lutozzo and of recalling
Piero Capponi and Piero Vettori, who have both asked to be recalled,
particularly Pier Capponi because Gino is not well; if you have any
one else to suggest send word, for there is still time.
Alberghetto says he is ready to make those four small cannon for you
if you will give him the materials; thus he will not lose his time
on public things, in which he has been very ill-treated; they don’t
pay him, they give him no work, and they drive him to despair. I have
helped him and shall do all I can for him.
Tell Madonna Clarice that Piero and all the other children are as
well as ever I saw them, and I hope they will continue so. Do your
best to recover and return soon quite cured and in good health, then
everything else will go well.
On ’Change money is abundant for everywhere, save Lyons, for which
place all the merchants are buyers, particularly those who used to be
sellers. I think some one must be working to send supplies by some
other channel. But I do not understand these things, or know whether
it is true, still I think you ought to be informed of everything:
if my news bores you, either tell me, or tell Ser Piero to open my
letters and not to show them to you.
Do order them to write often to us. I commend myself to you.--In
Florence the last day of the year 1484 (24th March 1485).
Ser Francesco sends you an abstract of what little there is of public
matters.
Niccolò Michelozzi.[314]
Matteo Franco _to_ Ser Piero Dovizi Da Bibbiena, _Chancellor of Lorenzo
de’ Medici, wherever he may be_
_Salve, o alter ego._
Good-bye Ser Piero, good-bye Franco, good-bye Lorenzo, Butti,
Franceschi, good-bye, good-bye, &c. We parted at Capitulo near Bagno
a Morba. Florence having quitted Pisa,[315] we came gaily singing
and joking to the mill on this side of Monte Castelli, where we
found twenty-five soldiers with shields and spears whom we had seen
from above, when we said to one another, “Who are those fellows down
there?” and we all shouted “_Palle, Palle_”; they replied, “_Palle,
Palle e Orso, Orso_,” and as we came nearer the shouts of _Palle_
and _Orso_ redoubled. We then saw they were men sent from Monte
Castelli to escort us, &c. They wanted us to enter the townlet, but we
declined, so they came with us down into the plain where was a crowd
of women with faces as wrinkled as chestnut cakes, but all very merry
and happy with tables spread out with wine, puff pastry, &c. We drank
in haste, and keeping one of the soldiers as a guide discharged the
others, and went on our journey singing and chatting gaily. Passing by
deserted Monte Guidi, half-way down the hill we met a priest with his
frock tucked up and so out of breath he might have come from Assisi,
who said he was a friend of Donnino,[316] and implored us to dismount
at his church and house, he was so exhausted and ran up and down so
incessantly, that if he did not go and be bled I fear that by this
time he is no more. God help him. We left, or rather we did not stop,
and passed down below Casoli without entering, and about four miles
this side of the village Martino Ghezo and Martino Moro caught us up,
not having been able to keep up with us as we rode fast. They told
us that on the other side of Casoli they met the so-much-longed-for
Nannina[317] in a carriage, and that she asked about Lorenzo and
Madonna Clarice. Hearing that Madonna Clarice had passed, and that
Lorenzo had gone to Pisa, she was, they said, in despair, and showed
great sorrow at not having seen Lorenzo, or even having been able to
talk to Madonna Clarice. When Madonna heard this she several times
lamented the bad luck of their missing each other, &c.
And thus, till about two miles from Colle di Val d’Elsa, we continued
singing, joking, and talking. Then we became almost dumb, for nearly
all our words migrated into a brother of Antonio del Pela who came
to meet us, and conducted us into the tumbledown and ruined village
of Colle to the house of the said Antonio. He came forward with such
a river and flood of words that he drowned his brother, and us, and
all who were near, and showed that he was truly the elder and the
better brother. On entering the hall we found about thirty-five
members of his family--girls, women, and children. My bore immediately
began: “Madonna Clarice, this is my daughter, come forward, kiss the
lady’s hand; and this is my granddaughter, come forward, touch her
gown. And this one, and this one. And these little ones are all my
grandchildren; hold yourselves up, think of your manners; this one is
to be a priest, this one a nun, to this one Madonna Lucrezia stood
godmother, this one I have just given in marriage, this one makes
Venetian fringe, that one lace.” Plague take him. If I had not pulled
him away he would have cast a spell on us all. But by asserting how
tired Madonna Clarice and we all were I managed to damp his ardour.
We arrived about twenty-two or twenty-three of the clock, and after
resting we went to see paper made,[318] and returned to fetch Madonna
Clarice, who thought it a pretty thing, and was much interested in
the machines, the water, the air, &c. Then we went back and supped
about one of the clock: a few wafers, cakes, and trebbiano,[319] salad
and pickles, boiled fowl, and kid: and then young pigeons roasted, and
I know not what preparation of fowl, marzipan, sweets, and comfits, &c.
Before supper the Commune of Colle made an offering to Madonna of
corn, marzipan, wine, sweetmeats, &c., presented by eloquent orators,
three out of the number. The substance was that as Lorenzo, whom
they had expected, had not come, they presented all to her as being
a second Lorenzo, with many excuses for the smallness of the gift
owing to their poverty, and begged her to commend them and the town to
Lorenzo. Madonna, by God, replied well and briefly, saying that they
were not friends as they declared, for had they been they would have
known that Lorenzo and herself would protect them without expecting
gifts, which were rather things pertaining to strangers than to good
friends. “On the one hand, you complain and ask me to represent to
Lorenzo the poverty and the needs of yourselves and of your town, and
then you spend money in these things. I take the will for the deed and
give all back to you; for if I kept them I should only give them to
the town for the love of God, so I bestow them on you who are poorer
than I.” There was a great ado because they steadfastly refused to
take the things away, alleging that there were plots against them,
&c. Ser Giovanni Antonio and I sent them back by some of our people,
keeping four flasks of wine and some marzipan to content them, and to
show we wished them well.
We slept right well, and though Pela broke our heads with his idle
chatter, I must say he received us with great courtesy and affection:
and, after all, a good heart is to be admired more than other things.
In the evening after supper there appeared a certain Messer Ricco,
an envoy from Siena, who remained with Madonna Clarice and Messer
Giovanni Antonio for half-an-hour, talking about the rising at Siena.
He said that Lorenzo had written that he was leaving Bagno with his
wife, but did not say where he was going, so he thought to find him
here. I know Ser Giovanni Antonio was satisfied with the report given
by the envoy so I say no more.
Before leaving in the morning Messer Giovanni Antonio and I paid a
visit to the Podestà. Then with a guide we came to Tavernelle and then
to Pasignano, where Donnino had preceded us; we reached there about
fifteen of the clock. After resting awhile we dined: liver and lights,
boiled kid, broad beans, curds and good wine, and then we visited
the whole house, the church, and the relics. Madonna Clarice was
more pleased than I can say with the house and with her room. There
we stayed all day seeing different things. Our supper was salad, an
excellent herb pie, fried curds, broad beans and cheese, &c.
In the morning, that is yesterday morning, we left directly after
mass, coming by the S. Casciano road. Just under Fabrica a man
galloped up, saying: “Your Piero sends me to find out by which road
you are coming, for yester evening he came out several miles to meet
you, and has now gone with Messer Giovanni and all the others towards
S. Maria Impruneta.” We replied that we were bound to S. Casciano. He
flew off to bear the message, and at last on this side of S. Casciano,
as we were crossing the river, we met Jacopo Salviati and his friend
Tommasino de’ Corbinelli, who greeted us with great joy, and rode back
with us. Then near the Certosa we met paradise full of festive and
joyous angels, that is to say, Messer Giovanni and Piero, and Giuliano
and Giulio on pillions, with all their attendants. As soon as they saw
their mother they threw themselves from their horses, some without
help, others aided by their people, and they ran forward and were
lifted into the arms of Madonna Clarice, with such joy and kisses and
delight that a hundred letters could not describe it. Even I could
not restrain myself but got off my horse, and ere they remounted I
embraced them all twice; once for myself and once for Lorenzo. Darling
little Giuliano said, with a long O, O, O, “Where is Lorenzo?” We
said, “He has gone to Poggio to find you.” Then he: “O no, never,”
almost in tears. You never beheld so touching a sight. He and Piero,
who has become a beautiful lad, the prettiest thing, by God, you ever
saw, somewhat grown, with the profile of an angel, and rather long
hair which stands out a little and is charming to see. Giuliano, red
and fresh as a rose, smooth, clear, and bright as a mirror, joyous
and with those contemplative eyes. Messer Giovanni also looks well,
not much colour, but healthy and natural; and Giulio has a brown and
healthy complexion.[320] All, in short, were happiness itself. And
thus with great joy and delight we went a happy party by Via Maggio,
Ponte a S. Trinità, S. Michele Berteldi, S. Maria Maggiore, Canto alla
Paglia, Via de’ Martelli, and entered the house, _per infinita asecula
aseculorum eselibera nos a malo amen_. I then rode to my own house,
and I have not seen them since as I found many things to do. Nothing
more.
Luigi left Florence this morning and went to Calcione or Balcione
or whatever his place is called, and his wife is in Florence. Tell
Francesco di Maestro Antonio,[321] my beloved and beautiful, that he
had his letter, was much pleased by it, and says he will reply by word
of mouth, as there was nought in it of moment he did not answer, but
begs him to forgive him, he will do it better in person. Take note of
this.
To my Andrea de’ Medici commend me with all thy might and tell him not
to forget my sea-shells. And come back soon for the people can no
longer retain their impatience. In haste.--May 12, 1485.
Franco.
I gave thy garter to the man thou toldest me. I quite understand that
he has not pleased the person who you said praised him: so that what
with this and our conversation in the fields I think it would be an
excellent thing to do as we decided. By word of mouth we will settle
all. _Vale iterum._
Say to Francesco that I went to his house and told his old woman that
he was well and would be at Poggio on Monday, at which she rejoiced.
I also went to the house of my Andrea de’ Medici: his womankind were
at vespers, but I saw the baby girl who was being fed; the sweetest
little fish in the world, she looks like a rose: and I left word that
he was well and would return on Monday. Commend me to him.
_Two of Piero’s Sayings_
Returning from the festival at the Carmine together we passed my
house, so he came in and had some breakfast, and when we left as he
was putting on his _catelano_ [overcoat] I said: “Piero, will you
not drink a little more?” When his coat was well on he said: “Yes,
just a little so as not to smell of Catelano,”[322] which made us
all laugh. The other: Passing near S. Maria Novella the house of
that Ser Francesco who kept a school for boys, and seeing that now a
carpenter was standing at the door which was open so that we could
see wood piled up inside, I said: “Oh dear, Ser Francesco who kept
the school must be dead,” and the carpenter answered that he was. I
exclaimed: “The devil! I am grieved for him!” Piero said: “Why ‘the
devil’? did you wish him to live more years than a life? He must have
been eighty.” We laughed all the way to Piazza Madonna. I thought he
had heard this and only repeated it, but looking at him I saw by his
laughing face that he had said it of himself and on purpose.
Lorenzo declares (and it makes me laugh) that he will not have Piero
bothered, &c.; the poor lad cannot go outside the door without all
Florence running after him; it is the same at home, they all try to
make him shine, though with decorum, on which he insists. But they
don’t care. It is of no use; they are all enthusiastic and cannot hold
their tongues. When Lorenzo goes out he will have to lock the boy in a
cupboard if he does not want to hear questions put to him to answer.
I cannot tell you what charm there is about him, so that all who talk
for a while with him are captivated.[323]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to the_ Duke Ercole d’Este
_Illme. Domine mi_,--Your Excellency has in your library a book by
an historian named Dione, _de Romanis historiis_, which I have an
extreme desire to see, both on account of the consolation I derive
from history and also because my son Piero, who has some knowledge
of Greek literature, has begged me to get this book for him to read,
which I understand is very rare in Italy.[324] Your Excellency can
understand how grateful I shall be for the loan of it for a few days,
and therefore I beg you to grant my request and with all eagerness
I expect the book. I commend myself to Your Excellency.--Florence,
February 5, 1485 (1486). Your Excellency’s servant,
Laurentius de Medicis.[325]
Lorenzo not only borrowed but lent books in liberal fashion. Poliziano
was his librarian with a certain Meo _cartolaio_ as his assistant,
who bound the manuscripts. Poliziano himself, Pico della Mirandola,
Messer Demetrio the Greek (Chalcondylas), John Lascaris, and Bernardo
Michelozzi, afterwards Bishop of Forlì, were among the most frequent
borrowers, and every book taken out of the library, even by Lorenzo
or his sons, was noted down in his _Epistolario_. Not only books,
but arms, silver dishes, bowls, goblets, salt-cellars, spoons, and
forks, were lent to various Podestà and to friends, even the Signoria
of Florence occasionally borrowed from him. The silver Lorenzo took
with him on hunting excursions or to the various baths he visited was
carefully recorded.
Messer Guidone Aldrovandini, _Ambassador to the Republic of Florence
from Ferrara, to_ Duke Ercole d’Este
Yesterday evening at one of the night the Magnificent Lorenzo returned
and to-day I went to see him. His Magnificence said that during these
few days of absence he found that Milan had made observations about
the Signoria having despatched Ugolino Baccio, a private gentleman
of no official standing, to the Illustrious Duke of Calabria without
notifying the fact to the government of Milan; and that it seemed to
him that Milan and the Lord Lodovico did not remember that this city
called herself the city of liberty, and that she would be indeed in
evil plight if she could not send a man wherever she chose without
the permission of Milan, particularly when despatched to the Duke of
Calabria. Also that this city made no remark when the Lord Lodovico
made a treaty with Venice without informing this Signoria ... all
these things showed a rancorous and evil disposition.... That if Milan
ever needed help from here ... and in desperate need turned to this
people ... it would be impossible to persuade them to listen to her
request. He said that Villa was of no value to Milan, while to this
Signoria the place was of great importance, for if they lose hold of
that district and were at war with Genoa, instead of spending ten they
would have to spend sixty and even more.... He could not understand
whence arose the hatred shown by Milan to this Signoria and the
explosion of rage at the acquisition of a place of no importance. This
Signoria did not act thus towards Milan, nor towards the Marquis of
Mantua, nor towards Your Lordship; they have always aided, and spent
much treasure in trying to help all these princes to enrich themselves
at the expense of Venice. If this did not succeed it was not the fault
of this Signoria, who did all they could to aid in the matter. It
therefore seems strange to them that there should be such grumbling
about Villa. I then touched upon what Your Excellency wrote to me.
That it was not thought that Milan would again demand the restitution
of Villa but would wait until this Signoria decided upon attacking
Sarzana, when Villa would naturally fall to them.... His Magnificence
replied: “I will tell you all openly, only beg Your Lord to keep it
secret. This you must know has been thought of, but this city is not
inclined to undertake the enterprise of Sarzana during the next few
years, but to temporise until our affairs are more prosperous, for
we are quite aware that the Lord Lodovico has made an alliance with
Genoa, and that we could not count on help from him. The Lord Lodovico
shows that he does not understand the spirit that rules this city,
which is this: When we have embarked on an enterprise we continue
with ardour, when we are at peace it needs a great effort to make us
undertake one. Now that the Signoria has sheathed the sword it will
not unsheath it, save for very grave reasons. We know that 60,000
ducats would not suffice for an attempt on Sarzana.”... November 4,
1486.[326]
Duke Ercole d’Este _to_ Messer Aldrovandini, _Ambassador of Ferraro to
the Republic of Florence_
Messer Aldrovandini,--As soon as you receive this our letter contrive
to see the Magnificent Lorenzo _solus cum solo_, and inform him most
secretly that we are advised by our ambassador at Venice that a
Genoese envoy has arrived there in disguise, with secret instructions
from his prince, and his ambassador has asked that Illustrious
Signoria to enter into a treaty, and to give counsel and aid against
the Magnificent Signoria of Florence. Not desiring to make this
public, but on the contrary to keep it secret, they requested the
Illustrious Signoria of Venice to let Signor Roberto [San Severino]
enter his service, to whom his Commune offers 20,000 men for making
war against the Florentines. He complained that the Illustrious
Lord Lodovico kept his ambassadors some time in Milan and sent them
home without concluding anything, on the pretext that he wanted to
reconcile them with the Florentines, towards whom they say he is too
tender. It has been determined not to give an immediate answer to this
envoy but to keep him amused with hopes until it is known whether the
league and friendship which is now being arranged between the Pope and
the Signoria is concluded. To accelerate this the Signoria of Venice
have sent Antonio Vinciguerra their secretary in all haste to Rome,
who passed through here three nights ago on his way to Ravenna, where
horses were ready to take him to Rome. With him went a secretary of
the Legate, who is at Venice, sent by the Legate, so that by what we
see and hear the affair is on the point of being concluded unless
steps can be taken to stop it. Of the important results to Italian
matters, _et presentim_ to our Illustrious League, I leave the
Magnificent Lorenzo to judge. I beg you _ex corde_ to keep this news
secret, for if by chance it was known from whence it came, besides the
danger our ambassador at Venice would run, you would lose the benefit
of being advised of matters which deeply concern that Illustrious
Signoria and His Magnificence.--Ferrara, November 18, 1486.[327]
Messer Guidone Aldrovandini, _Ambassador of Ferrara to the Republic of
Florence, to the_ Duke Ercole d’Este
This evening about 24 of the clock came the letter of Your Illustrious
Lordship. I went at once to the Magnificent Lorenzo and read him
the whole letter, entreating him in Your Excellency’s name to keep
it absolutely secret. When His Magnificence heard it I assure Your
Lordship that he remained for a time without opening his lips from
agony and rage, and then said: “I believe all that is evil of this
Pope, the more so that to-day I heard from Rome that S. Piero in
Vincula is going to Padua on the pretence of fulfilling a vow, but
really in order to conclude a league with the Venetians and settle
everything.” Then he added: “This ecclesiastical State has always
been the ruin of Italy, because being ignorant and not knowing how to
govern, the priests put the whole world in peril. If His Majesty puts
an end to the Barons, he will then teach the Pope to read.” About the
news that Signor Roberto was to lead the Genoese against him, &c.,
he did not seem to care much, or to hold them in much estimation,
saying that they would need other men than the crews of galleys. He
then said: “If Signor Roberto is to be the instrument of this it is
not serious.” By these words I gathered that His Magnificence did not
greatly fear Signor Roberto on account of the friendship existing
between them and that he meant, according to my poor judgment, that
Signor Roberto would not make war on Florence; though he did not
express himself clearly.--Florence, November 20, 1486.[328]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Ugolino Baccio _in Apulia_
To Baccio.
I have yours of the 18th, 22nd, and 29th, and now answer what is most
important. As to the understanding between the Pope and the King I
have no fear that it will cause me trouble; for if I thought the
King did not understand the difference between one who has seriously
offended him and one who has aided him with all his might, I should
not have advised this city to help him. The confirmation of the
custom we have adopted of making princes of the relatives of Popes
displeases me, because I have experienced the evils it gives rise to,
and know that the more esteem one shows for others the less is shown
to oneself, and that one example entails others. I have come to the
conclusion that a union between Milan, ourselves, and the house of
Orsini would be to our advantage and to theirs, and anything that
indicates greater faith in others than in us weakens this bond. But
as the Lord Virginio [Orsini] is of a different opinion I give way,
particularly as Messer Gianjacopo [Trivulzio, Sforza’s general], who
is as prudent and expert as Papi Tani, is of his way of thinking. I
do not however repent of having spoken fully and openly about this,
unless the King or the Duke have taken offence, in which case I had
rather have bitten my tongue.
As to the other part of your letter in which you say you have heard
from Milan that the Duke has been told I am displeased at his seeking
to protect himself and obtain a following, it is false, and no man who
speaks the truth can say it. Give the Duke to understand that if I
believed that the frauds and lies of others would find credence with
His Excellency as against my actions, I think I should go and live
with the Turk. The proof of what my desire has been is that I always
counselled the Duke by letter, and in person at Citerna, to take
Colonessi into his service, and persuaded the Lord Virginio that this
was the proper thing. It appears to me unnecessary to make excuses, as
it might give rise to the idea that I was in fault, of which I am as
free as the day I was born. I am I think known as an upright man and
loyal, and one to be trusted by the Duke as fully as any man alive for
sincerity and a complete lack of prejudice. What I have done to aid
him was done without any design of benefiting the State or myself, of
my own free will and reason. He will see that I shall not trouble him
much or reproach him every hour as will probably be done by others. If
I have asked him for anything, as for example San Germano, I can truly
say it was rather offered to me than asked for, and whether I get it
or not, I shall continue the same line of conduct without any feeling
of anger, because I was actuated by higher motives which still affect
me. Messer Gianjacopo would do well to send you the Brief which he
mentioned to Pier Capponi as having already arrived, and which creates
more difficulties; and he would have done still better not to tell
the Pope the intentions of others with regard to the negotiations for
peace. I had given no authority to any one, and am more than content
that love and peace reigns between the King and the Lord Lodovico: for
if a good understanding does not exist between us peril and great loss
will ensue. I never consider that any good will come to me from harm
done to others. Perhaps some day God will open the eyes of all wider.
I am glad your expedition meets with the approval of the person you
mention, I will arrange that you shall find there any news I can give.
But as the Pope appears ill-disposed I have small faith in anything
that depends on him.
I am very glad that the Count’s affairs at Citerna have been arranged
not only to his satisfaction but in a way honourable to myself. Thank
Virginio [Orsini] heartily from me, to whom we owe this. And as I
understand he has arranged the affairs and interests of all the family
except those of Organtino [Orsini, Clarice’s eldest brother] entreat
him particularly also to arrange Organtino’s satisfactorily, making
him understand that I regard the affairs of His Holiness as being my
own. For the love of God, Baccio, bestir yourself with all your might
in this matter, I am most anxious about it, particularly for love of
Clarice. I long for peace at home as I see small reason to hope for it
abroad.--December 3, 1486.[329]
Messer Guidone Aldrovandini, _Ambassador from Ferrara to the Florentine
Republic, to the_ Duke Ercole d’Este
... Milan has written the most amiable letters to this Illustrious
Signoria about the affair of Sarzana, saying that they will expose
their State and their persons if necessary in the service of Florence.
These letters are explained by Milan having heard of the league
between the Pope and the Venetians, and finding that she cannot draw
the Pope on her side as she thought, she now tries to make friends
here. The Illustrious Lodovico has also written a most loving letter
to the Magnificent Lorenzo, saying that they have both erred, and
suggesting that the past be set aside and a clean page begun, when
the Magnificent Lorenzo will see that he will be a true and good
brother; and that he will not believe the past has been forgotten
unless some great service is demanded of him. These letters have been
most acceptable to the Magnificent Lorenzo....--Florence, December 10,
1486.[330]
... Sarzana is being bombarded day and night by the Florentine troops,
and it is hoped that S. Francesco will be theirs in two days, when
Sarzana must fall. Some soldiers and officers have fled from the town
and say the inhabitants are in great straits and have begun to eat the
army biscuits, and that Messer Ettore Dal Fiesco, the commissary, is
hated for his extreme cruelty. Two of the mortars of this Illustrious
Signoria have burst. The Magnificent Lorenzo is at Pisa urging on the
capture of Sarzana; he has sent the big mortar from Pisa, and pioneers
in haste to the camp, whom he paid in advance as otherwise none would
go....--Florence, June 7, 1487.[331]
The Magnificent Lorenzo has gone himself to the camp before Sarzana
to push on matters. S. Francesco has fallen....--Florence, June 9,
1487.[332]
The Magnificent Lorenzo arrived here on the vigil of S. Giovanni (23rd
June) and was received with more joy and caresses by the people than I
can describe, as they say they owe the taking of Sarzana to him more
than to others....--Florence, June 26, 1487.
... The Magnificent Lorenzo said bitter words to me about the
Illustrious Signor Lodovico (il Moro), particularly as to the
withdrawal of his troops _ex abrupto_ from the camp (before Sarzana),
saying the Signor Lodovico was so puffed up that he fancied the
Genoese would give him Castelletto and Genoa, but that time would
teach him better....--Florence, June 28, 1487.[333]
... I again tried to persuade the Magnificent Lorenzo that he would
do well and wisely to let Your Highness try and dissipate this
misunderstanding between the Illustrious Messer Lodovico and His
Magnificence, and that I was sure Your Highness would be able to
arrange matters so that they would be greater friends than before.
His Magnificence was greatly perturbed and said Your Highness was
in a position to know how justified were the complaints of this
Signoria against the Signor Lodovico and then turned his back on me.
I attempted to ask him what this meant but in vain: he would not
answer. I confess I do not know what to infer from this. If Your
Excellency understands, so much the better. A friend told me that at
home His Magnificence talks like a desperate man, and says that he
would like to go for six months to some place where Italian affairs
would never be mentioned, and that your Excellency cannot imagine
what joy His Magnificence showed at the victory gained by the King of
France, and openly said he hoped to see the King master of all Italy.
From this one can only conceive that His Magnificence is very irate.
God turn his heart to act well....--Florence, July 7, 1487.[334]
... The Magnificent Lorenzo continues to be desperately angry with the
Illustrious Messer Lodovico.... He spoke most terrible and desperate
words saying that Messer Lodovico was doing all he could to make the
Pope and the Florentines throw themselves at the feet of H.M. the
King, and that this should be done; that as Messer Lodovico wished
Italian affairs to go to the bad His Magnificence would aid and abet
him, &c. What will happen I know not, but I do know that if he were
to act wisely they would come to some good understanding as did his
forefathers, and as Your Highness has told him several times. His
Magnificence sent off special messengers yester eve to Rome and to
Milan. May God guide this business to a good end, for to me it seems
that evil passions are rising here every day....--Florence, July 18,
1487.[335]
Duke Ercole d’Este _to_ Messer Aldrovandini, _Ambassador of Ferrara to
the Florentine Republic_
... You are informed that the Illustrious Messer Lodovico [il Moro]
is ill; it seems he is afflicted with certain pains in the stomach
which give him great suffering. Therefore many friends of his and
of ours at Milan who are anxious about his health, have entreated
us to beg the Magnificent Lorenzo to send a certain Maestro Pietro
Leoni, an excellent doctor who is at Florence, to Milan, a man of
great knowledge who may perhaps cure this malady.[336] We therefore
desire that as soon as you receive this you go to the Magnificent
Lorenzo and in our name beg him as heartily as you can, for love of
us and for the interest we believe he takes in the health of the
Illustrious Lodovico, to send the said Maestro Pietro immediately to
Milan.--Ferrara, August 31, 1487.[337]
Messer Guidone Aldrovandini, _Ambassador of Ferrara to the Republic of
Florence, to_ Duke Ercole d’Este
... I hear from a good source that Messer Giovanni Jacopo de’ Trivulzi
has been commissioned by the Pope to tell the Magnificent Lorenzo that
he only sleeps with the eyes of the said Magnificent Lorenzo, that he
must advise him, the Pontiff, wisely and guide him; if he does so the
gain and the honour will be his; but if his advice be bad it will lead
to the ruin of both. The Pope complains as high as the third heaven of
the King’s conduct to him.[338] At the same time Messer Jacopo speaks
of the cowardice, misery, and sadness of the Pope, as one speaks about
a blackguard, and says that if he be not encouraged and helped to keep
up his spirits, he will sink lower than any coward ever sank. To-day
comes news that the King has appealed _ad novum Concilium contra
Pontificem_ on account of his behaviour to H.M. This will I believe
frighten the Pope, for he is a very rabbit....--Florence, September 6,
1487.[339]
... The Pope says the King cannot appeal because at Mantua, when
the Diet assembled in the time of Pope Pius, all the Italian princes
promised never to appeal _ad futurem Concilium_. _Item_ that H.M.
expressly promised Pope Sixtus not to appeal, &c. For these reasons
His Sanctity declares that he can proceed against the King. But I
think he will be cautious.--Florence, September 12, 1487.[340]
... H.M. the King and the Duke of Calabria[341] declare that neither
through the King of Castile, or through Milan or Florence, have they
ever given a promise to pay tribute to the Pope. Here this declaration
is laughed to scorn as being made by cunning evildoers, _cum sit_ that
Milan and Florence made the promise and the agreement was signed with
the Pope, so H.M. will have to pay the tribute. However like wise men
the Signori of Florence have resolved to ignore the arrogant message
of the King and the Duke, and to drink this bitter cup....--Florence,
November 7, 1487.[342]
... To-day at 22 of the clock Messer Ascanio with fourteen horsemen
passed through here in disguise, riding hard by post to Milan. It
appears he has been summoned by the Milanese nobles because the death
of Messer Lodovico is expected. The Magnificent Lorenzo and the
Milanese ambassador saw His Excellency, but no one else as it was kept
secret and he did not enter the city.... Should Messer Lodovico die
the Magnificent Lorenzo will aid Messer Ascanio in every way to become
Lord of Milan. Some time ago he was of a different mind, but now he
will do everything to turn matters in the Pope’s favour and against
H.M. the King.... From a friend I learn that the Duke of Lorraine has
just been here in disguise and has seen the Magnificent Lorenzo at
night, who at once sent him on to the Pope.--Florence, November 18,
1487.[343]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Innocent VIII.
_Sanctissime, ac Beattissime Pater post Pedum oscula Beatorum
Vestorum_,--From our ambassador I hear that Your Holiness has seen fit
to suspend the affair of Nantes, and to defer granting the request to
the King of France. Although I must acquiesce in every decision of
Your Holiness, yet the reasons Your Holiness gives for delay cause
me to write again; for if the Most Christian King obtains his desire
he will be even more beholden to Your Sanctity, while my condition
and reputation will be enhanced. I am sure if Your Holiness knew
the help and the utility this would be to me, this business would
not be deferred, particularly as the King has in general no need of
my services, and such an occasion as the present comes but seldom.
If the love Your Holiness bears me is not shown in great matters,
it will be ill seen in small. With all humility therefore I beseech
Your Holiness to deign to grant me one of the greatest boons I could
receive, and to do a pleasure to H.M. the King. A pleasure which
will be much esteemed by H.M., and be most honourable and useful to
me. There will be no difficulty in it, and it cannot be unbecoming
in Your Holiness to satisfy the desire of so great a King, who is so
well-deserving _de Ecclesia Dei_, and at the same time to content me,
Your humble and devoted servant, who humbly commends himself at Your
Holy Feet.--Florence, December 8, 1487. _Humilis servitor_,
Laurentius de’ Medicis.[344]
Messer Aldrovandini, _Ambassador from Ferrara to the Florentine
Republic, to_ Duke Ercole d’Este
... The Pope has been much cheered by the assurances of the Venetian
envoys, who openly say that their Signoria only hastened to make
peace with the Germans, in order to come to the aid of His Sanctity
and the honour of the Holy See ... and to force His Majesty the King
to keep the promises made to His Sanctity.... Milan has written here
that she considers the King ought to be informed that should he
fail to arrange matters with the Pope, and the Pope declares war,
he is not to expect help from either Florence or Milan.... As yet
these Signori have not come to any decision, but I think they will
join Milan in this.... As to the Venetians I do not believe they
would bother themselves with such an enterprise, unless they saw a
chance of gaining something in addition to the hatred they bear the
King....--Florence, December 18, 1487.[345]
... The Magnificent Lorenzo is of opinion that the Pope should rather
be held back than pushed forward, and that the King should not be
irritated, thus His Magnificence thinks we might have peace and
quiet, if the contrary is done he fears that disaster will ensue....
The Magnificent Lorenzo is extremely discontented with the Pope’s
behaviour, and thinks he shows greater folly every day and every
hour, particularly if he insists in launching interdicts against the
King.... As to the letters written from Milan, which I mentioned
in mine of the 18th, the answer was that as allies they could only
applaud the idea of letting the King know that they desired to stand
well with the Pope, &c. The reply was airy: they did not desire to be
explicit.
From a friend I learn that the Magnificent Lorenzo spoke in different
terms to the Milanese ambassador, saying, that as Messer Lodovico’s
condition prevents him from attending to business, it seems to him
unwise to irritate the King, particularly as H.M. has everything
ready and is prepared for war, while the Pope is without troops
and with small brains, has bad advisers, and all the Roman Barons
against him. The worst of all being that neither the Pope, nor Milan,
nor Florence, have any commander if they wished to go to war,
&c....--Florence, December 28, 1487.[346]
... The Magnificent Lorenzo is of opinion that the acts of the Pope
will be worse than his words. The ambassadors of the League have
arranged with His Sanctity that Imola and Forlì should go to the
Count’s sons,[347] but the Magnificent Lorenzo believes that from
what he hears the children have been poisoned. In this case the
Pope has every claim on that State as being Church property and the
Lords invested by the Church being dead ... His Magnificence would
far rather see Forlì and Imola in private hands than in those of a
powerful prince. But if they are to belong to a potentate he had
rather it should be Milan than the Church; for Milan has several
Baronies, and might bestow the State on some lord, as did Duke
Galeazzo, but the Church would never do so, as for some time she has
been a sworn enemy to the Barons and the Lords, and whatever she
seizes she holds. Also the rule of the Church is so admirable that it
does harm to its neighbours! And although I argued with him to see
whether these were his real convictions he remained staunch, saying
that the time would come when the Church would be more dangerous than
the Signoria of Venice, and that this belief more than anything else
induced him to favour H.M. the King [of Naples]....--Florence, April
25, 1488.[348]
Agnolo Poliziano _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
_Magnifice Domine mi_,--We arrived safely at Acquapendente yester
evening at 8 o’clock, I wrote to you also from Montepulciano.
To-morrow we leave for Viterbo. We are all in high spirits and find
good cheer, and all along the road we pick up new tunes and May
songs, which seem to me more original here than elsewhere, _alla
Romanesca, vel nota ipsa vel argumento_. I commend myself to Your
Magnificence.--Acquapendente, May 2, 1488. Your Magnificence’s servant,
Ang. Politianus.[349]
Poliziano accompanied Piero de’ Medici to Rome to meet his bride
Alfonsina Orsini, to whom he had been married by proxy at Naples in
February the year before. His mother Clarice, who was very ill, had
been in Rome since November hoping, as consumptive people do, that the
milder air would cure her. With her had gone her favourite daughter,
“the eye of her head,” Maddalena, affianced to the Pope’s illegitimate
son Francesco Cibò. Piero and his wife, Clarice and Maddalena, all
returned together to Florence, Lorenzo having begged the Pope and Cibò
to allow Maddalena to come with her sick mother. With her, when she
went to Rome, he had sent Matteo Franco, “one of the dearest creatures
of my house,” he calls him, to keep the young girl company, and to
look after her. How well the humorous, kindly priest fulfilled his
trust, how cordially he disliked both Genoese and Romans, and how he
longed for the brilliant society of the Medici palace is shown in the
following letter. Cibò, a gambler, ignorant and stupid, had sense
enough to recognise how invaluable Franco was, and although he raised
no objection to Maddalena’s going with her mother, he refused to part
with Franco.
Matteo Franco, _from Stigliano, to_ Ser Piero Dovizi da Bibbiena,
_Chancellor to Lorenzo de’ Medici, at Florence_
O revered, sweet, and good brother mine, where art thou at this
moment? what art thou doing? art thou well? Hast thou so soon
forgotten thy Franco who eating or sleeping only dreams of his dear
soul Ser Piero? This I will never believe, far rather would I imagine
that thou art hurt because I have written so seldom; that thou art
sorry because I am not near thee, thy companions and affairs; and
above all that thou art sorry because thou dost not see the expected
fruit of thy kind and loving sowing, of thy many heartfelt letters
in my favour, of all the kind things said about me to my lord and of
thy expectation founded on the esteem and love thou bearest me. All
this gladdens and yet distresses me; gladdens me because I rejoice in
possessing so good and true a friend; distresses me when I think that
all thy trouble has been in vain by no fault of mine. But, sweet Ser
Piero, do not lose faith in me, as I do not lose it in thee, good will
come of it all.
Thou must know that till now we have come out of all with honour, _id
est_ thy Franco, as Franco, towards his masters, towards thee, and
towards himself, has done well despite of malignant, venomous and
treacherous, envious, &c. I came, and on the road and whilst in Rome,
with all the love and economy I was able to employ was so useful to
my masters that they showed their appreciation by words and deeds
many times; particularly when I stood aloof and they tried others. Of
the money received by me for the expenses, my enemies twice carefully
dissected, like anatomists, my accounts, shop by shop, day by day,
entry by entry; and everything was in such order that calumny had a
fall, and they were laughed at and put to shame. Thus my affection,
fidelity, and diligence were established and talked of publicly by
them as I heard privately, so that I pardon all. When I made up the
final balance only twenty-eight lire were missing, which must have
been forgotten by the man who buys retail. This would be of small
account if I had not lost so much in brains, soul, and body, instead
of only twenty-eight lire, in all these devilries and persecutions,
&c., so that I even once cursed both thee and Lorenzo who sent me into
this hell. But God has helped us, for of a certain Lorenzo, thou, and
my own good intentions, could not have a bad ending.
All this, my Ser Piero, must be a comfort to thee as it is to me.
Also I cannot describe the kindness and love shown to me by Madonna
Clarice, twice or thrice she even said that the Count showed small
discretion in taking me from her, exclaiming: “See how I am left, I
will not allow any man to have the spending of my money but Franco;
and I will eat nothing but what has passed through his hands; we never
intended to give Franco to him in order that he might be buried alive
in a wood, he would be far more useful to Madonna Maddalena and to his
house if he were here at hand, &c.” She talked of this a hundred times
and has already sent for me twice since I have been at these baths,
and kept me two or three days until his Lordship drove me back to the
baths.
It was rumoured that Maddalena was to go to Florence with Alfonsina
and a list was drawn up of things she was going to ask of the Count
for her journey; among others she desired:
“As chaplain I wish for Franco.
“And some one to write my letters, for this Franco will be good.
“And I should like Your Excellency’s necklace for the time I am in
Florence, and such a dress and such footmen, &c., if it please you,
&c.” The list was given to my lord in the evening and after reading
it he replied: “All thou askest I give thee willingly, save only
Franco and my necklace.” The girl replied: “Madonna Clarice desires
that he should come.” “And I desire that he should stay. They have
nought more to do with Franco once Lorenzo has given him to thee, and
I desire that thou leavest him to look after thy interests for the
income of the baths I intend for thee. Thou seest how I am robbed by
all. He has done more in the fifteen days he has been there than all
my other people since I had Cervetri.”
These words were repeated to me by my angel mistress and lady, who has
doubtless wept more than once with Madonna Baccia over my coming to
stay here, for Madonna Baccia writes that she talks of me and calls
me every hour. Were it not for this and for the thought of him there,
who is my soul and my heart, of whom I think in all my tribulations
so that by the true God, Ser Piero, melancholy then flies from me and
my heart is so consoled that my soul is kept in my body. Otherwise
I should have died a hundred times. Enough. I might go on and tell
that every day I hear how my lord praises me, and I hope from these
baths to get great honour, &c., and a hundred other expectations from
friends and models made in Rome. But as I do not want to break thy
head I skip: enough that I have let off a little bile; I wanted to
tell thee something about my life. I have been here at the baths of
Stigliano since March 12th, saving the few days Madonna Clarice sent
for me as I said; and have already arranged the baths Tuscan fashion.
The rooms are disgusting, Bagno a Morba is a Careggi in comparison;
the air is accursed, the men are like Turks; everything as bad as can
be. Day and night I have to struggle with _bravi_, with soldiers,
with swindlers, with venomous dogs, with lepers, with Jews, with
madmen, with thieves, and with Romans. Now I run to the cook, now
to the baker, then to the tavern, then to clients in the inns; then
I argue with the discontented, with the sick in the hospital, then
with the pedlar, then with the grocer, then with the chemist; then I
go to the washerwoman, then to the grooms, then to the courier, then
to the doctor, then to the priest. For I have transported all these
people here; there were but bare walls and only half of them standing.
In short I have had to bring from the smallest to the largest thing
which may be needful for perhaps ten thousand people into this forest,
so that every man may have, by paying, every convenience he wants. And
I am alone to manage all. During this month of May never a day has
passed but there have been a hundred or a hundred and fifty persons;
rooms, beds, even the courtyard, all are full, and some days there
have been more than three hundred. Most of them stay three days and
then go; and I have to receive them all, to see to their food, to
provide what they want and have not brought with them, grass, oats,
hay, in short, everything. For all this they have to pay me, so I
hope to glean more than four hundred ducats for Madonna Maddalena if
God gives me health. With cooks, innkeepers, bakers and so on, I have
about twenty-five men in my pay; and if you could see your Franco
in this tempest and purgatory and whirl, host of this great inn of
the devil, by God you would pity him. They comfort me by saying that
Christ must wish me well if I escape without a beating, a knife in my
ribs, a quarrel, or an illness, for no one has ever returned whole
from here, God be praised for His mercies. Yet I am of good cheer and
have such faith in my fair dealing that I hope to do myself honour, if
it pleases God. Till now I have pocketed about a hundred ducats, and
all sorts and conditions of men have come. If I have not gained with
the bad ones I have not lost; most went away contented. From those of
the better sort, couriers, gentlemen, and the like, I think I have
gained affection and esteem, for since they returned to Rome they have
written to me and sent me presents. Some day I hope to find a great
joy, I even hope in the ---- of Lucifer the Great, serving for the
love of God, of Lorenzo and of what is his. _Vale._--May 6, 1488.
Your Franco, fighting at the Baths of Stigliano.[350]
The rejoicings for Piero’s marriage were suddenly turned to mourning.
Lorenzo’s second daughter Luisa, betrothed to her cousin Giovanni, of
the junior branch of the Medici, died at the age of sixteen, so bride
and bridegroom went to Careggi without entering Florence. Early in
June, however, a magnificent banquet was given in honour of Alfonsina,
to which all the foreign ambassadors and the chief citizens of the
city were invited. Soon afterwards arrived Francesco Cibò, and for the
first time since the Pazzi conspiracy in 1478 the day of S. Giovanni
(24th June) was again celebrated with great magnificence. The peasants
flocked into Florence to see the Pope’s son, husband of the gentle
Maddalena, and the crowd saluted him with loud cries of “_Cibò e
Palle_.” Serdonati’s account of Lorenzo’s home life, apropos of these
festivities, is interesting.
“When in 1488 Francesco went to Florence to celebrate his marriage
he took many knights and noble persons with him, the flower of the
Roman nobility. He was received with great splendour and lodged with
all his people right royally. But soon Lorenzo, taking pleasure in
seeing his son-in-law familiarly, or perchance thinking to gain still
more the Pope’s benevolence, continually invited him to dine at his
house without ceremony, or as we say _alla casalinga_. Now it appears
that the Florentines are generally held to be chary of spending
their money, so he thought that those gentlemen who had accompanied
him to honour his wedding might be treated in like manner, and was
sore troubled, fearing that the city of Florence and his relations
would be held up to ridicule afterwards in Rome. Afraid to hear
what he did not wish, he dared not ask how they fared. But one day
a Roman gentleman who was intimate with him saw how full of thought
he was and asked the reason. He answered that although he knew his
father-in-law Lorenzo was a man of great reputation and worth, yet he
felt mortified, because on account of the usage of the city or for
some other reason his friends were treated in too homely a fashion. He
was therefore pained, but it might be remedied by a speedy departure,
and in Rome he would indemnify them for any discomforts or annoyances
they had undergone. The cavalier, astonished, replied that had the
Pope himself been lodged as they were he could not have complained, or
been more magnificently entertained, cared for, served and honoured,
and that no one could desire more. So delighted was Francesco to
hear this that he could not contain himself and recounted all to his
father-in-law, who with great urbanity replied that children, among
whom he now reckoned Francesco, and strangers and noble persons, such
as had accompanied him, were to be treated differently; the latter
with all magnificence, partly for their own merits, partly out of
respect for him and to do him honour; but that between him and his
own children he had made no difference. This gave much pleasure and
satisfaction to Francesco and greatly pleased the Pope when he heard
of it, and all admired the wisdom and prudence of Lorenzo in all
things both public and private.”[351]
Messer Aldrovandini, _Ambassador from Ferrara to the Florentine
Republic, to the_ Duke Ercole d’Este
I have seen Pier Filippo Pandolfini twice, who is the heart of Lorenzo
in the Council and the first citizen of Florence ... to tell him
according to your Excellency’s instructions that we will do anything
rather than break with Milan. He replied that they would never commit
the error of breaking, but _etiam_ that they would never consent to
anything that would dishonour or disgrace this city. Florence, he
said, is neither Cremona nor Pavia, which are subject to the State of
Milan, and he thought Milan wished to treat the Florentines as though
they were her subjects ... and that now this Signoria [Florence] had
reconquered Piancaldoli[352] they would never give it up.--Florence,
May 15, 1488.[353]
... The Illustrious Signori Eight sent for me to-day; with them was
the Magnificent Lorenzo and several citizens, and they told me the
news from Faenza. The imprisonment of Messer Giovanni [Bentivoglio]
and of Madonna, the death of Count Giampiero del Bergamino [Captain
of the Milanese troops], and that the people insisted that the son of
Messer Galeotto should be installed as their Lord under the protection
of Florence. The Eight had already recalled their Commissary who had
been sent to Castrocaro and he had arrived at Faenza. This Illustrious
Signoria has decided to accept the guardianship and protection of the
State of Faenza for the ward, son of Messer Galeotto, and has thus
written, and has ordered troops to march towards Faenza, &c.[354]
I fear, Illustrious Lord, that this year is the beginning of the
thirteen disastrous months. All the condottieri who had been dismissed
by this Illustrious Signoria they now show a desire to re-engage,
indeed they have already begun to do so. My own feeling is that never
was a greater need of attempting a reconciliation between the State of
Milan and this Illustrious Signoria, and Your Excellency must strip to
your shirt and use all your wisdom. It is a fact that Messer Galeotto
was a soldier and a _raccomandato_ (under the protection) of this
Signoria, and to them belongs the guardianship of the State and the
boy more than to others, particularly as the people themselves demand
it.--Florence, June 5, 1488.[355]
... Yesterday I was with the Magnificent Lorenzo in S. Liberata [the
cathedral] for full two hours talking about setting the Magnificent
Messer Giovanni at liberty. His Magnificence replied that Your
Excellency could write to and treat with this Signoria as you
pleased, and also with His Magnificence, but that he had warned
Madonna Ginevra [wife of Giovanni Bentivoglio] to abstain from begging
others to intercede for his liberation; hinting broadly to me that
Messer Lodovico [Sforza] should not be asked to interfere ... that
until matters were arranged at Faenza Messer Giovanni must take
patience, as this Signoria would support the people of Faenza until
everything was in order.[356]
This morning the Illustrious Eight sent for me to announce that the
citadel of Faenza had been given up by the governor and _etiam_ the
departure of Madonna Francesca.--Florence, June 9, 1488.[357]
... After the Magnificent Lorenzo had seen Messer Giovanni
[Bentivoglio], who had been set at liberty and was in Florence, I went
to hear what had passed between them. His Magnificence told me there
had been much talk and that all the linen had been washed clean. It
seemed to him that Messer Giovanni was quite satisfied and bore no
rancour against this city or against himself, and had promised to
represent matters to Milan so that nothing more would be said about
Faenza.... At daylight the Magnificent Lorenzo left to take the baths
at Villa (Filetta). His wife is very ill,[358] and there is no hope of
her recovery.--Florence, July 21, 1488....[359]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Pope Innocent VIII.
_Sanctissime ac Beatissime Pater post Pedum oscula Beatorum
Vestrorum_,--Too often am I obliged to trouble and worry Your
Beatitude with accidents sent by fortune and divine interposition,
which as they are not to be resisted must be borne with patience.
But the death of Clarice, which has just occurred, my most dear and
beloved wife, has been and is so prejudicial, so great a loss, and
such a grief to me for many reasons, that it has exhausted my patience
and my power of enduring anguish, and the persecution of fortune,
which I did not think would have made me suffer thus. The deprivation
of such habitual and such sweet company has filled my cup and has made
me so miserable that I can find no peace. Nought is left but to pray
God that He may give me peace, and I have faith that in His infinite
love He will alleviate my sorrow and not overwhelm me with so many
disasters as I have endured during these last years. I humbly beg Your
Beatitude with all my heart to pray for me as I know how efficacious
are such prayers. I commend myself and place myself at Your Holy
Feet.--Filetta, July 31, 1488. Your devoted servant,
Laurentius de Medicis.[360]
Messer Aldrovandini, _Ambassador to the Republic of Florence, to the_
Duke Ercole d’Este
... I wrote that Madonna Clarice was ill, she died three days ago,
but I did not send the news at once as it did not seem to me of much
importance. Now that I am despatching the courier with letters from
Naples I inform Your Excellency. She died last Wednesday at 24 of
the clock and was buried without pomp that evening. The Magnificent
Lorenzo is at Filetta taking the waters and the baths and the doctors
advise him strongly not to come to Florence, also his friends have
written to persuade him to remain and finish his cure, and this he
will do. To-day, according to the custom here, the funeral service
will take place at 21 of the clock. The whole city and the ambassadors
of H.M., of Milan, and myself, have been invited. But before I
received the invitation I went with the Milanese ambassador to the
house of the Magnificent Lorenzo, and we condoled with Piero, the
Magnificent’s eldest son, in the names of our Lords in such words as
seemed fitted to the occasion.--Florence, August 1, 1488.[361]
Lorenzo’s grief for the loss of Clarice, to whom he was sincerely
but not passionately attached, was mitigated by the information that
his heart’s desire--the nomination of his second son Giovanni, a boy
of fourteen, to the cardinalate--would not be long delayed. The lad
was already abbot of Font Doulce, in the gift of the King of France,
of Passignano in Tuscany bestowed on him by the Pope, of Miramondo
given by Lodovico il Moro, and of the great abbey of Monte Cassino _in
commendam_ given to him by Ferrante, King of Naples. Innocent VIII.
had declared he would make no cardinals under the age of thirty, but
in March 1489 he yielded to Lorenzo’s entreaties, on the understanding
that the nomination was to be kept secret for three years, and was
exceedingly irate when it was divulged.
Messer Aldrovandini, _Ambassador of Ferrara to the Republic of
Florence, to_ Duke Ercole d’Este
... Some Corsicans on the pretence of buying wheat from the Castellan
of Monte-acute, a castle in the Maremma belonging to Siena, entered
in, slew the Castellan and seized the castle. The Sienese have sent a
Commissary with troops, and have applied for help to the Signoria of
Florence, who have ordered the Count of Pitigliano, their captain, to
send his men to the aid of the Sienese--January 10, 1489.[362]
... A courier has just arrived from the Count of Pitigliano to the
Magnificent Lorenzo stating that his son has bought the castle of
Monte-acuto from the Corsicans who had taken it, and he begs that his
son, not being a soldier in the pay of this Illustrious Signoria,
may be allowed to keep it, because together with many others in that
district it once was the property of his ancestors. Also that when his
own engagement ceases at the end of February he intends to recuperate
the others which are held by Siena. I wished to know how things
really stood from the Magnificent Lorenzo, and he assured me that the
engagement of the Count of Pitigliano would be prolonged and that he
will give up the castle. And this I believe....--Florence, January 21,
1489.[363]
Stefano, _a trusted servant of Piero de’ Medici_, _to_ Lorenzo de’
Medici
Magnificent Lorenzo,--In my letter of yesterday evening I described
the entry of Madonna the Duchess.[364] Now I tell you of the marriage.
This morning we attended the marriage mass in the cathedral, a most
beautiful and splendid ceremony as Your Magnificence will understand
after reading this. First all the Court and the guests assembled at
the castle. At 15 of the clock the Duke, my Lord Lodovico, the Barons
and other gentlemen, went to fetch Madonna the Duchess, and they all
mounted and left the castle in pairs. At the door was a canopy of
white damask emblazoned with the Duke’s arms, borne by forty doctors
all dressed in crimson satin with certain fur round their necks, and
their caps were also garnished with the same fur. Their Excellencies
the Duke and Madonna rode side by side to the Duomo under the canopy.
The mass was sung by the Duke’s choristers and celebrated by the
Bishop of Piacenza, and at the close the Bishop of Sanseverino gave
an appropriate address. Then the Duke gave the ring to the Duchess.
When all was finished the Illustrious Lord Duke knighted our Piero
Allamanni[365] and the Magnificent Bartolomeo Calcho, and bestowed on
Piero a robe of golden brocade as rich and beautiful as can be. Truly
a most honourable act. Messer Galeazzo and the Count di Cajaza buckled
on the spurs and the swords. Then the whole company mounted and
returned to the castle with great rejoicing and pomp. It is calculated
there were about five hundred horses. Thirty-five divers Orders of
friars and priests preceded the procession to the Duomo; sixty knights
clothed in gold brocade with their collars; fifty women, twenty-eight
were dressed in gold brocade with pearls, jewels, and fine necklaces;
sixty-two trumpeters, and twelve fifers. The distance from the castle
to the Duomo is 1200 paces and it was all covered in with white cloth,
and the walls on either side were hung with tapestry and festoons
of juniper and orange. Nothing finer was ever seen. All the doors
and windows were crowded with women and girls splendidly dressed,
and to avoid any crush or tumult all the streets leading into this
principal one were barred, while at every corner stood ten or twelve
guards. In the cathedral square were stationed two hundred Stradiots
(Greek troops) and crossbow-men on horseback. Everything was so well
managed that there was not the slightest disorder, a marvellous thing
considering the innumerable multitude of people in this city. It is
true that there was great rigour about bearing arms; no one, save our
own people who always went armed, were allowed to carry weapons.
His Excellency the Duke had a vest of raised gold brocade, richer and
finer than can be described, in his cap was a diamond ornament with
a pearl bigger than a hazelnut, quite round, of great value. On his
breast was a pendant with a ruby and a diamond above it, truly a most
admirable thing.
Her Excellency the Duchess also wore brocade, and on her head was a
garland of pearls with very fine jewels. There were many other women
most richly dressed, but I do not write their names because I do not
know them.
Messer Annibale had a robe of golden brocade with stripes of black
velvet and where it opened on his breast was an eagle in pearls which
made a good show, though it was not costly, but rather what one would
call pretty.
The Lords Lodovico and Galeotto, the Lord Ridolfo and the rest of the
Sforza family were dressed in brocade, and it is calculated that there
were some three hundred thus clothed in silver and gold. Of velvet and
satin I do not speak because even the cooks wore them.
The robe of our Piero with the bough embroidered on it[366] was much
admired and according to my thinking eclipsed all the others. To-day
their Excellencies sent for him, being desirous to see and examine it,
and indeed every one was loud in their praise. I know I have written
confusedly and without any order: by word of mouth if it pleases God,
we will enter into detail with more leisure than I now have, as I must
ride with Piero to Court. I have no more to say save that I commend
myself to Your Magnificence.--Milan, February 2, 1488 (1489).[367]
Petrus Bonus Avogarius, _artium et medicinæ doctor, to_ Lorenzo de’
Medici
_Magnifice ac poteus domine domine mi singularissime salutem
perpetuam_, &c.,--I have received the letter Your Magnificence sent
me through the Magnificent Aldovrandini, ambassador of the Duke of
Ferrara, and have understood what Your Magnificence writes about the
remedy you desire, for _in doloribus juncturarum_, entering into
details, and when and how, &c. To begin with, _ante omnium_ Your
Magnificence must be purged before the beginning of spring--that is,
before the middle of March. Then if pains are felt the part is to be
rubbed with the ointment made according to the recipe I have given
to Messer Aldovrandini, which he will send to Your Magnificence. The
pains will then cease, but should they return, and even if they do not
return, some medicine must be taken to carry off the offending matter.
My medicine is a conserve made up in solid form called _ellescof_,
half an ounce is to be taken at sunrise once a month, particularly
when Your Magnificence feels any pain. In order to prevent the return
of these pains you must get a stone called sapphire, and have it
set in gold, so that it should touch the skin. This must be worn on
the third finger of the left hand. If this is done the pains in the
joints, or gouty pains, will cease, because that stone has occult
virtues, and the specific one of preventing evil humours going to the
joints: _ego autem hoc expertus sum in me. Est enim divina res et
miraculosa._ Afterwards in the summer, in the month of August, I will
find celandine, which is a red stone that grows in the stomach of the
swallow. I will send it to Your Magnificence to be tied in a piece of
linen and sewn in your shirt under the left breast at the nipple. This
will have the same effect as the sapphire afore-mentioned, and thus
_Deo Duce_ Your Magnificence will be freed of and secure from every
pain in the joints. Messer Aldovrandini will see Your Magnificence,
and tell you fully about it. In order that Your Magnificence should be
acquainted with the future I send you herein enclosed my forecast for
the year 1488, and commend myself a thousand times to Your Excellency
whom may God keep in perfect health.--Ferrara, February 11, 1488
(1489).[368]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Piero Alamanni, _Florentine Ambassador at Rome_
Thanks be to God for the good news which I received yester morning at
nine from our Messer Giovanni [Tornabuoni]. It seems to me all the
greater because I expected less, and it is so far more than I deserve,
and so difficult of attainment, that it appeared almost impossible. I
have, indeed, reason ever gratefully to remember him who has worked so
hard, and I shall leave my gratitude recorded for those who come after
me, as this is the greatest honour that has ever befallen our house.
Let it suffice to you that I know this; most assuredly more than
three-fourths are due to your diligence, industry, and affection. But
we will speak of this another time. To the Holy Father I have written
a letter which is enclosed. I also write to Bala [Cardinal La Balue]
and Ascanio [Cardinal Sforza], the only ones from whom as yet I have
had letters. From you I expect full details about various things which
are mentioned below. I know not if our Holy Father was displeased at
the demonstrations of joy which were universal here. Never have I seen
more true and general rejoicing. Much more would have been done, only
I forbade it, but this I could not prevent. I say this, because Messer
Giovanni’s promotion being secret these demonstrations seemed contrary
to the intention, but it was a thing of such public notoriety in Rome
that people here can hardly be blamed for following the example set
there, and I could not refuse to accept the congratulations of all
these citizens, down to the very poorest. If it was unseemly it was
impossible to prevent, and I should be glad if you can explain this.
Also I much wish to know how to order Messer Giovanni’s future life;
how he is to dress, and what household he is to have, for I do not
desire to repay so great a boon by doing anything against the wishes
of our Holy Father. Meanwhile Messer Giovanni is in our house,
which has been full of people since yesterday. Let me know therefore
what I am to do. Also if he has occasion to write how is he to sign,
and what seal is he to use? About the Bull I know you will take all
precautions, and send it to me for the satisfaction of our friends.
I send you herein his height, but he seems to me to have grown since
yesterday, and to have changed. I trust to God that he will do honour
to all your labour, and that our Holy Father will every day be better
pleased with him. I wait to know whether I am to send Piero as I
wrote, for to me it seems this great gift demands that I should come
in person. I shall follow your advice in everything.--[March 14,
1489].[369]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Innocent VIII.
With the greatest reverence I have received a Brief from Your Sanctity
of the 9th, in which you deign to acquaint me of the promotion of
Messer Giovanni (to the Cardinalate). Having already heard of it
through our ambassador I wrote at once with my own hand to Your
Holiness, rather to confess my inability to give adequate thanks than
to demonstrate my gratitude; our Lord God can do that better than I.
For a long time Your Sanctity has had the disposal of myself and of
all I possess, so I can only add this great gift to the other benefits
bestowed on Messer Giovanni, whom I give to Your Holiness as a thing
belonging to Your Holiness. Whatever I have or shall have will always
be more Your Holiness’ than mine. As to keeping this affair secret I
should be much distressed if the knowledge of it had been made public
by me. But Your Holiness may rest assured that it was immediately
known in Rome, and then divulged by letters to people here, so that
every one came to congratulate me. I can affirm that the news was
not published by me, nor did I cause any demonstration of joy to
be made. In any case, whether by my fault or not, I am extremely
distressed that Your Holiness should have experienced any annoyance,
and can only promise in the future to carry out to the letter any
commands Your Holiness deigns to give me. I entreat Your Holiness to
make Your wishes known to me, of which I shall be the faithful and
diligent executor, not only in this, but in all things, for no one is
more bound to obey Your Holiness. I commend myself humbly at the Holy
Feet of Your Beatitude.--Florence, March 14, 1488 (1489). _Humilis
Servitor_,
Laurentius de Medicis.[370]
Manfredo di Manfredi (_a new Ferrarese Ambassador_) _to_ Duke Ercole
d’Este
... This evening about one of the night, the Magnificent Lorenzo and
the Illustrious Eight sent to tell me the good news that that blessed
Monte-acuto has been given up....--Florence, April 8, 1489.[371]
... The Count of Pitigliano will be dismissed because this Signoria
and the Magnificent Lorenzo are very irate at the obstinacy he has
shown about giving up Monte-acuto.... It seems that Jacopo Conti will
be named in his stead.... The Magnificent Lorenzo is a man who does
not waste many words, and tells his intentions to no one until he is
sure of obtaining what he wants. He never says four until he has it
safe in a sack....--Florence, April 25, 1489.[372]
Yesterday two men taken at Firenzuola were brought here, one named
Raimo da Gaeta, the other Vincenzo Ragonora; the report is that they
were going to the baths where the Magnificent Lorenzo now is, in
order to poison or murder him. It is said they were sent by H.M. the
King of Naples or by the Duke of Calabria, although it is affirmed
that they have been some time at Bologna. Some hold the report to be
unfounded and that these men came for another purpose. Nevertheless
they have been subjected to such a stringent examination that it has
raised suspicions among the ambassadors. They were examined by the
principal citizens, relations, and intimate friends of the Magnificent
Lorenzo.... This evening I hear that a horseman arrived from Messer
Giovanni Bentivoglio, and I have found out that he was sent to the
King’s ambassador by the said Messer Giovanni, who anxiously begs H.M.
to take steps for the release of these prisoners; the King has written
to say that about six months ago they were sent to him by the Duke of
Calabria with a request that they might be engaged in his army, and he
bids the ambassador to see that they are set free, being soldiers of
the Duke of Calabria and in his pay.--Florence, May 18, 1489.[373]
... Why these men were imprisoned and the results of their examination
have been kept so secret that no one can find out anything. But
Raimo da Gaeta has, they say, been tortured, so is in anguish and
despair....--Florence, May 29, 1489.[374]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Pope Innocent VIII.
My ambassador has written to tell me that at last by the kindness of
Your Holiness the contract of the alum works has been awarded to me,
for this I owe infinite thanks to Your Holiness who has thus added
another to the many obligations I already owe, and hope to enjoy in
the future from the liberality and kindness of Your Beatitude. I am
exceedingly grateful for and pleased by the paternal charity shown
to me every day by Your Holiness, and should be yet more happy did I
not hear that Your Holiness has been suffering from gout and slight
fever. Although the attack is not a severe one, still, depending
as I do on Your Holiness, and Your Holiness’ life being of such
importance, I cannot but feel uneasy even at a small indisposition,
particularly as these attacks come oftener than one could wish. Your
Holiness can rest assured that even as S. Francis by reason of his
stigmate felt the pain of the wounds of Jesus Christ, thus do I feel
every pain and ill suffered by Your Holiness in my own person and am
much molested thereby. Among other things the condition of our Ser
Francesco[375] touches me deeply, as well as that of other dependants
of Your Holiness, who by reason of the uprightness and honesty of Your
Beatitude may be said to be still fasting and to have had but a small
share of the great good fortune which our Lord God has so worthily
bestowed on Your Holiness. Should anything happen to Your Holiness,
_quod absit_, the sepulchre will open also for them. Although I feel
compassion for them all I am more moved by what ought to touch Your
Holiness more nearly than myself, and that is the sad condition of
poor Ser Francesco, who in the five years of the pontificate of Your
Holiness has never yet had anything he can call his own. Your Holiness
is the best judge of what support he enjoys in the Sacred College and
what office, dignity or means, he has to enable him to live, even
poorly. If Your Holiness studies the lives of other Popes you will see
that there are but few who during five years of pontifical rule, and
some in even less time, have not manifested their intention of acting
as a Pope, and have not shown the respect for honesty and uprightness
displayed by Your Holiness, which is justified before God and man.
But speaking as a devoted servant, this honesty might now be imputed
and attributed to another motive. Maybe I appear presumptuous, but
zeal and the duty I owe to Your Holiness so touch my conscience that
I must speak thus openly and remind Your Holiness that all men are
mortal, and that a Pope is what he wills to be; he cannot leave the
Papacy as a heritage and can only call his own the honours, the glory
and the benefits, he gives to his family. The prudence, experience
and long acquaintance Your Sanctity has of a court, will I am sure
without words from me, recall to Your Holiness what always happens to
the fortune and inheritance of popes, and seeing that Ser Francesco
and the others of Your Holiness’ family are as yet not to be envied
but rather merit compassion, Your Sanctity ought to follow the example
of Your Holiness’ predecessors and place them in such a position
that they should have no need of others, particularly as whatever is
bestowed on them does not diminish the substance of Your Holiness and
is not lost or thrown away. Briefly, with all humility, I entreat
Your Sanctity at last to begin and act as a Pope with regard to the
family of Your Holiness and not to trust so much in posterity and good
health, which can only retard the fulfilment of what Your Holiness
intends to do for them. Delay might perhaps prevent this being
accomplished. Especially do I recommend Your and my Ser Francesco and
the Lady Maddalena, who pray that God may grant Your Holiness a long
life in order that their affairs may be properly adjusted, and when
better arranged they will give thanks to God and to Your Holiness,
and have reason to remember and to bless the day when Your Sanctity
was called to the honours and dignity of the pontificate. It is time,
Holy Father, to liberate these Holy Fathers from limbo, so that it
may not happen to them as to the Jews who awaited the Messiah. I beg
Your Holiness’ pardon with all humility and reverence for this my
presumption only caused by reasons which I am sure Your Holiness will
appreciate, and I place myself humbly at Your most holy feet.--1489.
_Humilis Servitor_,
Laurentius de Medicis.[376]
A Manager of the Medici Bank _to the_ Duke Ercole d’Este
To the Illustrious Duke Ercole, &c.
According to the usual custom and rule we advise you that to-day the
Magnificent Lorenzo has lent Pope Innocent 100,000 ducats for a year;
one-third in cash, one-third in silk goods, and one-third in woollen
cloth. As surety he has two-tenths on the stipends of all newly
appointed priests, 70,000 ducats, and for the rest he will hold Città
di Castello until entirely repaid.
I give you another piece of news: Pope Innocent has given the
Magnificent Lorenzo 30,000 cántara of alum at 1 ducat the cántaro
as payment of what was owing to him by Pope Sixtus, the 40,000 he
received for the war, which is good news.--Florence, 1489. Your
servant and particular partisan,
B. Des. of the Medici Bank.[377]
It appears that Lorenzo’s share in the bank was one-half, the other
half belonged to various partners. The Duke of Ferrara wrote on the
20th December 1489 to Giuliano Gondi announcing that he had arranged
a marriage for his daughter Isabella with the Marquess of Mantua on
the 16th February 1490, and begged for a spinel ruby which was in pawn
for 4000 ducats with the Magnificent Lorenzo & Co. in order to wear it
during the festivities. He also wrote to Lorenzo asking that the ruby
might be sent, saying that he could not pay the money at that moment.
But Lorenzo answered that he could only promise for the half as the
other belonged to various merchants. So the Duke again wrote to Gondi
and asked him to go surety for him for 2000 ducats repayable in April
1492, guaranteed on the salt mines of Modena, &c. Lorenzo was also a
partner in the bank at Lyons with Francesco Sassetti and others, of
which the manager was Leonetto de’ Rossi, husband of Maria de’ Medici,
Lorenzo’s sister. Machiavelli’s statement that Lorenzo had nothing to
do with the bank is contradicted by the above letter.
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Giovanni Lanfredini, _Florentine Ambassador at
Rome_
The Count della Mirandola is here leading a most saintly life, like a
monk. He has been and is now occupied in writing admirable theological
works: commentaries and Psalms; and other excellent books on theology.
He recites the ordinary priest’s office, observes all fasts and
absolute chastity: has but a small retinue and lives quite simply
with only what is necessary. To me he appears an example to other
men. He is anxious to be absolved from what little contumacy is still
attributed to him by the Holy Father and to have a Brief by which His
Holiness accepts him as a son and a good Christian, he persevering
in a Christian life. I greatly desire that this satisfaction should
be given to him, for there are few men I love better or esteem more.
I feel certain that he is a devout and faithful Christian, and his
conduct is such that the whole city would vouch for him. Do all you
can to obtain this Brief in such a form that it may content his
conscience. This would be not less agreeable to me than any one
of the many services you have rendered, and for which I am most
grateful.--June 19, 1489.[378]
Lorenzo de’ Medici, _from the Baths of Spedaletto_, _to his daughter_
Contessina
My dear little Contessina,--As I hear that every hour thou askest
after me, how I am, and when I am coming back, I write to tell thee
that thanks be to God I am very well, and have improved ever since
my departure. These continued baths suit me excellently. So that I
hope, if it pleases God, to return as full of health as ever I was.
I shall leave very soon and come back to see thee. Let me find
thee well and happy and meanwhile pray to God for me. Be very nice
to Alfonsina [Orsini, wife of Piero, Lorenzo’s eldest son] and keep
her company; tell her from me to take great care of the baby. I hear
that Monsignore [Giovanni] and the other children have gone away,
they have done ill to leave thee thus alone, but I shall be back
soon and stay with thee, and they can remain at the villa at their
pleasure.--Spedaletto on the last day of July, 1489.
Greet thy Piero and Niccolò and all the others from me when thou seest
them.[379]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Giovanni Lanfredini, _Florentine Ambassador at
Rome_
To my great vexation I hear how this work of Mirandola’s is abused,
and were I not sure that such persecution is dictated solely by envy
and malignity, by my faith, I should not mention it. The book has
been examined by all the most learned priests here, well-known men of
saintly life, and has been highly approved of by them as a Christian
and a marvellous work. I am not so bad a Christian as to remain silent
or to encourage him if I thought otherwise. I am certain that if he
recited the _Credo_ those spiteful men would say it was rank heresy.
If His Holiness had the intelligence to understand this and was not
too busy, I am sure these accusations would fall to the ground and
truth would prevail; but he is obliged to trust to others. This poor
man is unable to defend himself because they say his premises are
against His Holiness. If he had to contend with them only without the
authority of the Pope to back them I am sure he would soon silence
them. It is his misfortune to have to submit to the judgment of
ignorant and malicious men who use the Pope as a shield. I have
already told you that I believe all this is done with the intent to
drive him to despair and cause him to lose his head so that eventually
he should turn against the Pope; for believe me, Giovanni, he is
one who could commit either great evil or great good. His life and
character demonstrate this. If they drive him into another path I
shall lose little, as I know that wherever he may be he will always
bear me goodwill because of my great affection for him. I have never
been able to make you understand this; and without entering into
details, which I cannot do, I must tell you he has been sorely tempted
by something which might raise a great scandal, and I have always
stopped him. Latterly he has been leading a saintly life here, and his
mind is at rest. These devils with their persecutions will tempt him.
People place far too much faith in them. In short I can only grieve
over all this and beg you again to use all your cleverness in order to
arrange matters, for you have no idea how it vexes and irritates me.
If you knew how much, you would never rest until you have taken it off
my mind.--October 1489.[380]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Monseigneur d’Argenton (Philippe de Comines)
My illustrious Lord,--I have received a letter from Your Seigneury
by the same hand that takes this, and am extremely concerned at
the displeasure you express about the last account sent in by
Cosimo Saxetti [Sassetti, head of the Medici bank at Lyons] to Your
Seigneury. It would afflict me still more if I thought that this
might cause you to doubt my gratitude towards Your Seigneury, to
whom I am so much beholden in infinite ways, that I should indeed
deserve to be called a most ungrateful man if I did not repay you
the money I owe for the many benefits received from Your Seigneury
in adversity and in prosperity. But after a strict examination of
my conscience I can assure Your Seigneury that neither I nor any of
my house will ever forget this. If therefore anything Cosimo Saxetti
has said about Your Seigneury’s participation has given such an
impression I should be deeply grieved, as it would be the reverse
of the truth and of my intentions. I confess that for some time, as
Your Seigneury well knows, the losses of our bank at Lyons have been
so considerable that it has been impossible to conceal them, or to
avoid lamenting over them with those who, like Your Seigneury, have
been and are masters of what is mine. The aforesaid Cosimo has thus
perhaps annoyed Your Seigneury, but you may be certain that I would
never raise any question as to a statement of yours, either what you
now write or at any future time. Your Seigneury can freely dispose not
only of the entire sum which you mention as being a matter of dispute
between Your Seigneury and Cosimo, but of everything I possess as
though it belonged to you. You may therefore rest assured that all
will be arranged between Your Seigneury and myself so satisfactorily
that no question will ever arise, for I set greater store on the good
graces of Your Seigneury than on the largest sum of money in the
world.--December 11, 1489.[381]
[Illustration:
_Alinari_
LORENZO DI PIERO DE’ MEDICI, AND THREE MEMBERS OF THE SASSETI FAMILY.
_In the fresco by Domenico Ghirlandaio in the Church of S. Trinità,
Florence._]
The following letter from Vettori, Florentine ambassador at Naples, and
the one from Lorenzo to Lanfredini at Rome (p. 319) show what prudence
and patience the Magnificent exercised in mediating between the Pope
and the King of Naples. Ferrante broke every obligation of his treaty
with Innocent. He exterminated the rebel Barons with ferocity, he
murdered the Papal governor and garrison of Aquila, he bestowed the
Neapolitan benefices on unworthy men without heeding the remonstrances
of the Pope, he repudiated the tribute due to the Holy See. Innocent
was very angry. He declared the Kingdom to be forfeited for non-payment
of the tribute, he threatened an interdict and, what particularly
alarmed and displeased Lorenzo, talked about foreign intervention.
Against both Lorenzo warned him, at the same time supporting him in
resisting humiliating terms. Had Lodovico Sforza been trustworthy
Lorenzo’s task might have been easier, but he significantly remarks,
“I have expressed my opinion of the Lord Lodovico and have said what
I think of him.” At length, shortly before Lorenzo’s death, peace was
concluded, Ferrante consenting to pay the tribute on condition of the
investiture of his son and grandson.
Pietro Vettori, _Florentine Ambassador at Naples, to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
Magnificent Lorenzo,--Since I wrote on the 2nd I have received yours
of February 29th, which arrived most opportunely as here they were
anxious, and suspected you had some secret understanding with the
Pope. As the King was not here I thought it better to communicate
your letter to H.E. the Duke [Alfonso of Calabria]. So yesterday I
went to Castel Nuovo and took Baccio with me, who had been summoned
here by the Duke. When he had read the letter I added that though you
knew the King and H.E. were convinced of the loyalty of ourselves and
of our city, yet it seemed to me that as these suspicions had arisen
you wished to set matters right, and that you were the same Lorenzo
you had ever been. H.E. answered he had no doubt of this. That he had
summoned Baccio in order to send him to you at Florence to inform
you of his feelings, as he liked to speak openly and desired others
to do so to him. That it was perfectly known all over Italy what
influence you had with the Pope and that the Florentine ambassador
_quodammodo_ governed at Rome. On the other hand the Pope showed great
animosity towards the Neapolitan State and had only summoned those
Spanish ambassadors in order to protest against H.M. the King and
then to publish the excommunications which were already ready. H.E.
is informed that last year and also two years ago everything was
being secretly prepared for this last blow. He appears to have some
other source of information than the usual ones. He added that his
chief occupation now was contradicting those who by word of mouth or
by letters from Rome told him that you are in league with the Pope,
and allow these things to happen, and that although neither he nor
the King believe this all Italy is convinced of it, to their great
detriment. The Pope’s behaviour shows that he is of the same opinion,
for if he thought that Milan and ourselves were what we ought to be he
would never attempt anything against this State. But one wounds him
here, another caresses him there, and between them all we, exclaimed
H.E., go to the devil. He said he would like to meet you and the Lord
Lodovico in one room and discuss matters, and did not think it would
be difficult to convince you that this our League must be united not
only in deeds but in demonstrations. That it was evident the Pope
did much for you, he had for instance made your son a cardinal at an
unheard-of age, and therefore it was thought that if you insisted
things would go differently. He then added that neither he nor the
King had heard anything about the troop of Jacopo Conti or the Count’s
dismissal, though Jacopo had written to him about this a month ago.
H.E. said it seemed as if you suspected him, though he would do all to
forward your projects. I replied it was true that the Pope showed some
regard for you and had acceded to your wishes as to the Cardinalate
and one or two other matters, but that it was possible your influence
did not extend to the affairs of H.M. the King, because although you
could do much you could not do all. Also that Your Magnificence had
been informed that H.E. had greatly encouraged the Count not to give
up Monte Agutolo, which was a blow aimed at you; so that if he heeded
not your honour and interest, he would find others do the same. He had
not yet been told of the Count’s dismissal or about Jacopo’s troop,
because they were connected together, and it was impossible to write
until affairs were settled. Owing to the disgraceful conduct of the
Count about Monte Agutolo you and all our citizens had determined
to dismiss him, and had not informed H.M. the King or H.E., as they
thought pressure might be brought to bear on them to retain him and
they did not wish to say no to H.E. I added that as H.E. loved you
he ought to be pleased if the Pope showed you any favour, because
he might be sure that if you had to choose between them you would
leave the Pope and follow H.E. That he was to consult with H.M. the
King as to the particular thing they wanted and that I was sure you
would always be ready to do anything honourable, but they must not
make vague complaints. Lorenzo does nothing because perhaps Their
Excellencies do not know exactly what they really want, or he could
not do what they desired. But that I was certain that any just and
honourable service he could render H.M. and H.E. he would do it. H.E.
replied that he would consult with H.M., and give me an answer. I see
he wants our ambassador and the ambassador of Milan to tell the Pope
that they will not tolerate any measures being taken against the King.
Then he added that he had sent a competent man to Barbary to acquire
one or two horses fit for racing, in order to send them to you; _et
alia non occurrunt_. I commend myself to you, may God grant you
felicity.--Naples, March 9, 1489 (1490).[382]
Lorenzo de’ Medici, _from Bagno San Filippo, to his son_ Piero
Piero,--Enclosed is a letter from Baccio; the bearer is the man of
whom he writes, who is passing through Florence. He seems to me clever
and one who loves to see antique things. I wish thee to show him all
those in the garden, and also what we have in the study; in short,
whatever seems best to thee, and thus to give him pleasure.--Bagno San
Filippo, May 9, 1490.[383]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to the_ Commissaries of Pistoja
Magnificent Commissaries,--Two or three days ago I wrote to Your
Magnificences about the liberation of Bastiano di Nanni, imprisoned
by you and in danger of losing his life. And although I have not
had an answer, yet considering the contents of the enclosed letter
from Ser Andrea who lives in Siena with regard to our Republic, I
have determined to write again to beg you, not in a general way but
from my heart, no longer to delay in acceding to the request of the
Magnificent Signory Of Siena, to whom I am under such obligations that
if they do not obtain their desire great blame and dishonour will fall
on me. Your Magnificences are aware that when one embarks on such an
undertaking one spares no effort to accomplish it with honour. For the
love of God deliver me from this annoyance, which is considerable, and
set the aforesaid Bastiano free according to their wish, for their
character is such that either good or great evil will result. I do
not think you will wait for another communication from me, delay will
greatly diminish the trust the Sienese have in me.--San Filippo, May
21, 1490, at midday.
Laurentius de Medicis.[384]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Ser Andrea _at Siena_
Early this morning I had your letter telling me about Dormi and the
swelling which began in his body and then settled in his right knee,
and of the remedies applied by those farriers. You were right to
have the horse doctored at once, and to write fully to me. Wait until
the day of the race [the Palio at Siena], and if the farrier and the
jockey think the horse is not in a fit state to run, we forbid his
starting as it might do him harm, and indeed injure him permanently,
even if you think he could run. I leave it to you, who being on the
spot can judge better than I can here. I am not inclined to send
another horse, we are too near the day of the race, he would arrive
tired, and do us little honour.--Florence, July 28, 1490.
Laurentius de Medicis.[385]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Giovanni Lanfredini, _Florentine Ambassador at
Rome_
Two days ago I met by chance the Count della Mirandola riding in the
outskirts of Florence. He is living very quietly in a villa near
by, immersed in his studies. He desires at last to know what his
future is to be, for having obeyed His Holiness hitherto and being
decided to obey him implicitly in the future, he wishes to have some
indication that His Holiness accepts his obedience in the form of a
Brief, whereby the Pope acknowledges him as an obedient son and a
good Christian, which I believe him to be. Among other proofs of this
he has converted a young Jew who has been translating for him from
the Hebrew language, of which he is a perfect master, whom he has
persuaded to become a Christian. This is not the act of a heretic.
I much desire that for the honour of His Holiness and for my own
satisfaction this matter should be finished, and that the virtue and
goodness of the said Count Giovanni should have as great a weight
as the calumnies and suggestions of others. By nature he is devoted
to His Holiness and does not dwell on what is past. Once delivered
from this contumacy he will be the partisan and faithful servant of
His Holiness, who to my thinking will thereby gain much.--August 11,
1490.[386]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Giovanni Lanfredini, _Florentine Ambassador at
Rome_
By your letter of the 13th I understand that the Pope has taken
umbrage at the note presented by you, so do not proceed further with
it. Anything that vexes His Sanctity annoys me, and I should be very
sorry if he thought that any act or word of mine was not dictated
by a desire for the good of His Holiness. You can assure him that
I am always his servant and shall ever be. If I advised moderation
in these proceedings against the King [of Naples] I only did so for
the aforesaid reasons. As I wrote the other day, it seems to me
necessary that His Holiness should decide on following one of three
paths: either enforce his will by war against the King, or come to
some agreement, or, if an honourable agreement is not possible, to
temporise and wait for better times. The first would be the most
honourable, but I conceive dangerous and very costly; indeed I do not
think it possible unless the Neapolitan dynasty is changed. For this,
according to my views, three things are necessary: either Venice or
Milan must be a party to the enterprise, or the new ruler must be
strong and well supplied with men and money, or the Holy Father must
prepare to assert himself without stint of money or other things, to
carry the thing through. It is indispensable that the Pope and the
new ruler, whoever he may be, should be stronger than the King alone,
supposing always that Venice adheres and would prevent Milan from
helping the King. If they were understood with the Neapolitan Barons,
or other such small folk, so much the better. I may be mistaken as to
the first proposition when I dissuaded His Holiness from following
it, but the state of things does not seem to me propitious. Perhaps
I am not enough versed in all the secrets and therefore see and
anticipate wrongly. His Holiness must have some promises or hopes, for
the choice lies between Spain and France. Spain does not appear to me
strong enough, particularly as regards money. What reliance is to be
placed on France, seeing the French nature, I know not. Supposing she
changed her nature I should agree with our Holy Father that it would
be the best solution, for there would be less danger in augmenting the
power of one of the house of Lorraine than of Spain, for the Duke of
Lorraine is not King of France and we see by experience that the King
of Naples is far more influenced by Spain than the Duke of Lorraine is
by France. It is true the Kings of Naples and Spain are not friends,
and that whoever is King of Naples would work for his own hand. For
all these reasons, although there may be others I do not understand,
I cannot advise the Pope to undertake such an enterprise now; and
in that case it is unwise to exasperate the King with citations and
other threats. Even were His Holiness fully prepared to go forward I
think he ought to avoid the slightest sign of ill-will, in order not
to incur any danger from what the King might say or do. This danger
seems to me to exist, therefore he would do better to dissimulate
and make secret preparations, than to show anger before being ready
to strike, which would only give an opportunity to others to make
ready and to attack. So for every reason in the first proposition I
do not think it wise to cite the King. As to the second I may also be
mistaken, because conditions may have been proposed of which I am not
aware, and which may be rendered feasible by this very citation, if
the affair is matured and almost settled. In this case the assumption
of superiority may help to decide matters. But if there is nothing
more than I know the affair seems embittered and not at all easy of
solution; therefore such methods might lead to a scandal or even
to an open rupture, instead of to an agreement. The advantages of
temporising cannot, I think, be denied. There can be no doubt that
it is better to arrange matters, having due regard to the reputation
of His Holiness, than to tempt fortune; for you know better than I
do that the King can do much harm. But, as I said before, I do not
know enough about these matters so cannot say more. If the Pope has
good reasons for his fearless attitude let me know them to relieve my
mind, for though not of a timid nature I am far more anxious about
his affairs than about my own, because of the trust he reposes in
me. If His Holiness is satisfied, I have such faith in his prudence
and authority that I shall be tranquillised. But until I hear these
reasons I confess that I am uneasy. For the love of God let me know,
as I do not feel at all well. The Pope must not on any account imagine
that I think, do, or act, in any way against his interests, for the
benefits I have received from His Holiness, and those I hope for,
derive from his power and reputation. My opinion of the Lord Lodovico
I have expressed, and have said what I thought of him. My intentions
are loyal, and as I depend much on His Holiness I can only repeat that
if he can come to an honourable understanding with the King it would
be, I consider, better than war. If there is any difficulty about
this I would do my utmost to arrange matters to the Pope’s honour and
security; supposing always that the above-mentioned conditions, of
which I know nothing, and which would make it possible to act against
the King, are non-existent. If they do exist I am sure the King would
consent to honourable terms because he would understand what evil
might befall him otherwise. But all my suppositions are useless if
the Pope has secret information unknown to me. I do not think my
open speaking can offend His Holiness, for our fortunes are bound
up together. I wish to be allowed to say what I think, but will act
according to the wishes of our Holy Father. Thank him most heartily
for the loving and kindly reply about the Servite Order with regard
to Messer Giovanni. For all these things I am deeply indebted to His
Holiness. I am very glad you have been to Cervetri and S. Severa, and
most pleased that you were satisfied with the way Signor Francesco
(Cibò) treats his subjects. God knows his honour and well-being are
as dear to me as my own. I beg of you to do all you can to induce our
Holy Father to arrange this affair of S. Severa. You see yourself
the importance and the necessity of adding this property to that of
Cervetri. I should also like to know about the affair of Gallese in
order to reply to the friend who is coming here soon. It is urgent
that His Holiness should once for all arrange the affairs of Signor
Francesco so that I should not be daily worried about them, and that
we can live in peace and harmony. To speak plainly, Signor Francesco
has not the position the nephew of a Pope ought to have, and yet we
are now approaching the seventh year of the Pontificate. More regard
should be shown to the increasing family, which is a valid reason for
our Holy Father’s aid.--Florence, October 17, 1489.[387]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to the_ King of England
Serene Majesty,--When this Signory writes to recommend one of their
citizens they have such hope and faith in the clemency and kindness of
Your Majesty, that neither do they doubt of their gracious reception
nor do I consider it necessary to intervene in their behalf. Yet, to
satisfy my conscience, being in duty bound to help the citizens of
this Republic, I cannot refrain from recommending with all reverence
and humility to Your Majesty Filippo del Vigna for the affair he will
explain. I assure Your Majesty that no greater token of interest
and clemency towards this city can be given than to accept the
aforesaid Filippo as a faithful servant, and to aid him to recover his
indemnity, and I, for my part, should be everlastingly grateful.
I commend myself humbly to Your Majesty.[388]
Agnolo Poliziano _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici _in Florence_
Magnificent Patron,--My last letter was from Ferrara. In Padua I
found some good books, _i.e._ Simplicio, on the Sky; Alessandro, on
the Topica; Giovan Grammatico, on the Posteriora and the Syllogism; a
David on Aristotle; none of which we have in Florence. I also found
a Greek scribe in Padua and arranged with him at a ducat for every
fifteen pages.
Maestro Piero Leoni showed me his books: among them I found M. Manlio,
an old astronomer and poet, which I have brought with me to Venice
to compare with one I have bought; I have never seen a more ancient
book. _Similiter_ he possesses certain books of Galieno _de dogmate
Aristotelis et Hippocratis_ in Greek, of which he will give us a copy
in Padua, so we shall have gained something.
In Venice I have found some books of Archimedes and Eron,
mathematicians, which we have not got, and a Frunuto _de Deis_, and
other valuable things. So papa Janni[389] will have writing enough to
do for some time.
Niceno’s [Cardinal] library we were not able to see. Messer
Aldovrandini, the Duke of Ferrara’s ambassador, _in cujus domo
habitamus_, went to the Prince but was met with a blunt refusal.
He asked for Count Giovanni [Pico della Mirandola], not for me, as
I thought it better not to mention your name in the affair. Messer
Antonio Vinciguerra and Messer Antonio Pizamanno, one of the two
philosophers who came incognito to Florence to see the Count, and a
brother of Messer Zaccheria Barbaro, are engaged in trying to overcome
this obstinacy; everything possible will be tried. This is all I have
to say about books.
Messer Piero Leoni has been greatly persecuted in Padua and has no
patients either there or in Venice. Yet he is a good doctor and held
in high esteem. I have caused him to be sounded by the Count as to
coming to Tuscany, but I think it will be difficult. He does not like
Padua and the society does not please him, _ut ipse ait; negut tamen
se elle in Thusciam agere_.
Nicoletto would come to Pisa but wants a benefice, _hoc est_ one of
those canonries. His name stands high in Padua and his method is good;
but, _nisi fallor_, he is one of these odd fantastical men. He it was
who mentioned the benefice to me; so I warn you.
This morning I paid a visit to Messer Zaccheria Barbaro and assured
him of your affection &c.; he replied tearfully _et ut visum est_ from
his heart: all resolved itself into _in te uno spem esse_. _Ostendit
se nosse quantum tibi debeat_: so do what you intended, _ut favens ad
majora_. The Legate, who has returned from Rome, _et qui tecum locutus
est Florentiæ_, is not at all of their way of thinking, _ut ajunt_.
Messer Zaccheria showed me a very beautiful antique earthen vase which
was sent to him lately from Greece, and told me that if I thought you
would like it he would send it to you with two smaller ones. I said
it was just what Your Magnificence would admire _et tandem_ it will
be yours. To-morrow morning the box shall be made and I will send it
off. I do not think you have so fine a one _in eo genere_: it is about
three spans high and four wide.
The Count [Pico della Mirandola] has bad eyes and has not been out of
the house since he came to Venice.
_Item_ yester evening I paid a visit to the learned Cassandra Fidele
and greeted her in your name. She is no less wonderful, Lorenzo, in
the vulgar tongue than in Latin; most discreet, _et meis oculis etiam_
handsome. I came away astounded. To you she is most partial and talked
about you with such understanding _quasi te intus et in cute norit_.
One of these days she intends to go to Florence to see you, so prepare
to do her honour.
I have no more to say at present, save that your causing Greek books
to be copied and the favour you show to learned men sets you higher in
the esteem and honour of the world than any man has enjoyed for many
years. Other particulars I reserve for my return. I commend myself to
Your Magnificence. I have not yet used the letter of exchange as I
have had no need of it.--Venice, June 20, 1491.
The servant of Your Magnificence,
Angelus Politianus.[390]
Pier Filippo Pandolfini, _Florentine Ambassador at Rome, to_ Lorenzo
de’ Medici
Monsignor d’Arles told me yesterday morning that the Signoria of
Venice and all the Venetian gentlemen are very irate with us for
two things. First because, according to them, we tried through the
Soldan to prevent that journey of theirs. Secondly on account of the
agreement about wool from England, which they have so much at heart
that they could not be more angry and are decided to upset it at
any cost. They have ordered that all ships carrying wool to Pisa,
no matter to whom they belong, are to be prevented from loading in
Candia, Cyprus, or any other place where they have ports, and that no
ship of theirs is to touch at Porto Pisano. I do not know whether it
would be good to inform Tommaso Portinari so that he might tell the
King of England and explain to him the harm this decision will do to
H.M. and to his subjects, and that the Venetians want to be masters
and dictate laws to them.
Maestro Leoni was here this morning and tells me he is engaged at
Padua for two years certain and one year optional, at 2000 golden
pieces yearly; and he has accepted with the intention, if he is not
prevented, of practising medicine at Venice. He has taken this step
deliberately and left Pisa with this intent, but has been idle for
some time for his own justification. At Pisa he thought he was not
well treated by the authorities and told me much about it, and that he
was not regarded with the consideration he considers he had a right
to expect. You he praises highly and says that he perceives that
whatever good he experienced was solely through your influence and not
on account of his own merits. He intends to show what learning and
capabilities he possesses and to leave a name behind him. Wherever he
may be he affirms that he is ever yours.--July 1491.[391]
Piero Leoni _of Spoleto to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici
I have heard what has been ordered to Your Magnificence as to the
water and what the effect has been. First I must make an examination
and Your Magnificence will cease taking it. It will be better not
to wait until winter begins to lay in the usual provision, and Your
Magnificence can take first Morba for a week and then Villa for
another week. The less interval there is between the two the better.
During this time I will make a trial of the said water which has
arrived here in safety. I have not been able to do so on account of
being occupied with lectures until the first August: then I had to go
to Venice to pay my duty to the Doge and the Signoria. As soon as I
have settled the Venetian business I shall make a trial at Padua of
that water for a purpose of my own, for I need it, and according to
the effect obtained I shall see whether we have something different
from _arzente_[392] water; if I find it is different, as I think,
when I have tried it, I will see how to make it suit the case of
Your Magnificence. If it be _arzente_ water, we shall have unmasked
it, which will not be at all unpleasing to me. Your Magnificence can
take the Morba water without further advice, except when the wind is
northerly, for then it is of little or no use. Let us hope the weather
will soon be fine again and then Your Magnificence is to ride fast
and far after drinking the water when fasting, morning and evening.
Beware of cold and damp feet, of moonlight, and of the air at sunset,
and do not eat pears or swallow grape pips. I received Proculus, which
has given me the more pleasure that I have long wished to possess it,
and finding that it is as excellent as I supposed I shall have it
translated. When finished I will do as Your Magnificence says. I have
heard that Lascari found in Calabria a commentary by Proculus on the
Heraclitus of Plato. I beg Your Magnificence, when you know where this
commentary is, to try and get it, or to tell me so that I may try. It
must be valuable because the matter in itself is good and the author
is the most competent man there is in such things. No more at present.
I commend myself to Your Magnificence.--Padua, August 19, 1491.[393]
Matteo Franco _at Rome to_ Ser Piero Dovizi _at Florence_
Ser Piero, you know how long ago I told you of the want of order in
this house and how things went from bad to worse so that I gave up
fighting; and how a Florentine was like a Cross among devils. Also
I informed you of Madonna’s [Maddalena] tribulations with regard to
divers matters. But as I suspect you never read my letters to the
end, probably these things will be new to you. With this doubt and
also as a satisfaction to myself, I write, for I am bursting with
pent-up rage, and know not where to turn for advice or help. When I
see such coldness and want of care and affection for persons of far
more importance than Franco, I cease to trouble about my own affairs,
but about theirs I am in despair. No one, man or woman, ever comes to
this house, save once in a blue moon, to ask whether Madonna is alive
or dead. Let be that they grant her no authority, but they might ask
if she is alive. Ever since our return she has been shut up in the
house, save the two days spent at Cervetri, twice that she went to see
the Pope, and one evening when she supped at the bank. She is always
ailing and there does not seem to be a man living who takes interest
in her. Cursed be that milk-cheese, those curds, those pears, that
flask of trebbiano, that bundle of fennel and those medlars, that have
never, never been sent to her by you or by anybody. These Genoese with
the Pope have the most beautiful loggia and all the greatest marvels
of the world, let alone other things of more value. While she, poor
patient child, the daughter of such a man and so perfect and charming
in herself, is less esteemed than would be the daughter of an exile,
and as I well know there are always prevarications, excuses and
justifications, saying that notice must not be taken of small things
and that one day all of a sudden we shall hear the thunder and see
the lightning of some important event. We shall see, my Ser Piero,
but I have no faith in excuses, and the conclusion is that if you do
not help to keep this house things you do not expect will happen, for
which you will be sorry.
I have written all this, full of despair and anger, to others besides
yourself. The bad health of Madonna Maddalena and the thoughtless
behaviour of my Lord in keeping her up, for all this winter he has
gambled every night, supping at six or seven and coming to bed at
daylight, and she will not, and cannot, eat or sleep without him.
Thus she has lost sleep and appetite and has become as thin as a
lizard, as I told you. To the ambassador and Noferi and Ser Niccolò
and to Christ, I have told this every day and kept them informed. The
ambassador replies: “It is your business to write to Lorenzo, what can
I do in the matter? Write, and let me act.” And Noferi says: “I fear
this girl will not live long, and my Lord says and does &c., and they
ought to be warned at Florence, &c.” Ser Niccolò, whom I asked about
either summoning Maestro Piero Leoni or describing her symptoms to him
and sending him the prescriptions of the doctors here, for the girl
has great faith in Maestro Leoni as he treated her mother and herself
and knows her constitution, made me copy out all the recipes of the
doctors and said it would be well to write and that he would do so.
Then he got immersed in grand doings and all has come to nought. Poor
Franco runs here and runs there angered inside and out, and his heart
is bursting. The worst is that he has not enough authority or brains
to set things right.
Madonna’s illness is caused by sitting up too late at night, eating at
hours she is not used to, and remaining shut up in the house all day
without taking any exercise; then, like her mother, she is melancholy,
thin, and pensive, and takes every caprice and folly of her husband’s
to heart. She thinks and dreams of nought else, so great is her love
of him. She is slowly pining away and this seems to me the most
alarming symptom, for nothing she eats or drinks does her any good or
gives her any pleasure....
Ser Piero, I beg you as earnestly as I can to excuse me and with
clasped hands I entreat you to get me away from here. First because,
as I have told you several times, I cannot bear it any longer, and
then because I get small honour and less gain. I know what I say.
Madonna can do little for me and I can do even less for her in the
state to which they have reduced her. I always told you none but a
Franco would have endured this life. No more at present. Let us study
to find a remedy for what is more important, and see that this girl
should be served rather like the daughter of her father than the wife
of him she has married. Let the rest go as it will. I commend myself
to you.--Rome, January 16, 1492.
Your Franco.[394]
Lorenzo’s end was fast approaching. The following extracts from
Manfredi’s letters show how terribly he suffered, and with what
fortitude he bore extreme pain. From his last words to Filippo Valori
and Andrea Cambini, who accompanied the young Cardinal Giovanni to
Rome, “I entrust the youth of my son to you, you will not see me
again,” it is evident he knew death was near. But in the long letter to
his son at Rome he makes no allusion to his own health, as though he
did not wish to cloud the lad’s first entrance into life. It is full
of political wisdom, knowledge of the world, and fatherly foresight.
After Giovanni’s departure Lorenzo rallied a little, and on March 21st
was carried to Careggi, attended by his favourite sister Bianca, his
daughter Lucrezia, his eldest son Piero, and the faithful Poliziano.
Manfredo di Manfredi, _Ambassador from Ferrara to Florence, to the_
Duke Ercole d’Este
... The Magnificent Lorenzo has not been able to see any of
the ambassadors on account of his gout which gives him great
pain....--Florence, January 16, 1492.[395]
... Since several days the Magnificent Lorenzo is very ill and much
tormented with pain all over the body save in the head. His agony is
such that _est res miranda_ how he can live. It is true the doctors do
not think it is an _infirmitas ad mortem_, but he is very weak from
want of rest. May God restore him to his usual health, for it really
moves one’s compassion to hear the state he is in....--Florence,
February 11, 1492.[396]
... For three days the Magnificent Lorenzo has been in such pain that
no one could see him....--Florence, March 5, 1492.[397]
... Since two days the Magnificent Lorenzo is better though he still
has attacks of pain. It is thought that this perverse and very cold
weather affects him....--Florence, March 8, 1492.[398]
I have nought to report to Your Excellency save that yesterday the
Most Rev. Cardinal de’ Medici [Giovanni, Lorenzo’s second son] left
for Rome. Last Saturday he received the hat in a certain abbey, called
the Abbey of Fiesole, and then in his Cardinal’s robes, accompanied
by us ambassadors, many bishops, and a large number of citizens, made
a triumphal entry into the city. Dismounting at the palace of the
Signoria he paid them a visit. He mounted again and we accompanied him
to his father’s house. Next day, with the same following he went to S.
Liberata [the cathedral] to hear mass, which was celebrated by eight
bishops with great solemnity, and at which the Illustrious Signoria
assisted. At the close the Cardinal took leave of the Signoria in
the church and accompanied by us went to his father’s house where a
magnificent banquet was prepared, at which we ambassadors assisted
(having been previously invited) and sixty of the principal citizens
of this State. The house was most richly adorned. Before we rose from
table a great number of chiselled silver vases were presented to the
Cardinal on behalf of the Signoria. A stupendous sight, for the vases
were large and well ornamented. They were valued at 10,000 ducats or
more, which may well be, as they weighed more than 1000 pounds. We
ambassadors then went with His Illustrious Reverence to his room and
rich and handsome silver vases were brought by the various Communes,
and the Jews of the city, but His Lordship would not accept them and
gave them back to the donors with fair words of thanks. Likewise
he accepted nothing from any citizen save from his relations, who
gave him splendid gifts. The Magnificent Lorenzo, though in pain,
came into the hall where we were dining to see the Cardinal and us
ambassadors, and has begun to ride again, although often seized with
pain....--Florence, March 13, 1492.[399]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to his son_, Cardinal Giovanni, _at Rome, in March
1492_
Messer Giovanni,--You are much beholden to our Lord God, as we all
are for your sake, as besides many benefits and honours our house has
received from Him it has pleased Him to bestow on you the highest
dignity our family has yet enjoyed. Great as this is it is much
enhanced by circumstances, particularly your youth and our condition.
Therefore my first recommendation is that you endeavour to be grateful
to our Lord God, remembering every hour that it is not by your own
merits or solicitude that you have attained the Cardinalate, but by
the grace of God. Show your gratitude to Him by leading a saintly,
exemplary, and honest life. You are the more bound to do this because
during your youth you have shown a disposition which gives hope of
good fruit. It would be indeed most shameful, contrary to your duty,
and to my expectations if at a time when others generally acquire more
reason and a better understanding of life, you should forget the good
precepts learned as a boy. It is incumbent on you to try and lighten
the burden of the dignity you have attained by leading a pure life
and persevering in the studies suitable to your profession. I was
greatly pleased last year to learn that without being reminded by any
one you had been several times to confession and to communion, for
I conceive there is no better way of obtaining the grace of God than
by habituating oneself to persevere in these duties. This seems to
me the best advice I can begin with. I know, as you are now going to
Rome, that sink of all iniquities, that you will find some difficulty
in following it, as bad examples are always catching, and inciters to
vice will not be wanting. Your promotion to the Cardinalate, as you
may imagine, at your age and for the other reasons already mentioned,
will be viewed with great envy, and those who were not able to prevent
your attaining this dignity will endeavour, little by little, to
diminish it by lowering you in public estimation and causing you to
slide into the same ditch into which they have themselves fallen,
counting on success because of your youth. You must be all the firmer
in your stand against these difficulties, as at present one sees such
a lack of virtue in the College. I recollect however to have known
a good many learned and good men in the College, leading exemplary
lives. It will be well that you should follow their example, for by so
doing you will be the more known and esteemed as being different from
the others. It is imperative above all things that you should avoid as
you would Scylla and Charybdis the reputation of being a hypocrite and
of evil fame. Be not ostentatious, and have a care to avoid anything
offensive in conduct and in conversation, without affecting austerity
or severity. These are things you will in time understand and practise
better, I conceive, than I can write them. You know how important is
the position and the example of a Cardinal, and that the world would
be far better if the Cardinals were what they ought to be, for then
there would always be a good Pope, from whom emanates, one may say,
peace for all Christians. Make every effort therefore to be this, if
others had done so we might hope for universal good. Nothing is more
difficult than to hold converse with men of various characters, and
in this I can ill advise you; only recollect when with the Cardinals
and other men of rank to try and be charitable and respectful in your
conversation, weighing your reasons well without being influenced by
the passions of others; for many desiring what they cannot attain turn
reason into abuse. Satisfy your conscience therefore by taking care
that your conversation with every man should be devoid of offence.
This seems to me a general rule most applicable in your case, for
should passion by chance make an enemy, as his enmity would have no
reasonable cause he may sometimes return with more ease to the old
friendship. It will be better I think on this, your first visit to
Rome, to use your ears more than your tongue. To-day I have given you
entirely to our Lord God and to Holy Church; it is therefore essential
that you become a good ecclesiastic, cherishing the honour and the
State of Holy Church and of the Apostolic See above aught else in
this world, and devoting yourself entirely to their interests. While
doing this it will not be difficult for you to aid the city and our
house, for the city being united to the Church you will represent
the solid chain, and our house is part of the city. Although it is
impossible to foresee what may happen I think it is likely that a way
will be found to save, as the proverb says, the goat and the cabbages,
always keeping steadfastly to your above-mentioned duty of setting the
interests of the Church above all else. You are the youngest Cardinal,
not only of the College, but the youngest that has hitherto been made,
it is therefore most necessary that where you have to compete with
the others you should be the most eager and the humblest, and avoid
making others wait for you in Chapel, in Consistory, or in Deputation.
You will soon learn who has a good or an evil reputation. With the
latter avoid any great intimacy, not only on your own account, but
for the sake of public opinion; converse in a general way with all.
I advise you on feast-days to be rather below than above moderation,
and would rather see a well-appointed stable and a well-ordered and
cleanly household than magnificence and pomp. Let your life be regular
and reduce your expenses gradually in the future, for the retinue and
the master being both new at first it will be difficult. Jewels and
silken stuffs must be used sparingly by one in your position. Rather
have a few good antiques and fine books, and well-bred and learned
attendants, than many of them. Ask people to your own house oftener
than you accept invitations to theirs, but do both sparingly. Eat
plain food and take much exercise, for those who wear your habit, if
not careful, easily contract maladies. The rank of Cardinal is as
secure as it is great, men therefore often become negligent; they
conceive they have done enough and that without exertion they can
preserve their position. This is often prejudicial to character and
to life, and a thing against which you must guard; rather trust too
little than too much in others. One rule I recommend to you above all
others, and that is to get up betimes; besides being good for health
one can meditate over and arrange all the business of the following
day, and in your position, having to say the office, to study, to give
audiences &c. you will find it most useful. Another thing absolutely
necessary to one in your station is to reflect, particularly at this,
the commencement of your career, in the evening on all you have to do
next day, so that an unforeseen event may not come upon you unawares.
As to speaking in the Consistory, I think it would be more seemly
and becoming if you refer all that comes before you to His Holiness,
alleging that as you are young and inexperienced you consider it
your duty to submit everything to the most learned judgment of His
Holiness. You will probably be asked to intercede in various matters
with our Holy Father. Be cautious however at the beginning to ask as
few favours as possible and not to bother him; the disposition of
the Pope is to be grateful to those who do not break his ears. Bear
this in mind in order not to annoy him. When you see him, talk about
amusing things, and if you have to beg, do it with all humility and
modesty. This will please him and be in accordance with his nature.
Keep well.--Florence.[400]
Cardinal Giovanni de’ Medici _to his father_ Lorenzo Magnifico Viro
Laurentio de Medici Pater optimo
_Salvus sis_,--In case ...[401] (I) did not tell you of some things.
On Friday morning I was given a public reception and went accompanied
by all the Cardinals, nearly the whole court, and very heavy rain,
from S.M. del Popolo to the palace and from the palace to Campo di
Fiore. Our Holy Father received me most graciously: I hardly spoke
to him. The following day the ambassadors waited on our Holy Father;
their audience was most satisfactory. The Pope desired to hear me the
day after, which is to-day. I have been, and His Holiness spoke as
lovingly as was possible to me, and reminded me, and advised me, to do
something when I visited these Cardinals, and I have begun to do so
with those to whom as yet I have paid visits. Another time I will tell
you who they are. All professed the greatest goodwill towards you. Of
former things I know that you have been told. Of myself I have nought
to say save that I will try hard to do you honour. _De me proloqui
ulterius, nefas._ The news that you are so much better has been a
great joy to me and I have no other wish than to hear this often. For
this I send thanks to Ser Piero [Leoni, the doctor]. I commend myself
to you. No more at present.--Rome, March 25, 1492.
Jo. Filius.[402]
In a letter to Jacopo Antiquario, Poliziano describes the malady from
which Lorenzo had been suffering and then continues:
... The day before his death, being at his villa of Careggi, he grew
so weak that all hope of his recovery vanished. Perceiving this,
like a wise man he called for the confessor to purge himself of past
sins. This same confessor told me afterwards that he marvelled to see
with what courage and constancy Lorenzo prepared himself for death;
how well he ordered all things pertaining thereunto, and with what
faith and religious feeling he reflected on the world to come. Towards
midnight while he was quietly meditating he was informed that the
priest bearing the Holy Sacrament had arrived. Rousing himself he
exclaimed, “It shall never be said that my Lord who created and saved
me shall come to me--in my room--raise me, I beg of you, raise me
quickly so that I may go and meet Him.” Saying this he raised himself
as well as he could and, supported by his servants, advanced to meet
the priest in the outer room. There crying he knelt down.
Poliziano gives a long prayer recited by Lorenzo and then continues:
These and other things he said sobbing, while all around cried
bitterly. At length the priest ordered that he should be raised from
the ground and carried to his bed, in order to receive the Viaticum in
more comfort. For some time he resisted, but at last out of respect
for the priest he consented. In bed repeating almost the same prayer,
with much gravity and devotion he received the body and blood of
Christ. Then he devoted himself to consoling his son Piero, for the
others were not there, and exhorted him to bear this law of necessity
with courage, feeling sure that the aid of Heaven would be vouchsafed
to him, as it had been to himself in many and divers occasions, if
he only acted wisely. Meanwhile your Lazarus, the doctor from Pavia,
arrived, most learned as it seemed to me, but summoned too late to be
of any use. Yet to do something he ordered various precious stones to
be pounded together in a mortar for I know not what kind of medicine.
Lorenzo thereupon asked the servants what the doctor was doing in
his room and what he was preparing, and when I answered that he was
composing a remedy to comfort his intestines he recognised my voice,
and looking kindly as is his wont: “Oh Angiolo,” he said, “art thou
here?” and raising his languid arms took both my hands and pressed
them tightly. I could not stifle my sobs or stay my tears though I
tried to hide them by turning my face away. But he showed no emotion
and continued to press my hands between his. When he saw that I could
not speak for crying, quite naturally he loosened my hands, and I ran
into the adjoining room where I could give free vent to my grief and
to my tears. Then drying my eyes I returned, and as soon as he saw me
he called me to him and asked what Pico della Mirandola was doing. I
replied that Pico had remained in town fearing to molest him with his
presence. “And I,” said Lorenzo, “but for the fear that the journey
here might be irksome to him would be most glad to see him and speak
to him for the last time before I leave you all.” I asked if I should
send for him. “Certainly, and with all speed,” answered he. This I
did, and Pico came and sat by the bed, whilst I leaned against his
knees in order to hear the languid voice of my lord for the last time.
With what goodness, with what courtesy, I may say with what caresses,
Lorenzo received him. First he asked his pardon for thus disturbing
him, begging him to regard it as a sign of the friendship--the
love--he bore him, assuring him that he died more willingly after
seeing so dear a friend. Then introducing, as was his wont, pleasant
and familiar sayings, he joked also with us. “I wish,” he said to
Pico, “that death had spared me until your library had been complete.”
Pico had hardly left the room when Fra Girolamo [Savonarola] of
Ferrara, a man celebrated for his doctrine and his sanctity and an
excellent preacher, came in. To his exhortations to remain firm in his
faith and to live in future, if God granted him life, free from crime,
or if God so willed it to receive death willingly, Lorenzo answered
that he was firm in his religion, that his life would always be guided
by it, and that nothing could be sweeter to him than death, if such
was the divine will. Fra Girolamo then turned to go when Lorenzo said:
“Oh Father, before going deign to give me thy benediction.” Bowing
his head, immersed in piety and religion he repeated the words and
the prayers of the friar, without paying any attention to the grief
now openly shown of his attendants. It seemed that all, save Lorenzo,
were going to die, so calm was he. He gave no signs of anxiety or
of sorrow; even in that supreme moment he showed his usual strength
of mind and his fortitude. The doctors who stood round, not to seem
idle, worried him with their remedies and assistance. He submitted to
everything they suggested, not because he thought it would save him,
but in order not to offend any one, even in death. To the last he had
such mastery over himself that he joked about his own death. Thus
when given something to eat and asked how he liked it he replied: “As
well as a dying man can like anything.” He embraced us all tenderly
and humbly asked pardon if during his illness he had caused annoyance
to any one. Then disposing himself to receive extreme unction he
commended his soul to God. The Gospel containing the Passion of Christ
was then read and he showed that he understood by moving his lips, or
raising his languid eyes, or sometimes moving his fingers. Gazing upon
a silver crucifix inlaid with precious stones and kissing it from time
to time, he expired....--Fiesole, May 18, 1492.[403]
This is Poliziano’s account of the last hours of Lorenzo. The
authority for the following by Fra Pacifico Cinozzi, is Fra Silvestro,
the adherent of Savonarola who went to the stake with him, and who
professed to have heard it from the lips of his master. To say the
least it would be unusual for a dying man who had already confessed
and received the Viaticum to wish to make a second confession, and to
receive absolution from another priest. Again, had Savonarola left
Careggi as described by Fra Pacifico, Lorenzo’s body would hardly
have been carried to S. Marco before the funeral and the burial in S.
Lorenzo.
“Now it pleased God that Lorenzo fell ill, and becoming worse and
nigh unto death he sent for the said Father Fra Ieronimo, using these
very words: ‘Go for the Father Fra Ieronimo, for I have never found
one save him who was an honest friar.’ Thus going to Careggi, where
Lorenzo was, he entered and after a few words Lorenzo said he desired
to make his confession. Fra Ieronimo answered he was willing, but
before hearing the confession he wished to mention three things, if
these were acceded to no doubt whatever his salvation was assured.
Lorenzo replied he was willing and would do what was asked. The Father
said: ‘Lorenzo, it is needful for you to have great faith,’ and he
answered: ‘Father, that I have.’ Fra Ieronimo then added the second:
‘Also it is needful that you restore what has been wrongfully taken.’
After reflecting for a while he answered: ‘Father, I will do so, or
I will cause my heirs to do it if I cannot.’ The Father then said:
‘It is needful for you to give back to the Republic the liberty of
the city, and to see that she returns to her ancient state.’ To these
words he gave no reply. Thus the said Father departed without further
confession, and not long after Lorenzo died. These words I heard from
Fra Silvestro who died together with Fra Ieronimo; and I believe he
knew and heard them from Father Fra Ieronimo.”[404]
Popular opinion in Florence at the time certainly seems to favour
Poliziano’s account. Bartolommeo Cerretani, who noted events carefully
in his chronicle, wrote on April 7, 1492: “About the fifth hour
Lorenzo received the Sacraments.” A few days later Benedetto Dei
wrote the following letter to his uncle, who was an adherent of the
Medici and often went to foreign lands on their commercial business.
Curious readers will find the discrepancies between the two narratives
discussed in Creighton’s _History of the Papacy_, Villari’s _Life and
Times of Savonarola_, and Horsburgh’s _Lorenzo the Magnificent_.
Bartolommeo Dei _to his uncle_ Benedetto Dei, _with Machiavelli in
Ferrara_
Dearest Uncle,--On Saturday last the 7th I wrote in answer to your
letter giving you full accounts of our private affairs, of the
house, and of everything, which I conclude you received. Giannotto
was too busy to write, and probably will not even have time to-day,
being so occupied with that business you know of; it is in danger in
consequence of the sad event of which you have heard. I did not write
to you before on account of the universal grief and tribulation, so
that not only writing but even thinking about it was difficult. It is
true that on Saturday I wrote you word that the Magnificent Lorenzo
was at Careggi for change of air, not well, and in pain it was said.
In the evening after my letter had gone it was reported that he had
a slight fainting fit, but no one was alarmed, chiefly because of
that accursed Maestro Piero Leoni of Spoleto, who to the very last
insisted that he could not die of that malady. On Saturday arrived the
doctor from Milan, who at once saw that he had been wrongly treated,
and prepared many remedies, but it was too late. He ought to have had
cold things and he was given hot. Finally on Sunday, after the fourth
hour of night, according to the will of Him who rules the world, he
quitted this life in the flower of his age, and most assuredly far too
soon, to the great and bitter sorrow of the whole city; and with every
reason, for no doubt we have lost the splendour not only of Tuscany
but of all Italy. Every day we shall learn more what we have lost. As
yet it cannot be calculated, but time will show.
The other terrible event is the insane death of Maestro Piero Leoni,
who when he saw his lying science had deceived him, which some say
was allied to necromancy, went out of his mind, and was taken to the
house of the Martelli near by, that is to say at S. Gervasio, where he
was well treated, and passed the night full of melancholy and without
speaking or answering any one. In the early morning he called for a
towel and washed his face at a well, and asked a peasant how deep the
water was. He was left leaning against the edge, and a short time
afterwards a woman went to draw water, and found him head downwards in
the well; half of his body was above water. She gave the alarm, and
then was seen the miserable end of a man of such erudition who had
used his science ill.
This created a great stir among the people who were already much
troubled by what had happened. But when it was proved that madness
alone had impelled the deed accusations made by idle tongues ceased,
and people said it served him right that he should have taken his own
life. There was no bruise or hurt on the handsome body, and to those
who saw, it was a sad spectacle. For a day it lay there by the well,
and was then buried in a field like those who elect to die thus.
On Monday evening at one of the clock [an hour after sundown] the body
of Lorenzo was borne by the Company of the Magi into the sacristy of
S. Lorenzo in the coffin wherein it had been brought from Careggi the
night before, with many torches and tapers. The next day, that is
Tuesday, the 10th, the funeral took place without much pomp, as had
always been the custom of their ancestors, without banners. There were
but three Orders of friars and one of priests; in truth, great pomp
could not be shown, for the greatest splendour would have been small
for such a man. But wonderful was the number of citizens and nobles,
in long black robes touching the ground, who came to do him honour;
it was a fine spectacle, and touching to see such manifest signs of
sadness and of sorrow.
The visits to Piero have been many of the whole city, and by common
accord all agree in maintaining him in the position of his father.
As a commencement a motion was carried by acclamation in the Council
which is to be published on Monday, declaring that Piero is to be one
of the Seventy in his father’s place, and is eligible for all offices,
the Council of Eight, the Twelve procurators, the Accopiatori, the
Operai of the Palace, and so on, which the Magnificent Lorenzo filled
or might have filled, and this notwithstanding his being under age. It
was a great thing and carried unanimously, and all united together to
do him honour with the hope that he will be a worthy heir of all his
father’s virtues.
Lorenzo lived forty-three years three months and six days, having been
born on January 2, 1448.[405] He died so nobly and with such patience,
understanding, and reverence towards God, as the most religious man
and divine soul could show; with such holy words on his lips that he
seemed another S. Jerome. God be merciful to him.--Florence, April 14,
1492. Your servant,
Bartolommeo Dei.[406]
Lorenzo was buried by the side of his brother Giuliano under the
sarcophagus fashioned by Verrocchio for Cosimo and Piero in the Old
Sacristy of S. Lorenzo, but in 1559 the coffins were removed and
placed in a vault under the statue of the Madonna by Michelangelo in
the New Sacristy. No epitaph, not even his name, marks the spot where
the Magnificent Lorenzo lies. King Ferrante’s words when he heard of
his death were prophetic: “This man has lived long enough for his own
immortal fame, but not for Italy. God grant that now he is dead men may
not attempt that which they dared not do while he was alive.”
FOOTNOTES:
[150] _Renaissance in Italy_, J. A. Symonds, ii. 232. Smith, Elder &
Co., London, 1897.
[151] To obtain funds for the exchequer exhausted by the war against
Milan in 1426 recourse was had to a curious financial scheme. A
_Monte_, or special fund, was created for granting marriage portions
to young men and maidens. Every contributor had the right to name a
male or female child, to whom at the expiration of fifteen years a
sum five times that subscribed was paid when they married. Should the
nominee die the money became the property of the _Monte_. As far as I
understand these _Monti_ gradually developed into State pawnbrokers’
establishments.
[152] _Istorie di Giovanni Cambi_, Delizie degli Eruditi Toscani, xxi.
64. Firenze, 1785.
[153] I have followed the Ashburnham Codex, now in the Laurentian
Library, published by Sigr. Gugliemo Volpi in the _Atti della R.
Academia della Crusca_, 1907-1908. There the poem has only twenty
octaves instead of fifty, and I think most people will agree that
this is the real version and that the other mentioning _quella
trista Becca_, evidently alluding to Luigi Pulci’s poem _La Becca di
Dicomano_, written later in imitation of Lorenzo’s poem _Nencia_, has
interpolations by an inferior hand. Sigr. Volpi has published the
poem in a small pamphlet, _Un Nuovo Testo della Nencia_, da G. Volpi.
Tipografia Gallileiana, Firenze, 1908.
[154] Heinrich Isaak, a Bohemian composer.
[155] It is probable that the French ambassadors who so often came to
Florence found their journey was profitable. This was certainly the
case with Philippe de Comines. See p. 312.
[156] _A History of the Papacy from the Great Schism to the Sack of
Rome_, by M. Creighton, D.D. Oxon. and Cam., Lord Bishop of London, iv.
162. Longmans, Green & Co., 1897.
[157] _Istorie di Firenze_, Marchese Gino Capponi.
[158] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza 63.
[159] Marsuppini.
[160] _Florentia_, Isidoro del Lungo, p. 119.
[161] Agnolo Poliziano, born in 1454, was the son of Benedetto de’
Cini, commonly called Ambrogini, a lawyer. He dropped his family name
and took that of Poliziano from his native town Montepulciano (Mons
Politianus). His father was murdered when he was a child of eight and
he was sent to Florence to live with an uncle, Cino di Mattei, a poor
man who lived near Piazza S. Spirito in Via Saturno. Poliziano studied
rhetoric under Cristofero, Landino, and Andronico, philosophy under
Argyropoulos and Marsilio Ficino, in the Florentine Studio from his
fifteenth to his twentieth year. Lorenzo de’ Medici, after reading
his translation of Homer, provided for his education, and he became
one of Lorenzo’s most intimate friends, tutor to his children and his
librarian. Poliziano took his degree as Doctor of Law, and entering the
Church was made a Canon of the cathedral of Florence. He wrote scholia
and notes to Ovid, Catullus, Statius, Suetonius, Pliny the Younger,
and the _Historicæ Augustæ_; translated the History of Herodian, the
Manuel of Epictetus, the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, some Dialogues
of Plato, and other works from Greek into Latin. His _Miscellanea_,
published in Florence in 1489, were arranged for the press at Lorenzo’s
request. Poliziano’s Italian poetry, particularly the _Stanze per la
Giostra_, or Tournament, of Giuliano de’ Medici is beautiful, and his
_Sylvæ_, odes, epigrams, and other short Latin poems are celebrated.
He also wrote _Panepistemon_, a category of the various branches of
knowledge, and when quite a lad the _Orfeo_, one of the earliest
Italian operas. So popular was the _Orfeo_ that it was printed either
separately or with the _Stanze_ twenty times between 1494 and 1541, and
thirteen times between 1541 and 1565. For the use of the common people
a redaction in octave stanzas was published in Florence in 1558 called
_La Historia e Favola d’Orfeo alla dolce lira_. The last reprint was in
1860.
[162] Horses Lorenzo may have seen when he was at Naples in 1468.
[163] Bernardo and Luca were brothers of Luigi Pulci.
[164] Brother-in-law of Lorenzo de’ Medici.
[165] _Lettere di Luigi Pulci_, op. cit. 47.
[166] _Donne Medicee_, op. cit.
[167] A castle and townlet belonging to the Orsini.
[168] Directors of feasts. _Festaiuoli_ still go about in the villages
in Tuscany to collect money for processions and church festivals.
[169] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, &c., _op. cit._ ii. 27.
[170] This and the letters from the Cardinal of Pavia (pp. 167-171)
relate to Lorenzo’s desire that his brother Giuliano should be created
a cardinal in order to have a voice in the Consistory. What he was
unable to achieve for his brother he afterwards obtained for his son
Giovanni.
[171] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 62.
[172] The _catasto_ of 1427 was a register or list of all who were
bound to pay taxes to the Commune of Florence. It runs: “1. Ten
officials are to be appointed to compile the register. 2. All families
liable to be taxed are to be inscribed in four books; their number,
ages, health, capacity, and occupation. 3. All their possessions,
movable and immovable, are to be inscribed, whether within the confines
of the State or abroad, monies in existence, or what is owing to them,
their slaves and whatever belongs to them. 4. In the same way other
partial _catasti_ shall be drawn up, as of peasants, universities, and
guilds, foreigners and other persons not generally liable to be taxed.
5. The income of each separate possession is to be noted, so that the
capital value may be ascertained, and 100 florins shall be taken as
the valuation for every 7 florins of income. 6. From such valuation
shall be deducted the inherent expenses, rent of houses, of shops, the
price of horses for personal use, and 2 florins per head. 7. The net
income being thus reduced, 10 golden soldi are to be paid on every 100
golden florins, equal to the tenth part of a percentage at 5 per cent.
8. On every person deducted as above, between eighteen years of age
and sixty, an arbitrary tax shall be imposed, not to exceed 2 florins.
9. It is left to the discretion of the officials, in case no surplus
remains after the above deductions, to impose a tax to be arranged with
the persons taxed. 10. Whoso declares a false income shall have his
possessions confiscated. 11. Should any contention arise the decision
of the officials is final; they may not diminish the amount of the tax,
save for the repayment of a dower, until the new _catasto_, without
the approbation of the Great Council, but they may augment it. 12.
The _catasto_ is to be corrected and compiled anew every three years.
13. All taxes are henceforward to be regulated by the _catasto_.”
_Osservatore Fiorentino_, i. 91. Signor A. Rabbini, _Dell’ accertamento
catastale_, &c., defines the _catasto_ as at present existing as “a
public document serving as an absolutely legal and fundamental base
for the imposition of taxes on landed property and a guide in judicial
or administrative procedure involving the settlement of questions
regarding landed property and the rights and obligations of the owners
thereof.”
[173] Luca Landucci in his Diary (1450-1516) notes: “On June 18, 1472,
came a horseman with the olive branch [from Volterra] announcing the
capitulation; the people and their property to be respected. Great was
the rejoicing. But when we entered the city one of their officers,
a Venetian, shouted “Pillage,” and our men began to pillage and we
could not stop them or observe the articles of capitulation. The Count
Federigo d’Urbino caused the Venetian and a Sienese to be hung.”
_Diario Fiorentino di Luca Landucci._ Firenze, 1883. See also _La Vita
Italiano nel Rinascimenta, Lorenzo de’ Medici_, E. Masi, i. 31. Milano,
1893.
[174] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 63.
[175] Francesco Filelfo, born at Tolentino in 1398, was a famous
classical scholar. He studied at Padua, was sent as Secretary of
Legation to Constantinople by the Signoria of Venice, and afterwards
taught Greek in Venice, Bologna, Florence, &c. When Cosimo de’ Medici
was imprisoned he urged the Signoria to put him to death and poured
out abominable accusations against him and his friends in the _Book
of Exile_. Poggio replied, accusing Filelfo of the most heinous
crimes, and the war of words went on for years. When Cosimo returned
to Florence Filelfo fled to Milan and allied himself with Albizzi
and the other exiles, but soon made abject advances to Cosimo, which
were treated with silent disdain. After Cosimo’s death he sent humble
letters to Lorenzo and his brother and wrote _Cosmias_, a poem in
praise of the man he had abused. Lorenzo at length allowed him to
return to Florence where he died in 1481. He was mean, arrogant, and
intensely vain.
[176] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 75.
[177] Filippo de’ Medici.
[178] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 58.
[179] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 59.
[180] The prison at Florence.
[181] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xxix. No. 675.
[182] Lorenzo’s sister married to Gugliemo de’ Pazzi.
[183] A piece torn out of the letter.
[184] Lorenzo’s sister married to Bernardo Rucellai.
[185] Probably a slave.
[186] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xxix. No. 822.
[187] Born in Florence of poor parents named della Badessa, Matteo, as
was often done in the fifteenth century, adopted his father’s Christian
name and became Matteo Franco. As a lad he entered the church, and
some of his first efforts in poetry are sonnets addressed to the
Archbishop of Florence begging in the name of S. Peter for a cloak. He
made friends with Angelo Poliziano who probably introduced him to the
Medici. Witty, clever, kind-hearted, Matteo soon became indispensable
to Lorenzo, who speaks of him as “among the first and best-loved
creatures of my house.” He repaid Lorenzo’s affection tenfold by his
devotion to his daughter Maddalena, whom he accompanied to Rome when
she married Francesco Cibo. Even Lorenzo’s wife Clarice, always ill
at ease among her husband’s brilliant friends and at first suspicious
of Matteo’s tongue, soon discovered his many excellent qualities, and
he became her treasurer, her almoner, and at length her attorney.
He taught all Lorenzo’s children to read, and in one of his sonnets
feelingly describes the trouble they gave him. Until lately it was
supposed that Luigi Pulci and Matteo Franco were really friends, and
only wrote the ferocious and biting sonnets which amused all Florence
to each other to amuse Lorenzo, but Signor Volpi proves, I think, that
their animosity was real and that Matteo often had the best in the war
of words.
[188] Vermicelli.
[189] _Un Cortigiano di Lorenzo il Magnifico_, G. Volpi, Giornale
Storico della Letteratura Italiana, xvii. fasc. 50-51.
[190] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xxx. No. 394.
[191] _Sylvia hortensis_ or garden warbler.
[192] A famous cook.
[193] A sweet dish.
[194] _Michelangelo Buonarroti, Quellen und Forschungen zu seiner
Geschichte und Kunst_, Karl Frey, i. 77. Berlin, 1907. Bertoldo di
Giovanni was born between 1410-1420, and two days after his death
Bartolommeo Dati wrote: “Bertoldo, an admirable sculptor and medallist,
who made many fine works and was always with the Magnificent Lorenzo,
has died after two days’ illness at Poggio a Caiano (December 28,
1491). He is a great loss and much regretted by Lorenzo, for in all
Tuscany and perhaps in all Italy there is none other of such talent and
worth.”
[195] _Renaissance in Italy_, J. A. Symonds, iv. 354. Smith, Elder &
Co., 1898.
[196] An instrument used in falconry, made of leather and feathers in
the shape of a wing.
[197] Giovanni (afterwards Pope Leo X.) was born on the 11th December.
[198] _Prose Volgari inedite_, &c., di Angelo Ambrogini Poliziano,
Isidoro Del Lungo. Barbera, Firenze, 1867.
[199] Ibid., _op. cit._
[200] _Del Bagno a Morba_, Ricordi Storici e Letterari, Luigi Righetti.
Roma.
[201] The Duchess of Ferrara, wife of Ercole, Duke of Ferrara, and
daughter of Ferrante I., King of Naples. She passed through Pisa on her
way to Naples to attend her father’s marriage with Giovanna d’Aragona.
[202] The meaning of this word is obscure. Some suggest that it is a
kind of fish, others that it is the name of a wine. I think Lucrezia
jokingly asked her son to send her some cool sea-wind. The peasants
still call the west wind which blows from the sea _marino_.
[203] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xxxiv. No. 133.
[204] _Affetti di Famiglia nel Quattrocento_, Gugliemo Volpi, Vita
Nuova, No. 503.
[205] _Prose Volgari_, &c., _op. cit._
[206] Son of her daughter Nannina, wife of Bernardo Rucellai.
[207] _Del Bagno a Morba_, op. cit.
[208] Ibid.
[209] Lucrezia de’ Medici had just bought Bagno a Morba from the
Commune of Florence.
[210] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza lxxxv. No. 203.
[211] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xxxiv. No. 312.
[212] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. p. 168.
[213] _Le Vite de’ piu eccelenti Pittori_, &c., Giorgio Vasari, iii.
374. Sansoni, Firenze, 1878.
[214] Philippe de Comines, who writes: “I remained about a year in
Florence and her territory as the guest of the Florentines, who
treated me well, better even on the last day of my visit than on
the first.”--_Memoires de Messire Philippe de Comines, Seigneur
d’Argenton_, i. 395. Brusselle, 1723.
[215] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 119.
[216] _Congiura de’ Pazzi_, narrata in Latino da A. Poliziano
volgarizzate con sue note e illustrazioni da Anicio Bonucci, p. 119. Le
Monnier, Firenze, 1856.
[217] Lorenzo’s uncle by marriage, sent on a special mission to Milan
and to Venice.
[218] The young Cardinal was set at liberty on June 5th, and went for
a few days to the Servite monastery in the SS. Annunziata. From there
he wrote to the Pope expressing deep gratitude to the Signoria and to
Lorenzo de’ Medici for the kind treatment he had received, and bitterly
lamented that His Holiness had not acceded to his prayer that the
interdict should be taken off. On June 12th he left for Siena, and an
old chronicler writes that he was still under the influence of great
terror and seemed to feel the rope round his neck. If at the time of
the assassination he had not been well guarded the exasperated populace
would probably have torn him to pieces.
[219] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza vii. No. 404.
[220] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza vii. No. 404.
[221] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. xi. 131.
[222] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xliii. No. 175.
[223] Philippe de Comines.
[224] Philippe de Comines.
[225] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 187.
[226] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza vii. No. 413.
[227] A piece torn out of the letter.
[228] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xxxi. No. 31.
[229] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, &c., _op. cit._ ii. 131.
[230] The address on outside of sheet is: Magnifico Hieronimo Morelli,
Oratori florentino, patri meo. (_Arch. Med. ante Principatum_, Filza
124, No. 2.)
[231] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza cxxiv. No. 2.
[232] After the Pazzi conspiracy the Republic engaged in war with
Sixtus IV. and the King of Naples. The Pope excommunicated Florence,
as he declared out of hatred of the Medici, whose exile he demanded.
The Signoria answered by appointing twelve trusty men to be Lorenzo’s
bodyguard. “Then,” writes Ammirato, “they obtained the opinion of
Bartolommeo Sozzino (probably what Poliziano refers to), Francesco
Aretino, Lancillotto Decio, Bulgarino, Andrea Panormita, Pier Filippo
Cornio and other masters of canon law and theology, who advised
that notwithstanding the Pope’s censures, by whom they had been
excommunicated, they, by appealing to the future Council, might cause
Divine service to be celebrated in their city,” which was done.
[233] This is one of several letters alluding to Clarice’s dislike of
him.
[234] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, &c., _op. cit._ ii. 183.
[235] Matteo Franco, chaplain and devoted adherent of Lorenzo.
[236] _Prose Volgari inedite_, &c., _op. cit._ p. 59.
[237] _Prose Volgari inedite_, &c., _op. cit._ p. 61.
[238] Ercole d’Este, Duke of Ferrara, who had been named Captain of the
Florentine troops.
[239] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 184.
[240] _Prose Volgari inedite_, op. cit. p. 64.
[241] The grammar of Theodoro Gaza, a Greek, was the favourite one in
those days.
[242] _Letterine d’un Bambino Fiorentino_, Nozze Bemporad-Vita.
Firenze, 1887. Ediz. di 150 esemplari.
[243] _Vita Nuova_, op. cit. No. x. p. 2, Gugliemo Volpi.
[244] A saying still used when a child cries.
[245] Probably Gentile Becchi, Bishop of Arezzo.
[246] _Prose Volgari inedite_, op cit. p. 67.
[247] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 132.
[248] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 186.
[249] _Letterine d’un Bambino Fiorentino_, op. cit.
[250] _Prose Volgari inedite_, &c., _op. cit._ p. 70.
[251] Martino della Comedia, tutor to the Tornabuoni children, took
Poliziano’s place for a while after he had been dismissed by Madonna
Clarice.
[252] _Letterine d’un Bambino Fiorentino_, op. cit. The letter is
undated, but on it is written, “From Piero de’ Medici, 26th May 1479.”
[253] _Laurentius Medicis Vita_, &c., _op. cit._ ii. 288.
[254] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xxxvii. No. 389.
[255] _Letterine d’un Bambino Fiorentino_, op. cit.
[256] _Letterine d’un Bambino Fiorentino_, op. cit.
[257] Ibid.
[258] In the Val di Sieve, not far from Cafaggiuolo.
[259] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 199.
[260] _Affetti di Famiglia_, &c., _op. cit._
[261] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xxx. No. 70.
[262] Married to Bernardo Rucellai.
[263] The paper is torn.
[264] _Carteggio Medicis_, Filza di documenti fuori posto, No. 73.
[265] Lucrezia, to whom Poliziano grudges the title of madonna, was
Lorenzo’s daughter, afterwards the wife of Jacopo Salviati. She was
much attached to her grandmother Lucrezia.
[266] Bernardo Michelozzi, son of the great architect and sculptor,
brother of Lorenzo’s chancellor. He was known as Bernardo Rhetor on
account of his learning and eloquence. Giovanni de’ Medici, afterwards
Leo X., to whom he was tutor, made him Cameriere segreto, and in 1516
Bishop of Forlì, and allowed him to assume the name and the arms of the
house of Medici.
[267] _Prose Volgari inedite_, &c., _op. cit._ 72.
[268] Philippe de Comines.
[269] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 196.
[270] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza vii. No. 369.
[271] _Vita di Filippo Strozzi il Vecchio scritta da Lorenzo suo
figlio_, Giuseppe Bini e Pietro Bigazzi, p. 55. Florence, 1851.
[272] Muratori, ix. 533.
[273] _Lettere e Notizie di Lorenzo de’ Medici._ From the Archivio
Palatino of Modena, published in a pamphlet by Antonio Cappelli. (This
letter has been published before but not correctly.)
[274] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, &c., _op. cit._ ii. 200.
[275] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, &c., _op. cit._ ii. 202 _et seq._
[276] Ibid. ii. 204.
[277] Cooked cheese.
[278] Three hectolitres.
[279] Letter torn.
[280] Ten hectolitres.
[281] _Carte Medicee_, &c., Filza xxxiv. No. 320.
[282] _Vita Laurentii Medicis_, op. cit. ii. 223.
[283] The fall of Otranto mentioned in this letter was such a godsend
to Lorenzo that he was suspected of being in league with the Turk. It
forced the King of Naples to recall his son, the Duke of Calabria,
from Siena, where he had aided the nobles to overthrow the popular
government, and the Pope to cancel the interdict and make peace with
Florence. In November an embassy, with old Luigi Guicciardini at its
head, went to Rome and were solemnly reprimanded by Sixtus and then
blessed. The only condition he imposed was the equipment of fifteen
galleys to serve against the Turk.
[284] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xxxiv. No. 367.
[285] _Lucrezia Tornabuoni_, op. cit.
[286] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza, No. 43, inside No. 150.
[287] Giovanni Albino, a Neapolitan, historian and politician, and a
great friend of Lorenzo.
[288] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 216.
[289] _Lettere e Notizie di Lorenzo de’ Medici_, Archivio Palatina di
Modena, published in a pamphlet by Antonio Cappelli.
[290] Bernardo Bandini was one of the men who assassinated Giuliano de’
Medici in the cathedral of Florence. He fled to Constantinople and was
arrested by permission of the Sultan through the agency of Frescobaldi,
Florentine ambassador to the Porte.
[291] Count Girolamo Riario, the Pope’s nephew, was implicated in the
Pazzi conspiracy to murder the two brothers Lorenzo and Giuliano de’
Medici.
[292] _Lettere e Notizie_, &c., _op cit._, Arch. Pal. di Modena.
[293] _Lettere e Notizie_, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op. cit._
[294] Ibid.
[295] Ibid.
[296] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 236.
[297] Andrea Zuccalmaglio, Archbishop of Krain.
[298] An old Italian dance.
[299] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 227.
[300] _Laurentius Medicis Vita_, ii. 229.
[301] _Lorenzo de Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 232.
[302] Guicciardini throws some doubt on Riario’s presence.
[303] For a full account of the Ferrarese war see _Lorenzo de’ Medici_,
Alfred von Reumont, ii. 249 _et seq._; _A History of the Papacy_,
&c., Dr. Creighton, iv. 100 _et seq._; _Lorenzo de’ Medici_, &c., E.
Armstrong, M.A, 182 _et seq._
[304] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, &c., _op. cit._ ii. 298.
[305] Bartolommeo Scala, born at Colle 1430, was the son of a miller.
“I came to the Republic,” he wrote, “bare of all things, a mere beggar,
of the lowest birth, without money, rank, connections, or kindred.
Cosimo, the Father of his country, raised me up by receiving me into
his family.” He became Chancellor of Florence and is known for his feud
with Poliziano.
[306] O lovely maiden.
[307] Thou art as fair as the light of the sun.
[308] _Arch. di Stato Carte Strozziane_, Filza cxxxviii. No. 57.
[309] _Arch._ &c., Carte Strozziane, Filza cxxxviii. No. 58.
[310] The abbey of Fonte Doulce, bestowed by the King of France
on Giovanni de’ Medici, Lorenzo’s second son, which gift the Pope
hesitated to confirm on account of the child’s youth.
[311] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 256.
[312] Lorenzo’s sister, married to Gugliemo de’ Pazzi.
[313] A piece of letter torn out.
[314] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xxxix. No. 84.
[315] Lorenzo and his wife were coming from Bagno a Morba; he went to
Pisa, and she came home to Florence.
[316] A favourite groom of Lorenzo de’ Medici, mentioned also in _La
Caccia al Falcone_.
[317] Lorenzo de’ Medici’s sister, married to Bernardo Rucellai.
[318] Paper-mills were flourishing at Colle in the second half of the
fifteenth century. See _Dizionario della Toscana_, E. Repetti, _i._ 758.
[319] A much-prized white Tuscan wine.
[320] The two future Popes, Leo X. and Clement VII. Giulio was the
illegitimate son of Giuliano, Lorenzo’s brother, murdered in the Pazzi
conspiracy. Lorenzo’s second son, Giovanni, destined for the Church,
had received the tonsure at seven years old, and was always spoken of
as Messer Giovanni.
[321] The Squarcialupi, surnamed degli Organi, great musicians of the
fifteenth century.
[322] The boy’s play upon words is not easy to understand, it may mean
a Catalonian.
[323] _Un Viaggio di Clarice Orsini de’ Medici_, &c., Scelta di
Curiosità Letterarie inedite o rare, Gaetano Romagnoli. Bologna, 1868.
[324] This codex had belonged to Battista Guarino and was highly valued
and jealously guarded. The Duke refused to send it to Florence but
allowed Lorenzo to have it copied by a Greek scribe he sent to Ferrara.
Three years later Lorenzo asked the Duke to lend for a few days the
translation of the book by Dione Cassio (Dionysius Cassius) made for
the Duke by Niccolò Leoniceno. Again afraid to trust the manuscript out
of his hands, he had a copy made in all haste by divers scribes, and
sent it as a present to Lorenzo, on the condition that he was neither
to lend it nor to allow it to be published. The translation was printed
for the first time in Venice in 1532, the Greek original in Paris in
1548.
[325] _Lettere_, &c., Arch. Palatina di Modena, _op. cit._
[326] _Lettere e Notizie_, Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op. cit._
[327] Ibid, p. 291.
[328] _Lettere e Notizie_, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op. cit._
[329] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xliii. No. 176.
[330] _Lettere e Notizie_, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op. cit._
[331] Ibid.
[332] Ibid.
[333] Ibid.
[334] _Lettere e Notizie_, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op. cit._
[335] Ibid.
[336] Pietro Leoni was Lorenzo de’ Medici’s physician, and either
drowned himself or was thrown into a well near Careggi when Lorenzo
died.
[337] _Lettere e Notizie_, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op. cit._
[338] Ferdinand, or Ferrante, King of Naples.
[339] _Lettere e Notizie_, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op. cit._
[340] _Lettere e Notizie_, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op. cit._
[341] Alfonso, son of the King of Naples.
[342] _Lettere e Notizie_, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op. cit._
[343] Ibid.
[344] _Lettere di Lorenzo il Magnifico al Sommo Pontefice Innocenzo
VIII._, Canonico D. Moreni. Firenze, 1830.
[345] _Lettere e Notizie_, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op. cit._
[346] Ibid.
[347] Count Girolamo Riario, nephew of the late Pope Sixtus, cruel and
despotic, had been murdered by his subjects, and his wife Caterina, an
illegitimate daughter of Galeazzo Sforza, taken prisoner with her three
sons. The castle of Ravaldino which commanded the town still held out,
and the insurgents allowed her to go to the commandant on the pretence
that she would induce him to surrender, leaving her children as
hostages in their hands. Once inside the castle she defied the people,
and when they threatened to kill her children replied, according to
Guicciardini, “Are you not fools, cannot you see that I can have
others?” Milanese troops were sent by Lodovico Sforza and the little
boys were saved.
[348] _Lettere e Notizie_, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op. cit._
[349] _Prose Volgari inedite_, &c., _op. cit._ p. 74.
[350] _Arch. Stor. Ital._, Serie terza, ix. 48, Parte I.
[351] _Vita e Fatti d’Innocenzo VIII._, Scritta per Messer Francesco
Serdonati, fiorentino, &c. Milano, Ferrario, 1829, 59 _et seq._
[352] Ten years before Girolamo Riario had taken Piancaldoli from
Florence during the war between Sixtus and Lorenzo. Lodovico Sforza was
furious at this success of the Florentine arms, but could do nothing.
[353] _Lettere e Notizie_, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op. cit._
[354] The Manfredi were lords of Faenza, which was under the protection
of Florence. Galeotto Manfredi had been murdered by his jealous
wife, Francesca Bentivoglio, and the citizens, afraid to lose their
freedom, had taken her, and her father who had come from Bologna to her
assistance, prisoners, and slain the Milanese general sent by Sforza.
Lorenzo took the part of the murdered man’s young son Astorre, and
Giovanni Bentivoglio was kept a prisoner for some weeks at Modigliana,
while his daughter Francesca was sent to Bologna to her mother.
[355] _Lettere e Notizie_, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op cit._
[356] _Lettere e Notizie_, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op. cit._
[357] Ibid.
[358] Clarice was consumptive.
[359] _Lettere e Notizie_, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op. cit._
[360] _Lettere di Lorenzo de’ Medici a Innocenzo VIII._, op. cit. 18.
[361] _Lettere_, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op. cit._
[362] Ibid.
[363] _Lettere_, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op. cit._
[364] Gian Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan, married his cousin, Isabella
of Naples, daughter of Alfonso, Duke of Calabria. Lorenzo de’ Medici
was ill, so Piero, his son, met the Duchess at Leghorn, and then went
to Milan to attend the marriage festivities.
[365] Florentine ambassador to Milan.
[366] Piero de’ Medici’s device, invented by Poliziano, was a
_broncone_ or bough (in Nestor’s drawing it looks more like a hurdle)
in flames, with the motto, _In Viridi Teneras Flamma Medúlas Exudit_,
signifying that his love was so strenuous and incomparable that it
would even set fire to green wood. _Histoire des Hommes Illustres de la
Maison de Medici._ Jean Nestor, 1564.
[367] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, &c., _op. cit._ ii. 296.
[368] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, &c., _op. cit._ ii. 394.
[369] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, &c., ii. 300.
[370] _Lettere di Lorenzo a Innocenzo VIII._, op. cit. 14.
[371] _Lettere e Notizie_, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op. cit._
[372] Ibid.
[373] _Lettere e Notizie_, &c., Arch. Pal. de Modena, _op. cit._
[374] Ibid.
[375] Francesco Cibò, the Pope’s son, married to Maddalena de’ Medici,
Lorenzo’s daughter.
[376] _Lettere di Lorenzo a Innocenzo VIII._, op. cit.
[377] _Lettere e Notizie_, Arch. Pal. di Modena, p. 315.
[378] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 293.
[379] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xxiv. No. 502.
[380] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 292.
[381] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xliii. No. 157. (The date is
uncertain, as there is a blot of ink on the figure 8. A rough copy in
Lorenzo’s handwriting.)
[382] _Laurentii Medicis Vita, &c._, _op. cit._ ii. 344.
[383] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xviii. No. 19.
[384] Ibid., xliii. No. 139.
[385] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xli. No. 531.
[386] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 293. (By some mistake
Fabroni gives the date as August 1492. Lorenzo died on April 8 of
that year.) During a visit to Rome in 1486 Pico della Mirandola had
promulgated nine hundred theses on theology, philosophy, magic, and
the Cabbalah, which he offered to maintain in public disputation.
Heresies contained in them were pointed out by his enemies and Innocent
VIII. issued a Brief against those considered as dangerous. Pico fled
to France and published an apology protesting his orthodoxy, but it
was only by Lorenzo’s influence that the Pope was induced to suspend
proceedings. Pico then returned to Florence and Lorenzo, as this and
the two former letters show, pressed the Pope hard to grant his friend
a full pardon.
[387] _Laurentii Medicis Vita, &c._, ii. 365 _et seq._
[388] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xliii. No. 142 (draft of letter in
Lorenzo’s handwriting without date).
[389] A Greek scribe employed by Lorenzo in copying.
[390] _Prose Volgari inedite_, &c., _op. cit._ 78.
[391] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, &c., _op. cit._ ii. 90.
[392] _Acqua arzente_ in modern Italian is the name given to water with
nitrous acid in it and is used to clean silver. It is poisonous. Piero
Leoni evidently suspected something wrong (perhaps poisonous) in a
certain water which had been recommended to Lorenzo. He advises him to
go back to his old waters until he analyses the new water.
[393] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 91.
[394] _Un Cortigiano di Lorenzo il Magnifico_, Gugliemo Volpi. Estratto
del Giornale Storico della Letteratura Italiana, 1891, xvii. 229.
[395] _Lettere e Notizie_, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op. cit._
[396] _Lettere e Notizie_, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op. cit._
[397] Ibid.
[398] Ibid.
[399] _Lettere e Notizie_, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, _op. cit._
[400] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. ii. 308 _et seq._
[401] Paper torn.
[402] _Life of Leo X._, W. Roscoe, Appendix i. 408. H. G. Bohn, London,
1853.
[403] _Laurentii Medicis Vita_, op. cit. i. 199 _et seq._
[404] _Epistola di Fra Placido Cinozzi_ in _Scelta di Prediche e
Scritti di Fra Girolamo Savonarola, con nuovi documenti intorno
alla sua vita_, P. Villari e E. Casanuova. G. C. Sansoni, Firenze,
1898, p. 16. The _Biographia Latina_ of Savonarola follows Cinozzi’s
account, citing Fra Silvestro and Fra Domenico, an ardent adherent of
Savonarola, as authorities. The same story, with additions, is given
by the biographers of Savonarola, Pico della Mirandola (a nephew of
Lorenzo’s friend) and Burlamacchi. “There is,” says Creighton, “no
evidence that Pico, the earliest of them, had written his book before
1520; whether Burlamacchi wrote independently or merely re-edited Pico
is a question open to discussion.”
[405] Dei gives wrong dates. Lorenzo was born on January 1, 1449 (1450).
[406] _Archivio Storico Italiano_, Serie v. Tomo iv., Dispensa 5 e 6
del 1889, p. 258.
INDEX
A
Acciaiuoli, Agnolo, 19, 57; reason of his hatred of the Medici, 83,
84; letter from, to Piero de’ Medici, 105; secretly recalled by Piero
de’ Medici, 142; 153
Alamanni, Piero, Florentine ambassador at Rome; letter to, from
Lorenzo de’ Medici on Giovanni’s nomination to the Cardinalate, 303
Alberti, Alberto de’, letter from, to Giovanni de’ Medici on the state
of Rome, 47
Albino, Giovanni, letter to, from Lorenzo de’ Medici, 240
Albizzi, Rinaldo degl’, 13, 19, 20, 26, 28
Aldrovandini, Guidone, Ferrarese ambassador to Florence, letter from,
to the Duke Ercole d’Este, 274; letter to, from the Duke, 276; letter
from, to the Duke about Lorenzo de’ Medici and the state of Florence,
277, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 294, 295, 297, 298
Alum, monopoly of, given to the Medici, 98; 104, 306
Ammanati, Jacopo, Cardinal of Pavia, 163; letters from, to Lorenzo de’
Medici on the Cardinalate for Giuliano, 167, 168
Ammirato, Scipione, quoted, 7
Angoulême, Marguerite d’, Queen of Navarre, 114
Antonino, Archbishop, on slavery, 29
Aragona, Don Federigo d’, meets Lorenzo de’ Medici at Pisa, 87; letter
to, from Lorenzo de’ Medici on the old Tuscan poets, 88; 94_n_, 146
---- Cardinal d’, 259, 260, 263
Artimino, Papinio di, letters to Lucrezia de’ Medici on the Turkish
army in Apulia, 237, 238
Avogarius, Doctor Petrus Bonus, letter from, to Lorenzo de’ Medici, 301
B
Baccio, Ugolino, 245; letters from, to Lorenzo de’ Medici about the
Archbishop of Krain, 247, 249, 252; 274; letter to, from Lorenzo de’
Medici, 278; 314, 316
Baldovinetti, quoted, on slaves, 30
Basel, Œcumenical Council of, transferred to Ferrara and Florence, 41,
42; Archbishop of Krain at, 247, 249, 252
Becchi, Gentile, of Urbino (Bishop of Arezzo), 111, 133; letter from,
to Clarice de’ Medici describing Lorenzo’s journey to Milan, 138; 143,
155, 170, 214
Bentivoglio, Giovanni di, letter from, to Piero de’ Medici about the
League against Venice and the Pope, 135; letter to, from Lorenzo de’
Medici, 202
C
Cafaggiuolo, Villa of, 4, 19, 60, 74; Clarice de’ Medici and her
children at, 213, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 222
Caiano, Poggio a, Villa of, flood at, described in _Ambra_, 147; 155
Calabria, Alfonso, Duke of, 59, 200, 206, 207, 231, 232, 240, 254,
274, 284
---- Ippolita Maria d’Aragona, Duchess of, 87, 93_n_; letter from, to
Lorenzo de’ Medici, 236
Cambi, Giovanni, quoted, 56, 61
Capponi, Marquess Gino, quoted, 150
Careggi, Villa of, 27; Count of Pavia at, 61; last months of Cosimo
de’ Medici at, 73, 74, 75; death of Cosimo de’ Medici at, 78; 81, 84,
137; death of Piero de’ Medici at, 142; 152, 181, 217, 223, 291, 336;
death of Lorenzo de’ Medici at, 339, 340, 341
Catasto, 5; description of the, 164_n_
Cavalcanti, Giovanni, quoted, 6
Ceccho, Messer, letter from, to Lorenzo de’ Medici, 201; 203, 204,
207, 208
Cinozzi, Fra Pacifico, 339; account of the death of Lorenzo de’ Medici
by, 340
Comines, Philippe de, 149_n_, 193, 202, 226; letter to, from Lorenzo
de’ Medici, 312
Creighton, Dr., quoted, 150
Cristofano d’Antonio, Fra, letter from, to Lucrezia de’ Medici about
her grandchildren, 172
D
Dei, Bartolommeo, letter from, to his uncle on the death of Lorenzo
de’ Medici, 341
Dennistoun, J., quoted, 136_n_
Dovizi da Bibbiena, Piero, letters to, from Matteo Franco, 289, 327
E
Este, Duke Borso d’, 176
---- Eleonora d’, Duchess of Ferrara, letter to, from Lorenzo de’
Medici on the death of his mother, 244
---- Ercole d’, Duke of Ferrara, 135, 241; letter to, from Lorenzo
de’ Medici on his mother’s death, 244; 254; letter to, from Lorenzo
de’ Medici, 273; letter to, from his ambassador Aldrovandini, 274;
letter from, to Aldrovandini, 276; letters to, from Aldrovandini, 277,
280, 282, 283, 285, 294, 297, 298; letters to, from his ambassador
Manfredi, 305, 309, 330
Eugenius IV., Pope, 26_n_; arrival of at Florence for Œcumenical
Council, 41; Lorenzo de’ Medici (brother to Cosimo) sent to Ferrara
to, 42
F
Ferrante, or Ferdinando, King of Naples, 53, 125, 128, 129, 135, 158,
159, 160, 163, 170, 176, 195, 196, 197, 199, 202, 227, 228, 229_n_,
230, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 283, 284, 286, 298, 305, 313, 314,
315, 316, 319, 320; words of, on hearing of the death of Lorenzo de’
Medici, 343
Festival on St. John’s Day, 95
Ficino, Marsilio, selected to preside over the Platonic Academy, 57;
letter to, from Cosimo de’ Medici, 73; letter from, to Lorenzo de’
Medici describing his grandfather Cosimo, 76; 143
Filelfo, Francesco, letter from, to Lorenzo de’ Medici, 166
Florence, Signoria of, letter to, from Lorenzo de’ Medici announcing
his departure for Naples, 229
Fortebraccio, Niccolò, letter from, to Cosimo de’ Medici, 34; 36, 37,
39, 40
France, King of, _see_ Louis XI.
Franco, Matteo, letter from, to Lorenzo de’ Medici, 173; letters from,
to Piero Dovizi describing Clarice’s journey from Morba, 267; from the
baths of Stigliano, 289; from Rome, 327
Frederick II., Emperor, entry of into Florence, 56; 248, 249, 250,
251, 253
G
Gibbon, Edward, quoted, 7
I
Innocent VIII., Pope, election of, 258; 261, 262, 265, 283, 284;
letter to, from Lorenzo de’ Medici, 285; 286, 287, 294; letter to,
from Lorenzo de’ Medici on the death of his wife, 296; 298, 303;
letter to, from Lorenzo de’ Medici on the promotion of his son
Giovanni to the Cardinalate, 304; letter to, from the same on the
condition of F. Cibò, 306; 310, 311, 313, 314, 315, 316, 318, 319,
320, 321, 322, 328, 335, 336
J
John XXIII., Pope, 7
K
Krain, Archbishop of, 245; proclaims a Council at Basel, 246; 247,
249, 252
L
Landucci, Luca, quoted, 165_n_
Lanfredini, Giovanni, Florentine ambassador at Venice, then at Rome,
letter to, from Lorenzo de’ Medici on the war with the Pope and
Venice, 196; letters to, from the same about Pico della Mirandola,
311, 318, 319
Lapini, quoted, on slave girls, 30_n_
Leoni, Doctor Piero, 283, 323, 324; letter from, to Lorenzo de’ Medici
on various waters, 326; 329, 336; suicide of, 342
Louis XI., King of France, 84; letter from, to Piero de’ Medici
creating him a privy councillor, 85; document from, granting Piero de’
Medici the privilege of quartering the Lily of France on his arms, 86;
152, 155, 156, 186; letter from, to the Florentine Republic on the
Pazzi conspiracy, 192; letter from, to Sixtus IV., on the same, 193;
letter from, to Lorenzo de’ Medici, 198; 206, 226, 227; letter from,
to Lorenzo de’ Medici, 254; 285
Lucca, war against, 13, 15, 16, 18; end of war against, 19; war
renewed against, 33
M
Machiavelli, Girolamo, 58
---- Niccolò, quoted, 7, 28, 33, 82, 105, 145, 186, 208
Malegonnelle, Piero, letters from, to Lucrezia de’ Medici about Morba,
184
Manfredi, Manfredo di, Ferrarese ambassador to Florence; letters from,
to Duke Ercole d’Este, 305, 330
Medici, ancestors of the, 1
---- Ardingo de’, 2
---- Averardo de’, fabulous, 1
---- ---- Gonfalonier of Justice in 1314, 2
---- ---- (cousin of Cosimo), letters to, from Cosimo, 7, 11, 13, 15,
16, 18, 20, 21, 23, 26
---- Bank of the, manager of the, to Duke Ercole d’Este, 309
---- Bernardo de’, 17, 23
---- Bianca de’, 7, 109; letter from, to her mother Lucrezia, 223;
265, 330
---- Bonagiunta de’, 2
---- Carlo de’ (illegitimate son of Cosimo), 38, 132
---- Chiarissimo de’, 2
---- Clarice de’, 128; marriage festivities of, 129; letter to, from
Rinaldo Orsini, 134; letter to, from Gentile Becchi, 138; letter to,
from Lorenzo, 161; 173; letters to, from Poliziano, 177, 178; letter
from, to Lorenzo, 178; 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 217; letter from, to
Lorenzo on Poliziano, 218; 266, 268, 270, 288, 290, 291; death of,
296, 297; 298
---- Contessina de’, letter from, to her husband Cosimo, 10; letter
from, to her son Giovanni, 14; letters from, to her son Piero, 48, 50;
letters from, to her son Giovanni, 51, 53, 54, 55; letter from, to
Ginevra, 58; letter from, to her son Piero, 62; letter from, to her
son Giovanni and his wife, 62; 71, 74, 80, 109, 111, 113; letter from,
to Lucrezia, 117; 125, 141, 157; letter to, from A. de’ Conio, 158;
162, 172, 173
---- Contessina de’, daughter of Lorenzo, 220; letter to, from her
father, 310
---- Cosimo de’ (Pater Patriæ), 6; description of by Machiavelli, 7;
generosity of, to men of letters, 8; Vespasiano on, 9; letter to,
from his wife, 10; letter from, to his cousin Averardo on Milanese
matters, 11; letters from, to the same on the war with Lucca, 15,
16, 18; diary of, 19; return of, from exile, 28; letter from, to his
son Piero at Venice, 31; goes to Venice, 33; letter to, from Niccolò
Fortebraccio, 34; letter to, from his brother Lorenzo, 35; letters to,
from Count Francesco Sforza about Fortebraccio and the Duke of Milan,
36, 38, 39, 41; letter to, from the same about Foligno, 44; 50, 51;
letter from, to his son Giovanni on the war between Venice and Milan,
52; 53, 54, 56, 57; speech of, to Luca Pitti, 58; letter from, to his
son Giovanni, 59; 60; home life of, 61; 62; letter from, to his son
Giovanni, 63; letter to, from Pius II. on the death of Giovanni, 64;
letters from, to Pius II., 65, 66; letter from, to his son Piero, 70;
assistance given by, to Francesco Sforza, 71; document from Francesco
Sforza bestowing privileges on, 71; letter from, to Ficino, 73; last
illness of, 74; character of, by Ficino, 76; memorandum on death of,
by his son Piero, 77; note of expenses for funeral of, 79; declared
Pater Patriæ, 81; 82, 83, 84; praise of, by Pius II., 84; condolence
on death of, by Louis XI., 85; 144, 151, 152
---- Filigno di Conte de’, Diary of, 2
---- Filippo de’, Archbishop of Pisa, letter from, to Piero about the
marriage contract of Clarice Orsini, 120; letter from, to Lorenzo
announcing marriage by proxy with Clarice Orsini, 127; 168
---- Giambuono, progenitor of the, 1
---- Ginevra de’ (Cavalcanti), wife of Lorenzo, Cosimo’s brother, 10,
41, 80
---- Ginevra de’ (degl’ Alessandri), wife of Giovanni, son of Cosimo,
letter to, from Contessina, 62; 80
---- Giovanni de’, surnamed Bicci, popularity of, 5; advice to his
sons on his deathbed, 6; 151
---- Giovanni de’, son of Cosimo, 14; letter to, from his mother, 46;
letter to, from Alberto de’ Alberti from Rome, 47; letters to, from
his mother, 47, 48, 51, 53, 55, 58, 62; letters to, from his father,
59, 63; death of, 63; 65, 151, 152
---- Giovanni de’, son of Lorenzo, 145; receives the tonsure, is
declared capable of holding benefices at seven years of age, 155;
156, 216, 220, 222, 270, 271; promotion of, to the Cardinalate, 303,
304; receives the Cardinal’s hat, 331; letter of advice to, from his
father, 332; letter from, to his father, 336
---- Giuliano de’, 69, 70, 80, 109, 111, 125, 134; tournament of,
166; 172; letter from, to his mother, 174; 186, 189; murder of, 190;
description of, by Poliziano, 191; 192, 193, 215
---- Guccio de’, 2
---- Lorenzo de’, son of Giovanni Bicci de’, 6, 18, 21, 23, 26; letter
from, to his brother Cosimo, 35; 40; sent to Ferrara to Eugenius IV.
about transferring Œcumenical Council to Florence, 42; 151
---- Lorenzo de’, the Magnificent, letter to, and Giuliano, from his
father, 74; letter to, from Marsilio Ficino, 76; 87; letter from, to
Federigo d’Aragona on the old Tuscan poets, 88; letter to, from his
father, instructions as to his behaviour at Milan, 93; 98, 99; letter
to, from Luigi Pulci, 100; letters to, from his father on the death
of the Duke of Milan, 102, 105; letter to, from Luigi Pulci, 107;
110; letters from, to his mother, 115, 116; letters to, from Luigi
Pulci, 118, 119; 120; letters to, from his uncle about Clarice Orsini,
122, 123; letters to, from Clarice Orsini, 123, 125; tournament of,
126; letter to, from Rinaldo Orsini, 126; letter to, from Maddalena
Orsini, 127; letter to, from the Archbishop of Pisa, 127; wedding
festivities of, 129; 137; journey of, to Milan, 138; letter from,
to his wife, 140; letter from, to his father, 141; education of,
143; description of, by Valori, 144; nature of, by Symonds, 144;
interference of, with deposits in the Monte, 145; influence of L.
B. Alberti on, 146; poetry of, 146; Dr. Creighton on, 149; Marquess
Gino Capponi on, 150; _Ricordi_ of, 150; letter to from Poliziano,
156; letter to, from Pulci at Naples, 159; letter to, from his wife,
161; letter to, from Pulci, 162; letter from, to Sixtus IV., about
making Giuliano a cardinal, 163; letter to, from Ingherami, 165;
letter to, from Filelfo, 166; letters to, from the Cardinal of Pavia
about the Cardinalate for Giuliano, 167, 168; letter to, from Franco,
173; letter to, from Bertoldo, 175; hawking of, at Pisa, 176, 177;
letter to, from his wife, 178; letters to, from his mother at Morba,
179, 182, 183; Pazzi conspiracy against, 186; waxen images of, 191,
192; 193; letter from, to Soderini, 194; letter from, to Lanfredini,
196; letter from, to Louis XI., 198; letter from, to Bettini, 199;
letter to, from Messer Ceccho, 201; letter from, to Bentivoglio, 202;
letters from, to Morelli, 123, 207; letters to, from Poliziano at
Pistoja, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212; letter from, to the King of Spain,
215; letters to, from Poliziano at Cafaggiuolo, 216, 217; letters to,
from his son Piero, 216, 217; letter to, from his wife on dismissal
of Poliziano, 218; letter from, to his mother, 219; letters to, from
his son Piero, 219, 220, 221; letter to, from Pucci, 221; 223, 224,
225, 226; letter from, to Morelli about the Duke of Milan, 227; 228;
letter from, to the Signoria of Florence on his departure for Naples,
229; letter from, to Montecatino, 230; letters to, from Scala, 231,
233, 234; letter to, from the Duchess of Calabria, 236; letter from,
to the Doge of Venice, 239; letter from, to Albino, 240; 241, 244;
letters from, to the Duke and Duchess d’Este on his mother’s death,
244; 246; letter to, from Federigo of Urbino, 246; letters to, from
Baccio at Basel, 247, 249, 252; letter to, from Louis XI., 254; letter
to, from Scala, with a poem, 255; letter to, from Vespucci about
the election of Innocent VIII., 258; letter from, to his son Piero
at Rome, 260; letter to, from Michelozzi, 265; letter from, to Duke
Ercole d’Este, 273; 274, 276, 277; letter from, to Baccio, 278; 280,
281; anger of with Lodovico Sforza, 282, 283, 284; letter from, to
Innocent VIII., 285; 286, 287; letter to, from Poliziano, 288; 290,
291, 292, 293, 294, 295; letter from, to Innocent VIII. on the death
of his wife, 296; 297; letter to, from Stefano, 299; letter to, from
Doctor Avogarius, 301; letter from, to Alamanni about Giovanni’s
nomination as cardinal, 303; letter from, to Innocent VIII. on his son
Giovanni’s nomination as cardinal, 304; 306; share of, in the Medici
bank, 309; letters from, to Lanfredini, Florentine ambassador at Rome,
about Pico della Mirandola, 310, 311, 318, 319; letter from, to his
daughter Contessina, 310; letter from, to P. de Comines, 312; letter
to, from Vettori, Florentine ambassador at Naples, 314; letter from,
to his son Piero, 316; letter from, to the Commissaries of Pistoja,
317; letter from, to Andrea about a racehorse, 317; letter from, to
the King of England, 322; letter to, from Poliziano, 323; letter to,
from Pandolfini, Florentine ambassador at Rome, 325; letter to, from
Doctor P. Leoni about various waters, 327; fortitude of, in bearing
pain, 330, 331; last letter from, advice to his son Cardinal Giovanni
at Rome, 332; letter to, from his son Cardinal Giovanni, 336
---- Lucrezia de’, 48; character of, 49; letter from, to her husband,
50; 51, 59; letters from, to her husband, 60, 61, 69, 74, 107;
letters from, to her husband describing Clarice Orsini, 108, 109,
110, 111; buys the baths of Morba, 113, 114; letters to, from her son
Lorenzo, 115, 116; letter to, from her husband, 115; letter to, from
her mother-in-law, 117; letter to, from her husband, 117; 125, 130;
letter to, from her husband on Lorenzo’s journey to Milan, 137; 141,
143, 151, 162; letter to, from the Syndic of Galatea, 171; letter to,
from Fra Cristofano about her grandchildren, 172; letter to, from her
son Giuliano, 174; letters from, to her son Lorenzo from Morba, 179;
letters to, from her grandchild Lucrezia, 180, 222; letter to, from
Poliziano, 181; letters from, to her son Lorenzo about her departure
from Morba, 182, 183; letters to, from Vicar of Pomerance, 184; letter
to, from Clarice, 213; letter to, from Poliziano at Cafaggiuolo, 213;
letter to, from her son Lorenzo, 219; letter to, from her daughter
Nannina Rucellai, 222; letter to, from her daughter Bianca de Pazzi,
223; letter to, from Poliziano, 224; letter to, from Doctor Oliverio,
235; letters to, from Papinio, 237, 238; death of, 244
---- Lucrezia de’, daughter of Lorenzo, 172; letter from, to her
grandmother Lucrezia, 180; 181, 217, 220; letter from, to her
grandmother, 222; 225
---- Nannina de’, marriage of, 106, 140; letter from, to her mother,
222
---- Piero de’, 14; letter to, from his father Cosimo, 31; letters
to, from his mother, 40, 48, 49; letter to, from his wife, 50; 51,
55; goes to Milan to salute Duke Francesco Sforza, 56; letters to,
from his wife, 60, 69; letter to, from his father, 70; letter from, to
his sons on Cosimo’s last illness, 74; memorandum by, on his father’s
death, 84; letter to, from Louis XI. on death of his father, 85;
privilege given to, by Louis XI. to quarter the Lily of France on the
Medici arms, 87; letters from, to his son Lorenzo at Rome, 102, 103;
letter to, from Acciaiuoli, 105; letter from, to Acciaiuoli, 105;
letters to, from his wife, describing Clarice Orsini, 108, 109, 111;
letters from, to his wife, 115, 117; letter to, from Cardinal Latino
Orsini, 120; letter to, from the Archbishop of Pisa, 120; letter from,
to his wife, 137; letter to, from his son Lorenzo, 141; illness and
death of, 142; 151, 154
---- Piero de’, son of Lorenzo, 153, 172, 209, 210, 211; letters from,
to his father, 212, 216, 217, 219, 220, 225; letter to, from his
father, 260; goes to Rome to meet his bride, 288; at Milan for the
wedding of Duke Gian Galeazzo Sforza, 299; letter to, from his father,
316; at his father’s deathbed, 337; declared eligible for all offices,
343
---- Pier Francesco de’, 10, 50, 55, 63, 151, 152
---- Salvestro de’, leads the Florentine army against Giovanni
Visconti, 4; advocates excluding the Guelph nobles from power, 5
Michelozzi, Niccolò, letter from, to Lorenzo de’ Medici, 265
Milan, Dukes of, _see_ Visconti (to p. 56) then Sforza
Mirandola, Pico della, 208; letters about, from Lorenzo de Medici,
310, 311, 318; 319_n_, 324, 325; at the deathbed of Lorenzo de’
Medici, 338
Montecatino, Antonio, letter to, from Lorenzo de’ Medici, 230
Montefeltro, Count Guido di, 13
Montesecco, Giovanni Battista da, 187; confession of, 188; refusal of,
to murder Lorenzo de’ Medici in a church, 189
Morba, baths of, 111; description of, 112; 115, 116, 117, 179, 180,
182; bought by Lucrezia de’ Medici, 184; 235, 255; poem on, by Scala,
256; 265; Franco describes journey from, 267; 291
Morelli, Girolamo, Florentine ambassador at Milan, letters to, from
Lorenzo de’ Medici about the war with Sixtus IV. and Naples, 203, 207,
227
N
Naples, King of, _see_ Ferrante, or Ferdinando
Neroni, Diotisalvi, tries to ruin Piero de’ Medici, 82; 83, 84, 99
Niccoli, Niccolò de’, library of, 8
O
Oliviero, Doctor, letter from, to Lucrezia de’ Medici about Morba, 235
Orsini, Alfonsina, 288, 290, 293, 311
---- Clarice, description of, by Lucrezia de’ Medici, 108, 109, 110;
letters from, to Lorenzo de’ Medici, 123, 125; marriage of, by proxy,
127; 128; marriage festivities of, at Florence, 129
---- Latino, Cardinal, 108; letter from, to Piero de’ Medici, 120; 263
---- Maddalena, 108, 124; letter from, to Lorenzo de’ Medici, 127
---- Rinaldo, letter from, to Lorenzo de’ Medici, 126; letter from, to
Clarice, 134
---- Virginio, 278, 279, 280
P
Pandolfini, Pier Francesco, Florentine ambassador at Rome, letter
from, to Lorenzo de’ Medici, 325
Parentucelli, Tomasso, Bishop of Bologna, catalogues Niccoli’s
library, 8
Pavia, Cardinal of, _see_ Ammanati
Pazzi, conspiracy of the, 186; letter of Louis XI. on, to the
Florentine Republic, 192; letter from Louis XI. on, to Sixtus IV., 193
---- Bianca de’, letter to her mother Lucrezia de’ Medici, 223
---- Gugliemo de’, 71, 153, 265
Pisa, 69, 70; meeting of Lorenzo de’ Medici and Don Federigo d’Aragona
at, 87; 92; meeting of Luigi Pulci and Duke of Calabria at, 118, 119;
Giuliano de’ Medici at, 174; Lorenzo de’ Medici hawking at, 176, 177
Pitti, Luca, 56, 57; Gonfalonier of Justice in 1458, 58; Cosimo de’
Medici’s speech to, 58
Pius II., Pope, on Cosimo de’ Medici, 58; entry of, into Florence, 61;
letter from, to Cosimo de’ Medici on his son’s death, 64; letter to,
from Cosimo de’ Medici, 65; letter from, to Piero de’ Medici on his
father’s death, 84
Poliziano, Agnolo, quoted, 9, 57; first letter from, to Lorenzo de’
Medici, 156; life and works of, 156_n_; letters from, to Clarice de’
Medici, 177, 178; letter from, to Lucrezia de’ Medici, 181; scene in
cathedral when Giuliano de’ Medici was murdered described by, 190;
Giuliano described by, 191; letters from, to Lorenzo de’ Medici from
Pistoja, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212; letter from, to Lucrezia de’ Medici
from Cafaggiuolo 213; letters from, to Lorenzo de’ Medici, 216, 217;
letter from, to Lucrezia de’ Medici, 224; letter from, to Lorenzo de’
Medici, 288; letter from, to the same from Padua, 323; 330; letter
from, to Jacopo Antiquario, describing the death of Lorenzo de’
Medici, 336
Pope Eugenius IV., 26_n_; arrival of, in Florence for the Œcumenical
Council, 41; 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 52, 53
---- Innocent VIII., election of, 258; 260, 261, 262, 265; Lorenzo
de’ Medici on, 277; 280, 282; cowardice of, 283; 284; letter to, from
Lorenzo de’ Medici, 285; 286, 287, 294; letter to, from Lorenzo de’
Medici on the death of his wife, 296; 298; letter to, from Lorenzo de’
Medici on the nomination of his son to the Cardinalate, 304; letter
to, from the same about Francesco Cibò, 306; 309, 310, 311, 312, 313,
314, 316, 318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 335, 336
---- Paul II., 102, 104, 135
---- Pius II., 56; entry of, into Florence, 61; letter from, to Cosimo
de’ Medici, 64; letters to, from Cosimo de’ Medici, 65, 66; letter
from, to Piero de’ Medici on his father’s death, 84
---- Sixtus IV., 155, 156, 167; implicated in the Pazzi conspiracy,
186, 187, 188; letter to, from Louis XI. on the Pazzi conspiracy, 193;
196, 197, 199; letter from, to the Duke of Urbino, 205; 208, 221, 222,
234, 245, 248, 253; death of, 258
Pucci, Antonio, letter from, to Lorenzo de’ Medici, 221
---- Puccio, prudence and sagacity of, 7; 8
Pulci, Bernardo, 100_n_, 118
---- Luca, 100_n_, 125
---- Luigi, letter from, to Lorenzo de’ Medici, about going to Rome,
100; letter from, to the same, 107; letters from, to the same from
Pisa, 118, 119; 150; letter from, to the same from Naples, 159; letter
from, to the same from Rome, 162
R
Riario, Girolamo, nephew of Sixtus IV., 175; joins in the Pazzi
conspiracy, 187, 188; accused by Louis XI. of aiding in the murder
of Giuliano de’ Medici, 193; 242, 243; plans attack on the Duke of
Ferrara, 243; 254
---- Piero, 186, 187
_Ricordi_, or Diary of Filigno de’ Medici, 2
---- of Cosimo de’ Medici, 19
---- of Lorenzo de’ Medici, 128, 141, 150
Roberti, Niccolò, letter to the Duke Borso d’Este, 176
Robbia, Luca della, 84
Rovere, Giuliano della, _see_ Vincula, S. Piero in
Rucellai, Bernardo, marries Nannina de’ Medici, 106; 140, 265
---- Giovanni, 107
---- Nannina, letter to her mother Lucrezia de’ Medici, 222
S
Sacchetti, Francesco, 5; on the sale of Christian slaves, 29
Salviati, Francesco, Archbishop of Pisa, joins in the Pazzi
conspiracy, 187, 188, 189; tries to seize the Palace of the Signoria,
190; is hung, 191
Sansoni, Raffaello, Cardinal of S. Giorgio, involved in the Pazzi
conspiracy, 189, 190, 196
Savonarola, Fra Girolamo, 338, 339; at the deathbed of Lorenzo de’
Medici, 340
Scala, Bartolommeo, letters from, to Lorenzo de’ Medici at Naples,
231, 233, 234; letter from, to the same at Morba, 255; poem by, 256
Sforza, Count Francesco, 32, 33; letters to Cosimo de’ Medici, 36, 38,
39, 44; becomes Duke of Milan, 56; 58, 60; document from, conferring
privileges on the Medici, 71; 87; death of, 99; letters from Piero de’
Medici to his son Lorenzo on the death of, 102, 103
---- Galeazzo Maria, entry of, into Florence, 60; speech of, to the
Signoria of Florence, 60; describes a dinner at Careggi, 61; 94;
succeeds his father as Duke of Milan, 99; 104, 153, 170; murder of, 187
---- Lodovico (Il Moro), 227, 228, 274, 275, 276, 279, 280, 281, 282,
283, 284, 286, 287_n_, 314, 315
---- Gian Galeazzo, Duke of Milan, marriage of, 299
Sgnippi, Bartolommeo, letter from, to Montecatino, Ferrarese
ambassador to Florence, on an attempt to assassinate Lorenzo de’
Medici, 241
Silvestro, Fra, 339, 340
Sixtus IV., Pope, 149, 186; grievances of, against Florence, 187;
participation of, in the Pazzi conspiracy, 188; letter to, from Louis
XI. about the Pazzi conspiracy, 193; 196, 197, 203; letter from, to
the Duke of Urbino, 205; 208, 245, 246, 249, 253; death of, 258
Slaves in Florence in fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, 29
Soderini, Tommaso, influence of, 144; letter to, from Lorenzo de’
Medici on engaging condottieri for the war against the Pope and
Naples, 194
Spain, King of, letter to, from Lorenzo de’ Medici, 215
Strozzi, Filippo, quoted, on the Pazzi conspiracy, 190
Symonds, John Addington, quoted, 8, 9, 92, 144, 177
T
Tolfa, or Tofa, La, alum mines of, 98
Tornabuoni, Francesco, 17, 49
---- Francesco, letters from, to Lorenzo de’ Medici about Clarice
Orsini, 122, 123
---- Giovanni, 49, 102, 103, 104, 107, 108, 109, 116, 120, 122, 123,
124, 134, 163, 168, 170, 186, 210, 211, 225, 261, 263, 264, 303
Tournament of Lorenzo de’ Medici, 123, 124, 125
---- of Giuliano de’ Medici, 176
U
Urbino, Count and Duke of, Federigo, 104, 136_n_, 141, 163, 164;
letter to, from Sixtus IV. abusing Lorenzo de’ Medici, 205; letter
from, to Lorenzo de’ Medici asking for reinforcements, 246
V
Valois, Marguerite de, 112
Valori, Niccolò, 49; quoted, 144
Vasari, Giorgio, quoted, 84, 191
Verrocchio, Andrea, 191; designs waxen images of Lorenzo de’ Medici,
192
Vespasiano da Bisticci, quoted, 8, 9
Vespucci, Guidantonio, letter from, from Paris to the Ten of the
Balìa, 226; letter from, to Lorenzo de’ Medici from Rome on the
election of Innocent VIII., 258
Vettori, Pietro, Florentine ambassador at Naples, letter from, to
Lorenzo de’ Medici, 314
Vincula, S. Piero in, Cardinal, _see_ Rovere
Visconti, Filippo Maria, Duke of Milan, 11, 13, 33, 36, 37, 38, 39, 56
---- Giovanni, Archbishop and Lord of Milan, 4
W
Waxen images of Lorenzo de’ Medici, 192
THE END
Printed by Ballantyne, Hanson & Co.
Edinburgh & London
Transcriber’s Notes
Unusual spellings in the Italian transcriptions of facsimile letters
were retained as originally published.
The original publisher swapped the letter transcriptions facing pages
50 and 206; these have been restored to the correct places.
In addition to the below changes, several minor punctuation and
typographical errors have been fixed.
Page xvi and 289: changed ‘Babbiena’ to ‘Bibbiena’.
Page 19: changed ‘Acciaioli’ to ‘Acciaiuoli’.
Page 32: in the original publication, the last four letters of ‘Corro’
are surmounted by a large tilde.
Page 40: changed ‘Vicesomes’ to ‘Vicecomes’.
Page 107: changed ‘Aloyius’ to ‘Aloysius’.
Page 139: changed ‘Capezano’ to ‘Capezzano’.
Page 181: changed ‘Ridofo’ to ‘Ridolfo’.
Page 186: changed ‘1748’ to ‘1478’.
Page 202: changed ‘Saterno’ to ‘Salerno’.
Page 236: changed ‘Giocacchino’ to ‘Giovacchino’.
Page 298: paragraph beginning with ‘Lorenzo’s grief’ separated from
above letter.
Page 323: changed ‘Aldobrandini’ to ‘Aldovrandini’.
Page 346: changed ‘John XXII.’ to ‘John XXIII.’
Footnote 161: changed ‘Argiropulos’ to ‘Argyropoulos’.
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