The Project Gutenberg EBook of The West Indies and the Spanish Main [1899], by
James Rodway
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
Title: The West Indies and the Spanish Main [1899]
Author: James Rodway
Release Date: June 14, 2010 [EBook #32809]
Language: English
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WEST INDIES ***
Produced by Steven Gibbs, Jane Hyland and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
The Story of the Nations.
THE WEST INDIES.
[Illustration: RECEPTION OF SPANIARDS BY ARAWAKS.
(_From Gottfried's "Reisen."_)]
THE WEST INDIES
AND THE
SPANISH MAIN
BY
JAMES RODWAY
_SECOND IMPRESSION_
London
T. FISHER UNWIN
PATERNOSTER SQUARE
MDCCCXCIX
COPYRIGHT BY T. FISHER UNWIN, 1896
(For Great Britain).
COPYRIGHT BY G.P. PUTNAM'S SONS, 1896
(For the United States of America).
INTRODUCTION.
The story of the West Indies and Spanish Main is one to stir the hearts
of many nations. The shores of the Caribbean Sea have been the scene of
marvellous adventures, of intense struggles between races and peoples,
of pain, trouble, and disaster of almost every description. No wonder
that the romance writer has laid his scenes upon its beautiful islands
and deep blue waters, for nowhere in the world, perhaps, could he find
such a wealth of incident. From "Robinson Crusoe" to Marryat's genial
stories, and down to "Westward Ho!" and "Treasure Island," old and young
have been entranced for many generations with its stories of shipwrecks,
pirates, sea-fights, and treasure-seekers. Yet with all this the field
has not been exhausted, for hardly a year passes without a new romance
dealing more or less with the "Indies."
Under this name of the Indies the islands and continent were first known
to the Spaniards, and it was not until some years had passed that the
mainland received the name of _Terra Firma_. The string of islands
facing the Atlantic were the Antilles, so called from a traditional
island to the west of the Azores, marked on maps and globes of the
fifteenth century. This "Bow of Ulysses," as Froude called the islands,
was divided into the Greater and Lesser Antilles, the latter being also
known as the Caribbees, from their original inhabitants. Other divisions
were made later into Windward and Leeward Islands, but these differed so
much in the descriptions of different nations that it would be as well
to leave them out of the question. Perhaps the best way would be to name
the whole the Antilles or West Indian Islands and divide them, in going
from north to south, into the Bahamas, the Greater Antilles, and the
Caribbees.
When we think of these beautiful islands and shores they recall those of
that other "Great Sea" which was such a mighty factor in the development
of Greece and Rome, Phoenicia and Carthage, Venice and Genoa. As Ulysses
and Æneas wandered about the Mediterranean, so the early voyagers sailed
along the coasts of the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico in fear of
anthropophagoi, amazons, giants, and fiery dragons. As the Indies were
the scene of struggles between great nations and the raids of
buccaneers, so also was the Mediterranean a battlefield for Christian
and Turk, and a centre for piracy.
Reports of golden cities, pearls and emeralds in profusion, and wealth
that passed all description, led the Spaniards to explore every island
and river, until the cannibals became less alarming. Yet their
sufferings were terrible. Hurricanes sunk their frail craft on the sea
and earthquakes wrung their very souls on land. Starvation, with its
consequent sickness and death, destroyed one party after another, but
they still went on. The discovery of the riches of Mexico and Peru led
them to look for other rich nations, and to travel thousands of miles on
the mainland, guided by the reports of the Indians. Undaunted by
suffering and failure, they would often try again and again, perhaps
only to perish in the attempt at last.
The treasures of the Indies made Spain the greatest nation in Europe.
With her riches she could do almost anything. Other nations bowed down
before her, and she became sovereign of the seas and mistress of the
world. No matter how it was obtained, gold and silver flowed into her
coffers; what did she care that it was obtained by the bloody sweat of
the poor Indians?
Then came envy and jealousy. Why should Spain claim the whole of the New
World? England, Holland, and France began to dispute her supremacy and
determined to get a share of the good things. The "invincible
domination" of Spain led her to declare war against England, with the
result that the hardy sea-dogs of that time began to worry the fat
galleons at sea, and to pillage the treasure depôts on the Main.
And here we must mention that there were two important places in the
Indies where Spain was most vulnerable--the Mona Passage between
Hispaniola and Porto Rico and the Isthmus of Darien. Through the first
came the outward fleets with supplies, and on their return with gold and
silver, while on the Isthmus was the depôt for merchandise and the great
treasure store. At these two points the enemy congregated, either as
ships of war, buccaneers, corsairs, or pirates, and in their
neighbourhood some of the most bitter struggles took place. There was no
peace in the Indies, whatever might nominally be the case in Europe.
Englishmen's blood boiled at the atrocities of the Spaniards, but we are
afraid it was not love for the oppressed alone that made them massacre
the Spaniards whenever they got an opportunity. The poor Indian received
but a scant measure of justice from these very people, when as a matter
of convenience they required possession of the Caribbee islands.
Other nations took possession of smaller islands, unoccupied by Spain,
and from these centres continued their raids, as privateers in war, and
as pirates at other times. Sometimes they were united among themselves
against the common enemy, sometimes at war with each other. France and
Holland against England, England and Holland against France--nothing but
quarrels and fighting. Now an island changed hands, and again it was
restored or recaptured. The planters were never sure of being able to
reap their crops, and often had literally to superintend the estate
work, armed with sword and arquebuse, while their black and white slaves
cultivated the soil.
Now the West Indies became the great training ground for three maritime
nations--England, France, and Holland. Spain lost her prestige, and the
struggle lay among her enemies for over a century. At first the three
disputants for her place were equally matched; then Holland dropped
behind, leaving England and France to fight it out. The struggle was a
very close one, which only ended with the fall of Napoleon, and it was
in the Caribbean Sea where the great check to France took place. Here
Rodney defeated De Grasse, and here Nelson and many another naval
officer gained that experience which served them so well in other parts
of the world.
Here also was the scene of that great labour experiment, the African
slave-trade. The atrocities of the Spaniards caused the depopulation of
the Greater Antilles, and led to the importation of negroes. Whatever
may be said against slavery, there can hardly be any question that the
African has been improved by his removal to another part of the world
and different surroundings. True, he has not progressed to the extent
that was expected by his friends when they paid such an enormous sum for
his enfranchisement; still, there are undoubtedly signs of progress.
The white colonists in the West Indies never settled down to form the
nucleus of a distinct people. Since the emancipation the islands have
been more and more abandoned to the negroes and coloured people, with
the result that although the government is mostly in the hands of the
whites, they are in such a minority as to be almost lost. In Cuba there
appears to be such a feeling of patriotism towards their own island that
probably we shall soon hear of a new republic, but elsewhere in the
islands our hopes for the future must lie in the negroes and coloured
people.
On the mainland the original inhabitants were not exterminated as in the
large islands, and consequently we have there a most interesting
process in course of accomplishment--the development of one or more
nations. Here are the true Americans, and as the Gaul was merged in the
Frank, and the Briton in the Saxon, so the Spaniard has been or will
ultimately be lost in the American. At present the so-called Spanish
republics are in their birth-throes--they are feeling their way. Through
trouble and difficulty--revolution and tyranny--they have to march on,
until they become stronger and more fitted to take their places among
other nations. Out of the struggle they must ultimately come, and it
will be a most interesting study for those who see the result.
In Hispaniola we have also a nation in the course of development--an
alien race from the old world. More backward than the Americans, the
Africans of Haïti are struggling to gain a position among other nations,
apparently without any good result. The nation is yet unborn, and its
birth-throes are distressing. We look upon that beautiful island and
feel sad that such a paradise should have fallen so low. As a race the
negro has little of that internal power that makes for progress--he must
be compelled to move on. Some are inclined to look upon him as in the
course of degenerating into the savage, but we, on the contrary, believe
him to be progressing slowly.
In the islands belonging to European nations the influence of the
dominant power is visible in the negro even when he has no trace of
white blood. The French, English, or Dutch negro may be recognised by
his manners, and even features. In some places East Indians and Chinese
have been imported, but these stand alone and make little impression.
They are aliens as yet, and take little part in the development of the
colonies.
Latterly the West Indies have sunk into neglect by Europe. Except for
the difficulties of the planters their history is almost a blank sheet.
Few know anything about the beautiful islands or the grand forests of
the mainland. Even the discovery of gold in Guiana, which goes to
confirm the reports of Ralegh, three centuries ago, is only known to a
few. Ruin and desolation have fallen upon them since the peace of 1815
and the emancipation. Even the negro--the _protégé_ of the
benevolent--is no longer the object of interest he once was. Cane sugar
is being gradually ousted by that from the beet, and hardly anything has
been done to replace its cultivation by other tropical products.
Yet the islands are still as lovely as they were four centuries ago, and
on the continent is a wealth of interest to the naturalist and lover of
the beautiful. Now and again a tourist goes the round of the islands and
publishes the result in a book of travel; but the countries are out of
the track of civilisation and progress. Possibly if the Panama or
Nicaragua Canal is ever finished things may be a little better, but at
present the outlook is very dismal.
In attempting to compress the story of the West Indies and Spanish Main
within the covers of one volume we have undertaken a task by no means
easy. Every island and every province has its own tale, and to do them
all justice would require a hundred books. Every West Indian will find
something missing--some event unmentioned which is of the greatest
importance to his particular community. This is only to be expected, yet
we believe that the reader will get a fairer idea of their importance
when they are comprehended in one great whole. The photo block
illustrations are from negatives prepared by Mr. Thomas B. Blow, F.L.S.
CONTENTS.
I.
PAGE
THE SPANIARDS AND THEIR VICTIMS 1-22
The native Americans--The Arawak and the Carib--Their independent
spirit--Their country--The character of the Spaniard--He wants to
convert the natives to Christianity--"A ton of gold"--First Spanish
settlers in Hispaniola--They ravage the island and are entirely cut
off--The second colony oppresses the Indians--Repartimientos--Cruelties
to the Indian slaves--Decrease of the population--Slave-hunting in
other islands and on the Main--Resistance of the cannibals--Decline of
Hispaniola.
II.
THE QUEST FOR "EL DORADO" 23-47
Treasure-seeking and its dangers--Alonzo de Ojeda--The proclamation to
the Indians--Disastrous voyage of Valdivia--A cannibal story--"El
Dorado," the gilded one--The German knights--Ambrosio de
Alfinger--George of Spires--Nicholas Fedreman and others--Pedro de
Ursua and Lope de Aguirre--Pedro de Acosta--Diego de Ordas and Juan
Martinez--The quest and its dangers.
III.
"SINGEING THE SPANIARD'S BEARD" 48-67
The Papal Bull of partition--English and French seamen in the
Indies--Raids on the Spanish possessions--Master William Hawkins goes
to Brazil--The Caribs friendly to the enemies of Spain--John Hawkins
carries negroes from Africa--Francis Drake's attack on Nombre de
Dios--The Simaroons--Drake captures the Panama train--John
Oxenham--Andrew Barker--Drake's second voyage--He captures St. Domingo
and Carthagena--Last voyage of Drake and Hawkins--Death of
Drake--Exploits of other adventurers.
IV.
RALEGH AND THE FIRST BRITISH COLONIES 68-89
"Letters Patent" to Ralegh--"El Dorado" again--Ralegh's first voyage to
Guiana--Keymis and Berrie--The Dutch in Guiana--Charles Leigh founds a
settlement--Robert Harcourt's colony--Ralegh's imprisonment--He is
released to again visit Guiana--Disastrous results--Roger North's
colony--King James's want of policy--Changes after his death--St.
Christopher's and Barbados--North's colony again--The Bahamas--The
French and Dutch settlements--Rise of the Dutch--The French and English
at St. Christopher's.
V.
BUCCANEERS, FILIBUSTERS, AND PIRATES 90-112
The buccaneers of Hispaniola--Tortuga--Bay of Campeachy--Privateers
turning pirates--Pierre Legrand--Captains de Basco and Brouage--Captain
Lawrence--Montbar the "Exterminator"--Lolonois--Morgan storms and
captures Panama--He settles down in Jamaica--Van Horn--Raid on the
South Sea--Lionel Wafer's journey across the Isthmus.
VI.
WAR IN THE YOUNG COLONIES 113-136
Spanish raids--Effects of the "Great English Revolution"--The Caribbee
Islands in revolt--Cavaliers and Roundheads in Barbados--Charles the
Second declared king--Lord Willoughby arrives with a Commission from
the fugitive--Persecution of the Roundheads--Sir George Ayscue sent out
with a fleet to reduce Barbados--The island blockaded--Its
surrender--Surinam held for the king--Cromwell and Spain--The
Expedition to St. Domingo--Capture of Jamaica--Colonisation of the
island--The Council for foreign plantations.
VII.
THE PLANTERS AND THEIR SLAVES 137-159
First adventurers not agriculturalists--Slaves wanted--Negroes
imported--Sugar--Cotton--Tobacco--First plantations--Kidnapping--
Prisoners transported--English slave-trade--Comparative cost of negroes
and whites--Rebels--Story of Henry Pitman--Condition of the
bond-servants--Life of the planter--Dangers of the
voyage--Jamaica--Slavery in Africa--Treatment of the West Indian slave.
VIII.
THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 160-183
Trade disputes between England and Holland--War--The buccaneers
employed--Repulse of De Ruyter at Barbados--Capture of Dutch colonies
by English--The French drive the English from St. Kitt's--Abortive
attempts for its recapture--Peace of Breda--The value of the buccaneers
to Jamaica--Character of the three nations now contending for
supremacy--Case of Surinam--English refused permission to leave with
their slaves--War again--Peace of Westminster and the exodus from
Surinam--Case of Jeronomy Clifford--Sir Henry Morgan represses
buccaneering--Another war--Du Casse and the Corsairs--Jacques
Cassard--Curious position of Berbice--Cassard takes Curaçao--His
downfall.
IX.
THE STRUGGLE FOR THE DARIEN TRADE 184-206
Carthagena and Porto Bello fairs--The trade of the Isthmus--The
joint-stock mania--William Paterson and the Darien scheme--Caledonia
and New Edinburgh founded--Destruction of the colony--The _Assiento_
contract--The Great South Sea Bubble--Vain attempts of the English to
obtain free trade with the Spanish provinces--Attacks on the logwood
cutters of Campeachy--War with Spain--Contraband traders and their
losses--Captain Jenkins' ear--Another war with Spain--Admiral Vernon
takes Porto Bello--His failure at Carthagena--English exploits.
X.
SLAVE INSURRECTIONS AND BUSH NEGROES 207-236
Sufferings of the planters from war--Barbados alone as having never
fallen to the enemy--Internal difficulties--Ferocity of slaves and
cruelty of their punishments--The Maroons of Jamaica and bush negroes
in Guiana--Slave insurrections--Abortive plots in Barbados--Troubles in
Jamaica--Revolt in Antigua--The great slave insurrection in
Berbice--The whites driven from the colony--Haunts of the Guiana bush
negroes--Surinam in continual fear of their raids--Expeditions sent
against them--Treaties--Great insurrection in Jamaica and suppression
of the Maroons.
XI.
THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE SEAS 237-255
Downfall of Spain--England and France--Contraband traffic of the Dutch
and Danes--Advantages of neutrality--The Jews in the islands--They
support the buccaneers--The great war--England against the
world--Admiral Rodney--His abortive fights with De Guichen--The
training of his fleet--He captures St. Eustatius and confiscates
private property--Capture of Demerara--Outcry against Rodney--British
disasters--Rodney appears again--His decisive victory over De
Grasse--Peace and its results--The great struggle with France and her
allies--British supremacy--Peace of Amiens--War again--Nelson in the
West Indies--The American war--Decline of the plantations from the
abolition of the slave-trade.
XII.
DOWNFALL OF HISPANIOLA 256-275
Results of the French Revolution--The friends of the blacks--The rights
of man--Civil disabilities of free coloured people--Agitation in the
French colonies--James Ogé--Demand of the coloured people for equal
rights--Civil war in Hispaniola--"Perish the colonies"--Great slave
insurrection--The whites concede equal rights, but the Convention
revokes their original decree--Truce broken--The struggle
renewed--Devastation of the colony--The British expedition and its
failure--Toussaint L'Ouverture--Slavery abolished--It is re-established
by Napoleon--Treachery to L'Ouverture and the negroes--Dessalines and
Christophe declare the independence of Hayti--Massacre of the
whites--The Empire and Republic.
XIII.
EMANCIPATION OF THE SPANISH MAIN 276-288
Influence of the French Revolution on Spanish America--Miranda vainly
attempts to rouse Venezuela--Revolution at Caracas--Simon
Bolivar--Struggle for independence--Atrocities of both parties--Bolivar
proclaims extermination to the Royalists--Spanish successes--The
British Legion--Devastation of the country--The Columbian
Republic--Guatemala.
XIV.
ABOLITION OF SLAVERY 289-313
Agitation against slavery by the Quakers--Abolition of the African
slave-trade--Effects of this on the plantations--Condition of the
slave--Registration--Rising in Barbados--The Protestant missionaries
arrive--Opposition of the planters--Ordinance against preaching and
teaching slaves passed in Jamaica--The anti-slavery party in
England--Amelioration of the condition of the slave--Insurrection in
Demerara--Prosecution and conviction of the Rev. John
Smith--Emancipation in the British colonies--Its effect on colonies of
other nationalities--Insurrection at St. Croix--Total abolition of
slavery in the West Indies.
XV.
RESULTS OF EMANCIPATION 314-345
Ruin of the planters--Difficulty of procuring labour--Abolition of the
differential duties--Immigration--Barbados an exception when ruin fell
on the other colonies--Labour laws in French, Danish, and Dutch
colonies--Another insurrection in St. Croix--Race prejudice causes
riots in Demerara--Insurrection at Jamaica--Confederation riot at
Barbados.
XVI.
THE ISTHMUS TRANSIT SCHEMES 346-364
Nelson's expedition to the San Juan--Miranda's project--Importance of a
canal--Central America--Effects of the discovery of gold in
California--The Panama railway--Canal projects--Darien again--The
_Times_ and the Nicaragua project--Ship railway--Lesseps and the Panama
Canal--Difficulties of the work--Its downfall--Character of
Lesseps--The Nicaragua Canal.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
PAGE
1.--Reception of Spaniards by Arawaks. From Gottfried's
"Reisen" _Frontispiece_
2.--Reception of Spaniards by Caribs. From Gottfried's
"Reisen" 5
3.--A corner of Paradise. The Victoria Regia 8
4.--_En route_ to the goldfields of Guiana. Passing the rapids
of the Essequebo 10
5.--Worrying the natives with dogs. From Gottfried's "Reisen" 13
6.--A modern alluvial gold washing 16
7.--Suicides. From Gottfried's "Reisen" 17
8.--A Guiana river. The Tumatamari falls 26
9.--Inhabitants of the Spanish Main. From Colijn's "Reisen" 28
10.--"El Dorado." From Gottfried's "Reisen" 37
11.--Negro woman returning from market 53
12.--Negro barber 54
13.--Negro family on holiday 55
14.--Negresses gossiping 56
15.--Ralegh in Trinidad. From Gottfried's "Reisen" 71
16.--Gold hunting. From Gottfried's "Reisen" 80
17.--Carib attack on a settlement. From Gottfried's "Reisen" 89
18.--St. Kitt's. From Andrews' "West Indies" 118
19.--A Surinam planter. From Stedman's "Surinam" 138
20.--A negro festival. From Edwards' "West Indies" 140
21.--Voyage of the sable Venus. From Edwards' "West Indies" 142
22.--Slaves landing from the ship. From Stedman's "Surinam" 144
23.--Map of _Terra Firma_. From Gottfried's "Reisen" 197
24.--A rebel negro. From Stedman's "Surinam" 209
25.--The execution of breaking on the rack. From Stedman's
"Surinam" 212
26.--March through a swamp. From Stedman's "Surinam" 224
27.--Trelawny town. From Edwards' "West Indies" 231
28.--Pacification of the Maroons. From Edwards' "West Indies" 234
29.--View of part of Hispaniola. From Andrews' "West Indies" 258
30.--La Guayra on the Main. From Andrews' "West Indies" 280
31.--The First of August. From Madden's "West Indies" 308
32.--A relic of the slavery days--old slave buying fish 310
33.--Negress, Guiana 315
34.--Negress fish-sellers, Guiana 316
35.--Chinese wood-carrier 317
36.--East Indian coolie 318
37.--East Indian coolie family 319
38.--Coolie barber 320
39.--East Indian coolie girl 321
40.--Coolie women, British Guiana 322
41.--Coolie vegetable sellers, British Guiana 323
42.--East Indian coolies, Trinidad 324
43.--East Indian coolie, Trinidad 325
44.--Trinidad coolies 326
45.--Barbados. From Andrews' "West Indies" 330
46.--St. Lucia. From Andrews' "West Indies" 331
47.--Atlantic entrance to Darien Canal. From Cullen's "Darien
Canal" 348
48.--Europe supported by Africa and America. From Stedman's
"Surinam" 363
[Illustration]
THE WEST INDIES.
I.
THE SPANIARDS AND THEIR VICTIMS.
When the early writers spoke of America as the new world, _mundus
novus_, they could hardly have appreciated the full meaning of the name.
True, it was a new world to them, with new animals, new plants, and a
new race of mankind; but the absolute distinctness of everything,
especially in the tropical regions, was not understood. With our fuller
knowledge the ideas of strangeness and novelty are more and more
impressed, and we are ready to exclaim, Yes! it is indeed a new world.
Unlike those of the eastern hemisphere, the peoples of the West are of
one race. Apart from every other, the development of the American Indian
has gone on different lines, the result being a people self-contained,
as it were, and unmodified until the arrival of the European. The
American is perhaps the nearest to the natural man, and his character is
the result of nature's own moulding. When compared with the European or
Asiatic he seems to be far behind, yet the civilisation of Peru and
Mexico was in some respects in advance of that of their conquerors. This
was brought about by a dense population which forced men into collision
with each other--in other parts of the continent and on the islands they
were more isolated and therefore less civilised.
In the forest region of the Spanish Main, and on the West Indian
islands, the communities were, as a rule, very small and isolated one
from another. A kind of patriarchal system prevented much communication,
and inter-tribal disputes were a bar to union. Every community
distrusted every other, and even when one tribe fought against its
neighbour there were few attempts to bring the sections together against
the common enemy.
On the coasts and islands of the Caribbean Sea, at the time of their
discovery, lived two distinct peoples, the Arawaks and the Caribs. There
were also a few other tribes of minor importance, such as the Warrows,
but these made little impression, and may therefore be left out of
consideration. The remnants of the two great stocks still exist in
Guiana and at the mouth of the Orinoco, living to-day in much the same
manner as they did when the country was first discovered by the
Spaniards.
Four centuries ago the Greater Antilles were exclusively inhabited by
Arawaks, and the Lesser by Caribs. The Arawak, as his name implies, was
more or less an agriculturalist--a meal-eater, a cultivator of
vegetables, mainly cassava. From the poisonous root of this plant
bread, drink, and a preservative sauce for meat, were prepared, so that,
with game or fish, it formed the staff of life. The probable course of
his migration was from Yucatan or Mexico to the south-east, terminating
in Guiana, and from thence north through the whole of the Antilles. When
Columbus arrived people of this stock filled the larger islands and the
Bahamas, but along the coast and in the island of Trinidad they disputed
the occupation of the territories with the Caribs. In Porto Rico also
the Caribs had become aggressive, and even in Hispaniola the Arawaks had
to defend their shores against that warlike people. If we believe the
accounts of the Spaniards the inhabitants of the Greater Antilles were
not altogether a savage people. Whether they had destroyed all the
larger game, or whether they found none on their arrival, the fact
remains that they were agriculturalists rather than huntsmen. They were,
however, expert in fishing, and built great canoes with sails, in which
they carried on their operations even in comparatively rough water.
Their provision grounds were highly praised by the Spaniards in language
that could hardly apply to little clearings like those in the Guiana
forest. In them were grown, besides cassava, yams, sweet potatoes, and
maize, while other things such as cotton and tobacco were also largely
cultivated. The natives had also acquired several arts besides that of
canoe building, which, when we consider their want of proper implements,
was almost wonderful. Cotton was spun and woven into cloth for their
scanty garments, gold cast and hammered into figures and ornaments, and
wood and stone idols and weapons were also carved. All this was done
with stone implements, even to the work of hollowing great logs for
their canoes, and shaping planks. We read of axe-heads made of _guanin_,
an alloy of gold and copper, and also of attempts to make similar tools
of silver, but these were very rare, and could hardly have been utilised
to any good purpose. When we appreciate the labour and pains taken in
excavating a large canoe, with only fire and the stone adze, we can see
that these people were by no means idle. Nor were they altogether
wanting in appreciation of art, for the figures on their baskets and
pottery were beautifully true geometrical patterns, and their so-called
idols, although grotesque and rude, often striking.
On the mainland the Arawaks lived in small communities, only electing a
war-chief as occasion required--in Haïti the Cacique seems to have been
leader and ruler as well. And here we must mention the most striking
characteristic of the American Indian--his utter abhorrence of anything
like coercion. Even in childhood his parents let him do as he pleases,
never attempting to govern him in any way. It followed therefore that
neither war-captain nor Cacique had any real power to compel them to a
course they disliked, and that discipline was entirely wanting. The
traveller in Guiana at the present day can thoroughly understand this
trait of character, for he has to take it into account if he wishes to
get their assistance. They must be treated as friends, not as servants,
and the greatest care taken not to offend their dignity, unless he
wishes to be left alone in the forest.
[Illustration: RECEPTION OF SPANIARDS BY CARIBS.
(_From Gottfried's "Reisen."_)]
They quarrelled little among themselves, and only fought against the
Caribs; they were peaceable, kind, and gentle, so hospitable to
strangers that Columbus could hardly say enough in their favour. "A
better race there cannot be," he declared to his sovereigns, and this
opinion was confirmed by all who came into contact with them. In fact if
you do nothing to offend him, the Arawak of to-day is the same quiet and
gentle fellow who met the voyagers on their arrival at Guanahani.
The Caribs were a stronger race, and had probably followed the same
track as the Arawaks in a later migration. At the time of the discovery
they appear to have driven the more gentle race from the smaller islands
south of Porto Rico, and had taken their women as wives. All along the
coast the two tribes fought with each other, but on account of the
greater stretch of country there was nothing like the extermination
which took place in the Lesser Antilles. The Arawaks retired up the
rivers and creeks, leaving their enemies to take possession of the
coast, which they did to such good purpose that the Spaniards were
unable to get a footing in Guiana. All the early writers agree that the
Caribs were man-eaters--in fact the word cannibal seems to have been
derived from their name. In the smaller islands they had eaten all the
men of the gentler tribe, and now made periodical raids on the larger,
from whence they carried off prisoners to be cooked and devoured at
leisure. These raids led to combinations on the part of the inhabitants
of Haïti and Porto Rico, and hitherto they had been successful in
preventing anything like an occupation of these islands by their
enemies. Whether these successes would have continued is doubtful; the
arrival of the Spaniards upset everything.
The Carib was not so entirely dependent on the produce of the soil as
the meal-eater. He was a hunter and fisherman, but above everything else
a warrior. His women had provision grounds like those of the Arawak,
possibly because they came from that stock. The Carib's hunting grounds
were circumscribed and poor, and his craving for meat could only be
appeased in one way--by eating his enemies. Probably this made him all
the more fierce and bloodthirsty, as a flesh diet is certainly more
stimulating than one of fish and starchy tubers.
If the Arawak was impatient of control, the Carib was even more
independent. The former would pine away and die under coercion, the
latter refused absolutely to be a slave. He would die fighting for his
liberty, but never admit that he was conquered. It was not he who
welcomed the Spaniards to the West Indies--on the contrary, he did
everything possible to prevent their landing on his shores. His
so-called treachery caused many difficulties to the new-comers, but
taken altogether he was much respected by them as a foe worthy of their
steel.
These two peoples lived in a country which Columbus described as a
veritable paradise--in fact he thought he had discovered the site of the
Garden of Eden. Into this beautiful world he let loose a band of
robbers and murderers, to depopulate and make it a wilderness. They were
the product of an entirely different environment--a continent in which
every man's hand was against that of his neighbour. For a long time
Spain had been a battlefield, on which the most warlike instincts of
mankind came to the front. Her soldiers understood the advantages of
discipline, and would follow their leaders wherever anything was to be
gained, yet at the same time they were individuals, and as such fought
for their own hands as well.
[Illustration: A CORNER OF PARADISE. THE VICTORIA REGIA.]
Like the rest of Christendom Spain was very religious, and after
treasure-seeking, the adventurers of that nation meant to convert the
heathen. The cross was erected everywhere on landing, and religious
services held to pray for help in their undertakings. If the cruelties
that followed were not quite in accordance with Christ's teachings we
must put it down to the manners and customs of the age. Ignorance was
really the great characteristic of that period, and the brilliancy of
the few only shone out the brighter because of the dark background. The
majority were steeped in superstition, and almost entirely dominated by
their passions.
Columbus was continually harping upon the desirability of making the
natives of the new world Christians. "Your Highness," he said, in one of
his letters, "ought to rejoice that they will soon become Christians,
and that they will be taught the good customs of your kingdom." He took
nine of them to Spain, on his return from the first voyage, who were
baptized and taught the Spanish language. The king and queen told him to
deal lovingly with those in the Indies, and to severely punish any who
ill-treated them. More were sent to Spain and allowed to go back for the
purpose of "gaining souls." Columbus, however, did not altogether agree
with his sovereigns--his project was to send enough as slaves to pay the
expenses of his expeditions, and he actually shipped four lots for that
purpose. But Ferdinand and Isabella would not have this, and even went
so far as to prohibit the deportation of the Caribs notwithstanding the
admiral's argument that they were unworthy of the royal clemency,
because they ate men and were enemies of the friendly Arawaks.
[Illustration: EN ROUTE TO THE GOLDFIELDS OF GUIANA. PASSING THE RAPIDS
OF THE ESSEQUEBO.]
How the new world was discovered in 1492 has been told so often that it
is hardly necessary to repeat the story. Haïti, named Hispaniola or
Little Spain, was chosen from the first as the island on which a
settlement should be planted. Here Columbus left thirty-nine colonists
under the command of Diego de Arana, and under the protection of the
great Cacique Guacanagari. He "trusted to God" that on his return he
would find a ton of gold and a large quantity of spices, with the
proceeds of which his sovereigns might undertake the conquest of
Jerusalem from the infidels.
A ton of gold! This was the whole end and aim of his expedition.
Everything else was subordinate to this. He had seen the natives wearing
gold ornaments, and found that the precious metal could be gathered from
certain streams on the island. But, could he estimate the amount of
labour required to procure such an enormous quantity, by people who had
no other appliances than baskets? This alone was enough to bring trouble
upon the peaceful island.
But this was not all. The colonists quarrelled among themselves,
interfered with the Indian women, went hunting for gold all over the
country, took it wherever it could be found, and stole provisions when
their friends did not bring them enough. Not satisfied with the district
of the friendly Cacique, they ravaged that of Caonabo, the Carib
chieftain of another clan, a man of a different stamp. He resented the
insults at once by attacking the Spaniards, who, notwithstanding the
assistance of their allies, were utterly exterminated. When Columbus
arrived, instead of a ton of gold, he found nothing but the blackened
ruins of the fort and houses.
This should have been a lesson to the Spaniards, but unfortunately it
only led to further quarrels. The new-comers did not intend to cultivate
the soil; their main object was treasure, and they expected the natives
to provide them with food. And here we must mention the fact that the
people of tropical climes _never_ have any store of provisions laid
up--this is only necessary where winter prevails for half the year. It
follows therefore that however liberal they may feel towards strangers,
their supplies being restricted to their own wants leave little to give
away. Up to a certain point the Indian gives freely, but when this means
privation to himself he withholds his hand. The want of a full
appreciation of this fact caused great trouble in many of the early
settlements, and in some cases led to their destruction. The natives
promised food supplies; but when they found themselves starving,
naturally withheld further assistance. The settlers considered this a
breach of faith, and made incursions on the provision grounds, taking
what they wanted, and seriously injuring the crops. This the Indians
resented, and deadly quarrels ensued, which ended in their driving out
the colonists or deserting the place altogether. In the latter case the
food supply was necessarily cut off, and often led ultimately to the
abandonment of the colony.
To the kindly people of Hispaniola the new-comers were gods, and their
horses and cattle preternatural creatures. While wondering and admiring,
they were at the same time frightened at these out-of-the-way men and
animals, especially when the soldiers exhibited themselves on horseback.
At first they thought them immortal, and were disagreeably surprised
when they fell before the army of Caonabo. But even the proverbial worm
will turn, and soon the oppressions of the second colonists drove the
poor Haïtians to resist. To labour in the field was beneath the dignity
of the adventurous treasure-seekers--the natives must supply them with
provisions. What they had brought from Spain was soon spoilt in such a
hot climate--no one had yet learned how to pack for long voyages. They
must get food, and what was the good of having thousands of people, and
acres of cultivated land in their neighbourhood, if the natives did not
bring in as much as was required? At first they were supplied willingly,
but when the results of this profuse hospitality began to tell upon
themselves, the poor Haïtians withheld their hands. Then the Spaniards
began complaining to the Cacique, who, however, had no real authority
over his people in a matter of this kind, and therefore could do
nothing. Driven by want the Spaniards made incursions on the provision
grounds, where they spoilt as much as they took away, and left a waste
behind. Sometimes they met with resistance, and the defenders were cut
down without mercy. The spoilers only wanted an excuse for fleshing
their swords; they were even anxious to show their powers, and make the
natives feel that at last they had masters.
[Illustration: WORRYING THE NATIVES WITH DOGS.
(_From Gottfried's "Reisen."_)]
Before two years had passed the Spaniards were beset with difficulties.
The Indian looked despairingly at his wasted fields, and refused to
cultivate them any longer. Why should he plant for others when he
himself was starving? Some fled into the mountains and forests of the
interior, others died of want. This naturally told upon the white men,
who had not yet learnt that they must cultivate the soil if they wanted
its produce. They could not demean themselves to this, but must have the
power to compel the inhabitants and owners of this beautiful island to
work for them.
The home authorities knew what was going on, and did their best
according to their lights to provide a remedy. At first they gave large
tracts of land to the settlers, _repartimientos_ as they were called,
but what was the use of these if their owners could get no labourers?
Then to every grant was allotted a certain number of Indians as slaves,
and thus the cruel system that ultimately depopulated the Greater
Antilles and the Bahamas was introduced.
Those who were not allotted as slaves were compelled to pay tribute. In
the neighbourhood of the gold-washings this was to consist of a little
bellful of gold; in other places of an arroba (28 lbs.) of cotton, once
a quarter for every person above the age of fourteen. Metal tokens to
hang upon the neck were given as receipts, and when these were absent
the people were severely punished. Thus this gentle and independent race
was enslaved.
[Illustration: A MODERN ALLUVIAL GOLD WASHING.]
Even with modern appliances and the use of quicksilver, gold-washing is
a most precarious business; what then could it have been here with
nothing but a basket and gourd? Columbus had such exaggerated ideas
that, when he saw the gold-washings of Cibao, he came to the conclusion
they were the Ophir of the Bible; from his reports the king and queen
thought nothing of demanding this small tribute. To the Indian, however,
the gleaning of the tribute meant the labour of days and weeks, and when
there were so many seekers it was found utterly impossible for each to
gather his amount. Then they ran away, and were hunted with dogs,
brought back, and compelled to wash the gravel under surveillance,
subject to the pricks of a sword if they were not active enough. But,
even with all this, the returns were not equal to what was expected, and
the tribute had ultimately to be abandoned. However, it was stated
that as much as the value of a million crowns per annum was extracted
during the best years, at a cost of pain and suffering awful to
contemplate.
[Illustration: SUICIDES.
(_From Gottfried's "Reisen."_)]
The cotton tribute had also to be abandoned, and even the
_repartimientos_ were not a success. If they had been willing, the
natives could hardly have performed steady work, and as slaves they were
almost valueless. In their natural condition they laboured when they
chose, wasting time as we should say with little good result. Now their
masters demanded heavy tasks which prevented their working on their own
provision grounds, and yet provided little or nothing in the way of
rations. Hundreds died of starvation; thousands committed suicide. Some
jumped from high precipices; they hanged, stabbed, drowned, and poisoned
themselves; mothers destroyed their babes to save them from the misery
of living. If caught in such attempts they were flogged, had boiling
water or melted lead poured over them, and were otherwise tortured until
death came to their relief. Their cruel masters, however, rarely wished
to kill them outright--they were too valuable. No, they must break down
this dogged, stubborn spirit--treat them as horses and mules, until they
bent themselves to the yoke.
It was left for bands of soldiers on foraging expeditions to kill in
mere wantonness. A company would be travelling through the island and
come upon a village, where perhaps they stopped for a short rest. The
people looked on, admiring their shining armour and weapons, wondering
what sort of creatures these were that so quietly cropped the grass and
shrubs. One of the soldiers would take out his sword, feel its keen
edge, and think what a pity it was that the weapon should be used so
little. Behind him comes a little boy. The temptation is great; in a
moment the sharp weapon flashes and the child lies dead. The Indians
fly, and the whole party follows, chasing and slaughtering to their
heart's content, not knowing nor caring why. In a few minutes fifty are
killed, the soldiers return to their bivouac, and if they inquire into
the matter at all pass it off as a good jest.
Is it any wonder that the population decreased to a wonderful degree in
a few years? The sugar-cane had been introduced by Columbus on his
second voyage, and labour was soon required for cultivating this and
other crops. As long as slaves were procurable the planters throve, and
as by that time Hispaniola had become the great centre of the Indies,
the settlers were in a fair way to make fortunes. But the decrease in
the population became alarming, and something had to be done; then, new
settlers were continually arriving who also wanted slaves. It followed,
therefore, that some of the more audacious of the adventurers took up
the trade of kidnapping the Indians from other islands and the mainland.
A host of disappointed treasure-seekers had ransacked every shore, and
were now well prepared for the business of man-hunting.
The first people to suffer were those who so kindly welcomed Columbus on
his arrival--the gentle inhabitants of the Bahamas. They were even more
peaceful than the Haïtians, because they had not suffered from Carib
invasions. When the slave hunters told them to come to the south and
live with their ancestors, they willingly allowed themselves to be
carried off to suffer like their neighbours. Some ran away and got to
the northern shores of Hispaniola, where they stretched out their hands
to their beautiful homes and then died of grief.
Having entirely depopulated the smaller islands, and being prevented
from kidnapping the people of Cuba, Porto Rico, and Jamaica, by the
settlers on those islands, they tried the Caribbees. Here they met their
match. No longer was it the gentle Arawak whom they encountered, but the
ferocious cannibal. Like his foes he had been trained in war for many
generations. Not only did he refuse to work for the stranger, but even
went so far as to oppose his landing. On his islands was little to
attract the treasure-seeker, and if he would not submit to be a slave,
nothing was to be gained by interfering with him. This the Spaniard
found out by bitter experience. A few vessels were wrecked on these
inhospitable shores, the crews of which escaped to land only to be
killed and eaten, after being tortured with all the ingenuity of the
savage. Even a landing for fresh water had to be made in the most
cautious manner, and the carriers protected by a strong guard. No doubt
the Caribs had heard of the white man's cruelties from their Arawak
prisoners, and were therefore all the more ready to repel their
invasions. This was particularly noticeable later when the English and
French arrived and found them by no means so ferocious as the Spaniards
had reported. Possibly they knew these people to be enemies to their
foes, and were therefore all the more ready to be friendly as long as no
attempts were made to oppress them.
Hispaniola rose to some importance very quickly, and almost as quickly
declined. The settlers depopulated the island, and then complained of
the want of labourers. The gold-seekers went elsewhere, and Mexico and
the isthmus of Darien became of more importance. Some writers have
attempted to give the number of Indians exterminated in the early years
of the sixteenth century, but little reliance can be placed on their
statistics. Generally, they range from one to three millions, but it is
doubtful whether even the lowest figure is not too high. Yet, when we
read the statement of Columbus that crowds of people (in one place two
thousand) came forth to meet him, and his description of the large area
of cultivated land, as well as the broad and good roads, it is not
difficult to conceive that a million people lived in these great
islands.
With the destruction of the labourers down fell the plantations. Cattle
had been introduced and throve wonderfully; now they ran wild over the
islands, especially Hispaniola, until they became innumerable. On the
abandoned provision grounds of the Indians they found a virgin
pasturage. Hogs also took to the woods, and increased even faster than
the cattle. At first there were neither huntsmen nor carnivorous animals
to check this wonderful development. The once domesticated animals
recovered some of the powers and capacities of their wild ancestors,
and only required enemies to assist in bringing out other latent
characters. And these were not long wanting. Large and powerful hounds
had been imported from Spain to hunt the runaway Indians, and now that
their occupation was gone, they also took to the woods and savannahs.
Like their ancestors and cousins, the wolves, they combined into packs
and fought the cattle and hogs. Both hunters and hunted became stronger
and fiercer--the dogs learnt how best to attack, and their prey to
defend themselves. It was a struggle like that between the cannibals and
meal-eaters--nature's method of preserving the balance of life. This
equalisation no doubt would have been the result had not man interfered;
how this happened we must leave to another chapter.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
II.
THE QUEST FOR "EL DORADO".
Ophir was not found in the islands, and the bands of adventurers went
over to _terra firma_ or the mainland to continue the search. Along the
coast of Guiana and Venezuela they again came across the gentle Arawak
and ferocious Carib, the latter making himself respected everywhere,
while his poor-spirited fellow-countryman was alternately caressed and
plundered. In every place the Spaniards found gold ornaments, and every
tribe told them that the precious metal was only obtainable in some far
distant country. The Haïtians sent Columbus to the south in search of
the _guanin_ country, and it was there he discovered the coast of Paria
and the delta of the mighty Orinoco. But he was not fated to come across
the treasure cities of the Indies.
Others followed to at last conquer Mexico and Peru, but even then it was
generally believed that nations existed who had more riches to be
plundered than those of the Inca and Montezuma. To find these golden
regions the voyagers wandered in every direction, contributing much to
the knowledge of the coasts and rivers, but always coming back
disappointed.
The horrors of this search can hardly be appreciated nowadays. The ships
were so small and ill-found that we should hardly care to use them for
coasters, yet in them these pioneers crossed the Atlantic and
encountered the hurricanes of the West Indies. Decked only at bow and
stern, the waves dashed into the hold and wetted the provisions, while
the sun poured down upon the water casks and burst their wooden hoops.
The butter and cheese stank, the flour in sacks became mouldy, and the
bacon and salt fish putrid. Then the hull of the vessel was unprotected,
and the teredo, or ship worm, bored it through and through, until
nothing but careening and caulking could save the poor craft from
sinking. When we understand the privations and dangers of this
navigation we are not surprised that the adventurers often came to
grief, but rather wonder that any of them survived.
Living in the West Indies, we have often thought of the pain and
suffering it would produce if we were compelled to walk or sit in the
burning sun armed as were the soldiers at that period. We can hardly
believe that they wore steel body armour, yet the evidence is too strong
to be refuted. True, they gave it up afterwards in favour of quilted
cotton, but before they did so how hot they must have felt! We can fancy
the sentry standing exposed to the full blaze of the sun, his helmet and
breastplate burning hot and his woollen underclothing saturated with
perspiration. Then there would be the open boat ascending a river. The
occupants dared not row in the shade for fear of cannibals shooting at
them with poisoned arrows from the thicket, and out in the river they
must have felt as if in a furnace. Even with our white clothing and
light hats a long journey in an open boat when the sun is high often
ends in fever, and almost invariably in a headache. The neck and backs
of the hands get blistered, and become sore, the glare on the water
dazzles the eye, and we feel faint.
In one of the accounts of such a boating expedition on a river in Guiana
we read of the men finding some yellow plums floating on the water, and
of their being much refreshed by them. We also have come across these
hog-plums when almost exhausted by a long exposure on the open river,
and when even our negro steersman was nodding as he held the paddle.
Suddenly we came to our destination, the mouth of a creek, and were
under an arcade of vegetation, beneath which the plums floated on the
cool dark water.
The men of the sixteenth century must have been stronger than ourselves,
or they could hardly have endured such pain and privation. They lay down
on the bare earth night after night, and on board ship went to sleep on
naked planks. As they could endure pain and discomfort, so also could
they inflict it on others. The rough seamen learnt to bear hardships
which blunted their feelings of humanity and made them inclined to
torture others. When in the hands of the cannibals they were almost as
stoical as the savage himself, their ruling passion being a desire for
revenge. If cruelly treated by one tribe they retaliated on others; in
the same way the Indians killed one party of Spaniards to avenge the
insults of their countrymen. This led to a great deal of trouble and
made the voyages of the treasure-seekers dangerous to all. However free
from blame one party might be, they were liable to suffer for previous
wrong-doings and they in turn left behind them injuries to be avenged
on the next comers.
[Illustration: A GUIANA RIVER. THE TUMATAMARI FALLS.]
And then, how very audacious these adventurers were! Alonzo de Ojeda was
perhaps the most striking example of utter recklessness in face of
danger. In 1509 he entered the harbour of Carthagena in spite of a
warning that its shores were inhabited by a ferocious tribe who fought
with palm-wood swords and poisoned arrows. It was even stated that the
women mingled in the battle, and could use the bow and a kind of lance.
These people had been irritated by another party of Spaniards, and on
sight of the vessels were up in arms at once. However, Ojeda was
undaunted, and landed at once with his men and some friars, who had been
sent to convert the Indians. In front stood the enemy brandishing their
weapons, and prepared for the first hostile movement. Yet, even under
these critical circumstances, he ordered the usual proclamation to be
read to the Indians in a language of which they knew nothing. He, Alonzo
de Ojeda, servant of the most high and mighty sovereigns of Castile and
Leon, conquerors of barbarous nations, notified them that God had given
St. Peter the supreme power over the world, which power was exercised by
the Pope, who had given all that part of the world to these sovereigns.
They were called upon to acknowledge this sovereignty at once, which, if
they refused to do, he would bring upon them the horrors of war,
desolation to their houses, confiscation of their property, and slavery
to their wives and children.
[Illustration: INHABITANTS OF THE SPANISH MAIN.
(_From Colijn's "Reisen."_)]
While one of the friars read this address the savages stood on the
defensive, no doubt wondering what the delay meant. Ojeda knew not their
language, and they took little notice of his signs of amity. As they
still brandished their weapons, the intrepid adventurer led on an
attack, calling the Virgin to his aid, and in a few minutes put them to
flight, killing a few and taking others prisoners. Not content with
this, he followed them through the forest to their village, and after a
deadly fight, drove them out and burnt their dwellings. Still undaunted,
he went on to another village, which he found deserted, but while his
men were searching for plunder he was attacked by the enemy in
overwhelming numbers. All his followers were killed, and he himself
wounded with a poisoned arrow, yet he managed to escape into the forest
to suffer hunger and thirst in addition to the pain of his wound.
Meanwhile his men on board the ships were wondering what had become of
their leader and his party. They were afraid to venture far into the
woods on account of the yells and shouts of the Indians, who were
celebrating their triumph. At last, however, they commenced a search,
and found their captain in a mangrove swamp, lying on a tangle of roots,
speechless and dying of hunger, yet still clutching his naked sword and
bearing his buckler. Notwithstanding all this, he ultimately recovered,
to go on as eagerly as ever in making fresh conquests.
Later, the proclamation to the Indians was interpreted to them,
sometimes eliciting replies very much to the point. When the Bachelor
Enciso went in search of the country of Zenu, where gold was so
plentiful that it could be collected in the rainy season in nets
stretched across the river, he was opposed by two Caciques, to whom the
paper was read. They listened courteously, and, when it had been
expounded, said they were quite willing to admit that there was one God,
the ruler of heaven and earth, whose creatures they were. But as to the
Pope's regency and his donation of _their_ country to the king of Spain,
that was another thing altogether. The Pope must have been drunk when he
gave away what was not his, and the king could only have been mad to ask
him for the territory of others. They, the Caciques, were the rulers of
these territories, and needed no other sovereign: if their king came to
take possession they would cut off his head and stick it on a pole, as
they did the heads of their other enemies, at the same time pointing to
a row of grisly skulls impaled close by. Their arguments, however, were
useless, for Enciso attacked, routed them, and took one of the Caciques
prisoner.
The accounts of the early voyagers are full of such examples of audacity
as well as of endurance of suffering. The perils of the sea were as
great as those of the land, but few voyages were as disastrous as that
of Valdivia, who in 1512 sailed from Darien for Hispaniola. When in
sight of Jamaica, his vessel was caught in a hurricane and driven upon
some shoals called the Vipers, where it was dashed to pieces. He and his
twenty men barely escaped with their lives in a boat without sails,
oars, water, or provisions. For thirteen days they drifted about, until
seven were dead and the remainder helpless. Then the boat stranded on
the coast of Yucatan, and the poor wretches were captured by Indians, to
be taken before their Cacique. They were now put into a kind of pen to
fatten for the cannibal festival. Valdivia and four others were taken
first, and the horror produced on their comrades led them to risk
everything and break out of their prison in the night. Having succeeded
in reaching the forest, they were almost as badly off, for no food could
be had, and they dared not run the risk of going near the villages.
Almost perishing with hunger, they at last reached another part of the
country, to be again captured, and kept as slaves. Finally they all died
except two, one of whom at last escaped to tell the tale almost by a
miracle.
One of the stories is suggestive of "Robinson Crusoe." In 1499 Niño and
Guerra sailed from Spain in a bark of fifty tons, and, while exploring
the Gulf of Paria, came across eighteen Carib canoes filled with armed
men. The savages assailed them with flights of arrows, but the sudden
boom of the cannon frightened them away at once. One canoe, however, was
captured, in which they took a Carib prisoner, and found an Arawak
captive lying bound at the bottom. On being liberated, the Arawak
informed the Spaniards, through their interpreter, that he was the last
of seven who had been taken by the cannibals. The other six had been
killed and eaten one after another, and he had been reserved for the
next evening meal. The Spaniards, incensed against the man-eater, gave
him into the hands of the Arawak, at the same time handing him a
cudgel, leaving his enemy unarmed. Immediately the Arawak sprang upon
him, knocked him sprawling, trod his breath out of his body, and at the
same time beat him with his fist until nothing but a shapeless corpse
remained. But, not yet satisfied, he tore the head off and stuck it on a
pole as a trophy.
After the conquest of Mexico and Peru had rewarded Cortez and Pizarro,
others wished to be equally fortunate. From the Indians came reports of
golden countries in the interior, and land expeditions were projected.
These reports grew into shape, and at last a quest as romantic as that
for the Holy Grail, led one adventurer after another on and on, to
starvation, sickness, and death.
The germ of the story of "El Dorado," the lake of golden sands, and the
glittering city of Manoa, appears to have first arisen in New Granada.
Here was the Lake of Guatavita, and before the arrival of the Spaniards
this was the scene of an annual religious festival. To the genius of the
lake the Cacique of the neighbouring district offered a holy sacrifice
on a certain day. In the morning he anointed his body with balsam, and
then rolled himself in gold dust until he became a "gilded king." Then,
embarking in a canoe with his nobles, he was paddled to the centre of
the lake, crowds of people thronging its shores and honouring him with
songs and the din of rude instrumental music. Offerings to the god of
the lake were made from the canoe, gold, emeralds, pearls, and
everything precious being scattered upon the water. Finally, the Cacique
jumped in himself and washed the gold from his body, while the people
shouted for joy. To wind up the festival a great drinking bout was held,
when canoesful of piwarree, the Indian's beer, were drunk, and every one
made merry.
Such was the tradition--for the ceremony had been discontinued half a
century before--which had so impressed itself over the northern shores
of South America, as to be told from the Amazon to the isthmus of
Darien. "El Dorado" was gilded every morning, and his city was full of
beautiful golden palaces. It stood on the edge of the great salt lake
Parima, the sands of which were composed of the precious metal. Some
went so far as to say that they had seen the glittering city from a
distance, and were only prevented from reaching it by the peculiar
difficulties of the way. Not to mention tigers and alligators,
starvation and sickness, there were "anthropophagoi and men whose heads
do grow beneath their shoulders," besides amazons and fiery dragons.
Wherever the story was told the golden city was located at a far
distance, and it seemed ever to recede before the eager seekers. They
sought it in the forest and on the savannah, over the lofty peaks of the
Andes, and along the banks of the mighty rivers. The whole of the
Spanish Main was explored, and places then visited which have hardly
been seen again by the white man down to the present date.
The quest began in New Granada, and from thence it shifted to Venezuela.
The most daring seekers were German knights, the Welsers of Augsburg.
They had received charters from Charles the Fifth, under which they
were empowered to found cities, erect forts, work mines, and make slaves
of the Indians. One of their representatives, Ambrosio de Alfinger, set
out in 1530, accompanied by two hundred Spaniards, and a larger number
of Indians, laden with provisions and other necessaries. On the journey
the party committed such brutalities upon the poor natives that the
reports afterwards helped to fire the blood of Englishmen, and make them
bitterly cruel. To prevent the bearers from running away they were
strung together on chains, running through rings round their necks. If
one of them dropped from sickness or exhaustion, his head was cut off,
the ring loosened, and thus the trouble of interfering with the chain
saved. If he were to be left behind, it did not matter whether he was
alive or dead. At one place on the river Magdalena the frightened
natives took refuge on some islands, but the Spaniards swam their horses
across and killed or took prisoners the whole of them. From their
Cacique Alfinger got booty to the value of sixty thousand dollars, with
which he sent back for further supplies. But, although he waited for a
year his messengers did not return, and the company were reduced to such
straits that many died for want of bare food. But the Indians fared much
worse, for their provision grounds were utterly destroyed, and what with
murders and starvation the surrounding country was quite depopulated and
desolate.
Even Alfinger had to give up waiting for his supplies and move on at
last, for these had been utilised by his lieutenant on an expedition of
his own. The party eked out a bare subsistence with wild fruits and
game. If they found a village they plundered it of everything it
contained, dug up the provisions from the fields, and left the survivors
of the massacre to starve. Not that they themselves were in a much
better plight; fever, the result of want and exposure, carried them off
in continually increasing numbers. At last they got into a mountain
region, and the poor naked bearers were frozen to death. Descending
again they encountered stronger and fiercer tribes, by whom they were
defeated, the cruel Alfinger himself dying two days afterwards from his
wounds. A small remnant only returned after two years' absence, leaving
a track of pain and suffering to make their memory accursed for many
generations.
George of Spires now fitted out a great expedition of three hundred
infantry and two hundred cavalry, which started in 1536. They also went
a long distance into the interior, braving hardships and dangers almost
incredible. Jaguars carried off their horses, and even went so far as to
attack and kill several of the Indian bearers and one Spaniard. Like
their predecessors, they also encountered savage Indians, and died of
starvation and sickness. After journeying fifteen hundred miles from the
coast they had to return unsuccessful; but as their leader was less
cruel than Alfinger, the losses of the party were not so great. Instead
of dying on the journey he lived to become Governor of Venezuela.
Nicholas Fedreman followed the last party with supplies, but took them
to go treasure-seeking on his own account. He wandered about for three
years, and at last returned with some wonderful stories which induced
others to continue the search. Herman de Quesada also travelled about
for a year, and returned like his predecessors. Then Philip von Huten,
who had gone already with George of Spires, fitted out a great
expedition. His party was at one time so utterly famished that they had
to eat ants, which they captured by placing corn cobs near the nests of
these little creatures. They travelled in a great circle without knowing
where they went, and at the end of a year came back to the place from
whence they had started. Hearing, however, of a rich city called
Macatoa, Von Huten started again, and found streets of houses with about
eight hundred inhabitants, but no treasure. The people here sent him on
farther, with their tales of the Omaguas, a warlike people living away
in the south. On he went for five days, and at last came upon what he
thought must be the golden city. It stretched away as far as the eye
could reach, and in the centre was a great temple. But, although the
little party charged gallantly down a hill and into the town, the
Omaguas came out in such force that they had to retreat, bearing their
wounded leader in a hammock. Continually harassed by Indians, they at
last got back, to tell such stories of the dangers of the quest that the
Omaguas seem to have been afterwards left alone.
Our account of the search for "El Dorado" is necessarily short and
imperfect, as it would be impossible even to enumerate all the
expeditions. There is one, however, that was so tragic and awful, that,
although it was fitted out in Peru, it must yet be mentioned in the
story of the Spanish Main.
[Illustration: "EL DORADO."
(_From Gottfried's "Reisen."_)]
Notwithstanding the enormous quantities of gold and silver found in
Peru, the crowds of needy treasure-seekers who went to that country gave
some trouble to the Viceroy, who appears to have been willing to get rid
of them at any cost. Whether he purposely sent them on a "wild goose
chase," or whether he really believed the "El Dorado" story, is
doubtful, but it is certain that he thought it prudent to give them
employment in some way, to prevent mischief in his province.
The expedition was put in command of Pedro de Ursua, and was intended to
go down the Amazon in search of treasure cities. Embarking on the river
Huallaga, in the year 1560, they had hardly passed the mouth of Ucayali
before Ursua found he had a most unprincipled gang of scoundrels under
his command. A little farther down the river they mutinied, under the
leadership of Lope de Aguirre, and murdered Ursua and his lieutenant,
appointing Guzman as captain. Being dissatisfied, however, with their
new commander, they also killed him a little later, together with most
of his adherents.
Now Aguirre became leader--a ruffian whose character was of the
blackest. Father Pedro Simon delineates his features and character,
making him out to be a very devil. He was about fifty years of age,
short of stature and sparsely built, ill-featured, his face small and
lean, his beard black, and his eyes as piercing as those of a hawk. When
he looked at any one he fixed his gaze sternly, particularly when
annoyed; he was a noisy talker and boaster, and when well supported very
bold and determined, but otherwise a coward. Of a very hardy
constitution, he could bear much fatigue, either on foot or horseback.
He was never without one or two coats of mail or a steel breastplate,
and always carried a sword, dagger, arquebuse, or lance. His sleep was
mostly taken in the day, as he was afraid to rest at night, although he
never took off his armour altogether nor put away his weapons. Simon
said he had always been of a turbulent disposition; a lover of revolts
and mutinies; an enemy to all good men and good actions.
Such was the Tyrant or Traitor Aguirre--virtually a madman--who now
became the leader of a band of wretches like-minded to himself. They
journeyed down the mighty river, now and again murdering one or another
of the party, on the least suspicion of their dislike to their
proceedings, and ill-treating the natives everywhere.
Aguirre was not ashamed to boast that he had murdered a woman--not an
Indian, but a beautiful Spanish lady, who had accompanied her lover on
this arduous journey. Donna Inez de Altienza, a young widow, fell
passionately in love with Ursua, who was brave, generous, and handsome;
and loath to part with him, she undertook the hitherto unheard-of
journey of thousands of miles in a strange and savage country. No fears
or terrors daunted this devoted woman until after the death of her
lover. Aguirre then picked a quarrel on the ground that her mattress was
too large for the boat, and she also was murdered. The Spanish poet,
Castellanos, thus laments the cruel deed:--
"The birds mourned on the trees;
The wild beasts of the forest lamented;
The waters ceased to murmur;
The fishes beneath the waters groaned;
The winds execrated the deed
When Llamoso cut the veins of her white neck.
Wretch! wert thou born of woman?
No! what beast could have such a wicked son?
How was it that thou didst not die
In imagining a treason so enormous?
Her two women, 'midst lamentation and grief,
Gathered flowers to cover her grave,
And cut her epitaph in the bark of a tree--
'These flowers cover one whose faithfulness
And beauty were unequalled,
Whom cruel men slew without a cause.'"
Whether Aguirre reached the mouth of the Amazon is doubtful--the
evidence is in favour of his getting out of that river into the Rio
Negro, and from thence into the Orinoco. However this may have been, he
arrived at last in the Gulf of Paria and proceeded to the island of
Margarita. Here, true to his character, he and his men commenced to
plunder and kill the inhabitants, going so far as to defy the local
authorities and even the king of Spain himself. To even enumerate the
deeds of this band of outlaws would fill a chapter, but we cannot omit
giving an extract from Aguirre's letter to his king, one of the most
curious productions ever written:--
"I firmly believe that thou, O Christian king and lord, hast been very
cruel and ungrateful to me and my companions for such good service, and
that all those who write to thee from this land deceive thee much,
because thou seest things from too far off. I and my companions, no
longer able to suffer the cruelties which thy judges and governors
exercise in thy name, are resolved to obey thee no longer.... Hear me! O
hear me! thou king of Spain. Be not cruel to thy vassals.... Remember,
King Philip, that thou hast no right to draw revenues from these
provinces, since their conquest has been without danger to thee. I take
it for certain that few kings go to hell, only because they are few in
number; if they were many, none of them would go to heaven. For I
believe that you are all worse than Lucifer, and that you hunger and
thirst after human blood; and further, I think little of you and despise
you all; nor do I look upon your government as more than an air
bubble....
"In the year 1559 the Marquis of Canete entrusted the expedition of the
river of Amazons to Pedro de Ursua, a Navarrese, or, rather, a
Frenchman, who delayed the building of his vessels till 1560. These
vessels were built in the province of the Motilones, which is a wet
country, and, as they were built in the rainy season, they came to
pieces, and we therefore made canoes and descended the river. We
navigated the most powerful river in Peru, and it seemed to us that we
were in a sea of fresh water. We descended the river for three hundred
leagues. This bad governor was capricious, vain, and inefficient, so
that we could not suffer it, and we gave him a quick and certain death.
We then raised Don Fernando de Guzman to be our king.... Because I did
not consent to their evil deeds they desired to murder me. I therefore
killed the new king, the captain of his guard, his lieutenant-general,
four captains, his major-domo, his chaplain who said mass, a woman, a
knight of the Order of Rhodes, an admiral, two ensigns, and five or six
of his servants. I named captains and sergeants, but these men also
wanted to kill me, and I hanged them. We continued our course while this
evil fortune was befalling us, and it was eleven months and a half
before we reached the mouths of the river, having travelled for more
than a hundred days over more than fifteen hundred leagues. This river
has a course of two thousand leagues of fresh water, the greater part of
the shores being uninhabited, and God only knows how we ever escaped out
of that fearful lake. I advise thee not to send any Spanish fleet up
this ill-omened river, for, on the faith of a Christian, I swear to
thee, O king and lord, that if a hundred thousand men should go up, not
one would escape....
"We shall give God thanks if, by our arms, we attain the rewards which
are due to us, but which thou hast denied us; and because of thine
ingratitude I am a rebel against thee until death."
He and his band of outlaws ravaged the settlements of Venezuela for some
time, until at last, on a promise of pardon, all left him save Llamoso,
the murderer of Lady Inez. Aguirre had a daughter, a girl of twelve to
fourteen, and when he found that all was lost he resolved to kill her.
They were living at a country house, and when Llamoso brought the news
of the desertion of his men, he snatched up a loaded arquebuse and
rushed into his child's room, saying, "Commend thyself to God, my
daughter, for I am about to kill thee, that thou mayest not be pointed
at with scorn, nor that it be in the power of any one to call thee the
daughter of a traitor." A woman snatched the weapon from his hand, but,
drawing his poniard, he stabbed the girl in the breast, saying, "Die!
because I must die!" Rushing then to the door, he found the house
surrounded by Spanish soldiers, who compelled him to surrender, and
almost immediately took him out to be shot.
This put an end to treasure-seeking on the Amazon, but the search for
"El Dorado" had been going on and was still continued along the banks of
the Orinoco. The first attempt to reach the golden city by this river
appears to have been made by Pedro de Acosta about the year 1530, but
after most of his men had been killed and eaten by the cannibals, he was
compelled to abandon his project. After him came Diego de Ordas, the
following year, whose expedition became afterwards famous. He, however,
found nothing himself, although he went as far as the mouth of the
Caroni--it was from one of his men that the "El Dorado" story was
gleaned. By some accident the whole of the gunpowder was exploded, and
this being attributed to the negligence of the munitioner, Juan
Martinez, he was sentenced to be put in a canoe, without paddles or
food, and allowed to drift at the mercy of the current.
What became of the culprit was not known, but some months afterwards a
strange white man was brought by some Indians to Margarita. He was
wasted by sickness, naked, and apparently destitute, but, through the
kindness of a ship-captain, he got a passage to Porto Rico, and was
there placed in a religious house, under the care of some Dominican
friars. Here he became worse, but when on the point of death he
presented his friends with two gourdsful of gold beads to pay for the
repose of his soul; he also declared himself to be Juan Martinez, and
told the wonderful story of his adventures.
After being cast adrift, the canoe floated down the stream until
evening, when it attracted the attention of some Indians, who paddled
out from the shore and rescued Martinez from his perilous situation.
These were Guianians, who had never before seen a white man, and
therefore resolved to take him to their king as a curiosity. He was,
however, blind-folded to prevent his seeing the direction they were
taking, and led on and on, through forest and over mountain, for fifteen
days, until a great city was reached. Arriving here at noon, his bandage
was taken off, and Martinez feasted his eyes upon a great plain covered
with houses, the roofs of which glittered in the sun as if made of gold.
As far as his eye could reach stretched this marvellous assemblage of
palaces. In the centre dwelt the great king, but, although the party
travelled the whole of that and the next day, they did not reach the
palace until evening.
Here Martinez was well treated, and allowed to walk about the city, but
not beyond it. He remained for seven months, saw the great lake on the
shore of which the city of Manoa stood, and handled its golden sands.
However, he was not content to remain, and after repeated petitions to
be allowed to depart, was at last furnished with guides and as much
gold as they could carry. Arrived at the Orinoco, the cannibals fell
upon the party, stole all the treasure save that hidden under some
provisions in the two gourds, and left them destitute. After enduring
many privations Martinez, however, got a passage in an Indian canoe to
Margarita, from whence he expected to go to Spain and report his
discovery to the king.
What amount of truth, if any at all, was contained in the story is
doubtful. It does not appear to have been told at once, but gradually
leaked out, becoming more marvellous as it spread over the West Indies.
Adventurers flocked to the Orinoco, and at least a score of expeditions
went in search of "El Dorado." Under the command of bold adventurers one
party after another entered into the forest, some never to return or to
be heard of again. The remnant sometimes came back starving, and broken
down with sickness. We read of one Juan Corteso that he marched into the
country, but neither he nor any of his company did return again. Gaspar
de Sylva and his two brothers sought El Dorado, but fell down to
Trinidad, where all three were buried. Jeronimo Ortal, after great
travail and spending all his substance, died on a sudden at St. Domingo.
Father Iala, a friar, with only one companion and some Indian guides,
returned with gold eagles, idols, and other jewels, but when he essayed
to pass a second time was slain by Indians. Alonzo de Herera endured
great misery, but never entered one league into the country; he also was
at last slain by Indians. Antonio Sedenno got much gold and many Indian
prisoners, whom he manacled in irons, and of whom many died on the way.
The tigers being fleshed with the dead carcases assaulted the Spaniards,
who with much trouble hardly defended themselves from them. Sedenno was
buried within the precincts of the empire of the gilded king, and most
of his people perished likewise. Augustine Delgado came to an Indian
Cacique, who entertained him with kindness and gave him rich jewels, six
seemly pages, ten young slaves, and three nymphs very beautiful. To
requite these manifold courtesies he took all the gold he could get and
all the Indians he could lay hold on, to sell for slaves. He was
afterwards shot in the eye by an Indian, of which hurt he died.
And so we might go on to tell of the thousands of people murdered and
tens of thousands carried off as slaves; Every gold ornament was stolen,
provision grounds destroyed, and the forest tracks strewn with the
corpses of those who had been massacred, and marked out by the graves of
their murderers. Sometimes treasure and slaves were recaptured and no
one left to tell the tale, but more often a few escaped to fight over
the booty and perhaps be hanged as mutineers on their return.
The men of that age were undoubtedly great--great warriors, great
ruffians, great villains. Only here and there can we distinguish a good
man like Las Casas, who did his very best for the Indians against the
opposition of the settlers and the lukewarmness of the Spanish Court. He
was horrified at the atrocities in the Indies, but the kings wanted
their tithes and cared little how they were obtained. "Get it honestly
if you can, but get it," seems to have been their motto, and it was not
for many years that anything like humanity was shown, and then only by a
few priests.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
III.
"SINGEING THE SPANIARD'S BEARD."
On the discovery of the Indies, Ferdinand and Isabella at once applied
to Pope Alexander the Sixth to secure the rights of Spain in the new
countries against every other nation, but more especially against
Portugal. Accordingly, the celebrated "Bull of partition" was issued on
the 4th of May, 1493, giving, conceding, and assigning for ever, to them
and their successors, all the islands and mainlands already found or
that might be discovered in future, to the west of a line, stretching
from the north to the south poles, a hundred leagues from the Azores or
Cape de Verde Islands, provided they were not in the possession of any
other Christian prince. The sovereigns were commanded to appoint
upright, God-fearing, skilful, and learned men to instruct the
inhabitants in the Catholic faith, and all unauthorised persons were
forbidden to traffic on or even approach the territories. If they did so
they would incur the indignation of Almighty God and of the blessed
Apostles Peter and Paul.
Such was the gist of the document under which the enormities mentioned
in the preceding chapters were committed. Portugal, except for some
disputes about Brazil, accepted this arrangement, but the other great
nations of Europe, especially England, disputed it from the very
beginning. Nevertheless, the governments, as long as they were at peace
with Spain, took no active part in the matter, but left the work to
individuals, even going so far in some instances as to disclaim their
responsibility for piracies committed beyond the seas.
English and French seamen, hearing of the treasure continually imported
into Spain, soon found their way to the new world, and as early as the
year 1526 precautions had to be taken against them. Orders were sent to
build castles on the coasts and strong houses, not only for defence
against the cannibals, who continued to ravage the larger islands, but
to protect the settlements from French corsairs who had already
commenced their depredations. The tract of the Spanish fleets led them
first to St. Domingo, and thence on to the isthmus of Darien or Panama,
where at first the chief port was Nombre de Dios. At these two points it
was of great importance that fortifications should be erected, and this
was done in the first half of the sixteenth century.
An English merchant named Thomas Tison seems to have been the first of
our nation who went to the West Indies, but he got his goods sent from
Bristol to Spain. In 1527 King Henry VIII. fitted out the _Dominus
Vobiscum_ and another vessel for those parts, but little is known of
their course. It was, however, reported that they went to Porto Rico,
and got there a cargo of brazil wood, and then proceeded to St. Domingo,
where permission was asked to trade. After waiting for the license two
days the Spanish batteries fired upon them, driving them off to go back
to Porto Rico, where the inhabitants were more friendly.
From this time the corsairs and rovers became more numerous and
audacious every year. Some went trading among the Indians of the
mainland, others, more bold, forced their goods upon the Spanish
settlements under threats of pillage. In 1536 the inhabitants of Havana
paid seven hundred ducats to a French corsair to save the city, and
because later the pirate was chased by three Spanish vessels, which he
captured, he returned and exacted a second ransom.
In 1538 there was a gallant fight in the harbour of Santiago de Cuba,
between a Spaniard and a French corsair. The two vessels fought with
each other the first day until sunset, when a truce was agreed to, and
civilities exchanged between the captains. They sent each other presents
of wine and fruit, were very friendly, and mutually agreed to fight only
by day with swords and lances. Artillery, they agreed, was an invention
of cowards--they would show their valour, and the one who conquered
should have the other's vessel. The second day they fought again until
evening without either being conquered, and again they exchanged
courtesies. That night, however, the Spanish captain, Diego Perez, sent
to the people of the city asking if they would compensate him for the
loss of his ship if the corsair got the better of him; if they agreed
to do this he would risk his life in their service. Were he not poor and
without any other property, he would not have asked them, and as they
would be gainers by his victory, he did not think his request at all
extravagant. But the authorities refused to pledge themselves to
anything, leaving Perez to fight for his own honour, life, and property.
The battle continued the whole of the third day, each giving the other
time for rest and refreshment, yet neither was conquered, although many
had fallen on both sides. After similar courtesies the fight went on
next morning, and when evening came the Frenchman promised to continue
it next morning. Feeling, however, that the Spaniard was likely to get
the better of him, he slipped his cable in the night and made off,
leaving Perez to grieve at the drawn battle.
The same year Havana was sacked and burnt, and three years later both
English and French did great injury to the Spanish trade. Even Portugal
did not escape, but when complaints were sent to the king of France, he
said he intended to follow those conquests and navigations which by
right belonged to him. In 1545 five French vessels captured the
pearl-fishing fleet near the Main, which the owners were compelled to
ransom; at the same time they were forced to buy seventy negroes from
the captors. The Frenchmen then took Santa Martha and got a thousand
ducats as ransom.
One raid after another took place until the Spaniards were at their
wits' ends. Forts were built, _guarda-costas_ stationed, and other
precautions taken, but the depredations and forced traffic still
continued. They cruelly punished all who fell into their hands, and this
led to retaliation, not only for their own injuries, but to avenge the
slaughter of the innocent natives.
About the year 1530 Master William Hawkins made three long and famous
voyages in the ship _Paul_. Hakluyt said he went to Brazil--a thing very
rare in those days to our English nation. He became so friendly with the
Indians that one of their kings came to England in his vessel, and was
exhibited to King Henry, who marvelled to see this savage representative
of royalty. Unfortunately the poor fellow died on the return voyage,
which made Hawkins fear for the white hostage he had left behind.
However, his explanation was accepted, and his man given back
unharmed--a result all the more pleasing, as he knew so little of the
language, and might easily have been misunderstood.
This is an example of the good feeling of these people towards
Englishmen and all who treated them fairly. Even the cannibals became
more gentle under good treatment, and would allow the enemies of Spain
to land on their shores without opposition. By this time the natives of
the Greater Antilles were gone, and with them the thousands of captives
from the mainland. Then began the importation of negroes, first from
Spain, where the Portuguese had sold a fair number during the previous
century, and then from Africa. Spain could not send and fetch the
negroes on account of the Papal Bull, which reserved the savage
countries east of the line to Portugal. It followed, therefore, that, as
Spain claimed the Indies, so her sister country claimed the whole of
Africa--a claim as little respected by other nations as that of her
neighbour.
[Illustration: NEGRO WOMAN RETURNING FROM MARKET.]
Hearing that there was a good market for negroes in the West, Captain
(afterwards Sir) John Hawkins, in 1563, got up an expedition to supply
this demand. With three vessels of 120, 100, and 40 tons respectively,
he sailed to Sierra Leone, and partly by the sword and partly by other
means, got three hundred slaves, whom he carried to Hispaniola. Here he
had a reasonable sale, probably forced, for he trusted the Spaniards no
farther than he thought prudent, considering his strength. His returns
were so good, however, that he not only loaded his own vessels with
hides, ginger, sugar, and some pearls, but also freighted two hulks to
send to Spain.
[Illustration: NEGRO BARBER]
[Illustration: NEGRO FAMILY ON HOLIDAY.]
This success induced him to make another venture on a larger scale with
the _Jesus_ of Lubeck, of 700, and three other vessels of 140, 50, and
30 tons. He sailed for Africa in October, 1564, to kidnap slaves, yet
all the time he was very religious in a way. His orders concluded with
the commands to "serve God daily; love one another; preserve your
victuals; beware of fire; and keep good company"--_i.e._, do not stray
from others of the fleet. At several places he took negroes by force,
losing a few of his men in the fights, and with a good number set off
for the West Indies. Fortunately, he said, although they were in great
danger from a gale on this voyage, they arrived without many deaths of
either the negroes or themselves. For "the Almighty God, who never
suffereth His elect to perish, sent us, on the 16th of February (1565),
the ordinary breeze."
[Illustration: NEGRESSES GOSSIPING.]
The first land they sighted was Dominica, where they watered, and then
went on to Margarita, the Governor of which island refused them
permission to trade. They then tried several other places, including
Hispaniola and Cumaná, but also without success. At Barbarota they
forced the people to traffic, and here they were joined by Captain
Bontemps, a French corsair, with whom they went to Curaçao, and forced a
hundred slaves upon the inhabitants. Finally they went to Rio de la
Hacha and defeated a body of Spanish troops, after which the remainder
of Hawkins' cargo was freely sold.
In his third voyage, on which he started in October, 1567, Hawkins was
accompanied by Francis Drake and several other gentlemen adventurers. He
took a similar course to that of his former voyages, joined some African
chiefs in storming a town, and received, as his share of the booty, five
hundred prisoners, with whom he again sailed for the Indies. The alarmed
Spaniards dared not refuse to trade, and consequently he soon sold his
negroes at a good profit. On his return, however, he was caught in a
storm near the coast of Florida and had to take shelter in the harbour
of Vera Cruz, where at first his vessels were taken for a Spanish fleet
then daily expected. Under this mistake several influential persons came
on board, two of whom were retained as hostages.
Next day the Spanish fleet, consisting of thirteen sail, arrived, and on
board one of them was the new Viceroy of Mexico. From this high
authority Hawkins got permission to repair his ships, victual, and
refit, provided the English kept themselves to a small island in the
harbour, for the due performance of which they gave twelve hostages.
But the Spaniards were not prepared to let their enemies off so easily,
and made preparations for a surprise. Hawkins, becoming suspicious, sent
to inquire about certain shady transactions, and was at once attacked by
something like a thousand men. The Spaniards sunk three of his vessels,
seriously damaged the fourth, and left him with only one leaky ship in
which to find his way home. A great number of his men were killed and
others captured, the prisoners to be taken to Mexico and there cruelly
used. Two of them--Miles Philips and Job Hortop--managed to escape and
return to England, where they gave long accounts of their sufferings,
the latter comparing himself to his namesake the patriarch. As for
Hawkins, in speaking of his return voyage, he said, that "if all the
miserable and troublesome affairs of this sorrowful voyage should be
perfectly and thoroughly written, there should need a painful man with
his pen, and as great a time as he had that wrote the lives and deaths
of the martyrs."
This disaster put an end to Hawkins' slave-trading, but made no
impression on the other adventurers to the Indies. Francis Drake now
took up the quarrel, and in the year 1572 "singed the Spaniard's beard"
to some purpose. Knowing already something of the state of affairs near
the isthmus, he resolved to gain his spurs in that direction. He cared
not for a forced trade in negroes, but virtually went in for piracy, for
although the relations of the mother countries were at that time
somewhat strained, war had not yet been declared.
Drake sailed straight for Nombre de Dios, the treasure port, arrived
suddenly before the inhabitants had any warning, and landed a hundred
and fifty men in the night. Suddenly the town was roused to the fact
that the enemy were in possession, and as the people ran off to the
forest, they asked each other what was the matter. Unfortunately for
Drake, however, through a misunderstanding, the English were alarmed and
took to their vessels, so that all the advantage of the surprise was
lost. Undaunted by this failure, he determined to attempt something even
more audacious--the capture of the Panama train.
We have already seen that African slaves had been imported in
considerable numbers; we have now to mention that on the continent they
often escaped into the forest. Here they lived like the Indians, and
were often in friendship with them, going under the name of Simerons, or
afterwards Maroons. Always at enmity with the masters whom they had
deserted, they were a terror to the settlers on account of their
continual raids on the plantations.
Drake determined to get the assistance of these people, which was freely
given, and he was enabled to traverse the pathless forest and to lie in
wait for the train of mules carrying gold and silver from Panama to
Nombre de Dios. This he captured, but, on account of the difficulties
of the way, was obliged to leave the silver behind, and content himself
with the gold. Then he attacked some merchants, burnt their goods to the
value of two hundred thousand ducats, and got safely back to his ships
just as the dilatory Spaniards sent out three hundred men for his
capture. It was on this excursion that he saw the Great South Sea, and
determined to carry English ships into that immense Spanish preserve.
How he carried out his resolve, and appeared suddenly off the Peruvian
coast five years later, is a story we must leave, as it belongs to
another part of the new world.
When Drake returned to Plymouth the news of his adventures, and the more
substantial evidence of the gold he had brought, roused others to follow
his example. Among them was one John Oxnam, or Oxenham, who has been
immortalised by Kingsley in "Westward Ho!" Arriving at the isthmus in
1575, in a vessel of 140 tons, he went to an out-of-the-way river, and
hid his bark among the great trees. Landing with his seventy men, he
went in search of the Simerons, who took him to a river which flowed
into the South Sea, where a pinnace was built. In this the English
pulled down to the Pacific, with the intention of capturing one of the
treasure ships coming to Panama. They succeeded so far as to get sixty
thousand dollars in gold from one bark, and a hundred thousand from
another. Not yet satisfied, they went to the Pearl Islands, attacked the
negro divers, and took a few pearls, with which they at last returned up
the river.
Unfortunately for Oxenham the negroes of the Pearl Islands carried the
news of his presence to Panama, and in two days four boats with a
hundred men were sent in pursuit. They found the two barks, which had
been released, and from their captains learnt where the Englishmen had
gone. Following up the river they were at a loss when they came to three
branches, but spying some freshly plucked feathers floating down one of
the streams, they followed that until they came upon the pinnace. Six
men were on guard, one of whom was killed, but the other five escaped
and gave the alarm to their comrades. Pursuing their track through the
forest the Spaniards found the store of treasure hidden away under
boughs of trees. With this they would have gone back had not Oxenham
attacked them with two hundred Simerons before they reached their boats.
Being more skilful in bush fighting than the English, the Spaniards
repulsed the party, killing eleven and taking seven prisoners, from whom
they learnt that the delay was caused by the difficulty of transporting
the treasure.
Now the news was sent to Nombre de Dios, and the authorities there found
the English vessel and brought her away, thus cutting off the means of
escape for those still lurking in the forest. Then an expedition was
sent in search of them, and they were found building canoes. Some were
sick and could make no resistance, the others fled and took refuge with
the negroes, by whom they were ultimately betrayed and taken to Panama.
Here Oxenham was interrogated as to his authority for the raid, and was
obliged to admit that he had not his Queen's license. All except five
boys were executed, the men at once, and the officers a little while
afterwards at Lima.
Thus ended one of the most audacious attacks on the Spaniards which only
failed through a little want of calculation. Hakluyt, who wrote the
account, said the enemy marvelled much to see that although many
Frenchmen had come to these countries, yet never one durst put foot upon
land; only Drake and Oxenham performed such exploits. When the news
reached Spain the king was so alarmed that he sent out two galleys to
guard the coast, which in the first year after their arrival took six or
seven French vessels, and put a stop to their piracies for a time.
There was another class of raids in the Indies, of which that of Andrew
Barker, of Bristol, was an example. He, and one Captain Roberts, going
to trade in the Canary Islands, had their goods confiscated, and were
put in prison, from which Roberts escaped and Barker was ultimately
discharged. To recoup his losses and revenge himself, Barker fitted out
several vessels in 1576, in which he went trading to the Main, and
afterwards committed acts of piracy. He took a small vessel off
Margarita and a frigate near Carthagena, from which he got five hundred
pounds' weight of gold and some emeralds. Now, following the example of
Drake, he landed on the isthmus to get help from the Simerons, but could
find none. Then, from the unhealthiness of the climate, most of his men
fell sick, and eight or nine died, which made him give up this part of
his project. Embarking again he took another Spanish vessel with some
gold, but after that the party got into difficulties. Barker quarrelled
with his ship-master, and one of the vessels became so leaky that they
had to let her sink, first removing the cargo into the last Spanish
prize. They, however, captured another vessel with a hundred pounds of
silver and some provisions, but after that the crews mutinied and put
Barker ashore with some others, where they were attacked by Spaniards,
and nine, including the captain, killed. The mutineers then went on to
Truxillo, which they surprised, but could find no treasure, and were
soon driven to flight by a Spanish vessel. On their way home the Spanish
vessel sunk, carrying down two thousand pounds' worth of their booty,
and on their arrival at Plymouth they were imprisoned as accessories to
their captain's death. Although none were executed, yet, says the worthy
Hakluyt, "they could not avoid the heavy judgment of God, but shortly
after came to miserable ends."
Open war soon came, and culminated in the invasion of England by the
"Invincible Armada" of 1588. No longer could there be any question of
the Queen's license, and in 1585 Drake, now Sir Francis, fitted out a
great fleet to cripple the power of Spain in the Indies. The Spanish
authorities were no longer unprepared, but ready to give him a warm
reception all along his expected course. The fleet consisted of
twenty-five vessels, with two thousand three hundred men, among whom
could be found many whose names are famous in the annals of Queen
Elizabeth. At the Cape de Verde Islands they burnt the town of Santiago
in revenge for the murder of a boy, and after this baptism of fire,
proceeded to the island of St. Christopher's, where they landed the
sick, cleaned their vessels, and spent Christmas. Leaving at the end of
December, on the 1st of January, 1586, they arrived off Hispaniola with
the intention of attacking St. Domingo. The English landed about ten
miles distant from that city, marched upon the Spaniards unawares, and
took it by surprise, notwithstanding every preparation that had been
made, and the careful watch for enemies from the sea.
Drake demanded a large ransom, and because it was not paid at once,
commenced to demolish the buildings, which brought the inhabitants to
their senses and made them offer the sum of 25,000 ducats (about
£7,000), which he accepted. From thence the fleet sailed to Carthagena,
where no opposition was made until the troops landed, when a great
struggle took place in the streets. The Spaniards had erected
barricades, behind which they succeeded in doing some execution, but
only delayed the surrender for a short time. After a portion of the town
had been burnt, 110,000 ducats were paid as ransom for the remainder,
and after a few less brilliant exploits, the fleet went back to England,
being thus hurried on account of sickness among the men. Otherwise,
Drake had intended to capture Nombre de Dios and Panama, but from this
disability had to be content with booty to the amount of £60,000, which
would mean something like a quarter of a million at the present value of
money. He arrived in time to help in repelling the Armada, and this
invasion kept most of the English about their own shores for a year or
two.
In 1595, when there were no longer any fears of a Spanish landing, Drake
determined on another voyage, and this time with Sir John Hawkins.
Getting together six of the Queen's ships and twenty-one other vessels,
they arrived safely at the Caribbee Islands, where Hawkins became sick
and died. Drake then went on to Porto Rico and attacked the capital, but
could do nothing more than capture a few vessels from under the guns of
the forts. Going to the Main he captured Rio de la Hacha and a fishing
village named Rancheria. These he held for ransom, but was dissatisfied
with the number of pearls offered by private persons, the Governor
refusing to give anything, and burnt both town and village. Santa Martha
was also taken, and then Nombre de Dios, but he found that the treasure
had been removed, the inhabitants taking to the forest when they heard
his fearful name. Sir Thomas Baskerville took seven hundred and fifty
men to go over to Panama, but returned much discouraged by the
difficulties of the road. Drake finally burnt Nombre de Dios and every
vessel in the harbour down to the smallest boats.
After that, sickness began to tell upon the expedition, and Drake
himself was stricken with dysentery. When on the point of death he rose
from his bed, put on his full dress of admiral, called his men and gave
them a farewell address, then, sinking down exhausted he died
immediately afterwards. Several captains and other important officers
also died, and they even lost the chief surgeon; after that, nothing was
left but to return home. Off Cuba they were attacked by a Spanish fleet
of twenty vessels, sent out to intercept them, with which they kept up
a running fight until the enemy were left behind.
On their arrival in England in May, 1596, the sad news of the death of
Drake overshadowed all the glory of the expedition. In Spain, however,
it was published for general information, and the people congratulated
each other that at last their enemy was gone. Henry Savile, in his
"Libel of Spanish Lies," said "it did ease the stomachs of the timorous
Spaniards greatly to hear of the death of him whose life was a scourge
and a continual plague to them." No wonder that the news was so
grateful, for none was so daring, and no name like that of Drake ever
came to be used as a bogey with which to frighten their children.
Yet there were many gallant adventurers in the Indies at that very time.
Sir Robert Dudley and Sir Walter Ralegh were both at Trinidad in 1595,
and for several years before and after the English rovers were plentiful
in the Gulf of Mexico. In 1591 the _Content_ was successfully defended
against six Spanish men-of-war, and the galleons were obliged to sail in
large squadrons. What with the dangers of storms and the enemy, it was
stated that of a hundred and twenty-three vessels expected in Spain
during that year, only twenty-five arrived safe.
The number of rovers became at last so great that plunder was difficult
to obtain. The Spanish settlers were in continual fear, and naturally
took every precaution against their enemies, hiding the treasure on the
least alarm, and taking to the forest. The French corsairs were not far
behind the English, although as yet they had no proper licenses, and
only fought for their own hands. Latterly, also, the Dutch and Flemings
had arrived, and although mainly occupied in trading, they did not
hesitate to fight on occasion, especially when attempts were made to
prevent their traffic. While under the rule of Charles the Fifth they
had been free to go to and from the Indies, and no doubt use the
knowledge thus gained to further their own interests since their revolt.
Like the English, they were at enmity with Spain, but there was also
another bond of union--both were Protestant. Queen Elizabeth assisted
Holland in gaining her independence, and therefore at this period the
relations between English and Dutch were very cordial. But the
fellow-feeling of enmity to Spain made even the French corsair unite
with the two others, so that pirates, privateers, and traders all
combined against the common foe.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
IV.
RALEGH AND THE FIRST BRITISH COLONIES.
The first grant made by Queen Elizabeth for a settlement in America was
given to Sir Humphrey Gilbert in 1578, but the father of English
colonisation was Sir Walter Ralegh. Although considered a rover, or
pirate, by the Spaniards, he was of a different type to Drake, Hawkins,
and the other adventurers of the sixteenth century. Not only was he
famous as a brave warrior, but at the same time as one of the most
learned men of his time; as enterprising in the arts of peace as on the
battlefield.
The "Letters Patent" to Walter Ralegh, Esquire, dated the 25th of March,
1584, may be considered as the first charter of the English colonies.
Under them he was empowered to discover, occupy, and possess barbarous
countries not actually in the possession of any Christian prince, or
inhabited by Christian people, on condition that he reserved to Her
Majesty a fifth of all the gold and silver found therein. He was also
given all the rights of civil and criminal jurisdiction, and empowered
to govern and make laws as long as these laws did not conflict with
those of the mother country, or with the true Christian faith of the
Church of England. Under this charter the first settlement in Virginia
was undertaken, and thus England threw down the gauntlet in the face of
Spain.
However, Ralegh did not confine himself to North America--there were
other countries not in the actual possession of any Christian prince,
the most notable being Guiana. Ralegh had heard the story of "El Dorado"
and of the failures of the many German and Spanish knights. He would
succeed where they had failed. Englishmen had displayed their mettle in
the Indies--if the treasures of Peru and Mexico had raised their enemy
to be "mistress of the world" and "sovereign of the seas," why should
not he also find other golden countries for the benefit of his virgin
queen and country? Because two rich provinces had been discovered, it
did not follow that there were no others; on the contrary, the rumours
of "El Dorado" were so many that they could not be treated with
contempt. And then the natives of the "Great Wild Coast," although
cannibals, were friendly to the English, who had always treated them
fairly, and there they had the advantage over Spain. The country was
open to them, although strictly guarded against their rivals.
The stories had been lately revived by the expeditions of Antonio de
Berrio, Governor of Trinidad and Guiana, who had made explorations of
the river Orinoco, and possibly exaggerated his reports for the purpose
of getting settlers. Captain Popham took some letters from a Spanish
vessel in 1594, wherein were found accounts of the "Nueva Dorado,"
which were spoken of as incredibly rich. Ralegh saw these, and was
induced by their reports and his own knowledge of the Indies, which he
had gained in working at his colonisation schemes, to go out and look up
the matter.
The occupation of Guiana, he said, had other ground and assurance of
riches than the voyages to the West Indies. The king of Spain was not so
impoverished as the English supposed by their taking two or three ports,
neither were the riches of Peru or New Spain to be picked up on the
sea-shore. The burning of towns on the coast did not impoverish Spain
one ducat, for it was within the country that the land was rich and
populous. Therefore England should endeavour to get possession of this
yet unspoiled country, instead of wasting her energies on adventures
that were of no real benefit, and that hardly touched the real source of
her enemy's greatness.
Ralegh arrived at Trinidad in March, 1595, and as a matter of precaution
captured the Spanish town of St. Joseph, and the Governor, De Berrio,
from whom he heard more stories of El Dorado. Here also he began those
conciliatory measures with the natives which characterised all his
dealings. He released five chiefs, who had been imprisoned in chains and
tortured by dropping melted fat on their bodies, and thus gained their
friendship. Unlike other adventurers he thought it necessary to excuse
himself for burning St. Joseph, which he did in rather quaint language.
Considering that if he entered Guiana by small boats and left a
garrison of the enemy at his back, he "should have savoured very much of
the ass," he took the place, and at the instance of the natives set it
on fire.
[Illustration: RALEGH IN TRINIDAD.
(_From Gottfried's "Reisen."_)]
Now began a weary voyage up the Orinoco, first through the delta, which
is such a maze that they might have wandered for months without getting
into the main river had they not secured an Indian pilot. Exposed
alternately to burning sun and drenching showers in open boats, they
toiled against the powerful stream. Ralegh everywhere tried his best to
ingratiate himself with the Indians, succeeding so well that his name
became known over the whole of Guiana. He told them that he had been
sent by a great queen, the powerful Cacique of the north, and a virgin,
whose chieftains were more numerous than the trees of the forest. She
was an enemy to the Spaniards, had freed other nations from their
oppression, and had now sent to rescue them. To confirm his statement he
gave each Cacique a coin so that they could possess the queen's
likeness, and these were treasured and even worshipped for a century
afterwards.
Everywhere he heard of El Dorado, but it was always receding farther and
farther, until his men became so disheartened that he had to rouse them
by saying that they would be shamed before their comrades if they gave
up so easily. However, after reaching the mouth of the Caroni and
getting specimens of gold ore, he had to return without doing more than
locating the city of Manoa several hundred miles to the east of his
farthest point. This was done in so exact a manner that the great lake
of Parima, as large as the Caspian Sea, was retained upon the maps of
South America down to the beginning of the present century. His ore was
probably stream quartz, and in representing it as taken from the rock he
probably reported what the Indians had told him. When, therefore, he
said that the assay gave its value as £13,000 a ton, there is no reason
to suppose a mistake or untruth, for pieces quite as valuable may still
be picked up. His "Discoverie of Guiana" is such a mixture of close and
accurate observation with the hearsay of the Indians, that it is
difficult in some cases to separate truth from fiction. Yet, although
historians have charged him with wilful lying, there can be no doubt of
his good faith. It has been left to the present century to prove that
gold-mines exist on the site of the fabled El Dorado, for it is there
that the well-known Caratal diggings are situated.
Ralegh asked the people of England to judge for themselves. He had spent
much time and money, with no other object than to serve his queen and
country. When they considered that it was the Spaniard's gold which
endangered and disturbed all the nations of Europe, that "purchaseth
intelligence, creepeth into councils and setteth bound loyalty at
liberty," they would see the advantage of these provinces he had
discovered. Guiana was a country that had never yet been sacked, turned,
or wrought. The face of the earth had not been torn, nor the virtue and
salt of the soil spent by manurance; the graves had not been opened for
gold, the mines not touched with sledges, or the images pulled down
from the temples. It was so easily defensible that it could be protected
by two forts at the mouth of a river, and thus the whole empire be
guarded. The country was already discovered, many nations won to Her
Majesty's love and obedience, and those Spaniards who had laboured on
the conquest were beaten, discouraged, and disgraced. If Her Majesty
took up the enterprise, he doubted not that after the first or second
year there would be a Contractation House for Guiana in London, with
larger receipts than that for the Indies at Seville.
Such was Ralegh's dream. Another Peru to be conquered, and England to be
raised to the highest point of wealth and importance. But unfortunately
he could get no assistance to carry out the grand project. Yet he was
undoubtedly sincere, for did he not send out two expeditions under
Captains Keymis and Berrie the following year, to assure the Indians
that he had not forgotten them? Keymis found one tribe keeping a
festival in honour of the great princess of the north, and anxiously
waiting for the return of Gualtero, which name, by the by, was similar
to their word for friend. They made fires, and, sitting in their
hammocks, each man with his companion, they recounted the worthy deeds
and deaths of their ancestors, execrating their enemies most spitefully,
and magnifying their friends with all the titles of honour they could
devise. Thus they sat talking and smoking tobacco until their cigars
(their measure of time) went out, during which they were not to be
disturbed, "for this is their religion and prayers which they now
celebrated, keeping a precise fast one whole day in honour of the great
princess of the north, their patron and defender."
The explorations of Ralegh and his captains were published all over
Europe, with the result that attention was generally drawn to Guiana.
Already some Dutchmen had been trading on the coast for many years, and
it was even reported that they had established a post in the river
Pomeroon, the centre of the province of Caribana. As early as 1542
Flemings had settled at Araya on the coast of Venezuela, where they
collected salt and were left undisturbed as long as the Netherlands
belonged to Spain. Ralegh seems to have purposely ignored the presence
of these people in Guiana, probably to prevent any question of prior
rights on the part of a friendly nation. But, after all, the Dutchmen
could only have been there on their own responsibility, and their
temporary occupation had no meaning from a national point of view.
Now that Guiana was made known, vessels of other nationalities went
trading along the coast, everywhere meeting with a hearty welcome from
the Indians as long as the visitors were not Spanish. They were only so
many additions to their friends--their enemies were confined to Trinidad
and the Orinoco, leaving the whole coast of Guiana to its rightful
owners. In fact, the Spaniards could no more subdue the Caribs of the
Main than they could those of the islands. Only in Trinidad, where the
Arawak was employed against the cannibal, was a settlement made
possible.
Ralegh was unable to carry out his great project, but others were not
backward in attempting to settle in the country. First came Charles
Leigh, who in 1604 founded a colony in the river Oyapok, which failed
partly from the lack of assistance from England and partly from too
great a dependence on the promises of the Indians to supply food.
Sickness followed on starvation, Leigh died, and a mutiny took place,
after which the survivors got back to Europe in a Dutch trader, which
fortunately arrived when all hope of succour had been abandoned. Robert
Harcourt followed to the same river in 1609, like Leigh, getting
promises of assistance from the Indians by using the name of Ralegh.
With their consent he took possession of the country, "by twig and
turf," in the name of King James. This ceremony was performed by first
cutting a branch from a tree, and then turning up a sod with the sword,
thus claiming everything in and on the earth.
Harcourt's colony lasted several years, and in 1613 he received from
James the First a grant of all that part of Guiana lying between the
rivers Amazons and Essequebo, on the usual condition of the fifth of all
gold and silver being handed over to the king. In the same year the
Dutch trading factory at Kyk-over-al on the river Essequebo was
established, and this was probably the reason why the English grant made
that river the boundary of their possessions, leaving the Hollander to
establish himself between the Essequebo and the Orinoco.
Meanwhile, in 1603, poor Ralegh had been tried on a charge of aiding and
abetting the plot to raise Arabella Stuart to the throne of England, on
the death of Queen Elizabeth. Any one who reads the account of his
trial will perceive at once the absurdity of the charge, yet Ralegh was
convicted and sentenced to be hanged, drawn, and quartered. However,
even with all his hatred for the knight, King James dared not carry out
the sentence, but instead, kept him imprisoned in the Tower.
Here Ralegh still hankered after the treasures of Guiana, and in 1611 he
made a proposition to the Government to send Captain Keymis to find the
rich gold mine which had been pointed out to him by an Indian. If Keymis
should live to arrive at the place and fail to bring half a ton or more
of that rich ore of which he had shown a sample, Ralegh himself would
bear all the expense of the journey. "Though," said he, "it be a
difficult matter of exceeding difficulty for any man to find the same
acre of ground again, in a country desolate and overgrown, which he hath
seen but once, and that sixteen years since--which were hard enough to
do upon Salisbury Plain--yet that your lordships may be satisfied of the
truth, I am contented to adventure all I have (but my reputation) upon
Keymis's memory."
This proposition was rejected, and the poor knight lingered on in the
Tower, attended during part of the time by two Guiana Indians, Harry and
Leonard Regapo. In 1616, however, he at last recovered his liberty on
condition that he went to Guiana and brought back gold, but at the same
time the king refused to pardon him. Nevertheless he took up the matter
with an amount of enthusiasm which showed his entire confidence in its
ultimate success. All his own money and as much of his wife's as could
be spared was spent in fitting out the expedition, and he also got
contributions from many of his friends. The king even went so far as to
give him a commission to undertake a voyage to the south parts of
America, or elsewhere in America, inhabited by heathen and savage
people, with all the necessary rights of government and jurisdiction;
yet with all this the old sentence hung over his head.
The expedition of fourteen vessels started in March, 1617, but even from
the commencement the voyage was disastrous. First a gale was
encountered, which drove the fleet to take refuge in Cork Harbour, where
it lay until August. This seems to have put a damper on the commander,
who now began to realise how much depended on his success. He was
twenty-two years older than when he went on his first voyage to Guiana,
and most of those years he had spent in captivity. Is it any wonder that
when the excitement attendant on his release had gone off he became sick
and utterly prostrated? Such was his condition when the fleet arrived at
Cayenne, where he went to look for his Indian boy Harry, who had gone
back to his people and was now wanted as interpreter.
So low was Ralegh's condition that he had to be carried ashore, and
although he soon became a little better under a course of fresh meat and
fruits, he never wholly recovered. So great was his weakness, both of
mind and body, that he deputed Keymis to lead the party up the Orinoco,
while he rested at Cayenne; in a few days he would go on to Trinidad and
wait there until they returned. Keymis accordingly went on, accompanied
by young Walter Ralegh, a number of other gentlemen, and four hundred
soldiers. They arrived at the site of the supposed gold mine without
accident, but found that since the first expedition some Spaniards had
built "a town of sticks, covered with leaves," and this stood in the way
of their approach to the mine. Possibly Keymis now thought of his
master's expression in regard to St. Joseph, and did not care to "savour
of an ass" by leaving the enemy to interfere with his work. He therefore
attacked this town of St. Thome, and set it on fire. Unfortunately young
Ralegh was killed in the fight, and the thought of how he could tell
this bad news preyed upon the mind of Keymis until all relish for
gold-seeking was lost. The Spaniards took to the bush, from whence they
sallied forth on any small party of the English, and ultimately put them
into a state of confusion. The mine could not be found, the adventurers
began to complain that they had been fooled, and Keymis was so troubled
that he seemed neither to know nor care anything about treasure-seeking.
Ralegh had meanwhile arrived in the Gulf of Paria, where he received the
news of the burning of St. Thome and the death of his son from some
Indians. Presently Keymis arrived, utterly dejected, to find his master
broken down and more woe-begone than himself. Ralegh said he was undone,
and that Keymis was entirely to blame. Not even a sample of ore--the
king would believe him a liar and a cheat. Then, this attack on a
Spanish town! Did not Keymis remember that these were not the days of
the virgin queen, when to "singe the Spaniard's beard" was worthy of
praise? Did he not know that James was friendly with the king of Spain
and wanted to get from him a princess for his son Henry?
[Illustration: GOLD HUNTING.
(_From Gottfried's "Reisen."_)]
Keymis had been the intimate friend of Ralegh through all his troubles.
He had remained faithful even when threatened with the rack at the time
of the trial. As a kind of steward he had administered the prisoner's
estate, and was a trusted friend and confidant of the family. He had
seen young Walter grow up to manhood, and now through his fault the
youth had been killed. For the first time the bereaved father was angry
with his captain; perhaps if Keymis died the whole blame would be laid
upon his shoulders, and Ralegh be exonerated. He went to the cabin
allotted to him, loaded a pistol, shot himself, and then, as he feared
the wound was not mortal, finished the suicide by driving a long knife
into his heart.
Thus died poor Keymis, but unfortunately this did not make any
difference to his master. If Ralegh had been prepared to throw all the
responsibility on his lieutenant, the king could only be satisfied with
treasure. Even if James had been inclined to over-look the affair, the
Spanish ambassador would not condone such an offence. He is said to have
rushed into the royal presence with the cry of "Piracy! piracy! piracy!"
at the same time demanding the immediate capture and punishment of the
raiders. It followed, therefore, that Ralegh was arrested immediately on
his return, and finally executed under the old sentence, but by
decapitation instead of hanging.
His last days were passed with resignation and fortitude. His old spirit
was entirely broken, and although he petitioned the king for grace and
pardon, he did so in a hopeless way. He had many sympathisers, and to
satisfy them the king's printers issued a little book entitled "A
Declaration of the Demeanour and Carriage of Sir Walter Raleigh,"
obviously inspired by the king himself. Here was a thing unheard of
before or since; a sovereign excusing himself for his actions! If
anything were required to prove the prisoner's innocence, this was
sufficient. Did James want to salve his own conscience, or was it
intended to satisfy those who clamoured on account of the injustice of
the execution? No doubt many of the old sea dogs who had served under
Drake and Hawkins were still living, and remembered when Plymouth bells
rang at the news of fresh arrivals from the Indies. "But now, forsooth,
you must not burn down a thatched hovel without a great to-do being
made." If Spain wanted peace, why did her people murder a ship's company
in cold blood a little while before? Out upon it! The good old days had
passed and England was going to ruin.
However, even King James's sneaking friendship for Spain could not keep
back colonisation altogether. Something like moderation was introduced,
and only pirates pure and simple kept up the old traditions. As for the
king he hardly knew how to steer, what with the petitions for reprisals
from English seamen on the one hand, and complaints of the Spanish
ambassadors on the other. The result of this want of policy is well
shown in the case of Roger North one of the adventurers in the last
expedition of Ralegh, who, in 1619, wished to re-establish the colony in
the Oyapok, which had virtually sunk to nothing. An association called
the Amazon Company was formed, and, notwithstanding Spanish protests,
the king granted "Letters Patent," under which North got up an
expedition in four vessels. Then the Spanish ambassador began to storm,
and the weak king revoked the patent, calling upon the members of the
Company to renounce their rights. North, who had been warned that
something was going on, hurried up his preparations, and was off so
quickly that he sailed on the 30th of April, 1620, fifteen days before
the proclamation revoking his license was published.
On his return in January following he was arrested and sent to the
Tower, where he remained until July. Meanwhile his cargo from Guiana was
seized on the ground that it had been obtained from Spanish possessions,
but with all his willingness to oblige Spain the king could not get the
case proven. It followed, therefore, that North was released, and his
goods restored, but as the cargo was mainly tobacco it had become much
damaged by neglect.
This detention of North, and the consequent delay in sending out
supplies to the Oyapok, led to the downfall of the infant colony.
Hearing nothing from England the settlers became disheartened, and if it
had not happened that Dutch traders arrived there occasionally they
would have been starved. Even as it was one left after another until few
remained, and when, six years later, "the Company of Noblemen and
Gentlemen of England for the Plantation of Guiana" was formed, the
settlement had to be commenced anew. However, some of those who left
carried the English flag to the island of St. Christopher's, where a
settlement was commenced in 1624 by Thomas Warner. Thus, as Ralegh was
the father of English colonisation, so his beloved Guiana became the
parent of the British West Indies.
James the First died in March, 1625, and with him went the English
subservience to Spain, never to be restored. During his reign British
enterprise had been kept back; now it broke down all obstructions. True,
New England and Bermuda were settled during his reign, but they owed
little to him or his government. As soon as the Royal obstructionist was
dead, colonisation schemes came to the front. Before even a month had
passed, on the 14th of April, John Coke came forward with a proposition
to incorporate a company for the defence and protection of the West
Indies, for establishing a trade there, and for fitting out a fleet to
attack the Spanish settlements. About the same time, also, the
Attorney-General made some "notes" on the advantages derived by the
Spaniards and Dutch from their West Indian trade, showing that it was
neither safe nor profitable to England for them to remain absolute lords
of those parts, and suggesting that the new king should entertain the
matter and openly interpose, or else permit it to be done underhand;
then if it prospered he could make it his own at pleasure.
What was done in these particular cases does not appear, but that a new
policy was introduced is certain. In September following the case of
St. Christopher's was brought before the Privy Council, which apparently
confirmed what had been done, in taking possession of the island. In the
"information" laid over it was stated that Thomas Warner had discovered
that island, as well as Nevis, Barbados, and Montserrat, and had begun
the planting and colonising of these islands, until then only inhabited
by savages. King Charles was asked to take them under his royal
protection and grant Thomas Warner their custody as his lieutenant, with
the usual powers of jurisdiction.
The result was not altogether to the liking of the petitioners, Ralph
Merrifield and Thomas Warner, for in July, 1627, a grant of all the
Caribbees was made to the Earl of Carlisle. This was sweeping enough,
however, to suit those who wanted English colonies, however it ignored
the rights of the first settlers in St. Kitt's and Barbados, which
latter island had been settled a few months after the first.
Now, also, Roger North came forward with his story and got the revoked
patent renewed, so that he could go on with the settlement in the
Oyapok. For a time it did very well, but the tide had turned in favour
of the islands, and Guiana was soon abandoned to the Dutch and French.
The most important of the two islands first colonised was Barbados,
which, fortunately for her comfort, never suffered from such calamities
as befel the sister island of St. Christopher's. As far as the English
were concerned Barbados was discovered by a vessel going out to Leigh's
settlement, in Guiana, in 1605. A pillar was erected with the
inscription, "James, King of England and this island," but nothing was
done in the way of a settlement until immediately after Warner commenced
planting in St. Kitt's. The most intimate connection existed between
Barbados and Guiana from the earliest times, as in fact it does to the
present day, for Captain Powell, the commander of the little company of
pioneers, sent to his Dutch friend, Groenwegel, in Essequebo, for a
party of Arawak Indians to teach the new-comers how to plant provisions,
cotton, and tobacco.
In 1630 another group of islands was added by the granting of a patent
to the "Governor and Company of Adventurers for the Plantation of the
Islands of Providence, Henrietta, and the adjacent islands." Under this
charter possession was taken of the Bahamas, but little was done in the
way of settling them for about a century. Thus West Indian colonisation
was commenced, and claims made to all the smaller islands on behalf of
England.
But it is not to be supposed that France and Holland were going to let
everything go by default--on the contrary, they soon began to settle in
some of the very islands which had been granted to the Earl of Carlisle.
The Dutch, as we have seen, were traders from the beginning, preferring
the so-called contraband traffic with the natives and Spanish colonists
to anything like the raids of English or French. Yet, in their plodding
way they went on steadily, and as early as the year 1600 took possession
of the island of St. Eustatius. When the Spaniards awoke to the fact
that the Dutch were injuring their trade, they began to enforce all the
old prohibitions and seized the smugglers. But the Hollander commenced
to feel his power, and gave his enemy several lessons, which made him
feel that the United Provinces with their symbol of a bundle of darts
were not to be despised.
In 1615 the Dutch took the capital of Porto Rico, and in 1621 their West
India Company was formed with territorial and trading rights over all
the unoccupied countries of Africa and America. Suddenly as it were the
despised Hollander became a power in the West Indies, and the Company
was soon strong enough to conquer Brazil, which it must be remembered
was, with Portugal and all her colonies, then in the hands of Spain.
About the year 1627 Piet Heyn destroyed a Spanish fleet in Mataça Bay,
Cuba, the booty from which was something enormous. Altogether, the West
India Company was said to have captured 547 vessels, mainly off the
coast of America, the prize money from which amounted to thirty million
guilders (£2,500,000), while the damage to Spain was at least six times
as much.
Now also the French began to claim their share. In 1625 Mons. d'Enambuc
went on a piratical expedition to the Caribbean Sea, but without any
intention of founding a colony. However, off the Cayman's islands he was
attacked by a Spanish galleon of much superior force, and although he
succeeded at last in driving her off, his vessel was so crippled that he
had to put into St. Christopher's for repairs. Here he found Warner
already established, and with him a few Frenchmen. On account of his
condition and the beauty of the island, he became inclined to settle,
and as the English and French were then on good terms, Warner saw no
objection. The consequence was that St. Kitt's became divided between
the two nationalities, with results in the future most disastrous to
both.
At first, however, the assistance of the French was very welcome. The
Caribs were still a power in the smaller islands and gave a great deal
of trouble to the young colony. At first they were friendly, but when
the settlers wished to oppress them by taking away their lands and
compelling them to supply provisions, open war began. Hearing from an
Indian woman that a conspiracy was forming to destroy all the white men,
Warner determined to be beforehand with them. He massacred a hundred and
twenty of the men, took the women as slaves, and drove the remainder off
the island. But these powerful savages were by no mean conquered, for
those who escaped soon came back with three or four thousand of their
friends from neighbouring islands, and at first it appeared as if the
whites would have been utterly exterminated. By a supreme effort of both
French and English, however, this great invasion was repelled, the
defenders killing about two thousand, and capturing fifteen large
periaguas, with a loss to themselves of about a hundred, most of whom
died from poisoned arrows. This was a bond of union between French and
English, and Warner and d'Enambuc amicably divided the island between
them.
[Illustration: CARIB ATTACK ON A SETTLEMENT
(_From Gottfried's "Reisen."_)]
[Illustration]
V.
BUCCANEERS, FILIBUSTERS, AND PIRATES.
Now that settlements were commenced the old system of piracy was
somewhat discountenanced by the home governments, and many of the
adventurers began to become a little more civilised. But there was still
a large number of them who became known as buccaneers, filibusters,
freebooters, marooners, and brethren of the coast, who continued to
worry the Spaniards, and even to attack other nationalities on occasion.
They had taken to the trade, and, when no longer able to carry it on in
a quasi-legitimate manner, did so on their own lines.
The claim of Spain to the whole of America was the great cause of
offence. Had she been content with what her people could occupy, there
would have been little trouble, but the "dog in the manger" policy could
hardly be recognised by other nations. It followed, therefore, that when
complaints were made to France and England of the ravages on the Spanish
coasts, the sovereigns told the king of Spain to protect his own shores,
disclaiming on their own parts any responsibility whatever.
The earliest accounts of the buccaneers are confused with those of the
French corsairs, of which mention has been already made. They sailed
along the coast from one island to another, trading a little, capturing
Spanish vessels, fighting the guarda-costas, and now and again repairing
to some out-of-the-way place to put their ships in order or even to
assist the Caribs in their raids. The advantages of combination were
soon felt, and with these also the necessity for places of rendezvous.
Even the English adventurers became accustomed to obtain wood and water
from Dominica, but this island was not conveniently situated for the
French corsairs. They wanted an uninhabited place near enough to
Hispaniola and the track of the Spanish vessels for them to be quickly
pounced upon and for the corsairs to as quickly escape. Then there must
be a food supply, and on the great island of Hispaniola were countless
herds of wild cattle which ranged over a wilderness utterly depopulated.
The palmy days of the Hispaniola planter were over, and although he
imported negro slaves to some extent, he was virtually ruined. One after
another left for the newly discovered countries on the Main, and for
Peru and Mexico, leaving the island to a few merchants and wealthy
planters, who found it to their interest to remain. Hispaniola was
little more than a house of call on the road to the treasure countries,
which meant that although the port of St. Domingo was fortified, the
greater portion of the island was open to any one who chose to occupy
it.
Salt was a scarce commodity in those times, but it could be obtained in
some of the smaller islands, notably Tortuga, which for that reason
became the resort of the buccaneers. But the Indians had learnt how to
preserve meat without this useful substance, by smoking it over a fire
of green branches and leaves. Even Europeans knew something of this
process, although we believe they never preserved their beef and bacon
entirely without salt as did the Indians their game. The process was
very simple. Four sticks with forked ends were pushed into the ground,
and on these uprights a sort of rack of other sticks was laid to make an
open platform, where the pieces of meat were laid above a fire until
well dried and impregnated with smoke. This stage was called a boucan,
or barbecue, and from their using it to prepare supplies for their
voyages the corsairs became known as buccaneers.
There were no tinned provisions in those days, nor had the proper means
of keeping food on long voyages been yet perfected. It followed,
therefore, that a food supply in the Indies had to be provided, and the
Spaniards unintentionally did good service to their enemies by placing
hogs on most of the islands to breed and be available in emergencies.
It is obvious that the hunting of semi-wild animals and curing their
meat required time, and for that reason a division of labour was
initiated. While one party went cruising in search of Spanish vessels,
another ranged the country to capture and prepare the supplies against
their return. Thus a rendezvous became necessary, and in time
plantations were established in this neighbourhood to gradually develop
into a settlement. Now and again the Spaniards discovered these places,
but as they were generally of little value, their loss was of no
importance; if destroyed the buccaneers could easily escape to another
locality. When the enemy burnt their vessels, they easily built canoes
with which they soon captured others and became as strong as before. The
hunters grew to like their hardy life with its perfect liberty, and
became so inured to the climate and open air as to be utterly unlike the
effeminate planters. They were even little subject to the diseases of
the country, and could live for months at a time on nothing but meat. As
for clothes, they made these from the skins of animals, and all they
really required from outside was powder and lead for their firearms.
They became known as the brethren of the coast from their custom of each
choosing one comrade as a bosom friend and brother. Everything gained by
either was common to both, and the company were very strict in enforcing
their law against unfaithfulness in a companion, or unfair dealing in
any way among themselves. Sometimes they marooned a culprit by leaving
him alone on some small island to die of hunger, or perhaps to become a
"Crusoe" for many years. The wounded received compensation according to
a fixed tariff, from the common stock or from contributions; thus the
loss of an arm was valued at five hundred crowns, and other mutilations
at corresponding rates.
As the attacks of the Spaniards became more common, the small bands
united, and division of labour became more exact. Some were hunters of
wild boars, others of cattle, a few became planters, but the main body
were always sea rovers. At first the hunters were on good terms with the
Spanish planters and entered into engagements to supply them with meat.
A party would go off into the interior and stay away for months at a
time, eventually returning with large supplies borne on the backs of
their horses. During all this time they lived in rough shelters which
could be erected in an afternoon, and were much exposed to the
vicissitudes of the weather. Now they made up for their long term of
privation by carousing to their hearts' content, and when drunk, often
fought and killed each other. In the settlements there were generally a
few women, and these often became the cause of contentions; there were
also bond-servants who were treated most cruelly.
Sometimes they made incursions on the Spanish settlements, which led to
stronger efforts for their extermination that at last considerably
reduced their numbers. In fact, had it not been for the continual
accessions they would soon have died out, or have given up their trade
and settled down as planters. Hispaniola became at last almost
untenable, for the Spaniards, unable to find any other way of putting
them down, organised several hunting parties with the view to utterly
destroy the wild cattle and thus deprive them of their means of living.
Not that this was easily done, for it took many years, during which the
hunting parties from both sides fought and killed each other, committing
enormities which made the quarrel all the more bitter.
About the year 1632 a party of buccaneers captured the island of Tortuga
from the Spaniards, the garrison of twenty-five men surrendering without
a blow. Here was now the grand rendezvous of the French, for which it
was perfectly suitable from its proximity to the food supply and the
track of the Spanish vessels. It was situated on the north of the
western portion of Hispaniola, and not very well suited for plantations,
although good tobacco was grown there. There were, however, plenty of
sea fowl and turtle to be had, as well as their eggs, which formed a
large portion of the diet of the inhabitants.
This island became a veritable pandemonium--the sink of the West Indies.
It was the place of call for rovers of all nations, the market for their
booty, and the storehouse for everything in the way of supplies. The
merchants pandered to the tastes of their customers, and drinking and
gambling went on continually. But in 1638 it was surprised by the
Spaniards, who began to be alarmed at this nest of pirates at their very
doors. They chose a time when most of the rovers were away on a cruise,
and the buccaneers gone hunting in Hispaniola. All they captured were
killed--even those who surrendered being hanged as pirates. Only a few
escaped by hiding among the rocks and bushes to come forth after the
enemy had left, which they did without leaving a garrison.
A grand attempt to expel the hunters from the main island was now
organised, in which a corps of five hundred lancers ranged the island in
bands of fifties. Many of the buccaneers were killed, but the remainder
combined together under an Englishman named Willis and again took
possession of Tortuga.
From this rendezvous near Hispaniola the main passages between the
islands were under observation, but a similar station was required near
the Isthmus, and this was established about 1630 in the Bay of
Campeachy. Like that at Tortuga its beginnings are lost in obscurity. At
first one or more of the small islands or keys was used on
occasion--later fortifications were erected, and a watch always kept for
the enemy. The excuse for the settlement was the logwood trade, but this
did not become of much importance until after the English conquest of
Jamaica.
Like the true buccaneers these pirates were fond of hunting, but their
game was principally Indians, whom they attacked and carried off from
the Main, the men to sell to the plantations and the women to keep for
themselves. When they arrived after a cruise and sold their booty, they
would have a jolly time with drinking, gambling, and firing of guns,
until the island would seem to be the habitation of devils rather than
human beings.
There were also other pirate resorts, notably the Virgin Islands and the
Bahamas, but these were generally used only by one company, and never
rose to the position of general resorts. It is to these that most of the
romances refer, but the stories of Pirate and Treasure islands rarely
have much foundation in fact.
How privateers became pirates is well shown by a case that occurred in
the latter half of the seventeenth century. A vessel went cruising from
the Carolinas, and after being out for eighteen months had gained so
few prizes that the crew began to complain. After discussing the
situation, they resolved to try the South Sea, where they hoped to find
the Spaniards less prepared. Meeting with very bad weather at the
entrance of the Strait of Magellan, they were, however, obliged to turn
back, and then the majority decided to become pirates. Eight men who
refused to agree were marooned on the island of Fernando Po, their late
comrades leaving them a small boat in which they expected to be able to
get to some English colony.
The vessel left, and commenced her piratical work at once by capturing a
Portuguese ship larger than herself, the crew being brought and landed
on the same island. In the night the Portuguese made off, taking with
them the Englishmen's boat as well as their own, leaving the eight
privateers to do the best they could. However, they were not easily
daunted, and at once began to cut down trees and build a sloop of four
tons, which they finished in six weeks, meanwhile living on sea fowl and
their eggs, which were plentiful. Finally they sailed for Tobago, but
missing that island got to Tortuga, where they arrived almost perishing
with hunger and thirst, having had nothing to eat or drink for six days.
Even then they were not discouraged, but after resting awhile, set sail
in the same boat for New England, passing along the Spanish islands,
often unable to land for water on account of the enemy, and lying under
cover of the mangroves, to be almost devoured by mosquitoes. Even with
all this care they were taken at last, stripped, thrust down in the
hold of a Spanish _guarda-costa_, and finally kept as slaves in the
island of Cuba.
In the early years of the seventeenth century few of the adventurers had
any commissions, but as the mother countries began to establish
settlements, letters of marque were granted when there was a war. The
corsairs and pirates then became privateers, only to go back to their
old trade when peace was nominally restored. Some played fast and loose
with these commissions, sometimes having both French and English at the
same time, either to be used according to circumstances. The French
Governors went so far as to sell these documents signed and sealed, but
without names, so that they passed from hand to hand ready to be filled
up when the pirate wished to escape the yard-arm. The young colonies
were too weak to incur their displeasure--in fact they were glad to
encourage their visits, as the settlers could always pick up good
bargains when they sold their booty. Yet, with all that, there was a
dread of them, even among their own countrymen, which prevented that
feeling of safety which best consists with the progress of a colony.
We can say little of individuals, as there were so many, but we may
mention a few of the most striking characters and their daring exploits.
They inspired such dread among the Spaniards that at last the latter
hardly dared to defend themselves against them, but on their approach
immediately surrendered. If the cargo was rich, quarter was granted, but
if otherwise, or anything was found secreted, the whole company,
officers, crew, and passengers, were forced to leap overboard. Pierre
Legrand with his twenty-eight men once attacked a great Spanish galleon,
and before going alongside scuttled his own vessel so that it sunk as
the pirates leapt on to the enemy's deck. With no possibility of retreat
the men fought like devils and quickly got possession of the galleon,
with the usual result.
When other nations had compelled respect from Spain their vessels were
sometimes chartered to carry rich cargoes, which thus sailed under the
protection of another flag. But the pirates were not to be cheated so
easily, for they had their spies on the look-out, and often managed to
glean information. On one occasion Captains Michael de Basco and Brouage
heard of two Dutch vessels leaving Carthagena with treasure and at once
followed, attacked and captured them. Exasperated at being beaten by a
force much smaller than their own, the Dutch captains told Michael that
he could not have overcome them if he had been alone. "Very well," said
the audacious Frenchman, "let us begin the fight again, and Captain
Brouage shall look on. But if I conquer I will not only have the Spanish
silver you carry, but your own ships as well." The Dutch were not
inclined to accept this challenge, but made off as soon as they could
after the treasure had been taken into the pirate vessels, fearing they
might otherwise lose their opportunity.
Captain Lawrence was once unexpectedly overtaken by two Spanish
sixty-gun ships, the crews of which numbered fifteen hundred. Addressing
his men, he said--"You have experience enough to be aware of your
danger, and too much courage to fear. On this occasion we must avail
ourselves of every circumstance, hazard everything, and attack and
defend at the same time. Valour, artifice, rashness, and even despair
itself must now be employed. Let us fear the disgrace of a defeat; let
us dread the cruelty of our enemy; and let us fight that we may escape
him." After he was applauded with loud cheers, Lawrence took aside one
of the bravest of his men, and in the presence of all, gave him strict
orders to fire the gunpowder at a given signal, thus telling them
plainly they must fight or be blown up. Meanwhile the enemy had
approached very close, and Lawrence, ranging his men on both sides of
the vessel, steered between the two great monsters, firing a broadside
on either hand as he passed, which they could not return for fear of
damaging each other. He did not succeed in capturing them, but they were
so demoralised by his determined attitude, and the number of killed and
wounded, that they were glad to make off.
Montbar was a Frenchman who had heard of the atrocities of the Spaniards
and the exploits of the buccaneers, and determined to go out to the West
Indies to join in the fray. On his voyage from France he met a Spanish
vessel which he attacked and boarded with a sabre in his hand. Passing
twice from bow to stern, he carved his way through the enemy, entirely
reckless of danger, and by his example animated his comrades until the
vessel was taken. Then standing apart while the spoil was being
divided, he gloated with savage pleasure over the corpses that lay on
the deck.
Arrived at Hispaniola he heard from the buccaneers that they could do
little in the way of planting because of the continual attacks on their
settlements. "Why then," said Montbar, roughly, "do you tamely submit to
such insults?" "We do not!" they answered; "the Spaniards have
experienced what kind of men we are, and therefore take advantage of the
time when we go hunting. But we are going to join with some of our
companions, who have been even worse treated than ourselves, and then we
shall have hot work." "If such be the case let me lead you," said
Montbar, "not as a commander, but first in the post of danger."
They were quite willing to have him as leader, and the very same day he
went at the head of a party to find the enemy. Meeting a small body of
Spaniards he rushed upon them with such fury that hardly one escaped,
and this at once justified them in their choice. He afterwards became
such a terror all over the West Indies as to be known as "the
Exterminator."
Lolonois was another ruffian, who commenced his career by taking a
Spanish frigate with only two canoes and twenty-two men. This vessel had
sailed from Havana especially to put down the buccaneers, and had on
board a negro executioner who was engaged to hang the prisoners. Hearing
this from the negro, Lolonois ordered all the Spaniards to be brought
before him, and going down the line, he struck off one head after
another, licking his sword after each blow. He afterwards went to Port
au Prince, where four vessels were fitting out for his capture. These
he took and threw all their crews into the sea, except one man, whom he
sent to the Governor of Havana with the news, and a warning that he
would treat the Governor himself in the same way if he had the
opportunity.
After this he ran the best prizes aground and sailed for Tortuga in the
frigate, where he joined Michael de Basco. With four hundred and forty
men this worthy pair sailed for the Main, where they plundered the coast
of Venezuela, set fire to Gibraltar, and held Maracaybo for ransom. They
carried off all the crosses, pictures, plate, ornaments, and even bells
from the churches, with the intention of using them in a great cathedral
to be erected on Tortuga.
Although the buccaneers were mostly French they were not confined to
that nationality. The famous or notorious Captain Morgan was a Welshman,
who began his career in the West Indies as a bond-servant. One of his
greatest exploits was the capture of Porto Bello, which had taken the
place of Nombre de Dios after that town had been burnt by Drake. He even
out-did Drake and every other adventurer before him by storming Panama,
from whence he obtained a very rich booty. Here he fell in love with a
Spanish lady, who, however, threatened to stab herself rather than yield
to his embraces. Even when he tried the gentlest measures which such a
ruffian could think of, she still refused to yield, so that he had
ultimately to comply with the wishes of his companions and leave her.
Panama was burnt, the retreat across the isthmus safely performed
without any serious misadventure, and Morgan sailed away to Jamaica
with the lion's share of the plunder.
In this great expedition the buccaneers of all nations united to form a
combination hitherto unknown. But, as this was the first time that such
a thing had occurred, so also was it the last. As for Morgan his career
was ended; his comrades charged him with treachery and made it unsafe
for him to come within their reach. He therefore settled down in
Jamaica, made himself right with the authorities there and in England,
was knighted by King Charles the Second, and professed now to have a
great dislike to piracy. On two occasions Sir Henry Morgan became acting
Governor of Jamaica, and in that capacity did his best to discountenance
buccaneering.
In 1683 a great expedition was organised at Tortuga by Van Horn, a
Fleming, noted for his courage and ferocity. In the heat of an
engagement he would pace the deck, and urge his men to fight by shooting
any one who even flinched from a ball. He thus made himself a terror to
cowards and the admiration of the brave; like Montbar, gaining the
respect and confidence of his followers. Like the French leader also, he
was careless about his own share of the booty, leaving everything to his
men, which naturally increased his popularity. With twelve hundred men
in six vessels he sailed for Vera Cruz, and surprised the town at night.
Most of the inhabitants took refuge in the churches, and the buccaneers
posted sentries with barrels of gunpowder in front of each, giving
orders to blow up the buildings on the least sign of an attempt to
escape. After plundering the houses they demanded about half a million
pounds from the prisoners as ransom for their lives and liberties. This
was not obtained, however, for while waiting the collection a large body
of troops was seen approaching from the interior, and a fleet of
seventeen vessels came into the harbour from Spain. Yet the buccaneers
were determined to get something towards the ransom, and to this end
seized fifteen hundred slaves, with which they quietly sailed away in
defiance of the enemy, promising to call again for the balance of the
ransom. The Spanish fleet let them pass without firing a single gun, and
they went back to Tortuga, there to spend a year in rioting and
carousing.
When their money was all spent they resolved to try the most arduous of
adventures, a raid on the ports of the Great South Sea. And it happened
curiously that at that very time the English pirates were getting ready
for a similar venture, without either having knowledge of that of the
other party. About four thousand men were engaged, some going by way of
the Straits of Magellan and others across the isthmus. The English and
French met, and at first agreed to work together, but for want of one
leader who could command and be respected by both parties, the
expedition proved almost a failure. Possibly also the French had not
forgotten Morgan's treachery, and this caused distrust and prevented any
cordial feeling.
Those who travelled across the isthmus stole boats on the other side,
and with them captured larger vessels, until this little frequented sea
became almost as dangerous to Spanish ships as the Caribbean. Most of
the smaller ports were surprised, and even Guayaquil was captured,
mainly because they were not provided with forts and other defences. In
fact, the people were so unacquainted with war and so wrapped up by the
supposed security of their position, that even when the alarm was given
little could be done. Silver became so common that nothing but gold,
pearls, and precious stones would satisfy the spoilers, yet with all
their easy conquests they got little real benefit. Some died of
sickness, and many from the results of drunkenness and debauchery. The
storms of Cape Horn and the Straits wrecked several vessels, and drowned
both spoil and spoilers, while those who attempted to return by land
were equally unfortunate. They died in the bush of fever and dysentery,
or were cut off by ambuscades of the enemy, often losing their booty if
they escaped with their lives.
What a journey across the isthmus really meant at that time is well
exemplified in the case of Lionel Wafer. In 1681 he was a surgeon on
board an English vessel under Captain Sharp, one of those privateers who
went cruising in the South Sea. After spending some time there the party
divided, one portion deciding to cross overland, and the other to
continue the cruise.
Wafer went with those who intended crossing the isthmus, the whole
numbering forty-four white men and three Indians. They marched from the
Pacific shore one afternoon, and towards night arrived at the foot of a
hill, where they put up several rough sheds. Rain had already begun to
fall--such rain as is only known in the tropics--and they had to crouch
under these imperfect shelters until midnight, with streams of water
running down their backs and rivulets flowing about their feet. By
morning they felt less discomfort and were glad to warm their chilled
limbs by walking up the hill. Here they came upon an Indian path which
led to a village, where they were gratified with food and a drink made
of Indian corn. After resting awhile they agreed with one of the Indians
to guide them on the next day's journey, and that night rested in the
village.
Next morning they went on again, and at mid-day arrived at an Indian
hut, the owner of which was so morose and surly that at first he refused
to have anything to do with them. After they had spoken kindly and asked
him to guide them on their journey, he roughly answered that he was
prepared to lead them to the Spanish settlements. This of course would
never do, and they offered him beads, money, axes, and knives to gain
his good-will, but all without effect, until a sky-blue petticoat was
dangled before the eyes of his wife. This turned the scale, for her
persuasions being added to theirs, he at last consented to procure a
guide, excusing himself from the task on the plea that he was lame from
a cut. He wished to detain them with him for the day, as it still
rained, but they were in so great a dread of being discovered by the
enemy that, having obtained the guide, they marched three miles farther
before stopping for the night.
On the fourth morning the weather was fairer, and they travelled for
twelve miles over hills and through slushy morasses, crossing one river
after another to the number of about thirty. Rain poured down again in
the afternoon and during the greater part of the night, so that they had
much ado to keep their fires from going out. What with the discomforts
of their situation, the want of proper food, and the chilliness
preceding intermittent fever, they even forgot for the time their fears
of the Spaniards. However, as the sun rose they went on again until,
after travelling seven miles through the forest, they reached the hut of
a Spanish Indian, who supplied them with yams, sweet potatoes, and
plantains, but no meat except the flesh of two monkeys, which they gave
to the weak and sickly.
While resting here Wafer met with an accident. One of the company, in
drying some gunpowder on a silver plate, carelessly placed it near the
fire where he was sitting, with the result that it exploded and tore the
skin and flesh from one of his thighs, rendering him almost helpless. He
had a few medicines in his knapsack and dressed the wound as well as he
could under the circumstances, but rest and proper food were needed, and
these he could not have. The consequence was that, after struggling
along with the others until he sank down exhausted and suffering from
excruciating torture, he was left behind with two sick men at an Indian
village, where they were presently joined by two others who had broken
down.
Observing the condition of Wafer's wound, the Indians treated it with a
poultice of chewed herbs on a plantain leaf, and in twenty days it was
healed. Nevertheless, although they did him this kindness, they were
not over civil, but on the contrary treated the five white men with
contempt, throwing them their refuse provisions as if they were dogs.
One young Indian proved kinder, and got them some ripe bananas now and
then, but the others were annoyed because the main body had compelled
some inhabitants of the village to go with them as guides against their
will. The weather was then so bad that even the Indians considered
travelling almost impossible, and this annoyed them all the more,
especially when the guides did not return.
Day after day passed, and the Indians becoming more incensed at the
non-arrival of their people, began to think of avenging themselves on
Wafer and his comrades. Thinking that the guides had been murdered, they
determined to burn them to death, and even went so far as to erect a
great pile of wood for the purpose. But almost at the last moment their
chief interposed, and offered to send away the Englishmen in charge of
two guides.
Accordingly they set out, their only food supply a little dry Indian
corn, and their only resting-place at night the wet ground, still
exposed to drenching rains which fell every day. The third night they
went to sleep on a low mound, and in the morning woke to find it a
little island with water extending as far as their eyes could reach. To
add to their trouble, the Indian guides had disappeared, leaving them to
remain here without shelter and almost starved for three days. Then the
waters fell and they commenced the weary work of steering to the north
by means of a pocket compass--a task the difficulty of which can only
be appreciated by one who has attempted it.
However, they soon reached the bank of a deep river, the stream of which
was rushing along like a mill race. Here a lately-felled tree lying
across showed them where their comrades had passed, and they commenced
to climb over astride as the trunk was so slippery. One of the party was
so weak and so overburdened by four hundred pieces of eight (silver
dollars) that he fell, and was immediately carried down the stream out
of sight.
Giving him up as lost, the four survivors went wandering about, looking
for the footprints of their comrades, but could find no trace of them,
probably on account of the floods. Fearing a mistake, they again crossed
the river and recommenced the search on the other side, where they were
surprised to come upon their lost companion sitting on the bank, which
he had managed to gain by grasping the bough of a tree as he was borne
swiftly past. Finding no signs of a trail, they again went on working
with the compass as before. On the fifth day they had nothing to eat but
a few wild berries, and the day following arrived at another great river
where not even a tree lay across to give them a passage. They had only
their long knives, but with them they set to work and cut down bamboos,
with which rafts were made by binding the sticks with bush-ropes. They
had just finished and were resting awhile, when a terrible storm came
on. The rain fell as if from a cascade, thunder rolled and lightning
flashed, accompanied by a sulphurous odour which almost choked them.
There was no shelter but the trees of the forest, and the fire was put
out at once, leaving these half-starved wretches to shiver and shake
with ague all through the afternoon and up to midnight.
Then the waters began to rise, and in the darkness--that total absence
of light under the canopy of foliage, where two men sitting together
only know of each other's presence by feeling, for the din of the
elements is absolutely deafening--Wafer began to appreciate the fact
that the swirl of the flood had reached his feet. With no possibility of
communicating with the others, he felt his way to a hollow silk-cotton
tree, into which he crawled, and climbed upon a heap of debris that
stood in the centre. Here he fell asleep from sheer exhaustion, or more
probably, perhaps, fainted. When he awoke he said it was impossible for
words to paint the terrors that overwhelmed his mind. The water reached
to his knees, notwithstanding that the mound was five feet above the
ground level, and he was afraid it would reach still higher. However, as
the sun rose the flood went down, and presently he was glad to crawl out
and stretch his chilled limbs. But he was all alone, and at first
thought his comrades had been drowned. He shouted, but no answer came
back, except the echo of his own voice. Giving way to despair, he threw
himself on the buttress of a tree, from which condition he was roused by
the appearance of first one and then another, until the little company
was again complete. They also had found similar refuges and now came to
look after their rafts.
But the bundles of canes had become water-logged and useless, so they
resolved to retrace their steps if possible to the Indian village. On
their way they unfortunately missed shooting a deer which lay beside the
path, and had nothing to eat but macaw berries and the pith of a tree.
Seeing the track of a wild hog they followed that, and ultimately came
upon two provision fields. But even with this prospect of food they were
so much depressed that, although perishing with hunger, they were afraid
to venture near the Indian huts, and lingered about for some time.
However, at last Wafer summoned enough courage to go into one of them,
when almost immediately he was so affected by the close atmosphere and
the odour of some meat cooking over the fire, that he fainted.
The kindly Indians assisted in his recovery, and gave him something to
eat, when he was pleasantly surprised to find there the very same guides
on whose account he and his comrades had been nearly roasted to death.
On telling them where the others were, the Indians went out and brought
back three, but had to carry food to the fourth before he could gain
enough strength to walk the short distance. Here they were treated with
the greatest humanity and tenderness, and after resting a week they
again started with four guides, to reach the same river that had before
checked their progress, in one day. Here, finding a canoe, they
proceeded up stream until, arriving at the dwelling of the chief who had
saved them from torture, they were told it was impossible to go on in
such weather.
Wafer and his companions stopped here for several months--in fact the
chief wished to retain them altogether. As a physician, Wafer was
respected and loved; but at last, wishing to depart, by repeated
importunities and the promise to come back with some good hunting-dogs,
and then to marry the chief's daughter, he was at last furnished with
guides. Over high mountains, along the edges of precipices, and through
dense forests they toiled until they came to a river flowing north, on
which they embarked, and reached the shores of the Gulf of Darien two
days later. Here they were overjoyed to find an English vessel, the crew
of which gave them a hearty welcome, making up to some extent for their
long and perilous journey.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
VI.
WAR IN THE YOUNG COLONIES.
At the beginning of the seventeenth century Spain was nominally at peace
with the other great powers, except the Netherlands, which had not yet
come to the front. By the treaty of 1604 Queen Elizabeth made up the
English quarrel, and in 1609 even Holland was conceded a truce for nine
years.
Thus amity was supposed to exist, and the raids of licensed privateers
came to an end. Yet there was "no peace beyond the line." Not to mention
corsairs and pirates, the English were as determined on their part to
get a share of America as were the Spaniards to keep them out if
possible. The founders of Virginia were resolute to lose their lives
rather than abandon so noble a colony. Even King James dared not give it
up, although in 1612 and the following year there was a hot contention
with the Spanish Secretary of State on the matter. Spain was
discontented that the colony should have the royal sanction, and at the
same time demanded its removal, accompanying this with a threat to drive
out the settlers, as well as those in the Bermudas. But James could not
admit the Papal Bull, and as the English were firm, the claimants of
the whole of America contented themselves with protests.
In the West Indies, however, Spain went farther. Here she had
undoubtedly the right by discovery, although not by actual possession,
save in the Greater Antilles. The weak English king who succeeded the
strong-minded Tudor princess was not prepared to contest the Spanish
supremacy here, but simply answered the complaints against English
adventurers by disclaiming all responsibility. Neither England nor
France had officially taken the ground that only actual possession
created territorial rights, but many Englishmen were clamouring loudly
to that effect. We have already noticed in another chapter James's
policy, or want of policy, and the change which took place a few weeks
after his death--we have now to deal with the results of that
alteration.
In 1621 hostilities were renewed between Spain and the Netherlands, but
even during the nominal truce the Dutch invaded Margarita, and
demolished the fort, but without, however, taking actual possession.
When the truce was over hostilities were recommenced with a vigour that
rather astonished Spain, for in the interval the Netherlands had
progressed wonderfully. In 1625, the year of his accession, Charles the
First entered into a treaty, offensive and defensive, with the United
Provinces, which of course brought England into collision with Spain,
and open war began again in the West Indies. In 1629 a fleet of
thirty-five vessels under Don Frederic de Toledo conquered the island of
St. Christopher's and removed most of the English settlers, only a few
of whom managed to escape to the mountains, while the French got off in
two of their vessels. The French refugees suffered a great deal from the
want of preparation for their hurried flight, and arrived at the island
of St. Martin's perishing with hunger and thirst. Here they dug holes in
the sand and obtained a supply of brackish water, which was so
unwholesome that some died from drinking it in excessive quantities.
After the Spaniards left they returned to St. Christopher's to find a
few English, who, annoyed at their desertion, wanted to keep the island
to themselves, but the French were too numerous and soon took possession
of their old quarters.
In 1632 the Dutch took possession of Tobago, and two years later of
Curaçao, which latter island soon became their great stronghold in the
West Indies, and the principal depôt for the contraband traffic with
Venezuela. At that time no Spanish vessels went to this part of the
Main, but finding that the trade was of some importance to the Dutch,
the authorities now granted licenses to drive their rivals out of the
market. But the Spanish traders could not compete with the Hollanders,
and this so annoyed the authorities that they determined to extinguish
smuggling at any cost. This they were unable to do by catching the
delinquents, but they could punish those who dealt with them. The result
was the infliction of heavy fines and confiscation, with disgraceful
punishments, from which many were ruined. Yet with all that the trade
was so lucrative to both parties that neither was inclined to give it
up--the Dutch took care of themselves, while cheap commodities could
generally command a market, whatever the risk. The fact was the mother
country imposed so many restrictions, and exacted such heavy fees for
licenses, that the cost of an article was doubled or trebled as compared
with that of the Hollander.
In 1627 a French Association was incorporated under the title of "The
Company of the Islands of America." They appointed the Sieurs d'Enambuc
and du Rossy to settle the islands of St. Christopher's and Barbados as
well as others situated at the "entrance of Peru." Nothing was done at
Barbados, as the English were already in possession, but in 1634
examinations of Dominica, Martinique, and Guadeloupe were made, which
ended in the two latter islands becoming French colonies in 1635.
Meanwhile, in November, 1630, a treaty was signed at Madrid between
England and Spain, after which peace was supposed to again prevail.
Nothing was said about the West Indies, probably because Spain knew that
further protests were useless. Hardly had this been settled before, in
1635, France declared war against the common foe, and her corsairs could
now legally carry on their work of pillage and destruction. In 1638 the
island of St. Martin's, which had been partly occupied by French and
Dutch, was captured by Spaniards, who expelled the inhabitants and
replaced them by a strong garrison. In the same year Colonel Jackson,
with a force from the English islands, captured Santiago de la Vega in
Jamaica, and plundered it of everything valuable, after which, in
retaliation, the island of New Providence, one of the Bahamas, was
captured by Spain. Neither place was, however, occupied by the captors,
who only did as much damage as they could and then left.
Almost from the commencement of their settlements the French had
quarrelled among themselves, but until the struggle which ended in the
execution of Charles the First, there had been few difficulties in the
English islands. The Barbadians, it is true, protested against the claim
of the Earl of Carlisle, in which they were joined by the people of St.
Kitt's, but this was settled without disturbance. Now, however, the
effects of "the great rebellion" began to be felt across the seas, and
disaffection towards the Parliament, and loyalty to the king, were
promoted by a number of Royalists who had fled from the disturbance in
the mother country.
In 1650 the West Indies were virtually in revolt against the Parliament,
and on the 10th of September an embargo was declared in England against
vessels bound for the Caribbee Islands, Bermuda, and Virginia. This was
followed on the 27th by an Act prohibiting all commerce with these
colonies because of their rebellion against the Commonwealth. Virginia
and the Bermudas had declared for King Charles the Second after the
execution of his father, and sent emissaries to Barbados for the purpose
of inciting them to join in the revolt.
[Illustration: ST. KITT'S.
(_From Andrews' "West Indies."_)]
At the commencement of that year Barbados was in a state of ferment,
waiting only for the spark which would plunge the island into civil war.
Even at this early period the inhabitants of Little England, as it is
called, were very loyal, and had something of the conceit which has
characterised them ever since. True, there were "Roundheads" on the
island, but hitherto party differences had been put in the
background--now they were brought into prominence. When the agent of the
Bermudians asked that Barbados should declare for the king, the majority
were in favour of the project, but, as a matter of course, the others,
who were of considerable importance, refused. At first the Royalists
went so far as to advocate the banishment of their opponents, but were
unable to find any reasonable excuse for such a high-handed proceeding.
However they brought in an Act to imprison all who went to a
conventicle, or who seduced others from repairing to the Public
Congregation or from receiving the Holy Sacrament. For a second offence
the penalty was forfeiture of all lands, goods, chattels, and debts by
those whom they called "the enemy to the peace of the island."
This was to have been published on April 15, 1650, and kept secret until
proclaimed, to prevent trouble. But it appears that Colonel Codrington,
a member of the Assembly, divulged it in his cups, for which he was
fined twenty thousand pounds of sugar, and banished from the island. A
deputation of Parliamentarians then waited upon the Governor, to enter
their protest against the new law, and were asked to leave the matter in
his hands, as he had to deal with "violent spirits." Finally, the
proclamation was delayed, on the ground that there were many errors in
the copy, and the two parties stood at bay.
On the 23rd of April the Roundheads petitioned the Governor to issue
his writ for a new Assembly, on the ground that the present body had sat
for its full term. This he agreed to do, and thus alienated the
Cavaliers, who said he was a most emphatic Roundhead and enemy to the
king. Handbills and posters now began to be circulated calling attention
to the "damnable designe" of the Independents, of which, they said,
Colonel Drax, "that devout zealot (of the deeds of the Devil, and the
cause of that seven-headed Dragon at Westminster), is the Agent." One of
the writers declared that he should think his best rest but disquiet
until he had sheathed his sword in the bowels of the same obnoxious
personage.
The Cavaliers were still adding to their numbers by the arrival of more
refugees, while Colonel Drax and his friends fell into the background.
The new-comers had mostly been ruined by the civil war, and were
naturally desirous of doing something to retrieve their fortunes; it
followed, therefore, that anything that led to the confiscation of the
estates of the obnoxious party would be to their advantage. The
Cavaliers set to work to rouse the island by going about on horseback,
fully armed, everywhere challenging those they met to drink the health
of Charles the Second and confusion to the Independent dogs. This, with
the rumours of a Roundhead plot and the various manifestoes, induced the
Governor to issue a proclamation declaring that in future if any persons
spread such scandalous papers they would be proceeded against as enemies
of the public peace, at the same time forbidding any one to take up arms
in a hostile manner.
This produced little effect, for the leader of one of the roving bands,
Colonel Shelley, refused to disband. On this the Governor issued
commissions to raise a militia for the preservation of order, but by the
time that a hundred men had been collected an alarm went forth that the
Cavaliers were advancing on Bridgetown. This was the 1st of May, and by
that time the Cavaliers were prepared to act. Their leader was Colonel
Walrond, who, on being sent for by the Governor, and saying they had no
evil intention, was allowed to depart. However, they took possession of
the town, and then came forward with the demand that all Independents
and other disturbers of the peace should be at once disarmed. To this
the Governor agreed, provided the well-affected should vouch for their
safety. They also stipulated that the magazine on the bridge should be
put under their protection, that those who obstructed the peace and
laboured to ruin the loyal colonists should be punished, that twenty
persons whose names they gave should be forthwith arrested, and that the
Governor should speedily call together the Assembly to try them;
meanwhile they refused to disperse until these things were done. The
Governor could do nothing but accede to these demands, but even then
there was something more which they considered the climax--"that our
lawful soveraigne Charles the Second be instantly in a solemn manner
proclaimed king."
This staggered the Governor, who said it was a matter for the General
Assembly, in which opinion he got them at last to agree. However, they
were not yet content, but insisted that at the dissolution of the
present Assembly only such men as were known to be well-affected to His
Majesty and conformers to the Church of England should be chosen and
admitted. After that they must be promised an "Act of oblivion" for the
lawful taking up of arms, safe-conduct for all officers on legislative
business, and, finally, that the Governor must come to them without the
companionship of any disaffected person and put himself under their
care.
All this was perforce agreed to, and on the 3rd of May Charles the
Second was declared king of England, &c., as well as of Barbados, and at
the same time the Book of Common Prayer was proclaimed to be the only
pattern of true worship.
Behind all this was a fact which no one mentioned, but which probably
everybody knew--on the 29th of April Lord Willoughby had arrived in the
harbour, bearing a commission as Governor of the Caribbee Islands, from
the fugitive King Charles and the Earl of Carlisle. No doubt the whole
demonstration was got up on his account, the Cavaliers wanting to have
the king proclaimed first, so that there should be no difficulty about
the commission. Everything was ready now, and nothing was heard but
uproarious drinking of His Majesty's health, the Cavaliers going from
house to house and compelling others to follow their example. As for
Lord Willoughby, he left the Governor to carry out the stipulated
measures, while he went to look after the other islands under his
jurisdiction.
Now the Royalists of Barbados began to persecute the leaders of the
obnoxious party, beginning with the twenty they had named to the
Governor. Some, seeing their danger, had got off to England, but those
who remained were sentenced to pay a million pounds of sugar and to be
banished. Then nearly a hundred others were indicted and ordered to
leave before the 2nd of July, while all their commissions of the peace
or in the militia were cancelled. Wives were banished with their
husbands, and unless the estate-owners humbly submitted, paid their
fines, and appointed well-affected persons as attorneys, their
properties were confiscated. Yet with all that, when an attempt was made
to get to the bottom of the rumoured plot, no trace of it could be
found. Some of the more moderate of the Royalists even began to doubt
whether they were not going too far, but they salved their consciences
by saying that everything was done in the interest of the king.
When the news arrived in England it created a great stir. In November
some merchants and planters interested in the island asked for
permission to make reprisals on their own account. They wanted licenses
to trade there with five or six able ships, and letters of marque to use
in case of obstruction, or a refusal to comply with certain demands.
These demands were to repeal all Acts dishonourable to the Commonwealth,
to renounce obedience to Charles Stuart, to acknowledge the supreme
authority of the Parliament, to banish certain "active incendiaries in
the late troubles," and, finally, to recall those who had suffered, so
that they might enjoy the same rights as the other inhabitants. A
further petition asked for the removal of Lord Willoughby in favour of
Edward Winslow, a man of approved fidelity to the Commonwealth.
The Parliamentary Government did not adopt these proposals, as they
intended to reduce the island in a regular manner. In January, 1651, a
fleet was made ready for this purpose, but being employed in the
reduction of the Scilly Islands, it could not be got ready for the West
Indies until June following.
Meanwhile Lord Willoughby had returned, and was doing his best to
conciliate the Barbadians of both parties. He did not altogether approve
of what had been done, but repealed the Acts of sequestration, thus
putting the inhabitants in good spirits for the expected invasion. It
was rumoured that Prince Rupert was coming out from Marseilles, and this
made things appear brighter, encouraging them to put their forts in
order.
The English fleet did not actually leave Plymouth until the 5th of
August. It was under the command of Sir George Ayscue, who took six or
seven merchant vessels under convoy, probably those referred to in the
petition. He reached Barbados on the 15th of October, when as yet no
news had been heard of Prince Rupert; in fact, that great seaman had
been dissuaded from crossing the Atlantic. Fourteen Dutch vessels were
captured in Carlisle Bay, the sudden arrival of the fleet preventing
their escape.
Willoughby had some six thousand foot and four hundred horse stationed
at different parts of the island, and was determined to hold it for the
king, looking forward daily to see Prince Rupert arrive. He had heard
from a Dutch vessel that the king was marching on London with an army of
Scots: this also tended to make his resistance all the more stubborn.
From a few Roundheads, who managed to come off in the night, Ayscue
learnt this, but he was as equally determined to subdue the island as
Willoughby was to defend it.
On being called upon to surrender the island for the use of the
Parliament of England, the Governor replied that he acknowledged no
supremacy over Englishmen save the king and those having commissions
from him, directing the letter to the admiral on board His Majesty's
ship the _Rainbow_. He also said that he had expected some overtures of
reparation for the hostile acts upon the ships in the bay. After this
defiance nothing was left but to prepare first for a strict blockade,
and then to effect a landing. The strength on shore was too great for
any open attack, and Ayscue managed to send a proclamation addressed to
the freeholders and inhabitants, urging them to accept in time his
offers of peace and mercy. In answer to this the Assembly met and passed
a declaration to "sticke to" Lord Willoughby and defend the island to
the utmost.
In England a great deal of interest was felt in the struggle, and the
demand for news of the expedition created a supply giving circumstantial
accounts of what had _not_ taken place. One of them was headed, "Bloody
news from the Barbados, being a true relation of a great and terrible
fight between the Parliament's Navie, commanded by Sir George Ayscue,
and the King of Scots' Forces under the command of the Lord Willoughby;
with the particulars of the fight, the storming of the Island, the
manner how the Parliament's Forces were repulsed and beaten off from
Carlisle Bay and the Block House, and the number killed and wounded."
And all this before any attempt had been made beyond the blockade!
On the receipt of the news of the battle of Worcester, Ayscue sent
another flag of truce to give Willoughby the information, saying that he
did so as a friend rather than as an enemy. He was acting in that
quality, by stating the true condition of England, and leaving him and
his friends to judge of the necessity for due obedience to the State of
England; otherwise they would be swallowed up in the destruction so
shortly and inevitably coming upon them.
In reply, Willoughby said he had never served his king so much in
expectation of prosperity as in consideration of duty, and that he would
not be the means of increasing the sad affliction of His Majesty by
giving up that island. To this Ayscue rejoined, that if there were such
a person as the king, Willoughby's retention of that place signified
nothing to his advantage, and therefore the surrender could be small
grief to him. He well knew the impossibility of the island subsisting
without the patronage of England, and the admiral's great desire was to
save it from ruin and destruction.
As Willoughby refused to surrender, Ayscue determined to attack the Hole
or James's Town, which he did on the 2nd of November, beating off its
defenders, taking thirty prisoners, and spiking the four guns of the
fort. On the 1st of December the fleet which had been sent to reduce
Virginia arrived, and on the temporary addition of this force, Ayscue
again sent to Willoughby, as he stated, for the last time. In reply he
was told that the Assembly would consider the matter in two or three
days, but this reply did not please the admiral, so he tried to hurry up
the decision by landing at Speight's Town. Against the stubborn
opposition of twelve hundred men he stormed and took the fort, which he
held for two days, ultimately retiring, however, after burning the
houses, demolishing the fortifications, and throwing the guns into the
sea.
After that the correspondence was continued, Ayscue entreating
Willoughby to spare the good people of the island the horrors of war. To
this the Governor replied, that they only took up arms in their own
defence; the guilt of the blood and ruin would be at the doors of those
who brought force to bear. Then the Virginia fleet sailed for its
destination, and Ayscue recommenced hostilities by again occupying
Speight's Town.
By this time, however, there was a party on the island in favour of
peace, and they began to bestir themselves, thus making the Royalists
more determined. They put forth a proclamation inviting the inhabitants
to endure the troubles of war for a season, rather than by base
submission to let the deceitful enemy make them slaves for ever. But the
Roundheads now began to assemble under Colonel Modiford at his house, to
the number of six hundred men, who declared for the Parliament, and
threatened to bring Willoughby to reason, the admiral going so far as
to visit them surreptitiously to read his commission. Hearing of this,
Willoughby got two thousand four hundred men together and appeared near
the house, but did not venture to attack it, as by this time he had
become somewhat disheartened.
This brought things to a crisis, and on the 10th of January arrangements
were made for a commission from both sides to make arrangements for
terms. After a great deal of hesitation on the part of the admiral, the
capitulation was at last signed, the articles being exceedingly
favourable both to the inhabitants and Lord Willoughby. So lenient were
they that Ayscue had to excuse himself to the home authorities for fear
that he might have been misunderstood. They were, in short, liberty of
conscience, continuation of the old government, and of the old Courts of
Justice, no taxation without consent of the Assembly, no confiscations,
all suits to be decided on the island, no acts of indemnity, no oaths
against their consciences, a temporary cessation of all civil suits, and
finally that Lord Willoughby should retain all his private property in
the islands as well as in Surinam, with full liberty to go to England.
These articles were signed on the 11th of January, 1652, and the "storm
in a teapot" came to an end, the Barbadians proudly boasting that they
had been able to defy the mighty power of the Commonwealth. Most of the
leaders were banished from the island, some going to Surinam, where a
colony had been established by Lord Willoughby soon after his arrival in
Barbados. Among them was Major Byam, who became Governor, and virtually
held the settlement for the king until he came to his own again. This
is all the more curious because Cromwell knew the circumstances, yet
made no effort to bring the people under submission. At first the
settlers established a little Commonwealth of their own, with Major Byam
as president, but when his term had expired, instead of giving place to
another he declared he had a commission as Governor from the king,
although he refused to show the document to any one. With enough
Royalists to back him, he thus held office until the Restoration,
notwithstanding the complaints of the Parliamentary faction and their
requests to the home authorities for redress.
Meanwhile, early in 1652 England went to war with the Dutch, and this
seriously interfered with the trade of that nationality in the West
Indies. The Navigation Act was another blow to them, although it could
not yet be enforced altogether. Cromwell made himself respected in such
a manner that peace with Holland was restored in April, 1654, thus
leaving him free to carry out his designs against the old enemy--Spain.
Since Queen Elizabeth's time the English Governments had done little in
the way of worrying the Spaniards, although pirates had been busy almost
without intermission. Now, however, Cromwell was at liberty, and he
began to see that they wanted a little correction to prevent their
having too much of their own way in America. The Spanish ambassador was
cringing enough when he saw what a powerful leader had arisen, and did
his best to avert the impending storm. It is even stated that he assured
the Protector of his master's friendship, and declared that if he took
the Crown of England Spain would be first in her approval. Cromwell was
not to be mollified by soft speeches; he had got peace at home, and was
determined to have it across the seas as well. He was quite willing to
arrange for a treaty, but it must be on his own terms, not at the
dictation of Spain. A commission was appointed to meet the ambassador
and discuss the grounds of the agreement, and they began at once with
the West Indies. A long list of depredations was produced for which the
English demanded satisfaction before going farther. The English had been
treated as enemies wherever the Spaniards met them in the West Indies,
even when going to and from their own plantations, notwithstanding the
former treaty, and the Commission insisted on a proper indemnity. The
English must be free to trade everywhere--in fact the old claim of Spain
to the whole of America must be finally abandoned.
The Spanish ambassador replied that the inquisition and trade to the
West Indies were his master's two eyes, and that nothing different from
the practice of former times could be permitted. On hearing this
Cromwell, seeing that neither indemnity for the past nor promises of
amendment in the future could be obtained, prepared for war, and
commenced by fitting out an expedition to conquer Hispaniola.
In December, 1654, we find the first mention of a special service under
the command of Generals Penn and Venables, and early in the following
year the fleet sailed for Barbados. With five thousand men from England,
and as many from the West Indies, the expedition arrived near St.
Domingo on the 13th of April, 1655, frightening the inhabitants so much
that they fled to the woods on its approach. However, the affair was so
badly managed that no benefit accrued from following the example of
Drake, which appears to have been the object of the leaders. Like the
great Elizabethan hero, they landed at a distance from the town with the
intention of marching along the shore, but instead of landing ten miles
off they went as far as thirty. For four days the troops wandered
through the mangrove bushes, without guides, and even without
provisions, thus giving the runaway Spaniards time to rally from their
fright and come out after them. Weary, entangled in the swamps, and
utterly unfit to cope with an enemy, the English became an easy prey;
the slaughter was considerable, and it was even stated that those killed
were mostly shot in the back while trying to escape.
Unwilling to attempt anything further in Hispaniola, Penn and Venables
took off the dispirited remnant and sailed for Jamaica, hoping to do
something there to prevent failure altogether. Not that there were any
laurels to be gained in that direction, for the inhabitants only
numbered three thousand, and half of these were negro slaves. A few
shots were fired, and then the inhabitants took to flight, leaving the
English in possession of the island. A capitulation was agreed upon with
the old Spanish Governor, who was brought in a hammock to sign it, but
many of the people took to the woods with their slaves, and refused to
be bound by the articles. A body of two thousand men was then sent to
scour the interior and bring them back, but they could find nothing
save great herds of wild cattle. Afterwards, in pure wantonness, the
churches and religious buildings were demolished, the cattle killed or
driven far away, and the provision grounds devastated, with the result
that the invaders were soon starving. In less than a month two thousand
were sick, many had died, and the remainder had become mutinous.
Altogether the whole affair was so badly managed that Cromwell became
almost mad at the news, and sent both commanders to the Tower on their
return.
However, Jamaica was captured, and for the first time in the history of
the West Indies a Spanish possession went into the hands of another
nation. Some thought the island of no importance as compared with
Hispaniola--it was certainly of little value to the Spaniards. However,
a few English people foresaw something of its future importance, and did
their best to develop the island. In October Cromwell issued a
proclamation offering certain advantages to settlers from the other
islands, or from England, so that it might be occupied as soon as
possible. It stated that by the providence of God Jamaica had come into
the possession of the State, and that they were satisfied of its
fertility and commodiousness for trade; it had therefore been resolved
to plant it. To this end it was made known to the people of the English
islands and colonies the encouragements offered to those who removed
their habitations there within two years from the 29th of September,
1656. Twenty acres of land would be granted to every adult, and ten for
each child, they would have freedom to hunt wild cattle and horses, be
given the privilege of mining except for gold and silver, and freedom
from taxes for three years.
It resulted from this that many planters from Barbados and St. Kitt's
went over, and in a very few years Jamaica was more prosperous than it
had ever been while in the possession of Spain. In November, 1656,
Cromwell ordered the Scotch Government to apprehend all known idle
masterless robbers and vagabonds, male or female, and to transport them
there, and at the same time the Council of State ordered that a thousand
girls and as many young men should be enlisted in Ireland for the same
purpose. As for the adventurers who went with the expedition, they were
reported as being so lazy "that it could not enter into the heart of any
Englishman that such blood should run in the veins of his
countrymen"--they were so unworthy, slothful, and basely secure, out of
a strange kind of spirit desiring rather to die than live. As for
planting, little was done by them, although every possible inducement
and encouragement was given.
Meanwhile letters of marque were issued to privateers for the West
Indies, which drove the Spaniards to send their treasure from Peru to
Buenos Ayres, a route that had been abandoned since the time of Queen
Elizabeth. Now also they began to make efforts for the recovery of
Jamaica, and in May, 1658, thirty companies of infantry, under the
command of the late Governor, landed on the north side of the island.
Here in a small harbour they entrenched themselves, and built a little
fort before their presence became known to the English. However,
Governor D'Oyley at last heard of the invasion, but it was nearly two
months after their arrival before he could proceed to approach them by
sea. When he arrived, however, with seven hundred and fifty men, he at
once stormed their fortress and drove them to their vessels, in which
they fled to Cuba. This put an end to the matter; but the old Governor
returned, and lived with the remnant of the Spaniards and their slaves
in the mountains.
Now at last even the Pope had to acknowledge other sovereignty than that
of Spain, and this he did in a letter to Father Fontaine, of the
Dominican Mission, on the 25th of July, 1658. Therein he acknowledged
the king of France as ruler of the conquests and colonies his subjects
had made in the American islands. Thus was the Bull of partition at last
cancelled by the successor of its original promulgator, and the ground
for the exclusive claim to America cut away. At this time France was
also at war with Spain, but the following year a treaty was signed, and
in 1660, on the restoration of Charles the Second, peace was restored
with England.
At the first private audience of the Spanish ambassador with the king,
he delivered a memorial demanding the restoration of Jamaica to his
master, on the ground that it had been taken by his rebel subjects,
contrary to the treaty between the two Crowns. Instead of doing this,
however, Charles despatched a vessel with letters to the Governors of
the Caribbee islands, asking them to encourage all persons willing to
transplant themselves to the larger islands. At the same time the Royal
African Company, the great slave-trading corporation of that time, was
asked to make Jamaica its headquarters for the sale of negroes. Then it
was arranged to send women from England to be wives for the planters,
Newgate and Bridewell to be spared as much as possible, so that poor
maids might have a chance, with whom it was stated that few English
parishes were unburdened.
On the 1st of December, 1660, King Charles the Second made a move which
must be considered as of the greatest importance to the development of
the British Colonial Empire--he founded the "Council for foreign
plantations," which later developed into the Colonial Office. This
Council were to inform themselves of the state of the plantations and of
how they were governed, keeping copies of all grants in a book. They
were to write to every Governor asking for exact accounts of their
proceedings, the nature of their laws and government, as well as
statistics. They must establish a correspondence with the colonies, so
that the king might be informed of all complaints, their wants, what
they cultivated, their commodities, and their trade, so that all might
be regulated upon common grounds and principles. They must adopt means
for rendering them and England mutually helpful, and bring them into a
more uniform government, with a better distribution of justice. Especial
care was to be taken for the execution of the Navigation Act, and
consideration given to the best means of providing servants, to which
end care was to be taken that no persons were forced or enticed away by
unlawful means. Those willing to be transported were, however, to be
encouraged, and a legal course was to be settled for sending over
vagrants and others who were noxious and unprofitable in England.
Learned and orthodox ministers were also to be sent, and instructions
given for regulating and repressing the debaucheries of planters and
servants. The Council were also to consider how the natives and slaves
might be invited to, and made capable of, baptism in the Christian
faith, and finally to dispose of all matters relating to the good
government, improvement, and management of the plantations.
Thus England commenced her great career of colonisation, the results of
which we see to-day. While taking all due account of Virginia and New
England, we cannot but note that it was in the West Indies where the
"prentice hand" was first tried. Jamaica was the main object of these
provisions--to that island the king's attention had been specially
directed, and it was here that many difficulties had to be encountered
before it could be made a worthy appendage of the Crown. Most of the
other islands were in the hands of private persons or companies, while
this was under the control of the State. No matter that the island had
been annexed by rebels, Charles the Second was determined to hold it
fast for England, in spite of all the protests of Spain.
[Illustration]
VII.
THE PLANTERS AND THEIR SLAVES.
When the first European adventurers went to the West Indies, serfdom was
still common in Spain. The peasantry were, as a rule, bound to the soil,
and could neither be taken away by their lords nor remove at their own
will. The consequence was that only soldiers, mariners, and free men
from the towns took part in the first expeditions. The townsmen had
mostly been brought up to the trades of their fathers, and were hardly
fit to cultivate the land even in Spain, much less, therefore, were they
suited to the tropics. They could not demean themselves by performing
anything so servile, but must get their land cultivated by others. As
the serfs were not available, first Indians and then negro slaves and
white bond-servants were employed.
We have seen how the Indians were exterminated, and how the first
planters in Hispaniola were ruined by the want of labour. Even the
Spanish priests could see that the poor Arawak's nature was quite
distinct from that of the European peasant. The serf had been kept under
subjection for centuries; his father and grandfather had worked in the
fields, and he must do the same. The armourer, the mason, and the
weaver carried on their trades, because they had been born into the
respective guilds as it were. The Indians, on the contrary, were free,
and had always been so; yes, more free than any people in the old world.
They died, and the planter had to look elsewhere for his labour supply.
Then commenced the cry which has been continually rising from the
plantations ever since--More servants! More slaves! More coolies!
[Illustration: A SURINAM PLANTER.
(_From Stedman's "Surinam."_)]
For many years the Portuguese had been kidnapping negroes on the west
coast of Africa. By their connection with Morocco they had learnt that
the natives of the interior were brought to and openly sold in the
Moorish towns--possibly they themselves had purchased some of them. To
bring home a number after every voyage to the coast was therefore
nothing strange, nor was it anything novel to sell them in Portugal to
help pay the expense of the voyage. From Portugal to Spain this negro
slavery spread, until it became fairly common in both countries.
When the cry for labourers came over the Atlantic--even before the
extermination of the natives--a few negroes were sent out. Finding them
more docile and better able to endure hard labour than the Indians, more
were called for, the benevolent priests also urging the matter to save
the remnant of the Arawaks. The demand created a supply, and soon the
Portuguese found themselves embarked in a lucrative trade, of which they
commanded the monopoly. Thus began a traffic which has been unreservedly
condemned by the most enlightened of humanity, and praised alone by
those whose very livelihood depended upon it.
[Illustration: A NEGRO FESTIVAL.
(_From Edwards' "West Indies."_)]
On his second voyage Columbus carried the sugar cane, which was destined
to have such an influence for good and evil on the West Indies. Its
produce was at first known as a kind of honey, and recognised as an
expectorant and comforting medicine. Now it had made its way into the
kitchens of the great, where it was considered as one of the spices, and
with them became more and more used every year. In early times the cane
was cultivated on the warmer shores of the Mediterranean, and, after
their discovery, in the Canary and Cape de Verde islands. At the period
of the discovery of America sugar was sold at about eightpence a pound,
equivalent to something like three shillings nowadays. As the demand
continued to increase large plantations were laid out in Hispaniola,
until it became the staple product of the colony.
Cotton was known in the old world, but as yet had hardly come into use
in Europe. In the West Indies it was generally cultivated in a small way
by every native, and on being forwarded to Spain, the "tree wool," as it
was called, soon came into use. Then came another product, tobacco,
which was quite new at that time, although probably known in the far
East. It seemed strange to the new-comers that people should carry
firebrands in their mouths, and at first they took tobacco-smokers for
juggling fire-eaters, until they also learnt the sustaining power of the
"weed." This soon took place, and by the year 1550 tobacco was well
known in Spain and Italy. Probably also the Dutch knew it quite as
early, for it was in the Netherlands that it became more quickly
appreciated than in any other country, probably on account of its
particularly comforting properties in marshy districts. Soon afterwards
Jean Nicot introduced it into France, and probably Master Hawkins
brought samples into England from Brazil, although Ralegh is stated to
have been the first English smoker. Towards the end of the sixteenth
century its use became so common all over Europe that Popes and
Churchmen thundered their curses against the "filthy habit," and later
poor King James wrote his "Counterblast to Tobacco," which only had the
effect of making it better known.
[Illustration: VOYAGE OF THE SABLE VENUS.
(_From Edwards' "West Indies."_)]
Here at the beginning were two commercial products which grew well in
the West Indies, with a doubtful third to come to the front as soon as
it became known. As yet coffee had not been introduced--this followed in
the next century. Notwithstanding the large profit on sugar the Spaniard
would not labour in the field, and in the end the plantations became
fewer and fewer until only one or two were left. This falling off tended
to keep up the price, and although the Dutch bought much cotton and
tobacco from the Indians of the Main, and the Portuguese began to grow
sugar in Brazil, the supply was always limited.
There was room for more plantations, and the first people to take
advantage of this opening were the English. Their many different
colonies in Guiana all commenced planting with tobacco: Virginia and the
Bermudas did the same. All through the reign of James the First,
however, the trade was obstructed in so many ways that a great deal of
their produce was sent to the Netherlands and thus escaped the English
duties. Probably also the smuggling of tobacco, so notorious at a later
period, began at this time, as the Dutch were always noted free-traders,
not only on the Spanish Main, but in Europe as well.
[Illustration: SLAVES LANDING FROM THE SHIP.
(_From Stedman's "Surinam."_)]
Like the Spaniards, the English adventurers were soldiers and sailors,
and therefore did not work in the field. Subject to the raids of the
European claimants of the territory as well as the incursions of
ferocious cannibals, they went about literally with pistols in their
belts and swords at their thighs. Now they had to show a good face to
some buccaneer company, and anon to fight the French or Dutch when war
broke out. Later, when there was no fear of enemies from without, they
had a continual dread of slave insurrections. It followed, therefore,
that the planter was always on the alert, and, even if he felt inclined,
could do little in the way of cultivation.
In England serfdom had virtually come to an end, and the agricultural
labourer might go where he pleased. But the love of country, the unknown
but magnified perils of a sea voyage, and stories of cruel Spaniards and
man-eating Caribs, prevented many from going to the Indies,
notwithstanding the great inducements offered. The English planters
found it difficult to get negroes, as their enemy controlled the trade.
As for the Indians, they had to deal with cannibals whose women
cultivated small clearings, but resented anything like coercion, while
no labour whatever could be got from the men. Something had to be done.
If the English labourer would not come willingly, he might be kidnapped,
and the carrying out of this work led to the organisation of bands of
ruffians, who went sailing along the coasts, especially of Scotland and
Ireland, to pick up likely fellows wherever they found opportunity.
However, this caused such an outcry that extraordinary efforts were made
on the part of the Government to put down "spiriting," as it was called.
In June, 1661, the Council for foreign plantations considered the best
means of encouraging and furnishing people for the colonies, and they
thought that felons condemned for small offences, and sturdy beggars,
might be sent. They had several complaints of men, women, and children
being spirited away from their masters and parents, and later the Mayor
of Bristol and the Lord Mayor of London petitioned the king for
authority to examine ships, with the view of finding out whether the
passengers went of their own free will. It was stated that husbands
forsook their wives, wives fled from their husbands, children and
apprentices ran away, while unwary and credulous persons were often
tempted on board by men-stealers. Many who had been pursued by hue and
cry for robberies, burglaries, and breaking prison, also escaped to the
plantations. Certain persons, called spirits, inveigled, and by lewd
subtleties enticed, away young persons, whereby great tumults and
uproars were raised in London, to the breach of the peace and the hazard
of men's lives.
These abuses led to an Order in Council, published in September, 1664,
for registering persons going voluntarily, and commissions were given to
the Lord High Admiral and the officers of the ports to establish
registration offices and give certificates. Yet the spiriting still went
on, for in April, 1668, Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper was asked to move the
House of Commons to make the offence capital. His petitioner, said he,
had found one lost child, and after much expense and trouble, freed him,
but there were several others in the same ship, and other ships in the
river at the same work. Even if the parents found their children, they
could not recover them without money, and he was sure that if such a law
were passed the mercy to these innocents would ground a blessing on
those concerned in introducing it. This Act was finally passed on the
1st of March, 1670, punishing the spirits with death without benefit of
clergy.
There were, however, other means of procuring servants. In 1649, when
Cromwell took Drogheda by storm, about thirty prisoners were saved from
the massacre to be shipped to Barbados, and in 1651 seven or eight
thousand Scots, taken at the battle of Worcester, were reserved for a
similar fate. After the Restoration, however, there was an intermission
in such supplies, and the planters began to look to Newgate and
Bridewell for their labour supply.
The supply was by no means equal to the demand, for the agents in London
of the planters of Virginia, Barbados, St. Christopher's, and other
islands were equally clamorous for their share. As for King Charles the
Second, he granted the prisoners as a privilege to his favourites, and
even mistresses, who generally sold it to the highest bidder. The agent
must have had influence to get into the presence of the holder, say of a
hundred prisoners sentenced to transportation, and this was only
obtainable by largess to door-keepers and servants. Then came the
trouble of obtaining delivery from the prison authorities, and here
again fees were demanded. In one case that is recorded the amount paid
to the gaoler of Newgate was fifty-five shillings a head. But even now
the trouble was only beginning. The prisoners were supposed to be
delivered at the door of the gaol, and the planter was under a heavy
bond not to allow one to escape. He must account for each by a
certificate of death on the voyage or of landing in Barbados, on penalty
of five hundred pounds for every one missing. It followed, therefore,
that a sufficiently strong guard had to be provided, and provision made
for attempts at rescue by the prisoners' friends. Even this was not all,
for the concession simply granted a certain number, and it rested with
the gaoler to palm off the old, weak, and infirm on those who were at
all wanting in liberality. Then, at the best the prisoners were hatters,
tailors, and haberdashers, rather than agricultural labourers, many of
whom ultimately proved valueless. If a large number was available, and
there were several applicants, the competition became quite
spirited--every one wanted his pick before the others, and the gaoler
made the best of the occasion, leaving those to whom he allotted the
refuse to curse their evil fortune.
Up to the passing of the Navigation Act the Dutch had been free to trade
with English colonies, and had brought a fair number of negroes; and
afterwards the king established the Royal African Company to prevent the
supply being cut off. The average price of the African was then about
£16 or 2,400 pounds of sugar, but the Dutch sold their slaves for a
little less, which led the planters to evade the Navigation Act when
they had opportunities.
The white bond-servant was valued at about 2,200 pounds of sugar, very
little less than the slave for life, although he had generally but five
years to serve. The cost of transport was about £5 per head; it
followed, therefore, that if the London agent got his prisoners cheap he
made a good profit. There was also another way of making money in this
business. Some of the gaol-birds had friends who were willing to pay
good sums on consideration that the convict should be virtually freed on
his arrival. Many a sum of fifty pounds was obtained in this way,
sometimes without helping the bond-servant in the least. How were the
relations to prove that the promise had not been fulfilled, and if they
did so what redress could be obtained? They certainly could not go to
law, as the whole transaction was illegal.
We have seen how Charles the Second tried to people Jamaica with free
settlers, but this did not prevent the transportation of criminals. In
1665 four young men, who had been convicted of interrupting and abusing
a preacher, were whipped through the streets of Edinburgh and afterwards
sent to Barbados, and in 1684 some of the Rye House plotters were
reprieved on condition that they served ten years in the West Indies.
When these plotters arrived in Jamaica, the Governor, "by His Majesty's
command," directed the Assembly to pass an Act "to prevent all
clandestine releasements or buying out of their time," so that their
punishment should not be evaded. But it was after the Monmouth
rebellion, in 1685, that the greatest deportation took place. The
miserable followers of the duke were executed by Judge Jeffreys until
even his thirst for blood was somewhat slackened, when the remainder
were sent to the plantations. The story of one of these unfortunates
gives such a graphic picture of the life of a bond-servant that we
cannot do better than give an outline of the "Relation of the great
sufferings and strange adventures of Henry Pitman, surgeon to the late
Duke of Monmouth."
Having been taken prisoner after the battle of Sedgemoor, he was
committed to Ilchester Gaol, had his pockets rifled, his clothes torn
off his back, and was remanded until the Wells assizes. While in gaol he
was inveigled into telling all he knew, by promises of pardon, and then
his acknowledgments were treated as a confession. Those who pleaded not
guilty on the first day of the trial were convicted and executed the
same afternoon; others who confessed were equally condemned. After two
hundred and thirty had been hanged the remainder were ordered to be
transported to the Caribbee islands, of whom Pitman was one. With some
others, including his brother, he was disposed of to an agent who took
£60 from his friends to set him free on his arrival at Barbados.
The Legislative Assembly of that island, however, in consequence of the
"most horrid, wicked, and execrable rebellion," lately raised, and
because many of the rebels had been transported for ten years, passed a
special Act, under which they were bound to serve, notwithstanding any
bargain to the contrary. If they attempted to escape they were to be
flogged, and burnt in the forehead with the letters "F.T.," meaning
"Fugitive Traitor."
By this law Pitman's hopes were frustrated, and, utterly disheartened,
he was not inclined to work at his profession for the master to whom he
had been sold. Although the status of a surgeon was not then as high as
it is now, it was yet a great downfall to practise the profession on
rations of five pounds of salt beef or fish per week, with nothing else
but corn meal. As for the fees, which were large, the master pocketed
them, leaving Pitman to endure the discomforts of a tropical residence
and semi-starvation as best he could. On one occasion he refused to go
on with his work, and for this he was beaten by his master until the
cane used was broken in pieces. Then the master became bankrupt, and,
with his brother, Pitman was sent back to the merchant to whom they had
been first consigned.
Here his brother died of the hardships he had experienced, and Pitman
resolved to escape, notwithstanding the risk of attempting such a thing.
Having made the acquaintance of a poor man who was willing to help, he
got a consignment of goods from his friends in England, with which to
raise the means. A boat was purchased for twelve pounds; but this led
to inquiries, as the buyer was known to be poor, and his creditors began
to come down upon him. However, Pitman contributed enough to satisfy
them, meanwhile postponing his departure until suspicion had been
lulled.
On the evening of the 9th of May, 1687--this being a holiday, when most
of the people were revelling--he and seven other bond-servants got
safely off in their open boat, with a small supply of provisions and
water, a few tools, a compass, and a chart. They intended to make for
the Dutch island of Curaçao, six hundred miles distant; but even before
they were out of Carlisle Bay their frail craft began to leak, and they
had to tear up their clothes to stop the gaping seams. At sunrise they
were out of sight from the land, but so enervated by sea-sickness that
some would willingly have gone back. However, they went on as best they
could, with nothing but their hats to bale out the water, which still
continued to trickle into the boat. They were a little more comfortable
as the sun rose, but when night came a gale arose which kept them
employed baling for their lives. To add to their difficulties the rudder
broke, and they had to steer with an oar.
Five days passed in this manner, the refugees hardly able to get an
hour's rest for the baling and continual fear that the boat would sink
if left alone. On the sixth morning they saw Margarita, but could not
land on account of the rocky shore, which nearly wrecked them on their
making the attempt. Sheering off, they next day sighted Saltatudos
island, one of the Dry Tortugas, where they met a boat manned with
privateers, who treated them very kindly, and wanted them to join their
company. To this, however, Pitman and his companions would not agree,
and this annoyed the privateers, who burnt their boat and virtually kept
them as prisoners. When they went on a cruise the refugees were left in
charge of four men, and had much ado to find enough turtle to keep them
from starving. After remaining here for three months an English
privateer arrived, and, at their request, took them on to New
Providence, to which the inhabitants had just returned after being
driven off by Spaniards. Pitman at last got to Amsterdam, and from
thence to England, where the revolution had just taken place, and his
friends had succeeded in obtaining a free pardon.
The white bond-servant, being under a short engagement, was generally
worked to his utmost capacity. No matter if he died before the end of
his term as long as he paid for the expense incurred. But Englishmen
were no more inclined to be slaves then than they are now, and the
planters of St. Kitt's found them so troublesome to manage that they
soon became afraid of buying, and showed a preference for negroes. Some
of the English servants committed suicide, and it is recorded that a
pious master told one of them, who had expressed his intention of
destroying himself, that he trusted that God would give him more grace,
than, for a short term of trouble in this life, to precipitate himself
into hell.
Even in the earliest times some of the planters were absentees, living
in England. The system was always more or less fortune-hunting, the
whole end and aim being to get rich and return to the old country. There
were, as we have seen, many difficulties and dangers to encounter, and
not the least of the drawbacks was the want of good society. We who live
in an age when there is daily communication with the whole world, can
hardly conceive how entirely these pioneers were cut off from their
friends. The long voyage was full of discomfort, and at the best
uncertain as to its termination. The words still found on bills of
lading, "the act of God or the queen's enemies," had a meaning then
hardly appreciable by the present generation. Barbary pirates and French
corsairs ranged the Channel; in the broad Atlantic storms shook the
crazy vessels to pieces; and when they escaped these dangers, it was
often to fall into the hands of the buccaneers when in sight of their
destination. Then there were hurricanes on both sea and land, and
earthquakes on some of the islands. Vessels were sunk in harbour, houses
blown away, and sugar buildings torn down. As for the negro huts, they
were carried off altogether, and the crops injured so as to become
useless. Then, perhaps, when the planter had strained himself to the
utmost to put things straight, another tornado would put him in a worse
plight than before.
Yet with all this the planter struggled on, generally doing his best to
carry the traditions and fashions of the mother country into his new
home. We have already noticed Barbados, and how it was affected by the
"great rebellion." Many other examples might be noted had we sufficient
space. The planter was nearly always a gentleman, even if he had begun
his career as a transported rebel. Some were gallants, and dressed in
the extreme of London fashion, often living beyond their means. Others
were merchants, trading with their own vessels, and selling their
surplus goods for produce to make up cargoes. With their own sugar, and
as much as they could procure from others, they filled their ships for
the homeward voyage, and in return got enough merchandise for trading.
These were the fortune-hunters, who were always looking forward to that
happy time when, with money in their pouches, they could once more
settle down in Merry England. The old country was always "home," as it
is still for the West Indian, although perhaps neither himself nor his
parents ever saw it--then it was the will-o'-the-wisp that drove him to
endure all the discomforts of a life in the tropics, often to die of
fever before his work was hardly begun.
While Jamaica was under the dominion of Spain little was done to develop
the island. The Indians were exterminated, as in Hispaniola, to be
replaced by wild cattle and horses, and fifteen hundred negroes were
introduced to cultivate provision grounds. From these, passing vessels,
which called in on their way to Mexico, got their supplies. As yet it
was not a rendezvous for buccaneers, and taken altogether it was quite
insignificant. Thousands of white men and tens of thousands of negroes
were required before it became the important island which ultimately
rivalled Hispaniola. However, although the Spaniard was driven out he
left his sting behind in the shape of his slaves, who took to the
mountains, to be afterwards known as Maroons, and to worry the English
colonists for over a century.
And here, as we are dealing with the planter and his labour supply, we
must say something of the negro slaves, to whom the West Indies were
indebted for their very existence as European colonies. Unlike the
American, the African had known slavery for ages. Prisoners taken in war
were kept in servitude as a matter of course; debtors were slaves to
their creditors, and even children were sold by their parents. Yet there
were great differences between the tribes--the Coromantees, for example,
were particularly troublesome, and the Foulahs often dangerous. The
first slave-traders took their cargoes from the more northern coasts,
and from this cause, perhaps, as well as the want of proper supervision
in the Indies, runaways, or Simerons, were mentioned at very early
periods. Later, the trade was carried on in a particularly judicious
manner, and the more docile tribes selected, to be sold in the colonies
as "Prime Gold Coast Negroes."
In their native countries these people were all virtually slaves to
their chiefs, and as such were liable to be sold at any time. The
authority was unlimited; the slightest offence meant slavery; death was
the only alternative. Often when, for some reason or other, the negro
was rejected by the trader, he was executed at once. Adultery was
punished by the sale of both offenders, and debtors could be sold by
their creditors. Bryan Edwards, author of a history of the West Indies,
took much pains to procure information from the slaves themselves,
through an interpreter; and as they had no reason to misrepresent their
cases, we can safely give the outlines of one.
The most interesting story is, perhaps, that of the boy Adam, a Congo,
about fourteen years of age when he was brought to Jamaica. His country
was named Sarri, and was situated a long distance from the coast. While
walking one morning through a path, about three miles from his native
village, the boy was captured by one of his countrymen. With his
prisoner the man hid himself in the woods during the whole of the day,
and at night stole away from the neighbourhood, going on like this for a
whole month. Then he came to the country of another tribe, where he sold
the boy for a gun, some powder and shot, and a little salt. His new
owner afterwards sold Adam for a keg of brandy to another black man who
was going about collecting slaves, and when twenty had been collected
they were taken to the coast and sold to a Jamaica captain.
Of the five-and-twenty interrogated by Bryan Edwards, fifteen frankly
declared that they had been born in slavery, and were sold to pay the
debts, or bartered to supply the wants, of their owners. Five were
secretly kidnapped in the interior, and sold to black merchants; the
other five fell into the hands of the enemy in some of those petty wars
which were continually going on, when, if there had been no market for
their sale, they would almost certainly have been killed.
It is hardly necessary to state that in giving these statements we are
not attempting the impossible task of vindicating slavery either of the
black or white man. It would be well, however, if, in mitigation of the
offence against the negro, his former condition were taken into
consideration, and the undoubted fact that he was better treated by the
West India planter than by his own countrymen. His lot was by no means
so hard as slavery had been to the Indian and white bond-servant. He did
not sink under the hardships of a life of toil in the burning sun, but
was happy in his way, and in most cases better off than his descendant,
the West Indian peasant of to-day. He was certainly treated as a
domestic animal, but his value was always high enough to prevent
anything like ill-usage. There were certainly people who could be cruel
to their negroes, as there are yet men so low as to brutally flog
valuable horses, but that such were common is a statement utterly
without foundation. As a well-kept animal, the planter took a pride in
him, fed and doctored him, patted him on the back, and proudly showed
him to his friends. All this appears very degrading to humanity, but
after all the negro did not see it in that light. On the contrary, he
took a pride in exhibiting his strong muscles and in showing the
"buccras" what a fine nigger massa had got.
The slave of the rich planter, like the horse of the English gentleman,
was undoubtedly very comfortable. First, he was a picked lot--the
healthiest, strongest, and most suitable for his work--one of those
"pieces d'India," as the best negroes were called by the traders. Then,
as an expensive chattel, everything was done to make him still more
valuable, and to prevent his deteriorating. But unfortunately there was
another class--the miserable, broken-down creatures sold cheap as refuse
lots to poor white men or even to slaves. Yes, the slaves bought their
diseased fellow-countrymen, to work on their own allotments, treating
them as the costermonger sometimes does his donkey. Half-starved,
hard-worked, and covered with sores, they lingered in misery until death
came to make them free. Some were so disfigured with yaws, or leprosy,
that none but a negro could bear the sight of them; these were kept out
of the way and treated worse than mangy dogs.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
VIII.
THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY.
By the time of the Dutch war of 1665 the pretensions of Spain to the
exclusive possession of the Indies had been entirely ignored. Now began
the great struggle of other nations for supremacy, and the position of
"sovereign of the seas," the islands and Guiana becoming scenes of
contention between English, French, and Dutch. To these struggles is
greatly due the positions the naval powers of the world hold to-day, and
especially that of Britain.
As it was mainly a demand for free trade which led to so many attacks on
the Spanish possessions, so it was now the same question which led to
the struggle between the two great mercantile nations which succeeded
Spain and Portugal, as these had followed Venice and Genoa. In the West
Indies there was no line of demarcation between these new powers, and
consequently their interests often clashed, but on the whole the
colonists were favourable to the Dutch, and did all they could to evade
the Navigation Act.
Early in 1665 preparations were made in Barbados to repel an expected
invasion by the Dutch. Vessels were ordered to keep together and
protect each other, and men-of-war were sent out to afford convoy.
Already the English buccaneers had been somewhat discountenanced by the
home government, although they were generally encouraged by the
colonies, especially Jamaica, which derived considerable advantage from
their sales of booty. Now that there was a demand for all the forces
that could be gathered together, the Governor of that island gave the
rovers letters of marque, under which they were empowered to ravage the
Dutch colonies. At St. Eustatius they succeeded in carrying off
everything portable, including nine hundred slaves, and even such heavy
articles as sugar coppers and stills. De Ruyter made an attempt on
Barbados on the 20th of April, but the people there made such a stand
that he had to retire. He commenced the attack at ten o'clock in the
morning with his fourteen vessels, but by three in the afternoon the
fleet was so much damaged that he was forced to move away his own ship,
with a hole in her side "as big as a barn-door." He then went on to
Montserrat and Nevis, where he captured sixteen ships, but did not take
either of the islands.
In Guiana, the English from Barbados captured the Dutch trading factory
in the river Essequebo, as well as the young sugar colony in the
Pomeroon, and in retaliation the Dutch took Surinam. In January, 1666,
France joined the Netherlands, and an English fleet was sent out to
protect Barbados, which now began to feel alarmed at the possible result
of such a powerful combination.
Then came the critical period for the island of St. Kitt's, which, as we
have before stated, had been divided between English and French, the
former holding the middle portion with the enemy on either side. As soon
as the news of the declaration of war arrived, the relations between the
two nationalities, which had often before been much strained, became
ruptured. The English Governor, Watts, gave his rival three days'
notice, and prepared to attack him, with the assistance of five hundred
men from Nevis, and two hundred buccaneers. General de la Salle, on the
French side, asked and obtained forty-eight hours' longer grace, and
took advantage of this to steal into the English territory with a large
body of horse and foot, as well as a mob of negroes armed with bills and
hoes. The slaves also carried firebrands, and were said to have been
promised, in return for their assistance, freedom, English women as
wives, and the liberty to plunder and burn. At the town of St. Nicholas
a gentlewoman with three or four children, on trying to escape, was
forced back into her blazing house and kept there until the whole family
were burnt to death. A party of English, who advanced to check their
progress, was overwhelmed by the number of the enemy and driven back,
thus leaving them to advance over the island with fire and sword.
Governor Watts took things so coolly, that Colonel Morgan (not the
famous Sir Henry), who led the buccaneers, went to rouse him, and found
he was lounging about in dressing-gown and slippers. Presenting a pistol
to his breast, Morgan called the Governor a coward and a traitor, at
the same time swearing he would shoot him dead if he did not at once
take his place at the head of the forces. The contingent from Nevis had
already gone over to the French quarter near Sandy Point, and, after a
hard struggle, had taken the post, when the Governor at last followed
behind. Coming up late his men fired on the mingled French and English,
indiscriminately slaughtering both. After that everything was confused,
neither party distinguishing friend from foe, with the result that the
Governor, Colonel Morgan, several other officers, and most of the
English, were killed. After that the main body of the French arrived,
driving before them a confused mob of women and children, who ran
shrieking to their friends for help. Nothing remained for the English
now but to fly or sue for quarter, and the French became masters of the
whole island, with a body of prisoners twice as numerous as themselves.
In 1667 a petition was forwarded to Charles the Second on behalf of
several thousand distressed people, lately inhabitants of St.
Christopher's. In this it was stated that the island had been one of the
most flourishing colonies--the first and best earth that ever was
inhabited by Englishmen among the heathen cannibals of America. They
prayed that a colony so ancient and loyal, the mother island of all
those parts, the fountain from whence all the other islands had been
watered with planters, might not remain in the hands of another nation.
Since the surrender they had been continually oppressed, until thousands
had left for other parts. Many had sold their estates for almost
nothing, and had been stripped and plundered at sea of the little they
had saved. If the inhumanities of the French nation were examined, their
bloody and barbarous usage of the Indians, their miserable cruelties to
prisoners of war, all nations would abhor their name. They would make
Christians grind their mills instead of cattle, leave thousands to
starve for want, and send other thousands to uninhabited lands.
In 1666 Lord Willoughby, who had gone back to Barbados on the
restoration of Charles the Second, fitted out an expedition to recapture
St. Kitt's, but his fleet encountered a hurricane, and neither his
vessel nor one of his company was ever heard of again. The following
year his nephew, Henry Willoughby, made an unsuccessful attempt for the
same object. On the 10th of May of the same year a fight took place
between the English and French fleets off Nevis. On the English side
were ten men-of-war and one fire-ship, while the enemy had more than
double that number. One of the English vessels was blown up, but,
undaunted by this disaster, they drove the enemy before them to the very
shores of St. Kitt's, where they took shelter under the guns of
Basse-terre.
Peace was signed at Breda in July, 1667. The gains of territory by any
one of the three nations were not considerable, and the result went to
prove that England could hold her own against the only two powers who
were able to dispute her supremacy. During the war she had captured New
Amsterdam (now New York) from the Dutch, and they in turn had taken
Surinam. As it was agreed with Holland that both parties should retain
what was then in their possession, Surinam was virtually exchanged for
what is now the capital of the United States. Antigua and Montserrat,
which had been taken by the French, were now restored to England, and
St. Christopher's returned to its former condition, but without the
least prospect of the two nationalities ever being again on friendly
terms.
Now that the war was over the trade of the privateers came to an end,
and further efforts were made to make them settle down. Having received
orders to discountenance them, the Governor of Jamaica deputed Colonel
Cary to report on the matter. Cary thought they should not be
discouraged, as already harm had been done to Jamaica by such attempts,
and in the future the want of their help might be prejudicial. On the
news that the commissions against the Spaniards were called in, several
English privateers resolved never to return to Jamaica, unless there was
a war, but in future to carry on their operations from Tortuga. To
divert them from injuring the Spaniards, the Governor had, during the
late war, appointed Cary to treat with them for the reduction of
Curaçao, to which they at first consented, but afterwards disagreed. If,
said Cary, they had two of His Majesty's nimble fifth-rate frigates,
they would be able to keep the privateers to their obedience, observe
the enemy's movements, and guard their own coasts from rovers. There was
no profitable employment for the privateers against the French and
Dutch; these fellows, being people that would not be brought to plant,
must prey upon the Spaniard, whether they were countenanced at Jamaica
or not. There was such an inveterate hatred of the English in those
parts by the Spaniard, that he would not hear of trade or
reconciliation, but, on the contrary, inhumanly butchered any of the
islanders he could cowardly surprise. The French interest daily
increased in the Caribbees, Hispaniola, and Tortuga, and if this was
suffered to grow it would in a short time prove of dangerous
consequence.
Here we have plain speaking. It was not to the interest of England for
the pirates to become too closely connected with the French, as they
would then be helping to build up the prosperity of a nation that might
any day become our enemy. As for the rovers themselves, they cared
little or nothing for the interests of their country; they were willing
to plunder the Spanish possessions because they got something worth
having; with those of the French and Dutch it was another thing. It is
evident that Cary troubled himself but little as to how a cargo was
obtained as long as Jamaica profited by the transaction.
We may here also call attention to the differences between the
characters of the nations which now commenced a great struggle for
mastery in these parts. The Dutch were, above everything else, an
association of traders, and although they could fight on occasion, they
hardly ever went out of their way to pick a quarrel. Their wars with
England were brought about by mercantile disputes, the first two, as we
have already seen, mainly on account of the Navigation Acts. The
English, "the nation of shopkeepers," were naturally rival traders, but
they did not altogether confine themselves to traffic, being rather
inclined to alternate or mix it up with something like piracy. Such
transactions as those of Hawkins were not carried on by any other
nation, the Hollander being more inclined to take advantage of the
swiftness of his fly boat than the metal of his guns. The French were
rarely traders, for even their plantations were largely supported by
buccaneering. When, after a peace, some of the rovers settled down for a
time, they were always ready to abandon their fields at the first rumour
of a war. England thus stood between the two others as a
stumbling-block; she interfered with the trade of the one and offended
the dignity of the other; thus coming in for many blows, which only made
her all the more able to resist and conquer.
The character of the Dutchman is well shown in the curious difficulty
which hastened a third breach of the peace with England in 1672. In 1667
a fleet from the Netherlands captured Surinam, and forced the
authorities of the colony to capitulate on favourable terms. By these
articles the inhabitants were at liberty to sell or transport, when or
where they pleased, all or any part of their possessions. After the
peace, a few went to Barbados, but the majority found it difficult to
dispose of their plantations, and therefore remained in hopes of a
better market on the arrival of new Dutch settlers. At that time the
Dutchmen were few and mostly poor; they had been ruined by the war, and
in many cases driven from their settlements by the English. It followed,
therefore, that there were no buyers, and the plantation owners,
trusting to the capitulation, decided to wait rather than abandon their
flourishing properties.
In June, 1669, the Dutch Governor issued a proclamation calling upon all
the English who intended to leave to give notice within six months,
after which a like term was given them to dispose of their goods, when
they might leave for English colonies under free passes from the
authorities of both nations. In case they were unable to sell their
slaves, the Governor would take them over at the market price, but only
those negroes who had been in their possession at the rendition of the
colony could come under this arrangement.
At first sight this looked very fair, but the English saw at once that
something was wrong. In the first place they understood that under the
capitulation they were free to take away all their property, including
slaves, and at the then market prices they saw that a forced sale would
be a serious loss. Although not expressly intimated, they also
understood that the Governor meant they were not to carry them away, and
this at once caused much dissatisfaction. Things were, however, in such
a critical state that little notice was taken of the proclamation; in
fact, the people had not as yet made up their minds what to do. Such a
sacrifice as was required from those who had flourishing properties,
naturally made them hesitate; and when the English Government inquired
about the matter, they were told by the Dutch authorities that the
people were so well satisfied that they intended to remain.
Such was, however, not the case, and when the year of grace had expired,
and they were virtually prevented from leaving with or without their
negroes, they sent memorials to King Charles the Second asking for his
interference. It was another case of Egyptian bondage; the Dutch would
not let the people go--except a few of the poorest. It can easily be
understood that it was not very pleasant to lose the best colonists and
have nothing left but a lot of abandoned plantations. This would have
been a poor exchange for New York, and it is evident that the Dutch knew
very well what they were doing, and had the welfare of Surinam at heart.
But, in face of the capitulation, they were undoubtedly wrong, and when
they began to oppress the English for claiming their rights, they went a
great deal too far.
When Major Bannister, who had been acting Governor under the English,
protested against this, he was arrested and transported to Holland,
where he obtained his release only by the intervention of the English
ambassador. Then complaints were made to the Dutch Government, but it
was two years before permission was granted for commissioners from
England to go out and transport those who wanted to leave. Even then
secret orders were sent to put every possible obstruction in their way,
which was done by bringing suits for debt, and otherwise putting the
English in positions which made it impossible for them to wind up their
affairs. It followed, therefore, that only a few more went away,
carrying with them the prayers of the more important to be delivered
from such bondage.
Matters now came to a crisis. Other questions had arisen between the two
powers, notably some in connection with the Eastern trade, and the
refusal of Holland to honour the English flag. War broke out in 1672,
and this time the French joined England against the Dutch, who had to
stand alone. French and English buccaneers were let loose to plunder the
colonies, and they made the seas so dangerous that hardly one of the
enemy's vessels could show herself in the West Indies. The Dutch
colonies were thus cut off, and even the settlements of Essequebo and
Berbice had to go without their usual supplies. This deprivation caused
much dissatisfaction among the garrison of the latter colony, and led to
a mutiny, which resulted in the incarceration of the Governor, who was
not released until next year, when the belated supplies arrived.
Spain was also involved in the war the following year, and thus all the
nations interested in the West Indies were fighting at once--Holland and
Spain against France and England. The French buccaneers had already
gained a footing on Hispaniola; now they attempted to get possession of
the whole island, but could not succeed. However, they went on to
Trinidad, which had always been a Spanish island, and plundered it of a
hundred thousand dollars.
The Spanish and Dutch colonies suffered greatly, but Englishmen by no
means escaped altogether. As an example of their treatment by the
enemy, the case of John Darbey is interesting. In April, 1674, he and
six others were taken by a Dutchman from a small English vessel, while
sailing from St. Thomas to Antigua, and carried to Havana. There they
were kept in irons for five weeks, and then set to work as slaves on the
fortifications. After enduring great misery for three months, they were
removed to work on board a ship, which was captured by the French off
St. Domingo, when they were of course released, and finally carried to
Jamaica. Here they told of the sufferings they had endured and
witnessed--the story of which more and more embittered the English
feeling against Spain. On one occasion Darbey had seen eight men brought
in from a New England bark, who afterwards attempted to escape. They
marched along the shore hoping to attract the notice of some friendly
vessel, but the Governor sent a party of soldiers in pursuit, and they
were all murdered at once save the master, who was brought back,
executed, and his head stuck on a pole. He also saw the commander of a
man-of-war bring in a New England vessel and hang five men at the
yard-arm, where the corpses were used as targets by him and his
officers. The same captain wanted himself and several other Englishmen
to sail with them, but because they indignantly refused, he deliberately
stabbed one of them with his sword, killing him at once.
In February, 1674, a treaty was signed at Westminster in which there was
a special clause bearing on the English in Surinam. To the intent that
there might be no more mistakes, the States General agreed that the
articles of capitulation should not only be executed without any more
prevarication, but also that His Majesty of Great Britain should be free
to depute commissioners to examine into the condition of his subjects
and agree with them as to the time of their departure. Also that no
special laws should be made to hamper them in any way in the sale of
their lands, payments of their debts, or barter of their goods, and that
vessels should be as free to go to Surinam, as they and their servants
should also be free to depart.
Accordingly, in March, 1675, three commissioners were instructed to
proceed there, and were enjoined to see that the provisions of the
treaty were properly carried out, to press for debts owing to the
English, and to endeavour to get over the difficulty of their
obligations to the Dutch. Vessels were provided to carry the settlers
wherever they wished, and provision made for victualling them on the
voyage, as well as for a short time after their landing in their new
homes.
Now at last it might be presumed that the exodus could be freely
managed; yet even then the Dutch authorities tried to put obstructions
in the way. Among the servants of the English were many Indians, some of
whom were nominally free, and these the Dutch Governor demanded should
be put ashore, to prevent the mischiefs and cruelties of the heathen,
their friends, who might avenge themselves for the deportation on those
who remained in the colony. The English claimed that these people went
of their own free will, and that some of them were much attached to
their white masters, which was probably true. Besides these, most of
whom were got off against the Governor's protests, there were ten Jews
with 322 slaves, in preventing the departure of whom he was more
successful. They were not, strictly speaking, British subjects, although
they had lived under the flag for many years, and the commissioners did
not insist on their admission.
Finally, three vessels sailed away for Jamaica in September, 1675,
carrying 1,231 people, including thirty-one Indians, and more negroes
than whites. On arriving at that island they were granted lands in St.
Elizabeth, afterwards known as Surinam quarters, and thus Guiana again
became a factor in the development of the English islands. As for the
Jews, even they were afterwards allowed to depart when they memorialised
the king and got him to press the matter.
Even yet, however, the last had not been heard of this detention, for it
cropped up again in the case of Jeronomy Clifford, one of those who
actually left with the others for Jamaica. He was then a lad, and went
off with his father, returning again to the colony as the second husband
of an Englishwoman who had property there. It appears that, as surgeon
of a Dutch vessel, he was so kind to a dying planter named Charles
Maasman, that his widow went to London and married him in August, 1683.
Not getting on very well in Surinam, Clifford and his wife resolved to
sell out and take their slaves with them to Jamaica, but in this they
were frustrated. The Dutch felt very sore about the former migration,
especially when Jamaica plumed herself on her great acquisition, and
taunted them with the fact that they got little by the transfer of the
colony. When, therefore, Clifford made known his intention, the Governor
told him he could not remove his wife's property because she had
inherited it from a Dutch subject. Clifford had some of that doggedness
which has been observed so often in Englishmen, and was determined to
obtain what he considered his rights. Under the capitulation he might
leave at any time, and he did not consider that this right had been in
any way forfeited.
However, the Dutch Governor said otherwise, and, to prevent the
alienation or removal of his property, put it in trust, and then
endeavoured to set his wife against him so that she might refuse to
leave. By some tittle-tattle about a female cousin of Clifford, her
jealousy was aroused, and she petitioned for a divorce on the grounds of
cruelty and adultery. However, when she found out the object of the
traducers of her husband, she asked that her petition be annulled and
made void, because she had been misled and drawn away by the ill advices
of others--now she was sorry, and well satisfied and content with him.
This having been read before the Court of Justice, a council of Dutch
planters, they showed their animus by deciding that Mrs. Clifford was a
weak and silly woman, and that it appeared to them that her husband, to
the prejudice of his wife and that land, had endeavoured to remove his
goods, which they would willingly prevent. They therefore ordered the
plantation to be appraised and put in commission, forbidding either
Clifford or his wife from diminishing, removing, or making away with the
estate, but only to enjoy the interest and produce as long as they lived
and corresponded well with each other. They also wished the wife much
joy of her reconciliation, and condemned her to pay the costs both
present and future. Finally, considering her frowardness and ill-nature,
and for an example to all other like-natured women, they condemned her
to pay a fine of five thousand pounds of sugar.
Clifford, who yet stood by what he considered his right, was now
subjected to a number of petty persecutions. His wife went to England,
leaving him her attorney, and he began to pester the Governor to remove
the illegal arrest on his estate. At last this importunity led to his
arrest, and he was sentenced by this same Court of Justice to be hanged,
as a mutineer and disturber of the public peace. But, being "more
inclined to clemency than to carry things to the utmost rigour of
justice," they commuted this sentence to imprisonment for seven years,
with a fine of a hundred and fifty thousand pounds of sugar.
As may be supposed, this arbitrary judgment only made Clifford more
exasperated. He still went on petitioning and protesting that he was not
a Dutch subject, as he had refused to take the oath of allegiance, and
that therefore he was only standing up for his rights. However, he was
imprisoned in the fort, where every effort was made to prevent his
communicating with England or the English colonies. Notwithstanding
these precautions he managed to send several letters, meanwhile
threatening the Court that if they kept him any longer he would be
forced to use such means of relief as he should be advised. After some
delay his communications reached Barbados, Jamaica, and New York, from
whence they at last reached King William, who soon got him released. But
even then Clifford could not get back his estate, and although he went
to London and petitioned the king, who directed inquiry of the
ambassador at the Hague, he could never get any redress. For seventy
years he, and his heirs after his death, kept up a stream of petitions
and memorials, without result, in the end claiming for illegal
detention, damages, and interest, over half a million pounds.
During the short peace which followed the treaty of Westminster
attention was again directed to the buccaneers, who were now called
pirates, and treated as such even in Jamaica, with the result that many
of them settled down. It has been stated that Charles the Second shared
in their gains even after he had issued proclamations against them, but
this sort of thing now came to an end. The French continued their
depredations up to the year 1680, when the king issued a proclamation,
forbidding the further granting of commissions, and recalling those
which had been issued, at the same time ordering that those who
persisted in the trade should be hanged as pirates. This tended to bring
the less audacious to settle down, but even to the beginning of the
present century piracy was still known in the West Indies.
While Sir Henry Morgan was Acting Governor of Jamaica, in 1681, Everson,
the Dutch pirate, came to Cow Bay on that island, but Morgan captured
him and his crew and sent them off to Carthagena, to be punished by the
authorities there for the ravages they had committed on the Spanish
coasts and shipping. During the ex-buccaneer's administration he also
got an Act passed to restrain privateers, and keep inviolable all
treaties with foreign states. Any British subject who treated a foreign
prince or State in a hostile manner should be punished with death as a
felon.
Peace did not last long, however, for in 1688 the French began to move
against Holland, and the year following King William was also bound to
declare war. Almost immediately the English were again driven out of St.
Kitt's, the French, as on the former occasion, committing outrages quite
unjustifiable among civilised nations even in war. They also took St.
Eustatius from the Dutch.
As if there were not enough pirates in the West Indies, the French
brought some more from their own coast--the celebrated corsairs, who had
held a position in Europe during the wars similar to that of the
buccaneers in America. Some rovers, who had lately settled in Cayenne,
were agreeably surprised at the beginning of the year 1689 by the
arrival of Du Casse, who soon enrolled them under his banner and started
to pillage the Dutch and English colonies.
The first attack was made upon Surinam with nine vessels, but after
three days' fighting the Dutch obliged the corsairs to retire, leaving
one ship aground to be captured. Two of the squadron were, however,
more successful in Berbice, which, after the enemy had destroyed one or
two plantations, was obliged to pay a ransom of twenty thousand guilders
(£1,666), which was settled by a draft on the proprietors in Amsterdam,
and which curiously enough appears to have been afterwards paid. Another
privateer destroyed the small settlement in the Pomeroon river, and
obliged the few inhabitants to fly to Essequebo, and to afterwards
abandon the place altogether. Du Casse then went on to the islands,
where he did much damage to both Dutch and English, finally, in 1697,
Spain being also on the other side, joining De Pointis to attack and
capture Carthagena.
The corsairs were privateers with proper commissions, authorised by the
French Government to pillage and destroy and divide the plunder among
themselves after setting aside the king's share. Up to the present
France could hardly be said to have a navy, and these private
adventurers to some extent filled its place. True, there were a few
king's ships, but the treasury was often so bare that they could not be
properly armed or manned without assistance from outside. Then, perhaps,
one or more would be put at the disposal of a renowned corsair, on
condition that the State should be put to no expense. Courtiers,
ministers, and merchants would come forward and form a joint stock
company, equip the ship or fleet as the case might be, and share the
plunder.
Du Casse settled down as Governor of the French part of Hispaniola,
which by this time had been taken over, and he appears to have
encouraged the buccaneers on account of their assistance to the colony.
When that great corsair, Jacques Cassard came out, he was therefore
enabled to supply him with as much help as he required.
Cassard, in 1712, was supplied by the merchants of Marseilles with a
large fleet, with which he sailed to the West Indies, beginning, as Du
Casse had done, with Surinam, where he arrived on the 8th of October,
with eight large and thirty small vessels. The Dutch were not so
fortunate this time, for he sailed up and down the river for three
weeks, burning, pillaging, and carrying off slaves, until most of the
inhabitants took to the bush. Among other exploits he is said to have
broken open the Jewish synagogue, killed a pig within the sacred
precincts, and sprinkled its blood over the walls and ornaments. He was
ultimately bought off for over £50,000, which, in the absence of enough
coin, was paid in sugar, negro and Indian slaves, cattle, merchandise,
provisions, stores, jewellery, and a very little cash.
While remaining in Surinam Cassard sent three vessels to Berbice, which
was easily captured, and for which a ransom of three hundred thousand
guilders (£25,000) was demanded. But this settlement was far worse off
than Surinam, and had neither goods nor money to pay such a large
amount, which was out of all proportion to that of her neighbour. After
raising 118,000 guilders in various ways, the balance was accepted in a
bill of exchange on the proprietors, two of the leading planters of the
colony being taken as hostages and security. Not satisfied with this,
the corsairs insisted on a further sum of ten thousand guilders in
cash, as ransom for the private estates, on the ground that they had
been paid only for the fort and properties of the Government. There was
not so much money in the whole river, and after collecting every bit of
plate and jewellery they possessed, to the value of six thousand
guilders, the enemy had to take the balance in sugar and stores.
Now came the most curious part of this transaction. The two hostages
died, and the proprietors refused to pay the draft--in fact, they said
Berbice was not worth so much. Nevertheless the colony could not be
taken over as a French possession, and even when the peace of Utrecht
was signed in 1713, nothing could be done. Here was an anomaly--a Dutch
settlement in the hands of French merchants as security for a debt. On
account of trade restrictions its produce might not be brought to
France, and the owners of the draft neither knew what to do with the
document nor its security. The Dutch proprietors were equally at a loss,
for they knew very well that, if they ignored the claim of the corsairs,
revenge would be taken on the first opportunity--during the next war, if
not before. At last one of the Marseilles merchants was deputed to go to
Amsterdam, and after a great deal of haggling he sold the draft to a
third party at a reduction of about forty per cent.
Meanwhile Cassard had captured St. Eustatius, and exacted a large
ransom. From thence he resolved to proceed to Curaçao, the great
stronghold of the Dutch, and the depôt for goods used in the contraband
traffic with the Spanish colonies. Here there were many Jews, who had
large stocks of merchandise, and as the booty would be certainly great,
Cassard resolved to risk everything on such an exploit. On his arrival
he sent a boat ashore with a demand for the surrender of the island, to
which the Governor sent a jeering reply, as he considered the place
impregnable. However, the corsair fleet stood in for the harbour, but
were greeted with such a heavy fire that Cassard was forced to retire
and call a council. The balance of opinion was against going any
farther. The officers said the Dutch guns were of heavier metal than
theirs, the currents round the island rendered a landing almost
impossible, and the entrance to the harbour was so narrow that it could
easily be commanded by the two forts. However, Cassard himself and a few
others were in favour of the attempt, and it was ultimately resolved to
carry it out on the morrow.
To deceive the Dutch, Cassard sent part of his fleet on a cruise round
the island, while he with the remainder commenced to bombard the forts,
keeping this up during the day as if that were his line of attack. The
following night, however, he embarked most of his men in small craft,
and keeping the lights on his ships burning, managed to land under cover
of the darkness. Fortunately for him, this manoeuvre was not perceived
by the Dutch, for he had quite enough to do in contending with a strong
current and in avoiding sunken rocks, which made the landing so perilous
that it is doubtful if even these hardy fellows would have attempted it
during the day, when the dangers would be conspicuous. However, they
got ashore without serious accident, and at once erected a breastwork
for the light guns they had brought.
Morning broke, and Cassard expected to see the second half of the
squadron returned from its cruise, and ready to support him, instead of
which it was visible several miles to leeward. To add to his
difficulties, the Dutch had discovered the landing, had erected a
powerful battery a mile away, and were preparing to attack him before
his reinforcements could come up. Yet in face of all this he was
undaunted. He must, however, attack at once, and this was done, with the
result that the forts were taken. Cassard was wounded by a musket ball
in the foot, yet he did not relinquish the command, but followed this
first success by turning the guns of the forts on the town. At the same
time he sent a flag of truce to the Governor, declaring, that if the
place were not at once surrendered at discretion he would bombard it. In
reply, the Dutch attacked the forts, but were repulsed with great loss,
and at last terms were discussed, with the result that the ransom was
fixed at 600,000 louis d'ors. This amount was considered so reasonable
that the merchants hastened to pay it over and get rid of him, which
they did in three days.
On his arrival in Martinique, Cassard found he had been superseded in
the command, and that the fleet was ordered home. Giving the buccaneers
their share of the booty, he sailed for Brest, and on the way met an
English squadron. The French admiral signalled his vessels not to
fight, but Cassard, turning to his second in command of the vessel, said
his duty to his king was above that to his admiral--he would fight His
Majesty's foes wherever he met them. On that he bore down upon the
English and captured two small craft before nightfall, afterwards making
his voyage to Brest alone.
This want of subordination so incensed the admiral that he preferred
several charges against him, one being that he had retained more than
his share of the booty. Whether this charge was true or not, the "Hero
of Nantes," as he was called, fell into disgrace, followed by great
poverty. Almost a beggar, he was at last sent to prison for importuning
a cardinal and king's minister too much, by claiming what he considered
his rights. There he ultimately died, and, like some others who have
been as badly treated in life, has now a statue erected to his memory in
his native town.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
IX.
THE STRUGGLE FOR THE DARIEN TRADE.
Carthagena and Porto Bello were the great trading stations for the
Spaniards in the Indies. The latter had taken the place of Nombre de
Dios, since that town had been destroyed by Drake, and was now the port
to which the treasures of Peru were brought overland from Panama. The
galleons from Spain, after calling at St. Domingo, went on to
Carthagena, where the first great fair of the year was held. Here the
traders from the inland provinces of New Granada came to get their
supplies from Europe, which they paid for in gold, silver, emeralds, and
produce. For the short time the vessels remained, the people of the town
woke up from their year's inactivity, and made the most of the occasion.
Stores were in demand, and lodging-houses required for the visitors, so
that the cost of living went up by leaps and bounds. Those who had
slaves got enormous profits by their hire, and even the negroes
themselves made large sums beyond the amounts they had to pay their
masters. The whole place lost its air of desertion and became the scene
of such bustle and confusion as would hardly be conceivable to those
who saw it as a "sleepy hollow" during the _tiempo muerto_, the dead
time, as it was called.
Having done with Carthagena, the galleons went on to Porto Bello, the
beautiful haven, said to have been the most unhealthy place on the Main.
By reason of its noxious air and barren soil there was a scarcity of
provisions, which led to its desertion at ordinary times. In
anticipation of the fleet, however, it woke up and became even more
lively than Carthagena. The only reason for its existence was the trade
across the isthmus, otherwise it would have been deservedly abandoned.
Here was held the great fair, that at the other port being petty in
comparison. The concourse of people was so great that a single chamber
for a lodging during the busy time sometimes cost a thousand crowns,
while a house would be worth five or six times as much. As the galleons
came in sight, the people began to erect a great tent in the _Plaza_ to
receive their cargoes, where they were assorted and delivered to the
various consignees or their representatives. The crowd of men and
animals soon became so great that movement was difficult. Droves of
mules came over the isthmus loaded with cases of gold and silver, which
were dumped down in the open streets or in the square, for want of
storehouses. Yet, with all the confusion, it is said that theft was
unknown, and losses through mistakes very rare. But not only were there
thousands of mules and their drivers, but small vessels continually
arrived from different parts of the coast, bringing goods and people,
to increase the hubbub. Here was a cargo of cinchona bark, there
another of cacao, and further on, by no means the least important, were
boat-loads of fresh vegetables and fruits to supply the great assembly.
This went on for forty days, after which the port was deserted and the
town resumed its poverty-stricken air. Then two persons in the streets
formed a crowd and half a dozen a mob. Solitude and silence reigned,
where so lately the bustle and noise had been rampant, and the _tiempo
muerto_ ruled until the following year.
It can be easily understood that the influence of the Porto Bello fair
was not only felt on the Gulf side, but on the shores of the Pacific as
well. Panama was largely dependent on the transport business, which
employed a great number of mules and slaves. Even in the absence of
buccaneers and pirates the road was always difficult, and sometimes even
dangerous. Heavy rains caused great floods, which delayed the traffic
for days, and left the tracks on the hills so slippery that even that
sure-footed animal the mule was often carried over a precipice. Then
there were cannibal Indians and Simarons always lurking in the forest,
ready to cut off stragglers. On the rumour of a buccaneer landing on the
coast--it might be a hundred miles away--the traffic was at once stopped
and the merchants began to "fear and sweat with a cold sweat," as Thomas
Gage very quaintly puts it.
The Spanish merchants no doubt deplored this state of things, and would
have been thankful for a good road instead of such an unutterably
worthless bridle track. There was, however, a side to the question
which probably influenced them--a way that would be easy for them would
also be more accessible to their enemies. Then, again, a good road
should have been the work of the Spanish Government rather than of the
settlers, but it was useless to expect anything from that direction.
Nevertheless, a good road and even a canal were mooted before the end of
the sixteenth century, thus anticipating the Panama railroad and canal
of our own time. But, although the advantages were patent, the
difficulties were so many as to be practically insurmountable, and
nothing whatever was done.
Towards the end of the seventeenth century came a sudden craze for
carrying out gigantic schemes of various kinds, practicable or
impracticable, useful or worthless, Utopian or utterly absurd. Among
them was the Mississippi scheme in France and the South Sea Bubble in
England, of which the latter was intimately connected with the Indies.
The time had arrived when people began to think of trading on credit or
pledges, and of combining together for carrying on banks and other
commercial operations. Private banks had existed for several centuries,
and more or less public establishments in the great commercial centres,
such as Venice, Amsterdam, and Hamburg, but up to the present there was
no Bank of England. In fact the great principle that allows an enormous
trade to be carried on without the actual interchange of specie or
commodities had just been discovered, and the people of France and
England went mad over it.
The pioneer of the system in England was William Paterson, who seems to
have been acquainted with Dampier and Wafer, both of whom knew the
isthmus of Darien very well. He is also said to have travelled in the
West Indies himself, and even to have visited the Porto Bello fair, but
this is not quite certain.
Paterson first came into prominence by bringing forward a scheme which
ultimately led to the establishment of the Bank of England on the 27th
of July, 1694. From this he appears to have derived no actual benefit,
however, although he was one of the first directors, upon a
qualification of £2,000 stock, which he sold out after the first year,
and thus withdrew. Probably he wanted his money to carry out the new
project for a settlement on the isthmus of Darien.
In the course of this history we have advisedly used the word "English"
instead of "British," in speaking of our nation, because as yet
Scotchmen were little concerned in colonisation schemes. In fact, except
as transported rebels or convicts, they had hardly any interest in the
plantations. This was the result of Navigation Acts, which debarred
Scotch merchants and vessels from trading, by ordering that all traffic
with the colonies should be carried on in English vessels and from
English ports.
Paterson's idea was to take possession of the isthmus of Darien,
establish a Scotch colony at a convenient harbour on the Gulf side, and
then open up a proper road by which the trade would be so much
facilitated that it would become the great highway. Seated between the
two vast oceans of the universe, he said, the isthmus is provided with
excellent harbours on both sides, between the principal of which lie the
more easy and convenient passes. If these ports and passes were
fortified, the road could easily be secured and defended, thus affording
the readiest and nearest means of gaining and keeping the command of the
South Sea--the greatest and by far the richest side of the world. With
the passes open, through them would flow at least two-thirds of the
produce of both Indies. The time and expense of the voyage to China and
Japan would be lessened more than half, and the consumption of European
commodities soon doubled, and annually increased.
He contended that Darien possessed great tracts of country up to that
time unclaimed by any European, and that the Indians, the original
proprietors, would welcome the honest and honourable settler to their
fertile shore. The soil was rich to a fault, producing spontaneously the
most delicious fruits, and required the hand of labour to chasten rather
than stimulate its capabilities. There crystal rivers sparkled over
sands of gold--there the traveller might wander for days under a canopy
of fruit-laden branches, the trees bearing them being of inestimable
value as timber. The waters also abounded in wealth. Innumerable shoals
of fish disported themselves among the rocks, and the bottom was strewn
with pearls. From the dawn of creation this enchanted country had lain
secluded from mortals--now it was revealed and opened to Scottish
enterprise. Let them enter and take possession of this promised land,
and build a new city--a new Edinburgh, like Alexandria of old, which
grew to prodigious wealth and power from its position on another
isthmus--to soon become famous as the new emporium of a new world.
The reader who has seen our account of Lionel Wafer's miserable journey
will be able to discount these florid statements, but the Scotch people
seem to have taken everything for gospel. Now, at last, they would have
a colony--a plantation of more value than any of those that the English
had begun to boast of. They were enthusiastic, and although poor, did
their very best to contribute, actually promising the large sum of
£400,000. England also subscribed to the extent of £300,000, and Holland
and Hamburg £200,000. Everything looked bright, and at last a concession
was obtained for the "Company of Scotland, trading to Africa and the
Indies."
Strange to say, Paterson entirely ignored the claims of Spain, although
he must have known that she would strenuously object to such a
settlement. It was all very well to say the place belonged to the
Indians, but the very fact of its vicinity to the great trading centre
and channel of communication with the Pacific coast should have made him
anticipate trouble. Even if he argued that the buccaneers were
practically unmolested along the Mosquito shore, he must also have known
that their position was by no means secure, and even had this been the
case, that it would have afforded to argument in favour of his project.
To be successful he must also have had the support of the English
Government, but unfortunately this was denied. Jealousy and envy between
the two countries led to representations adverse to the scheme being
made to King William, with the result that the Company was
discountenanced, and that most of the promised subscriptions outside of
Scotland were withdrawn. Then came dissensions among the leaders
themselves, and this lost them half the amount from their own county.
Yet with all that Paterson was undaunted, and, notwithstanding the
diminished funds at command, he still resolved to go on.
On the 26th of July, 1698, twelve hundred men in five ships sailed for a
place near the entrance of the Gulf of Darien, a hundred miles to the
east of Porto Bello. It was afterwards stated that the vessels were
rotten and ill-found, although gaily decked with flags on the day of
departure, which hid some of their deficiencies. The provision supply
was bad, and, to crown all, the captains were coarse, brutal, and
ignorant, continually quarrelling with each other. Through envy,
Paterson had been prevented from having any voice in the arrangements,
and although he went with the expedition, he entered the ship as
ignorant of her equipment as any other passenger. But he evidently had
his doubts, for he asked for an inspection of the stores, only to have
his request treated with contempt.
On the 27th of October the fleet came to anchor in a fair sandy bay
three leagues west of the Gulf of Darien, now known as the Port
D'Escocés. It was an excellent harbour surrounded by high mountains,
and capable of holding a thousand sail in security from wind and
tempest. The settlers named the district Caledonia, and considered it to
be fertile and even healthy. They commenced at once to erect a fort, to
which they gave the name of St. Andrews, and a cluster of houses for the
town of New Edinburgh. These labours gave them little time for planting,
and it naturally followed that they had to live on the provisions
brought from Scotland, which, bad at the beginning, were now almost
worthless. Paterson sent emissaries to the neighbouring Spanish
settlements to ask for their friendship, and went himself into the
interior to arrange treaties with the Indians, so that the Scotch might
have a good title to the land. In this latter object he was successful,
and it was agreed that peace should be kept between the natives and the
colonists, "as long as rivers ran and gold was found in Darien."
After six days' absence he returned to find a great change in the
settlement. A spirit of mutiny and discontent had broken out, those who
worked hard being naturally dissatisfied with others who did nothing.
Then the provisions became rotten, and even then were so reduced in
quantity that the people suffered from want and its consequent sickness.
Four months passed, and nothing but daily discouragements were
encountered; not even a little gold to enliven their spirits. Hard work
under a tropical sun began to tell upon them, and although the friendly
natives brought a little game, it was almost useless among so many.
Every day, however, the number was reduced by death, fevers, and
dysentery playing sad havoc, until those who remained were utterly
dispirited.
To add to their troubles they were refused supplies from Jamaica, King
William having sent instructions to the Colonial Governors to
discountenance the colony in every way. Paterson sent to Jamaica to get
food for the starving people, and instead, his empty vessel brought
copies of the Proclamation that had been issued in that island. This
stated that as His Majesty knew nothing of the intentions and designs of
the Scots at Darien, and as their settling on the isthmus was contrary
to the peace of Spain, every one was commanded not to hold any
communication with them, and not to supply arms, ammunition, provisions,
or anything whatsoever, on their peril.
In this desperate condition they awaited supplies from Scotland, but
these did not arrive, for the ship had foundered on her way, and even
Paterson began to be discouraged when day after day passed without
relief. Even the reduced number could no longer exist, and with heavy
hearts they prepared to leave. They had a ship, but no provisions for
the voyage, and on account of the prohibition were prevented from
victualling at one of the islands. At last, however, they got together
as much barbecued fish and game as the Indians could procure, with a few
fruits, and sailed away. But even now fate was against them. Hardly had
they got out of the harbour before they were becalmed off this deadly
shore for many days, their scanty supply of food diminishing when it was
so much wanted for the long voyage. However, the remnant of about
thirty, survivors of the twelve hundred, at last arrived at
Charlestown, Carolina, in a most miserable condition. Paterson was
himself so worn out that he lost his senses for a time, becoming quite
childish, yet he recovered, to go back to Scotland and ask the Company
for another expedition.
This he urged on the ground that the first had failed simply through the
want of supplies and the action of the English Government. Some were in
favour of still carrying out the project, and these drew up a petition
to the king, giving it for presentation to Lord Hamilton. William the
Third, however, refused not only to receive the petition, but even to
grant an audience to its bearer. Lord Hamilton would not be put off,
however, but watched for his opportunity, and found it one day as the
king was mounting his horse. He laid the petition on the saddle, which
made His Majesty cry out, "Now, by heaven, this young man is too bold,"
adding in a softer tone, "if a man can be too bold in the service of his
country." With that he threw the document from him and rode off,
afterwards, when memorial after memorial came from Scotland, issuing a
Proclamation against the worry of such petitions.
Notwithstanding this refusal, another expedition was sent out, the
management of which was as bad as that of the first. But this time the
Spaniards were on the alert, and hardly had the settlers begun to put
things in order before the enemy was upon them in force. Famine and
sickness again fell upon New Edinburgh, added to the horrors of a siege,
which ultimately led to a capitulation on fair terms. But so weak were
they as the Spaniards allowed them to embark, that their late enemies
out of pity helped to heave their anchors and set their sails.
It was long before the Scotch people forgot or forgave their sister
kingdom for her action in thus frustrating their darling project.
Besides impeding the Union, it is said to have strengthened the Jacobite
feelings in the rebellions of 1715 and 1745. Even as late as the year
1788, when it was proposed to erect a monument in Edinburgh to King
William the Third and the "glorious revolution," the affair was
remembered, and some one suggested that the pedestal should have on the
one side a view of Glencoe, and on the other the Darien colony. Queen
Anne, in 1702, tried to pacify her Scotch subjects by an autograph
letter, stating that she regretted the Company's losses and
disappointments, but this did not kill the ill-feeling. As for Paterson,
in 1715 the English House of Commons voted him the sum of £18,241 as
some indemnity for his losses, but as the bill was thrown out by the
House of Lords, he got nothing.
Thus ended one of the most disastrous of British attempts to colonise
the Indies. From beginning to end it was an example of the Dutch caution
of William of Orange, as contrasted with the recklessness of Queen
Elizabeth's time or the sturdy defiance of Cromwell. The king was not
prepared to risk war for an idea, yet at the same time he would not
prohibit the expeditions.
From 1702 to 1713 there was war between England and Holland on the one
side, and France and Spain on the other. By the treaty of Utrecht,
which again brought peace, the English received the concession for the
exclusive supply of negro slaves to the Spanish colonies for thirty
years. This _Assiento_ contract was given to the Great South Sea
Company, which resulted from one of those joint-stock manias, now
epidemic in France, England, and even Holland.
The Company was projected by the Earl of Oxford in 1711, and, like the
Mississippi scheme in France, was intended to assist the Government,
which was virtually bankrupt. As yet there was no funded national debt,
but large sums were owing to the army and navy, which had been
provisionally settled by debentures, that could be discounted only at a
serious loss to the owners. Down to the establishment of the Bank of
England in 1693 no public loan existed, but this was commenced by
borrowing the capital of that institution. At the peace of Ryswick, in
1697, the public debt amounted to twenty millions, but by the time the
South Sea Company was started the arrears of pay made it half as much
again. Part of the great scheme was to advance this amount on security
of English customs duties amounting to £600,000 per annum, and a
monopoly of the Spanish trade in the Indies as far as the _Assiento_
contract would permit.
Whether the whole affair was a fraud from the commencement is doubtful;
there were certainly misrepresentations in the prospectus, either wilful
or possibly in good faith. Spain was to allow free trade to England in
four ports on the Pacific, and three vessels besides slavers were to go
to the isthmus every year--concessions never promised nor intended by
Philip the Fifth. The slave trade was a fact, and according to the
statements it would give fabulous profits.
[Illustration: MAP OF TERRA FIRMA.
(_From Gottfried's "Reisen."_)]
Visions of boundless wealth now floated before the eyes of the English
people, and they at once began to rival the French in their madness, as
they had in their colonisation. The English Government was ready to make
every possible concession because it wanted to be rid of the incubus of
thirty millions, and therefore did nothing to check the Company. As the
stock was issued it was at once bought up, and then sold again at a
considerable advance. Everybody expected to make fortunes, therefore
they must get shares at any price. Rumours of peace with Spain, and
great concessions that would bring all the riches of Peru and Mexico
into their coffers, roused them still more. Gold would soon be as
plentiful as copper, and silver as iron. The shareholders would be the
richest people the world ever saw, and every share would give dividends
of hundreds per cent. per annum. The bill making the Government
concessions was passed in April, 1720, when the stock was quoted at £310
for a hundred pound share. Strange to say, it then began to fall, but
the projectors put forth a rumour that England was about to exchange
Gibraltar for a port in Peru, and confidence was restored at once. So
great was the increased demand that another million was issued at £300
per £100 share, and these were so much run after that the fortunate
owners were at once offered double what they had paid. Then another
million was offered at £400, and in a few hours applications were
received for a million and a half.
People were so eager to invest their money that they swallowed almost
any bait thrown to them. Hundreds of bubble companies hovered on the
outskirts of the parent, among them one for settling the barren islands
of Blanco and Sal Tortugas, another to colonise Santa Cruz, and a third
to fit out vessels for the suppression of piracy. But perhaps the most
absurd was "a company for carrying on an undertaking of great advantage,
but nobody to know what it is."
Near their highest point the South Sea Shares were sold at £890, but so
many wanted to sell at that price that they soon fell to £640. This put
the directors again upon their mettle, and they set to work with fresh
rumours and pushed them up to £1,000, from which they suddenly went
down, with a few fluctuations, until utterly worthless. The treasurer of
the Company ran away to France when the blow fell, but the directors
were arrested and their estates ultimately confiscated. Thousands of
people were ruined, and the public credit received a blow from which it
took many years to recover.
Meanwhile the South Sea Company had not been altogether idle. Besides
the slave vessels they were entitled to send _one_ ship annually to the
Carthagena and Porto Bello fairs, this being called the _Navio de
permisso_. It was not to be larger than five hundred tons, yet the
Company picked out the biggest they could find and filled it with goods,
to the exclusion of food and water, which were carried in small store
vessels that waited outside the harbour. This caused a great deal of
dissatisfaction, as the English brought so much that they could
under-sell the Spanish merchants in their own market. In 1715 the
_Bedford_, nominally of six hundred tons, was seized at Carthagena on
the ground that her burden was excessive. By the Spanish measurements
the cargo was said to have amounted to 2,117-1/2 tons, and the excess
was confiscated and ordered to be sold. However, the English protested,
at the same time passing over some valuable presents to the authorities,
with the result that a remeasurement was ordered, which made the amount
only 460 tons.
In 1716 the Spaniards took Campeachy and sixty English logwood vessels,
which occasioned another war. The English claimed that they had an
undoubted right to cut logwood at that place, and that former kings had
always maintained them in this. For a long time they had quietly
possessed a part of Yucatan, uninhabited by Spaniards, and they claimed
not only the privilege of wood-cutting, but of settlement as well.
Probably the little notice taken of their attack on the Darien colony
made the Spanish authorities think England ready to bear any insult, but
they soon found out their mistake. War was declared in 1718, and all the
property of the South Sea Company, including debts, was confiscated, the
whole amounting to £850,000. This would have been a great blow to the
Company had it been genuine, but as we have seen, its mercantile
transactions were secondary considerations.
Peace was restored by the Treaty of Madrid in June 1721, when the
_Assiento_ contract was renewed in favour of the Royal Company instead
of that of the South Sea. So much dissatisfaction had been created by
the concession for a trading ship, however, that the English did not
insist upon its continuance, and therefore only slave vessels were to be
permitted to visit the Indies in future. Everything that had been seized
from the South Sea Company was to be restored, or its equivalent value
paid, but the amount actually received only came to £200,000, which did
not go far to help the unfortunate shareholders.
Thus, this small measure of free trade with the Spanish Indies came to
an end, and things went on much the same as before. English, Dutch, and
French vessels still carried on the contraband traffic, doing all they
could to evade the law, often with the assistance of the local
authorities. The Spanish settlers got their supplies so much cheaper in
this way than through the usual channels, that they were not likely to
give up buying as long as the smugglers ran the risk. At last, however,
the authorities received very strict orders to enforce the law, with the
result that vessels were often captured, their cargoes confiscated, and
crews imprisoned. Then the Spanish _guarda-costas_ claimed the right to
search vessels of other nationalities, and to confiscate them if they
found produce from their colonies on board, or other evidence that they
were carrying on illicit trade.
This led to another dispute with England, which claimed compensation for
such seizures and the abolition of the right of search. English vessels
had always resented this overhauling, and latterly several had fought
the _guarda-costas_ rather than submit, with the result that, when
captured, their crews were treated with a severity often amounting to
cruelty. In 1739 several petitions were presented to the British
Parliament, complaining of such outrages, and asking the Government to
obtain redress. Among them was one from Captain Jenkins, the master of a
Scottish vessel, who was examined by the House. His story was that he
had been boarded by a _guarda-costa_, the Spaniards from which searched
his vessel without finding anything contraband. Apparently enraged at
their discomfiture, and possibly annoyed by the jeers of the English,
they cut off one of Jenkins' ears and told him to carry it to his king
with the message that they would do the same to him if he came near the
Main. Finally, according to Jenkins' statement, he was further tortured
and threatened with death. "What did you think when you found yourself
in the hands of those barbarians?" asked a Member of the House; to which
the captain replied, "I recommended my soul to God and my cause to my
country." The severed ear he exhibited in Parliament as he had done
elsewhere whenever he told the story.
It was then stated that the losses from Spanish depredations by
plundering and the taking of fifty-two vessels, since 1728, amounted to
£340,000. In every case the masters and crews were brutally treated, and
in some cases murdered. The English demand for compensation was met by
the reply that the king had ordered inquiries to be made, and that if
any of his subjects were found guilty they would be punished according
to their deserts; also that orders would be given to conform exactly to
the treaties. It was, however, claimed that the treaty of 1667 did not
contain any clause bearing on the navigation and commerce of the Indies,
and that the English had been wrong in supposing they had a right to
sail and trade there; they were only permitted to sail to their own
islands and plantations, and were therefore subject to confiscation if
they changed their course to make for the Spanish possessions without
necessity. There were then in Havana fifteen British vessels which had
been detained on one pretext or another, and about the same time the
_Success_ from London to Virginia was captured off Montserrat, and her
captain and crew set adrift in an open boat to find their way ashore as
best they could.
In January, 1739, a convention between Great Britain and Spain was
arranged, under which the latter agreed to pay £95,000 on account of
these demands, less the value of certain vessels which they agreed to
restore. This did not satisfy the West India merchants, and they
petitioned against it. The indemnity was to be paid on the 10th of July,
but that date having passed without a settlement, Great Britain issued
letters of marque and ordered all Spanish vessels in her waters to be
seized. Spain commenced reprisals the following month, and war was
actually declared by Great Britain on the 19th of October. The
declaration stated that for several years past unjust seizures and
depredations had been carried on, and great cruelties exercised. The
British colours had been ignominiously insulted, against the laws of
nations and solemn treaties, and Spain had lately ordered British
subjects from her dominions within a shorter period than had been
covenanted by express stipulation in those treaties.
In July previous a fleet under Admiral Vernon had sailed from Spithead,
and after a short cruise off the Spanish coast, went over to the West
Indies, arriving at Antigua the 27th of September. Going on to Jamaica,
Vernon prepared for a grand raid on the Spanish settlements, leaving for
Porto Bello on the 5th of November with six vessels and 2,500 men. They
arrived on the 21st, and bombarded the forts, which made a stout
resistance; but while this was going on, the British landed and took the
town, thus compelling the forts to capitulate. Two warships and several
other vessels were captured, as well as specie to the amount of ten
thousand dollars, but the town was not pillaged, although the guns were
either taken away or rendered useless, and the forts as far as possible
demolished. This was virtually the end of that stronghold, as it was
afterwards allowed to fall into decay, to be ultimately replaced by
Chagres, Grey Town, and Colon. Later, also, the treasure from Peru had
much diminished, and the isthmus sunk in importance, especially after
the way round Cape Horn and through the Straits of Magellan was adopted
more and more.
As the dispute with Spain had arisen from her action in the Indies, so
retaliation on the part of Great Britain was greatest on the Main. In
February, 1740, Vernon again sailed from Jamaica, and on the 6th of
March bombarded Santa Martha, but did not capture it. After repairing
damages at Porto Bello he went on to Chagres, took a Spanish man-of-war
from under the guns of the fort, captured the place, and demolished it.
In January, 1741, Sir Chaloner Ogle came out from England with a fleet,
and joined him, making a force of 12,000 men in twenty-nine
sail-of-the-line besides smaller vessels.
This great fleet sailed for Hispaniola in hopes of encountering that of
Spain and France, but not finding it went on to Carthagena. This, the
other great stronghold on the Main, was guarded by two powerful
batteries, a boom across the entrance to the port, and four Spanish
men-of-war just inside. After a long cannonading the batteries were
silenced, a landing accomplished at night, and a passage made by which
the fleet entered the harbour. Here, however, further progress was
checked by sickness and disagreements among the commanders, with the
result that the siege was raised and partial success ended in miserable
failure. This was followed by another check at Santiago de Cuba, which
virtually terminated all hopes of further great exploits, although
attempts were made on La Guayra and Puerto Cabello.
Yet with all this the Spaniards undoubtedly received a great lesson.
Their men-of-war were captured from under their fortresses, and small
English or colonial vessels performed such deeds of daring as had hardly
been equalled since the Elizabethan age. The old spirit still existed
although it might lie dormant for a time--the men were there when the
hour came. In 1740 Captain Hall in a New England privateer came to an
anchor under the fort of Puerto de la Plata, pretending to be a Caracas
trader. He wanted to land in the night and surprise the town, but found
that the inhabitants kept such a good watch that he had to give up that
idea. However, the Governor was sick and sent to ask the loan of Hall's
surgeon, and here was the opportunity he wanted. The surgeon,
quartermaster, and an interpreter visited the Governor, and at the same
time seven of Hall's crew landed and surprised the fort, dismounted the
guns, marched into the town and plundered it, finally escaping with the
loss of only one man.
Peace was at last concluded on the 7th of October, 1748, but nothing was
said in the treaty of the right of search. The _Assiento_ contract was
confirmed, and one English trading ship allowed as formerly; free trade
with the Indies, however, was still one of those things which could
never be conceded.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
X.
SLAVE INSURRECTIONS AND BUSH NEGROES.
With war almost continuously raging at their very doors the West Indian
planters not only risked their fortunes but their lives. During the
seventeenth century England spent something like thirty-five years in
fighting her enemies, and in the eighteenth, forty-six. As long as the
quarrel was with Spain alone the colonists cared but little, but when
France turned against them the struggle was much fiercer. The French
were always most audacious in their assaults, and the consequences were
all the more disastrous because they were such near neighbours. We have
already spoken of St. Kitt's and the difficulties produced on that
island by its division between the two nationalities. These were only
terminated by its entire cession to England, which did not take place
until the peace of Utrecht in 1713. Meanwhile, besides the two defeats
of the English already mentioned, they were driven out in 1689, to
return the following year and expel the enemy, retaining entire control
until the peace of Ryswick gave France again her share. Then in 1702
England once more held full possession until the island was assured to
her entirely.
Barbados, alone among the British West Indian islands, stands in the
proud position of a colony that has never fallen into the hands of
another nation. It has never even been seriously attacked beyond the
attempt of De Ruyter. And yet the island was poorly fortified, as
compared with the great strongholds of the West Indies such as
Carthagena and Curaçao. Possibly "the game was not worth the candle,"
for on the one hand there was little plunder to be had, and on the other
a strong force of hardy Englishmen to be encountered. We have seen
already how the Parliamentary fleet was kept at bay, and what an amount
of trouble the islanders gave before they capitulated. Even then they
were not actually conquered, although there could be no question as to
the ultimate result.
But not only had the colonists to stand up against the enemy from
outside, but there was another danger which lay within their plantations
and dwellings from which even Barbados was not free. The slaves had to
be kept under subjection, and the planters must always be on the alert
to anticipate riots and insurrections. For although the negro in most
cases was submissive, at times he recovered that savage nature which had
only been suppressed by force and discipline.
When we read of flogging to death and other horrible cruelties of the
planters and authorities, we are inclined to sympathise with the African
and look upon his masters as worse than brutes. But to appreciate the
full significance of these punishments we must judge them by the codes
in existence at the time, remembering that nothing was ever done to the
blacks that had not also been endured by whites for similar crimes.
True, these punishments were retained for slaves after they had become
obsolete for Europeans, but then the negro was undoubtedly stubborn and
less amenable to persuasion than any other race. Like a mule he had to
be broken in and trained, and like that stubborn animal he often gave
great trouble in the process. There were differences of opinion as to
various ways of teaching the negro, and it was only a long experience
that ultimately led to gentle conciliation instead of flogging.
[Illustration: A REBEL NEGRO
(_From Stedman's "Surinam."_)]
The slaves often ran away, and had to be hunted for and brought back. In
the larger islands and on the Main they hid in the forest and swamp,
where they formed communities, to which other runaways flocked until
they became strong enough to hold their own. From these recesses they
often came forth to pillage the plantations, murder the whites, and get
the slaves to go off with them in a body. If the buccaneer was ferocious
he had at least some method in his madness; the poor ignorant African,
on the contrary, let his passions dominate him entirely. In revenge for
fancied tyrannies he would commit the most atrocious crimes, torturing
his prisoners by cutting them to pieces or even flaying while they still
lived.
Is it any wonder that when caught the bush negro or maroon was severely
punished, and that the utmost rigour of the law was exercised? As for
flogging, every one knows how common that was at the beginning of the
present century. Some of us can even look back to a time when the use of
the rod and whip on delicate children was a matter of course. Even fine
ladies took their little ones to see executions that now horrify us to
think of; in a similar way the planter's wife stood at her window to see
the punishment of her house-servant.
We could tell of negroes burnt to death, where a downpour of rain put
out the fires and left them to linger in torment for hours, of taking
pieces of flesh from the unhappy criminals with red-hot pincers, and,
most horrible of all, breaking on the wheel. These punishments often
took place in the middle of a town, but only on one occasion have we
seen any mention of the horror of the scene, and this referred to the
smell of burning flesh. Yet the criminals--for it must be remembered
that they had been legally convicted and sentenced--showed a stoical
indifference to pain almost incredible. As savages they gloried in
showing their ability to endure torture, only craving sometimes for a
pipe of tobacco to hold between their teeth until it fell.
[Illustration: THE EXECUTION OF BREAKING ON THE RACK.
(_From Stedman's "Surinam."_)]
The maroons or bush negroes began to form communities on the Main and in
the larger islands from very early times. In Jamaica they were the
remnant of the Spanish slaves who ran away on the arrival of the
English, with accessions from deserters at later periods; in Surinam
some of those who had been sent into the forest to prevent their capture
by French corsairs. In both places they maintained their independence,
and ultimately made treaties with the colonial authorities, greatly to
their own advantage. In Essequebo and Demerara they were kept down by
subsidising Arawak Indian trackers, who hunted them from savannah to
forest, and from forest to swamp, killing and capturing them almost as
fast as they ran away. In the smaller and more settled islands the
runaways were generally recaptured at once and severely punished as a
warning to others. There the more daring plotted insurrections which
often caused much trouble for a few days until suppressed. They did not
last long, for the negroes were wanting in the power of combination,
because they all wanted to be leaders. Then there was generally some
faithful slave or white man's mistress to give the warning, which
sometimes caused such prompt action that the outbreak did not occur at
all. Yet with all that the danger was serious, and one that could hardly
be coped with by forts and batteries.
As early as the year 1649 a plot for a general rising in Barbados was
discovered through the information of a bond-servant. All the whites
were to have been murdered, but fortunately the ringleaders were
arrested before the time fixed and eight of them condemned to death.
Then in 1676, under the leadership of a Coromantee, it was arranged that
on a certain fixed day, at a signal to be given by blowing shells, all
the cane-fields should be set on fire, the white men killed, and their
women retained by the negroes as their wives. This also was frustrated
by information received from a house negress. Hearing two men talking
of the matter, she made inquiries, and learnt of the plot in time to
inform her master. Six of the prisoners were burnt alive and eleven
beheaded, while five committed suicide by hanging themselves before the
trial. The story was told in a pamphlet entitled, "Great Newes from the
Barbados, or a true and faithful account of the great conspiracy." Yet
again in 1693, after a fearful epidemic had much reduced the number of
the whites, a third conspiracy was set on foot. The Governor was to have
been killed, the magazine seized, and the forts surprised and taken.
When the plot was nearly ripe two of the leaders were overheard
conversing about it and instantly arrested. They were hung in chains for
four days without food or drink, promises of pardon being made if they
revealed their accomplices, which they did at the end of that time, with
the result that some were executed and others cruelly tortured. We might
go on to tell also of the abortive insurrection of 1702 and several
others, but as there were never any very serious risings in Barbados, we
must proceed to other colonies.
In Jamaica several abortive attempts at general insurrections were made,
some of them assisted by the maroons, who continually received
accessions to their numbers from desertion. These people also made
incursions on their own account, which led the Government to offer £5 a
head for every one killed, the reward being payable on the production of
his ears. In 1734 they destroyed several plantations and killed a
hundred and fifty white men, which led to an attempt at suppressing
them altogether. Captain Stoddart therefore took a detachment of
soldiers into the mountains to the maroon town of Nanny. Arriving at
night he planted a battery of swivel guns on a height that commanded the
collection of huts, before the negroes were aware of his coming. They
were rudely awakened from their sleep to find the place surrounded, and
in alarm many flung themselves over precipices in their hurry to escape.
Some were killed, a few captured, and the town utterly destroyed. About
the same time a party of maroons from another place were so bold as to
attack the barracks at Spanish Town.
Two years later, under Captain Cudjo, the maroons became so formidable
that two regiments of regular troops besides the island militia were
employed to reduce them. The Assembly also ordered a line of
block-houses or posts to be erected as near as possible to their haunts,
at which packs of dogs were to be kept as part of the garrison. Then
they sent to the Main for two hundred Mosquito Indians whom they engaged
as trackers. This brought matters to a crisis, and Captain Cudjo was
compelled to sue for peace, which was granted. A treaty was therefore
made with them in 1738 at Trelawny town, by which they were to be
considered as free on condition that they captured runaway slaves,
assisted in repelling invasions, and allowed two white residents to
remain in their towns. Thus peace was restored for a time, and the
Mosquito Indians were allowed to go back to their country.
However, Jamaica was not to be free from slave insurrections apart from
the maroons, for in May, 1760, at St. Mary's, the slaves of General
Forrest's plantation fell suddenly upon the overseer while he was at
supper with some friends, and massacred the whole company. They were
immediately joined by others, and commenced a career of plundering and
burning all the plantations in the neighbourhood. Business in the island
was at once suspended, martial law proclaimed, and every white man
called out to assist in putting down the revolt. The negroes, however,
tried to avoid an open conflict, trusting to hide in the forest, where,
however, a large body was discovered and defeated. The maroons had been
sent for, but did not arrive until this action had taken place, when
they were sent in pursuit of the flying rebels. This they pretended to
do, and in a few days returned with a collection of ears which they said
had been taken from those whom they had slain, and for which they were
paid. The story was found out afterwards to have been a falsehood, as
instead of pursuing the fugitives they had simply cut off the ears of
those who had been slain before they arrived. This led the authorities
to think the maroons in league with the revolted slaves and afterwards
to look upon them with distrust. However, by the aid of a body of free
negroes, the rebels were at last captured, to be punished in the cruel
manner so characteristic of the time. Some were burnt, some hung alive
on gibbets, and about six hundred transported to the Bay of Honduras.
Two were hung alive on the parade at Kingston, one to linger for seven
days and the other for nine, during which time it was said "they behaved
with a degree of hardened insolence and brutal insensibility." In the
course of the whole insurrection about sixty whites and four hundred
negroes were killed, and damage done to the amount of one hundred
thousand pounds.
In 1736 a slave revolt took place at Antigua, or rather it was
discovered and anticipated. Five negroes were broken on the wheel, six
hung in chains and starved to death, one of whom lived for nine days and
eight nights, fifty-eight were burnt at the stake, and about a hundred
and thirty imprisoned. These horrible punishments were intended as a
warning to the others, and no doubt they had such an effect on that
generation.
Few of the early insurrections met with any success, notwithstanding
that the negroes largely outnumbered the whites in every colony. At the
most the blacks had a few days' liberty to murder, burn, and pillage,
after which came the terrible retribution. There was, however, one
conspicuous exception: poor Berbice was actually taken over, and every
white man driven from the plantations.
The Dutch were noted nigger drivers, and although the English were
unable to boast much of their humanity, they stigmatised the Hollander
as a cruel master. If a negro was obstinate, the Englishman threatened
to sell him to a Dutchman or Jew, but the worst threat of all was to
give him to a free negro. Whether this bad character was deserved or not
is doubtful, but it is quite certain that the criminal law of the
Netherlands permitted "the question" when a prisoner would not admit his
guilt. This, however, was applicable to white as well as black, there
being no particular slave code in the Dutch colonies.
What was the immediate cause of the great rising of 1763, in Berbice,
was never exactly ascertained, but vague complaints were made of
ill-treatment by certain planters. It commenced on the 27th of February,
on an estate in the river Canje, and from thence spread like wildfire
over the whole colony. The population consisted of, besides the free
Indians, 346 whites, 244 Indian slaves, and about 4,000 negro slaves.
The garrison was supposed to consist of sixty soldiers besides officers,
distributed at several forts and posts, but owing to sickness only about
twenty were fit for duty when the rising took place.
An epidemic of fever and dysentery had prevailed for two years among
both whites and slaves, weakening the former in such a manner that they
had no courage to contend with the revolted negroes, but mostly ran away
to Fort Nassau when they heard of the rising. Almost out of their senses
from fright, they urged Governor Hoogenheim to abandon the fort and
colony at once. Only one of the councillors stood by the Governor, and
it was as much as these two could accomplish to prevent even the
soldiers from running away. As for moving against the rebels, this was
impossible, for not one of the colonists would follow Councillor
Abbinsetts in his attempt to do something. Their fright even affected
the officials and soldiers in such a manner that the Governor could
hardly escape their importunities to be allowed to leave.
Four vessels lay in the river, two merchant ships and two slavers, but
even their crews were sick, and the captain of one so utterly broken
down that he could not attend to his duties. The Governor tried to get
them to go up the river and do something, but they were almost as
frightened as the colonists. Only in one place were the negroes opposed;
a few whites taking refuge in the block-house at Peereboom, some
distance above the fort, where their way of escape was cut off. But for
want of a little assistance they were compelled to make terms with the
negroes. Under the agreement the whites were to be allowed to go down to
the fort in their own boats, but as soon as they began to embark the
negroes fell upon them, men, women, and children, massacred some and
took others prisoners, a few only managing to get across the river.
Among the fugitives was a lad named Jan Abraham Charbon, whose story
gives a graphic picture of the alarm and consternation produced by the
insurrection, and of its results on himself.
He was the son of a planter, and the alarm was brought to the estate at
night by a faithful slave. The plantations below were all in the hands
of the rebels, who were burning and murdering on both sides of the
river. The whites from several neighbouring estates gathered together
and decided to make a stand at Peereboom, hoping for assistance from
Fort Nassau. They got to the block-house early in the morning, to the
number of thirty whites, with a body of faithful slaves, who had not
yet deserted them, although they did so later.
Soon after their arrival the insurgents surrounded the house and
attacked it, the whites making a successful defence until seven o'clock
in the evening. Then one of Charbon's slaves came forward and asked if
they wanted peace. On receiving a favourable reply the leaders on both
sides came to the agreement above-mentioned. Next morning the whites
were fired upon as they went to embark, and Charbon was wounded.
However, he jumped into the river and swam across, hiding himself in the
jungle, where he came upon another fugitive named Mittelholzer.
For eight days the two wandered about the forest, losing their way and
almost dying from hunger and thirst. They dared not approach the river
for fear of the negroes. Once they came upon the back of a plantation
and hurriedly gathered a few cobs of Indian corn, immediately afterwards
running back into the bush to eat them. While lying down a negro with a
sabre passed quite close without seeing them, but presently another with
a gun peeped into the bushes and caught sight of them. On this
Mittelholzer ran out with his drawn sabre and so furiously attacked the
rebel that he cut off one of his hands, captured his gun, and put him to
flight. However, this audacity did not save him, for he was captured
soon afterwards, Charbon managing to escape into the forest. Alone the
boy wandered about for six or seven days, until, again becoming
desperate from hunger, he returned to the same plantation, to fall into
the hands of the negroes. He was stripped of his clothes, put in the
stocks, flogged, and threatened with death, but was finally spared on
account of his youth, and because the rebel chief, "King" Coffee, wanted
a secretary to write letters to Governor Hoogenheim, proposing terms.
Meanwhile the poor Governor hardly knew what to do. He sent to Surinam
and Demerara for assistance, but while awaiting this the military
officers informed him that the fort was untenable against even a single
assault. The wooden palisades were so rotten that a strong man could
pull them down easily, and then the building was of wood and could
easily be fired. He was ultimately obliged to destroy it and retire down
the river, where he at first took possession of the lowest plantation,
Dageraad, hoping to remain there until assistance arrived. But even here
the rumours of an attack by the rebels made the people clamorous to be
allowed to leave, and Hoogenheim had to retire to the mouth of the
river, where there was a small guard-house, or signal station, near the
site of what is now New Amsterdam. Thus the last hold on the plantations
was given up, and the whole colony abandoned to the negroes.
A month passed before the first arrival from Surinam. All that time the
Governor and a few whites waited day after day, sometimes almost in
despair. The vessels had, at the request of their captains, been allowed
to leave, carrying with them some of the people, while others had gone
off to Demerara. This desertion was almost necessary, as the food supply
was very limited and of a poor quality--cowards were useless, and
therefore no objection was made to their departure. Hoogenheim was at
last somewhat relieved by the arrival of the English brigantine _Betsy_
with a hundred soldiers from Surinam, and with this small contingent he
at once began to retrace his steps with a view to recover the colony. He
went back to Dageraad, and in a day or two after was attacked by seven
hundred negroes, who fought from early morning to noon, when they
retired after suffering a great loss in killed and wounded. It was after
this battle that young Charbon arrived with a letter bringing "greetings
from Coffee, Governor of the negroes of Berbice." The rebel chief said
that as the negroes did not want war, he would give His Honour half the
colony, while he himself would govern the other half and go up the river
with his people, who were determined never again to be slaves. No notice
was taken of this, and Charbon, who had been warned to bring back an
answer at his peril, was too pleased to get back to his white friends to
again wish for his post of secretary.
Even now the Governor's situation was not only perilous, but most
pitiful. St. Eustatius sent two vessels, but almost as soon as they
arrived the men were attacked by sickness, and instead of being a help
they had to be nursed, even the Governor himself taking his part in the
necessary attendance. At one time there were not enough healthy soldiers
to relieve guard, but fortunately Coffee had no means of knowing this,
or all would certainly have been over with them.
It was not until December that a fleet arrived from the Netherlands, and
then a horrible vengeance overtook the rebels. There was not much
difficulty in subduing them, especially when a large contingent of
Indians was sent overland from Demerara to drive them from the forest.
In March, 1764, the trials began with a hundred ringleaders, fifty of
whom were sentenced to death. Fifteen of these were burnt, sixteen
broken on the wheel, and twenty-two hanged. The following month they
executed in similar ways thirty-four, and later again thirty-two. The
chiefs were burnt at slow fires, punishment which they bore with the
utmost stoicism. One named Atta, however, told the bystanders that he
only suffered what he deserved. Finally, in December a general amnesty
was proclaimed, which made the negroes cry out with joy, _Dankje!
Dankje!_
Berbice was of course utterly ruined for a time. The plantations were
overrun with weeds, the buildings in ruins, and many of the slaves
missing. Of the whites only 116 remained; the rest were dead from
sickness, had been killed by the negroes, or had fled from the colony.
The loss in killed was small, as the general fright prevented any show
of resistance. What would have happened if the whites had fallen into
the hands of the rebels was shown in one or two flagrant cases. One of
the colony surgeons was said to have been flayed alive on the ground
that he had poisoned the slaves by forcing them to take medicine. One
poor girl who had been captured at Peereboom was compelled to submit to
the embraces of King Coffee and driven mad, while another committed
suicide to prevent a similar degradation. About eight hundred slaves
were missing, most of whom had been killed, as very few managed to
escape to the bush.
[Illustration: MARCH THROUGH A SWAMP.
(_From Stedman's "Surinam."_)]
Behind the coast of Guiana is a long stretch of swamp, which in slavery
times was the general resort of runaways. For miles extends a grassy
plain like a meadow, the sedges entirely covering the two to four feet
of water which would otherwise give it the appearance of a great lake.
Except through the various streams that drain it, access is almost
impossible during the rainy season, and even the Indians care little to
explore its recesses beyond fishing in the canal-like creeks. However,
here and there are little islands or sand reefs, and on these the
runaway slaves took refuge. First, perhaps, a murderer would escape and
hide himself for a time until the hue and cry had abated, returning now
and again to the plantation at night for the purpose of getting
provisions from his friends. Then others would follow, until a party of
twenty to a hundred, with their wives, had established a little village.
Towards the end of the last century a number of these communities of
bush negroes had been formed in Demerara, and their depredations became
so common that regular expeditions were sent against them, guided by
Indian trackers. In 1795 they joined with the slaves to raise a general
insurrection, but special measures were taken so that they were almost
suppressed for a time.
Before this they had formed a line of stations for seventy miles from
the river Demerara to the Berbice. Every camp was naturally surrounded
by water, and by driving pointed stakes in a circle, and leaving the
entrance to wind through a double line under water, they were made
almost impregnable. To reach them the attacking party had to wade up to
their middles through perhaps a mile of ooze and water, to be cut with
razor grass, and all the time at the mercy of the negroes. Only during
the dry season was anything like success possible, and even then the
negroes generally saved themselves by flight.
Many of the slaves were friendly with the runaways, but they were much
feared by the more timid. On one occasion a negro went to cut wood at
the back of a plantation in Demerara and came suddenly upon the outpost
of a camp, probably the entrance to the concealed path which led to the
little sand reef. In walking along he stepped upon a bush-rope, and
immediately after heard a bell ring above his head. Before he could get
away a ferocious bush negro stood before him and demanded his business,
but the poor slave was so frightened that he ran home and reported the
occurrence to his master. Some of the slaves went so far as to enjoy
hunting runaways--in fact, there was little love lost between the two
parties. One of these was offered his freedom as a reward for the
assistance he had given in an expedition, the Government engaging to
purchase him of his owner provided they both consented. Tony, however,
did not wish to leave a good master, and refused, stipulating, however,
that he should retain the right to accept the kind offer at some future
period. When his master ultimately left Demerara, some years afterwards,
Tony claimed his promised freedom and got it.
While the bush negroes in other parts of Guiana were kept within
reasonable bounds, those of Surinam, like the maroons of Jamaica, had
never been conquered. Treaties were agreed to by them in 1749 and 1761,
but disputes continually occurred, with the result that the colonists
were always more or less in fear of their raids. Then they carried off
most of the slaves whenever they attacked a plantation, until their
number became so great as to be a real danger. In 1773 the authorities
in the Netherlands resolved to make a special effort to conquer them,
and for this purpose raised a corps of all nationalities which was put
under the command of Colonel Fourgeaud.
That soldiers should be brought from Europe for such a service shows the
utter ignorance of the Dutch authorities. If the colonists themselves
could not put down the bush negroes, how could it be expected that this
would be effected by fresh troops from a cold climate, who had no
knowledge of the country, the mode of fighting, or the difficulties of
travelling through the bush and swamp?
Commissioners had visited them at different times to arrange the
treaties, but there was generally something wrong with the presents
(virtually blackmail), or else they were given to the wrong parties. In
1761 the chief Araby had insisted on the commissioners binding
themselves by his form of oath. This was done by each party tasting the
blood of the other. With a sharp knife a few drops were drawn from the
arm of each person into a calabash of water with a few particles of dry
earth. After pouring a small quantity of this mixture on the ground as a
libation, the calabash was handed round from one to another until all
the company had taken a sip. Then the gadoman (priest) took heaven and
earth--exemplified by the water and clay--to witness the agreement, and
invoked the curse of God upon the first who broke it, the company and
crowd of negroes around calling out _Da so!_ (that is so, or amen).
Yet, after all this solemnity, quarrels soon arose again. One chief with
his sixteen hundred people had come to terms, but these did not bind his
neighbour, who perhaps had half as many. The different chiefs were not
united in any way, and it followed, therefore, that, after thousands of
guilders had been spent on one, the others made incursions to get a
share of the good things for themselves. To the colonists they were all
bush negroes, but among themselves they were as distinct as if they had
been different nations. Even when at peace, and when the chiefs had
received gold-headed canes as symbols of authority, they would often
call at the outlying plantations and demand rum or anything else they
fancied, which the whites dared not refuse.
The immediate occasion for the special corps from the mother country was
an insurrection of the slaves in 1772, who, after plundering and burning
some of the plantations, and murdering their owners, fled in great
numbers to join the bush negroes. The whole colony was a scene of horror
and consternation--the colonists expected the rising to become general,
and took refuge in Paramaribo, thus leaving their plantations
unprotected. However, it was soon checked, mainly by raising a body of
three hundred free negroes, called rangers, who were expert
bushfighters, and therefore thoroughly well fitted to cope with the
rebels.
One of the chiefs named Baron had settled on an island in the swamp,
such as we have described, where he defied the whole colony. There were
no means of communication except hidden tracks under water, and in
addition to the palisades the chief had erected a battery of swivel guns
which he had stolen from the plantations. Thus triply defended by water,
stakes, and guns, it is no wonder if he thought his position
impregnable. However, he was discovered by a party of rangers, and
assaulted by them and a large body of white soldiers. Camping first on
the edge of the swamp about a mile away, they could see Baron's flag
waving in defiance on the little island, while they were at their wits'
ends to find a means of getting at him. A great many shots were wasted
by both sides before they found the distance was too great, even for the
swivel guns, and then the rangers began to act. Several weeks were
passed in attempting to make a causeway by sinking fascines, but when
the workers had come within range, so many were killed that it had to be
abandoned. In despair of ever effecting anything, they were about to
retire, when some of the rangers discovered the hidden pathway under
water. A feint was now made of attacking one side by one party, while
another crept along the track, and thus at last the fortress was
stormed. A terrible hand-to-hand fight took place, in which many were
killed on both sides, but even then Baron managed to escape with a good
number of his followers.
This defeat made little impression, for soon afterwards the slaves on
three plantations killed their white masters, and, like the others, went
off to join the bush negroes. It was now felt that something must be
done or the colony would have to be abandoned. The bush negroes had to
be hunted from their recesses, however difficult the task might be,
otherwise there would be no safety even in the town itself. The
expeditions could only move in Indian file, exposed to ambushes in the
most difficult parts of the track, and firing from behind trees
everywhere. There was no possibility of bringing the party together if
attacked; it followed, therefore, that the long string of men went
forward with the utmost caution. In front came two powerful blacks with
machetes or cutlasses to clear the way, and immediately behind them the
vanguard. These were followed by the main body alternating with
ammunition bearers, and, finally, a long line of carriers with food,
medicines, utensils, and kill-devil (rum) with the rearguard. Sometimes
the party would flounder through a swamp for hours, holding their
firearms above their heads to keep them dry. Then drenching showers
would fall, and give the greatest trouble to prevent the powder from
becoming useless. Creeks had to be passed on fallen trees, or the party
would be detained until a trunk was felled and trimmed to afford a
passage. Exposed to malaria, mosquitoes, bush ticks, and maribuntas,
they went on day after day, only to find, on reaching the village of the
bush negroes, that they had gone elsewhere, to perhaps turn up at some
unprotected plantation. The European troops died off in great numbers,
while the enemy were in their element. It followed, therefore, that
little was done, and that the old system of conciliation had to be
adopted, with the same unsatisfactory results. Finally, by utilising
their mutual jealousies, about 1793 they were driven so far away from
the settlements as to become almost harmless. Their descendants still
exist almost as savages, with curious manners and customs, partly
inherited from their African forefathers, and partly adopted from their
neighbours the Indians.
[Illustration: TRELAWNY TOWN.
(_From Edwards' "West Indies."_)]
We must now return to the maroons of Jamaica, who had not been
conquered, although a nominal treaty existed, and the white residents
remained at their posts. In July, 1795, two of them were flogged for
pig-stealing, and this was considered a disgrace on the whole community.
On the return of the pig-stealers to Trelawny they raised a great
outcry, and the resident was at once ordered to leave on pain of death.
Efforts were made to pacify them, but they sent a written defiance to
the magistrates who had ordered the flogging and declared their
intention to attack Montego Bay. The militia were called out and
soldiers applied for, but before the preparations were completed, a body
of maroons appeared and asked for an interview with four gentlemen whom
they named.
Hoping the matter might be prevented from going farther, these and
several other whites went to the rendezvous, where they were received by
three hundred armed men. The maroons complained of the disgrace on the
whole body, through the flogging having been performed by a negro
overseer in the presence of felons, and demanded reparation. They
wanted, first, an addition to their lands, and, second, a dismissal of
the then resident in favour of one they had formerly. Promising to
forward their requests to the Governor, the gentlemen left, the maroons
appearing as if pacified.
However, this interview was only applied for to gain time, and
especially to allow the departure of the British fleet which was then on
the point of leaving, and might be detained if they moved too quickly.
On the report that there was a probability of a settlement of the matter
the fleet left, when the maroons immediately began to plot with the
slaves for a general rising. Reports of this had been received by the
Governor before, but just after the men-of-war had departed more
definite news arrived, which induced him to send a fast-sailing boat to
bring them back. Fortunately this was successfully accomplished, and at
once confidence drove out the fear of murders, fires, and plundering
which had alarmed the inhabitants. The slaves were correspondingly
disheartened and left the maroons to fight alone.
But even the maroons themselves became divided in opinion on the return
of the military and naval force. The Governor taking advantage of this,
issued a proclamation calling upon them to submit, but only thirty-eight
old men came forward, the others being determined to fight. They set
fire to their own town and commenced hostilities by attacking the
outposts. This led to a pursuit in which the whites fell into an
ambuscade, many being killed, without as far as was known doing any harm
whatever to the enemy. Now commenced a series of raids on the
plantations, in which even infants at the breast were massacred.
[Illustration: PACIFICATION OF THE MAROONS.
(_From Edwards' "West Indies."_)]
The matter becoming serious, the General Assembly resolved to hunt the
rebels with dogs, as had been intended before the treaty. They
accordingly sent over to Cuba for huntsmen with their powerful
blood-hounds, the descendants of those which had once worried the poor
Indians, and afterwards assisted the buccaneers. Times had changed
however, and a feeling grew up that hunting men with savage beasts was
not quite the thing. This led to some expressions of opinion adverse to
the action of the executive, but they excused themselves on the ground
that the safety of the island demanded extreme measures. If war was
justifiable at all, any and every means, they said, was allowable; in
fact, "all was fair in war."
Meanwhile the maroons had been driven to their strongholds in the
mountains, where they had little to eat, and were virtually compelled to
ravage the plantations for food. On the arrival of forty _chasseurs_
with their hundred dogs, however, they became alarmed, and began to sue
for mercy. It does not appear that there was any real necessity for
using the animals, their presence being enough for the purpose. They
were led _behind_ the troops, and on their appearance the maroons
surrendered in great numbers, this putting an end to the insurrection.
Now came the question of what was to be done with them. It was argued
that no country could suffer people to live in it unless they could be
controlled by law, and that obedience could not be expected from these
people. To expect it was entirely out of the question; it was therefore
resolved to transport them from the island. Accordingly, in June, 1796,
six hundred were sent to Halifax, Nova Scotia, where lands were granted
them and a subsistence allowed until crops could be raised. Not liking
the climate, they were ultimately established in Sierra Leone, where
they became the nucleus of the present colony. Those who had submitted
remained in Jamaica, where their descendants are still well known.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
XI.
THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE SEAS.
By the middle of the eighteenth century Spain had fallen behind, and
even Holland had lost her prestige. It followed, therefore, that the
only Power that could rival Great Britain was France, and she was an
enemy that could never be despised. The struggle in the West Indies
between these two Powers now became, if possible, more intense; and if
the result gave the sovereignty of the seas to Britons, they have mainly
to ascribe it to their naval training in this part of the world. The
mistakes of Admiral Vernon were lessons which, being borne in mind by
later admirals, tended to prevent similar disasters in the future.
There was a short intermission in the struggle between 1748 and 1756,
when the "Seven Years' War" commenced; but before the actual declaration
hostilities had commenced between the two rivals in India and North
America. Now arose one of England's great admirals, Rodney, who gained
his laurels in the Caribbean Sea, and was mainly instrumental in putting
France in the background as a naval power. He first came to the front in
1759, when he bombarded Havre, and later, with that other great seaman,
Sir Samuel Hood, he became a "household word" in the West Indies.
Before they appeared, however, the British captured Guadeloupe, and
commenced a general raid upon the French shipping. But, as usual, our
gallant foes were by no means despicable, for in 1760 they claimed to
have taken 2,539 English vessels, against a loss of only 944. On the 5th
of January, 1762, Rodney sailed from Barbados for Martinique, in command
of eighteen ships of the line, and on the 4th of the following month the
island capitulated. Then Grenada was taken, to be followed by Dominica,
Tobago, St. Vincent, and St. Lucia, thus giving the whole of the French
Caribbees into the possession of Great Britain. Spain being also
involved, Admiral Pococke attacked Havana in May, and, after a siege of
twenty-nine days, took the Morro Castle, a fort hitherto considered
impregnable. A fortnight later the Governor of Cuba was compelled to
capitulate, thus giving the town also into the hands of the British.
These exploits made France and Spain sue for peace, which was signed at
Paris in February, 1763, when Grenada, St. Vincent, Dominica, and Tobago
were ceded to Great Britain, the other captures being restored.
After this war positive orders were sent to the British West Indies to
break off all trade and intercourse with the French and Spanish
settlements, with the result that contraband and other traffic was
thrown into the hands of the Dutch and Danes. Then the Dutch islands of
Curaçao and St. Eustatius began to flourish more and more, and those of
the Danes, St. Thomas and St. John, became free ports. During the wars
these islands rose to a pitch of prosperity hardly possible to any of
those belonging to the combatants, on account of their neutrality.
Naturally they were almost barren and of little account as plantations;
but as _entrepôts_ they were exceedingly useful, not only to their
owners, but to the belligerents as well. Here alone could French,
Spanish, and British ships meet without fighting, and for them they
could run when pursued by the enemy.
The island of St. Thomas was first colonised in 1666, but for a long
time it made little progress. It became useful to the pirates, however,
mainly from its being a safe place at which to dispose of their
captures. Then merchant vessels found it sometimes convenient to go in
to escape these rovers, perhaps to be followed by them, and yet remain
safe until an opportunity occurred for escaping their vigilance. Prizes
were brought here and sold, the prospect of good bargains leading to the
settlement of a number of rich merchants, and especially Jews. What with
all this, and a little contraband traffic, the people of St. Thomas did
very well, and soon the harbour became one of the busiest in the West
Indies.
And here we must mention that the Jews were a very important factor in
the development of the early settlements. It will be remembered that
large numbers of these people were driven from Spain after the conquest
of Granada, and how they went to Portugal and the Netherlands. A large
number also went to Brazil, where at first they had a measure of
freedom in the exercise of their religion not granted in the mother
country. When the Dutch captured Brazil, perfect freedom followed; but
after Portugal took her own again, this was withdrawn, and in
consequence many left for Surinam and the West Indian islands. Here they
were joined by some of their co-religionists from Holland, and in time
became a powerful body of planters, but more especially traders. To them
were due many improvements in the manufacture of sugar, and even the
introduction of the cane into some places. In every colony there was a
small community, often with a synagogue, and their connection one with
another, as well as their virtual neutrality, made their transactions
more safe than those of other traders. As may be supposed, they had no
love for the Spaniard, and consequently were the main financiers, not
only of privateers, but even pirates.
St. Thomas, Curaçao, and St. Eustatius lived by the misfortunes of
others. No longer could the jolly buccaneer sell his prizes and booty at
Jamaica; he must go elsewhere, and let other places reap the advantage
of his free and easy bargains. For it was "easy come, easy go" with him,
and the fortune he made was soon wasted in riotous living. This was all
to the advantage of the wily Jew, who first haggled about the price of a
cargo, and then got his money back by charging enormous profits on the
supplies. The rover was as careless as the proverbial "Jack ashore," and
could easily be induced to spend his last piece of eight on the luxuries
so temptingly laid before him, utterly regardless of the consequences.
He had only to go out and capture another vessel to be able to return
and renew his jollification.
In war time these harbours were crowded with the shipping of all
nations, and many a fortune was made that enabled the merchant to go to
Europe as a West Indian nabob. Then there was a great demand for neutral
vessels, in which goods could be transhipped for conveyance to colonies
where the belligerent flag might bring a crowd of privateers before the
vessel got safely into harbour. Even physicians and surgeons made their
piles, for there was always more or less sickness on board the vessels,
and a hundred dollars a visit was a common fee.
In 1774 began the dispute with the American colonies of Great Britain,
and four years later France joined them, thus bringing trouble again
upon the West Indies. The first important move was made by the French,
who, in September, 1778, took Dominica, on which the English retaliated
by capturing St. Lucia. Then a fleet was sent out from England under
Admiral Byron, and another from France under Count de Grasse. The French
took St. Vincent and Grenada, and every island of either nation was in a
state of alarm and consternation. In July, 1779, Spain joined the others
against England, on the ground that her flag had been insulted. To this
it was replied that she harboured American privateers, and furnished
them with false documents, under which they carried Spanish colours.
Thus England had her hands full, for the Yankees alone gave her quite
enough work, without the addition of these old rivals.
As yet Rodney had not come out, but in the years 1778 and 1779 he
pressed his claim on the Government to have a command in the West
Indies. The seas were well known to him, and he had his views as to the
proper mode of carrying out operations; but for some time his
application was refused. Finally, however, in October, 1779, he was
appointed to replace Admiral Byron, with supreme control over the
operations in the Caribbean Sea, as well as freedom to intervene if
necessary on the American coast.
Rodney was at last satisfied, and he left in December with a convoy, the
whole fleet numbering three hundred. In the centre were transports and
merchant vessels, and on either side men-of-war. Off Cape Finisterre he
captured a convoy of sixteen Spanish vessels, and beyond Cape St.
Vincent fought with another squadron, and captured four men-of-war,
including the admiral. On then to the relief of Gibraltar, from whence
he sent part of the fleet into the Mediterranean, and where he remained
until February 13, 1780, when he sailed for the West Indies.
Arriving off St. Lucia on the 28th of March, he came upon the French
fleet under De Guichen, which he attempted to engage, but was prevented
from the want of skill in his captains. The result was that both fleets
sailed away from each other without much damage to either, both stating
that the other refused to fight. As, however, the French had thirty
vessels to the English seventeen, they could have compelled an action;
so that, although the affair was not creditable to either, it was
perhaps a little more disgraceful to the larger fleet. Rodney was in a
great rage. He attributed his failure to the incompetency of his
subordinates, who had not been properly trained to make combined naval
evolutions. Every captain, he said, thought himself fit to be Prime
Minister of Britain.
However, he continued his cruise, barring the way of the French, and
driving De Guichen to St. Eustatius to refit. Now he began to teach his
captains those naval manoeuvres in which he considered them so much
wanting, which his assistant admiral, Sir Hyde Parker, did not
altogether like. Rodney, it appears, treated all his subordinates as if
they were raw recruits, and, while he gained obedience, created a great
deal of ill-feeling. But, with all their training, they could not bring
De Guichen to fight, even when they encountered him a second time; yet
we may presume that the training was by no means wasted.
As if Great Britain had not enough enemies, in December, 1780, she
declared war with the Dutch, on the ground that they assisted the
American colonies. What a formidable array--the Colonies, France, Spain,
and Holland! Yet, somehow or other, she managed to cope with the whole.
St. Eustatius was the great offender among the Dutch colonies.
Notwithstanding that the home Government had sent out strict orders to
all her settlements not to honour the flag of the revolted British
colonies, or to supply them with contraband of war, there is no doubt
that they were very loose in inquiring into such transactions. As we
have said already, this and other islands were very useful to the
belligerents; and, as we have just stated, De Guichen went to St.
Eustatius to escape Rodney and refit. This was no doubt a sore point
with the British admiral, who barred the enemy's passage to his own
islands only to see him get what he needed from the Dutch.
When the news of the declaration of war came out, Rodney was ready at
once to pounce upon the offender; and on the 3rd of February, 1781,
before the authorities of St. Eustatius had heard the news, he appeared
in the harbour. The Governor could hardly believe his ears when an
officer appeared to demand the surrender of the island to His Majesty of
Great Britain, but being entirely unprepared, and quite unfitted to cope
with such a force, he was obliged to surrender at discretion.
Here was the opportunity for revenge, and Rodney embraced it. Even his
best friends could hardly excuse the arbitrary doings which followed,
and which were stigmatised as unworthy and almost dishonourable to a
British admiral. Being determined to root out this nest of
contrabandists, he confiscated all the property of the inhabitants, and
ordered them to quit the island. The harbour was filled with shipping,
and the stores with goods, the vessels numbering two hundred and fifty,
and the contents of the stores worth about three million pounds. Here
was indeed a disaster to the Jews, not only of St. Eustatius, but even
of British islands, for they were all in correspondence. Rodney went so
far as to say that many of the English merchants ought to have been
hanged, for it was through their means, and the help of this neutral
port, that the enemy were able to carry on the war.
The people were astonished at such unheard-of treatment. Never before
had such a thing happened, except in the raids of buccaneers and
pirates. The Jews petitioned Rodney and General Vaughan to rescind their
decision. They had received orders to give up the keys of their stores
and inventories of the goods in them, as well as household furniture and
plate; then they were to prepare themselves to quit the island. Such
orders from British commanders, whose principal characteristics were
mercy and humanity, had distressed them in the extreme, so that their
families were absolutely in despair.
This appeal had no effect, even when it was supported by some of the
British officers, and such an auction now began as was never known
before. The news reached Barbados and the other islands, and down came a
horde of speculators, prepared to make their fortunes at once if
possible. Such a haul did not occur every day, and they intended to take
advantage of it. Thousands of bales of goods were brought out and sold,
without either seller or buyer knowing anything of their contents. They
might contain rich silks and velvets or the cheapest slave clothing. It
was a grand lottery in which every bidder got a prize, although they
were in some cases of little value. No one needed to despair of a
bargain, however, for there was so much to sell as compared with the
number of purchasers, that everything went cheap. Some few got bitten,
but in the end hardly a tithe of the value of the goods was obtained.
While this was going on at St. Eustatius, some Bristol privateers got
information of the outbreak of hostilities, and pounced upon Demerara
and Berbice, where they levied blackmail and captured most of the
shipping. As usual with these plunderers, they had no authority to
capture the colony, nor had they in this case even commissions against
the Dutch. However, they put the inhabitants in a state of
consternation, until, a few days later, two men-of-war arrived from
Barbados to receive the capitulation, which was demanded on the same
terms as that of St Eustatius, although neither party knew what these
terms were. Nothing was left but submission, although the authorities
protested against such an unheard-of manner of dictating unknown terms.
The Governor of Barbados had heard from one of the inhabitants of that
island that the Directeur-General of Demerara had expressed, at his
dinner-table, his fears that in case of a war the river would be
plundered by privateers, and of his preferring to surrender to one of
the king's ships: for this reason he had sent the men-of-war. This was
considered a bit of "sharp practice" by the Demerarians, but perhaps
turned out for the best.
Two commissioners were appointed by the colony to go in one of the
English vessels to St. Eustatius and arrange the articles of
capitulation, which were fortunately on altogether different lines from
those of that island. Surinam, St. Martin's, Saba, and St.
Bartholomew's also surrendered on the same unknown terms, but the
admiral said that he and General Vaughan thought they ought to be put on
a different footing. They would not treat them like the other, whose
inhabitants, belonging to a State bound by treaty to assist Great
Britain, had yet nevertheless assisted her public enemies and the rebels
to her State, with every necessary and implement of war as well as
provisions, thus perfidiously breaking the very treaties they had sworn
to maintain.
The treatment of St. Eustatius caused a great stir, not only in the West
Indies, but in England as well. A remonstrance was sent to Rodney by the
merchants of St. Kitt's, who claimed that a large quantity of their
goods had been seized. Some of these were insured in England, and they
considered their Excellencies responsible for their losses, for which
they would seek redress by all the means in their power. It was
impossible, they said, for many of them to be more utterly ruined than
they then were, and they asked that certificates in reference to their
property should be sent to England, in demanding which they were
claiming a right rather than a favour. In reply, Rodney said he was
surprised that gentlemen who called themselves subjects and merchants of
Great Britain, should, when it was in their power to lodge their effects
in the British islands to windward, under the protection of British
laws, send them to leeward to St. Eustatius, where, in the eyes of
reason and common sense, they could only be lodged to supply their
king's and country's enemies. The island, he continued, was
Dutch--everything in it was Dutch--all was under the Dutch flag. As
Dutch it should be treated, and this was his firm resolution as a
British admiral, who had no view whatever but to do his duty to his king
and country.
Two merchants from St. Eustatius went to London, where they were
examined by the Attorney and Solicitor-Generals. They clamoured for
justice, and got it, for one of them was committed on a charge of high
treason for corresponding with the American agent at Amsterdam, and for
furnishing the Americans with military stores and ammunition. Several
attempts were made to injure Rodney with the king, but the blow on the
enemy was so severe that His Majesty would not listen to the detractors.
It is said that a cry of rage went up from the French and American
colonies, and that Rodney gloried in his triumph. He was undoubtedly
inclined to ride rough-shod over everybody and everything, but as long
as he was successful, only the enemy complained.
But the trouble was not yet over, for the merchants of St. Kitt's sent
lawyers to file their claims in the Admiralty Courts. Then St. Eustatius
was recaptured for Holland by the French, and the tide turned against
the admiral. Now was the time to attack him, and his enemies took
advantage of it. The mob that threw up their caps and shouted for joy at
the glorious news of the capture, now lifted their hands in horror at
Rodney's misdeeds. Even his friend Hood was guilty of the meanness of
charging his comrade with carrying off vast sums of money, and never
accounting for them. Rodney was recalled to England, where he arrived
on the 19th of September, 1781, in ill-health, and rather downspirited.
In December Burke moved the House of Commons for a committee to inquire
into the affair, but although he pressed the motion with all his powers
of oratory it was rejected.
Meanwhile the French were turning the tables upon the late victors and
having their revenge for the disasters which had fallen upon them. This
led to Rodney being again consulted, with the result that on the 19th of
February, 1782, he arrived in Barbados with twelve ships of the line.
This was the most critical period during the whole war. On the 19th of
October previous, Lord Cornwallis had surrendered to the Americans at
Yorktown, and this disaster was followed not only by the loss of the
West Indian captures, but of the British colonies of St. Kitt's, Nevis,
Montserrat, Dominica, and St. Vincent. It was by the special request of
the king that Rodney had been again sent out, and before his departure
he declared that either the French admiral or himself should be
captured. Lord Sandwich, to impress him the more, on the eve of his
departure said: "The fate of this Empire is in your hands, and I have no
wish that it should be in those of any other."
Meanwhile the Count de Grasse was at Martinique, preparing a large fleet
for the final reduction of the British by conquering Jamaica. He was
expecting large reinforcements of French vessels and troops, which
Rodney tried unsuccessfully to cut off. On the 8th of April the French
were reported as having sailed for Hispaniola, where they were to be
joined by a Spanish contingent, and Rodney at once sailed in pursuit.
The result was that, at last, on the 12th, a decisive victory was gained
off Dominica. Admiral de Grasse was captured, many of his fleet
destroyed, and the whole expedition broken up. The British West Indies
were thus saved, and the people of Jamaica erected a statue to the
gallant admiral. Rodney, in concluding his despatch giving the account,
said it was his most ardent wish that the British flag should for ever
float in every part of the globe, and there is no doubt that this
triumph conduced to such an end. It stands prominently forth as the
greatest sea fight of the age, and was only eclipsed by those of Nelson,
who we may state received much of his naval training in the West Indies.
In January, 1783, peace was again restored. Great Britain lost her
American colonies, restored those she had taken from France and Holland,
and got back her own, except the island of Tobago, which was ceded to
France. From Spain she got the right to cut logwood between the rivers
Hondo and Belize, on the understanding that all other places on the
coasts of Central America should be abandoned, and that no forts be
erected on the concession.
For ten years there was peace, and during that time the planting
colonies were developed to a wonderful extent, while those dependent on
the contraband traffic became much depressed. The English settlements
increased in value so much, that in 1788 they were calculated to have
under cultivation two million and a half acres, with five hundred and
sixty thousand slaves. These were the palmy days of the slave-trade,
when the importations leapt up year after year, with a corresponding
increase in the export of produce. The property was valued at over
eighty-six millions sterling, Jamaica coming first, but nearly every
other island flourishing to an extent hardly credible to those who have
only seen them after their downfall.
What Jamaica was to the English, the western portion of Hispaniola
became to the French, and even Spain increased her productions, now that
things had become settled, and treasure seeking less remunerative.
Altogether, the period from this time, to the end of the century, may be
considered as the planter's best days, and the "good old times" of which
we hear so much but find it so difficult to precisely indicate.
On the 1st of February, 1793, peace was again broken by the French
Convention, the declaration of war being made against England and
Holland. Thus began that struggle which seemed interminable at the time,
and which actually lasted twenty-two years. As usual the West Indies
suffered, but this time they were not quite so much the scene of
contention as they had been formerly. Tobago was captured from the
French on the 15th of April, but during the remainder of the year little
was done. In January, 1794, however, Admiral Sir John Jervis arrived at
Barbados, and in the following month took Martinique after a severe
struggle. Then he went on to St. Lucia, which also surrendered, and
before the end of April Guadeloupe fell. Then came reverses; a French
fleet arrived, and all were recaptured.
Meanwhile France had invaded Holland, and established a sister republic
on her own lines, rendering it necessary for the Stadtholder, the Prince
of Orange, to fly off to England. From Kew, where the king had given him
a residence, he wrote letters to all the Dutch colonies, asking the
authorities to place them in the hands of the British, and treat people
of that nationality as friends and allies. With these despatches British
fleets were sent to all the possessions of Holland, but only one or two
obeyed the command, the result being that the others had to be taken by
force, until hardly a Dutch colony existed in any part of the world.
In October, 1796, Spain joined France on the ground that the British, in
their operations against the enemy, had injured her in several ways. One
of the reasons given was so absurd that we can hardly conceive it to
have been put forth seriously. Great Britain had captured Demerara, and
this put her in a situation to possess positions of greater importance.
Spain, however, got nothing by her taking up the quarrel, for her trade
was absolutely swept from the seas, and communication with America
almost cut off. This state of things became so troublesome that for the
first time in her history neutral vessels were permitted to trade in her
American colonies. She also lost the island of Trinidad, which had
remained in her possession since the days of Ralegh.
Soon the whole of the West Indies and Spanish Main were virtually under
the control of Great Britain, little opportunity being given to her
enemies of crossing the Atlantic. No longer could the Caribbean Sea be
the scene of the great struggle--the forces of the combatants were
wanted nearer home. Now again came the harvest of the little island of
St. Thomas, until Denmark was also numbered among the enemies of the
"Queen of the Seas." Then the United States came to get her pickings as
a neutral, which gave such an impetus to her ship-building and commerce,
that later the seamen trained under such auspices became formidable
rivals to the British.
The colonists did not altogether dislike this great war. True, freights
and insurances were very high, but then the prices of produce were high
also. There was a spice of danger in every voyage, but after all the
risk was not so very great until the vessels came into the Channel. Then
there was a convoy to protect them, and they might even get prize money
by capturing traders of the enemy. Every vessel went armed, and many a
privateer of the enemy got severely beaten by a gallant body of merchant
seamen and passengers. This was a glorious time for the British navy,
but the fleets in the West Indies had little to do after the beginning
of the war. There was a great disturbance on the island of Hispaniola, a
riot in Grenada, troubles in the French islands, and a few skirmishes
here and there, but nothing of much consequence to the British.
There were many small difficulties of course, and the navigation laws
had to be relaxed generally in favour of neutrals, as otherwise
provisions would have been scarce. The Dutch were not altogether
displeased with British rule, for Curaçao, which had not been conquered,
was captured from its French garrison in 1800, at the request of the
inhabitants, whose trade had been entirely stopped. Then the Spanish
colonies came to an arrangement by which much of their produce went
through British hands, and this prevented the neutrals from getting
everything.
In 1802 the peace of Amiens gave France a rest for about ten months,
when she got back her own and the Dutch colonies, leaving Trinidad as an
addition to those of Great Britain. Hardly, however, had they taken
possession, when the treaty was broken, and the British were again in
their midst. A great deal of the work which had been undone by the peace
had now to be undertaken afresh, but it was ultimately accomplished, so
that things went on much the same as before.
The year 1805 was notable for Nelson's trip across the Atlantic in
search of the French fleet, which however fled before him and got back
to Europe. The same year also saw the heroic defence of "H.M.S." Diamond
Rock, which however was not a ship, but an improvised fortress, which
after a long struggle was obliged to capitulate. Hundreds of gallant
exploits were performed in the West Indies by both English and French,
and thus the war went on year after year, until it became something to
be calculated for in commercial transactions. People began to look upon
it almost as a natural state of things, and fathers told their children
that they had peace on one occasion long ago for as many as ten years.
The British had undoubtedly become very arrogant. Their position on the
sea was so supreme that they did much as they pleased with the few
neutrals. This sort of thing did not suit the North American traders,
who were Englishmen also, and like their forefathers resented any
interference whatever. It resulted, therefore, that the United States
declared war in January, 1813, and made the planters understand what
took place "when Greek met Greek." Almost immediately every colony was
pestered and worried by a number of fast-sailing schooners, as dangerous
in a sense as had once been the fly-boats of the buccaneers. The heavy
sugar boats going from plantation to port were captured in great
numbers, and some of the harbours actually blockaded by the "Saucy
Jack," the "Hornet," and other audacious Yankee craft with names as
suggestive of their characters. Then, indeed, the West Indies were
roused from their apathy--war was actually at their doors. However,
peace came at last, and after 1815 it might be expected that the islands
would go on prospering and to prosper.
Such, however, was not the case. In 1807 a great difficulty had come
upon them by the abolition of the slave-trade, which at once put a stop
to all extensions, either in the way of new plantations or of the
acreage under cultivation. This was the first great check, and with the
fall in prices, which ensued when Britain became the consignee of almost
every settlement, caused a cry of "Ruin!" to arise, which has continued
with short intermissions down to the present day.
[Illustration]
XII.
DOWNFALL OF HISPANIOLA.
Before the abolition of the slave-trade had affected the British islands
the French colonies were distracted by the results of their great
revolution. Hispaniola, or rather that portion now known as Hayti, had
become, as we before said, the most important colony; we must now give
the story of its downfall. If this had happened by the fortune of war it
would perhaps not have been so deplorable, but to be utterly ruined as
it was, until even now, after the lapse of a century, it is behind its
neighbours, is very sad.
But, in the struggle for existence the straining after liberty has to be
reckoned with, and although the process causes intense suffering to both
lord and serf--master and slave--the fight is sure to come at some time
or other. Miss Martineau uses the title, "The hour and the man," for her
romance of the liberation of this once flourishing island. The hour had
come, but we are afraid _the man_ has not yet appeared on Hispaniola.
When the French people took the government from the hands of their king
and summoned the States General, revolutionary ideas had already come
to a head, and the matter of slavery received much consideration. In all
the colonies were numbers of free coloured persons, who had been
manumitted by their fathers, and in many cases sent to Europe for their
education. In Paris they were brought into communication with a kind of
anti-slavery society, called _L'Amis des noirs_, before which they had
opportunities of ventilating their grievances. These consisted of civil
disabilities which kept mulattoes in the background, and prevented their
taking what they believed to be their proper positions in society. The
time was fitted for such an agitation, the people were there, and it was
only to be expected that their complaints would come in the long
catalogue of charges against the aristocrats, among whom were included
the West Indian planters. However, although there was little sympathy
with the colonists, nothing particular was done as yet, except the issue
of the celebrated declaration that all men were born, and continued to
be, free and equal as to their political rights. It might be said,
perhaps, that this alone gave freedom to the slave and civil equality to
the mulatto, but as it did not specially apply to them, little trouble
ensued. The planters, however, were sufficiently acute to see the
logical outcome of the declaration, and were correspondingly troubled,
as they felt that if published among the negroes it might convert them
into implacable enemies, and bring on dangerous insurrections. They were
soon pacified, however, by orders to convene provincial assemblies, and
send representatives to Paris: this they thought would prevent
mischief, as their interests could be made known and promoted in
France.
[Illustration: VIEW OF PART OF HISPANIOLA.
(_From Andrews' "West Indies."_)]
The free coloured people soon heard the news, and at once began to claim
their rights as citizens, which the planters were by no means prepared
to grant. On this refusal they began to arm themselves, and make
demonstrations in various parts of Hayti, but at first were easily put
down by the authorities. As yet there was little ill-feeling; the
demonstrations were only alarming from their significance and their
possible consequences. It followed, therefore, that little was done
beyond a demand for submission, the mulattoes being allowed to disperse
on promising to keep the peace. A few whites, however, who had been
leaders in the agitation, were severely punished, and when a certain
Mons. Dubois not only advocated the claims of the coloured people, but
the slaves as well, he was banished from the colony.
Mons. de Beaudierre, a _ci-devant_ magistrate, also helped to add to the
trouble. He was enamoured of a coloured woman, who owned a valuable
plantation, and wanted to marry her, but at the same time wished to see
her free from all civil disabilities. Accordingly he drew up a memorial
to the committee of his section, claiming for the mulattoes the full
benefit of the national declaration of rights. This roused the
authorities, who at once arrested him, but so strong was the feeling of
the whites that they took the prisoner from gaol and put him to death.
The agitation in Hayti as well as in Martinique led to petitions and
remonstrances to the National Assembly, and on the 8th of March, 1790,
the majority voted that it was never intended to comprehend the internal
government of the colonies in the constitution of the mother country, or
to subject them to laws incompatible with their local conditions. They
therefore authorised the inhabitants of each colony to signify their
wishes, and promised that, as long as the plans suggested were
conformable to the mutual interests of the colonies and the metropolis,
they would not cause any innovations.
This of course raised a clamour among the friends of the blacks and
mulattoes, who considered it as sanctioning the slave-trade, which they
wanted to put down. In Hayti the General Assembly met and made some
radical changes, which were opposed by many of the old colonists, and
this brought discord among the whites. The Governor dissolved the
Assembly, but this only brought more trouble, for the subordinate
Western body took the part of the General Assembly, and went so far that
the Governor tried to suppress it by force. But the members put
themselves under the protection of the national guard who resisted the
troops sent against them, and after a short skirmish drove them off.
Thus all authority was put at defiance by the whites, when if they
wanted to keep down the coloured and black people, it was of the
greatest consequence that union should exist. The General Convention
called the colony to arms, but, before actually commencing hostilities,
they resolved to proceed to France, and lay the whole matter before the
Convention. Accordingly to the number of eighty-five they sailed on the
8th of August, 1790, the authorities also agreeing to await the result.
Among the coloured residents in France was a young man named James Ogé,
the son of a mulatto woman by a white man, whose mother owned a coffee
plantation. He was a regular attendant at the meetings of the friends of
the blacks, where, under such men as Lafayette and Robespierre, he had
been initiated into the doctrine of the equal rights of men. On hearing
of the vote of non-interference with the colonies, Ogé, maddened by the
thought that the civil disabilities of people of his colour would be
continued, resolved to go himself to Hayti. He was confident that the
people there would join him, and going out by way of the United States
he obtained there a good supply of arms, with which he arrived in
October of the same year.
Six weeks after his arrival he wrote to the Governor, demanding that all
the privileges of the whites should be extended to every other person,
without distinction. As representing the coloured people he made this
request, and if their wrongs were not at once redressed, he said, they
were prepared to take up arms. He had already been joined by his two
brothers, and they were busy calling upon their friends to insist,
assuring them that France approved of their claim. But with all his
efforts he could get but few followers, the same difficulty cropping up
here as in most of the slave insurrections--a want of the power of
combination under one of their own race. However, he at last got
together two hundred, and, receiving no answer from the Governor, they
commenced a series of raids on the plantations. Ogé cautioned them
against bloodshed, but the first white man that fell into their hands
was murdered, and others soon met with the same fate. Even mulattoes,
who refused to join the insurgents, were treated the same way; one man
who pointed to his wife and six children, as a reason for his refusal,
being murdered with them.
The Governor now sent out a body of troops and militia to suppress the
revolt, with the result that Ogé was defeated, and obliged to take
refuge with the remnant of his followers in the Spanish colony of St.
Domingo. The whites were now roused, and began to cry out for vengeance
upon the coloured people in general, whether they had sympathised with
Ogé or not. In self-defence they had to take up arms in several places,
but by conciliation on the part of the authorities a general
insurrection was averted for the time. A new Governor now arrived, and
one of his first acts was to demand the extradition of Ogé by the
Spaniards, which, being done, he was executed by breaking alive upon the
wheel. In his last confession he is said to have stated that a plot was
then hatching for the destruction of all the whites, but little notice
was taken of this information. The whites believed that now the leader
was dead things would go on in the old way, but, unfortunately for them,
they were mistaken.
Meanwhile the delegates had arrived in France, where they were
honourably received. After an interview with a Committee of the
Convention, however, they were informed that their decrees were
reversed, the Haytian Assembly dissolved, and they themselves under
arrest. This, when the news reached the colony, put the whites into a
state of consternation, and for awhile it appeared as if Hayti would be
the scene of a civil war. Captain Mauduit, who had led the force against
the assembly, was murdered by his own troops, and preparations were made
to resist the authorities.
The planters thought these arbitrary measures of France very oppressive,
but they had yet to learn how far the revolutionists might go. In May,
1791, the matter of equal rights for the coloured people came up before
the National Convention, and their claim was strongly advocated by
Robespierre and others. It was now that the words, "Perish the colonies
rather than sacrifice one of our principles," were uttered by that
bloodthirsty revolutionist, to afterwards become a stock quotation of
the extremist in every country. The result of the discussion was the
decree of May the 15th, that the people of colour resident in the French
colonies, and born of free parents, should be allowed all the privileges
of French citizens; to have votes, and be eligible for election to the
parochial and colonial assemblies.
This brought on a crisis in Hayti. The coloured people were determined
to obtain their rights, and the planters equally resolved that they
should remain as before. The Governor was so much alarmed that he at
once sent to France for further assistance, at the same time asking for
the suspension of the obnoxious decree. Hearing of this, the mulattoes
began to assemble and take up arms, and the Governor hardly dared to
take action pending the result of his application.
On the morning of the 23rd of August, 1791, the people of Cape François
were alarmed by reports that the slaves in the neighbourhood were in
open revolt, plundering the plantations and murdering the whites. The
disturbance had commenced with the hewing in pieces of a young white
apprentice on Pin. Noé, which murder was followed by a general massacre
of every white man, except the surgeon, who was spared that he might
become useful. From one estate to another the revolt spread, until the
whole neighbourhood was a scene of murder, fire, and rapine. The white
townspeople put their women and children on board the ships, and then
united for a stubborn defence, but the coloured men wanted to remain
neutral. This roused such a strong feeling that even at that critical
time the whites had to be prevented by the authorities from murdering
the mulattoes. By thus protecting the mulattoes their good-will was
gained, and they volunteered to go out against the rebels.
Amidst the glare of a hundred conflagrations a strong body of men was
collected and sent against the negroes. They defeated one body of four
hundred, but accessions were continually made to the side of the rebels,
until their overpowering numbers compelled the whites to retreat, and do
their best to save the town. The revolt had been continually spreading,
and now extended over the whole country, coloured people joining the
negroes in their work of destruction. One planter was nailed to a gate,
and then had his limbs cut off, one after another; a carpenter was sawn
asunder, on the ground that this mode of execution suited his trade; and
two mulatto sons killed their white father, notwithstanding his prayers
and promises. White, and even coloured children, were killed without
mercy at the breasts of their mothers, and young women were violated
before the eyes of their parents. Here and there the horror was relieved
by kind actions on the part of faithful slaves, who, while joining in
the revolt for their own safety, saved their masters and mistresses.
The inhabitants of the town did all they could by sorties, but this was
very little. The rebels would run away at the first onset, but only to
return in overpowering numbers. A few were taken and broken on the
wheel, others fell in the skirmishes, but the insurrection still went
on. It spread to the neighbourhood of Port au Prince, but, on the
inhabitants of that town agreeing to enforce the obnoxious decree, the
rebels retired. This action was at last followed by those of Cape
François, and a partial truce ensued. In two months, it was said, a
thousand plantations were destroyed, and ten thousand blacks and two
thousand whites killed.
The news of this great disaster caused a revulsion of feeling in Paris,
and the decree which had caused so much trouble was annulled on the 24th
of September, before the results of the insurrection and the truces were
known. The arrangement had been come to at Port au Prince on the 11th of
the same month, and on the 20th at Cape François. Thus almost at the
time when it was being repealed the colonists were promising to see it
enforced.
It is hardly necessary to say what could be the only result of the
arrival of this revocation. The struggle was renewed, and all hopes of
reconciliation were at an end. The coloured party charged the whites
with treachery and duplicity; now they would fight until one or the
other was exterminated. They captured Port St. Louis, but got a severe
repulse from Port au Prince. Both sides were desperate, and although
there were fewer massacres in cold blood the rebels fell in thousands.
But as they were so numerous this slaughter made little impression.
Even when the prisoners were tortured with a refinement of cruelty
hardly credible, no good resulted from such examples. The time for all
that had passed, yet the whites nailed one poor mulatto by the feet in a
cart, and had him driven round the neighbourhood as a spectacle, before
breaking him on the wheel.
In January, 1792, three commissioners arrived from France to attempt a
reconciliation, which they commenced by publishing the decree revoking
the rights of the coloured people. Then they proclaimed a general
amnesty for all who should surrender within a given time. Such utter
ignorance as was thus shown has hardly been equalled in any age; we can
only ascribe it to the fact that the scum had risen to the top. The
mulattoes were roused to fury, and the whites equally exasperated. At
Petit Goave the rebels held thirty-four white prisoners, and at once
they were brought forth to be broken on the wheel, previous to which the
proclamation of amnesty was read to them, their executioners mockingly
claiming it as a pardon for the cruelties they were exercising.
This sort of thing, however, could not go on very long. Most of the
plantations and provision grounds had been destroyed, and both parties
felt the want of food. Unless something were done they would all be
starved; for without means of buying supplies even the whites could
hardly exist, while the blacks did nothing to raise further crops in
place of those they had eaten or destroyed. France again made an attempt
to put matters straight by declaring, on the 4th of April, 1792, that
the people of colour and free negroes ought to enjoy equal political
rights with other citizens. New assemblies were to be called, in the
election of which they should be allowed to vote; a new Governor of
Hayti was appointed, and new commissioners sent out to inquire into the
whole matter.
The Governor and the commission arrived at Cape François on the 13th of
September, and finding everything in confusion, they sent the late
administrator to France as a prisoner, and called a new assembly. Then
the commissioners put themselves in communication with the rebels, which
made the whites think them about to emancipate the slaves. This was
followed by a dispute between them and the Governor, and the appointment
of yet another head, who arrived in May, 1793. He refused to recognise
the commissioners, but they were not so easily set aside, for having the
whole power of the colony under control, they took possession of Port au
Prince, Jacmel, and Cape François, afterwards ordering the Governor to
leave. This led to another war, in which the coloured rebels and even
negroes were utilised by the commissioners, who thus, in a way,
sanctioned the revolt. Similar atrocities to those formerly enacted were
renewed, and again the colony was distracted in every part.
The ruined planters now lost all hope, and began to leave for the United
States, Jamaica, and other colonies. Some went to England, especially
those Royalists who attributed all their disasters to the revolution.
Here they began to urge the British to conquer Hayti, although as yet
war had not been declared with France. In September, 1793, an
expedition was sent from Jamaica, and on its arrival at Jeremie the
British were apparently welcomed by the whites. But the colony was so
utterly distracted that little could be done, and although they took
Port au Prince they were repulsed at Cape Tiberon. Then sickness fell
upon them--"Yellow Jack"--and this, with the delay of reinforcements,
made all prospects of success quite hopeless. With a foreign enemy at
hand the commissioners did all they could to reconcile the parties, and
to this end, just before the landing of the British, proclaimed complete
emancipation of all the slaves, which was ratified in Paris on the 4th
of February, 1794. This brought the whole body of rebels together, and
the position of the enemy became untenable. Finally came the cession of
the Spanish part of the island to France, and now it might be supposed
that something could be done to restore peace.
This repulse of the British was greatly due to the influence of a very
remarkable personage, Toussaint L'Ouverture, a pure negro, and lately a
slave. He had joined the revolt from its commencement, and had succeeded
in gaining such an influence over his race as had hitherto been unknown
in any slave insurrection. As soon as the general emancipation had been
declared, he was so grateful that he joined the French, heart and soul,
drove out the British, put down the mulattoes, and was appointed
Commander-in-chief of the united forces. In 1801 he became virtually
Dictator of the whole island, and was made President for life, with the
result that many plantations were re-established, and the colony was
making slow progress towards recovery.
Napoleon Buonaparte has been much lauded for his diplomacy, but he
certainly knew nothing of the West Indies. After the peace of Amiens he
had a little time to look after the colonies, and Hayti was among the
first to receive attention. Toussaint was then almost at the height of
his power, and had prepared a Constitution which was laid before
Napoleon, on reading which the First Consul said it was an outrage on
the honour of France, and the work of a revolted slave, whom they must
punish. It was true that the black President was virtually independent.
He lived in the palace at St. Domingo, and, with his councillors of all
colours, enacted the part of a little sovereign. To crown his audacity,
he, in July, 1801, proclaimed the independence of the island, and
himself as supreme chief.
This roused the anger of Napoleon, who retaliated by a proclamation
re-establishing slavery in the island--a measure so foolish that even
the planters themselves saw the impossibility of carrying it out. To
reduce the negroes again to servitude was utterly impossible, even with
all the power France could then bring into the island. However, it was
attempted with a force of thirty thousand men and sixty-six ships of
war. When this immense fleet arrived at Cape François the town was
commanded by the negro Christophe, who, finding himself unable to cope
with such a force, burnt the palace and withdrew. The French landed and
sent two sons of Toussaint, who had been sent to France for their
education, and to whom they had given a passage to their father,
bearing a letter from Napoleon, offering him great honours if he would
declare his allegiance. All that Toussaint said in reply was that he
would be faithful to his brethren and his God, and with that he allowed
his sons to return.
As yet the declaration that slavery was to be re-established had not
been published, and the negroes were working the plantations on a share
of the crop, with penalties for idleness. The French tried to put the
negroes against Toussaint, in which they succeeded to some extent, the
result being that civil war was renewed, and that the power of the black
chieftain was broken. Then the general thought it time to issue the
proclamation, which fell upon his negro allies like a thunder-clap, and
made them again rally round Toussaint. Thus almost everything which had
been gained was utterly and for ever lost.
Now the French tried a little double-dealing. The general stated in a
new proclamation that ignorance had led him hastily to fall into error,
and that to prevent anything of the same kind, and to provide for the
future welfare and liberty of all, he convened an assembly of
representatives of all the inhabitants, regardless of colour. This won
over the leaders, and finally peace was concluded with Toussaint. The
fallen president wished to retire to his estate and into private life,
but having been cordially invited to meet the general to discuss with
him the welfare of the colony, he was seized at the interview and put on
board a French frigate, which immediately sailed for France. Here he
was imprisoned for life without trial, and finally allowed to starve by
withholding food and water for four days.
The negroes again rose, and the soldiers were by this time so weakened
by yellow fever, which even carried off the Governor, that little could
be done against the rebels. Yet everything possible was attempted.
Bloodhounds were brought from Cuba to worry the rebels to death; they
were shot and taken into the sea to be drowned in strings. Dessalines
had now become their leader, and on the 29th of November, 1803, he with
Christophe and Clervaux, the other rebel chiefs, issued the St. Domingo
declaration of independence. Restored to their primitive dignity the
black and coloured people proclaimed their rights, and swore never to
yield them to any power on earth. "The frightful veil of prejudice is
torn to pieces, and is so for ever; woe be to whomsoever would dare
again to put together its bloody tatters." The landholders were not
forbidden to return if they renounced their old errors and acknowledged
the justice of the cause for which the blacks had been spilling their
blood for twelve years. As for those who affected to believe themselves
destined by Heaven to be masters and tyrants, if they came it would be
to meet chains or to be quickly expelled. They had sworn not to listen
to clemency for those who dared to speak of the restoration of slavery.
Nothing was too costly a sacrifice for liberty, and every means was
lawful to employ against those who wished to suppress it. Were they to
cause rivers and torrents of blood to flow--were they to fire half the
globe to maintain it--they would be innocent before the tribunal of
Providence.
This declaration was followed on the 30th of March, 1804, by an address
of Dessalines, in which he said that everything that reminded them of
France also reminded them of the cruelties of Frenchmen. There still
remained, he said, Frenchmen on their island--creatures, alas! of their
indulgence; when would they be tired of breathing the same air? Their
cruelty, when compared with the patient moderation of the blacks--their
difference in colour--everything said that they were not brothers, and
would never become so. If they continued to find an asylum, troubles and
dissensions would be sure to continue. "Citizens, inhabitants of Hayti,
men, women, girls, children, cast your eyes upon each point of the
island! Seek in it, you, your wives; you, your husbands; you, your
sisters!" Their ashes were in the grave, and they had not avenged their
deaths. Let the blacks learn that they had done nothing if they did not
give the nations a terrible but just example of the vengeance of a brave
people, who had recovered liberty, and were jealous to maintain it.
They were again roused, and from the 29th of April to the 14th of May an
indiscriminate massacre of the whites took place, as many as 2,500 being
killed during the fifteen days. On the 28th of April Dessalines issued a
manifesto congratulating them on their success. At length, he said, the
hour of vengeance had arrived, and the implacable enemies of the rights
of man had suffered the punishment due to their crimes. His arm had too
long delayed to strike, but at the signal, which the justice of God had
urged, they had brought the axe to bear upon the ancient tree of slavery
and prejudice. In vain had time and the infernal politics of Europe
surrounded it with triple brass. They had become, like their natural
enemies, cruel and merciless. Like a mighty torrent their vengeful fury
had carried away everything in its impetuous course. "Thus perish all
tyrants over innocence and all oppressors of mankind!" Where was that
evil and unworthy Haytian who thought he had not accomplished the
decrees of the Eternal by exterminating those bloodthirsty tigers? "If
there be one, let him fly--indignant nature discards him from our
bosom--let him hide his shame far from hence! The air we breathe is not
suited to his gross organs--it is the pure air of liberty, august and
triumphant." Yes, they had rendered war for war, crime for crime,
outrage for outrage. He had saved his country--he had avenged America.
He made this avowal in the face of earth and heaven--it was his pride
and glory. Black and yellow, whom the duplicity of Europeans had
endeavoured to divide, now made but one family--he advised them to
maintain that precious concord and happy harmony. In order to strengthen
the tie let them call to remembrance the catalogue of atrocities--the
abominable project of massacring the whole population, unblushingly
proposed to him by the French authorities. Let that nation which was mad
enough to attack him, come--let them bring their cohorts of homicides.
He would allow them to land, but woe to those who approached the
mountains! "Never again shall a colonist or a European set his foot
upon this territory with the title of master or proprietor."
On the 8th of October the writer of these bloodthirsty addresses was
crowned as Jacques the First, Emperor of Hayti.
In 1808 an attempt was made on the part of Spain to regain her old
colony on the eastern part of the island, where France still maintained
a nominal supremacy. Spain was now an ally of Great Britain, and, with
the aid of British troops, she took St. Domingo and retained this part
of the island until 1821, when a revolution took place and it became
independent, to be almost immediately united with its sister republic.
Meanwhile the Emperor Jacques did not long enjoy his throne in peace,
for he was murdered by his coloured soldiers on the 17th of October,
1806. A republic followed, under the presidency of General Petion, who
was at the head of the mulattoes, but did not agree with the blacks.
This led to a division, the north, with Cape François as the capital,
coming into the hands of the negro Christophe, who got himself crowned
as the Emperor Henry the First; the southern district, with Port au
Prince, forming a republic under President Petion.
Henry was a man of good common sense, but like most negroes, much
inclined to ape the whites. One of his toasts at a dinner was
characteristic: "My brother, the king of Great Britain, and may he be
successful against Buonaparte, and continue the barrier between that
tyrant and this kingdom." He created a legion of honour, called the
Order of St. Henry, built a palace, and began to acquire a fleet; he
gave balls and encouraged operas, had a great seal, gave titles of
nobility, and procured a set of regalia and jewels, with velvet robes
and all other appendages of royalty. Under his rule the country
flourished, for he would have no idlers. Yet he was a tyrant, and at
last, in 1820, he was attacked by his own guard, and committed suicide
to prevent falling into their hands. President Boyer, who had succeeded
Petion, now took advantage of the confusion to incorporate the two
districts, and two years later he added the revolted Spanish portion,
thus bringing the whole island under one rule, the presidency of which
he held for twenty-two years.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
XIII.
EMANCIPATION OF THE SPANISH MAIN.
The influence of the French Revolution was felt in most of the other
islands, but nowhere did it lead to such disasters as befel Hispaniola.
In 1795 there was an insurrection in the island of Grenada, where the
coloured people, under French influence, nearly drove the English out of
the colony. Even when defeated they held their own in the mountains for
about a year, committing many atrocities on the whites who fell into
their hands. In most of the French islands there were insurrections more
or less dangerous, some of which were put down by the British
conquerors, who thus helped to keep the peace. It could not be expected,
however, that small places like Martinique and Guadeloupe would ever
have made such stubborn resistance as the great island of Hispaniola.
A very great impression was made on the Spanish colonies, who during the
war, owing to the distracted condition of the mother country, attained
to a degree of freedom hitherto beyond their reach. This led to
unfavourable comparisons between past and present, and the feeling that
grew up was fomented by the British, who now had many opportunities
from the measure of free trade which resulted from the peculiar
circumstances of that period. Secret societies were then common all over
Europe, and in Spain they were not wanting. In the early years of this
century one of the most energetic members was Francisco Miranda, a
native of Caracas, who had been a soldier under Washington, and had
distinguished himself by his prominence in many of the revolutionary
projects of the time. He was the prime organiser of the Creoles of South
America, and under his auspices the "Gran Reunion Americana" was founded
in London. Bolivar and San Martin were initiated into this society, and
took its oath to fight for the emancipation of South America. Miranda
did his best to ensure the co-operation of Great Britain and the United
States, but failing in this, determined to get up one or more
insurrections without their assistance.
On the 27th of March, 1806, he sailed with three vessels and two hundred
men from Jacmel, Hayti, and on the 11th of April arrived at the Dutch
island of Aruba, from whence the little company proceeded to Puerto
Cabello. The demonstration, however, was nipped in the bud, for two of
his vessels being almost immediately captured by the Spaniards, Miranda
was obliged to fly in the other to Barbados. Here he met Admiral
Cochrane, with whom he entered into an arrangement for British
assistance. Conceiving that it might be mutually advantageous to Great
Britain and the Spanish provinces that the latter should be freed from
the yoke of Spain, the admiral agreed to support him in a descent on
Venezuela, between the coasts opposite Trinidad and Aruba. The only
stipulation was for free trade with Great Britain as against her
enemies, and with that Miranda went off to Trinidad.
Here he hoped to gain recruits from among the Spanish people of the
island, to whom he issued an address. The glorious opportunity, he said,
presented itself of relieving from oppression and arbitrary government a
people who were worthy of a better fate, but who were shackled by a
despotism too cruel for human nature longer to endure. Groaning under
their afflictions they hailed with extended arms the noble cause of
freedom and independence, and called upon them to share the God-like
action of relieving them.
This stirring address made little impression, and consequently few
followers were enrolled. However, he got eight armed vessels and two
traders, and sailed from Trinidad on the 25th of July, 1806, for Coro on
the Main. The fort and city were taken, but the people, instead of
joyfully welcoming their deliverers, ran away and could not be induced
to return. Miranda, finding the place untenable, went over to Aruba, of
which he took possession as a basis for further operations. But the
British authorities looked upon his scheme as impracticable, especially
as it tended to injure their trade, and in November Miranda was
compelled to disband his little company of less than three hundred at
Trinidad.
The time for a revolution had not yet arrived, but it was fast
approaching. It could not be expected that Great Britain would assist
filibustering against her ally, which Spain now became, and without some
outside assistance Miranda found it impossible to do anything. However,
the people themselves were at last aroused, and on the 19th of April,
1810, the city of Caracas deposed the captain-general and appointed a
Junta to rule in the name of the king. This body invited the other
provinces to join and form a league for mutual protection against the
French, who now had virtual possession of the mother country. Other
provinces took the Government side and prepared to suppress the revolt,
which led Caracas to ask the assistance of Great Britain and the United
States.
Among the Venezuelans was Simon Bolivar, who afterwards became the most
important personage in the struggle for independence. Like Miranda, he
was a native of South America, and like him had imbibed revolutionary
ideas in Paris. He was a planter, and had taken no part in the overthrow
of the captain-general, but from his principles being well known, he was
appointed with others to proceed to London in the interests of the
Junta. On their arrival they were answered cautiously, the authorities
not wishing to commit themselves under the circumstances. Here Bolivar
met Miranda, and took the oath of the "Gran Reunion," promising to work
for the independence of South America, notwithstanding his nominal
position as an advocate of the king of Spain against Napoleon.
Meanwhile the Spanish Regency had proclaimed the leaders of the movement
to be rebels, declaring war against them and blockading their ports.
The Central Junta responded by raising an army, which was defeated with
considerable loss at Coro and had to retire on Caracas. This caused some
discouragement, but Miranda now arrived, was welcomed with an ovation,
and appointed lieutenant-general of the army. He was also asked to draw
up a constitution and to become one of the deputies at the first
congress of Venezuela to be held in March, 1811.
[Illustration: LA GUAYRA ON THE MAIN.
(_From Andrews' "West Indies."_)]
No longer was there any question of the French, the struggle was for
entire independence. A civil war began, which raged with varying
fortunes for twelve years, in the course of which were enacted scenes
more worthy of the days of buccaneers than the beginning of the
nineteenth century. In 1812 Caracas was destroyed by an earthquake, and
in another locality perished the greater portion of a thousand men,
marching against the Spaniards. It was reported that those provinces
where the revolution had most influence suffered greatest, while those
more loyal almost escaped. This was due to the fact that the mountainous
region, in which Caracas is situated, felt the full effect of the
earthquake, but the priests, who were mostly loyalists, told the
ignorant peasantry that it was a judgment on the Patriots. The result
was that large bodies deserted, until the whole Patriot army became
disorganised. Miranda was captured and sent to Spain, where he died in
prison in 1816, but Bolivar managed to escape.
New Granada had revolted before Venezuela and was more successful. It
was to this province that Bolivar retired after the downfall of the
Patriot cause in Venezuela. Then the Spanish captain-general,
Monteverde, who was called "the Pacificator," commenced his work by
imprisoning so many Patriots that the gaols were choked, and many died
of hunger and suffocation. In the country districts he let his troops
ravage and plunder like hordes of banditti. Even his superiors were at
length compelled to recall him on account of the numerous complaints and
petitions. At last the people were again fairly roused, until there came
a war of extermination, in which both parties tried to outvie the other
in murder and rapine.
Off the peninsula of Paria lay the small island of Chacachacare, and on
it forty-five fugitives took refuge, where they consulted as to the
renewal of the war. With only six muskets and some pistols, they landed
on the coast on the 13th of March, 1813, surprised the guard of Güiria,
took their arms and marched into the town, where they were joined by the
garrison, making their number two hundred. Thus began the second war, in
which the Patriots, assisted by the return of Bolivar and a body of
troops from New Granada, again took possession of a large part of the
province. On the 15th of June Bolivar proclaimed extermination to the
Royalists, and named the year, the third of independence and first of
the war to the death. This severity created many enemies in Venezuela,
as well as in other countries, and even Bolivar himself afterwards said
that the proclamation had been issued in a delirium. However, the result
was that both sides became more ferocious than ever, especially when the
Indians were induced to join the Patriots.
On the 6th of August Bolivar entered Caracas in triumph. The bells rang,
cannons roared, and the people cheered him as their liberator. His path
was strewn with flowers, blessings were called down upon his head, and
beautiful girls, dressed in white and the national colours, led his
horse and crowned him with laurel. The prison doors were opened, the
Patriots set free, and, in spite of his proclamation, no act of
retaliation sullied his triumph. Two days later he re-established the
republic and proclaimed himself Dictator as well as liberator.
There were now two Dictators in Venezuela, Marino in the east and
Bolivar in the west, but the Spaniards were by no means conquered.
Bolivar published another decree on the 6th of September, that all
Americans who were even suspected of being Royalists were traitors to
their country, and should be treated as such. Ten days later twelve
thousand men arrived from Spain, and Bolivar, who had been besieging
Puerto Cabello, was forced to retire. This encouraged the Royalists, who
got the llaneros of the Orinoco on their side by promises of freedom to
kill and plunder in the cause of the king, and threats of punishing by
death all who disregarded the call to arms.
Bolivar was captain-general, but he shared his power with Marino, the
rights of both resting on force alone. To put an end to this, an
assembly of notables was convened at Caracas, to whom he resigned his
office, and then accepted it again at their request. But the Patriots,
even when united, were as yet unable to stand before the Spanish army,
and very shortly afterwards their flag was only visible on the island
of Margarita. Bolivar again took refuge in New Granada, where he was
elected captain-general, and entitled Liberator and Illustrious
Pacificator. He, however, quarrelled with the Governor of Carthagena,
and was forced to fly to Jamaica, saying before his departure that
Carthagena preferred her own destruction to obedience to the federal
government.
In 1815, after the great peace, Marshal Morillo came out with 10,600 men
selected from the army that had fought against Napoleon. He was to
reduce the whole of the Main from Spanish Guiana to Darien, dealing
first with Margarita. In the course of a year he did this, committing
such atrocities as made his name a byword over the whole of South
America. In the siege of Carthagena, which lasted about three months,
the Patriots suffered greatly, hundreds dying of starvation; but at
last, on the 6th of December, 1815, it was captured. An amnesty was
proclaimed, but in spite of that four hundred old men, women, and
children who surrendered were all killed, while most of the stronger men
who survived managed to escape.
The remnant of the Patriots was now scattered over the country as
guerillas, and while Morillo was subduing New Granada a fresh signal for
a general revolt was given. The Royalist Governor, in November, 1815,
ordered the arrest of Arismendi, who had been pardoned, and at once the
Margaritans rose, took possession of a part of the island, captured the
fort, and killed the whole garrison. At the same time the guerillas
united under Paez, who now came to the front as a llanero and leader of
his class. Thus the struggle was resumed with all its former virulence.
Bolivar, when he heard of the fall of Carthagena, went over to
Hispaniola to meet President Petion, who was an ardent supporter of the
revolution. Here he received assistance of arms and money, with which he
began to fit out an expedition to recover his lost position. There were
many refugees from the Main on that island, but they were not altogether
friendly with the late Dictator, however Petion managed to secure their
co-operation. It followed, therefore, that on the 16th of March, 1816,
three hundred Patriots left for Margarita, where they captured two
Spanish vessels and united with their fellow-countrymen under Arismendi.
Going over to the Main they soon got together a powerful force which
overran the whole country and ultimately achieved its independence.
But before this happened the Patriots met with many reverses. Sometimes
it appeared as if they would be utterly exterminated; then the tide
turned in their favour and they were again successful. The country was
devastated by both parties, until cultivation was abandoned in many
districts. Provisions for the armies were often unattainable, and this
drove the soldiers to plunder wherever there was an opportunity, no
matter that the sufferers were of their own party.
The struggle was watched with sympathy by the people of England, and
Canning went so far as to make a declaration of neutrality favourable to
the Patriots. Then came a systematic attempt to raise British
volunteers, and, as there were many officers and men who had been
disbanded since the great peace, a considerable force was raised.
Carried away by enthusiasm they would hear nothing of the difficulties
and dangers they had to encounter, but rushed to fight in the ranks of a
people striving to liberate themselves from the grossest oppression. The
country was represented as a perfect paradise, and the officers were
promised grants of land in this delightful Eden, while the men had
offers of double the pay of the British army. A similar call was also
made in Germany with good results, and it was expected that what with
the British Legion and this other contingent the result would be no
longer doubtful.
On their arrival at Margarita, however, they at once began to perceive
that poverty reigned everywhere, and that no provision whatever had been
made for them. The Patriots foraged for themselves, and anything like a
commissariat was virtually unknown; but British soldiers were not
accustomed to such a state of things. Then the food supply was at the
best only live cattle, which they had to kill for themselves, cassava
bread, and a few roots such as yams. The rations were so irregular, that
one or two days would pass without any supply whatever, and this
ultimately led to complaints and something like a mutiny, which was put
down with the "cat."
After some delay the British Legion was sent on to the Main, where they
were worse off than in Margarita. Instead of welcoming them, the
Patriots seemed to be jealous, and did not even give them the
opportunity of fighting as they wished. When posted before Cumaná they
were exposed to the burning sun and drenching rains, without tents or
any other shelter; their drinking water was stagnant and brackish, and
for rations had only a pound of beef per day for each man, from oxen
which they had to butcher. They were also greatly shocked at the
enormities of the Patriots, who carried on the struggle in a manner
suggestive of the Middle Ages rather than modern days. Prisoners were
indiscriminately massacred, their murderers enjoying the work as if it
were a recreation. It is true that in the then condition of the country
large bodies of prisoners could neither be fed nor guarded; still the
British could not but feel that the cause they had joined was not
altogether what it had been represented. Want of proper food led to
sickness, and soon they became quite broken down. Many died of fever and
dysentery, some deserted and got away as best they could, the general
result being that little benefit was derived from the British Legion by
Venezuela.
If such was the experience of the foreigners, what must have been that
of the Patriots? They were certainly more used to the country and its
food, and therefore suffered less from sickness; but this advantage was
lost when it came to actual starvation. With the men engaged in the
struggle, only the women and children were left to cultivate enough
cassava to keep body and soul together. Even this little was often
stolen by a foraging party, who did not hesitate to murder the whole
family if any objection was made. Fugitives, if not cut off, made their
way in canoes to Trinidad and Demerara, often arriving almost dead from
the privations they had endured. Delicate Spanish ladies and little
children sometimes arrived--their pitiable condition causing an outflow
of sympathy from the planters, and a feeling of detestation for their
persecutors.
At the commencement of the year 1820 the Columbian Republic had become
an accomplished fact, and on the 25th of November an armistice was
concluded between Morillo and Bolivar, which virtually ended the
struggle. The United States had looked upon it with favour, and
Lafayette in France said that opposition to the independence of the New
World would only cause suffering, but not imperil the idea. In 1823 the
celebrated Monroe doctrine was formulated, and Canning said in the same
year that the battle was won and Spanish America was free.
Central America had not suffered like Venezuela and New Granada. From
Mexico to Panama was the old captain-generalship of Guatemala, but
little interest was taken in the province, Spain leaving it almost
entirely in the hands of the Catholic Missions. It was not until
Columbia had gained her independence that Guatemala moved in the same
direction, although there were slight disturbances in Costa Rica and
Nicaragua from 1813 to 1815. At first there was a project to found a
kingdom, but this gave way to the proposal for union with Mexico under
the Emperor Iturbide, which was carried out, but did not last long. In
1823 Central America established a Federal Republic, and at once
abolished slavery and declared the slave-trade to be piracy--a decision
to which the other revolted colonies came about the same time.
[Illustration]
XIV.
ABOLITION OF SLAVERY.
Negro slavery, although it formed the sinews and backbone of the
plantations, was, as we have seen, considered unjust by the French
republicans and immoral by a large section of the benevolent in Great
Britain and the United States. In both countries the Society of Friends,
or Quakers, commenced to influence public opinion against its
continuance as early as about 1770, and had it not been for the French
Revolution it is probable that emancipation would have taken place early
in this century. The premature and inconsiderate action of the French in
Hayti lost to France her most valuable plantation, for some years giving
such an example of what might happen were emancipation to be granted
elsewhere, that those in favour of the system could always point to it
with the finger of warning. Yet with all that the friends of the slave
were undaunted; and as a beginning, in 1807, they procured the abolition
of the slave-trade as far as Great Britain and her colonies were
concerned, and then went on to get the traffic prohibited by other
nations. Denmark had led the van by declaring it unlawful as early as
1792, but little impression was made until the nation most concerned
took action.
This was a great blow to the British West Indies. The labour question
had always been of the first importance, and to put a sudden stop to the
supply meant a check to all progress. For twenty years before a great
impetus had been given to planting, which was much assisted by the
downfall of Hayti and consequent reduction of her produce to such an
extent that she no longer affected the market. Now that the planters
could get no more negroes, anything like enlargement of the acreage
under cultivation was impossible. Latterly, also, produce had diminished
in price, which made cheap labour all the more important. They had great
difficulty in making their estates pay, and when sugar fell to half its
former value a cry of "Ruin!" went forth all over the West Indies. It is
interesting to note that the panacea which they expected would save them
was free trade. At that time the British warehouses were filled with
sugar and other tropical produce, while every continental port was
closed by Napoleon, and the United States by the navigation laws. Not
only did Great Britain store the produce of her own colonies, but that
from those of the French and Dutch as well. In 1812 it was stated that
the sugar consumption of Great Britain amounted to 225,000 hogsheads,
while the production of her colonies was 150,000 in excess of this. The
Southern States had just taken up cotton cultivation, and brought the
price of that article too low for the West Indian planter, and, as if
that were not enough, coffee also fell in price to an alarming extent.
Sugar paid best, and was therefore fostered to the exclusion of the
other products; and now began the plantation system which became so
obnoxious to the anti-slavery party. Hitherto, with a full supply of
labour, the negroes did little work as compared with their
capabilities--now something like the factory system of the mother
country was introduced. The old methods would no longer enable the
planter to get a profit, and he must make the best of his labour supply.
Great administrative ability, more careful management, attention to
economy, and concentration, were all necessary to prevent losses, and
that these were not wanting can easily be seen from the results. The
slaves were driven into the field in gangs, and kept at work by the
threat of the driver's whip, while the overseers and manager gave most
careful attention to the whole system.
Not only did the negroes work, but the whites also; in fact, on the part
of the latter there was a continual strain after a fortune on which to
retire from this tiresome and harassing work of nigger-driving. Where
one succeeded, ten failed; many died of the exposure and of the
_anti-malarial_ drinks they imbibed so plentifully. So great was the
mortality that the colonies became proverbial for their number of
widows, some of whom, however, were not above managing their own
plantations. It was a race for wealth, to which everything else was
secondary.
The slaves diminished every year in the absence of additions from
outside, as the whites would have done under similar circumstances.
That there was no natural increase was mainly due to the fact that the
sexes were unequal, and then, again, maternal affection was sadly
wanting in the women, who seemed to care less for their children than
some domestic animals. This state of things was mainly the outcome of
the system, which was undoubtedly immoral, but the mental disabilities
of the race must also be taken into consideration. The anti-slavery
party considered that environment was everything; if they could only
free the negro from compulsory servitude he would at once become an
industrious labourer. Yes, in their opinion, if he had the incentive of
wages, it would make him a credit to himself and his community. The
slaves, they said, were worked to death, yet as free men they would do
more and perform their tasks better. Their experience with free workmen
led to these conclusions, but this could not apply to the West Indies
nor to the negro race.
The anti-slavery party was very strong, and although it is not stated
that they took "Perish the colonies!" for their motto, it is very
certain that they cared little about the future of either white or black
as long as they carried their object. To this end every possible case of
oppression and ill-treatment was exaggerated, and spoken of as if it
were common, notwithstanding that the case only came to their notice
through the trial and punishment of the offender. The fact was the
planter could not afford to ill-treat his slave--no other animal of his
live stock was of so much value. If a valuable horse were killed
another could be obtained to replace him, but this was almost impossible
in the case of the negro. Formerly, when he cost about £20, it might
have paid to work him to death; now that his price was five or six times
as much, self-interest alone prevented ill-treatment. There was a strong
public opinion in every colony which prevented cruelty, and there were
societies in some which gave prizes to those in charge of estates who
raised the greatest number of children in proportion to their negroes.
This breeding of negroes was necessarily very slow work, and did little
to make up for the stoppage of importation. It followed, therefore, that
every year the amount of available labour became less.
In 1815 the anti-slavery party commenced a further agitation in favour
of the negro, with the result that a Registrar of slaves was appointed
for each colony, and ultimately a Protector. By obtaining an annual
census they hoped to have some check on the decrease, and at the same
time see if any Africans were surreptitiously imported. In some places
there was already a slave registration for the purpose of adjusting the
head-tax; here the planters did not oppose the measure, although they
resented interference. Others, like Barbados, protested against the
innovation as something quite unnecessary, or even if desirable, not to
be imposed upon them from outside. This led to a great deal of
discussion at the planters' tables, where the slave waiters listened to
what was said, and from thence carried garbled reports to the others.
In every colony were numbers of free negroes and coloured people, some
of whom were loafers and spongers on the slaves, while others went about
the country peddling. Having nothing to do, they became the
news-carriers and circulators of garbled reports. In 1815 there lived in
Barbados a free coloured man named Washington Franklin, who, like many
negroes, was possessed of a good memory and a great power of
declamation. Getting hold of the English and colonial newspapers, he
would read the speeches of Wilberforce and others, and after putting his
own construction on them, retail them in language tending to rouse the
slaves. To him was due an impression that prevailed in Barbados,
probably from a misunderstanding of the Registry Bill, that they were
all to be free at the beginning of the year 1816. When New Year's Day
had passed they became dissatisfied, believing that their masters had
received orders to set them free, but would not execute them. They had
heard of the successful rising in Hayti, and were determined to attempt
a similar revolt in Barbados.
After waiting for the expected freedom until the 14th of April, they
determined on that day to have a general rising, which was signalled by
burning heaps of cane-trash in the parish of St. Philip. Soon the fields
were set on fire, and frenzied mobs, continually increasing in numbers,
went from one plantation to another seeking arms. This went on for two
days, but on the arrival of the militia they dispersed, leaving a waste
behind. As usual a great many of the negroes were executed, although it
does not appear that any whites got killed in the revolt. However, the
Registry Act was delayed for two years, to be ultimately passed in
January, 1817.
Towards the end of the last century a new class of men appeared in the
West Indies--the Protestant missionaries. Catholic missions had been
established in the Spanish possessions since the time of Columbus, but
hitherto, with the exception of a few Moravians, no other Church had
done anything to convert the slaves in the British colonies. Between
1780 and 1790, Methodist societies were established in most of the
islands, notwithstanding the opposition of the planters, who in some
cases appear to have thought that baptized Christians could no longer be
held in slavery. This vulgar error, however, was not the real cause of
the antagonism to these teachers, but rather the feeling natural to a
master which makes him resent any outside interference between himself
and his servants. The best and kindest were the first to feel this. The
slaves were their children, and to them they applied, in all their
troubles and difficulties, as to a great father. It followed, therefore,
that when the missionaries came and proclaimed themselves friends to the
slaves, giving them advice in secular as well as religious matters, the
cordial feeling was broken. "Massa" was much put out, for he liked to
hold the position of a little god to these poor ignorant creatures over
whom he held such power. The slaves were sometimes whipped as bad
children when they did wrong, and as children they cared little for a
flogging. It is easily conceivable that a humane missionary might feel
more pain at witnessing such a punishment than the culprit himself, but
it is a fact that cruel punishment was never mentioned by the slaves as
an excuse for a revolt.
The missionaries were shocked at the apparent nakedness and destitution
of the negroes, as a visitor to the West Indies will be even now. They
did not remember that their clothing and houses were well suited to the
climate, and that a home in the English sense of the word would not have
been appreciated by them. These things were reported to the societies at
home, the members of which knew no more about the tropics than the
merchant who once sent a consignment of warming-pans to Barbados. Those
who wanted to raise a cry of cruelty to the poor slave, circulated these
facts, and put their own construction upon them, one going so far as to
state that there were no chimneys to the houses, as if this omission
were a slave disability or oppression, although any visitor to the
colonies could have told him that these conveniences were hardly found
anywhere.
The negro willingly listened to his friend the missionary, and felt
eager to perform the rites and ceremonies of the little congregation.
The Established Church was that of England, and although in some places
there were special services for the blacks, in others "slaves and dogs"
were refused admission. This exclusiveness threw the slaves into the
hands of the Moravians, Baptists, Methodists, and the agents of the
London Missionary Society. The Church government of some of these was in
the hands of the congregation, and as this was a sort of playing at
"Massa," the slave took to them all the more readily.
No doubt these ministers were very good men, and animated by a great
love for the negroes, but this did not prevent their being misunderstood
by both master and slave. Then many of them were connected with the
anti-slavery society, and however careful they might be not to offend
local prejudices, by speaking against the obnoxious system, as
conscientious men they could not help showing their bias. The
established clergymen, on the contrary, when they preached to the
slaves, told them to "be subject to the powers that be," and to remain
content in the condition where Providence had placed them.
At first most of the planters only sneered at these attempts to convert
the slaves, but when they saw what an attraction the chapels became,
they opposed them openly. Gangs of young fellows would attend, and
sometimes break up the meetings by jeering at the preacher. In 1807 an
ordinance was passed in Jamaica "for preventing the profanation of
religious rites and false worshipping of God, under the pretence of
preaching and teaching, by illiterate, ignorant, and ill-disposed
persons, and of the mischief consequent thereupon." Considering it the
first duty of all magistrates to encourage the solemn exercise of
religion, and whereas nothing tended more to bring it into disrepute
than the pretended preaching and expounding of the Word of God by
ignorant persons and false enthusiasts, to persons of colour and slaves,
it was enacted that, after the 1st of July, no unauthorised person
should presume to teach, preach, offer public prayer, or sing psalms to
any assembly of these people, on pain of a fine of a hundred pounds,
imprisonment for six months, or whipping. Similar punishments were also
to be inflicted on any one preaching in an unlicensed building, as well
as on the owner of a house or yard in which it had been permitted.
Another way of stopping the assembly of slaves was to pass a law against
their meeting at night, and punish them if they left the estate without
a written permission. There were always excuses for this apparent
harshness, as plots had been arranged at nocturnal meetings, some of
which had given a great deal of trouble. Even if a pass were granted to
attend chapel, the estate's authorities could hardly be expected to
follow and see that the slave did not go elsewhere. The missionaries
took it that all this was done to hamper their work, but such was not
the case altogether.
The anti-slavery party became very strong about the year 1820, and every
obnoxious regulation was a text for discourses on the infamy of the
whole system. If a planter were punished, the case was trumpeted over
the country to promote a greater antagonism. How absurd this really was
could only be seen by the West Indians themselves, and if they attempted
to say anything they were put down as liars, becaused they were biassed
in favour of the other side. One writer pertinently remarked that, among
the hundreds of military and naval officers stationed in the West
Indies, not one had borne out the statements of the missionaries, and we
may call attention to the curious fact that Captain Marryat, who was
well acquainted with every colony, speaks always of the negro as a happy
fellow. The genial novelist does not mince matters when he speaks of
oppression on board ship, and it is not to be supposed that he would go
out of his way to screen the planters.
Some of the colonies passed laws against indiscriminate manumissions,
and these were declaimed against as tyranny. Yet their wisdom was so
patent that, under the system, they could only be heartily approved by
every one competent to judge. There is one little fact that stands out
most prominently as a redeeming point, if such a thing be
possible--under slavery there was no poverty--there were no tramps nor
beggars. The owner of the plantation had to feed his people in sickness
and in health, in childhood and old age. If manumissions could be given
by the mere stroke of a pen, many a poor sick or broken-down creature
would have been cast adrift to become a burden upon the community. Now
and again we yet hear some old woman complain that if this were slavery
time, she would not be half-starved as she is to-day, notwithstanding
the poor relief.
It may perhaps be thought that we are attempting the defence of slavery;
we only wish to show that it was not quite so black as it has been
painted. It had its dark side; but, on the other hand, many a bright
gleam can be perceived by those who have seen some who were born into
servitude and heard their stories. They were well fed, had as much
clothing as they really required, were as a matter of policy well
treated as a rule, and were quite as happy as they are to-day.
Magistrates, policemen, and gaols were almost unknown; the planter gave
the negro a slight flogging now and then, and this ended the tale of
his misdemeanours. A bad master might be cruel as a bad husband may be
also, but we should not condemn marriage on account of its abuses. The
great argument against slavery was the degradation it produced on the
minds of both parties. However, we are not writing the history of
slavery, but the story of the West Indies, and must apologise for the
digression.
In 1823 the House of Commons, on a motion of Fowell Buxton, "that the
state of slavery is repugnant to the principles of the British
Constitution, and of the Christian religion," resolved to ameliorate the
condition of the slave by giving him civil rights and privileges. As a
result of this, orders were sent out to abolish the flogging of women,
and discontinue the use of the whip in the field.
Already the West Indian planters were alarmed at the interference of the
British Government, and the overriding of colonial laws by Orders in
Council. In 1819 they had petitioned against being compelled to manumit
their slaves in cases where they wished to buy their freedom, but their
protests went for nothing. Now also they had to submit, although they
did so with a bad grace. The British Government left the carrying out of
the provisions of the resolutions to the colonial legislatures, but at
the same time giving them to understand that there was no option.
In 1811, when the Governor and Court of Policy of Demerara neglected to
issue a proclamation allowing negroes to attend chapel in the evening,
they received a sharp reprimand, and the Governor was superseded; now
they knew that nothing was left but to obey orders.
When, therefore, the despatch containing these resolutions arrived in
Demerara, a meeting of the legislature was at once convened to prepare
the necessary ordinance. There was no attempt to evade this duty or
delay compliance, but such a radical change required great
consideration, especially in regard to the control of females without
the use of the whip. Negresses were, as a rule, less amenable to
discipline than the men, and it was thought that something must be done
to prevent insubordination. Several meetings took place from the 21st of
July, 1823, to early in August, at which the ordinance was prepared and
passed, but up to the 18th of the latter month it had not been
published. Such a delay, however, did not imply any intention of evading
the duty, for three or four weeks often elapse from the time of passing
to the publication of a Bill.
Meanwhile the negroes got an idea that something had been done in
England for their benefit. Like the slaves in Barbados and other
colonies, they heard discussions at their masters' tables, and supposed
that the something which had taken place meant their total emancipation.
"The king had freed them, but the planters refused to carry out the
order." On the East Coast of Demerara there was then a small chapel
belonging to the London Missionary Society, under the charge of the Rev.
John Smith. This chapel was a rendezvous for the negroes of the
neighbouring plantations, who not only came to service, but met
afterwards for a little gossip. Some who could read gave their ideas of
what they had gleaned from their masters' newspapers, while others told
what had been said at the dinner-tables. It does not appear that Mr.
Smith had told them anything of the new resolutions, nor is there
evidence that the deacons of the chapel knew of them. It followed,
therefore, that all the information they had was these garbled reports
of their own people.
On Sunday, the 17th of August, a number of the bolder spirits met after
service and discussed a plot which had been already under consideration,
for a general rising at eight o'clock next evening. Their idea was to
put their masters in the stocks, arm themselves, and, when the Governor
came, demand their supposed rights.
On Monday morning a coloured servant informed his master of the plot, on
which he at once rode off to Georgetown and interviewed the Governor.
Warnings were sent to most of the planters, and preparations made to
suppress the revolt if it took place, but such reports were not
uncommon, and although the whites looked after their weapons they did
not feel much alarm. As a matter of policy it was better to assume
indifference, as anything like desertion of the estates, even so far as
the sending away of women and children, would have encouraged the
negroes.
The signal was given by a fire near the chapel, on which the slaves
assembled in great mobs, over-powered their masters, put them in the
stocks, and took all the firearms and other weapons they could find. The
Governor was already in the neighbourhood with a small party of
cavalry, and on seeing the signal proceeded to inquire into its meaning.
On the way he was met by an armed mob, who, on being asked what they
wanted, answered, "Our right!" He told them of the new law, and promised
a full explanation on the morrow if they would disperse and come to him
at a neighbouring plantation. There was a slight hesitation for a few
moments, but presently, with cries of "No! no!" and the blowing of
shells, they drowned his voice. Then some of the more moderate advised
him to go away, which he was obliged to do, as his whole company
numbered hardly a dozen.
Bearing in mind the disasters of the Berbice insurrection, the people of
Georgetown were much alarmed. Placing their women and children on board
vessels in the river, the men prepared to resist to the death. Martial
law was proclaimed, and every person, without distinction, called upon
to enrol at once in the militia, all exemptions being cancelled. They
responded heartily, and soon the town put on an appearance as if
deserted, except at those places where guards were stationed. The stores
were closed, the slaves kept indoors, and, save for the arrival and
departure of mounted orderlies, not a sound could be heard. Even the
negroes themselves, in their kitchens and outbuildings, were overawed,
and hardly spoke above a whisper.
The Methodist ministers came forward and enrolled themselves in the
militia, but they were not called upon to perform any duty. The Rev.
John Smith, however, took no notice of the proclamation, although he
admitted having seen it. On the evening of the revolt he went for a walk
with his wife, and on his return found that the manager's house was
being attacked by a mob of slaves. He succeeded by expostulation in
preventing their doing much injury, and even rescued the manager from
their hands, but instead of sending notice of the rising to the
neighbouring estates he went quietly home. As far as he knew no one had
been warned of the revolt, and he was certainly remiss in his duty when
he did nothing whatever. When, on the following day, he was visited by a
militia officer, and ordered to enrol himself in accordance with the
Governor's proclamation, he refused on the ground of his exemption,
although he knew that all exemptions had been cancelled.
As usual the rebels had no proper leaders, and for some reason or
other--the missionaries ascribed it to religious teaching--they did not
burn the houses or destroy the crops. One or two whites who resisted
were wounded, one at least fatally, but here again the insurgents were
forbearing. Fortunately they were soon suppressed, and this no doubt
prevented such atrocities as had been committed elsewhere. What with the
soldiers, the militia, and crews of vessels in the river, the force
brought against them was overwhelming. Only one attempt was made to
fight, but the first volley of the troops sent the rioters scattering
into a cotton field. In about two days the insurrection was over, and
then came the hunt for fugitives, who as usual took to the swamp at the
back of the estates. A large body of Indians was employed, and in the
end most of them were captured, some to be hanged at once and others
after sentence by court-martial.
Mr. Smith's behaviour was considered as something more than
suspicious--he was believed to have had knowledge of the plot, and
charged with an intention to side with the negroes if he saw any
prospect of their success. On his refusal to take part in the defence of
the colony he was taken prisoner, and after the negroes had been tried
and sentenced, his case was brought before a court-martial. He was
charged with promoting discontent among the slaves, conspiring to bring
about a revolt, knowing of the plot the day before and not reporting it,
and holding communication with one of the leaders after it had broken
out without attempting to capture him. The case created a great stir,
public opinion being universal that he was the prime mover in the whole
affair.
His trial lasted over a month, at the end of which he was found guilty
and sentenced to be hanged. This sentence, however, seems to have been
given to satisfy the people; it was not published, nor was it intended
to be executed without reference to the home Government. This is proved
by the report in the "Royal Gazette" of the colony, which stated that
the trial was over, but the nature of the proceedings was such as to
render it imperative on the Governor to transmit them for His Majesty's
consideration. The public were not informed of the verdict, but it is
not to be supposed that they were ignorant of the result of the trial;
on the contrary, the sentence met with their approval, and they
complained of the delay in carrying it out, as compared with the hasty
executions of the negroes. Mr. Smith was ultimately reprieved, on the
understanding that he removed himself from the West Indies, and engaged
never to come back to Guiana or go to any of the islands. But the poor
missionary was sick, and under treatment before the insurrection, and it
may be presumed that the worry of the trial hastened his end. He died in
prison before the king's answer arrived, and was buried at night to
prevent a hostile demonstration.
We have been thus particular in giving the facts of the Demerara East
Coast Insurrection, because it made such an impression in England. The
anti-slavery party used the case of the "Martyr" Smith as a watchword,
and it was a prime factor in hurrying on emancipation. The immediate
result was an Order in Council to enable slaves to contract legal
marriage, to hold property, to buy their freedom on a valuation by
disinterested parties, and to put them under a Protector, whose duty was
to see that their rights were not infringed. They were now citizens,
their only civil disabilities being compulsory labour and a tie to the
plantation or their masters.
This, however, did not satisfy the anti-slavery party, and they went on
with their struggle for total emancipation, in which they at last
succeeded. In 1833 an Act of Parliament was passed, by which, after the
1st of August, 1834, slavery was to give place to an apprenticeship of
four or six years, according to the status of the slave, the former
term for house-servants and the latter for labourers on the
plantations, or "predials." Every child born after that date was to be
entirely free, and here came in one of the greatest blemishes of the
law. These poor infants belonged to nobody; their mothers cared little
for them, and it could not be expected that the planters would pay to
keep up the old system of superintendence. Even those who had been
instrumental in getting the law passed now began to make comparisons
between the position of the child-bearing woman under the old and new
systems. Hitherto they were unable to find words harsh enough to use in
condemning slavery--now they began to find that it had its good points.
Then the new system required new administrators, and, to prevent any
suspicion of bias, magistrates were brought from England. Yet these very
same unbiassed gentlemen ordered flogging for the men and the treadmill
and dark cell for the women. The Quaker delegates sent out to inspect
the result of their work were horrified. They said that the cat was
worse than the old whip, and that the apprenticeship system caused ten
times more suffering than slavery.
And such was really the case. The negroes could no longer be kept under
subordination--they even claimed entire freedom at once. Several
disturbances took place before they could be made to understand that
they had to work seven and a half hours every day, to pay for their
homes, provision grounds, and other allowances. In Demerara the Governor
addressed them as erring children, telling them that they could not
all be masters, and that every one must work. They had never seen a
white man handle the shovel or the hoe--he was free--now they had
attained to the same condition, the same coveted freedom from hard
labour must be theirs also. True, there were free negroes, some of whom
had learnt trades, but even they were above working in the field. Why
should free negroes work? Certainly not for their wives and children.
The women got their allowances, and the planter had hitherto looked
after the children. The negro had no house rent to pay, his two suits of
clothing came regularly every year, and if he was sick the doctor
attended to him. Except to deck himself with finery, he had no use for
money; a few would work overtime when they wanted something of that
sort, but the majority did as little as possible.
[Illustration: THE FIRST OF AUGUST.
(_From Madden's "West Indies."_)]
In 1838, when the house servants were to be freed, while the predials
must serve two years longer, the difficulties of such an arrangement
became insurmountable. A daughter or wife might be entirely free, and
the father or husband an "apprentice." Then came the difficulty of
classification, which the commissioners appointed to arrange the
divisions necessarily decided against the opinion of one or the other
disputant, driving him to appeal. All this rendered a continuance of the
system impossible, and slavery was terminated altogether on the 1st of
August, 1838, the planters receiving from the British people twenty
millions sterling as compensation, being about one-third of the
estimated value of the slaves.
The French had received such a lesson from the revolt of Hayti that
they did little for their negroes. However, after the downfall of Louis
Philippe in 1848, the revolutionary Government abolished slavery
throughout the colonies, without compensation.
[Illustration: A RELIC OF THE SLAVERY DAYS--OLD SLAVE BUYING FISH.]
After freedom had been secured in the British colonies the slaves in
neighbouring places naturally became discontented. There were not many
desertions from the islands, but in Guiana, where the Dutch negroes were
slaves on one side of the river Corentyne, and the British free on the
other, the runaways from the former caused a great deal of trouble to
the Dutch. Whenever an opportunity occurred, a party of slaves stole a
boat and made off to the British side, until the Surinam planters became
much alarmed. Ultimately a Dutch gunboat was stationed at the boundary
river, and this put an end to the migration.
Some of the islands were much affected, especially those of the Danes,
which were frequented by British vessels, and were largely English in
their sympathies. Here the negroes soon learnt what had happened, and
began to express dissatisfaction with their own position. However,
Denmark saw that something had to be done, and in 1847 enacted laws for
gradual emancipation in her islands. From the 28th of July of that year
all children born of slaves were to be free, and at the end of twelve
years from that time slavery was to cease altogether.
This did not satisfy the negroes, who became more discontented, and in
1848 an insurrection took place on the island of St. Croix. On the 2nd
of July it was rumoured that the slaves would refuse to work next day,
and in the evening the whites were alarmed by the ringing of bells and
blowing of conch shells. At first it was considered as an alarm of fire,
but on inquiry the whites found that the negroes had revolted, and were
demanding their freedom. Later, people came in from the country
districts with the news that there were noisy demonstrations, but that
as yet no actual violence had been committed. So little alarm was as yet
felt that no precautions were taken, although some persons became
uneasy.
Next morning the negroes streamed into Christiansted in great numbers,
and commenced to demolish the police office. An officer coming into town
was attacked by a woman with an axe, which fortunately missed him, but
the crowd was so good-humoured that, on his treating the matter coolly
he was allowed to pass: this apparent good feeling made the authorities
hesitate in taking extreme measures, even when the mob came round the
fort, shouting and calling for freedom. Now, however, they began to
collect trash for the purpose of setting fire to a house, and the
Stadthauptman and a Roman Catholic priest went among them to try
remonstrances. All the answer they got was that the slaves could not
fight the soldiers, but they intended to burn and destroy everything if
freedom were not given them. One of the mob carried a British flag as an
emblem of liberty, and several English sailors were reported as forming
part of the crowd. Soon all their good-humour was gone, and they
commenced plundering the stores, the whites running away to vessels in
the harbour.
About three o'clock in the afternoon the Governor arrived from St.
Thomas, and went among the crowd telling them that they were free, at
the same time ordering them to disperse quietly. For a few hours there
was a lull, but next morning they reassembled in the country districts
as if in doubt whether the Governor really meant what he had said. Some
planters now brought their families to town, leaving their houses to be
plundered. Parties of soldiers were sent out, and hundreds of prisoners
were taken, the mobs, which in some cases numbered two or three
thousand, dispersing at their appearance. Martial law was declared,
Porto Rico sent six hundred Spanish troops, the insurrection was at last
quelled, and peace restored. The Governor stood his trial in Denmark, to
be acquitted, and to have his declaration of complete emancipation
confirmed.
Slavery still continued in the Dutch possessions until 1863, and even
then it was only replaced by compulsory labour for ten years, leaving
the final emancipation until 1873. Yet with all that there were no
disturbances to hurry on the process or cause trouble. In Cuba a law was
passed in 1870 to give freedom to all above the age of sixty, as well as
to children born after the passing of the Act. This, however, was not
enforced on account of internal dissensions, and although Porto Rico
gave her slaves their liberty on the 23rd of March, 1873, the Cuban
Emancipation Bill was not passed by the Spanish Senate until February,
1880, and under that law slavery only came to an end on the 6th of
October, 1886.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
XV.
RESULTS OF EMANCIPATION.
The slave emancipation was a terrible blow to the West Indies, and one
from which many of the islands have not yet recovered. It was, the
planters said, the second attempt to ruin them, the first having been
the abolition of the slave-trade. The party who brought it about looked
to see their _protégées_ become a contented, hard-working peasantry, in
place of driven cattle, as they called them. The planters, on the
contrary, were morally certain that as free men they would not work, and
without a labour supply their estates would be utterly ruined. The
British taxpayer grumbled at having to pay twenty millions, but this was
a mere sop for the estate owners. With the loss of their human chattels
the plantations in many cases became utterly valueless; for the negroes
congregated round certain centres, leaving most of the outlying places
without enough people to keep up the cultivation. Labour had been
degraded by the system, and now the full effects of such influence began
to be felt.
[Illustration: NEGRESS, GUIANA.]
[Illustration: NEGRESS FISH-SELLERS, GUIANA.]
The compensation money, in many cases, went towards paying off mortgages
and other claims, the holders of which saw the impending ruin and
hastened to save themselves as far as possible. But it was not enough
even for that, for many plantations had liens of half the appraised
value of the land, buildings, and slaves. The last security being
entirely gone the others became worthless, and, as no one cared to
advance money on such risks, the nominal owners could not even get as
much as to pay wages. A plantation valued at perhaps £60,000 a few years
before, and easily mortgaged for half that amount, received £16,000 for
compensation with which to pay off the claim, and then wanted cash to
carry on as well. Banks were established, but only solvent estates could
get help from them, and consequently hundreds were abandoned in the
larger colonies, and hardly one, with the exception of those in
Barbados, could produce as much sugar as formerly. West Indian Nabobs,
who had been getting their ten thousand a year and living in England,
went out to see what could be done. Their incomes were entirely gone,
and with them all hopes for the future. Widows and children lost their
only means of support, and ruin fell on hundreds of families in England
as well as in the West Indies. But not only did this downfall affect the
owners and their relations, but merchants as well. Old firms shook to
their very foundations, while many became bankrupt, to bring suffering
to the homes of thousands who had hardly known of the sugar colonies
beyond the invectives of the anti-slavery society. Many who had been
strong advocates of emancipation now wished they had never said anything
about it, but the die was cast, and there could never again be anything
like the shilly-shallying of the French at Hayti.
[Illustration: CHINESE WOOD-CARRIER.]
[Illustration: EAST INDIAN COOLIE.]
The negroes would not work, and there were no means of forcing them to
do so. The anti-slavery party still had their delegates in the West
Indies to see that the "poor negro" was not oppressed in any way, and
their representatives in Parliament to call the Government to account if
they allowed any vagrancy laws, or even the shadow of a coercive measure
in the colonies. One ordinance after another for this purpose was
disallowed, until every planter was in despair.
[Illustration: EAST INDIAN COOLIE FAMILY.]
[Illustration: COOLIE BARBER.]
To retain their labourers was a matter of life or death. Some continued
the old slave allowances to put them in good humour, but as these made
the negroes independent of wages, the privilege was abused. They took
everything and did nothing in return. Some went so far as to say that
the Queen had promised that their late masters should supply them as
usual, entirely regardless of the amount of work they did. This made the
planters sore. What with one trouble and another the few who survived
the wreck hardly knew how to act. They must not do anything to drive
their people away, for there were many inducements offered by others in
the same predicament. The negro was master, and he knew it. So much
depended on him that he was enticed to labour, by high wages and greater
privileges, until this bidding of one against another produced the very
result which it was intended to avoid.
[Illustration: EAST INDIAN COOLIE GIRL.]
[Illustration: COOLIE WOMEN, BRITISH GUIANA.]
Something had to be done. First, the allowances of those who would not
work were stopped; then their houses and provision grounds were taken
away. Thousands of fruit-trees were destroyed to prevent their living on
mangoes and bananas during the season. Then the planters attempted to
combine to bring wages to a paying level, and this led to strikes of
the negroes. Everything tended to further estrangement until employer
and labourer drifted far apart. In British Guiana the negroes bought
some of the abandoned plantations and established villages; in some
cases they even attempted to carry them on as sugar estates, but as all
wanted to be masters they in every case failed.
[Illustration: COOLIE VEGETABLE SELLERS, BRITISH GUIANA.]
[Illustration: EAST INDIAN COOLIES, TRINIDAD.]
As if this were not enough, the British Government went in for free
trade, and allowed foreign slave-grown sugar to compete with that of the
colonies. It seemed as if the French revolutionary cry of "Perish the
colonies!" had now been introduced into the British Parliament. From one
point of view the planters had been amply paid with the compensation
money. Some went so far as to say that twenty millions could have bought
all the estates in the West Indies, implying that the colonists had no
further claim upon them. Even the anti-slavery party would not see that
they were encouraging the slave system in other countries by opening
their markets. This completed the ruin begun by emancipation, but as
long as the principles were adhered to it did not matter.
[Illustration: EAST INDIAN COOLIE, TRINIDAD.]
Most of the remaining plantations now fell into the hands of those who
had liens upon them, and they, not liking to lose their money
altogether, commenced the uphill work of again bringing them into
cultivation. Even a few colonists continued the struggle in hopes of
better times. In Demerara there were two cases where eminent
lawyers--the legal profession, by the bye, doing well when everything
else was on the verge of ruin--spent all their profits in keeping their
sugar estates from utter abandonment. One of these got so heavily in
debt that at one time he could not pay his house rent, and as the
landlord dared not sue him, he had metaphorically to go on his knees and
beg him to quit.
[Illustration: TRINIDAD COOLIES.]
However, the sturdy English spirit survived in a few, and they set to
work to obtain labourers from other parts of the world. At first they
thought of Africa, but the anti-slavery party would not hear of
immigration from the "dark continent," for fear of abuses. Then India
was tried, with the result that a few coolies were brought over by
private parties, notably to Demerara by John Gladstone. But again the
cry of slavery went forth, due to the managers leaving the new-comers in
the hands of their headmen or sirdars. It was charged against them that
they beat their underlings, and of course the planters had to bear the
responsibility. The result was that East Indian immigration was
prohibited for a time. After a hard struggle on the part of the planters
it was renewed, and in the end prevented Trinidad and British Guiana
from utter abandonment.
Besides Hindoo coolies, Chinese were also imported, as well as Maltese,
Madeirans, and a few Germans. At first the negro thought little of this
competition, but when he gradually dropped into the background, with his
missionary friends, he commenced to protest against it. His friends
said, and it was the truth, that there was enough labour in the colonies
to carry on the estates, but the difficulty was that it could not be
depended upon. Then the wages demanded by the negroes was entirely
beyond the means of the planters--the price of sugar would not admit of
them. It was a case of cheap labour or the alternative of giving up the
struggle, and with the East Indians, British Guiana, and Trinidad
recovered from the brink of ruin to become more flourishing in some
respects than in the years immediately preceding emancipation. Jamaica,
the greatest of the British colonies, suffered the most as she got but
few immigrants, and it is only during the last decade that she has again
begun to hold up her head. Without healthy competition with other races,
the negroes sunk back, until they became even more degraded than those
of British Guiana and Trinidad.
In Barbados, on the contrary, the population was so dense that the
freedman must either work or starve. There were no waste lands and few
absentee proprietors, nor were any of the estates abandoned. Labour was
plentiful and cheap; it followed, therefore, that the island soon
recovered from the check and went on prospering. The compulsion of the
whip gave way to the force of circumstances, and the struggle for
existence which ensued has made the Barbadian negro the most industrious
in the West Indies. Not only is he this, but he is, like his former
masters, intensely loyal to Great Britain and "Little England." All the
black, coloured, and white people in the other islands call themselves
Creoles, but he is "neither Crab (Carib) nor Creole, but true Barbadian
born."
In the French, Danish, and Dutch colonies labour laws were enforced
after emancipation, and generally with good results. They felt the
change, but not to such an extent as their neighbours, and recovered all
the sooner. Then they were not utterly disheartened by the unhealthy
competition of slave-grown products like the English. Possibly, however,
the British freedman would not have borne coercion, for even the Danes
resented it.
We have seen already that the negroes of the island of St. Croix were by
no means willing to submit to what they considered injustice, and how
they forced on their own emancipation. However, down to 1878 they were
bound to the soil as it were under annual engagements, from which they
were not released without proper notice, even after the term had
expired. They had houses, provision grounds, allowances, and very low
wages, and were bound to work five days a week. The engagement expired
annually on the 1st of October, and on that day those who did not renew
their contract assembled in the two towns of the island for a
jollification, where something like the old "mop" or hiring fair of
England took place.
In 1878 they somehow got the impression that the labour law was about to
be relaxed, but there does not seem to have been any combination among
them to obtain such an end; they were dissatisfied, and that was all.
About the same time the Government were so assured of their peaceable
disposition that they reduced the garrison of Christiansted, the
capital, to sixty men. When the 1st of October arrived the negroes
assembled as usual in Frederiksted, round the rum shops, appearing
good-humoured, although noisy, as such a crowd always must be. Nothing
particular happened until, at about three o'clock in the afternoon, a
cry went up that one of their number had been beaten by a policeman, on
which they attacked the peace officers, and drove them into the fort,
which was police-station and barracks. Some of the principal whites came
out and remonstrated with them, and at first they seemed as if they
would disperse, but just then the police-master, his assistant, and two
soldiers rode into their midst, brandishing swords and ordering them to
move off at once. Infuriated by this, the mob attacked the horsemen with
stones, and drove them back into the fort, which they now stormed. The
British Vice-Consul then went among them, and, after a little parleying,
induced them to go with him to the outskirts of the town. Here he got a
statement of their grievances, which were--first, that their wages were
too low (only ten cents a day); second, that the annual contract was
slavery; third, that the manager of the estate could fine them at will;
and fourth, that if they wanted to leave the island they were
obstructed. Having promised to do all he could for them, the Vice-Consul
begged them to disperse.
[Illustration: BARBADOS.
(_From Andrews' "West Indies."_)]
[Illustration: ST. LUCIA.
(_From Andrews' "West Indies."_)]
They were apparently leaving the town, when a woman came running up with
the report that the man who had been beaten by the police had just died
in the hospital. This made them furious, and all further hopes of their
pacification had to be given up. They invaded the hospital, knocked down
the sick-nurse and a patient who inquired their business, and demanded
to see the murdered man. They were informed that he was not dead but
only dead drunk, and would soon recover if left alone. On being
convinced of this, they again went off and attacked the fort. The
defenders, when assailed with stones, fired over their heads, but this
only made them all the more violent. The outer gate was broken down and
some of the negroes were shot. Just at that moment a planter came up,
intending to enter the fort, and at once they beat him with sticks until
he was nearly killed.
However, the bullets checked them, but only to throw the attack on other
parts of the town. Stores were pillaged and set fire to, until a great
portion of the town was in flames. From some of the stores they took
weapons in the shape of cane-bills, and in one were alarmed for a few
moments by an explosion of gunpowder. The whole of Bay Street was soon
in flames, and like troops of fiends the negroes went dancing round the
fires, in some places pouring on them cans of petroleum if the houses
did not blaze up fast enough. Then the rum casks began to burst, and
streams of burning spirit ran down the gutters, adding to the horror of
the scene. The women were always the most reckless--they danced and
howled with mingled joy and rage. The men added to the din by clashing
their sticks together or against the burning stores, some blowing shells
as a sort of rallying signal. "Our side!" was the watchword, and all who
could not or would not repeat it were severely beaten. Most of the
whites, however, had fled, leaving them entirely unchecked in their
destructive work.
Meanwhile the police-master had sent to Christiansted for assistance,
and while he waited the mob again assailed the fort and again without
success. All through the night the disturbance continued, and it was not
until six o'clock in the morning that a small band of twenty soldiers
arrived. At their first volley the mob dispersed, flying precipitately
from the town to carry the riot all over the island. Two soldiers left
in charge of a waggon were killed; and on learning this the soldiers
were roused to a state of fury almost as great as that of the rioters.
They hunted them from one plantation to another, invaded their huts,
stabbed through the mattresses, and killed every negro who came in their
way, without taking the trouble to inquire whether they had been
concerned in the affair or not. Three hundred prisoners were taken, and
on the 5th of October a proclamation was issued calling on all the
negroes to return to their houses or be treated as rebels, after which
the disturbance was quelled. Twelve hundred were sentenced to death, and
a Commission of Inquiry was sent out from Denmark, the result of their
report being that the obnoxious labour law was repealed.
We have been thus particular in our account of this riot, because it
exemplifies the character of the negro and is a type of such
disturbances in other colonies. There is generally some ill-feeling at
the bottom, but as a rule no conspiracy beforehand. When the
dissatisfaction reaches a certain point, little is required to raise the
passions of the black man, and that little thing is almost sure to
occur. Unlike the European, he does not proclaim his grievances, except
in a general way, among his own people--he has not yet arrived at that
stage where civilised man uses the platform and press. It follows,
therefore, that his passions smoulder for weeks and months, until some
trifle--often a misunderstanding--brings them to the surface.
At St. Croix there does not appear to have been anything like race
prejudice, or that envious feeling which makes the negro think himself
down-trodden by his rivals; but that is a characteristic of most riots,
and is strikingly exemplified in two that have taken place in Demerara.
After the emancipation the negro in British Guiana became of less and
less importance as more and more immigrants arrived, until he grew quite
sore. No longer could he demand extortionate wages, for the labour
market was virtually governed by the current rates paid to the coolies.
These people, however, were quite able to hold their own, and the negro
knew this; it followed, therefore, that he vented his spite upon the
most inoffensive people in the colony.
The Portuguese from Madeira came to British Guiana absolutely destitute
just after the failure of the vines on their island. They found the
negro more prosperous than perhaps he has ever been since, for this was
the time when, if he worked, he could always save money if he chose. In
fact, many did so, and bought land which is still in the hands of some
of their descendants, on which houses much superior to those now in
existence were erected. The Portuguese could not endure the hard labour
of sugar-planting, but soon found openings as small shopkeepers or
pedlars. Hitherto there was little competition in these businesses, but
the few who carried them on were negroes or coloured persons. These were
soon ousted out, and the Portuguese became almost the only small trader
in the colony. This was a grievance to the negro, who could not see that
he himself reaped the benefit--certainly he took advantage of the
reduced prices while abusing the sellers.
At the beginning of the year 1856 the negroes of Georgetown were excited
by the arrival of an anti-Popery agitator, who had become notorious in
England, Scotland, and the United States. John Sayers Orr, known as "the
Angel Gabriel," because he blew a trumpet to call the people together,
was a native of Demerara, and soon found out what a strong antipathy to
the Portuguese existed among the people. This suited his ideas exactly,
for were they not Roman Catholics--the very body which he had been
declaiming everywhere against?
Soon his horn-blowing brought crowds into the market square every
Sunday, where his harangues roused his hearers to such a pitch of fury
that the authorities became alarmed. He was therefore arrested, brought
before a magistrate, charged with convening an illegal assembly, and
committed for trial. This committal of the popular hero was the spark
which set all the negroes' passions in a blaze, but, strange to say,
they did not attack the authorities. Their spite was against the
Portuguese, and soon almost the whole colony was the scene of a general
raid upon their shops. Hardly any escaped, but one after another was
broken open and the goods either carried away or destroyed. Some went so
far as to use the Governor's name, as if he had authorised the raid, and
in this way got ignorant people in the country districts to help them to
seize boats, provisions, and even the produce of the farms of the
obnoxious Portuguese.
The riot was ultimately quelled, but not before the damage amounted to
over a quarter of a million dollars. Hundreds of prisoners were
captured, but beyond the shooting of one policeman there does not appear
to have been any serious casualties, neither were there any executions.
It is interesting to note that the idea of poisoning, which is connected
with Obeah superstition, was conspicuous here as in the Berbice slave
insurrection. One black man charged a Portuguese with threatening to
poison his customers with the provisions he sold them; but all the
satisfaction the negro got was a reprimand from the magistrate.
The second great riot in Georgetown is notable for its similarity to
that at St. Croix. The feeling of antipathy to the Portuguese still
continued, and the negro had a special grievance on account of the
reprieve of a murderer of that nationality. If he had been black he
would have been hanged, they said--it was colour prejudice. However, no
disturbance took place for several months, and even then it only came
about through a misunderstanding. A black boy buying a cent roll of
bread in the market, snatched one of the penny rolls instead, when the
Portuguese stall-keeper struck him down with a stick. The boy was taken
up senseless and carried to the hospital, while his assailant through
some misunderstanding was not arrested. At once there was a cry of
"Portugee kill black man; Binney (the clerk of the market) let he go,"
and they began to assail the clerk with sticks and stones.
The police arrived, dispersed the mob, and shut up the market, but this
only led to their scattering throughout the city. The report that the
black boy was dead was carried into every yard, and at once swarms of
women and boys, with comparatively few men, began to smash the
Portuguese shops. The authorities did next to nothing, beyond sending
out a few special constables, armed only with sticks, to fight against
overpowering crowds better provided with weapons than themselves. The
consequence was that for two days Georgetown was in the power of
thousands of negroes, and damage resulted to the amount of nearly fifty
thousand dollars. The disturbance was finally checked by arming the
police, and issuing a proclamation that they were authorised to fire on
the rioters. Not a single shot was fired, however; the threat was quite
sufficient for the purpose.
It will be seen from these cases that of late years the negroes have
not perpetrated such massacres as once characterised their
insurrections, but the insurrection at St. Thomas-in-the-East in Jamaica
seems to show that the old spirit was not dead in 1865.
For several years previous Jamaica had been much depressed--in fact, she
had hardly begun to recover from the ruin which followed emancipation.
Then came a two years' drought, which caused some distress among the
people, who had no other means of support than what was derived from
their small provision fields. The Baptist connexion was very strong in
the island, and Dr. Underhill, the Secretary of its Missionary Society,
went out, and on his return published reports blaming the Government for
the distress, which he appears to have highly exaggerated. This tended
to produce more dissatisfaction and to give the negroes an object on
which they could vent their feelings. In one of Dr. Underhill's letters
he said the people seemed to be overwhelmed with discouragement, and
that he feared they were giving up their long struggle with injustice
and fraud in despair. Thus a feeling was produced which only required
some little incident to bring on a serious disturbance.
On the 7th of October a black man was brought up for trial before the
Custos of St. Thomas-in-the-East, when a somewhat orderly mob marched
into the town to, if possible, release the prisoner. They crowded round
the court-house and made such a disturbance that one of them was taken
in charge, only, however, to be rescued at once by his friends. Nothing
more was done on that day, but warrants having been issued for the arrest
of the leaders, their execution was forcibly resisted. The negroes now
seem to have planned a general rising and issued notices calling their
people to arms. "Blow your shells, roll your drums; house to house take
out every man! War is at us; my black skin, war is at hand. Every black
man must turn at once, for the oppression is too great." They were, they
said, ground down by an overbearing and oppressive foreigner, and if
they did not get justice would burn and kill.
On the 11th of October a mob assembled at the same court-house, and
being resisted by a small body of volunteers, they killed the Custos,
and every white man who opposed them, to the number of twenty-eight,
released all the prisoners and burnt the building. Immediately
afterwards there was a general rising in the district, which spread for
about fifty miles.
Governor Eyre, when he heard the news, at once determined to suppress
the insurrection before it affected the whole island. Martial law was
declared, a body of maroons employed, and within a few days the riots
were suppressed. Many of the negroes were shot as they tried to escape,
others taken and hanged at once, their villages burnt to the ground, and
altogether they received such a lesson as effectually put a stop to
anything of the kind in the future. It was stated that 439 people were
killed and 600 flogged; a thousand houses were burnt and a great deal of
property destroyed by both parties.
The severity of Governor Eyre caused a great outcry in England,
especially among the Baptists. Among those who were executed was Mr.
Gordon, a member of the Assembly, who no doubt fell a victim to the
feeling aroused among the whites. He was charged with being a prime
instigator of the revolt, but it does not appear that he went beyond
what is generally allowed to a political agitator. Such agitation,
however, amongst ignorant people, who are easily excited, is
particularly dangerous, and likely to recoil on the heads of those who
initiate it, who must be prepared to risk the consequences.
Governor Eyre was recalled, and prosecuted without success. He
undoubtedly saved the island, and, although such executions as were
committed can hardly be excused, yet when we consider the alarm and
excitement, we must make some allowances. And, after all, it must be
remembered that the loss of life would probably have been much greater
had not the insurrection been nipped in the bud.
Barbados is unique in several respects, and as may be supposed there is
something remarkable even about her riots. The patriotism of the
inhabitants, both black and white, is proverbial all over the West
Indies. There is no place in the world to equal Barbados--no colony but
what has been conquered by the enemy at some time or other. "Little
England" was said to have offered an asylum to King George the Third
when Buonaparte intended to invade England, and no doubt if such an
offer was ever made it was done in all sincerity. Barbadians are proud
of their constitution, and jealous of its infringement in the slightest
degree. This feeling led to a disturbance in 1876, which was the
nearest approach to an insurrection on that island in late years.
It has often been suggested that a confederation of the British West
Indies would be advantageous in many ways, and in 1876 the Secretary of
State was of opinion that a closer union of Barbados and the other
Windward Islands was desirable. The Governor of all the islands was then
Mr. Pope Hennessy, who had lately been appointed, and who had been
directed to obtain the consent of Barbados to a partial union. The
measures proposed were of little importance, consisting only of the
amalgamation of the prisons, lunatic asylums, and lazarettos, and the
extension of the powers of the Chief Justice, Auditor-General, and the
police force to cover the whole of the islands.
An outsider would suppose that there was nothing offensive in these
changes, but that, on the contrary, they would be beneficial in many
ways, but most of the Barbadians opposed them strongly. Barbados, they
said, was solvent, while some of the islands were on the verge of
bankruptcy--their island should not be taxed to support paupers. They
held meetings at which six points were agreed to, and on which the
leaders harangued crowds throughout the island. These were, first, that
their Court of Appeal would be abolished; second, that all the mad
people from other islands would have to be supported by them; third,
that all the lepers would come there; fourth, that the officials of
other islands would live on them; fifth, that the power would be taken
from the people and given to the Governor; and sixth, that as the House
of Assembly had always been faithful they resented any interference with
it.
The Governor was desirous of carrying his project, and possibly went
farther than was consistent with his instructions, which were to bring
about the arrangement in an amicable manner. He did all he could to
create a party in its favour, and was charged by the other side with
using underhand means to this end. The main point, however, on which he
laid stress, and which seems to have caused the trouble, was the
advantage to the Barbadians of having the other islands so close as to
become virtually like their own parishes, so that the surplus population
would be able to take up lands that were then useless, and lying waste.
Barbados is densely populated. All the lands are occupied, and it is
very difficult to procure even a small lot--this makes the people all
the more eager to get possession of a little freehold. Yet, with all
this, they will not settle in other islands, where they can get a piece
of ground for next to nothing.
Somehow or other the more ignorant people seem to have got the notion
that the Governor was promising them land in Barbados, and this made
them enthusiastic for his project. Something like communism would, they
thought, follow if the Confederation Act were passed, and this was the
reason in their opinion why the other party fought against it. The
planters spoke as if Mr. Hennessy had laid himself open to such a
misunderstanding, and that made them all the more virulent against him.
The anti-Confederation party said that it had always been the pride and
glory of Barbados to have a separate political existence, and if under
their own institutions they had achieved a success which made them the
envy of their neighbours, why should they change? The majority of the
House of Assembly were on their side, and it is difficult to understand
why the Governor pressed the matter in the way he did. The opposition
was no doubt foolish, but still, if the people chose to be silly, he
could not overcome their prejudices. Party feeling ran high, only the
mob shouting for Hennessy and Confederation. Those on one side would
hiss him as he appeared--the others took the horses from his carriage
and drew him along in triumph. It was reported that he never went out
without a guard, and that even his wife lived in continual fear. She had
been threatened with the abduction of her child, and one ruffian went so
far as to pelt the little one as he was driven along the street, for
which he was prosecuted.
At last, on the 18th of April, 1876, when the party feeling had existed
over six weeks, matters came to a crisis. A man went into the yard of
Byde Mill plantation, flourishing a cane-cutter, and bearing a red flag.
He was, he said, a Confederation man, had just come from the Governor,
and wanted some liquor (cane juice). Getting nothing he went out and
brought his brother who bore a sword, and the two quarrelled with the
man in the boiling-house, the one with the sword attempting to stab him.
They defied a constable who came to arrest them, and one blew a shell
which brought a mob of women and children, who went into a field of
sweet-potatoes and began to carry them off. Three mounted police
arrived, but they were pelted with stones, and one who attempted to
arrest the man with the sword got wounded. A magistrate then came and
read the Riot Act, but the mob refused to disperse. As usual there were
grievances, some complained that their pay had been stopped, which the
manager said was because they could not work the mill full time for want
of wind.
Two cane-fields were now set on fire, and the disturbance spread, its
great characteristic being raids upon the potato fields. In several
places live stock were killed, dwellings broken into, and everything
chopped or broken to pieces. A few shots were exchanged, but no one
appears to have been killed, although many got wounds and bruises from
sticks and stones. Everywhere the mob declared they had the authority of
the Governor for what they were doing, and the sufferers from their
depredations charged Mr. Hennessy with delay in putting down the
disturbance. This, however, was probably due to the effect of the
persecution of Governor Eyre, which has made every West Indian Governor
hesitate before going to extremes. However, when the people from the
country districts began to fly to Bridgetown he sent out a few soldiers
who very quickly dispersed the mobs. A sensational telegram to London
stated that five hundred prisoners had been taken, forty people killed
and wounded, rioting was suspended, but their position was threatened,
and that confidence in the Government had entirely gone. This was highly
exaggerated, but a great deal of property was destroyed or injured,
fifty estates pillaged, and probably over fifty persons received more or
less serious blows.
Quite a storm fell upon Hennessy, who on the 26th of April had to issue
a proclamation threatening to direct the law officers to take prompt
measures against those who libelled him, by saying that he had sent
emissaries through the island to mislead the people, and that he
countenanced and abetted the disgraceful and lawless acts of the
marauders.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
XVI.
THE ISTHMUS TRANSIT SCHEMES.
By the second half of the last century the supply of gold and silver
from Peru had much diminished, and the road across the isthmus almost
fell into disuse. In 1780, during the great war, the British appear to
have had some vague notion that it would be good policy to secure the
track across Nicaragua, for which purpose an expedition was fitted out.
Early in that year Nelson sailed from Jamaica with five hundred men, and
after getting a number of Indians from the Mosquito shore and a
reinforcement of British troops, the party made the difficult ascent of
the San Juan river, and captured the fort of the same name. But, through
ignorance, the whole affair proved disastrous--the fort was useless, and
the losses through sickness very great. Of eighteen hundred men only
three hundred and eighty survived, and Nelson himself nearly lost his
life. He was obliged to go home to recruit, and it was only after
spending two or three months at Bath that he recovered to continue that
glorious career which made him so famous.
However, it was not long afterwards that a project for utilising the
isthmus was brought under the consideration of the British Government by
General Miranda, of whom we have spoken in another chapter. He wanted
Pitt to assist him in his projects for the emancipation of the Spanish
colonies, and, as a means to this end, in 1790, proposed that the
British should take possession of Darien, and thus further their
commerce in the Pacific. Nothing was done at that time, and a few years
later Miranda made a second proposition that the United States should
join with Great Britain, and open roads and canals for both nations.
Mr. Pitt seems to have agreed to this, and was only prevented from
attempting to carry it out by the delay of President Adams. The United
States were to furnish ten thousand men, and Great Britain money and
ships. In 1801, under Lord Sidmouth, an expedition was actually set on
foot, only to collapse at the Peace of Amiens. Again, in 1804, Pitt
tried to carry out the project with Miranda, but the condition of Europe
stood in the way of expeditions to the Spanish Main.
[Illustration: ATLANTIC ENTRANCE TO DARIEN CANAL.
(_From Cullen's "Darien Canal."_)]
In enumerating the advantages likely to accrue from the emancipation of
South America, a writer in the _Edinburgh Review_ of January, 1809, laid
great stress upon a passage across the isthmus. It was the most
important to the peaceful intercourse of nations of anything that
presented itself to the enterprise of man. So far from being a romantic
and chimerical project, it was not only practicable, but easy. The river
Chagré, about eighteen leagues westward of Porto Bello, was navigable as
far as Cruzes, within five leagues of Panama. But there was even a
better route; at about five leagues from its mouth the Chagré received
the river Trinidad, which was navigable to Embarcadero, from which
Panama was only distant thirty miles through a level country. The ground
had been surveyed, and not the practicability only, but the facility of
the work _completely ascertained_. Further north was the grand lake of
Nicaragua, which by itself almost extended the navigation from sea to
sea. The Governor of St. John's Castle (Fort San Juan) had been
instructed by the king of Spain to refuse permission to any British
subject desirous of passing up or down this lake, "for if ever the
English came to a knowledge of its importance and value they would soon
make themselves masters of this part of the country."
But not only had the best places for a canal been selected at this early
time, but the many advantages to be derived from its construction had
been well considered. The same writer went on to say that from this
splendid and not difficult enterprise, not merely the commerce of the
western shores of America would be brought, as it were, to their doors,
but that of the South Sea whalers, who would be saved the tedious and
dangerous voyage round Cape Horn. Then the whole of the vast interests
of Asia would increase in value to a degree that was then difficult to
conceive, by having a direct route across the Pacific. It would be as
if, by some great revolution of the globe, they were brought nearer.
Immense would be the traffic which immediately would begin to cover the
ocean--all the riches of India and China moving towards America. Then
also the commodities of Europe and America would be carried towards
Asia. As a result of this, vast depôts would be formed at the two
extremities of the canal, to soon develop into great commercial cities.
Never before had such an opportunity been offered to a nation as Great
Britain had then before her, owing to a wonderful combination of
circumstances.
Mr. Robinson, a United States merchant, in 1821, said that the most
ardent imagination would fail in an attempt to portray all the
important and beneficial consequences of such a work, the magnitude and
grandeur of which were worthy the profound attention of every commercial
nation. The powers of the old and new world should discard all selfish
considerations, and unite to execute it on a magnificent scale, so that
when completed it might become, like the ocean, a highway of nations,
the enjoyment of which should be guaranteed by all, and be exempt from
the caprice or regulation of any one kingdom or state.
Such were the views promulgated at the beginning of this century, but
nothing was done until about 1850, when the pressure of circumstances
again brought the isthmus into note.
Darien and Panama are in the Republic of New Granada, but north of these
come the small states of Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras, San Salvador,
and Guatemala. All of these are inhabited by true Americans--native
races who have to a considerable extent absorbed the slight admixture of
European blood introduced by their conquerors. Some places are so
inaccessible as to be virtually outside the pale of civilisation. The
roads are nothing but mule tracks, full of quagmires where the animals
have to wade up to their girths in mud--in fact, little better than the
paths so well described by Lionel Wafer. The rivers are numerous, and,
on account of the heavy rainfall, their currents are very strong, and
all the more dangerous from the numerous sandbanks and rapids which
obstruct their course. Since the states gained their independence they
have passed through so many changes of government that at the beginning
hardly a month passed without a revolution in one or the other. This
went on until 1848 without interference from outside, but with the
discovery of gold in California came an invasion of ruffians of all
nations.
The old freebooters almost seemed to have come to life again. Hardy
adventurers from all parts of the world rushed off to the new "El
Dorado," woke the sleepy Nicaraguans on the San Juan river, and roused
the people of Chagres. Over the isthmus of Panama or through the
Nicaragua lake they flocked by thousands, necessitating the
establishment of Transit Companies to provide them with mules, boats,
and steamers. The easiest, although longest, route was through
Nicaragua, which was controlled by the Vanderbilt Company, and during
the time the "rush" lasted they took over two or three thousand per
month. The Company had steamers on the lake to meet the throng of
diggers as they arrived, and they passed through at regular intervals
like a tide. The overland part of the route presented a strange
spectacle, with their pack mules and horses. Men of all nationalities,
armed with pistols and knives, which they were prepared to use on the
Greasers (natives) at the slightest provocation, put these altogether in
the background. A traveller has spoken of them as a string of romantic
figures that could not be matched in any other part of the world. Some
glowed with fervent passion, as if on fire, others were hard, cold, and
rugged as the rocky passes they traversed, while a few were worn, old,
and decaying, under the effects of the hardships and reverses of their
stormy existence. Every line in their faces had a meaning, if it could
only have been interpreted, telling of sin and suffering--of adventures
more terrible than were ever portrayed by the pen of the romantic
writer, and of experiences as fascinating as they had been dangerous.
Among the results of this rush through Nicaragua was the expedition of
William Walker, the great filibuster of this century. With fifty-five
men he went forth from California to conquer Central America, and in the
end nearly succeeded. He got himself elected President of Nicaragua, but
ultimately raised such a storm that he was brought to bay by some forces
from Honduras and Costa Rica, and had to surrender to the captain of a
British man-of-war, by whom he was handed over to his enemies to be
shot.
With this wonderful traffic across the isthmus arose the old canal
schemes, as well as a new one for a railway. Easy and rapid transit must
be obtained in some way or other, and this time being in the age of
steam, it naturally followed that the project for a railway gained
immediate support. It was commenced in 1850, at which time the terminus
on the Gulf side was settled, and the foundations of the new town of
Aspinwall or Colon laid a few miles east of Chagres. The difficulties
were enormous, on account of the marshy ground and the number of rivers
to be crossed. The wooden bridges were almost immediately attacked by
wood ants, floods carried away the timbers, but more distressing than
all was the loss of life through sickness. Chinese labourers were
imported in great numbers, only to fall victims to the same deadly
climate which had given Porto Bello and the isthmus generally their evil
reputation. However, the railway was completed in 1864, at the enormous
cost of $7,500,000, although its length is only 47-1/2 miles. Thus one
part of the great project was carried out, and a good road provided for
passengers and light goods, the annual value of which latter is now
about £15,000,000.
But those in favour of a canal were not sleeping all this time. The old
routes were again mooted, that through Lake Nicaragua being put down at
194 miles in length, while the other, since known as the Panama, was
only 51. Dr. Edward Cullen, however, in 1850 went out and made some
surveys, with the result that he advocated the old Darien line as the
shortest and most practicable. He would start from the same Port de
Escoces that witnessed the downfall of William Paterson's scheme, and
which he said was a most commodious harbour for the terminus of a canal.
The isthmus was here only 39 miles across, and free from many of the
difficulties which beset the other routes.
As a result of Dr. Cullen's reports, in 1852 it was proposed to
establish "The Atlantic and Pacific Junction Company," with a capital of
fifteen millions sterling. The prospectus stated that the period had
arrived when the spread of commerce and the flow of emigration to the
western shores of America, Australasia, and China, demanded a passage
more direct than those by way of the Cape of Good Hope and Cape Horn.
Various projects had been formed for uniting the two oceans, but all
these were open to the objection that they fell short of supplying a
continuous channel from sea to sea, for vessels of all dimensions, by
which alone transhipment could be obviated. Sir Charles Fox, Mr. John
Henderson, Mr. Thomas Brassey, and Dr. Cullen had received a concession
of territory from New Ganada to the extent of 200,000 acres, on
condition that a deposit of £24,000 be made within twelve months. It was
believed that the work could be completed for twelve millions.
The _Times_ spoke disparagingly of the new Company, and this probably
prevented its acceptance by the financial world. The line, it said, had
not been actually surveyed, but only superficially examined, and, after
all, if it were finished, it could only come into competition with the
Nicaragua Canal, every foot of which had been the subject of precise
estimates, and which would only cost _four millions_. Several letters
from the projectors and supporters of the Company followed, with other
leaders, the result being that the Darien Canal never went beyond a
project. Presently also the rush for California abated, and the railway
met the wants of the passengers; all the canal schemes were therefore
again shelved for a time.
Then came an almost Utopian project for a ship railway, the cars of
which would run down into the water, take up the largest vessel, and
carry it over without trouble or difficulty. This met with little
encouragement, and was soon dropped.
In 1879 Ferdinand de Lesseps, who had achieved such a glorious success
with the Suez Canal, took up the matter of a canal between the two
oceans, and summoned a congress of savants, engineers and seamen, to
inquire into and discuss the questions of its possibility, and of the
most suitable place for its excavation. A number of projects were
considered, among them that of Dr. Cullen, brought forward by M. de
Puydt, which, however, did not receive much attention, as there was a
difference of opinion as to the reliability of the figures.
The schemes were ultimately reduced to two--those for the Nicaragua and
Panama routes. The position of the great lake caused the former to be
thoroughly discussed; but there were several almost insurmountable
difficulties in the way of its adoption. To clear the San Juan river,
and make it into a great canal, would entail great labour and expense,
and then seven or eight locks would be required. On the Pacific side
locks would also be required for the Rivas, while the harbours of
Greytown on the Gulf side, and Brito on the Pacific, were quite unsuited
as termini for a canal. The total length would be 182-1/2 miles, and the
time occupied in the passage four and a half days. There was also
another great draw-back: Nicaragua was and is subject to earthquakes,
which would be likely at times to interfere greatly with such heavy
works as were required. It followed, therefore, that notwithstanding the
powerful support of the Americans, this line was abandoned in favour of
that from Port Simon to Panama, not far from the railway.
Two French officers, MM. Wyse and Reclus, had explored the country, and
proposed to carry the canal through the Chagres river, and thence, by
means of a great tunnel, into the valley of the Rio Grande; but, on
consideration, the tunnel was abandoned in favour of a deep cutting,
which would not exceed 290 feet. The great objection to this was the
floods of the Chagres river, which sometimes rose twenty-five feet in a
single night; but this was got over by arranging for a separate bed for
the canal. There were a few other difficulties, but propositions were
made to obviate them; and at last the sub-commission reported that "the
Panama Canal on the level technically presents itself under the most
satisfactory conditions, and ensures every facility, as it gives every
security, for the transit of vessels from one sea to another."
Now came the question of cost. The Nicaragua Canal was estimated at
£32,000,000, and that at Panama £40,000,000. (The reader will compare
these with former estimates, especially that of Nicaragua as stated by
the _Times_.) The former was rejected absolutely, on account of the
necessity for locks, and all further discussion was concerned with the
latter. It was then calculated that, with transit dues of fifteen francs
per ton, the net annual profit would be £1,680,000.
M. de Lesseps was elected to the Academy in 1885, when M. Renan said he
had been born to pierce isthmuses, and that antiquity would have made
him a god. Carried away by enthusiasm, the great projector saw no
difficulties; he had already completed a work which had been declared
almost impossible, now he would carry out a project similar to that
proposed by William Paterson. However, Panama was not Suez, a rainless
desert, but a place where floods, marshes, and quagmires took the place
of almost level sands.
M. Wyse had vainly tried to start a Company; but when Lesseps, with all
the prestige of his Suez Canal, joined him, there was comparatively
little difficulty. Personally, Lesseps seems to have known little of
Panama--all his knowledge was gained at second hand. The first public
subscription was invited in July, 1879, the capital being 400,000,000
francs (£16,000,000), in 800,000 shares at 500 francs each. This large
sum, however, was not obtained at once, only £3,200,000 being applied
for. However, Lesseps was not discouraged, but determined to go on with
the work, trusting that money would flow in as it was wanted, which
ultimately proved to be the case, until the project appeared hopeless.
He visited the isthmus, and made a triumphal progress over the line; he
even witnessed one of the great floods of the Chagres river, which rose
forty feet and covered the railway. Undaunted by this, he went over to
Panama, and on the 5th of January, 1880, inaugurated the great canal
with a ceremony and _fête_. He then stated that success was assured, and
declared, upon his word of honour, that the work would be much easier on
the isthmus than in the desert of Suez.
In March following he visited New York, where he was but coldly
received, on account of American jealousy of European influence. The
President said that the capital invested in such an enterprise by
corporations or citizens of other countries must be protected by one or
more of the great Powers, but no European Power could intervene for such
protection without adopting means which the United States would deem
inadmissible. This did not damp his enthusiasm; if other countries would
not assist, all the credit would go to France. The Company had a
concession from the Columbian Republic for twelve years, and the United
States would not be likely to interfere.
It will be interesting here to compare the estimates for the canal by
different persons and at different times within two years:--
M. Wyse, 1879 £17,080,000
The Paris Congress, 1879 41,760,000
The Lesseps Commission, February, 1880 33,720,000
M. de Lesseps himself, " " 26,320,000
Rectified estimate, September, 1880 21,200,000
Lesseps said he had an offer from a contractor to complete the work for
twenty millions. Backed by the press and the deputies, the Company's
shares sold freely, and on the 3rd of March, 1881, it was fully
established. It was promised that in the course of that year the line of
the canal should be cleared, and dredging commenced. Lesseps expected to
finish in 1887, but in 1884 and the two following years he was obliged
to advance the time to 1890. The canal was to be 47 miles long, 70 feet
wide at the bottom, and 29 feet deep.
Little was done in 1881, but the work was divided into five sections,
and in the following year dredging and excavating were commenced. But,
even thus early, it was found to be more difficult than had been
expected. Up to March, 1883, only 659,703 metres had been excavated,
which was reckoned to be about 1/130th of the whole. This would not do,
as it meant that over a century would pass before its completion. About
seven thousand labourers, mostly Jamaica negroes, were employed at that
time, and this number was increased until, in 1888, there were 11,500.
In 1884 the average amount excavated was 600,000 metres per month,
against Lesseps' estimate of two millions. Yet, with all that, it was
calculated that in this year only 1/180th of the material had been taken
out.
The difficulties were enormous. First, there was trouble to find dumping
places, where the earth would not be again washed into the excavations
by heavy floods. Then came the rank vegetation, which was continually
stretching from either side to choke the clearing. Weeds grew six to
eight feet high in a rainy season, and these, with the straggling vines,
kept a little army at work to clear them away from the embankments and
tracks. The workmen suffered greatly from yellow and other fevers, and
£600,000 was spent on hospitals and their appurtenances. Money was spent
profusely on such things as grand offices and a magnificent house to
lodge the President, if he should ever come to inspect the works. All
along the route were ornamental bungalows, and the director-general at
Panama had a salary of £20,000, besides a house and other allowances.
Even he suffered from fever, and his wife and daughter died of it.
Up to 1888 about fifty millions sterling had been spent, and hardly a
fifth of the work was finished. Then financial difficulties led to an
arrangement for merging it in a new Company, which proposed to complete
the canal on a new plan. Notwithstanding all the objections to locks, it
was now proposed to save such an immense work of excavation by erecting
four on either side, thus bringing the highest water level to 123 feet.
Eighteen and a half miles were said to have been completed, of which
five were on the Pacific side and the remainder on the Gulf. To carry
out the new plan, £36,000,000 more were required, but, as a matter of
fact, only a third of the work necessary for this revised scheme had
been done.
Then came the downfall, which has been compared to that of the South Sea
Bubble. When the Company went into liquidation, scores of shady
transactions came to light. Editors of newspapers and deputies had been
bribed to gain their support, and money had been wasted in almost every
possible manner. In February, 1893, M. Ferdinand de Lesseps and four
other directors were prosecuted, with the result that he, MM. C. de
Lesseps, Fontaine, and Cottin, were convicted of breach of trust and
swindling, the two former being sentenced to five years' imprisonment
and 3,000 francs fines each, and the latter two years and 20,000 francs
fines. M. Eiffel, the architect of the great tower of Paris, was found
guilty of breach of trust, and sentenced to two years' imprisonment and
a fine of 20,000 francs. Nine persons were then charged with receiving
bribes, one of whom, M. Baïhaut, admitted that he got 375,000 francs.
Three were found guilty, sentenced to imprisonment, fines, and to pay
the liquidators of the company the amount of M. Baïhaut's bribe. Charles
de Lesseps appealed against the charges of swindling, and these were
quashed on the ground that the transactions had occurred more than five
years before, thus getting the longer terms of imprisonment and fines of
the three principals reduced.
Ferdinand de Lesseps hardly knew what was going on; he was old, feeble,
and in a state of apathy and stupor. Pity for his condition prevented
the carrying out of the sentence as far as he was concerned, and he died
on the 7th of December, 1894. The _Times_, in noticing his death, said
the story was a most pitiful one. The blame of the Panama affair must be
laid upon the people and the public temper. Bribery and corruption were
symptoms of a thoroughly unhealthy state of things. An infatuated public
provided enormous sums; when these were spent, more went the same way,
and to get these contributions everything possible was done. Lesseps was
no engineer, but a diplomatist, planning great schemes and the means of
carrying them out. He was the man of the moment in France. He was
neither a financier nor an engineer, neither an impostor nor a swindler.
He was a man of great originality, of indomitable perseverance, of
boundless faith in himself, and of singular powers of fascination over
others.
Meanwhile several attempts had been made to get money to carry on the
work, one of which was by means of a lottery. But the French people were
discouraged, and were no longer prepared to throw good money after bad.
It followed, therefore, that although in 1894 a new company, with a
capital of sixty-five million francs, was proposed, and that it was
announced in August that eight hundred workmen were engaged, it does not
appear that anything is being done. If, as has been stated, only a third
of the work has been accomplished for, say, thirty millions, allowing
for waste of money, it can hardly be expected that double this amount
will ever be obtained. What with the heavy floods and rank vegetation, a
great deal will have to be done to recover lost ground; in fact, some of
the excavations must be filled up by this time. Those who know the
country can easily understand that the handsome bungalows, hospitals,
and workmen's houses must be overrun by wood-ants, and that the
machinery is mostly spoilt by rust. Even if the canal is ever finished
with locks, it is doubtful whether it could pay a dividend, as the work
of keeping it open by dredging would be very expensive. No doubt it
would be a boon to the world if it were finished, but capitalists expect
profit, and will hardly be inclined to assist without such expectations.
[Illustration: EUROPE SUPPORTED BY AFRICA AND AMERICA.
(_From Stedman's "Surinam."_)]
The Nicaragua canal has been in course of excavation for several years
past by an American Company. As finally adopted, it is to have a total
length of 169.4 miles, of which 56-1/2 will be through the lake, and 64½
through the San Juan river. There are to be three locks on either side,
which may cause trouble in case of a violent earthquake; and then,
again, the length of the journey will be against it as compared with
that of Panama. It has been attempted in the United States to make it a
national work, and the sum of a hundred million dollars is asked from
the American Government, or at least a guarantee on the issue of bonds
to that amount. We believe that very little enthusiasm for the project
has been shown. In August, 1893, the Company was unable to meet its
obligations, and a receiver was appointed, since which time we believe
the work is being continued, and that it has been decided to complete it
as soon as possible. M. de Varigny, in _L'Illustration_ of June the 1st,
1895, gives the following opinion on the work and its political
importance:--
"That the Washington statesmen take account of the fact that the cutting
of the isthmus is difficult, costly, and, in case of a rupture with
England, dangerous, we cannot doubt. But such is the fascination of
great enterprises, of grand words and grand theories, that senators and
representatives hesitate to oppose the current of opinion that is
bearing along the masses.
"The work has begun, and we can only hope that it will succeed. There
cannot be too many gates of communication between different peoples. The
United States undertake to open this. Can they do it, and doing it, will
they give up the advantages they will thereby acquire? The future will
show."
[Illustration]
INDEX.
Acosta, Pedro de, explorer of the Orinoco, 43
African slavery, 157
Aguirre the Tyrant, 38
Alfinger, Ambrosio de, searches for "El Dorado," 34
Altienza, Donna Inez de, murdered by Aguirre, 39
Amazon Company, 83
Amazon, expedition of Ursua and Aguirre, 38
American Indian, his character, 1
_Amis des Noirs_, 257
"Angel Gabriel," John Sayers Orr, rouses the negroes of Demerara, 335
Antigua, 165
Anti-slavery party, 289, 298
Apprenticeship, negro, 306
Araby, a leader of bush negroes, 227
Arawaks,
their character, 2;
Columbus tries to enslave them, 9;
the Spanish sovereign's good feeling for them, 9;
their treatment by the first colonists, 11;
did not lay up provisions, 12;
thinks Spaniards gods, 12;
refuse to be slaves, 18;
die off in great numbers, 18;
in Guiana, 23, 75
Araya, Dutch at, 75
Armada, Spanish, 63, 64
Aruba, 277
Aspinwall, 352
_Assiento_ contract to supply slaves, 196
Ayscue, Sir George, reduces Barbados for the Parliament, 124
Bahamas,
natives kidnapped, 19;
settled by English, 86;
resort of buccaneers, 96;
captured by Spaniards, 117
Baïhaut, M., bribed by Panama Canal Company, 361
Bannister, Major, English Governor of Surinam, 169
Barbados,
first colonised, 85;
protests against grant to Earl of Carlisle, 117;
result of the English revolution, 117;
Charles II. proclaimed king, 122;
Sir George Ayscue arrives to subdue the island, 124;
attack on Hole Town, 126;
the island surrenders, 128;
sufferings of a bond-servant in, 151;
De Ruyter driven off from, 161;
its unique position, 208;
negro plots, 213;
anti-slavery insurrection, 293;
result of emancipation, 328;
confederation disturbances, 341
Barker, Andrew, a rover, 62
Baron, a bush negro chief, 229
Basco, Michael de, a buccaneer, 99, 102
Baskerville, Sir Thomas, a companion of Drake, 65
Beaudierre, Mons. de, a sympathiser with the coloured people of
Hayti, 259
Berbice,
supplies cut off during war, 170;
captured by French corsairs, 178, 179;
great slave insurrection, 218
Belize, 250
Berrie, one of Ralegh's captains, 74
Berrio, Antonio de, Spanish Governor of Trinidad, 69
Bolivar, Simon, Liberator of Venezuela, 279
Bond-servants, 149
Boyer, President of Hayti, 275
Brethren of the coast, 93
British Guiana, 328, 334
British Legion in Venezuela, 286
Bull of Partition,
its terms, 48;
disputed, 49;
practically revoked, 134
Bush negroes, 225
Buxton, Fowell, 300
Byam, Major, Governor of Surinam, 128
Byron, Admiral, 241, 242
Caciques of the Indians, their position, 4
California rush, 351
Campeachy, Bay of, 96, 200
Cannibals, 20, 31
Canning's declaration of neutrality, 285
Caribana, 75
Caribbee Islands, 20, 85
Caribs,
their character, 6;
cannibalism, 20, 31;
hatred of Spaniards, 20;
in Guiana, 23, 75;
in St. Kitt's, 88
Carlisle, Earl of, Grantee of Caribbee Islands, 85, 122
Carthagena,
taken by French, 178;
great fair, 184;
attacked by Admiral Vernon, 205
Cary, Colonel, favours the buccaneers, 165
Casas, Las, 46
Cassard, Jacques,
the corsair, 179;
captures St. Eustatius, 180;
Curaçao, 181
Cattle, wild, 21
"Cavaliers" and "Roundheads" in Barbados, 119
Central American Republics, 288
Chagres, 352
Charbon, Jan Abraham, 219
Charles I. and the Colonies, 114
Charles II.
declared king in the Bermudas and Virginia, 117;
Barbados, 122;
his interest in the plantations, 135
Chinese labourers introduced, 327
Christianity forced on the natives, 8, 27
Christophe, a Haytian leader, 269, 274
Clervaux, a Haytian leader, 271
Clifford, Jeronomy, case of, 173
Cochrane, Admiral, 277
Codrington, Colonel, 119
Coffee, 143
Coffee, leader of rebel slaves in Berbice, 221, 223
Coke, John, 84
Colon, 352
Colonies, Spanish, in Hispaniola, 11, 14
Coloured people in Hayti, 257
Columbian Republic, 288
Columbus' opinion of the natives, 6
Confederation in Barbados, 341
Contraband trade with Spanish colonies, 53, 57, 201
Convict labour, 147
Coolies, East Indian, 327
Cooper, Anthony Ashley, 147
Corsairs, 49, 177
Corteso, Juan, an "El Dorado" seeker, 45
Costa Rica, 288
Cottin, M., 360
Cotton, 15, 18, 141
Council for Plantations, 135, 146
Cromwell and the West Indies, 129
Cudjo, a maroon chief, 215
Cuba, 20
Cullen, Dr. E., projector of the Darien Canal, 353
Curaçao, 115, 152, 165, 180, 238
Darbey, John, an English prisoner in Cuba, 171
Darien Canal, 353
Darien scheme, 188
Delgado, Augustine, an "El Dorado" seeker, 46
Demerara, 213, 246, 252, 301
Dessalines,
a chief in the Haytian insurrection, 271;
crowned emperor, 274
Dogs,
hunt Indians, 16;
run wild, 22;
hunt maroons, 235;
hunt rebel negroes, 271
Dominica, 91, 116, 238, 241, 249
_Dominus Vobiscum_, one of the first English vessels in the West
Indies, 49
D'Oyley, Governor of Jamaica, 134
Drake, Sir Francis,
voyage with Hawkins, 57;
raid on Nombre de Dios, 59;
great expedition to the West Indies, 63;
captures St. Domingo, 64;
last voyage, 65;
death, 65
Drax, Colonel, 120
Du Casse, a French corsair, 177
Dudley, Sir Robert, 66
Dutch, 67, 75, 84, 86, 115, 129, 166
Edwards, Bryan, 157
Eiffel, M., 360
"El Dorado,"
the quest for, 23;
dangers, 24;
germ of the story, 32;
Martinez' report, 44
Elizabeth, Queen, 67
Emancipation,
Great Britain, 289;
France, 310;
Denmark, 312;
Holland, 313;
Spain, 313
Enambuc, M. d', first French settler, 87-8, 116
Enciso, Bachelor, 29
English and Dutch, 67, 68, 114
Essequebo, 213
Everson, a Dutch pirate, 177
Eyre, Governor of Jamaica, 339
Fedreman, Nicholas, an "El Dorado" seeker, 35
Ferdinand and Isabella,
kind feelings towards the Indians, 10;
grant from the Pope, 48
Fontaine, Father, a Catholic missionary, 134
Fontaine, M., a Panama defaulter, 360
Fourgeaud, Colonel, 227
Franklin, Washington, 294
Free trade, 324
French,
in the West Indies, 49-51, 87;
company for settling the islands, 116;
character of, 167;
revolution, its influence on Hayti, effect on the Spanish Main, 276
George of Spires, an "El Dorado" seeker, 35
German knights in Venezuela, 33
Gold-hunting, 11, 15, 23, 29, 73
Gordon, Mr., a Member of the Jamaica Assembly, executed, 340
Grasse, Count de, 241, 249
Grenada, 238
Groenwegel, Commander of Essequebo, 86
Guadeloupe, 238, 251
_Guanin_, 23
Guatavita, Lake of, 32
Guatemala, 288
Guiana, 23, 69
Guianians, 44
Guichen, Admiral de, 241, 249
Güiria, 282
Guzman, Fernando de, 38
Haïti, Hayti, or Hispaniola,
its inhabitants, 3;
colonised, 11;
gold found, 11;
almost ruined by becoming depopulated, 21;
a resort of buccaneers, 91;
under the French, 251;
downfall, 257;
British invasion, 268;
republics and empires, 274
Hall, Captain, exploit of, 206
Harcourt, Robert, in Guiana, 76
Harry, a Guiana Indian, in London, 77, 78
Hartop, Job, a prisoner in Mexico, 58
Havana,
ransomed, 50;
sacked and burnt, 51
Hawkins, Sir John,
first voyage, 53;
second, 54;
third, 57;
final trip with Drake, and death, 65
Hawkins, William, voyage to Brazil, 52
Hennessy, Governor John Pope, of Barbados, 341, 345
Henri I. (Christophe), Emperor of Hayti, 274
Henry VIII. of England sends an expedition to the West Indies, 49
Herera, Alonzo de, 45
Hogs naturalised in Hispaniola, see Haïti
Hondo river, 250
Hood, Sir Samuel, 238
Hoogenheim, Wolfert Simon van, Governor of Berbice, 218
Huten, Philip von, an "El Dorado" seeker, 36
Iala, Father, an "El Dorado" seeker, 45
Indian, character of, 1
Jackson, Colonel, captures Santiago de la Vega, 116
Jacques I. (Dessalines), Emperor of Hayti, 274
Jamaica,
Valdivia wrecked off the coast, 30;
attacked by Colonel Jackson, 116;
captured by English, 131;
Spanish attempt to recapture, 133;
the first real British colony, 136;
progress of, 155;
authorities refuse help to the Darien colony, 193;
slave revolts, 214;
serious negro insurrection, 338
James I.,
friendship for Spain, 82, 114;
dispute with Spain about the West Indies and Virginia, 113
Jeffreys, Judge, sends prisoners to Barbados, 150
Jenkins, Captain, and his ear, 202
Jervis, Admiral Sir John, 251
Jews in the West Indies, 239, 245
Keymis, Captain, a follower of Ralegh, 74, 77-9, 81
Kyk-over-al, Dutch fort in Essequebo, 76
Labour difficulties, 14, 137, 321
Lafayette, 260
Lawrence, Captain, an English pirate, 99
Legrand, Pierre, a French pirate, 99
Leigh, Charles, first English settler in Guiana, 76
Lesseps, Ferdinand de, and his Panama scheme, 356
Lolonois, the great pirate, 101
Macatoa, reported a very rich city, 36
Madeirans imported into British Guiana, 327
Maltese imported into British Guiana, 327
Manoa, city of, fabulous residence of "El Dorado," 44
Margarita, 114, 152
Marino, Dictator of Venezuela, 283
Maroons or Simarons, 59, 211, 232
Martinez, Juan de, his report of "El Dorado," 43
Martinique, 116, 182, 238, 251, 259
Mauduit, Captain, murdered in the Haytian revolt, 262
Merrifield, Ralph, one of the first settlers in St. Kitt's, 85
Methodists, 295
Miranda, Francisco, leader of the revolution in Venezuela, 277, 347
Missionaries, Protestant, 295, 327
Montbar, the French pirate, 100
Montserrat, 161, 165, 249
Morgan, Captain (afterwards Sir Henry), the English buccaneer, 102, 177
Morgan, Colonel, 162
Morillo, Marshal, Spanish leader in Venezuela, 284
_Navio de permisso_, 199
Negro slavery, 52, 59, 139, 156, 210
Negroes, free, difficulties with, 329
Nelson, Lord,
flying trip to the West Indies, 254;
his expedition to Nicaragua, 346
Nevis, 161, 249
New Edinburgh, 192
New Granada, 32, 33, 281, 288
New World, 1
Nicaragua and the canal scheme, 288, 346, 351, 355, 362
North, Roger, a settler in Guiana, 83, 85
_Nueva Dorado_, 70
Ojeda, Alonzo de, 27
Omaguas, reported a rich nation, 36
Ophir, 15, 23
Ordas, Diego de, explores the Orinoco, 43
Orders in Council, 300
Orr, John Sayers, "the Angel Gabriel," creates a disturbance in
Demerara, 335
Ouverture, Toussaint L', leader of the Haytian negroes, 268
Oxenham or Oxnam, John, crosses the Isthmus, 61
Oyapok, English colonies in the, 76, 83
Panama, 186, 347, 350
Panama Canal, 347, 353, 355
Panama Railway, 352
Parima Lake, 33
Paterson, William, and the Darien scheme, 188
Penn and Venables, Generals, expedition to the West Indies, 130
Perez, Diego, a gallant Spaniard, 50
Petion, President of Hayti, 274, 285
Philips, Miles, an English prisoner in Mexico, 58
Pirates in the West Indies, 49, 90
Pitman, Henry, a bond-servant, 150
Pitt, in favour of a Panama Canal, 347
Plantations, 143, 154, 291
Pointis, de, a leader of buccaneers, 178
Pomeroon, 75, 161
Pope, The,
issues Bull of Partition, 48;
acknowledges French rights in the West Indies, 134
Popham, Captain, captures Spanish letters, 69
Porto Bello,
its fair, 185;
captured by Vernon, 204
Porto Rico, 20, 49
Prince of Orange in England, 252
Privateers, 96, 98
Proclamations to the Indians, 27, 30
Providence Island, 86
Puerto Cabello, 277
Quesada, Herman de, an "El Dorado" seeker, 36
Ralegh Sir Walter,
at Trinidad, 66;
his "Letters Patent," 68;
his interest in Guiana, 69;
captures Trinidad, 70;
searches for "El Dorado," 72;
sent to the Tower, 76;
liberated, 77;
goes again to Guiana, 78;
capture of St. Thome, 79;
his execution, 82
Reclus, M., a Panama Canal projector, 356
Regapo, Leonard, a Guiana Indian, in London, 77
_Repartimientos_, 15
Robespierre, 260
Rodney, Admiral, 237, 242
Rossy, Sieur du, 116
Route of Spanish trade, 49
Rovers to the Main, 49, 66
Royal African Company for introducing slaves, 149
Rupert, Prince, 124
Ruyter, Admiral de, attacks Barbados, 161
St. Christopher's, or St. Kitt's,
settled by Thomas Warner, 84;
granted to the Earl of Carlisle, 85;
d'Enambuc arrives, 87;
divided between English and French, 88;
attacked by Spaniards, 114;
granted to a French Company, 116;
bond-servants in, 153;
quarrels between English and French, 162, 177, 207;
captured by French, 249
St. Croix or Santa Cruz, riots in, 311, 329
St. Domingo,
captured by Drake, 64;
attempted by Penn and Venables, 131
St. Eustatius, 86, 161, 181, 238, 243
St. Lucia, 238, 241, 251
St. Martin's, 115, 116
St. Thomas, 239
St. Vincent, 238
Salle, General de la, French Governor of St. Kitt's, 162
San Juan river, 346
Santa Martha, captured by French pirates, 51
Santiago de Cuba, gallant fight at, 50
Santiago de la Vega captured by English, 116
Savile, Henry, his "Libel of Spanish Lies," 66
Sedenno, Antonio, an "El Dorado" seeker, 45
Serfdom, 137, 145
Shelley, Colonel, a "Cavalier" in Barbados, 121
Simarons, _see_ Maroons
Slaves,
Indian, 19;
negro, 52, 59, 139, 156, 210, 289;
white (bond-servants), 146;
insurrections, 213, 294, 302;
abolition of the African trade, 255, 289;
runaways, 210;
Registrar and Protector of, 293;
emancipation of, 309;
reviews of slavery, 289
Smith, Rev. John, a missionary sentenced to death in connection with
a slave revolt, 303-6
South Sea Bubble, 187, 196
Spain,
character of her people, 9;
introducing Christianity, 9;
wanton cruelty to the natives, 18;
hardiness of Spaniards, 25;
their audacity, 30;
Spanish claim to supremacy, 114;
interference with their trade, 133;
Spanish cruelty to prisoners of war, 171
"Spiriting" or kidnapping white servants, 146;
made felony 147
Sugar cane, 19, 141
Suicides, 18
Surinam, 161, 165, 167, 171, 179
Sylva, Gaspar de, an "El Dorado" seeker, 45
Tison, Thomas, first English trader to West Indies, 49
Tobacco, 141
Tobago, 115, 238, 251
Toledo, Don Frederic de, captures St. Kitt's, 114
Tortuga, the great rendezvous of the buccaneers, 95, 102, 165
Trade forced upon the Spanish settlers, 53, 57
Transported convicts, 147
Treasure seeking, 23
Trelawny Town, 232
Tribute imposed on natives, 15
Trinidad, 70, 328
Ursua, Pedro de, murdered by the tyrant Aguirre, 38
Utrecht, treaty of, 196
Valdivia, his shipwreck, 30
Van Horn the pirate, 103
Vanderbilt Transit Company, 351
Venables and Penn, Generals, their expedition, 130
Venezuela,
the treasure seekers in, 23;
her struggle for independence, 277
Vernon, Admiral, 204, 205, 337
Virgin Islands, 96
Virginia, 113
Wafer, Lionel, his journey across the Isthmus, 105
Walker, William, the modern filibuster, 352
Walrond, Colonel, a "Cavalier" in Barbados, 121
Warner, Thomas, founder of the colony of St. Kitt's, 84, 85, 88
Wars,
England and Spain, 63, 114, 130;
Holland and Spain, 87, 114;
France and Spain, 116;
England and Holland, 129, 160;
England and France against Holland and Spain, 170;
France against England and Holland, 177;
Spain, England, and Holland against France, 178;
England and Holland against France and Spain, 195;
England and Spain, 203;
England and her revolted colonies, 241;
France, Spain, and Holland join in the quarrel, 243;
commencement of the great French war, 251;
England and the United States, 255
Watts, Governor, of St. Kitt's, 162
Welsers of Augsburg, 33
West India Company of Holland, 87
William III. and the Darien scheme, 194
Willoughby, Lord, Governor of Barbados, 122, 124-8, 164
Wyse, M., a Panama Canal projector, 356
[Illustration]
The Gresham Press,
UNWIN BROTHERS,
WOKING AND LONDON.
End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The West Indies and the Spanish Main
[1899], by James Rodway
*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WEST INDIES ***
***** This file should be named 32809-8.txt or 32809-8.zip *****
This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
http://www.gutenberg.org/3/2/8/0/32809/
Produced by Steven Gibbs, Jane Hyland and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
will be renamed.
Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project
Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you
do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is
subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
redistribution.
*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
http://gutenberg.org/license).
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an
individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in
a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check
the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning
the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
copied or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked
to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
that
- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is
owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments
must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License. You must require such a user to return or
destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
Project Gutenberg-tm works.
- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
of receipt of the work.
- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the
Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with
the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy
is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
opportunities to fix the problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists
because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
people in all walks of life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org.
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
http://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at
809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
[email protected]. Email contact links and up to date contact
information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
page at http://pglaf.org
For additional contact information:
Dr. Gregory B. Newby
Chief Executive and Director
[email protected]
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To
SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
particular state visit http://pglaf.org
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.
Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily
keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
http://www.gutenberg.org
This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
