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Title: Sketch of the life of Abraham Lincoln
Author: Isaac Newton Arnold
Release Date: October 22, 2011 [EBook #37818]
Language: English
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[Illustration: Abraham Lincoln (signature)
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.]
_Eng^d by H. B. Hall Jr. from a Photo by Brady & Co._
Published by Jno. B. Bachelder.
NEW YORK.
SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
COMPILED IN MOST PART
FROM THE
HISTORY OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, AND THE OVERTHROW OF SLAVERY.
PUBLISHED BY MESSRS. CLARK AND CO., CHICAGO.
BY
ISAAC N. ARNOLD
JOHN B. BACHELDER, PUBLISHER,
59 BEEKMAN STREET, NEW YORK.
1869.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1868, by
JOHN B. BACHELDER,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for
the Southern District of New York.
ALVORD, PRINTER.
PUBLISHER'S PREFACE.
Time out of mind, words prefatory have been considered indispensable to
the successful publication of a book. This sketch of the LIFE and DEATH
of ABRAHAM LINCOLN is intended as an accompaniment to the Historical
Painting which has rescued from oblivion, and, with almost perfect
fidelity, transmitted to futurity, "THE LAST HOURS OF LINCOLN." In its
preparation has been invoked the aid of one who in life was near the
heart of MR. LINCOLN, and at death was a witness to that last sad scene,
so accurately delineated by the painter's art--the Hon. ISAAC N. ARNOLD.
His intimate and social relations with MR. LINCOLN, his unbounded
admiration of the goodness and sincerity of the Great Emancipator,
renders this invocation eminently appropriate. This sketch contains
subject-matter never before made public, presented in the full dress of
the author's happiest style.
In confident reliance upon the affection of the people for the great
Apostle of Liberty--the Martyr--who in his blood wrote his belief "that
all men everywhere should be free," this sketch is submitted.
JANUARY 1, 1869.
CONTENTS.
SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN,
LINCOLN ANCESTRY,
BOYHOOD OF LINCOLN,
YOUTHFUL DUTIES AND AMUSEMENTS,
EARLY EDUCATION,
ELECTED CAPTAIN--BLACK HAWK WAR,
NOMINATION FOR LEGISLATURE,
MEMBER OF THE LEGISLATURE,
ADMITTED TO THE BAR,
PRACTICE AT THE BAR,
PROFESSIONAL BEARING,
RETIREMENT FROM THE LEGISLATURE,
ANTI-SLAVERY PROCLIVITIES,
MARRIAGE,
MARY TODD,
CHILDREN,
IN CONGRESS,
STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS,
ABOLITION OF SLAVERY AT WASHINGTON,
SUCCESSOR IN CONGRESS--E. D. BAKER,
BEGINNING OF THE END OF SLAVERY,
LINCOLN IN THE KANSAS STRUGGLE,
LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE,
EARLY ACQUAINTANCE OF LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS,
DOUGLAS AS A DEBATER,
DOUGLAS--LINCOLN--PERSONAL DESCRIPTION,
DOUGLAS--LINCOLN--PERSONAL DESCRIPTION CONTINUED,
COOPER INSTITUTE ADDRESS
CHICAGO CONVENTION--NOMINATION TO PRESIDENCY,
POPULAR VOTE--ELECTION,
JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON,
ARRIVAL AT WASHINGTON,
RECEPTION,
FIRST INAUGURATION,
CIVIL WAR,
THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS,
CALLING OUT TROOPS,
REGULAR SESSION OF CONGRESS, DECEMBER, 1861,
SLAVERY LAWS PASSED,
EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION,
OWEN LOVEJOY,
PROCLAMATION ISSUED--JANUARY 1, 1863,
GETTYSBURG--CONSECRATION,
NEW YEAR--1864,
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL--NOMINATION OF ULYSSES S. GRANT,
CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT ABOLISHING SLAVERY,
SECOND INAUGURATION,
VISIT TO ARMY HEAD-QUARTERS--CITY POINT,
LINCOLN--GRANT--SHERMAN--PERSONAL APPEARANCE,
UNION TROOPS ENTER RICHMOND,
VISIT TO RICHMOND,
RETURN TO WASHINGTON,
REVIEW OF THE ARMY,
LAST DAYS OF LINCOLN,
ASSASSINATION,
VISIT TO FORD'S THEATER,
JOHN WILKES BOOTH,
DETAILS OF THE ASSASSINATION,
PRESIDENT REMOVED FROM THE THEATER,
DEATH OF LINCOLN
SCENES IN WASHINGTON
DEATH OF BOOTH
ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION OF SECRETARY SEWARD
RECEPTION OF MR. LINCOLN'S DEATH THROUGHOUT THE COUNTRY
MEETING OF MEMBERS OF CONGRESS
COMMITTEE TO ATTEND THE REMAINS TO ILLINOIS
FUNERAL CEREMONIES
FUNERAL CORTEGE.--WASHINGTON, PHILADELPHIA, NEW JERSEY, NEW YORK,
OHIO, INDIANA, ILLINOIS
PERSONAL SKETCHES
FONDNESS FOR READING
LAST SUNDAY OF HIS LIFE
CONVERSATIONAL POWERS
PUBLIC SPEAKER
THE WORDS OF LINCOLN
HABITUAL MANNER OF TRANSACTING BUSINESS AT THE WHITE HOUSE
DESCRIPTION OF ROOMS AND FURNITURE
ETIQUETTE OF BUSINESS RECEPTION
GREATNESS OF HIS SERVICES
THE MOST DEMOCRATIC PRESIDENT
RELIGIOUS CREED
BELIEF IN A GOD
SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
Modern history furnishes no life more eventful and important, terminated
by a death so dramatic, as that of the Martyr President. Poetry and
painting, sculpture and eloquence, have all sought to illustrate his
career, but the grand epic poem of his life has yet to be written. We
are too near him in point of time, fully to comprehend and appreciate
his greatness and the vast influence he is to exert upon the world. The
storms which marked his tempestuous political career have not yet
entirely subsided, and the shock of his fearfully tragic death is still
felt; but as the dust and smoke of war pass away, and the mists of
prejudice which filled the air during the great conflict clear up, his
character will stand out in bolder relief and more perfect outline.
The ablest and most sincere apostle of liberty the world has ever seen
was Abraham Lincoln. He was a Christian statesman, with faith in God and
man. The two men, whose pre-eminence in American history the world will
ever recognize, are Washington and Lincoln. The Republic which the first
founded and the latter saved, has already crowned them as models for her
children.
Abraham Lincoln was born, February 12th, 1809, in Hardin County, in the
Slave State of Kentucky.[1]
[1] When the compiler of the Annals of Congress asked Mr. Lincoln to
furnish him with data from which to compile a sketch of his life, the
following brief, characteristic statement was given. It contrasts very
strikingly with the voluminous biographies furnished by some small great
men who have been in Congress:--
"Born, February 12th, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentucky.
"Education defective.
"Profession, a Lawyer.
"Have been a Captain of Volunteers in Black Hawk War.
"Postmaster at a very small office.
"Four times a member of the Illinois Legislature, and was a member of
the Lower House of Congress.
"Yours, &c.,
"A. LINCOLN."
His father Thomas and his grandfather Abraham were born in Rockingham
County, Virginia. His ancestors were from Pennsylvania, and were Friends
or Quakers. The grandfather after whom he was named, went early to
Kentucky, and was murdered by the Indians, while at work upon his farm.
The early and fearful conflicts in the dense forests of Kentucky,
between the settlers and the Indians, gave to a portion of that
beautiful State the name of the "_dark and bloody ground_." The subject
of this sketch was the son, the grandson, and the great grandson of a
pioneer. His ancestors had settled on the border, first in Pennsylvania,
then in Virginia, and from thence to Kentucky. His grandfather had four
sons and two daughters. Thomas the youngest son was the father of
Abraham, and his life was a struggle with poverty, a hard-working man
with very limited education. He could barely sign his name. In the
twenty-eighth year of his age he married Nancy Hanks, a native of
Virginia, she was one of those plain, dignified matrons, possessing a
strong physical organization, and great common sense, with deep
religious feeling, and the utmost devotion to her family and children,
such as are not unusual in the early settlements of our country. Reared
on the frontier, where life was a struggle, she could use the rifle and
the implements of agriculture as well as the distaff and spinning-wheel.
She was one of those strong, self-reliant characters, yet gentle in
manners, often found in the humbler walks of life, fitted as well to
command the respect, as the love of all to whom she was known. Abraham
had a brother older, and a sister younger than himself, but both died
many years before he reached distinction.
In 1816, when he was only eight years old, the family removed to Spenser
County, Indiana. The first tool the boy of the backwoods learns to use
is the ax. This, young Lincoln, strong and athletic beyond his years,
had learned to handle with some effect, even at that early age, and he
began from this period to be of important service to his parents in
cutting their way to, and building up, a home in the forests.
A feat with the rifle soon after this period shows that he was not
unaccustomed to its use: seeing a flock of wild turkeys approaching, the
lad seized his father's rifle and succeeded in shooting one through a
crack of his father's cabin.
In the autumn of 1818 his mother died. Her death was to her family, and
especially her favorite son Abraham, an irreparable loss. Although she
died when in his tenth year, she had already deeply impressed upon him
those elements of character which were the foundation of his greatness;
perfect truthfulness, inflexible honesty, love of justice and respect
for age, and reverence for God. He ever spoke of her with the most
touching affection. "All that I am, or hope to be," said he, "I owe to
my angel mother."
It was his mother who taught him to read and write; from her he learned
to read the Bible, and this book he read and re-read in youth, because
he had little else to read, and later in life because he believed it was
the word of God, and the best guide of human conduct. It was very rare
to find, even among clergymen, any so familiar with it as he, and few
could so readily and accurately quote its text.
There is something very affecting in the incident that this boy--whom
his mother had found time amidst her weary toil and the hard struggle of
her rude life, to teach to write legibly, should find the first occasion
of putting his knowledge of the pen to practical use, was in writing a
letter to a traveling preacher, imploring him to come and perform
religious services over his mother's grave. The preacher, a Mr. Elkin,
came, though not immediately, traveling many miles on horseback through
the wild forests; and some months after her death the family and
neighbors gathered around the tree beneath which they had laid her, to
perform the simple, solemn funeral rites. Hymns were sung, prayers said,
and an address pronounced over her grave. The impression made upon young
Lincoln by his mother was as lasting as life. Love of truth, reverence
for religion, perfect integrity, were ever associated in his mind with
the tenderest love and respect for her. His father subsequently married
Mrs. Sally Johnson, of Kentucky, a widow with three children.
In March, 1830, the family removed to Illinois, and settled in Macon
County, near Decatur. Here he assisted his father to build a log-cabin;
clear, fence, and plant, a few acres of land; and then, being now
twenty-one years of age, he asked permission to seek his own fortune. He
began by going out to work by the month, breaking up the prairie,
splitting and chopping cord wood, and any thing he could find to do. His
father not long afterward removed to Coles County, Illinois, where he
lived until 1851, dying at the age of seventy-three. He lived to see his
son Abraham one of the most distinguished men in the State, and received
from him many memorials of his affection and kindness. His son often
sent money to his father and other members of his family, and always
treated them, however poor and illiterate, with the kindest
consideration.
It is clear from his own declarations that he early cherished an
ambition, probably under the inspiration of his mother, to rise to a
higher position. He had in all less than one year's attendance at
school, but his mother having taught him to read and write, with an
industry, application, and perseverance untiring, he applied himself to
all the means of improvement within his reach. Fortunately,
providentially, the Bible has been everywhere and always present in
every cabin and home in the land. The influence of this book formed his
character; he was able to obtain in addition to the Bible, Æsop's
Fables, Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, Weems' Life of Washington, and
Burns' Poems. These constituted nearly all he read before he reached the
age of nineteen. Living on the frontier, mingling with the rude,
hard-working, honest, and virtuous backwoodsmen, he became expert in the
use of every implement of agriculture and woodcraft, and as an ax-man he
had no superior.
His days were spent in hard manual labor, and his evenings in study; he
grew up free from idleness, and contracted no stain of intemperance,
profanity, or vice; he drank no intoxicating liquors, nor did he use
tobacco in any form.
There is a tradition that while residing at New Salem, Mr. Lincoln
entertained a boy's fancy for a prairie beauty named Ann Rutledge. Mr.
Irving, in his life of Washington, says: "Before he (Washington) was
fifteen years of age, he had conceived a passion for some unknown
beauty, so serious as to disturb his otherwise well-regulated mind, and
to make him really unhappy." Some romance has been published in regard
to this early attachment of Lincoln, and gossip and imagination have
converted a simple, boyish fancy, such as few reach manhood without
having passed through, into a "grand passion." It has been produced in a
form altogether too dramatic and highly-colored for the truth. The idea
that this fancy had any permanent influence upon his life and character
is purely imaginary. No man was ever a more devoted and affectionate
husband and father than he.
In the spring of 1832 Lincoln volunteered as a private in a company of
soldiers raised by the Governor of Illinois, for what is known as the
Black Hawk War. He was elected captain of the company, and served during
the campaign, but had no opportunity of meeting the enemy.
Soon after his return he was nominated for the State Legislature, and in
the precinct in which he resided, out of 284 votes received all but
seven. It was while a resident of New Salem that he became a practical
surveyor.
Up to this period the life of Lincoln had been one of labor, hardship,
and struggle: his shelter had been the log-cabin; his food, the "_corn
dodger and common doings_,"[2] the game of the forests and the prairie,
and the products of the farm; his dress, the Kentucky jean and buckskin
of the frontier; the tools with which he labored, the ax, the hoe, and
the plow. He had made two trips to New Orleans; these and his soldiering
in the Black Hawk War showed his fondness for adventure.
[2] The settlers have an expression, "Corn dodger and common doin's," as
contradistinguished from "Wheat bread and chickin fixin's."
Thus far he had been a backwoodsman, a rail-splitter, a flatboatman, a
clerk, a captain of volunteers, a surveyor. In 1834 he was elected to
the Legislature of Illinois, receiving the highest vote of any one on
the ticket. He was re-elected in 1836 (the term being for two years). At
this session he met, as a fellow-member, Stephen A. Douglas, then
representing Morgan County.
He remained a member of the Legislature for eight years, and then
declined being again a candidate.
He was admitted to the bar of the Supreme Court of Illinois in the
autumn of 1836, and his name first appears on the roll of attorneys in
1837.
In April of this year he removed to Springfield, and soon after entered
into partnership with his friend, John T. Stewart. As a lawyer he early
manifested, in a wonderful degree, the power of simplifying and making
clear to the common understanding the most difficult and abstruse
questions.
The circuit practice--"riding the circuit" it was called--as conducted
in Illinois thirty years ago, was admirably adapted to educate, develop,
and discipline all there was in a man of intellect and character. Few
books could be obtained upon the circuit, and no large libraries for
consultation could be found anywhere. A mere case lawyer was a helpless
child in the hands of the intellectual giants produced by these
circuit-court contests, where novel questions were constantly arising,
and must be immediately settled upon principle and analogy.[3]
[3] Vide "History of Abraham Lincoln and the Overthrow of Slavery," p.
76.
A few elementary books, such as Blackstone's and Kent's Commentaries,
Chitty's Pleadings, and Starkie's Evidence, could sometimes be found, or
an odd volume would be carried along with the scanty wardrobe of the
attorney in his saddle-bags. These were studied until the text was as
familiar as the alphabet. By such aid as these afforded, and the
application of principles, were all the complex questions which arose
settled. Thirty years ago it was the practice of the leading members of
the bar to follow the judge from county to county. The court-houses were
rude log buildings, with slab benches for seats, and the roughest pine
tables. In these, when courts were in session, Lincoln could be always
found, dressed in Kentucky jean, and always surrounded by a circle of
admiring friends--always personally popular with the judges, the
lawyers, the jury, and the spectators. His wit and humor, his power of
illustration by apt comparison and anecdote, his power to ridicule by
ludicrous stories and illustrations, were inexhaustible.
He always aided by his advice and counsel the young members of the bar.
No embarrassed tyro in the profession ever sought his assistance in
vain, and it was not unusual for him, if his adversary was young and
inexperienced, kindly to point out to him formal errors in his pleadings
and practice. His manner of conducting jury trials was very effective.
He was familiar, frequently colloquial: at the summer terms of the
courts, he would often take off his coat, and leaning carelessly on the
rail of the jury box, would single out and address a leading juryman,
in a conversational way, and with his invariable candor and fairness
would proceed to reason the case. When he was satisfied that he had
secured the favorable judgment of the juryman so addressed, he would
turn to another, and address him in the same manner, until he was
convinced the jury were with him. There were times when aroused by
injustice, fraud, or some great wrong or falsehood, when his
denunciation was so crushing that the object of it was driven from the
court-room.
There was a latent power in him which when aroused was literally
overwhelming. This power was sometimes exhibited in political debate,
and there were occasions when it utterly paralyzed his opponent. His
replies to Douglas, at Springfield and Peoria, in 1858, were
illustrations of this power. His examination and cross-examination of
witnesses were very happy and effective. He always treated those who
were disposed to be truthful with respect.
Mr. Lincoln's professional bearing was so high, he was so courteous and
fair that no man ever questioned his truthfulness or his honor. No one
who watched him for half an hour in court in an important case ever
doubted his ability. He understood human nature well; and read the
character of party, jury, witnesses, and attorneys, and knew how to
address and influence them. Probably as a jury lawyer, on the right
side, he has never had his superior.
Such was Mr. Lincoln at the bar, a fair, honest, able lawyer, on the
right side irresistible, on the wrong comparatively weak.
MR. LINCOLN FROM HIS RETIREMENT FROM THE ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE TO HIS
ELECTION TO CONGRESS.
A friend and associate of Mr. Lincoln, speaking of him, as he was in
1840, says: "They mistake greatly who regard him as an uneducated man.
In the physical sciences he was remarkably well read. In scientific
mechanics, and all inventions and labor-saving machinery, he was
thoroughly informed. He was one of the best practical surveyors in the
State. He understood the general principles of botany, geology, and
astronomy, and had a great treasury of practical useful knowledge."
He continued to acquire knowledge and to grow intellectually until his
death, and became one of the most intelligent and best-informed men in
public life.
Early in life he became an anti-slavery man, as well from the impulses
of his heart as the convictions of his reason. He always had an intense
hatred of oppression in every form, and an honest, earnest faith in the
common people, and his sympathies were ever with the oppressed. The most
conspicuous traits of his character were love of justice and love of
truth. It is false, very arrogant, and to those who knew Lincoln in his
earlier years, it is very amusing, for any man or set of men to assume
to himself or themselves the credit of having inspired him with hatred
of slavery. No man was less influenced by others in coming to his
conclusions than he; and this was especially true in regard to questions
involving right and justice. His own heart, his own observation, his own
clear intellect led him to become an anti-slavery man. Long before he
plead the cause of the slave before the American people, he said to a
friend,[4] "It is strange that while our courts decide that a man does
not lose his title to his property by its being stolen, but he may
reclaim it whenever he can find it, yet if he himself is stolen he
instantly loses his right to himself!"
[4] Hon. Jos. Gillespie.
In November, 1842, he was married to Miss Mary Todd, daughter of the
Hon. Robert S. Todd, of Kentucky. The mother of Mrs. Lincoln died when
she was young. She had sisters living at Springfield, Illinois. Visiting
them, she made the acquaintance and won the heart of Mr. Lincoln. They
had four children, Robert, Edward (who died in infancy), William, and
Thomas. Robert and Thomas survive. William, a beautiful and promising
boy, died at Washington, during his father's presidency. Mr. Lincoln was
a most fond, tender, and affectionate husband and father. No man was
ever more faithful and true in his domestic relations.
LINCOLN IN CONGRESS.
On the 6th of December, 1847, Mr. Lincoln took his seat in Congress. Mr.
Douglas, who had already run a brilliant career in the lower House of
Congress, at this same session took his seat in the Senate. Mr. Lincoln
distinguished himself by able speeches upon the Mexican War, upon
Internal Improvements, and by one of the most effective campaign
speeches of that Congress in favor of the election of General Taylor to
the Presidency. He proposed a bill for the abolition of slavery at the
National capital. He declined a re-election, and was succeeded by his
friend, the eloquent E. D. Baker, who was killed at Ball's Bluff.
In 1852, he lead the electoral ticket of Illinois in favor of General
Scott for President. Franklin Pierce was elected, and Mr. Lincoln
remained quietly engaged in his professional pursuits until the repeal
of the Missouri Compromise in 1854. This event was the beginning of the
end of slavery. "It thoroughly roused the people of the Free States to a
realization of the progress and encroachments of the slave power, and
the necessity of preserving 'the jewel of freedom.'" From that hour the
conflict went on between freedom and slavery, first by the ballot, and
all the agencies by which public opinion is influenced, and then the
slave-holders, seeing that their supremacy was departing, sought by arms
to overthrow the government which they could no longer control.
Mr. Lincoln, while a strong opponent of slavery, had up to this time
rested in the hope that by peaceful agencies it was in the course of
ultimate extinction. But now seeing the vast strides it was making, he
became convinced its progress must be arrested or that it would dominate
over the republic, and Slavery would become "lawful in all the States."
From this time he gave himself with solemn earnestness to the cause of
liberty and his country. He forgot himself in his great cause. He did
not seek place, if the great cause could be better advanced by the
promotion of another; hence his promotion of the election of Trumbull to
the United States Senate.
This unselfish devotion to principle was a great source of his power.
Placing himself at the head of those who opposed the extension of, and
who believed in the moral wrong of slavery, he entered upon his great
mission with a singleness of purpose, an eloquence and power, which made
him as the advocate of freedom, the most effective and influential
speaker who ever addressed the American people.
He brought to the tremendous struggle between freedom and slavery
physical strength and endurance almost superhuman. Notwithstanding his
modesty and the absence of all self-assertion, when we review the
conflict from 1854 to 1865, when the struggle closed by the adoption of
the constitutional amendment abolishing and prohibiting slavery forever
throughout the republic, it is clear that Lincoln's speeches and
writings did more to accomplish this result than any other agency.
Following the repeal of the Missouri Compromise came the Kansas
struggle, and the organization of a great party to resist the
encroachments and aggressions of slavery. The people instinctively found
the leader of such a party in Lincoln.
Looking over the whole ground, with the sagacity which marked his
far-seeing mind, he saw that the basis upon which to build were the
grand principles of the Declaration of Independence. This foundation was
broad enough to include old-fashioned Democrats who sympathized with
Jefferson in his hatred of slavery; Whigs who had learned their love of
liberty from the utterances of the Adamses and Channings, and the
earlier speeches of Webster; and anti-slavery men, who recognized Chase
and Sumner as their leaders.
He now addressed himself to the work of consolidating out of all these
elements a party, the distinctive characteristics of which should be the
full recognition of the principles of the Declaration of Independence
and hostility to the extension of Slavery. This was the party which in
1856 gave John C. Fremont 114 electoral votes for President, and in
1860, elected Lincoln to the executive chair.
THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE.
In the midsummer of 1858, Senator Douglas, whose term approached its
close, came home to canvass for re-election. It was in the midst of the
Kansas struggle, and although he had broken with the administration of
Buchanan, because he resisted the admission of Kansas into the Union,
under the fraudulent Lecompton Constitution, and insisted that the
people of that State, should enjoy the right by a fair vote, of deciding
upon the character of their Constitution,[5] yet the people of Illinois
did not forget that he was chiefly responsible for the repeal of the
Missouri Compromise, and that he had indorsed the Dred Scott decision.
On the 17th of June, 1858, the Republican State Convention of Illinois
met and by acclamation nominated Mr. Lincoln for the Senate. He was
unquestionably more indebted to Douglas for his greatness than to any
other person.
[5] That they "should be perfectly free to form and regulate their
domestic institutions in their own way."
In 1856 Lincoln said, "Twenty years ago Judge Douglas and I first became
acquainted; we were both young then, he a trifle younger than I. Even
then we were both ambitious, I perhaps quite as much as he. With me the
race of ambition has proved a flat failure; with him it has been one of
splendid success. His name fills the nation, and it is not unknown in
foreign lands. I affect no contempt for the high eminence he has
reached; so reached that the oppressed of my species might have shared
with me in the elevation, I would rather stand on that eminence than
wear the richest crown that ever pressed a monarch's brow."
Ten years had not gone by, before the modest Lincoln, then so humbly
expressing this noble sentiment, and to whom at that moment "The race of
ambition seemed a flat failure;" ten years had not passed, ere he had
reached an eminence on which his name filled, not a nation only, but the
world; and he had indeed so reached it, that the oppressed did share
with him in the elevation; and so far had he passed his then great
rival, that the name of Douglas will be carried down to posterity,
chiefly because of its association as a competitor with Lincoln.
But in many particulars Douglas was not an unworthy competitor. The
contest between these two champions was perhaps the most remarkable in
American history. They were the acknowledged leaders, each of his party.
Douglas had been a prominent candidate for the presidency, was well
known and personally popular, not only in the West, but throughout the
Union. Both were men of great and marked individuality of character. The
immediate prize was the Senatorship of the great State of Illinois, and,
in the future, the presidency. The result would largely influence the
struggle for freedom in Kansas, and the question of slavery throughout
the Union. The canvass attracted the attention of the people everywhere,
and the speeches were reported and published, not only in the leading
papers in the State, but reporters were sent from most of the large
cities, to report the incidents of the debates, and describe the
conflict.
Douglas was at this time unquestionably the leading debater in the
United States Senate. For years he had been accustomed to meet the
great leaders of the nation in Congress, and he had rarely been
discomfited. He had contended with Jefferson Davis, and Toombs, and
Hunter, and with Chase, and Sumner, and Seward; and his friends claimed
that he was the equal, if not the superior, of the ablest. He was
fertile in resources, severe in denunciation, familiar with political
history, and had participated so many years in Congressional debate,
that he handled with readiness and facility all the weapons of political
controversy. Of indomitable physical and moral courage, he was certainly
among the most formidable men in the nation on the stump. In Illinois,
where he had hosts of friends and enthusiastic followers, he possessed a
power over the masses unequaled by any other man, a most striking
exhibition of which was exhibited in this canvass, in which he held to
himself the whole Democratic party of the State. The administration of
Buchanan, with all its patronage wielded by the wily and unscrupulous
Slidell, and running a separate ticket, was able to detach only 5,000
out of 126,000 votes from him. There was something exciting, something
which stirred the blood, in the boldness with which he threw himself
into the conflict, and dealt his blows right and left against the
Republican party on one side, and the administration of Buchanan, which
sought his defeat, on the other.
Two men presenting more striking contrasts, physically, intellectually,
and morally, could not anywhere be found. Douglas was a short, sturdy,
resolute man, with large head and chest, and short legs; his ability had
gained for him the appellation of "The little giant of Illinois."
Lincoln was of the Kentucky type of men, very tall, long-limbed,
angular, awkward in gait and attitude, physically a real giant,
large-featured, his eyes deep-set under heavy eyebrows, his forehead
high and retreating, with heavy, dark hair.
Their style of speaking, like every thing about them, was in striking
contrast. Douglas, skilled by a thousand conflicts in all the strategy
of a face to face encounter, stepped upon the platform and faced the
thousands of friends and foes around him with an air of conscious power.
There was an air of indomitable pluck, sometimes something approaching
impudence in his manner, when he looked out on the immense throngs which
surged and struggled before him. Lincoln was modest, but always
self-possessed, with no self-consciousness, his whole mind evidently
absorbed in his great theme, always candid, truthful, cool, logical,
accurate; at times, inspired by his subject, rising to great dignity and
wonderful power. The impression made by Douglas, upon a stranger who saw
him for the first time on the platform, would be--"that is a bold,
audacious, ready debater, an ugly opponent." Of Lincoln--"There is a
candid, truthful, sincere man, who, whether right or wrong, believes he
is right." Lincoln argued the side of freedom, with the most thorough
conviction that on its triumph depended the fate of the Republic. An
idea of the impression made by Lincoln in these discussions may be
inferred from a remark made by a plain old Quaker, who, at the close of
the Ottawa debate, said: "Friend, doubtless God _Almighty might_ have
made an honester man than Abe Lincoln, but doubtless he never did." It
is curious that the cause of freedom was plead by a Kentuckian, and that
of slavery by a native of Vermont. Forgetful of the ancestral hatred of
slavery to which he had been born, Douglas had, by marriage, become a
slave-holder. Lincoln had one great advantage over his antagonist--he
was always good-humored; while Douglas sometimes lost his temper,
Lincoln never lost his.
The great champions in these debates, and their discussions, have passed
into history, and the world has ratified the popular verdict of the
day--that Lincoln was the victor. It should be remembered, in justice to
the intellectual power of Douglas, that Lincoln spoke for liberty, and
he was the organ of a new and vigorous party, with a full consciousness
of being in the right. Douglas was looking to the presidency as well as
the senatorship, and must keep one eye on the slave-holder and the other
on the citizens of Illinois.
The debates in the old Continental Congress, and those on the Missouri
question of 1820-1, those of Webster and Hayne, and Webster and Calhoun,
are all historical; but it may be doubted if either were more important
than these of Lincoln and Douglas.
Mr. Lincoln, although his party received a majority of the popular vote
was defeated for Senator, because certain Democratic Senators held over
from certain Republican districts.
On the 27th of February, 1860, Mr. Lincoln delivered his celebrated
Cooper Institute address. Many went to hear the prairie orator,
expecting to be entertained with noisy declamation, extravagant and
verbose, and with plenty of amusing stories. The speech was so
dignified, so exact in language and statement, so replete with
historical learning, it exhibited such strength and grasp of thought and
was so elevated in tone, that the intelligent audience were astonished
and delighted. The closing sentence is characteristic, and should never
be forgotten by those who advocate the right. "Let us have faith that
_right_ makes _might_, and in that faith let us to the end dare to do
our duty as we understand it."
NOMINATION AND ELECTION AS PRESIDENT.
When the National Convention met at Chicago in the June following, to
nominate a candidate for President, while a majority of the delegates
were divided among Messrs. Seward, Chase, Cameron, and Bates, Mr.
Lincoln was the first choice of a large plurality, and the second choice
of all; besides he was personally so popular with the people, his
sobriquet of "Honest old Abe," "The Illinois Rail-splitter," satisfied
the shrewd men who were studying the best means of securing success,
that he was the most available man to head the ticket. These
considerations made his nomination a certainty from the beginning.
The nomination was hailed with enthusiasm throughout the Union. Never
did a party enter upon a canvass with more zeal and energy. With the
usual motives which actuate political parties there were in this canvass
mingled a love of country, a devotion to liberty, a keen sense of the
wrongs and outrages inflicted upon the Free State men of Kansas, which
fired all hearts with enthusiasm. Mr. Lincoln received one hundred and
eighty electoral votes, Douglas twelve, Breckinridge seventy-two, and
John Bell of Tennessee, thirty-nine. Mr. Lincoln received of the popular
vote 1,866,452, a plurality, but not a majority of the whole.
By the election of Mr. Lincoln the executive power of the republic
passed from the slave-holders. Mr. Lincoln and the great party who
elected him contemplated no interference with slavery in the States.
They meant to prevent its further extension, but the slave-holders
instinctively felt that with the government in the hands of those who
believed slavery morally wrong, the end of slavery was a mere question
of time. Rather than yield, the slave aristocracy resolved "to take up
the sword," and hence the terrible civil war.
On the 11th of February, 1861, Mr. Lincoln left his quiet happy home at
Springfield to enter upon that tempestuous political career which was to
lead him through a martyr's grave to a deathless fame among the greatest
and noblest patriots and benefactors of mankind. With a dim, mysterious
foreshadowing of the future, he uttered to his friends and neighbors who
gathered around him to say good-bye, his farewell. He seemed conscious
that he might see the place which had been his home for "a quarter of a
century, and where his children were born, and where one of them lay
buried" no more. Weighed down with the consciousness of the great duties
which devolved upon him, greater than those devolving upon any President
since Washington, he humbly expressed his reliance upon Divine
Providence, and asked his friends to pray that he might receive the
assistance of "Almighty God." As he journeyed toward the capital,
received everywhere with the earnest sympathies of the people, the loyal
men of all parties assuring him of their support, his spirits rose, and
when he passed the State line of his own State his hopefulness found
expression in the words "behind the cloud the sun is shining still." And
on he sped through the great Free States of the North. While on his way
to the capital the people were everywhere deeply impressed by his modest
yet firm reliance upon Providence. He went forth not leaning on his own
strength, but resting on Almighty God.
In the early gray of the morning of the 23d of February, 1861, he came
in sight of the dome of the Capitol, then filled with traitors plotting
his death and the overthrow of the Government. By anticipating the
train, by which it had been publicly announced that he would pass
through Baltimore, and passing through that city at night he escaped a
deeply-laid conspiracy, which would otherwise have anticipated the crime
of Booth. None who witnessed will ever forget the scene of his first
inauguration.
The veteran Scott had gathered a few soldiers of the Regular Army to
preserve order and security; many Northern citizens thronged the
streets, few of them conscious of the volcano of treason and murder
seething beneath them. The departments and public offices were full of
plotting traitors. Many of the rebel generals held commissions under the
Government they were about to desert and betray. The ceremony of
inauguration is always imposing; on this occasion it was especially so.
Buchanan, sad, dejected, bowed with a seeming consciousness of duties
unperformed, rode with the President-elect to the Capitol.
There were gathered the Justices of the Supreme Court, both Houses of
Congress, the representatives of foreign nations, and a vast concourse
of citizens from all sections of the Union. There were Chase, and
Seward, and Sumner, and Breckinridge, and Douglas, who was near the
President, and was observed eagerly looking over the crowd, not
unconscious of the personal danger of his great and successful rival.
Mr. Lincoln was so absorbed with the gravity of the occasion and the
condition of his country, that he utterly forgot himself, and there was
observed a dignity, which sprung from a mind entirely engrossed with
public duties.
He was perfectly cool, and stepping to the eastern colonnade of the
Capitol, that voice, which had been often heard by tens of thousands on
the prairies of the West, now read in clear and ringing tones his
inaugural. On the threshold of war, he made a last appeal for peace. He
declared his fixed resolve, firm as the everlasting rocks: "_I shall
take care that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in every
State_."
Yet his great, kind heart yearned for peace, and as he approached the
close, his voice faltered with emotion. "I am loath to close," said he;
"we are _not_ enemies, but friends; we must not be enemies. Though
passion may have strained, it must not break the bonds of affection. The
mystic cords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriot's
grave, to every living heart and hearthstone over all this broad land,
will yet swell with the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as
surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature."
Alas! these appeals for peace were received by those to whom they were
addressed with coarse ribaldry, with sneers and jeers, and all the
savage and barbarous passions which riot in blood. Lincoln was somewhat
slow to learn that it was to force only--stern, unflinching force--that
treason would yield.
And now opened that terrible civil war which has no parallel in history.
Space will not permit me to follow the President through those long and
terrible days of victory and defeat, to final triumph. Through all,
Lincoln was firm, constant, hopeful, sagacious, wise, confiding always
in God, and in the people.
THE THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS.
The special session of the Thirty-seventh Congress met on the 4th of
July, 1861, agreeably to the call of the President. Many vacant chairs
in the National Council impressed the spectator with the magnitude of
the impending struggle. The old chiefs of the slave party were nearly
all absent, some of them as members of a rebel government at Richmond,
others in arms against their country. The President calmly, clearly,
sadly reviewed the facts which compelled him to call into action the
_war powers_ of the Government, and constrained him, as the Chief
Magistrate, "_to accept war_." He asked Congress to confer upon him the
power to make the war short and decisive. He asked for 400,000 men and
400 millions of money. With hearty appreciation of the fidelity of the
common people, he proudly points to the fact that, while large numbers
of the officers of the Army and Navy had been guilty of the infamous
crime of desertion, "not one common soldier or sailor is known to have
deserted his flag."
Congress responded promptly to this call, voting 500,000 men and 500
millions of dollars to suppress the rebellion. From the beginning of the
contest, the slaves flocked to the Union army as a place of security
from their masters. They seemed to feel instinctively that freedom was
to be found within its picket-lines and under the folds of its flag.
They were ready to act as guides, as servants, to work, dig, and to
fight for their liberty. And yet early in the war some officers
permitted masters and agents to follow the blacks into the Union lines
and carry away fugitive slaves. This action was rebuked by a resolution
of Congress. At this session a law was passed giving freedom to all
slaves employed in aiding the rebellion. In October, 1861, the military
was authorized by the Secretary of War to avail itself of the services
of "fugitives from labor," in such way as might be most beneficial to
the service.
The regular session of Congress assembled on the 2d of December, 1861.
Great armies confronted each other in the field; and great conflicts
were going on in the public mind, but the way to victory through
emancipation was not yet clearly opened. The President was feeling his
way, watching the progress of public opinion; striving to secure to the
Union the Border States of Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri. On the
subject of Emancipation, he said in his message: "the Union must be
preserved, and all _indispensable means_ must be used," but he wisely
waited until the public sentiment should consolidate, and all other
means of maintaining the integrity of the nation should have been
exhausted. During this session the way was prepared for the great edict
of Emancipation; Slavery was abolished at the National Capital,
prohibited forever in all the Territories, the slaves of rebels declared
free, and the Government authorized to employ slaves as soldiers, and
every person in the military or naval service of the Republic prohibited
from aiding in the arrest of any fugitive slave. These measures were all
urged by the personal and political friends of the President, and became
laws with his sanction and hearty assent. They prepared the way for the
final overthrow of slavery.
THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION.
In April, 1862, it was known at Washington that the President was
considering the subject of emancipating the slaves as a war measure. The
Border States selected their ablest man, the venerable John J.
Crittenden, from Mr. Lincoln's native State, to make a public appeal to
him to stay his hand. The eloquent Kentuckian discharged the part
assigned him well. Never shall I forget the scene when, with great
emotion before Congress he said, that although he had voted against and
opposed Mr. Lincoln, he had been won to his side. "_And now_," said he,
"there is a niche near to Washington which should be occupied by him who
shall save his country. Mr. Lincoln has a mighty destiny! * * * He is no
coward, he may be President _of all the people_ and fill that niche, but
if he chooses to be in these times a mere sectarian and party man, that
place will be reserved for some future and better patriot." "It is in
his power to occupy a place next to Washington, the _founder_ and
_preserver_ side by side." It was understood the Border State men
everywhere were ready to crown him the peer of Washington if he would
not touch slavery.
It was OWEN LOVEJOY, the early abolitionist, who made an instantaneous,
impromptu reply, a reply the eloquence of which thrilled Congress and
the country, and is in my judgment among the finest specimens of
American eloquence.
Said he, "Let Abraham Lincoln make himself, as I trust he will, the
Emancipator, the liberator of a race, and his name shall not only be
enrolled in this earthly temple, but it will be traced on the living
stones of that Temple, which rears itself amidst the thrones of Heaven."
Alluding to what Crittenden had said, he added, "There is a niche for
Abraham Lincoln in Freedom's holy fane. In that niche he shall stand
proudly, gloriously, with shattered fetters, and broken chains and
slave-whips beneath his feet. * * This is a fame worth living for; ay,
more, it is a fame worth _dying_ for, even though (said he with
prophetic prescience) that death led through the blood of Gethsemane and
the agony of the accursed tree."
These two speeches were read to Mr. Lincoln in his library at the White
House, a room to which he sometimes retired. He was moved by the picture
which Lovejoy drew. The tremendous responsibilities growing out of the
slavery question, how he ought to treat those sons of "unrequited toil,"
were questions sinking deeper and deeper into his heart. With a purpose
firmly to follow the path of duty, as God should give him to see his
duty, he earnestly sought the divine guidance.
Speaking afterward of Emancipation, Mr. Lincoln said: "When, in March,
May, and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border
States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable
necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come,
unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition and I was
in my best judgment driven to the alternative of either surrendering the
Union or issuing the Emancipation Proclamation."[6]
[6] See Letter of the President to A. G. Hodges, dated April 4, 1864.
Before issuing the proclamation, he had appealed to the Border States
to adopt gradual emancipation. His appeal is one of the most earnest and
eloquent papers in all history. "Our country," said he, "is in great
peril, demanding the loftiest views and boldest action to bring a speedy
relief; once relieved, its form of government is saved to the world, its
beloved history and cherished memories are vindicated, and its future
fully assured and rendered inconceivably grand."
The appeal was received by some with apathy, by others with caviling and
opposition, and was followed by action on the part of none. Meanwhile
his friends urged emancipation. They declared there could be no
permanent peace while slavery lived. "Seize," cried they, "the
thunderbolt of Liberty, and shatter Slavery to atoms, and then the
Republic will live." After the great battle of Antietam, the President
called his cabinet together, and announced to them that "_in obedience
to a solemn vow to God_," he was about to issue the edict of Freedom.
The proclamation came, modestly, sublimely, reverently the great act was
done. "Sincerely believing it to be an act of justice, warranted by the
Constitution, upon military necessity, he invoked upon it the
considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God."
On the first of January, 1863, the Executive mansion, as is usual on New
Year's Day, was crowded with the officials, foreign and domestic, of the
National Capital; the men of mark of the army and navy and from civil
life crowded around the care-worn President, to express their kind
wishes for him personally, and their prayers for the future of the
country.
During the reception, after he had been shaking hands with hundreds, a
secretary hastily entered and told him the Proclamation (the final
proclamation) was ready for his signature. Leaving the crowd, he went to
his office, taking up a pen, attempting to write, and was astonished to
find he could not control the muscles of his hand and arm sufficiently
to write his name. He said to me, "I paused, and a feeling of
superstition, a sense of the vast responsibility of the act, came over
me; then, remembering that my arm had been well-nigh paralyzed by two
hours' of hand-shaking, I smiled at my superstitious feeling, and wrote
my name."
This Proclamation, the Declaration of Independence, and _Magna Charta_,
these be great landmarks, each indicating an advance to a higher and
more Christian civilization. Upon these will the historian linger, as
the stepping-stones toward a higher plane of existence. From this time
the war meant _universal liberty_. When, in June, 1858, at his home in
Springfield, Lincoln startled the country by the announcement, "this
nation can not endure half _slave_, and _half free_," and when he
concluded that remarkable speech by declaring, with uplifted eye and the
inspired voice of a prophet, "we shall not fail if we stand firm, _we
shall not fail_, wise councils may accelerate or mistakes delay, but
sooner or later the victory is sure to come," he looked to years of
peaceful controversy and final triumph through the ballot-box. He
anticipated no war, and he did not foresee, unless in those mysterious,
dim shadows, which sometimes startle by half revealing the future, his
own elevation to the presidency; he little dreamed that he was to be the
instrument in the hands of God to speak those words which should
emancipate a race and free his country!
I have not space to follow the movements of the armies; the long, sad
campaigns of the grand army of the Potomac under McClellan, Pope,
Burnside, Hooker, Meade; nor the varying fortunes of war in the great
Valley of the Mississippi under Freemont, and Halleck, and Buell. Armies
had not only to be organized, but educated and trained, and especially
did the President have to search for and find those fitted for high
command.
Ultimately he found such and placed them at the head of the armies. Up
to 1863, there had been vast expenditures of blood and treasure, and,
although great successes had been achieved and progress made, yet there
had been so many disasters and grievous failures, that the hopes of the
insurgents of final success were still confident. With all the great
victories in the South, and Southwest, by land and on the sea, the
Mississippi was still closed. The President opened the campaign of 1863
with the determination of accomplishing two great objects, first to get
control of and open the Mississippi; second to destroy the army of
Virginia under Lee, and seize upon the rebel capital. By the capture of
Vicksburg, and the fall of Port Hudson, the first and primary object of
the campaign was realized.
"The 'Father of Waters' again went unvexed to the sea. Thanks to the
great Northwest for it, nor yet wholly to them. Three hundred miles up
they met New England, Empire, Keystone, and Jersey, hewing their way
right and left. The army South, too, in more colors than one, lent a
helping hand."[7] While the gallant armies of the West were achieving
these victories, operations in the East were crowned by the decisively
important triumph at Gettysburg. Let us pass over the scenes of
conflict, on the sea and on the land, at the East and at the West, and
come to that touching incident in the life of Lincoln, the consecration
of the battle-field of Gettysburg as a National cemetery.
[7] See letter of Mr. Lincoln to State Convention of Illinois.
GETTYSBURG.
Here, late in the autumn of that year of battles, a portion of that
battle-ground was to be consecrated as the last resting-place of those
who there gave their lives that the Republic might live.
There were gathered there the President, his Cabinet, members of
Congress, Governors of States, and a vast and brilliant assemblage of
officers, soldiers, and citizens, with solemn and impressive ceremonies
to consecrate the earth to its pious purpose. New England's most
distinguished orator and scholar was selected to pronounce the oration.
The address of Everett was worthy of the occasion. When the elaborate
oration was finished, the tall, homely form of Lincoln arose; simple,
rude, majestic, slowly he stepped to the front of the stage, drew from
his pocket a manuscript, and commenced reading that wonderful address,
which an English scholar and statesman has pronounced the finest in the
English language. The polished periods of Everett had fallen somewhat
coldly upon the ear, but Lincoln had not finished the first sentence
before the magnetic influence of a grand idea eloquently uttered by a
sympathetic nature, pervaded the vast assemblage. He said:--
"Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth on this
continent a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the
proposition that all men are created equal.
"Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation,
or any nation, so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are
met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a
portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave
their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and
proper that we should do this.
"But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate--we can not consecrate--we
can not hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who
struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or
detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we _say_
here, but it can never forget what they _did_ here. It is for us, the
living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they
who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.
"It is, rather, for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining
before us, that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to
that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion, that
we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain: that
this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom: and that
government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not
perish from the earth."
He was so absorbed with the heroic sacrifices of the soldiers as to be
utterly unconscious that he was _the great actor_ in the drama, and that
his simple words would live as long as the memory of the heroism he
there commemorated.
Closing his brief address amidst the deepest emotions of the crowd, he
turned to Everett and congratulated him upon his success. "Ah, Mr.
Lincoln," said the orator, "I would gladly exchange my hundred pages for
your twenty lines."
1864.
On the first of January, 1864, Mr. Lincoln received his friends as was
usual on New Year's day, and the improved prospects of the country, made
it a day of congratulation. The decisive victories East and West
enlivened and made buoyant and hopeful the spirits of all. One of the
most devoted friends of Mr. Lincoln calling upon him, after exchanging
congratulations over the progress of the Union armies during the past
year, said:--
"I hope, Mr. President, one year from to-day, I may have the pleasure of
congratulating you on the consummation of three events which seem now
very probable."
"What are they?" said Mr. Lincoln.
"First, That the rebellion may be completely crushed. Second, That
slavery may be entirely destroyed, and prohibited forever throughout the
Union. Third, That Abraham Lincoln may have been triumphantly re-elected
President of the United States."
"I would be very glad," said Mr. Lincoln, with a twinkle in his eye, "to
compromise, by securing the success of the first two propositions."
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT.
On the 22d of February, 1864, President Lincoln nominated General U. S.
Grant as Lieutenant-General of all the armies of the United States, and
on the 9th of March, at the White House, he, in person, presented the
victorious General with his commission, and sent him forth to consummate
with the armies of the East, his world-renowned successes at the West.
Then followed the memorable campaign of 1864-5. Sherman's brilliant
Atlanta campaign; Sheridan's glorious career in the Valley of the
Shenandoah; Thomas's victories in Tennessee, the triumph at Lookout
Mountain; Sherman's "Grand march to the sea," the fall of Mobile, the
capture of Fort Fisher, and Wilmington, indicating the near approach of
peace through war. In the midst of these successes, Mr. Lincoln was
triumphantly re-elected, the people thereby stamping upon his
administration their grateful approval. At the session of Congress, of
1864-5, he urged the adoption of an amendment of the Constitution
abolishing and prohibiting slavery forever throughout the Republic,
thereby consummating his own great work of Emancipation.
CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT ABOLISHING SLAVERY.
As the great leader in the overthrow of slavery, he had seen his action
sanctioned by an emphatic majority of the people, and now the
constitutional majority of two-thirds of both branches of Congress had
voted to submit to the States this amendment of the organic law.
Illinois, the home of Lincoln, as was fit, took the lead in ratifying
this amendment, and other States rapidly followed, until more than the
requisite number was obtained, and the amendment adopted. Meanwhile,
military successes continued, until the victory over slavery and
rebellion was won.
LINCOLN'S SECOND INAUGURATION.
It was known, by a dispatch received at the Capitol at midnight, on the
3d of March, 1865, that Lee had sought an interview with Grant, to
arrange terms of surrender. On the next day Lincoln again stood on the
eastern colonnade of the Capitol, again to swear fidelity to the
Republic, her Constitution, and laws; but, how changed the scene from
his first inauguration. No traitors now occupied high places under the
Government. Crowds of citizens and soldiers who would have died for
their beloved Chief Magistrate now thronged the area. Liberty loyalty,
and victory had crowned the eagles of our armies. No conspirators were
now mingling in the crowd, unless perchance the assassin Booth might
have been lurking there. Many patriots and statesmen were in their
graves. Douglas was dead, and Ellsworth, and Baker, and McPherson, and
Reynolds, and Wadsworth, and a host of martyrs, had given their lives
that liberty and the Republic might triumph. It was a very touching
spectacle to see the long lines of invalid and wounded soldiers, from
the great hospitals about Washington, some on crutches, some who had
lost an arm, many pale from unhealed wounds, who gathered to witness the
scene. As Lincoln ascended the platform, and his tall form, towering
above all his associates, was recognized, cheers and shouts of welcome
filled the air, and not until he raised his arm motioning for silence,
could the acclamations be hushed. He paused a moment, looked over the
scene, and still hesitated. What thronging memories passed through his
mind! Here, four years before, he had stood pleading, oh, how earnestly,
for _peace_. But, even while he pleaded, the rebels took up the sword,
and he was forced to "_accept war_."
Now four long, bloody, weary years of devastating war had passed, and
those who made the war were everywhere discomfited, and being
overthrown. That barbarous institution which had caused the war, had
been destroyed, and the dawn of peace already brightened the sky. Such
the scene, and such the circumstances under which Lincoln pronounced his
second Inaugural, a speech which has no parallel since Christ's Sermon
on the Mount.
Who shall say that I am irreverent when I declare, that the passage,
"Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that this _mighty scourge_ of
war _may speedily pass away_! yet, if God wills that it continue until
all the wealth piled by the bondsmen's two hundred and fifty years of
unrequited toil shall be sunk, and every drop of blood drawn by the
lash, shall be paid by another drawn by the sword, as was said three
thousand years ago, so it must be said now, that the judgments of the
Lord are true and righteous altogether," could only have been inspired
by that _Holy Book_, which daily he read, and from which he ever sought
guidance?
Where, but from the teachings of Christ, could he have learned that
charity in which he so unconsciously described his own moral nature,
"_With malice toward none, with charity for all_, with firmness in the
right, as God gives us to see the right, let us finish the work we are
in, _to bind up the nation's wounds_, to care for him who hath borne the
battle, and for his widow and his orphans, to do all which may achieve a
just and lasting peace, among ourselves and among all nations."
END OF THE WAR.
And now Mr. Lincoln gave his whole attention to the movements of the
armies, which, as he confidently hoped, were on the eve of final and
complete triumph. On the 27th of March he visited the head-quarters of
General Grant, at City Point, to concert with his most trusted military
chiefs the final movements against Lee, and Johnston. Grant was still at
bay before Petersburg. Sherman with his veterans, after occupying
Georgia and South Carolina, had reached Goldsboro', North Carolina, on
his victorious march north. It was the hope and purpose of the two
great leaders, whose generous friendship for each other made them ever
like brothers, now and there to crush the armies of Lee and Johnston,
and finish the "job."
An artist has worthily painted the scene of the meeting of Lincoln and
his cabinet, when he first announced and read to them his proclamation
of Emancipation. Another artist is now recording for the American people
the scene of this memorable meeting of the President and the Generals,
which took place in the cabin of the steamer "River Queen," lying at the
dock in the James River. Three men more unlike personally and mentally,
and yet of more distinguished ability, have rarely been called together.
Although so entirely unlike, each was a type of American character, and
all had peculiarities not only American, but Western.
Lincoln's towering form had acquired dignity by his great deeds, and the
great ideas to which he had given expression. His rugged features,
lately so deeply furrowed with care and responsibility, were now radiant
with hope and confidence. He met the two great leaders with grateful
cordiality; with clear intelligence he grasped the military situation,
and listened with eager confidence to their details of the final moves
which should close this terrible game of war.
Contrasting, with the giant-like stature of Lincoln, was the short,
sturdy, resolute form of the hero of Fort Donelson and Vicksburg, so
firm and iron-like, every feature of his face and every attitude and
movement so quiet, yet all expressive of inflexible will and never
faltering determination, "to fight it out on this line."
There, too, was Sherman, with his broad intellectual forehead, his
restless eye, his nervous energy, his sharply outlined features bronzed
by that magnificent campaign from Chattanooga to Atlanta and from
Atlanta to the Sea, and now fresh from the conquest of Georgia and South
Carolina. On the eve of final triumph, Lincoln, with characteristic
humanity deplored the necessity which all realized, of one more hard and
deadly battle. They separated, Sherman hastening to his post, and Grant
commenced those brilliant movements which in ten days ended the war. Now
followed in rapid succession the fall of Richmond, the surrender of Lee,
the capitulation of Johnston and his army, the capture of Jefferson
Davis, and the final overthrow of the rebellion.
The Union troops, on the morning of the 4th of April, entered the rebel
capital. Among the exulting columns which followed the eagles of the
Republic, were some regiments of negro soldiers, who marched through the
streets of Richmond singing their favorite song of "John Brown's soul is
marching on."
On the day of its capture, President Lincoln, with Admiral Porter,
visited Richmond. Leading his youngest son, a lad, by the hand, he
walked from the James River landing to the house just vacated by the
rebel President. From the time of the issuing of his proclamation to
this, his triumphant entry into the rebel capital, he had been ever
ready and anxious for peace. To all the world he had proclaimed, what he
said so emphatically to the rebel emissaries at Hampton Roads. "There
are just two indispensable conditions of peace, national unity, and
national liberty." "The national authority must be restored through all
the States, and I will _never recede_ from my position on the slavery
question." He would never violate the national faith, and now God had
crowned his efforts with complete success. He entered Richmond as a
conqueror, but as its preserver he issued no decree of proscription or
confiscation, and to all the South his policy was, "with malice toward
none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gave him
to see the right, he sought to finish the work, and do all which should
achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace."
On the 9th of April he returned to Washington, and had scarcely arrived
at the White House before the news of the surrender of Lee and all his
army reached him. No language can adequately describe the joy and
gratitude which filled the hearts of the President and the people.
And here, before the attempt is made to sketch the darkest and most
dastardly crime in all our annals, let us pause for one moment to
mention that last review on the 22d and 23d of May, of these victorious
citizen soldiers, who had come at the call of the President, and who,
their work being done, were now to return again to their homes scattered
throughout the country they had saved.
These bronzed and scarred veterans who had survived the battle-fields of
four years of active war, whose field of operations had been a
continent, the brave men who had marched and fought their way from New
England and the Northwest, to New Orleans and Charleston; those who had
withstood and repelled the terrific charges of the rebels at Gettysburg;
those who had fought beneath and above the clouds at Lookout Mountain;
who had taken Fort Donelson, Vicksburg, Atlanta, New Orleans, Savannah,
Mobile, Petersburg, and Richmond; the triumphal entry of these heroes
into the National Capital of the Republic which they had saved and
redeemed, was deeply impressive. Triumphal arches, garlands, wreaths of
flowers, evergreens, marked their pathway. Acting President and
Cabinet, Governors and Senators, ladies, children, citizens, all united
to express the nation's gratitude to those by whose heroism it had been
saved.
But there was one great shadow over the otherwise brilliant spectacle.
Lincoln, their great-hearted chief, he whom all loved fondly to call
their "Father Abraham;" he whose heart had been ever with them in camp,
and on the march, in the storm of battle, and in the hospital; he had
been murdered, stung to death, by the fang of the expiring serpent which
these soldiers had crushed. There were many thousands of these gallant
men in Blue, as they filed past the White House, whose weather-beaten
faces were wet with tears of manly grief. How gladly, joyfully would
they have given their lives to have saved his.
LAST DAYS OF LINCOLN.
It has been already stated that Mr. Lincoln returned to the Capital on
the 9th of April; from that day until the 14th was a scene of continued
rejoicing, gratulation, and thanksgiving to Almighty God who had given
to us the victory. In every city, town, village, and school district,
bells rang, salutes were fired, and the Union flag, now worshiped more
than ever by every loyal heart, waved from every home. The President was
full of hope and happiness. The clouds were breaking away, and his
genial, kindly nature was revolving plans of reconciliation and peace.
How could he now bind up the wounds of his country and obliterate the
scars of the war, and restore friendship and good feeling to every
section? These considerations occupied his thoughts: there was no
bitterness, no desire for revenge. On the morning of the 14th, Robert
Lincoln, just returned from the army, where, on the staff of General
Grant, he had witnessed the surrender of Lee, breakfasted with his
father, and the happy hour was passed in listening to details of that
event. The day was occupied, first, with an interview with Speaker
Colfax, then exchanging congratulations with a party of old Illinois
friends, then a cabinet meeting, attended by Gen. Grant, at which all
remarked his hopeful, joyous spirit, and all bear testimony that in this
hour of triumph, he had no thought of vengeance, but his mind was
revolving the best means of bringing back to sincere loyalty, those who
had been making war upon his country. He then drove out with Mrs.
Lincoln alone, and during the drive he dwelt upon the happy prospect now
before them, and contrasting the gloomy and distracting days of the war
with the peaceful ones now in anticipation, and looking beyond the term
of his Presidency, he, in imagination, saw the time when he should
return again to his prairie home, meet his old friends, and resume his
old mode of life. In fancy, he was again in his old law library, and
before the courts: with these were mingled visions of a prairie farm,
and once more the plow and the ax should become familiar to his hand.
Such were some of the incidents and fancies of the last day of the life
of Abraham Lincoln.
THE ASSASSINATION.
From the time of the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency, many
threats, public and private, were made of his assassination. An attempt
to murder him would undoubtedly have been made, in February, 1861, on
his passage through Baltimore, had not the plot been discovered, and the
time of his passage been anticipated. From the day of his inauguration,
he began to receive letters threatening assassination. He said: "The
first one or two made me uncomfortable, but," said he, smiling, "there
is nothing like getting _used_ to things." He was constitutionally
fearless, and came to consider these letters as idle threats, meant only
to annoy him, and it was very difficult for his friends to induce him to
resort to any precautions.
It was announced through the press that on the evening of the 14th of
April, Mr. Lincoln and General Grant would attend Ford's Theater. The
General did not attend, but Mr. Lincoln, being unwilling to disappoint
the public expectation, accompanied by Mrs. Lincoln, Miss Harris, and
Major Rathbone, was induced to go. The writer met him on the portico of
the White House just as he was about to enter his carriage, exchanged
greetings with him, and will never forget the radiant, happy expression
of his countenance, and the kind, genial tones of his voice, as we
parted _for the night_ as we then thought--_forever_ in this world, as
it resulted.
The President was received, as he always was, by acclamations. When he
reached the door of his box, he turned, and smiled, and bowed in
acknowledgment of the hearty greeting which welcomed him, and then
followed Mrs. Lincoln into the box. This was at the right hand of the
stage. In the corner nearest the stage sat Miss Harris, next her Mrs.
Lincoln. Mr. Lincoln sat nearest the entrance, Major Rathbone being
seated on a sofa, in the back part of the box. The theater, and
especially the box occupied by the President's party, was most
beautifully draped with the national colors. While the play was in
progress, John Wilkes Booth visited the theater behind the scenes, left
a horse ready saddled in the alley behind the building, leaving a door
opening to this alley ready for his escape.
In the midst of the play, at the hour of 10.30, a pistol shot, sharp and
clear, is heard! a man with a bloody dagger in his hand leaps from the
President's box to the stage exclaiming, "_Sic semper tyrannis_," "the
South is avenged." As the assassin struck the stage, the spur on his
boot having caught in the folds of the flag, he fell to his knee.
Instantly rising, he brandished his dagger, darted across the stage, out
of the door he had left open, mounted his horse and galloped away. The
audience, startled and stupefied with horror, were for a few seconds
spell-bound. Some one cries out in the crowd, "_John Wilkes Booth!_"
This man, an actor, familiar with the locality, after arranging for his
escape, had passed round to the front of the theater, entered, passed in
to the President's box, entered at the open and unguarded door, and
stealing up behind the President, who was intent upon the play, placed
his pistol near the back of the head of Mr. Lincoln, and fired. The ball
penetrated the brain, and the President fell upon his face mortally
wounded, unconscious and speechless from the first. Major Rathbone had
attempted to seize Booth as he rushed past toward the stage, and
received from the assassin a severe cut in the arm.
No words can describe the anguish and horror of Mrs. Lincoln. The scene
was heart-rending; she prayed for death to relieve her suffering. The
insensible form of the President was removed across the street to the
house of a Mr. Peterson. Robert Lincoln soon reached the scene, and the
members of the cabinet and personal friends crowded around the place of
the fearful tragedy. And there the strong constitution of Mr. Lincoln
struggled with death, until twenty-two minutes past seven the next
morning, when his heart ceased to beat. The scene during that long
fearful night of woe, at the house of Peterson, beggars description.
News of the appalling deed spread through the city, and it was found
necessary to restrain the anxious, weeping people by a double guard
around the house. The surgeons from the first examination of the wound,
pronounced it mortal; and the shock and the agony of that terrible night
to Mrs. Lincoln was enough to distract the reason, and break the heart
of the most self-controlled. Robert Lincoln sought, by manly
self-mastery to control his own grief and soothe his mother, and aid her
to sustain her overwhelming sorrow.
When at last, the noble heart ceased to beat, the Rev. Dr. Gurley, in
the presence of the family, the household, and those friends of the
President who were present, knelt down, and touchingly prayed the
Almighty Father, to aid and strengthen the family and friends to bear
their terrible sorrow.
I will not attempt with feeble pen to sketch the scenes of that terrible
night; I leave that for the pencil of the artist!
As has been said, the name of the assassin was John Wilkes Booth! He was
shot by Boston Corbett, a soldier on the 21st of April.
ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION OF SECRETARY SEWARD.
On the same night of the assassination of the President, an accomplice
of Booth attempted to murder Mr. Seward, the Secretary of State, in his
own house, while confined to his bed from severe injuries received by
being thrown from his carriage. He was terribly mangled; and his life
was saved by the heroic efforts of his sons and daughter and a nurse,
whose name was Robinson. Some of the accomplices of Booth were arrested,
tried, convicted, and hung; but all were the mere tools and instruments
of the Conspirators. Mystery and darkness yet hang over the chief
instigators of this most cowardly murder: none can say whether the chief
conspirators will ever, in this world, be dragged to light and
punishment.
The terrible news of the death of Lincoln was, on the morning of the
15th, borne by telegraph to every portion of the Republic. Coming, as it
did, in the midst of universal joy, no language can picture the horror
and grief of the people on its reception. A whole nation wept. Persons
who had not heard the news, coming into crowded cities, were struck with
the strange aspect of the people. All business was suspended; gloom,
sadness, grief, sat upon every face. The flag, which had everywhere,
from every spire and masthead, roof, and tree, and public building, been
floating in glorious triumph, was now lowered; and, as the hours of that
dreary 15th of April passed on, the people, by common impulse, each
family by itself, commenced draping their houses and public buildings in
mourning, and before night the whole nation was shrouded in black.
There were no classes of people in the Republic whose grief was more
demonstrative than that of the soldiers and the freedmen. The vast
armies, not yet disbanded, looked upon Lincoln as their father. They
knew his heart had followed them in all their campaigns and marches and
battles. Grief and vengeance filled their hearts. But the poor negroes
everywhere wept and sobbed over a loss which they instinctively felt was
to them irreparable. On the Sunday following his death, the whole people
gathered to their places of public worship, and mingled their tears
together over a bereavement which every one felt like the loss of a
father or a brother. The remains of the President were taken to the
White House. On the 17th, on Monday, a meeting of the members of
Congress then in Washington, was held at the Capitol, to make
arrangements for the funeral. This meeting named a committee of one
member from each State and Territory, and the whole Congressional
delegation from Illinois, as a Congressional Committee to attend the
remains of Mr. Lincoln to their final resting-place in Illinois. Senator
Sumner and others desired that his body should be placed under the dome
of the Capitol at Washington. It was stated that a vault had been
prepared there for the remains of Washington, but had never been used,
because the Washington family and Virginia desired them to remain in the
family vault at Mount Vernon. It was said it would be peculiarly
appropriate for the remains of Lincoln to be deposited under the dome of
the Capitol of the Republic he had saved and redeemed.
The funeral took place on Wednesday, the 19th. The services were held in
the East Room of the Executive Mansion. It was a bright, genial
day--typical of the kind and genial nature of him whom a nation was so
deeply mourning.
After the sad ceremonies at the National Capital, the remains of the
President and of his beloved son Willie, who died at the White House
during his presidency, were placed on a funeral car, and started on its
long pilgrimage to his old home in Illinois, and it was arranged that
the train should take nearly the same route as that by which he had come
from Springfield to Washington in assuming the Executive Chair.
And now the people of every State, city, town, and hamlet, came with
uncovered heads, with streaming eyes, with their offerings of wreaths
and flowers, to witness the passing train. It is impossible to describe
the scenes. Minute-guns, the tolling of bells, music, requiems, dirges,
military and civic displays, draped flags, black covering every public
building and private house, everywhere indicated the pious desire of the
people to do honor to the dead: two thousand miles, along which every
house was draped in black, and from which, everywhere, hung the national
colors in mourning. The funeral ceremonies at Baltimore were peculiarly
impressive: nowhere were the manifestations of grief more universal; but
the sorrow of the negroes, who thronged the streets in thousands, and
hung like a dark fringe upon the long procession, was especially
impressive. Their coarse, homely features were convulsed with a grief
which they could not control; their emotional natures, excited by the
scene, and by each other, until sobs and cries and tears, rolling down
their black faces, told how deeply they felt their loss. When the
remains reached Philadelphia, a half million of people were in the
streets, to do honor to all that was left of him, who, in old
Independence Hall, four years before, had declared that he would sooner
die, sooner be assassinated, than give up the principles of the
Declaration of Independence. He _had_ been assassinated because he would
_not_ give them up. All felt, when the remains were placed in that
historic room, surrounded by the memories of the great men of the Past,
whose portraits from the walls looked down upon the scene, that a peer
of the best and greatest of the revolutionary worthies was now added to
the list of those who had served the Republic.
Through New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Indiana, to Illinois, all the people
followed the funeral train as mourners, but when the remains reached his
own State, where he had been personally known to every one, where the
people had all heard him on the stump and in court, every family
mourned him as a father and a brother. The train reached Springfield on
the 3d of May; and the corpse was taken to Oak Ridge Cemetery, and
there, among his old friends and neighbors, his clients, and
constituents, surrounded by representatives from the Army and Navy, with
delegations from every State, with all the people, the world for his
mourners--was he buried.
PERSONAL SKETCHES OF LINCOLN.[8]
[8] The substance of what follows is from chapter 29th of "The History
of Abraham Lincoln, and The Overthrow of Slavery," by Isaac N. Arnold.
In the remaining pages, I shall attempt to give a word-picture of Mr.
Lincoln, his person, his moral and intellectual characteristics, and
some personal recollections, so as to aid the reader, as far as I may be
able, in forming an ideal of the man.
Physically, he was a tall, spare man, six feet and four inches in
height. He stooped, leaning forward as he walked. He was very athletic,
with long, sinewy arms, large, bony hands, and of great physical power.
Many anecdotes of his strength are given, which show that it was equal
to that of two or three ordinary men. He lifted with ease five or six
hundred pounds. His legs and arms were disproportionately long, as
compared with his body; and when he walked, he swung his arms to and fro
more than most men. When seated, he did not seem much taller than
ordinary men. In his movements there was no grace, but an impression of
awkward strength and vigor.
He was naturally diffident, and even to the day of his death, when in
crowds, and not speaking or acting, and conscious of being observed, he
seemed to shrink with bashfulness. When he became interested, or spoke,
or listened, this appearance left him, and he indicated no
self-consciousness. His forehead was high and broad, his hair very dark,
nearly black, and rather stiff and coarse, his eyebrows were heavy, his
eyes dark-gray, very expressive and varied; now sparkling with humor and
fun, and then deeply sad and melancholy; flashing with indignation at
injustice or wrong, and then kind, genial, droll, dreamy; according to
his mood.
His nose was large, and clearly defined and well shaped; cheek-bones
high and projecting. His mouth coarse, but firm. He was easily
caricatured--but difficult to represent as he was, in marble or on
canvass. The best bust of him is that of Volk, which was modeled from a
cast taken from life in May, 1860, while he was attending court at
Chicago.
Among the best portraits, in the judgment of his family and intimate
friends, are those of Carpenter, in the picture of the Reading of the
Proclamation of Emancipation before the Cabinet, and that of Marshall.
He would be instantly recognized as belonging to that type of tall,
thin, large-boned men, produced in the northern portion of the Valley of
the Mississippi, and exhibiting its peculiar characteristics in a most
marked degree in Illinois, Kentucky and Tennessee. In any crowd in the
United States, he would have been readily pointed out as a Western man.
His stature, figure, manner, voice, and accent, indicated that he was of
the Northwest. His manners were cordial, familiar, genial; always
perfectly self-possessed, he made every one feel at home, and no one
approached him without being impressed with his kindly, frank nature,
his clear, good sense, and his transparent truthfulness and integrity.
There is more or less of expression and character in handwriting.
Lincoln's was plain, simple, clear, and legible, as that of Washington;
but unlike that of Washington, it was without ornament.
In endeavoring to state those qualities which gave him success and
greatness, among the most important, it seems to me, were a supreme love
of truth, and a wonderful capacity to ascertain it. Mentally, he had a
perfect eye for truth. His mental vision was clear and accurate: he saw
things as they were. I mean that every thing presented to his mind for
investigation, he saw divested of every extraneous circumstance, every
coloring, association, or accident which could mislead. This gave him at
the bar a sagacity which seemed almost instinctive, in sifting the true
from the false, and in ascertaining facts; and so it was in all things
through life. He ever sought the real, the true, and the right. He was
exact, carefully accurate in all his statements. He analyzed well; he
saw and presented what lawyers call the very _gist_ of every question,
divested of all unimportant or accidental relations, so that his
statement was a demonstration. At the bar, his exposition of his case,
or a question of law, was so clear, that, on hearing it, most persons
were surprised that there should be any controversy about it. His
reasoning powers were keen and logical, and moved forward to a
demonstration with the precision of mathematics. What has been said
implies that he possessed not only a sound judgment, which brought him
to correct conclusions, but that he was able so to present questions as
to bring others to the same result.
His memory was capacious, ready, and tenacious. His reading was limited
in extent, but his memory was so ready, and so retentive, that in
history, poetry, and general literature, no one ever remarked any
deficiency. As an illustration of the power of his memory, I recollect
to have once called at the White House, late in his Presidency, and
introducing to him a Swede and a Norwegian; he immediately repeated a
poem of eight or ten verses, describing Scandinavian scenery and old
Norse legends. In reply to the expression of their delight, he said that
he had read and admired the poem several years before, and it had
entirely gone from him, but seeing them recalled it.
The two books which he read most were the Bible and Shakespeare. With
these he was very familiar, reading and studying them habitually and
constantly. He had great fondness for poetry, and eloquence, and his
taste and judgment in each was exquisite. Shakespeare was his favorite
poet; Burns stood next. I know of a speech of his at a Burns festival,
in which he spoke at length of Burns's poems; illustrating what he said
by many quotations, showing perfect familiarity with and full
appreciation of the peasant poet of Scotland. He was extremely fond of
ballads, and of simple, sad, and plaintive music.
He was a most admirable reader. He read and repeated passages from the
Bible and Shakespeare with great simplicity but remarkable expression
and effect. Often when going to and from the army, on steamers and in
his carriage, he took a copy of Shakespeare with him, and not
unfrequently read, aloud to his associates. After conversing upon public
affairs, he would take up his Shakespeare, and addressing his
companions, remark, "What do you say now to a scene from Macbeth, or
Hamlet, or Julius Cæsar," and then he would read aloud, scene after
scene, never seeming to tire of the enjoyment.
On the last Sunday of his life, as he was coming up the Potomac, from
his visit to City Point and Richmond, he read aloud many extracts from
Shakespeare. Among others, he read, with an accent and feeling which no
one who heard him will ever forget, extracts from Macbeth, and among
others the following:--
"Duncan is in his grave;
After life's fitful fever, he sleeps well.
Treason has done his worst; nor steel, nor poison,
Malice domestic, foreign levy, nothing
Can touch him farther."
After "treason" had "_done his worst_," the friends who heard him on
that occasion remembered that he read that passage very slowly over
twice, and with an absorbed and peculiar manner. Did he feel a
mysterious presentiment of his approaching fate?
His conversation was original, suggestive, instructive, and playful;
and, by its genial humor, fascinating and attractive beyond comparison.
Mirthfulness and sadness were strongly combined in him. His mirth was
exuberant, it sparkled in jest, story, and anecdote; and the next moment
those peculiarly sad, pathetic, melancholy eyes, showed a man "familiar
with sorrow, and acquainted with grief." I have listened for hours at
his table, and elsewhere, when he has been surrounded by statesmen,
military leaders, and other distinguished men of the nation, and I but
repeat the universally concurring verdict of all, in stating that as a
conversationalist he had no equal. One might meet in company with him
the most distinguished men, of various pursuits and professions, but
after listening for two or three hours, on separating, it was what
Lincoln had said that would be remembered. His were the ideas and
illustrations that would not be forgotten. Men often called upon him for
the pleasure of listening to him. I have heard the reply to an
invitation to attend the theater, "No, I am going up to the White House.
I would rather hear Lincoln talk for half an hour, than attend the best
theater in the world."
As a public speaker, without any attempt at oratorical display, I think
he was the most effective of any man of his day. When he spoke,
everybody listened. It was always obvious, before he completed two
sentences, that he had something to say, and it was sure to be something
original, something different from any thing heard from others, or which
had been read in books. He impressed the hearer at once, as an earnest,
sincere man, who believed what he said. To-day, there are more of the
sayings of Lincoln repeated by the people, more quotations, sentences,
and extracts from his writings and speeches, familiar as "household
words," than from those of any other American.
I know no book, except the Bible and Shakespeare, from which so many
familiar phrases and expressions have been taken as from his writings
and speeches. Somebody has said, "I care not who makes the laws, if I
may write the ballads of a nation." The words of Lincoln have done more
in the last six years to mold and fashion the American character than
those of any other man, and their influence has been all for truth,
right, justice, and liberty. Great as has been Lincoln's services to the
people, as their President, his influence, derived from his words and
his example, in molding the future national character, in favor of
justice, right, liberty, truth, and real, sincere, unostentatious
reverence for God, is scarcely less important. The Republic of the
future, the matured national character, will be more influenced by him
than by any other man. This is evidence of his greatness, intellectual,
and still more, moral. In this power of impressing himself upon the
people, he contrasts with many other distinguished men in our history.
Few quotations from Jefferson, or Adams, or Webster, live in the
every-day language of the people. Little of Clay survives; not much of
Calhoun, and who can quote, off-hand, half a dozen sentences from
Douglas? But you hear Lincoln's words, not only in every cabin and
caucus, and in every stump speech, but at every school-house,
high-school, and college declamation, and by every farmer and artisan,
as he tells you story after story of Lincoln's, and all to the point,
hitting the nail on the head every time, and driving home the argument.
Mr. Lincoln was not a scholar, but where is there a speech more
exhaustive in argument than his Cooper Institute address? Where any
thing more full of pathos than his farewell to his neighbors at
Springfield, when he bade them good-bye, on starting for the capital?
Where any thing more eloquent than his appeal for peace and union, in
his first Inaugural, or than his defense of the Declaration of
Independence in the Douglas debates? Where the equal of his speech at
Gettysburg? Where a more conclusive argument than in his letter to the
Albany Meeting on Arrests? What is better than his letter to the
Illinois State Convention; and that to Hodges of Kentucky, in
explanation of his anti-slavery policy? Where is there any thing equal
in simple grandeur of thought and sentiment, to his last Inaugural? From
all of these, and many others, from his every-day talks, are extracts on
the tongues of the people, as familiar, and nearly as much reverenced,
as texts from the Bible; and these are shaping the national character.
"Though dead, he yet speaketh."
As a public speaker, if excellence is measured by results, he had no
superior. His manner was generally earnest, often playful; sometimes,
but this was rare, he was vehement and impassioned. There have been a
few instances, at the bar and on the stump, when, wrought up to
indignation by some great personal wrong, or by an aggravated case of
fraud or injustice, or when speaking of the fearful wrongs and injustice
of slavery, he broke forth in a strain of impassioned vehemence which
carried every thing before him.
Generally, he addressed the reason and judgment, and the effect was
lasting. He spoke extemporaneously, but not without more or less
preparation. He had the power of repeating, without reading it, a
discourse or speech which he had prepared or written out. His great
speech, in opening the Douglas canvass, in June, 1858, was carefully
written out, but so naturally spoken that few suspected that it was not
extemporaneous. In his style, manner of presenting facts, and way of
putting things to the people, he was more like Franklin than any other
American. His illustrations, by anecdote and story, were not unlike the
author of _Poor Richard_.
A great cause of his intellectual power was the thorough exhaustive
investigation he gave to every subject. Take, for illustration, his
Cooper Institute speech. Hundreds of able and intelligent men have
spoken on the same subject treated by him in that speech, yet what they
said will all be forgotten, and his will survive; because his address is
absolutely perfect for the purpose for which it was designed. Nothing
can be added to it.
Mr. Lincoln, however, required time thoroughly to investigate before he
came to his conclusions, and the movements of his mind were not rapid;
but when he reached his conclusions he believed in them, and adhered to
them with great firmness and tenacity. When called upon to decide
quickly upon a new subject or a new point, he often erred, and was ever
ready to change when satisfied he was wrong.
It was the union, in Mr. Lincoln, of the capacity clearly to see the
truth, and an innate love of truth, and justice, and right in his heart,
that constituted his character and made him so great. He never
demoralized his intellectual or moral powers, either by doing wrong that
good might come, or by advocating error because it was popular.
Although, as a statesman, eminently practical, and looking to the
possible good of to-day, he ever kept in mind the absolute truth and
absolute right, toward which he always aimed.
Mr. Lincoln was an unselfish man; he never sought his own advancement at
the expense of others. He was a just man; he never tried to pull others
down that he might rise. He disarmed rivalry and envy by his rare
generosity. He possessed the rare wisdom of magnanimity. He was
eminently a tender-hearted, kind, and humane man. These traits were
illustrated all through his life. He loved to pardon: he was averse to
punish. It was difficult for him to deny the request of a child, a
woman, or of any who were weak and suffering. Pages of incidents might
be quoted, showing his ever-thoughtful kindness, gratitude to, and
appreciation of the soldiers. The following note (written to a lady
known to him only by her sacrifices for her country) is selected from
many on this subject:--
"EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
"November, 1864.
"DEAR MADAM:--
"I have been shown, in the files of the War Department, a
statement of the Adjutant-General of Massachusetts, that you
are the mother of five sons who have died gloriously on the
field of battle. I feel how weak and fruitless must be any
words of mine which should attempt to beguile you from the
grief of a loss so overwhelming. But I can not refrain from
tendering to you the consolation that may be found in the
thanks of the Republic they died to save. I pray that our
Heavenly Father may assuage the anguish of your bereavement,
and leave you only the cherished memory of the loved and lost,
and the solemn pride that must be yours to have laid so costly
a sacrifice upon the altar of freedom.
"Yours very respectfully,
"ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
"To Mrs. BIXBY, Boston, Massachusetts."
One summer's day, in walking along the shaded path which leads from the
White House to the War Department, I saw the tall form of the President
seated on the grass under a tree, with a wounded soldier sitting by his
side. He had a bundle of papers in his hand. The soldier had met him in
the path, and, recognizing him, had asked his aid. Mr. Lincoln sat down
upon the grass, investigated the case, and sent the soldier away
rejoicing. In the midst of the rejoicings over the triumphs at
Chattanooga and Lookout Mountain, he forgets not to telegraph to Grant,
"Remember Burnside" at Knoxville.
His charity, in the best sense of that word, was pervading. When others
railed, he railed not again. No bitter words, no denunciation can be
found in his writings or speeches. Literally, in his heart there was
"malice toward none, and charity for all."
Mr. Lincoln was by nature a gentleman. No man can point, in all his
lifetime, to any thing mean, small, tricky, dishonest, or false; on the
contrary, he was ever open, manly, brave, just, sincere, and true. That
characteristic, attributed to him by some, of coarse story-telling, did
not exist. I assert that my intercourse with him was constant for many
years before he went to Washington, and I saw him daily, during the
greater part of his Presidency; and although his stories and anecdotes
were racy, witty, and pointed beyond all comparison, yet I never heard
one of a character to need palliation or excuse. If a story had wit and
was apt, he did not reject it, because to a vulgar or impure mind it
suggested coarse ideas; but he himself was unconscious of any thing but
its wit and aptness.
It may interest the people who did not visit Washington during his
Presidency, to know something of his habits, and the room he occupied
and transacted business in, during his administration. His
reception-room was on the second floor, on the south side of the White
House, and the second apartment from the southeast corner. The corner
room was occupied by Mr. Nicolay, his private secretary; next to this
was the President's reception-room. It was, perhaps, thirty by twenty
feet. In the middle of the west side, was a large marble fireplace, with
old-fashioned brass andirons, and a large, high, brass fender. The
windows looked to the south, upon the lawn and shrubbery on the south
front of the White House, taking in the unfinished Washington Monument,
Alexandria, the Potomac, and down that beautiful river toward Mount
Vernon. Across the Potomac was Arlington Heights. The view from these
windows was altogether very beautiful.
The furniture of this room consisted of a long oak table, covered with
cloth, and oak chairs. This table stood in the center of the room, and
was the one around which the Cabinet sat, at Cabinet meetings, and is
faithfully painted in Carpenter's picture of the Emancipation
Proclamation. At the end of the table, near the window, was a large
writing-table and desk, with pigeon-holes for papers, such as are common
in lawyers' offices. In front of this, in a large arm-chair, Mr. Lincoln
usually sat. Behind his chair, and against the west wall of the room,
was another writing-desk high enough to write upon when standing, and
upon the top of this were a few books, among which were the Statutes of
the United States, a Bible, and a copy of Shakespeare. There was a
bureau, with wooden doors, with pigeon-holes for papers, standing
between the windows. Here the President kept such papers as he wished
readily to refer to. There were two plain sofas in the room; generally
two or three map-frames, from which hung military maps, on which the
movements of the armies were continually traced and followed. The only
picture in the room was an old engraving of Jackson, which hung over
the fireplace; late in his administration was added a fine photograph of
John Bright. Two doors opened into this room--one from the Secretary's,
the other from the great hall, where the crowd usually waited. A
bell-cord hung within reach of his hand, while he sat at his desk. There
was an ante-room adjoining this, plainly furnished; but the crowd
usually pressed to the hall, from which an entrance might be directly
had to the President's room. A messenger stood at the door, and took in
the cards and names of visitors.
Here, in this room, more plainly furnished than many law and business
offices--plainer than the offices of the heads of bureaus in the
Executive Departments--Mr. Lincoln spent the days of his Presidency.
Here he received everybody, from the Lieutenant-General and
Chief-Justice, down to the private soldier and humblest citizen. Custom
had established certain rules of precedence, fixing the order in which
officials should be received. The members of the Cabinet and the high
officers of the army were, of course, received always promptly. Senators
and members of Congress, who are usually charged with the presentation
of petitions and recommendations for appointments, and who are expected
to right every wrong and correct every evil each one of their respective
constituents may be suffering, or imagine himself to be suffering, have
an immense amount of business with the Executive. I have often seen as
many as ten or fifteen Senators and twenty or thirty Members of the
House in the hall, waiting their turn to see the President. They would
go to the ante-room, or up to the hall in front of the reception-room,
and await their turns. The order of precedence was, first the
Vice-President, if present, then the Speaker of the House, and then
Senators and Members of the House in the order of their arrival, and the
presentation of their cards. Frequently Senators and Members would go
to the White House as early as eight or nine in the morning, to secure
precedence and an early interview. While they waited, the loud ringing
laugh of Mr. Lincoln, in which he was sure to be joined by all _inside_,
but which was rather provoking to those _outside_, was often heard by
the waiting and impatient crowd. Here, from early morning to late at
night, he sat, listened, and decided--patient, just, considerate,
hopeful. All the people came to him as to a father. He was more
accessible than any of the leading members of his Cabinet--much more so
than Mr. Seward, shut up in the State Department, writing his voluminous
dispatches; far more so than Mr. Stanton, indefatigable, stern, abrupt,
but ever honest and faithful. Mr. Lincoln saw everybody--governors,
senators, congressmen, officers, ministers, bankers, merchants,
farmers--all classes of people; all approached him with confidence, from
the highest to the lowest; but this incessant labor and fearful
responsibility told upon his vigorous frame. He left Illinois for the
capital, with a frame of iron and nerves of steel. His old friends, who
knew him in Illinois as a man who knew not what illness was, who knew
him ever genial and sparkling with fun, as the months and years of the
war passed slowly on, saw the wrinkles on his forehead deepened into
furrows; and the laugh of old days became sometimes almost hollow; it
did not now always seem to come from the heart, as in former years.
Anxiety, responsibility, care, thought, wore upon even his giant frame,
and his nerves of steel became at times irritable. For more than four
years he had no respite, no holidays. When others fled away from the
dust and heat of the capital, he must stay; he would not leave the helm
until the danger was past and the ship was in port.
Mrs. Lincoln watched his care-worn face with the anxiety of an
affectionate wife, and sometimes took him from his labors almost in
spite of himself. She urged him to ride, and to go to the theater and
places of amusement, to divert his mind from his engrossing cares.
Let us for a moment try to appreciate the greatness of his work and his
services. He was the Commander-in-Chief, during the war, of the largest
army and navy in the world; and this army and navy was created during
his administration, and its officers were sought out and appointed by
him. The operations of the Treasury were vast beyond all previous
conceptions of the ability of the country to sustain; and yet, when he
entered upon the Presidency, he found an empty treasury, the public
credit shaken, no army, no navy, the officers all strangers, many
deserting, more in sympathy with the rebels, Congress divided, and
public sentiment unformed. The party which elected him were in a
minority. The old Democratic party, which had ruled the country for half
a century, hostile to him, and, by long political association, in
sympathy with the insurgent States. His own party, new, made up of
discordant elements, and not yet consolidated, unaccustomed to rule, and
neither his party nor himself possessing any _prestige_. He entered the
White House, the object of personal prejudice to a majority of the
people, and of contempt to a powerful minority. And yet I am satisfied,
from the statement of the conversation of Mr. Lincoln with Mr. Bateman,
quoted hereafter, and from various other reasons, that he himself more
fully appreciated the terrible conflict before him than any man in the
nation, and that even then he hoped and expected to be the _Liberator_
of the slaves. He did not yet clearly perceive the manner in which it
was to be done, but he believed it would be done, and that God would
guide him.
In four years, this man crushed the most stupendous rebellion, supported
by armies more vast, and resources greater than were ever before
combined to overthrow any government. He held together and consolidated,
against warring factions, his own great party, and strengthened it by
securing the confidence and bringing to his aid a large proportion of
all other parties. He was re-elected almost by acclamation, and he led
the people, step by step, up to emancipation, and saw his work crowned
by the Constitutional Amendment, eradicating Slavery from the Republic
for ever. Did this man lack firmness? Study the boldness of the
Emancipation! See with what fidelity he stood by his Proclamation! In
his message of 1863, he said: "I will _never_ retract the proclamation,
nor return to slavery any person made free by it." In 1864, he said: "If
it should ever be made a duty of the Executive to return to slavery any
person made free by the Proclamation or the acts of Congress, some other
person, not I, must execute the law."
When hints of peace were suggested as obtainable by giving over the
negro race again to bondage, he repelled it with indignation. When the
rebel Vice-President, Stephens, at Fortress Monroe, tempted him to give
up the freedman, and seek the glory of a foreign war, in which the Union
and Confederate soldiers might join, neither party sacrificing its
honor, he was inflexible; he would die sooner than break the nation's
plighted faith.
Mr. Lincoln did not enter with reluctance upon the plan of emancipation;
and in this statement I am corroborated by Lovejoy and Sumner, and many
others. If he did not act more promptly, it was because he knew he must
not go faster than the people. Men have questioned the firmness,
boldness, and will of Mr. Lincoln. He had no vanity in the exhibition
of power, but he quietly acted, when he felt it his duty so to do, with
a boldness and firmness never surpassed.
What bolder act than the surrender of Mason and Slidell, against the
resolution of Congress and the almost universal popular clamor, without
consulting the Senate or taking advice from his Cabinet? The removals of
McClellan and Butler, the modification of the orders of Fremont and
Hunter, were acts of a bold, decided character. He acted for himself,
taking personally the responsibility of deciding the great questions of
his administration.
He was the most democratic of all the presidents. Personally, he was
homely, plain, without pretension, and without ostentation. He believed
in the people, and had faith in their good impulses. He ever addressed
himself to their reason, and not to their prejudices. His language was
simple, sometimes quaint, never sacrificing expression to elegance. When
he spoke to the people, it was as though he said to them, "Come, let us
reason together." There can not be found in all his speeches or writings
a single vulgar expression, nor an appeal to any low sentiment or
prejudice. He had nothing of the demagogue. He never himself alluded to
his humble origin, except to express regret for the deficiencies of his
education. He always treated the people in such a way, that they knew
that he respected them, believed them honest, capable of judging
correctly, and disposed to do right.
I know not how, in a few words, I can better indicate his political and
moral character, than by the following incident: A member of Congress,
knowing the purity of his life, his reverence for God, and his respect
for religion, one day expressed surprise, that he had not joined a
church. After mentioning some difficulties he felt in regard to some
articles of faith, Mr. Lincoln said, "_Whenever any church_ will
inscribe over its altar, as its sole qualification for membership,
Christ's condensed statement of both Law and Gospel, '_Thou shalt love
the Lord, thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with
all thy mind, and thy neighbor as thyself_,' that church will I join
with all my heart."
Love to God, as the great Father, love to man as his brother,
constituted the basis of his political and moral creed.
One day, when one of his friends was denouncing his political enemies,
"Hold on," said Mr. Lincoln, "Remember what St. Paul says, 'and now
abideth faith, hope, charity, these three; _but the greatest of these is
charity_.'"
From the day of his leaving Springfield to assume the duties of the
Presidency, when he so impressively asked his friends and neighbors to
invoke upon him the guidance and wisdom of God, to the evening of his
death, he seemed ever to live and act in the consciousness of his
responsibility to Him, and with the trusting faith of a child he leaned
confidingly upon His Almighty Arm. He was visited during his
administration by many Christian delegations, representing the various
religious denominations of the Republic, and it is known that he was
relieved and comforted in his great work by the consciousness that the
Christian world were praying for his success. Some one said to him, one
day, "No man was ever so remembered in the prayers of the people,
especially of those who pray not to be heard of men, as you are." He
replied, "I have been a good deal helped by just that thought."
The support which Mr. Lincoln received during his administration from
the religious organizations, and the sympathy and confidence between the
great body of Christians and the President, was indeed a source of
immense strength and power to him.
I know of nothing revealing more of the true character of Mr. Lincoln,
his conscientiousness, his views of the slavery question, his sagacity
and his full appreciation of the awful trial through which the country
and he had to pass, than the following incident stated by Mr. Bateman,
Superintendent of Public Instruction for Illinois.
On one occasion, in the autumn of 1860, after conversing with Mr.
Bateman at some length, on the, to him, strange conduct of Christian men
and ministers of the Gospel supporting slavery, he said:--
"I know there is a God, and that He hates injustice and slavery. I see
the storm coming, and I know that His hand is in it. If He has a place
and work for me--and I think He has--I believe I am ready. I am nothing,
but truth is every thing. I know I am right, because I know that Liberty
is right, for Christ teaches it, and Christ is God. I have told them
that a house divided against itself can not stand; and Christ and Reason
say the same; and they will find it so.
"Douglas don't care whether slavery is voted up or down, but God cares,
and humanity cares, and I care; and with God's help I shall not fail. I
may not see the end; but it will come, and I shall be vindicated; and
these men will find that they have not read their Bibles right."
Much of this was uttered as if he were speaking to himself, and with a
sad, earnest solemnity of manner impossible to be described. After a
pause, he resumed: "Doesn't it appear strange that men can ignore the
moral aspect of this contest? A revelation could not make it plainer to
me that slavery or the Government must be destroyed. The future would be
something awful, as I look at it, but for this rock on which I stand
(alluding to the Testament which he still held in his hand). It seems as
if God had borne with this thing (slavery) until the very teachers of
religion had come to defend it from the Bible, and to claim for it a
divine character and sanction; and now the cup of iniquity is full, and
the vials of wrath will be poured out." After this, says Mr. Bateman,
the conversation was continued for a long time. Every thing he said was
of a peculiarly deep, tender, and religious tone, and all was tinged
with a touching melancholy. He repeatedly referred to his conviction
that the day of wrath was at hand, and that he was to be an actor in the
terrible struggle which would issue in the overthrow of slavery, though
he might not live to see the end.[9]
[9] The foregoing statement has been verified by Mr. Bateman as
substantially correct.
Perhaps in all history there is no example of such great and long
continued injustice as that of the British press during the war toward
Mr. Lincoln. His death shamed them into decency. While he lived they
sneered at his manners. Let them turn to their own Cromwell. They said
his person was ugly. Has the world recognized the ability of Mirabeau,
or that of Henry Brougham, notwithstanding their ugliness? They made
scurrile jests about his figure, as though a statesman must be
necessarily a sculptor's model! They were facetious about his dress, as
though a greater than a Fox or a Chatham must be a Beau Brummel. They
were horrified by his jokes. If the same had been told by the patrician
Palmerston, instead of the plebeian Lincoln, they would not have lacked
the "Attic salt," but would have rivaled Dean Swift or Sidney Smith.
It has been truly said there is one parallel only, to English
journalism's treatment of Lincoln, and that is to be found in their
treatment of Napoleon. "The Corsican Ogre," and the "American Ape," were
phrases coined in the same mint. But the great Corsican was England's
bitter foe; Lincoln was never provoked either by his own or his
country's wrongs, to hostility against Great Britain. Yet at the great
Martyr's grave, even this injustice changed to respect and reverence;
even "Punch" repented and said--
"Yes he had lived to shame me from my sneer,
To lame my pencil, and confute my pen;
To make me own this hind, of princes _peer_,
This rail-splitter a true-born _King_ of men."
The place Mr. Lincoln will occupy in history, will be higher than any
which he held while living. His Emancipation Proclamation is the most
important historical event of the nineteenth century. Its influence will
not be limited by time, nor bounded by locality. It will ever be treated
by the historian as one of the great landmarks of human progress.
He has been compared and contrasted with three great personages in
history, who were assassinated,--with Cæsar, with William of Orange, and
with Henry IV. of France. He was a nobler type of man than either, as he
was the product of a higher and more Christian civilization.
The two great men by whose words and example our great continental
Republic is to be fashioned and shaped are Washington and Lincoln.
Representative men of the East, and of the West, of the Revolutionary
era, and the era of Liberty for all. One sleeps upon the banks of the
Potomac, and the other on the great prairies of the Valley of the
Mississippi. Lincoln was as pure as Washington, as modest, as just, as
patriotic; less passionate by nature, more of a democrat in his feelings
and manners, with more faith in the people, and more hopeful of their
future. Statesmen and patriots will study their record and learn the
wisdom of goodness.
END OF BOOK ADVERTISEMENTS
ENGRAVED PORTRAIT OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
The Portrait of Mr. LINCOLN, accompanying this book, has been engraved,
for the Publisher, expressly for it. No labor or expense has been spared
to produce a First-Class Engraving. It was executed by H. B. HALL, JR.,
ESQ., who unquestionably stands in the front rank of American Engravers.
The great Painting of
"The Last Hours of Lincoln,"
is now being engraved by Mr. HALL, in the same style.
This PORTRAIT of President LINCOLN is pronounced by all to be the most
life-like--the best ever engraved of him. It may not be improper to
state that I have a letter from his family to that effect, which I
refrain to place in print. I will, however, publish a few from persons
intimately acquainted with him, selecting from the large number that I
have received.
Engraved Portrait of President Lincoln.
OPINIONS OF HIS FRIENDS.
"WASHINGTON, D. C., _June 22, 1868_.
"DEAR SIR:--
"I have examined with interest the steel engraving of President LINCOLN
published by you. I knew him intimately more than thirty years, being at
times a member of his family.
"I regard this portrait the happiest likeness--and it conveys to me the
most pleasing recollection of ABRAHAM LINCOLN of any that I have seen.
"Very truly yours,
"J. B. S. TODD.
"COL. JOHN B. BACHELDER."
* * * * *
"TREASURY DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., _July 30, 1868_.
"DEAR SIR:--
"I have carefully examined the portrait of the late President, Mr.
LINCOLN, engraved by Mr. H. B. HALL, Jr., and published by yourself. The
engraving is exceedingly fine, and the _likeness_ is superior to any
that I have seen. As a work of Art, it is in the highest degree
creditable to Mr. HALL.
"Very respectfully,
"HUGH McCULLOCH,
"_Secretary of the Treasury_.
"COL. JOHN B. BACHELDER."
* * * * *
"WAR DEPARTMENT, _July 30, 1868_.
"* * * It is one of the most truthful likenesses of the late President
that I have seen. * * *
"Yours very truly,
"J. M. SCHOFIELD,
"_Secretary of War_.
"COL. JOHN B. BACHELDER."
* * * * *
"NAVY DEPARTMENT, _July 30, 1868_.
"* * * I think it a correct and satisfactory likeness in all respects.
"GIDEON WELLES,
"_Secretary of Navy_.
"J. B. BACHELDER, ESQ."
* * * * *
"HEAD-QUARTERS, CORPS OF ENGINEERS,
"WASHINGTON, D. C., _July 30, 1868_.
"* * * It is a beautiful piece of Art, indeed it is I think quite
remarkable, presenting, as it does that characteristic expression of the
eye as well as of the features and lines of the face. * * *
"I am very truly yours,
"A. A. HUMPHREYS,
"_Major-General_."
A quarto edition of this Engraving has been published, suitable to
frame, which will be sent free by mail to any part of the country on the
reception of the price.
STYLE AND PRICES.
PRINT, =$1.00=; PLAIN PROOF, =$2.00=; INDIA PROOF, =$3.00=; ARTIST'S
PROOF (selected and signed by the engraver, and tastefully framed in a
_passe-partout_), =$5.00=. (Express delivery extra.)
_Orders Addressed to_
JOHN B. BACHELDER, Publisher,
=59 BEEKMAN STREET, NEW YORK=.
PROSPECTUS OF WORKS
PUBLISHED BY
JOHN B. BACHELDER,
59 BEEKMAN STREET,
NEW YORK.
[Illustration: COL. MORROW, with the COLORS of the 24th MICH. VOLS.]
GETTYSBURG.
When a person is desirous of procuring a published work upon any
subject, it is natural for him to inquire for the sources of information
from which the author has compiled that work. I have, therefore, without
wishing to be considered egotistical, concluded to issue this prospectus
to such as have an interest in the Battle of Gettysburg, that they may
know what I have already done, and what I yet propose to do, to
eliminate the history of that battle.
ISOMETRICAL DRAWING OF THE GETTYSBURG BATTLE-FIELD.
In compiling the Isometrical Drawing of the Gettysburg Battle-field, it
was first necessary to establish its extent and boundaries. When I
arrived at Gettysburg the _debris_ of that great battle lay scattered
for miles around. Fresh mounds of earth marked the resting-place of the
fallen thousands, and many of the dead lay yet unburied. It therefore
required no guide to point out the locality where the battle had been
fought.
As the term _field_, when applied to a battle, is generally used
figuratively, and, by the general reader, might be misunderstood, it is
well to consider at the start, that the battle-_field_ of Gettysburg not
only embraces within its boundaries many _fields_, but forests as well,
and even the town of Gettysburg itself is included in that battle-field.
The formation of the ground and the positions of the troops, favored the
plan of sketching the field while facing the west. Consequently the top
of my DRAWING of it is west: the right hand, north; the left, south, &c.
There was no point from which the whole field could be sketched, nor
would such a position have favored this branch of Art. On the contrary,
it was necessary to sketch from _every_ part of the field, combining the
whole into one grand view.
[Illustration: DEATH OF GEN. ZOOK.]
Having located its boundaries, I commenced at the southeast corner, and
gradually moving toward the _north_, I looked toward the _west_, and
sketched it carefully, as far as the vision extended, including fields,
forests, houses, barns, hills, and valleys; and every object, however
minute, which would influence the result of a battle. Thus I continued
to the northeast boundary, a distance of five and a half miles. The next
day I resumed my work at the south (having advanced to the point where
my vision had been obstructed the preceding day), and sketched another
breadth to the north, as before: and so continued, day by day, until I
had carried my Drawing forward four and a half miles, which included
within its limits the town of Gettysburg. When the Battle-field had been
_Isometrically_ drawn. I sketched in the _distance_ and added a sky.
This Drawing was the result of eighty-four days spent on that field
immediately after the battle, during which time I sketched accurately
the twenty-five square miles which it represents.
I spent two months in hospital writing down the statements of
Confederate prisoners, and as they became convalescent, I went over the
field with many of their officers, who located their positions and
explained the movements of their commands during the battle.
I then visited the ARMY OF THE POTOMAC, consulted with its
Commander-in-Chief, Corps, Division, and Brigade commanders, and visited
every Regiment and Battery engaged, to whose officers the sketch of the
field was submitted, and they, after careful consultation, located upon
it the positions of their respective commands.
[Illustration: PHILLIPS' 5th MASS. BATTERY]
From the information thus obtained, I have traced the movements of
_every Regiment and Battery_ from the commencement to the close of the
battle, and have located on the Drawing its most important position for
each of the three days.
Since its publication I issued an invitation to the officers of the Army
of the Potomac to visit Gettysburg with me, and point out their
respective positions and movements, thus giving an opportunity to the
_actors_ in this great drama to correct any misapprehension, and
establish, while still fresh in memory, the facts and details of this
most important battle of the age. This invitation was responded to by
over one thousand officers engaged in the battle; twenty-eight of whom
were Generals commanding. And it may be interesting to those who possess
the Drawing, to know that _but one solitary Regiment_ was discovered to
be out of position on it.
Many thousand copies of this work have been sold, yet the demand still
continues, and orders are constantly coming in from all parts of the
country. Though complete in itself, it is really but the _introduction_
to other works yet to be published on this battle, and will be
considered almost an indispensable companion to the history of it.
It can be furnished at the following:
PRICES.
COLORED PROOF, on heavy plate paper, carefully finished in Water-Colors,
$15.00
PROOF, printed in tints, on paper as above, with positions of Regiments,
colored, 10.00
TINTED, printed with one tint, on lighter paper, 5.00
The above styles have a sky, and are suitable to frame, and are
accompanied by a key.
PLAIN, on lighter paper, without sky, $3.00
[Illustration: CAPTURE OF THE 8th LA. COLORS BY LT. YOUNG, ADG'T 107th
OHIO VOLS.]
The original plate has not been used except to print copies for
_transfers_. The _first_ impressions from each transfer are reserved for
PROOFS. Therefore the quality of the print can never materially change,
as the original plate would furnish a thousand transfers. The _colored_
PROOFS are carefully colored by an Artist. The TINTED and PLAIN editions
are next printed, and when the plate is worn a new transfer is made.
To any person remitting the money, for either of the above styles, I
will forward the print by mail, to any part of the United States, FREE
OF CHARGE, carefully packed on a roll: or, I will send it by express, at
their expense, with bill for collection. I have sent hundreds by mail,
to all parts of the country, and have yet to hear of the first copy
being lost or injured, while it is quite a saving of expense. A _Key_,
embracing a brief description of the battle, accompanies each print
without extra charge. I have hundreds of letters of indorsement from
which I select the following:--
TESTIMONIALS.
"HEAD-QUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC. _Feb. 11, 1864._
"I have examined Col. Bachelder's ISOMETRICAL DRAWING of the Gettysburg
Battle-field, and am perfectly satisfied with the accuracy with which
the topography is delineated, and the positions of the troops laid down.
Col. B., in my judgment, deserves great credit for the time and labor he
has devoted to obtaining the materials for this drawing, which have
resulted in making it so accurate. * * * * I can cheerfully recommend it
to all those who are desirous of procuring an accurate picture and
faithful record of the events of this great battle. * * * *
"I remain most truly yours,
"GEO. G. MEADE,
"_Maj.-Gen. Comd'g. A. P._"
* * * * *
"HEAD-QUARTERS SECOND ARMY CORPS. _Dec. 29, 1863._
"The view of the Battle-field of Gettysburg prepared by Col. Bachelder,
has been carefully examined by me. I find it as accurate as such a
drawing can well be made. And _it is accurate_, as far as my knowledge
extends.
"WINF'D S. HANCOCK,
"_Major-General Comd'g 2d Corps._"
* * * * *
"Col. Bachelder's Isometrical View of the Battle of Gettysburg is an
admirable production, and a truthful rendering of the various positions
assumed by the troops of my command.
"A. DOUBLEDAY,
"_Maj.-Gen. Vols., Comd'g 1st Corps._"
* * * * *
"BOSTON, _Sept. 23, 1964_.
"COL. BACHELDER:--I have examined your beautiful drawing of the
Battle-field of Gettysburg and vicinity. The certificates of Gen. Meade
and the Corps Commanders, which appear on its face, establish its
accuracy on the highest authority. Your personal explorations, and your
inquiries of all the commissioned officers in command of the Union Army,
and of the Confederate officers made prisoners, have furnished you means
of information not possessed, I imagine, by any other person. Such
opportunities of observation as I had during three days passed at
Gettysburg satisfy me of the fidelity of your delineation of the
position of every regiment of the two armies on each of the three
eventful days. * * * * I may add, that the engraving is beautifully
executed and colored. Wishing you ample remuneration,
"I remain sincerely yours,
"EDWARD EVERETT."
* * * * *
"HEAD-QUARTERS FIFTH ARMY CORPS. _Sept. 28, 1864._
"MR. JNO. B. BACHELDER:--
"DEAR SIR:--I am exceedingly gratified with receiving a finished copy of
your print of the Battle-field of Gettysburg. I am familiar with your
long and untiring labors in all the fields where truth could be reached,
and know that your efforts were crowned with a success that leaves
nothing more to be desired. You are authorized to add my name to those
who bear testimony to Its accuracy.
"Very respectfully your obedient servant,
"G. K. WARREN.
"_Maj.-Gen. Vols., Comd'g 5th Corps._
"_Ch. Eng. at Gettysburg._"
* * * * *
"ORANGE, _Oct. 1, 1864_.
"JNO. B. BACHELDER, Esq.:--
"MY DEAR SIR:--I have carefully examined your Isometrical Drawing of the
Battle-field of Gettysburg, with great interest and much profit. Never
having been on that field, of course I can not express an opinion as to
its accuracy--so abundantly indorsed for, however, by most competent
judges: but I can say that it has given me a much clearer idea of the
battle than I had before, and I earnestly hope that you will find it
convenient to illustrate others of our great battles in the same manner.
"I am very truly yours,
"GEO. B. McCLELLAN."
* * * * *
"HEAD-QUARTERS DEP'T AND ARMY OF THE TENNESSEE. _Oct. 24, 1864._
"MR. JNO. B. BACHELDER:--
"MY DEAR SIR:--I was much gratified on receiving a copy of your
beautiful drawing of the 'Gettysburg Battle-field.' I have never seen a
painting or topographical map that could give so vivid a representation
of a great battle. I regard it as an honor that you have associated my
name with those of other corps commanders in your historical picture. Be
pleased to accept my kind regards.
"Respectfully yours,
"O. O. HOWARD, _Major-General_."
* * * * *
"COL. JNO. B. BACHELDER:--
"DEAR SIR:--I have examined with care your Isometrical Drawing of the
Gettysburg Battle-field, and can cheerfully bear testimony to the
accuracy of the position of the troops on the right of our line.
"Yours very truly,
"H. W. SLOCUM,
"_Maj.-Gen. Vols., Comd'g Right Wing at Gettysburg._"
[Illustration: WOFFORD'S FLANK ATTACK ON SWEITZER'S BRIGADE, DEATH OF
COL. JEFFERS 4th MICH. VOLS.]
HISTORY OF THE BATTLE.
During my consultations with officers at the front, as well as on the
Battle-field, I noted down with great care their conversations, and have
books full of material thus rescued from oblivion.
[Illustration: STANNARD'S BRIGADE OPENING ON PICKETTS' DIVISION.]
Since the publication of the Drawing, and even before, I have been
steadily engaged in compiling the History of the Battle of Gettysburg. I
have traveled many thousand miles to add to my knowledge. I have
received a great number of letters relating to it, and the Government
have very considerately placed at my disposal the entire Reports of both
the Union and Confederate officers; and have also given me access to the
archives at Washington. They have recently ordered a re-survey of the
field, which is now being done by Government Engineers in the most
complete and scientific manner. A fine Topographical map is to be
compiled and engraved, copies of which I have arranged to have to
illustrate my History of the Battle. This book, in addition to the maps,
which will cost several thousand dollars, will also be illustrated with
Steel Plates and Wood-Cuts in a manner second to no book heretofore
published in this country. Over $7,500 worth of illustrations are
already engraved to embellish it, including fine Steel Portraits,
executed by the best engravers in America, in line and stipple, of
Generals Reynolds, Doubleday, Newton, Meredith, Stannard, Hancock,
Gibbon, Zook, Hays, Webb, Hall, Sickles, Birney, Humphreys, Berdan,
Sykes, Barnes, Tilton, Wright, Bartlett, Wheaton, Howard, Ames, Slocum,
Williams, Geary, Kane, Pleasanton, Butterfield, Warren, Hunt, Ingalls,
Randolph, Martin, and McGilvrey. Several others are in hand, and
undoubtedly more will be added to the list. In addition to these the
Portraits of leading Confederate Generals will be engraved. Many of the
prominent scenes of the battle have already been beautifully designed
and engraved on wood, samples of which embellish this circular, others
are to be added, and to those interested I shall be pleased to furnish
full information regarding either portraits or wood-cuts.
* * * * *
I shall publish a POPULAR EDITION of the history, with portraits printed
from transfers, and bound in cloth. Price. $7.50
* * * * *
The next will be the LIBRARY EDITION, royal octavo, printed on good fair
paper, good plates, and substantially bound in sheep. $12.00
* * * * *
The same size printed on fine paper. Proof Portraits--bound in half
morocco, beveled boards. $17.50
* * * * *
A FINE EDITION on tinted paper. Proof Portraits. Full morocco, gilt,
beveled boards, gilt edges. $25.00
* * * * *
A LARGE PAPER EDITION (limited) will be printed from new type, and the
original wood-cuts in the best style of modern hand-press work, on heavy
toned paper, with the finest INDIA PROOF PORTRAITS. In Sheets, stitched,
uncut, $100.00
Elaborately bound. Full levant morocco, gilt. $125.00
* * * * *
I have now devoted five years and a half to collecting material for the
history of the Battle of Gettysburg, but until quite recently I have
felt unwilling to commence to write, knowing that other matter existed
which it was important for me to have, and which, when obtained, might
make a material change in the account. This reason no longer exists,
though I shall still thankfully receive suggestions from any participant
in the battle.
Within another year the Government will have completed the Topographical
Map of the field, by which time I hope to be ready to publish my work.
As a publisher I would have done so long ago, but as a historian not
until I feel that I have written the truth--the whole truth, and nothing
but the truth.
PAINTINGS OF THE BATTLE.
I have also in progress, the finest Collection of Oil Paintings executed
of any battle in this country. The whole to be known as
"THE GETTYSBURG ART GALLERY."
[Illustration: REPULSE OF LONGSTREET'S CHARGE.]
I have divided the Battle into a series of episodes, beginning with its
commencement and continuing to its close, each to embrace such movements
and operations as of themselves form a complete unit. Of each, I make an
accurate historical design, which design I place in the hands of some
eminent battle-scene painter, who will be responsible for the artistic
rendering of the subject. Each painting is to be 7 × 4 ft., and when
completed, will be exhibited in the places where the regiments
represented in it were raised. The whole, together, will form a most
complete and graphic representation of the Battle from its commencement
to the close. Each of these paintings will be engraved on steel, and
hereafter engravings may be had representing actual scenes, which,
having been designed under the personal direction of the participants
themselves, will possess the merit of historical truth.
It must not be understood that this whole work is to be put in hand at
once. It will be taken up in detail, and continued as rapidly as I have
time and means to attend to it. I shall be happy to correspond with
those interested in any portion of the Battle. When convenient, it will
be better to call a meeting, at Gettysburg, of the officers of the
command to be represented, before commencing a painting, that all the
details may be properly arranged. I have already made a design,
representing the "charge" of the 6th Wisconsin, 95th N. Y., and 14th N.
Y. S. M., on the first day, resulting in the capture of the 2d
Mississippi Regiment, which is now being painted by Alonzo Chappel,
Esq., the eminent historical painter. I have recently met, at
Gettysburg, the officers of the 3d Division, 1st Army Corps, and under
their direction completed a design of their engagement on the afternoon
of the first day, which will also embrace the movements of the 1st
Brigade, 1st Division. This picture is now being painted by the
distinguished battle-scene painter, James Walker, Esq.
Fine Steel Engravings will be published from these paintings. Size
(engraved surface), 12 × 21 in.
PRICES:
Prints, $5.00; Plain Proofs, $10.00; India Proofs, $15.00; Artist's
Proofs, $25.00.
[Illustration: DEATH OF MAJOR FERRY, 5^th MICH. CAV'Y.]
Mr. Walker has just completed for me, his graphic representation of
THE REPULSE OF LONGSTREET'S CHARGE,
on the afternoon of the third day, which will be exhibited in the
principal cities of the country. This is also from my historical design,
and has been painted under my immediate direction. Mr. Walker spent
weeks at Gettysburg, transcribing the portraiture of the field to
canvas, which has been done in the most pleasing and lifelike manner. We
have received in this matter the kindest support and co-operation of the
officers of the army, engaged on that portion of the field.
Many distinguished general officers, on my invitation, visited
Gettysburg, and went over the field with us, and pointed out all the
details of this great turning point of the Rebellion; each explaining
the movements of their several commands. Among those present at
different times, were Generals Meade, Hancock, Gibbon, Howard,
Doubleday, Stannard, Hunt, Warren, Humphreys, Graham, Burling, De
Trobriand, Wistar, and Dana; together with a large number of Field,
Line, and Staff-Officers. Most of these gentlemen have since kindly
called at Mr. Walker's studio, and aided the work with their advice.
Many others, who were unable to meet with us at Gettysburg, have, at
considerable trouble, visited the studio in New York; among them,
Generals Webb, Hall, Newton, Hazard, Sickles, Ward, Brewster, Berdan,
and Gates, and Generals Wilcox and Longstreet, of the Confederate Army;
the latter taking great interest in the painting, and leaving me a fine
letter indorsing its accuracy. This painting has been designed
_strictly_ in conformity to the directions of these gentlemen, given on
the field for that purpose, and from the Reports of the Confederate
Commanders, furnished to me by the Government.
This great representative Battle-scene has not its equal in America, for
correctness of design or accuracy of execution. Gibbon's and Hays's
Divisions and the Corps Artillery, occupy the immediate foreground. It
is on a canvas 7-1/2 × 20 feet, and represents, not only every Regiment
engaged at that portion of the field, but where the formation of the
ground would admit, the entire left wing is shown.
It presents such an accurate and lifelike portrait of the country, that
on it the movements of the first and second day's operations can readily
be traced. No important scene has been screened behind large foreground
figures, or, for the want of a knowledge of the details, hidden by
convenient puffs of smoke; but every feature of this gigantic struggle
has, in its proper place, been woven into a symmetrical whole.
A fine steel plate is also to be engraved of this picture, which will be
accompanied by a _Key_, by which the position of every Regiment and
Battery can be determined.
PRICE OF ENGRAVINGS.
Print, $10.--Plain Proof, $25.--India Proof, $60.--Artist Proof (limited
to 200 copies), $100.
* * * * *
The following gentlemen, intimately identified with the Battle of
Gettysburg, and exercising the highest commands at the battle, kindly
furnished me these letters, as indorsements to an application to examine
Confederate Reports of the Battle of Gettysburg at the War Department.
"PHILADELPHIA, _Nov. 3, 1867_.
"GENERAL:--
"* * * * Mr. Bachelder has accumulated a vast amount of official and
reliable testimony on our side, and I am of the opinion his work will be
as truthful as the data in his possession will admit; I am greatly
interested in his application being granted, and would most earnestly
recommend permission being given him to examine the Confederate Reports,
in case you do not see any strong reasons preventing it.
"Very truly yours,
"GEO. G. MEADE,
"_Major-General, U. S. A._
"GENERAL U. S. GRANT.
"_Sec. War, ad interim._"
PERMISSION GRANTED.
* * * * *
[Extract of a letter from Major-General Humphreys, Chief of the
Corps of Engineers.]
"WASHINGTON, D. C., _Nov. 14, 1867_.
"GENERAL:--
"* * * The information which Mr. Bachelder has collected concerning the
Battle of Gettysburg, is extraordinary in amount and correctness. So far
as I am able to judge, there is no battle of any war respecting which so
many truthful accounts, so many exact details, have been collected and
compiled. From every source, from the private to the general commanding
the army, facts have been collected, and where discrepancies were found,
evidence was multiplied, and in this way errors have been dissipated.
Mr. Bachelder has peculiar qualifications for the task he has
undertaken, and has devoted four years to it. * * *
"A. A. HUMPHREYS,
"_Major-General_.
"GENERAL U. S. GRANT.
"_Sec. of War, ad interim._"
[Illustration: DEATH OF PRIVATE RIGGIN, GUIDON BEARER, RICKETTS' (PA)
BATTERY]
NOTE.--The wood-cuts interspersed through this circular have been
engraved to illustrate scenes in the Battle of Gettysburg, and with many
others will appear in the History of that Battle.
"THE LAST HOURS OF LINCOLN."
ORIGIN OF THIS HISTORICAL PAINTING.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, was assassinated by
JOHN WILKES BOOTH on the night of April 14, 1865, at Ford's Theater,
Washington, D. C. This night, fraught with woe to the peoples of two
continents, sombered by its halo of diabolism, must forever remain the
Golgotha of American history.
At the threshold of the temple of peace--the High Priest was stricken
down--and the great heart whose every throb was a pulsation of love for
his country's enemies, was robed in silence. In company with Mrs.
LINCOLN, Miss HARRIS, and Major RATHBONE, Mr. LINCOLN had sought a brief
respite from the iron wheel of State toil, and in the search, through
the medium of the assassin's bullet, found a respite for all time.
Immediately after the fatal shot was fired, and under direction of
Assistant-Surgeons LEALE and TAFT, he was removed to a private house,
and placed upon a couch in a small bedroom. ROBERT LINCOLN, General
TODD, and Dr. TODD, cousins of Mrs. LINCOLN, and other personal friends,
speedily arrived. His family physician, Dr. STONE, and Surgeon-General
BARNES, accompanied by Asst.-Surgeon General CRANE, were in early
attendance, and later he was visited by Drs. HALL and LIEBERMANN, and
other eminent physicians, all of whom agreed that the wound was unto
death. The bullet had entered the back of his head, and lodged behind
the right eye.
Mr. LINCOLN was visited during the night by Vice-President JOHNSON and
the entire cabinet, except Mr. SEWARD, including Secretaries MCCULLOCH,
STANTON, WELLES, and USHER. Postmaster-General DENNISON, and
Attorney-General SPEED, together with Asst.-Secretaries FIELD, ECKERT,
and OTTO. There were also present Speaker COLFAX, Chief-Justice CARTTER,
Senator WILSON, Representatives FARNSWORTH, ARNOLD, MARSTON, and
ROLLINS, Governor OGLESBY, accompanied by Adjutant-General HAYNIE, Major
HAY, Generals AUGER, MEIGS, and HALLECK, Ex-Governor FARWELL, Rev. Dr.
GURLEY, and Commissioner FRENCH, Colonels VINCENT PELOUZE and
RUTHERFORD, and Major ROCKWELL. Early in the night Mrs. LINCOLN sent for
Mrs. Senator DIXON, who was accompanied by her sister and niece, Mrs.
KINNEY and daughter. There were also a few others present during the
night, but never more than half of those represented on the painting at
any one time.
By the publicity of the assassination it was soon known throughout the
city, and thousands crowded the avenues leading to the house where the
President lay.
The news of this tragic event flashed with the speed of lightning
throughout the land. From Maine to California consternation reigned, and
feelings of surprise and grief were depicted on every face. The great
man now martyred had for more than four years held the highest place in
the gift of the American people, and on him their hopes had centered.
The designer of the painting of
"THE LAST HOURS OF LINCOLN,"
JNO. B. BACHELDER, arrived in Washington on the night of his death, and
being impressed with the historic importance of the event, at once
determined to collect such materials as should be necessary for an
historical picture commemorating that sad scene, and should the demand
warrant it, to publishing a steel-plate engraving from it. The design
for the painting was soon completed, and arrangements having been made
with BRADY & CO., Photographers, as soon as the remains of the President
left the city each of the persons represented were visited, and at their
convenience were _posed_ and photographed in the position which they now
occupy in the painting. It being important that the best possible
original should be had for the engraver's use, the design was placed in
the hands of ALONZO CHAPEL, Esq., the historical painter, to whose
genius the painting is to be credited. Much of its completeness is due
to the kindness and attention of the persons represented; as all
cheerfully gave their time for frequent sittings, both to the designer
and painter.
No expense has been spared to produce a work worthy the scene it
represents, and the high encomiums given it by eminent judges is the
best proof of the result.
To publish any thing now short of a first-class copy of such a painting
would be a breach of confidence to those who have so kindly aided in its
production. The proprietor has therefore decided to have this picture
engraved in the finest style of line and stipple, the engraved surface
of the plate to be 18 × 31 inches; believing that nothing short of a
_genuine work of art_ will meet the approval, and secure the patronage
of the American people, and to those interested the proprietor can most
confidently promise a suitable memento of their departed chief.
The engraving is being executed by H. B. HALL, Jr., Esq., the eminent
engraver upon steel.
PRICE OF ENGRAVINGS.--PRINTS, =$15.00=; PLAIN PROOFS, =$35.00=; INDIA
PROOFS, =$60.00=; ARTIST'S PROOFS (limited to 200 copies which will be
numbered and signed by the artist and engraver), =$100.00=.
A beautiful engraved and photographic _Key_ to the Engraving will be
presented to the subscribers. It is a complete picture of itself, and
may be had in advance _by subscribers only_.
JOHN B. BACHELDER, PUBLISHER, _59 Beekman Street. New York_.
[Illustration: The Last Hours of Lincoln
KEY
1 Pres. LINCOLN.
2 Mrs. LINCOLN.
3 Vice Pres. JOHNSON.
4 Maj. RATHBONE.
5 Mr. ARNOLD. M.C.
6 P.M. Gen. DENNISON.
7 Sec. WELLES.
8 Att^y Gen. SPEED.
9 D^r. HALL.
10 Dr. LEIBERMANN.
11 Sec^y. USHER.
12 Sec^y. McCOLLOCH.
13 Gov. OGLESBY.
14 Speaker COLFAX.
15 Dr. STONE.
16 Surg. Gen. BARNES.
17 Mrs. Sen. DIXON.
18 Dr. TODD.
19 Ass^t. Surg. LEALE.
20 Ass^t. Surg. TAFT.
21 Ass^t. Sec^Y OTTO.
22 Gen. FARNSWORTH. M. C.
23 Sen. SUMNER.
24 Surg. CRANE.
25 Gen. TODD.
26 ROB^T. LINCOLN.
27 Rev. Dr. GURLEY.
28 Ass^t. Sec^Y FIELD.
29 Adj^t Gen. HAYNIE.
30 Maj. FRENCH.
31 Gen. AUGER.
32 Col. VINCENT.
33 Gen. HALLECK.
34 Sec^y. STANTON.
35 Col. RUTHERFORD.
36 Ass^t. Sec^Y. ECKERT.
37 Col. PELOUSE.
38 Maj. HAY.
39 Gen. MEIGS.
40 Maj. ROCKWELL.
41 Ex Gov. FARWELL.
42 Judge CARTTER.
43 Mr. ROLLINS, M. C.
44 Gen. MARSTON. M. C.
45 Mrs. KINNEY.
46 Miss KINNEY.
47 Miss HARRIS.
]
BRIEF SAYINGS OF EMINENT MEN.
SURGEON-GENERAL'S OFFICE, }
WASHINGTON CITY, _March 20, 1867_. }
Col. J. B. BACHELDER.
SIR:--The picture of "The Last Hours of Lincoln." painted by Alonzo
Chappel from your design, presents, with remarkable fidelity, the
portraits of those in attendance at various times during the night of
April 14, 1865, preserving truthfully the principal features of that
most sad event.
Very respectfully yours,
J. K. BARNES. _Surgeon-General, U.S.A., Brevet Major-General._
* * * * *
It is certainly a work of great interest and merit. I have looked upon
it with the liveliest satisfaction on account of its singularly graphic
delineation of the actual scene as myself beheld it, and also because
the likenesses of most of the distinguished persons presented by the
painting seem to me to be very accurate and striking.
P. D. GURLEY. _Pastor of the N. Y. Ave. Pres. Church_
* * * * *
I cheerfully bear testimony to the accuracy of the Portraits of the
persons present on that melancholy occasion, and especially that of the
martyred President.
W. T. OTTO. _Assistant Secretary of the Interior._
* * * * *
It gives me pleasure to testify to the accuracy with which you have
represented the principal features of the scene in question, and to the
fidelity of the portraits which you have introduced. You have been
especially successful in the likeness of President Lincoln.
JOHN HAY,
_Brevet Colonel, formerly A. D. C. to President Lincoln_.
* * * * *
The truthful likeness of President Lincoln, the fidelity of the
portraits of those present on that most mournful night, and the
excellent grouping of the figures, render this picture peculiarly
valuable in an historical point of view, apart from its merits as a work
of art.
C. H. CRANE, _Assistant Surgeon-General U. S. Army_.
* * * * *
Without possessing a critical capacity for judgment, I can say, in all
sincerity, that the painting as a whole, is faithful to the scene of the
death-chamber on that eventful night, and impressively truthful in its
portraiture.
D. K. CARTTER, _Chief-Justice_.
The above gentlemen visited President Lincoln during his last hours, and
are represented in the painting.
* * * * *
It is admirable as a picture, and of great value for the fidelity of the
portraits.
A. A. HUMPHREYS, _Major-General_.
* * * * *
DEAR SIR:--Permit me to thank you for the enjoyment of the luxury of
grief afforded me in the viewing of the great picture commemorating "The
Last Hours of Lincoln." It is deserving of great praise. If it has a
fault, it is its high coloring. As I have personally known nearly all
the forty odd persons who appear in it, I can speak with confidence of
the truthfulness of the likenesses.
F. E. SPINNER, _Treasurer United States_.
* * * * *
The majority of the portraits could hardly be improved.
O. O. HOWARD, _Major-General_.
* * * * *
I know personally a large majority of the persons represented, and take
pleasure in bearing my testimony to the singular fidelity of their
portraits.
IRA HARRIS, _United States Senator_.
EXTRACT FROM A CRITICISM.
[_From the Washington Sunday Herald._]
WASHINGTON, _March 31, 1867_.
A great picture has been designed of the "Last Hours of Abraham
Lincoln." The designer is Mr. John B. Bachelder, the painter Alonzo
Chappel. * * The value of such a picture of such a scene is enormous,
and of a kind to ever increase with time. * * Looking like himself, from
his finger-nails to his hard, protruding lip, Stanton, with paper and
pencil in hand, and uplifted forefinger, is giving instructions to the
soldierly General Auger, the then Military Commander of the District.
* * Portraits so minutely like I have never seen, even from the brush of
Elliot. * * *
The grandeur in the face of Lincoln, is grand indeed. The cold hues of
death are warmed to the eye by the red rays of a candle held over him,
and the flickering flare causing a Rembrandt-like effect, is very
felicitously managed. The eye rests in love and pity on it, turning from
those around impatiently. * * *
McCulloch who turns from the scene, and Johnson who sits in the left
foreground, are wonderfully like. As is the erect Dennison beyond them;
and Meigs, with his hand resting on the door-post, where he stood to
prevent disturbing entrances; Dr. Stone and Surgeon-General Barnes,
General Todd, Judge Otto, Sumner, Farnsworth, Speaker Colfax, and
Governor Oglesby, are looking down on the face of Lincoln with an
expression of respectful concern. * * * Judge Cartter and Ex-Governor
Farwell stand in front of Meigs, forming the right foreground of the
picture; they are given in profile and seem conversing.
The greatness of the picture lies in its correct transcription of an
actual scene and perfect portraiture of American men. It is just such a
work as, above all others, should be American property, for if ever
there was a _National_ picture, this is one.
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