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Title: Nazi conspiracy and aggression, Volume 04 (of 11)
Author: United States. Office of Chief of Counsel for the Prosecution of Axis Criminality
Release date: March 7, 2026 [eBook #78130]
Language: English
Original publication: Washington D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1946
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NAZI CONSPIRACY AND AGGRESSION, VOLUME 04 (OF 11) ***
NAZI CONSPIRACY
AND AGGRESSION
_VOLUME IV_
_Office of United States
Chief of Counsel For Prosecution
of Axis Criminality_
[Illustration]
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON · 1946
CONTENTS
_Pages_
Document number 1409-PS through document number
2373-PS arranged numerically 1-1107
(A descriptive list of documents appears at the end of the last
volume.)
A collection of Documentary Evidence and Guide Materials Prepared by
the American and British Prosecuting Staffs for Presentation before the
International Military Tribunal at Nurnberg, Germany, in the case of
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, THE UNITED KINGDOM
OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND, and THE UNION OF SOVIET
SOCIALIST REPUBLICS
--against--
HERMANN WILHELM GOERING, RUDOLF HESS, JOACHIM von RIBBENTROP,
ROBERT LEY, WILHELM KEITEL, ERNST KALTENBRUNNER, ALFRED ROSENBERG,
HANS FRANK, WILHELM FRICK, JULIUS STREICHER, WALTER FUNK, HJALMAR
SCHACHT, GUSTAV KRUPP von BOHLEN and HALBACH, KARL DOENITZ, ERICH
RAEDER, BALDUR von SCHIRACH, FRITZ SAUCKEL, ALFRED JODL, MARTIN
BORMANN, FRANZ von PAPEN, ARTHUR SEYSS-INQUART, ALBERT SPEER,
CONSTANTIN von NEURATH, and HANS FRITZSCHE, Individually and as
Members of Any of the Following Groups or Organizations to which They
Respectively Belonged, Namely: DIE REICHSREGIERUNG (REICH CABINET);
DAS KORPS DER POLITISCHEN LEITER DER NATIONALSOZIALISTISCHEN
DEUTSCHEN ARBEITERPARTEI (LEADERSHIP CORPS OF THE NAZI PARTY); DIE
SCHUTZSTAFFELN DER NATIONALSOZIALISTISCHEN DEUTSCHEN ARBEITERPARTEI
(commonly known as the “SS”) and including DIE SICHERHEITSDIENST
(commonly known as the “SD”); DIE GEHEIME STAATSPOLIZEI (SECRET STATE
POLICE, commonly known as the “GESTAPO”); DIE STURMABTEILUNGEN DER
N.S.D.A.P. (commonly known as the “SA”) and the GENERAL STAFF and
HIGH COMMAND of the GERMAN ARMED FORCES are as defined in Appendix B
of the Indictment,
Defendants.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1409-PS
1938 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 1709
Order concerning the Utilization of Jewish Property of 3 December 1938
On the basis of Article 1 of the Second Regulation by the Administrator
for the Four Year Plan based on the Decree of November 24, 1938 for the
Reporting of Jewish-owned Property (RGBl I, 1668), the following is
decreed in cooperation with the competent Reich Ministers:
Chapter I _Industrial Enterprises_
Article 1
The owner of a Jewish industrial enterprise (Third Regulation under
the Reich Citizenship Law of 14 June 1938, RGBl I 627) may be ordered
to sell or liquidate the enterprise within a definite time. Certain
conditions may be stipulated in the order.
Article 2
1. A trustee may be appointed for Jewish industrial enterprises, the
owners of which have been ordered to sell or liquidate (Article 1), for
the temporary continuation of the enterprise and for the completion
of the sale or liquidation, especially if the owner of the enterprise
has not complied with the order within the definite period and his
application for an extension of time has been rejected.
2. The trustee is empowered to undertake all judicial and extrajudicial
actions and legal measures, which the business of the enterprise,
its liquidation or sale require. His authority replaces any legally
required power of attorney.
3. The trustee must exercise the care of a responsible businessman and
is subject to State control.
4. The owner of the enterprise is to pay the expenses of the trustee in
connection with his work.
Article 3
1. The owner of the Jewish industrial enterprise is to be notified of
the instructions specified in Articles 1 and 2.
2. In case of absence of the person affected, notification may
take place through publication in the Deutsche Reichsanzeiger and
Preussische Staatsanzeiger. In these cases the day of publication is to
be considered the day of notification.
Article 4
As soon as the owner of the enterprise is notified of the order through
which a trustee is appointed according to Article 2, he loses the right
to dispose of the property for the administration of which the trustee
has been appointed. He regains this right only if the appointment of
the trustee expires.
Article 5
The consent for the sale according to Article 1 of the Decree based
on the Decree of April 26, 1938, for the Reporting of Jewish-owned
Property (RGBl I, 415) is necessary also in such cases in which the
sale has been ordered; this also applies to the sale by a trustee.
Chapter II _Land and Forest Enterprises Real Estate and other Property_
Article 6
A Jew (Article 5 of the First Regulation under the Reich Citizenship
Law of November 14, 1935) (RGBl I, 1333), may be ordered to sell
wholly or partly his land or forest enterprise, his other land or
forest properties, his other real estate or other properties within a
definite time. Certain conditions may be stipulated in the order. The
regulations of Article 2 to 4 are to be applied accordingly.
Article 7
1. Jews cannot legally acquire real estate and mortgages.
2. The regulations of Article 2, 4, 5 and 6 of the Decrees based on the
Decree of 26 April 1938, for the Reporting of Jewish-owned Property
(RGBl I, 415) are to be applied accordingly.
3. At the foreclosure of real estate, the court ordering such sale must
reject bids if there is reason to suspect that the bidder is a Jew.
4. The rejection according to Paragraph 3 loses its force if the bidder
protests against it immediately (Article 72, Paragraph 2 of the Law
Regarding Foreclosure) and if he proves that he is not a Jew.
5. If, as is provided in (4) the bidder protests the rejection of an
offer, the decision on the public adjudication must not be made before
two weeks after the conclusion of the auction.
Article 8
1. Jews require authorization to dispose of real estate and mortgages.
They require authorization to dispose of other property if the sale
has been ordered according to Section 6 of this decree. This also
applies in the case of a trustee disposing of said property.
2. The regulations of (1) also apply to contracts in which an
obligation to sell is assumed.
3. The regulations of Article 1 (2) and Article 2 of the Regulation
under the Decree of 26 April 1938 for the Reporting of Jewish-owned
Property (RGBl I, 415) are to be applied accordingly. In disposing of
immovable property, the regulations of Articles 4, 5 and 6 of said
Decree are also to be applied accordingly.
4. In case of foreclosure of a piece of land, the bidder requires
authorization for his bid; a bid for which the necessary authorization
is not proven immediately is to be rejected. Where the Reich Law
regarding Foreclosure and Forced Administration is in force, in cases
of Article 81, (2) of said law, public adjudication to a person other
than the highest bidder is permissible only if the person can prove
that consent was given for this deal.
Article 9
1. The authorization according to Article 8 replaces those
authorizations required according to the Regulation regarding Traffic
in Real Estate of 26 January 1937 (RGBl I, 35), the Settlements (RGBl
I, 659), the First Decree for the Execution of the Law of 17 August
1937, Regarding the Protection of the Reich Frontiers and Reprisals
(RGBl I, 905) as well as according to price fixing regulations.
2. At the sale of land or forest enterprises or the granting of
usufruct in such enterprises, the authorization according to Article
8 replaces the authorization according to Article 1 of the decree
based on the Decree of 26 April 1938 for the Reporting of Jewish-owned
Property.
Article 10
1. If a Jew sells a piece of land which is situated within the confines
of Berlin, the Reich Capital Berlin has a right of preemption for the
purpose of carrying out the measures of the General Building Inspector
for the rebuilding of the City.
2. Articles 12 and 13 of the Decree of 5 November 1937 Regarding the
Reconstruction of the Reich Capital Berlin (RGBl I, 1162) are to be
applied accordingly.
3. The right of preemption does not exist if the Reich, one of the
German States, or the National Socialist Party is involved in the legal
transaction as a buyer.
Chapter III _Compulsory Deposit of Securities_
Article 11
1. Within a week after this decree goes into effect, Jews must deposit
all their stocks, shares in mines, bonds, and similar securities at a
foreign exchange bank. New securities must be deposited within a week
after their acquisition. The holder of securities belonging to a Jew
may not deliver them to anyone but a foreign exchange bank for the
account of the Jew.
2. Insofar as securities are already deposited at a foreign exchange
bank on behalf of Jews or titles registered or coupons deposited
with an administrative authority for which preferred annuities will
be granted, the Jews must immediately notify the said bank, the
Administration of Public Loans or the administrative authority by a
written declaration of the fact that they are Jews. In case of (1)
Sentence 3, this declaration must be made to the said holder.
3. The deposits and the registered titles are to be marked as Jewish.
Article 12
The disposing of securities deposited as Jewish, as well as the release
of such securities require the consent of the Reich Minister of
economics or an authority named by him.
Article 13
The provisions of Articles 11 and 12 do not apply to foreign Jews.
Chapter IV _Jewels, Gems and Objects of Art_
Article 14
1. Jews are forbidden to acquire, pawn or sell objects of gold,
platinum or silver as well as precious stones and pearls. Such
objects, except in the case of existence of attachments on behalf of
a non-Jewish creditor at the time when this decree goes into effect
may only be acquired by public purchasing offices, established by the
Reich. The same applies to other jewels and objects of art insofar as
the price of the individual objects exceeds one thousand Reichsmarks.
2. The provisions of (1) does not apply to foreign Jews.
Chapter V _General Regulations_
Article 15
1. The authorization for the sale of Jewish enterprises, Jewish real
estate, or other Jewish property can be given under conditions that may
consist in the payment of money by the buyer on behalf of the Reich.
2. Authorizations of the kind mentioned in Paragraph 1 may also
be granted with the proviso that the Jewish seller is to receive
obligations of the German Reich or registered titles against the German
Reich instead of the total or partial consideration as provided for in
the sales contract.
Article 16
The regulations specified for Jews in Article II also apply to
industrial enterprises as well as organizations, foundations,
institutions, and other enterprises which are not industrial, insofar
as they are to be considered Jewish according to the Third Regulation
under the Reich Citizenship Law of 14 June 1938 (RGBl I, 627).
Article 17
1. The higher administrative authorities are qualified to issue
instructions based on the regulations of Article I and II insofar as
the special provisions of Paragraphs 3 and 4 are not to be applied. The
higher administrative authorities are also to supervise the appointed
trustees.
2. Section 6 of the Decree of 26 April 1938 determines which
authorities are higher administrative authorities within the meaning
of this Decree Regarding the Registration of Jewish Property
(Reichsgesetzblatt I, p. 414) with the proviso that the following
authorities are qualified:
In Anhalt--the Anhalt State Ministry, Department of Economics;
In Baden--the Baden Minister of Finance and Economics;
In Wuerttemberg--the Wuerttemberg Minister of Economics;
In Austria--the Reich Commissar for the Reunion of Austria with the
German Reich or the authorities named by him;
In the Sudeten German territories--the Government Presidents.
3. Insofar as it is a question of agricultural property, the
Oberpraesident in Prussia (Agricultural Department) and the Higher
Settlement Authorities in the non-Prussian States take the place of
the higher administrative authorities. Insofar as it is a question of
forest property, the Higher Forest Authorities take the place of the
higher administrative authorities.
*******
[Articles 18 to 23 are not necessary for understanding of law]
Article 24
This decree goes into effect on the day of publication.
Berlin, 3 December 1938
Reich Minister of Economic Affairs
Walter Funk
Reich Minister of Interior
Frick
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1412-PS
1938 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 1579
Decree relating to the payment of a fine by the Jews of German
nationality of 12 Nov. 1938.
The hostile attitude of the Jewry towards the German people and Reich,
which does not even shrink back from committing cowardly murder, makes
a decisive defense and a harsh punishment (expiation) necessary. I
order, therefore, by virtue of the decree concerning the execution of
the 4-year Plan of 18 Oct. 1936 (RGBl I, page 887) as follows:
Section 1
On the Jews of German nationality as a whole has been imposed the
payment of a contribution of 1,000,000,000 Reichsmark to the German
Reich.
Section 2
Provisions for the implementation are issued by the Reich-Minister of
Finance in agreement with the Reich-Ministers concerned.
Berlin, 12 November 1938.
The Commissioner for the Four Year Plan
Goering
General Field-Marshal.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1415-PS
1938 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 1676
Police Regulation of the Appearance of Jews in Public of 28 November
1938
On the basis of the Decree of 14 November 1938 Regarding the Police
Decrees of the Reich Ministers (Reichsgesetzblatt I, P. 1582), the
following is decreed:
ARTICLE 1
The Government Presidents in Prussia, Bavaria, and the Sudeten German
areas, the proper authorities in the remaining provinces of the old
Reich, the district captains (the Mayor in Vienna) in Austria and
the Reich Commissar of the Saar district may impose upon Jews, both
subjects of the German State and stateless Jews (Article 5 of the
First Decree of 14 November 1935, Regarding the Reich Citizen Law,
Reichsgesetzblatt I, p. 1333), restrictions as to place and time to the
effect that they may not enter certain districts or may not appear in
public at certain times.
ARTICLE 2
Whoever wilfully or negligently violates the regulations of Article I
is to be fined up to 150 Reichsmarks or punished with imprisonment up
to six weeks.
ARTICLE 3
This police decree goes into effect the day after its promulgation.
Berlin, 28 November 1938
The Reich Minister of Interior
By order:
Heydrich.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1416-PS
1935 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART 1, PAGE 1146
The Reich Citizenship Law of 15 Sept 1935
The Reichstag has adopted unanimously, the following law, which is
herewith promulgated.
Article 1
1. A subject of the State is a person, who belongs to the protective
union of the German Reich, and who, therefore, has particular
obligations towards the Reich.
2. The status of the subject is acquired in accordance with the
provisions of the Reich- and State Law of Citizenship.
Article 2
1. A citizen of the Reich is only that subject, who is of German- or
kindred blood and who, through his conduct, shows that he is both
desirous and fit to serve faithfully the German people and Reich.
2. The right to citizenship is acquired by the granting of Reich
citizenship papers.
3. Only the citizen of the Reich enjoys full political rights in
accordance with the provision of the laws.
Article 3
The Reich Minister of the Interior in conjunction with the Deputy of
the Fuehrer will issue the necessary legal and administrative decrees
for the carrying out and supplementing of this law.
Nurnberg, 15 Sept 1935 at the Reichsparteitag of Liberty
The Fuehrer and Reichs Chancellor
Adolf Hitler
The Reichs Minister of the Interior
Frick
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1417-PS
1935 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART 1, PAGE 1333
First Regulation to the Reichs Citizenship Law of 14 Nov. 1935
On the basis of Article 3, Reichs Citizenship Law, of 15 Sept. 1935
(RGBl I, page 146) the following is ordered:
Article 1
1. Until further issue of regulations regarding citizenship papers,
all subjects of German or kindred blood, who possessed the right to
vote in the Reichstag elections, at the time the Citizenship Law came
into effect, shall, for the time being, possess the rights of Reich
citizens. The same shall be true of those whom the Reich Minister of
the Interior, in conjunction with the Deputy of the Fuehrer, has given
the preliminary citizenship.
2. The Reich Minister of the Interior, in conjunction with the Deputy
of the Fuehrer, can withdraw the preliminary citizenship.
Article 2
1. The regulations in Article 1 are also valid for Reichs subjects of
mixed, Jewish blood.
2. An individual of mixed Jewish blood, is one who descended from one
or two grandparents who were racially full Jews, insofar as does not
count as a Jew according to Article 5, paragraph 2. One grandparent
shall be considered as full-blooded if he or she belonged to the Jewish
religious community.
Article 3
Only the Reich citizen, as bearer of full political rights, exercises
the right to vote in political affairs, and can hold a public office.
The Reich Minister of the Interior, or any agency empowered by him, can
make exceptions during the transition period, with regard to occupying
public offices. The affairs of religious organizations will not be
touched upon.
Article 4
1. A Jew cannot be a citizen of the Reich. He has no right to vote in
political affairs, he cannot occupy a public office.
2. Jewish officials will retire as of 31 December 1935. If these
officials served at the front in the World War, either for Germany or
her allies, they will receive in full, until they reach the age limit,
the pension to which they were entitled according to last received
wages; they will, however, not advance in seniority. After reaching the
age limit, their pension will be calculated anew, according to the last
received salary, on the basis of which their pension was computed.
3. The affairs of religious organizations will not be touched upon.
4. The conditions of service of teachers in Jewish public schools
remain unchanged, until new regulations of the Jewish school systems
are issued.
Article 5
1. A Jew is anyone who descended from at least three grandparents who
were racially full Jews. Article 2, par. 2, second sentence will apply.
2. A Jew is also one who descended from two full Jewish parents, if:
(a) he belonged to the Jewish religious community at the time this
law was issued, or who joined the community later; (b) he was married
to a Jewish person, at the time the law was issued, or married one
subsequently; (c) he is the offspring from a marriage with a Jew, in
the sense of Section 1, which was contracted after the Law for the
protection of German blood and German honor became effective (RGBl I,
page 1146 of 15 Sept 1935); (d) he is the offspring of an extramarital
relationship, with a Jew, according to Section 1, and will be born out
of wedlock after July 31, 1936.
Article 6
1. As far as demands are concerned for the pureness of blood as laid
down in Reichs law or in orders of the NSDAP and its echelons--not
covered in Article 5--they will not be touched upon.
2. Any other demands on pureness of blood, not covered in Article
5, can only be made with permission from the Reich Minister of the
Interior and the Deputy of the Fuehrer. If any such demands have
been made, they will be void as of 1 Jan 1936, if they have not been
requested from the Reich Minister of the Interior in agreement with
the Deputy of the Fuehrer. These requests must be made from the Reich
Minister of the Interior.
Article 7
The Fuehrer and Reichs Chancellor can grant exemptions from the
regulations laid down in the law.
Berlin, 14 November 1935
The Fuehrer and Reichs Chancellor
Adolf Hitler
The Reich Minister of the Interior
Frick
The Deputy of the Fuehrer
R. Hess
(Reich Minister without Portfolio)
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1419-PS
1939 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 864
Law concerning Jewish Tenants of 30 April 1939
The Reich Government has enacted the following law which is hereby
promulgated:
Article 1 _Abatement of the Tenancy Protection Provisions_
A Jew cannot invoke the protection of the tenancy laws where the
landlord in giving notice to vacate the premises can furnish him with a
certificate from the communal authorities that his shelter is assured
for the time subsequent to the expiration of the tenancy. This does not
apply where the landlord is also a Jew.
Article 2 _Premature Dissolution of Lease_
A lease may be dissolved, where only one of the parties to it is a
Jew, by the other party at any time within the legal term of giving
notice, notwithstanding that the lease is signed for a specified time,
or that the stipulated time of giving notice is longer than that fixed
by law. The landlord, however, may not give notice for vacating the
premises earlier than the term agreed upon, where he does not furnish
certificate from the communal authorities that the shelter of the
tenant has been assured elsewhere subsequent to the vacating of the
premises.
Article 3 _Sub-Leases_
Sub-leases may be concluded only between Jews and Jews. Permission to
sublet is not necessary where the house owner is also a Jew.
Article 4 _Billetting_
1. Where the communal authority so requires, a Jew shall be required to
receive Jews as tenants or as sub-tenants in premises which he occupies
as owner or on the basis of a tenancy, or has rented from another
Jew. Where he refuses to make an appropriate agreement with the new
tenant, the communal authority may fix the terms of such an agreement
with binding force on both parties. The amount of the rental and the
compensation to the owner for the sub-lease shall be determined by the
communal authority, and where it is not the controlling rent authority,
in concurrence with the competent rent control authority.
2. The commune is entitled to receive fees for establishing agreements
and sub-leases.
3. A tenancy, or sub-lease entered into under (1) may be dissolved
by the owner or the sub-tenant only with the consent of the communal
authority.
Article 5 _New Tenancies_
Jews may rent to others new or vacant premises only upon the consent of
the communal authority. The provisions of Article 4 shall apply to such
premises respectively.
Article 6 _Application to Cases of Limited Ownership_
Where the application of Articles 1-5 depends on the premise that
the lessor is a Jew, the owner of the parcel of land, or the person
entitled to its use shall be considered the lessor, notwithstanding he
cannot sign a lease, or has not signed the lease because of limitations
upon his power over such property.
Article 7 _Mixed Marriages_
Where the application of this law depends on the premise that the
lessor or the lessee is a Jew, the following shall apply in cases of a
mixed marriage of a lessee or a lessor:
1. Where the wife is a Jew, and where there are offsprings from the
marriage, even where the marriage is no longer valid, the provisions of
the law do not apply.
2. Where the husband is a Jew and there are no offspring, the
provisions shall apply, no matter where the wife or the husband is the
tenant or the lessor.
3. This does not apply to offsprings who are considered as Jews.
Article 8 _Right of Disposal_ [_Verfuegungsrecht_]
1. Where the right of disposal of a parcel of land (property or right
to use) [Nutzungsrecht] is transferred by a Jew to a non-Jew, after
the effective date of this law, the provisions of this law shall apply
as before the transfer, though a giving of notice to vacate before the
time fixed is not permissible. This applies also to further transfers
of the right of disposal.
2. The provision of (1) shall not apply to premises which the
beneficial owner shall desire to occupy himself, or to premises
which shall not be claimed for use of Jewish tenants by the communal
authority. A certificate from the communal authority is sufficient
proof that claim to these premises has been relinquished.
Article 9 _Term of Vacating Premises_
1. Where a Jew is forced to vacate premises under the provisions of
this law, an extension of the time limit for vacating may be granted
to him only where he can furnish a certificate from the communal
authorities that other shelter cannot be found for him, owing to
obstacles, or where the immediate vacating of the premises cannot be
undertaken without serious danger to the health of one of the persons
affected. The term fixed may be extended in accordance with the same
premises stated above.
2. The provision of (1) shall respectively apply insofar as the person
forced to vacate has not terminated the lease, where the obligation to
vacate has not been pronounced in a judgment, or where the premises for
the granting of a time extension do not occur until after the judgment
has been pronounced. The local court having jurisdiction over matters
of vacating shall render a decision on the extension of time on the
application of the person required to vacate. Where a time extension
is granted and no judgment to vacate has been rendered so far, the
decision shall contain also the statement that after the expiration of
such extension the premises shall be vacated; this decision shall be
the equivalent of an executable order of dispossession.
3. An immediate appeal against a decision refusing to grant an
extension of time is permissible, even in such cases where only a
decision against time extension is being protested by the tenant.
4. Until the premises are vacated, both parties to the renting
agreement shall be held to observe the same rules and regulations as
before the termination of the agreement.
5. The procedure under (2) shall be subject to the same court costs and
lawyer’s fees as the procedure for temporary stay of distraint. For
the estimate of costs Article 10 (1) shall apply correspondingly.
Article 10 _Order of Definition_
1. Who shall be considered a Jew, shall be determined by the definition
given in Article 5 of the First Regulation under the Reich Citizenship
Law of 14 November 1935 (RGBl I, 1333).
2. The definition of Jewish enterprises under Article 1 of the Third
Regulation under the Reich Citizenship Law of 14 June 1938 (RGBl I,
627) shall be followed except insofar as Article 9 applies. A change in
the ownership of a Jewish enterprise shall be considered as a change of
the right of disposal in the sense of Article 8.
Article 11 _Treatment of Pending Legal Actions affecting Leases_
1. Where a legal action against a Jew or the marriage partner of a
Jew is pending when this law takes effect, the court may stay the
proceedings on the application of the plaintiff, in order to make it
possible for him to give the notice required under the provisions of
this law. Where the plaintiff has given notice to terminate the lease,
he may petition for the reopening of the case and change the plea from
termination to dispossession. Where the legal action is terminated by
the quitting of the tenant, or his acknowledgment of the obligation to
vacate, the court costs shall be voided; the costs out of court shall
be borne by the tenant.
2. Where the tenant retracts the legal action for lease termination,
the court costs shall be voided and the costs out of court shall be
borne by each of the contending parties for himself.
Article 12 _General Reporting Requirement_
1. The communal authority may issue orders for reports on premises
rented to Jews, or on premises which may be used for the shelter of
Jews in accordance with the provisions of this law.
2. Whoever shall not, either wilfully or through negligence make such
obligatory report, shall be punishable by a fine up to 150 Reichsmarks
or by custody.
Article 13 _Claims for Indemnity_
No claims shall be made for indemnity against orders issued by the
communal authority in accordance with the provisions of this law.
Article 14 _Exceptions; Authorization_
1. The effectiveness of this law in the Ostmark and in the Sudeten
German Territories shall be reserved to a later date.
2. The Reich Minister of Justice and the Reich Minister of Labor
with the concurrence of the Reich Minister of the Interior shall
be authorized to issue instructions for the administration and
the enforcement of this law, as well as introduce the appropriate
provisions in Austria and in the Sudeten German Territories.
Berlin, 30 April 1939
The Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor
Adolf Hitler
The Reich Minister of Justice
Dr Guertner
The Reich Minister of Labor
His Deputy: Dr Krohn
The Deputy of the Fuehrer
R. Hess
The Reich Minister of the Interior
Frick
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1422-PS
1943 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 372
Thirteenth Regulation under the Reich Citizenship Law of 1 July 1943
Under Article 3 of the Reich Citizenship Law of September 15, 1935
(RGBl I, 1146) the following is ordered:
Article 1
1. Criminal actions committed by Jews shall be punished by the police.
2. The provision of the Polish penal laws of 4 December 1941 (RGBl I,
759) shall no longer apply to Jews.
Article 2
1. The property of a Jew shall be confiscated by the Reich after his
death.
2. The Reich may, however, grant compensation to the non-Jewish legal
heirs and persons entitled to sustenance who have their domicile in
Germany.
3. This compensation may be granted in the form of a lump sum, not
to exceed the ceiling price of the property which has passed into
possession [Verfuegungsgewalt] of the German Reich.
4. Compensation may be granted by the transfer of titles and assets
from the confiscated property. No costs shall be imposed for the legal
processes necessary for such transfer.
Article 3
The Reich Minister of the Interior with the concurrence of the
participating higher authorities of the Reich shall issue the legal
and administrative provisions for the administration and enforcement
of this regulation. In doing so he shall determine to what extent the
provisions shall apply to Jewish nationals of foreign countries.
Article 4
This regulation shall take effect on the seventh day of its
promulgation. In the Protectorate Bohemia and Moravia it shall apply
where German administration and German courts have jurisdiction;
Article 2 shall also apply to Jews who are citizens of the Protectorate.
Berlin, 1 July 1943
The Reich Minister of the Interior
Frick
Chief of the Party Chancellery
M. Bormann
Reich Minister of Finance
Count Schwerin von Krosigk
Reich Minister of Justice
Dr. Thierack
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1430-PS
[Excerpt of Volume 222 issued by the Reichsfuehrer of the Chief of the
Reichs Security Main Office--RSHA]
SECRET
SEIZURE OF LEADING MEN OF THE SYSTEM ERA.
[Nazi expression for the 14 years of the Weimar Republic]
June 1939
CONTENTS
I. Index and Statistics Page 1
II. Synopsis of Various groups Page 3
III. Statistics of Various groups Page 8
IV. List of all the persons Page 17
INDEX AND STATISTICS OF ALL PERSONS SEIZED
In all the following were seized: 553 Persons
Divided thus:
Group 1. Marxists--Communists 192 Persons
Group 2. Liberalists--Pacifists 82 Persons
Group 3. Confessional Parties 76 Persons
Group 4. Right Opposition [Rechtsopositienen] 73 Persons
Group 5. Prominent Austrians of the System Era 48 Persons
Group 6. Scientists 17 Persons
Group 7. Artists 18 Persons
Group 8. Writers--Journalists 47 Persons
STATISTICS
Of all the people seized the following are:
Jews 58--(10%)
Free Masons 45--(9%)
Temporarily, or at the present time
still in protective custody,
prison or penitentiary 102--(19%)
I. In the country there are: 349--(63%)
1. Remaining in their old professions or
returned to them.
(Mainly State or official positions) 61--(11%)
2. People receiving pensions 109--(20%)
II. Living Abroad 204--(37%)
1. Politically prominent people working on
emigration 138--(25%)
2. Distribution in the various countries:
France 61
Switzerland 26
England 19
The States 17
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1435-PS
Speech of Min. Speer on 24 Febr. 1942 to the Gauleiter meeting. From
Vol. 38--1
*******
_Gauleiter meeting 24 Febr. 1942. Munich_
[_Page 4_]
I am grateful to fact that, also Party member Dr. Todt, in
January, personally ordered the complete stoppage of work on his
Reichsautobahnen as well as released all specialists and German Workers
for the railroad construction in the East and his PWs for the armament
industry.
[_Page 8_]
I therefore proposed to the Fuehrer at the end of December that _all_
my labor force, including specialists, be released for mass employment
in the East.
Subsequently the remaining PW’s about 10,000, were put at disposal of
the armaments industry by me.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1437-PS
1938 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 262
Second Order
supplementary to the law concerning the re-uniting of Austria
with the German Reich
Dated 18 March 1938
The following order is issued by virtue of Article III of the law
concerning the re-uniting of Austria with the German Reich, dated 13
March 1938 (RGBl I, page 237).
Article 1
The Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of German Police in the Reich Ministry
of the Interior can take measures necessary for the maintenance of
security and order, even beyond the legal limits otherwise set on such
measures.
Article 2
The Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of German Police in the Reich Ministry
of the Interior can delegate his powers to other departments.
Article 3
The order comes into force on the date of publication. Berlin, March
18th, 1938
The Reich Minister of the Interior
Frick
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1438-PS
1938 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 1453.
3rd. Order
supplementary to the decree of the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor
concerning the administration of the Sudeten-German territory
Dated 22nd October 1938
The following order is issued by virtue of Section 9 of the decree of
the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor concerning the administration of the
Sudeten-German territory, dated 1st. October 1938 (Reich Law Gazette,
Page 1331):
Article 1
The Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police in the Reich
Ministry of the Interior can take the administrative measures necessary
for the maintenance of security and order, even beyond the legal limits
otherwise set on such measures.
Article 2
The Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of German Police in the Reich Ministry
of the Interior can delegate his powers to other departments.
Article 3
The order comes into force on the date of publication.
Berlin, 22nd. October 1938.
The Reich Minister of the Interior
Frick
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1439-PS
TREATY OF PROTECTION CONCLUDED BETWEEN THE GERMAN REICH AND THE STATE
OF SLOVAKIA,
March 23, 1939
[From 1939 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART II, PAGE 606.]
Between the German Government and the Slovak Government, a treaty
was signed on 18 March 1939 in Vienna and on 23 March 1939 in Berlin
extending protection by the German Reich to the State of Slovakia.
The treaty became effective on March 23, 1939; its text is published
hereinafter.
Berlin, March 24, 1939.
VON RIBBENTROP
Reich Minister of Foreign Affairs
_Treaty of Protection to be extended by the German Reich to the State
of Slovakia_
The German Government and the Slovak Government have agreed, after
the Slovak State has placed itself under the protection of the German
Reich, to regulate by treaty the consequences resulting from this fact.
For this purpose the undersigned representatives of the two governments
have agreed on the following provisions.
ARTICLE 1. The German Reich undertakes to protect the political
independence of the State of Slovakia and the integrity of its
territory.
ARTICLE 2. For the purpose of making effective the protection
undertaken by the German Reich, the German armed forces shall have
the right, at all times, to construct military installations and
to keep them garrisoned in the strength they deem necessary, in an
area delimited on its western side by the frontiers of the State of
Slovakia, and on its eastern side by a line formed by the eastern
rims of the Lower Carpathians, the White Carpathians and the Javornik
Mountains.
The Government of Slovakia will take the necessary steps to assure
that the land required for these installations shall be conveyed to
the German armed forces. Furthermore, the Government of Slovakia will
agree to grant exemption from custom duties for imports from the Reich
for the maintenance of the German troops and the supply of military
installations.
Military sovereignty will be assumed by the German armed forces in the
zone described in the first paragraph of this Article.
German citizens who, on the basis of private employment contracts, are
engaged in the construction of military installations in the designated
zone shall be subject to German jurisdiction.
ARTICLE 3. The Government of Slovakia will organize its military forces
in close agreement with the German armed forces.
ARTICLE 4. In accordance with the relationship of protection agreed
upon, the Government of Slovakia will at all times conduct its foreign
affairs in close agreement with the German Government.
ARTICLE 5. This treaty shall become effective as of the date of its
signature and shall be valid for a period of twenty-five years. The two
governments will reach an understanding on the extension of this treaty
in due time before the expiration of that period.
In witness whereof the representatives of the two parties have signed
the above treaty in duplicate.
Vienna, March 18, 1939. Berlin, March 23, 1939.
For the German Government:
VON RIBBENTROP
For the Slovak Government:
DR. JOZEF TISO
DR. VOJTECH TUKA
DR. F. DURCANSKY
[Cf. Document 2793-PS, which is the secret protocol to this treaty.]
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1445-PS
Berlin, 15 June 1940.
Minutes about the Conference at the Reich Ministry of Economics on 14
June 1940, 1600 hours
_Represented_:
Ministry for Foreign Affairs (Ambassador Clodius)
Representative for the Four Year Plan (Director of Ministry Gramsch)
Reichsfuehrer S.S.
Foreign Exchange Department
Clearing Institute
Reich Ministry for Economics (various representatives)
O.K.W., Wi Rue Amt (I a M3)
_Subject of the Conference_:
Utilization of the Belgian Dutch capital investments in South East
European corporations.
_Result_:
After a discussion of several hours the following regulations were
considered as necessary:
_a._ Immediate order by the Reichskommissar for the Netherlands and the
Military Commander for Belgium. Issue of a regulation for prohibition
of the disposal, destruction or transfer of securities held in these
countries, furthermore a compulsory registration of the owners and
trustees, an embargo on bank deposits, finally the cancellation of
regulations about securities which contain change of locations of
firms. (Compare paragraph A of document I a M3 of 23 May 1940.)
_b._ In addition to this, after thorough consideration, shall be issued
a legal regulation corresponding to the German law for foreign exchange
regarding the disposal of foreign securities. In this law it shall
be made possible to void with retroactive power change of locations
of firms which took place since the beginning of the war. Provisions
shall be made also for the appointment of Commissars to corporations
and holding companies where after expiration of the registration date
securities are hidden.
_c._ In addition to this it shall be put into effect in the South-East
states by the Mission chiefs that, where a permit is already required
for the transfer of shares, no permit of any kind shall be granted and
that in regions where no permit for the sale of shares is necessary,
a law for these permits shall be established, but as a matter of
principle these permits shall not be granted.
_d._ Finally the attempt shall be made to gain an influence through the
Dutch holding companies over their owned subsidiaries in view of the
German economic warfare. (Compare with paragraph B of notice I a M3 of
23 May 1940.)
_e._ A confiscation of securities shall be disregarded because this
would be against international law.
_f._ The regulation drafts shall be completed by the Reich Ministry
of Economics (R.W.M.) with assistance of the Labor Board of the
Reich Ministry of Finance (A.A. des R.F.M.) and the Army High
Command--Economy Armament Division (O.K.W. Wi Rue Amt.)
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1456-PS
Berlin, 20 June 1941
Chief of Agency for
Armament Economy
[Chef Wi-Rue Amt]
Colonel Jansen
MEMORANDUM
Following is the new conception of the Fuehrer, which Minister Todt has
explained to me and which has been confirmed later on by Field Marshal
Keitel:
Par. I
The course of the war shows that we went too far in our autarchical
endeavors. It is impossible, to try and manufacture everything we
lack, by synthetic procedures or other measures. For instance, it is
impossible, to develop our motor fuel economy to a point where we
can entirely depend on it. All these autarchical endeavors ask for a
tremendous amount of manpower, and it is simply impossible to provide
it. One has to choose another way. What one does not have, but needs,
one must conquer. The commitment of men which is necessary one single
time, will not be as great as the one that is currently needed for the
running of the synthetic factories in question. The aim must also be to
secure all territories, which are of special interest to us for the war
economy, by conquering them.
At the time the 4-year-plan was established, I issued the statement
where I made it clear that a completely autarchical economy is
impossible for us, because the need of men will be too great.
Nevertheless, my solution was always to provide the necessary reserves
for missing stocks resp. to secure the delivery in wartime through
economic alliances.
Par. II
In a conference between Todt--Pleiger--Thomas, it was determined:
Matter: “Detailed orders to the mining industries”.
Par. III
Todt suggests the construction of heavy special machinery at Krupp’s
and Skoda’s.
[Signed] THOMAS
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1458-PS
“THE HITLER YOUTH”
by Baldur von Schirach
_Published by Koehler und Amelang, Leipzig 1934._
_In place of a foreword._
My Fuehrer! It is five years now since you gave me the mission to
take over leadership of the National Socialist youth. At that time
you explained to my collaborators and to me the idea of this youth
organization. What you preached to us at that time as aim and demand,
my Fuehrer, has taken on shape here before you. You asked at that
time from me and my collaborators that we should create a community
of youth in which no other law should be binding for the process of
reconstruction but the law of achievement.
Here, among the leaders of the Hitler youth are the sons of the
poorest who exercise command over hundreds of thousands. What do the
conceptions of poverty and richness mean in face of the reality of
this community? In future days only those will be called poor who did
not belong in their youth to this community. And further, my Fuehrer,
you demanded from my collaborators and from me that we should not only
unite the youth in enthusiasm, but also by discipline and order. We
fought for years laboriously for this end, but today even this demand
is fulfilled and proudly we feel ourselves as a worthy part of your
great National Socialist Movement.
But we were powerless regarding one of your demands. You told us then
it would appear as a great success to you if we succeeded to hold
together in one organization of the German one hundred thousand German
youth. My Fuehrer, you forgot, that you had given this organization
your name.
You asked for one hundred thousand, and it was all who came. There is
one thing which is stronger than you, my Fuehrer, that is the love of
the young Germany for you.
There are many gay hours in the year of the youth. This one, however,
is in every year our happiest. Because more than other people, my
Fuehrer, we feel to be chained to your person by our name. Your name is
the happiness of the youth, your name, my Fuehrer, is our immortality.
Baldur von Schirach to the Fuehrer at the occasion of the inspection of
the Hitler Youth at the Reichs party day 1936.
Chapter 1
From Union [Bund] to Nation [pp. 13-19]
That which was formerly called the German youth movement [Jugend
bewegung] is dead. This statement has nothing to do with ill will.
No youth leader of our time will deny the merits of the scout
[Wandervogel] Karl Fischers in his work with the German youth movement.
That youth movement was as right for its own time as the Hitler Youth
is right for the present. Without any doubt, many ideas and the form
of life [Lebensform] of the Youth Movement helped to create the
prerequisites on which the H J is building: The idea of self-leadership
on the part of the youth, the declaration to fight against the
standards of bourgeois society, the will to folkdom, homeland, or
comradeship and many others, are akin to the feelings of the H. J. And
yet: The first step into public life, the meeting which took place
on 11 and 12 October 1913 on the “Hohen Meissner”, remained only an
impulse. The best thing about the speech on the “Hohen Meissner” were
the people who listened to it [p. 14]. What today’s youth is looking
for in this, for the youth movement so important meeting, is the
sincere will to form, to create.
We, today, see clearer than the generation of that time that the value
of their youth movement was in their silent work. The greater German
idea and the really valuable return to folkdom and simplicity are
achievements of the youth movement which seem to us more significant
than the numerous manifestoes which were handed down to us. They
had the courage to let themselves be ridiculed, a courage which the
National Socialist Fighter of a decade later also had to have. And we
must, if we want to do justice to this youth movement, look less to
the picture of their actual appearance but more to the determination
with which they followed their ideals. The political reality of youth
was their cleanness, their decent behaviour, their political change
[Umbruch]. The Youth movement was one of the few pleasant phenomena of
the Wilhelmman era and it is characteristic for that time that youth
was so delightful because it declared war on its time. Few leagues
[Buende] of the postwar time have a right to refer to the former youth
movement. They were a true copy of its weaknesses without its virtues.
They ignored the lesson of the great war. They forgot that the time of
a free and easy youth movement had undergone a break by the death of
two million, which imposed on them the duties of unity and masculine
constraint [Gebundenheit und maennliche Zucht--p. 15]. What was right
up to 1 August 1914 was wrong after 9 November 1918.
Some attempts were made to create a synthesis of youth and a militant
movement [Wehrbewegung], attempts which started from the right
principles. These attempts failed because their leaders were either
representatives of pure militarism or at best of some lesser political
ideas. Therefore, it was reserved to Adolf Hitler, the creator and
supporter of an ideology [Weltanschauung], to determine the road of
German youth. From the former youth movement the Hitler youth took over
this or that form, out of the front of the World War it was given its
content by Adolf Hitler. Its organization also has its prerequisite in
the great war; its bearing is military, as was the bearing of those
who came from the youth movement and who died in their gray coats in
Flanders.
Just as the youth of the “Hohen Meissner” felt, the front as the more
important, so do we. Between the summer of 1914 and the spring of today
lies a long dreary time through which we all passed consciously or
unconsciously. Even those of us who had not been born at that time know
it, every German knows it. As long as the German people will live, this
time will live in their minds [p. 16].
That at that time a whole nation stood in arms, Catholics and
Protestants, beggars and millionaires, peasants and clerks, merchants
and laborers, and that they all obeyed one will and were only Germans,
nothing but Germans, that also started us on the march. No title, no
privilege of birth, not a lot of money nor anything special of any kind
made a difference then.
We also want the same thing. The black years of war have passed, the
spirit of the warrior remains. Again youth in Germany does not want
profits, nor personal gain, but renders service and sacrifices to the
community. That is the idea of the HJ: A comradeship of those Germans
who do not want anything for themselves. Because they do not want
anything for themselves they can do everything for their great nation.
Not a youth with new rights--a generation of strict fulfillment of duty.
The postwar period showed a sad picture of party-bound youth. “Whoever
controls youth, controls the future” was the slogan, given the German
National club to the Communist thieves’ den. Every lobby was dealing
in youth. And they were successful. Young Germany took everything for
gospel truth, sold itself today to this one, tomorrow to that one
till finally, disappointed and disgusted, it turned its back on all
these activities. Then came the time of exclusive sports, of exclusive
indulging in entertainments and living to the fullest, the time of
exclusive study, [p. 17]. “Politics is nonsense,” was the reply given
to party functionaries.
When Adolf Hitler began to speak this attitude was shaken. But now the
satisfied citizen used the same argument which youth had found against
him. He called for peace, for self-possession, for order. “Youth should
not mix in politics,” because the defensive slogan of all the bourgeois
parties which began to lose their young people to the Fuehrer. Anyone
who at that time, 1924-25, among youth stood up for Adolf Hitler
might have found that even youth leaders anxiously tried to avoid the
alleged danger of influencing youth politically in the direction of
National Socialism. Many comrades and I myself had to leave a militant
organization [Wehrorganisation] to which I had become quite attached,
because I had made a speech for Adolf Hitler there. At that time, many,
like myself drew a dividing line between themselves and their friends
and relatives and exchanged fight for the new ideal for the quiet life
of a well protected home.
We were not yet able to account for our conception in detail, we simply
believed. And when Hitler’s book, “Mein Kampf” was published it was our
bible which we almost learned by heart in order to be able to answer
the questions of the doubters and superior critics. Almost every one
who today is leading youth in a responsible position joined us during
those years [p. 18].
Again Youth was divided by politics but this time the problem was
different. It was no longer a matter of national parties, of liberal
and democratic ideas, it was this: Germany or Marxism, Germany or
reaction. But youth also had been slightly infected with party ideas.
Youth did not want to be convinced, it wanted to be overruled. Not
the accuracy of the idea was questioned, but an attempt was made to
prove that with such a small following it could not be successful. The
National Socialist movement was regarded as a fractional party, the
honest but, because of its pettiness, hopeless attempt of a man of
whom it was not known if he had the necessary knowledge, the essential
education. A bricklayer from Vienna, a man without college education,
a self-taught person should liberate Germany? That was at best very
doubtful.
As there are old people who are young, there are also among the youth
some who are old. I have met them in the universities, in the youth
movement, everywhere. The people who are old in their hearts are like
a pestilence to a healthy people. They represent the tenacious and
embittered resistance against every new idea. But youth is an attitude.
The paralyzed Chamberlain whose lips are forming words which only his
wife can read and transcribe represents eternal youth as much as the
old Goethe in his last days. His Faust, the Ninth Symphony and the will
of Adolf Hitler are eternal youth and know neither time nor death [p.
19].
Yet there are men who are born old and are living their lives as if
they were 70 years old. During the years of our fight we overcame
those people and we fight them again and again. They are the living
dead. Their coldness kills every slight stir of a new life. Only the
collective force of passionate youth is able to destroy them.
Let us do away with the old! Only eternal youth shall have its home _in
our Germany_.
Chapter 2
The development of the Hitler Youth movement [p. 20, par. 1].
The idea for the foundation of a National Socialist youth organization
came from the Fuehrer himself, while the name Hitler Youth was
originated by Julius Streicher, who also named the Brown House. The
name of the man who deserves the credit for having set up the first
groups of the H. J. is Kurt Gruber.
At the time of the beginning of the H. J. Kurt Gruber had just
graduated from Law School. He devoted himself with great energy to his
new task. From a small cellar in Plenen which served as Reichs office,
we first organized a number of Saxonian H J groups, energetically
assisted by the present Reich Governor in Saxony, Martin Mutschinanon.
*******
Here I would also like to mention that since 1928, Alfred Rosenberg
also took a special interest in the National Socialist Youth. At that
time we were trying to come to an understanding with the leagues.
Alfred Rosenberg negotiated with the Eagles and Falcons, the “bensen”,
and other leagues without fundamental results. I realized at that time
that an understanding with the leaders of the leagues would never be
possible [p. 23] and devoted myself to the principle of the totality of
the Hitler Youth, which in the year 1933 cost all those leagues their
independent existence.
When, in 1930, the Fuehrer himself took over the high command of the
SA [Storm Troops] and Ernst Roehm started his new office as Chief of
Staff, the National Socialist Youth organizations were centralized in
the SA. Kurt Gruber resigned. His nervous state was such that he was
physically unable to continue his work. On 30 October 1931, the Fuehrer
appointed me as Reichs youth leader of the NSDAP with the rank of a Lt.
General [Gruppenfuehrer] in the SA. My old comrade, Dr. von Reuteln was
given the leadership of the students’ league and also the leadership of
the HJ, under my command. Now the organization of the HJ was thoroughly
overhanded, which was necessary because Kurt Gruber had not been able
to fully devote himself to his tasks as a leader especially during
the last months of his activities. Dr. von Reuteln continued his
work as a consultant for economic questions in the Executive Office
[Reichsleitung] of the NSDAP but still found time for official trips
and for night work at his desk to which the HJ owes the tightening of
the threads of its organization which had become rather loose. At that
time I had to go temporarily to Kufstein where I stayed with friends in
a little mountain inn in order to avoid a prison term of three months
[p. 24]. The previous year I had spoken against the Versailles dictate
from the steps of Cologne University, violating a government order
and, to begin with, was locked up in the Cologne prison, the so-called
“Klingelpuetz”, which then often housed Dr. Robert Ley, at that time
regional leader of Koeln-Aachen and another leading party comrade,
Tom Winkelnkemper. There I stayed for 8 days till my case came up in
court and was then sentenced to 3 months in prison without a time of
probation according to the emergency decree by the Reichs President. I
was very lucky to be set free after the sentence was passed. With great
joy I still think of the dear Cologne party comrades who, headed by Dr.
Ley stood in a mass before the gates of the prison when I was released.
It was high time, I flew to Munich. The following day I took the train
to Graz and was able to give to the Graz Student meeting the directive
which was needed by the Fuehrer. The National Socialist Student League
[Studentenbund] won its decisive victory. A National Socialist was
unanimously elected leader of the German student body [Studentenschaft].
Since that time around 12 months had gone by and I had reason to fear
that I would be torn away any day now from my organizational work
with the National Socialist Youth. My co-workers came to Kufstein for
the most important conferences and I frequently crossed the border at
night, raced through [p. 25] Germany in our “Nurnberg”, announced a
meeting in Chemnitz while I made a speech in Berlin, and thus I escaped
my well-deserved “vacation” in Cologne. Then came the time of Groener.
One evening the Fuehrer came to my apartment in Munich and informed me
that he intended to appoint me Reichsleader of the NSDAP the following
day, and to take the National Socialist Youth organizations out of
the SA. Since prohibition of the SA was threatening we might have
avoided the simultaneous prohibition of the HJ. The Fuehrer bases the
necessity of such a measure on the principle for which he stood from
the beginning, and which I have used in this book as a motto: “Youth
must be led by Youth”.
By some accident the prompt announcement of my appointment was held
up. Soon after this conversation the SA and with it the HJ were
forbidden by Mr. Groener. Through Reuteln I raised some half-hearted
objections with Groener, referring to the fact that at the time of
prohibition I was no longer a member of the SA, but, of course, without
results. There was no other way out but to continue work underground.
Thus originated the National Socialist Youth movement, the NSJB [NS
Jugendbewegung] without uniform, without insignia. At that time we
traveled through Germany dressed like bandits. Blue sailor caps, white
shirts [p. 26] and a brown sweater or some kind of civilian coat. But
we recognized each other everywhere. At this time the HJ gained its
best human material. Whoever came to us during this illegal time, boy
or girl, risked everything. Thousands upon thousands were thrown out of
their schools or became unemployed--but they clung the more tenaciously
to our flag. It was a great time and as strange as it might seem we
were never happier than at that time when we lived in constant danger.
With pistols in our pockets we drove through the Ruhr district while
stones came flying after us. We jumped every time we heard a bell ring
because we lived in constant fear of arrests and expected our houses to
be searched. I have hardly one piece of furniture in my possession that
was not attached.
One day even my “Nurnberg” was confiscated. That was going too far.
They could have all the wardrobes and chests as far as I was concerned,
but the car to us meant freedom, mobility, our work. The Fuehrer was
then at Obersalzberg. I called him up and out of his own pocket he gave
me the money to pay the printer who had the car attached. I breathed
freely again, we were able to continue our work.
At about this time I had a conference with Dr. von Reuteln, as a result
of which I also took over the leadership of the Students’ League and
the HJ as [p. 27] such. This came about in the most friendly manner.
Reuteln wanted to get free anyhow to devote himself to his great
tasks in the economic-political field, I myself wanted to exchange my
somewhat formal responsibility for the HJ into a real one. We parted
as the comrades which we still are today. Between us never existed any
fundamental difference on essential points and The National Socialist
Youth owes a deep gratitude to the man who outlined their road in a
severe and straightforward manner.
The membership of the National Socialist Youth organisation had grown
to about 35,000. The number of applications was mounting day by day.
We requested more office space from Reichs Treasurer Schwarz and
he created generous working possibilities for us by putting at our
disposal the entire top floor of the hotel “Der Reichsadler” in Munich.
For the time being we had some space.
With the moving into the hotel “Reichsadler” an unpleasant tension
began to make itself felt which existed between the youth and Gregor
Strasser, who had installed the offices of the organizational
department in the same building. In my apartment on Koenigenstrasse I
was lucky enough to be able to express my apprehensions about Strasser
to the Fuehrer. Otherwise I never discussed these things with anybody,
with the exception of Julius Streicher. But I received [p. 28] reports
from all parts of the Reich through the youth organization. I knew
what course Strasser was taking, who, at that time, was at the heights
of his power. I knew of his connections and, from the beginning on,
I was instinctively convinced of his unreliability in regard to his
character. Gregor Strasser was an enemy of the National Socialist Youth
out of the same instinct. It was, after all, a Hitler-Youth and not a
Strasser Youth.
The greatest worry of the years of struggle of 1930/31 was the lack of
money. Very often we did not have the few gallons of gasoline which
we needed for traveling. Another drawback was that none of us was,
at that time, a member of the Reichstag and, therefore, had no free
transportation. The reason was that we had not reached the necessary
age of 25. Our compensation for expenses was just sufficient to cover
our bare living expenses. By writing and lecturing I was able to make
enough money to pay my own fare. Despite all the difficulties we were
able to make all the necessary trips. The success of my staff was based
on its mobility. Good leadership is not characterized by answering
letters on time but by its contact with the fighting community. Thus
the Fuehrer had brought us up and he preached again and again not to
lose myself in paper work--one of the greatest and wisest teachings
which I received from him.
*******
The HJ [Hitler Youth] used the winter of 1932/33 for many
demonstrations [p. 31]. We drove through all of Germany and called the
youth to the HJ. I will never forget a Fuehrer appeal in the beginning
of January in Berlin, at the start of which I was searched for weapons
by the police. Twenty days later we were in power. The most magnificent
success was the conquest of the formerly Marxist industrial workers
youth of the German West. Here my co-worker Hartmann Lauterbacher
achieved great things.
I will never forget the hour when we were sitting in the office of the
district Ruhr-Niederrhein during an intermission between demonstrations
on 30 January and received the news of Adolf Hitler’s appointment to
the post of Reichs Chancellor. That same night I spoke in Herford in
Westphalia. We all felt saved. The policemen [Schupos] who, on the
previous day, were still persecuting us, greeted us with raised hands.
It was one great fraternization. I spoke in two meetings, and going
from one to the other I caught such a cold that shivering with fever
I had [p. 32] to go home the next day, but in all my fever phantasies
one thing remained vivid, that which we had won on that day: Hitler in
power, Hitler in power. As soon as I had recovered I went to Berlin via
Wuerzberg, Nurnberg where we had 2 demonstrations. Now the problem was
to apply the victory of the movement to the entire youth. Our cabinet
ministers were overburdened with their new tasks and were working
day and night. We could not wait till they would find time to solve
the youth question by their own initiative. Therefore, we had to act
ourselves. My co-workers met in my Munich apartment and advised me
to occupy the Reichs committee [Reichsausschuss] of the German Youth
Leagues. I commissioned General [Obergebietsfuehrer] Nabersberg with
50 members of the Berlin HJ to make a surprise raid on the Reichs
Committee in the Alsenstrasse early the next morning. This was done
and at noon the press had the report that the HJ had taken over the
leadership of the Reichs Committee. The Reichs Committee was headed
by an excellent man, General Vogt. As much as a surprise the turn of
events was to him at first as quickly did this Prussian officer adjust
himself to the new situation. I took his job away from him but he
understood that this was a necessity and that only from the HJ the
great unification of German Youth would be possible, on which, after
all, he had worked all his life. General Vogt did not step aside [p.
33] and was not offended, but remained intensely and truly interested
in the objectives of the HJ and its aims. His book, “The German
Boy-Service” [Der deutsche Jungendienst] is one of the most valuable
books of German youth literature. And we are all proud of the fact that
General Vogt today belongs to the Reichs Youth leadership and wears the
Gold Honor insignia of the HJ.
In the Reichs Committee [Reichsausschuss] we got a tremendous amount
of material. All at once we were able to determine the strength of all
the German youth leagues and to summon the influential personalities
in these youth leagues. From this point I recognized the necessity of
coming to grips with the Greater German Union. I appointed my co-worker
Karl Nabersberg as my representative on the Reichs Committee and
traveled through Germany in order to take a stand against The Greater
German Union in many demonstrations. In the meantime I gained control
over the Reichs league for German youth hostels [Reichsverband fuer
deutsche Jugendherbergen] in a manner similar to the one employed
with the Reichs Committee; with its leadership I commissioned a young
merchant from Hamburg and bearer of the Golden Honor Insignia [Goldenes
Ehrenzerchen] of the NSDAP, Johannes Rodatz.
The Greater German Youth League [Grossdeutscher Jugendbund] was a
combination of various leagues and organizations which came under the
leadership of the deserving chief of staff of the fleet, Admiral von
Trotha. This admirable man, who had served our Fatherland in war and
peace with unselfish [p. 34] devotion fundamentally had the same ideas
and plans for the Greater German League as I had for the Hitler Youth.
That the Greater German League [Grossdeutscher Bund] could not fulfill
these tasks was not the fault of the “Admiral”, as he was respectfully
called by his Youth, the difficulties lay in the period itself. The
Greater German League was not a political union, that is, leagues
which partly were opposed to National Socialism were to be found in
the Greater German League as well as organizations which ideologically
were in agreement with the NSDAP, without, however, drawing any
conclusions from it. The unification of youth could never be achieved
by the external centralization of partly opposed leagues, but only by a
philosophy of life which had to be accepted by the young generation as
a new law for life. Only the Hitler Youth represented this idea.
The differences between the Greater German League and the HJ grew from
day to day. Friction, even frequently actual fighting, were day-by-day
occurrences. This state of affairs could not be settled by compromise.
We could not be satisfied with incorporation of the Greater German
League as, always the incorporation of a youth league into the HJ for
us was not even discussed. As all of us once, and that during difficult
times, gave our unconditional pledge to Adolf Hitler, especially today
every young German must be able to do so [p. 35]. The so-called and
often praised individual life [“Eigenleben”] of such leagues is, in the
last analysis, nothing but another form of “joiner tendency”. “Either
all or nothing” is the principle of National Socialism.
The position which I gave to the HJ was not strong enough to overcome
the last quaint introspection [Eigenbroetelei] within the youth. Nobody
saw that as clearly as the Fuehrer who was convinced of the necessity
of giving to the leader of the HJ that backing by the state which he
needed for his work. When we discussed these things I asked the Fuehrer
to refrain from attachment to one specific ministry, a wish which was
readily recognized by the Fuehrer. The Fuehrer himself stated that a
ministry cannot exist without bureaucracy, but bureaucracy is death to
youth. He intended to create an agency which in its freedom should have
the possibility to work. Thus, in the Reichs Chancellory, in the middle
of June 1933, he appointed me Youth leader of the German Reich [Jugend
fuehrer des deutschen Reiches] by clasping hands. Reich Minister Dr.
Frick, as their competent minister for youth questions, drew up the
respective document. I was given authority to appoint representatives
of the states [Landesbeauftragte] to carry out my instructions and I
appointed the district leaders to these positions in all the states in
execution of my right.
The first thing I did was to dissolve the Great German league. Since I
headed all [p. 36] German youth organizations and I had the right to
decide on their leadership, I did not hesitate for a moment to take
this step, which was for the HJ the elimination of an unbearable state
of affairs. The leader of the Great German Bund, Admiral von Trotha,
set an example of rare human greatness to German youth when he, after
the incorporation of all leagues and organizations had been completed,
one day made an end to all the fights and quarrels of the past years
and, after his appointment to Honorary Leader [Ehrenfuehrer] of the
Navy Hitler Youth, devoted himself unconditionally to the service in
Adolf Hitler’s youth movement. Only to great personalities it is given
to put youth to shame and at the same time obligate by a noble example.
At that time many a German boy will have asked himself if he would
be able to act in the same way in a similar situation and honestly
answered with a “no”. From an educational point of view it was the
most important deed that the Admiral, after his organization had been
smashed, again adjusted himself to the tasks of the new generation out
of his military sense of duty and his love for youth. When, today, the
blue columns of our Navy Hitler Youth pass by their honorary leader,
their eyes are not only shining with enthusiasm for the Admiral who
once at a grave hour won eternal honor for the German Reich, but they
also know in their hearts that this man is part of [p. 37] themselves.
Following the incorporation of the “Stahlhelm” into the SA we were
able to carry out the incorporation of the “Scharnhorst”, the youth
organization of the “Stahlhelm”. But the “Scharnhorst” had to give
up it’s individual existence when it joined the HJ. The individual
“Scharnhorst” boys were detailed to the local branches of the HJ. This
step would never have been possible without the initiative of Reichs
Minister Saldte who was completely convinced of the necessity to create
a large youth organization, which, also according to his opinion,
could only be the HJ. That the many small and unimportant groups and
leagues were incorporated goes without saying and took place without
any resistance. The Marxist youth as well as all political youth
organization I prohibited after the occupation of the Reichs Committee.
The one million members of the HJ which we had on 30 January 1933 had
now grown to a round three million. Only the two large confessional
groups, the Protestant and the Catholic youth, were opposed to us. They
already had lost a great number of their members to us but they still
remained powerful factors in the life of German youth. Again and again
I called together the district leaders [Gebietsfuehrer] of the HJ in
order to discuss this subject. Again and again these true and tenacious
fighters announced: We won’t stop now. From the last boy to the Reichs
Youth leader we agreed that the HJ never should and would give in as
regards this question.
Chapter 3
Hitler Youth and Confessional Youth [p. 38]
Towards the end of 1933 discussion about the eventual incorporation of
the evangelical youth took place between the newly appointed Reichs
Bishop Ludwig Mueller and myself. With great satisfaction we from the
HJ could ascertain that the Reichs Bishop was fundamentally ready to
lead the members of the evangelical youth leagues into the HJ, a point
of view which differed somewhat from that of the chairman of the Young
Men’s Protestant Work [Evangelisches Jungmaennerwerk], Dr. Stange. Dr.
Stange actually tried to interfere with this new development against
the will of the majority of his followers, but without success. And
in December 1933 the Reichs Bishop and myself were able to inform the
Fuehrer that incorporation of the protestant youth into the HJ had
become a reality.
Through the agreement with the Reichs Bishop the HJ believes to
have shown the way by which a later understanding with the Catholic
Youth Leagues also would be possible. By this agreement evangelical
youth organizations in the old sense, that is leagues, which overlap
the activities of the HJ are no longer in existence. As spiritual
communities the Protestant [p. 39] groups continue to live in their
innate field, namely that of the Protestant creed. The HJ guarantees
their protestant members a certain evening each week for their
confessional, religious activities. The agreement with the Reichs
Bishop follows verbatim:
1. The Protestant Youth Work [Evangelisches Jugendwerk] recognizes
the unified state political education of German youth by the National
Socialist State and the HJ [Hitler Youth] as representatives of the
philosophy of the State.
The youth of the Protestant Youth Work below 18 years of age is to
be incorporated into the Hitler Youth and its subordinated branches.
Anyone within this age group who does not become a member of the HJ,
from now on shall not be a member of the Protestant Youth Work.
2. Education in regard to open air sports (including gymnastics and
sports) and in regard to state politics, up to 18 years of age, shall
take place only within the HJ.
3. All members of the Protestant Youth Work shall wear the official
uniform of the Hitler Youth according to their membership in the HJ.
According to this agreement the Protestant youth was incorporated into
the Hitler Youth. With very few exceptions the young followers of the
Reichs Bishop were glad to be freed from the inner struggle of the past
months [p. 40]. The Reichs Bishop acted like a true spiritual advisor
of this young community when he, by this agreement, opened for them the
doors to the HJ and thus the doors to the people and the State.
The confessional youth league [Konfessioneller Jugendbund] has no right
of existence in our time. While the young German in the period of
National Socialism is drawn to the community and thereby the attitude
and way of living of the HJ, sometimes some dark pang of conscience
holds him back to give in to this urge, to follow really his innermost
thoughts. Particularly the catholic youth societies led their members
into moral conflicts for which an educator of the youth cannot account.
By promises for a life beyond they tried to hold the youth back from
the disinterested surrender to the state. As if the all powerful would
condemn this service on the people and could see anything objectionable
in it. Because the youth does not make any difference between poor and
rich, Protestant and Catholic, I am accused of being a “heathen” who
does not believe in anything and instills the seed of the antichrist
in the hearts of the unsuspecting youth. And yet, considering the
confessional composition of our people, a real community of our
youth can only exist if confessional questions are not discussed in
this community, special confessional leagues are not tolerated. The
Christian doctrine is attacked in the HJ as little as any [p. 41] other
doctrine; the HJ does not care for class or confession but only for
the Germandom. In this sense my slogan is to be understood; “The HJ is
neither Protestant nor Catholic, it is German”.
The church proclaims its right for a religious education. An
uncontested and uncontestable right. The state, on the other side,
demands through the HJ to exercise the ideological, political education
and here the state has a claim which is as valid as that of the church.
In fact a number of Catholic youth leaders are not concerned with this
religious education. They occupy their youth organizations with tasks,
accomplishment of which falls into the domain of the HJ. Home evenings
(social gatherings), hikes, camps, games, sports, and training do not
need a confessionally directed leadership, and yet it is exercised
stubbornly by a certain circle of catholic youth leaders. Instead of
bringing the German youth together where it can be united and should
be united, these so called educators and youth leaders try to present
even the cooking on hikes as a religious matter and think the young
boy’s soul could be harmed if he saw that outside of the Catholic youth
organization other people lived. The fact that since National Socialism
seized the power, about 1½ millions of youths from the camp of the
Catholic youth organizations joined the HJ manifests that the spirit of
the followers is better than that of the leadership and shows how in
the long run confessional, bourgeois thinking must capitulate before
German socialism.
A short while after the National Socialist revolution the beaten
political parties undertook another feeble attempt to keep at least
the youth somehow. The attempt failed; the youth of the bourgeois
parties pledged itself to the socialism of Adolf Hitler. The youth
leagues followed this example. Even the Protestant youth recognized the
demand of the time and followed in faithful fulfillment of their duties
the voice of their conscience. But on the spot where once the proud
Zentrum stood that we could see work hand in hand with the Marxist
traitors of the people in the Reichstag, there stands today a group of
the Catholic youth organizations and opposes the “We” of our community
with the “I” of their societies.
Who wants Germany without compromise is an arch-enemy of any
confessional principle in a state organization. Who would retreat here
a hand’s width and be he a minister of the new Germany, would betray
the tragic fight of the German people for its freedom. May the German
people recognize the lesson of the last thousand years and for the
first time proclaim an unconditional negation of all separating forces.
There is no reason why there should not be found a solution in the
question of the youth education to the satisfaction of the church as
well as of the HJ, so much the more as the HJ does not restrict in
any way the religious activities of its members. Neither attendance
at the Sunday services nor participation in other church gatherings
is being made difficult for the Catholic Hitler boys on the part
of the leadership of the HJ. If, on the occasion of some big youth
demonstrations which don’t take place too often, it was occasionally
difficult for technical reasons to make it possible for the young
people to attend church services it is by no means an indication of a
sometimes alleged “anti-religious” attitude of the HJ. I even am of
the opinion that religious meetings and arrangements in particular
religious youth leagues are not at all in contradiction to the
totalitarian claim of the HJ. Every effort which aims to deepen and
intensify religious life must not only be welcomed by a responsible
youth leadership but also be furthered. I believe to have shown by the
treaty with the Reich bishop of the Protestant church that the HJ is
willing to concede necessary space to the religious youth education.
However, it must be demanded that under the cover-name of religious
education the youth should in no way be influenced politically.
The experiences of the past taught us that the confessional youth
organizations do not occupy themselves exclusively with religious
questions. The National Socialist movement as pillar of the state
cannot be blamed if by reason of past experiences it makes security
arrangements which should ban all dangers for the future.
If the church visits of the youths do not correspond the expectations
of the churches, it is not the fault of the youth. The real cause
of this attitude of the youth is to be looked for in the want of
comprehension with which some catholic youth leaders and unfortunately
too many priests oppose the education of the HJ. They believe not to
be able to part with the sport education of the catholic youth and
overlook that the religious education itself suffers by the fight over
the competences.
Many Catholic Germans look with disgust at the mean fight which certain
catholic youth leaders lead today for their existence and hundreds
of thousands of catholic Hitler boys don’t have any appreciation of
it that there should exist outside the HJ sport a catholic sport and
catholic calisthenics. As faithful Catholics they stick to the church
but they cannot see why this church demands all of a sudden territory
which has nothing to do with religious education.
No reasonable man in Germany can give a reason for the necessity of
the existence of catholic youth organizations in their present form
(catholic boys scouts, “German Jugendkraft”, etc.) and many important
leaders of the catholic church have long been of the opinion that these
organizations have no right of existence in the National Socialist
state. The catholic youth itself--this I maintain by reason of the
continuous going over, even of whole groups to the HJ--wants to
cooperate in the National Socialist state. And not as confessional
specialist league but as HJ.
Catholics and Protestants have the same rights in Germany. This is
not only valid for their relationship to the state but especially for
their relationship to the National Socialist movement. If, however,
the catholic youth is advised not to join the HJ, then this part
of the German youth is deprived of a right which today every other
young member of the community possesses. “Give to the emperor what
is the emperor’s and to God what is God’s”. This profound wisdom of
Christ shows us even today the possibility to terminate the tension
between HJ and confessional youth organization. If the HJ leader works
exclusively according to the instructions given to him and only cares
for the ideological (that is to say the physical, mental and moral)
education of the youth in his charge in Adolf Hitler’s sense and the
priest just as exclusively for the religious, moral education within
direction of the church and is nothing but a German servant of God, all
prerequisites of a peaceful and confident work are given.
For the solution of the catholic youth question in Germany there is
but one way, which is agreeable to both parties; The Catholic youth
organization restricts itself to the spiritual realm and gives up the
expensive and unnecessary administration and leadership apparatus
of the general presidents and secretaries [General praesidenten
und sekretaere]. If the priest of every locality cares spiritually
for the youth as part of his community, the church has sufficient
occasion to exercise its religious education. The thought, to appoint
Protestant and Catholic so called field chaplains or HJ chaplain
is against our comradeship and therefore cannot be accepted. If a
celebration of the National Socialist youth is held by a catholic and
protestant clergyman, every boy and every girl feels the difference
of the confession as a wall between them. Where a short while ago two
young Germans marched shoulder to shoulder goes then a Catholic and a
Protestant and with them the sorrow of the German history.
Unity and community then becomes disunity and cleavage. Then the two
millions of the great war would really have died in vain and so would
the dead of the Feldherrnhalle [p. 47]. And those twenty one who as
pioneers of the new unity were hunted to death by the Marxists and
“Zentrum” leaders won’t belong to us any more.
But we are spirit of their spirit. The idea for which they died is also
the idea of our life. Their fight is our destiny [pp. 64-65].
Self-leadership of youth is not to be understood from the bureaucratic
point of view that every one at the age of 30 must resign from
leadership. The principle: “Youth must be led by youth” is to be
understood according to its meaning and not literally. Therefore, I
principally do not apply any age limit. All set patterns are deadening.
Germany is the country of the youth movement. Youth movement and youth
self-leadership of youth are inseparable. It is not the purpose of the
youth movement to give to young people a possibility to satisfy any
power instincts. On the contrary, youth leadership means to be more
severe with oneself than with the following. The HJ is a school for
leaders. A leader in the true sense of the word is always the creative,
the disciplined one.
Therefore, the way to leadership shall be made difficult for a boy.
If he is destined for it he will overcome the difficulties. But never
shall there be another key to the gate of leadership than achievement.
It is a matter of indifference who holds the key, the son of a worker,
the son of a peasant or the son of a scientist. Only one thing is
decisive: He must be of the aristocracy of achievement, of the only
aristocracy which is known to the new youth [pp. 68-69].
A single will leads the HJ. The power of authority of the HJ leaders,
that of the smallest as well as of the largest unit is absolute,
i.e., he has the unlimited right to give orders because he bears the
unlimited responsibility. He knows that the responsibility of the
higher one comes before that of the lower ones. Therefore, he submits
silently to the instructions of his leaders even if they are directed
against him personally. To him as well as to all young Germany the
history of the HJ is proof of the fact that a youth community also
can only be successful if it unconditionally recognized the authority
of leadership. The success of National Socialism is a success of
discipline. The structure of National Socialist Youth is built on the
foundation of discipline and obedience. The teachings of the time of
persecution apply even more to the period of victory and power. The
small boy [Jungvolkjunge] who joins the movement of Adolf Hitler at the
age of ten learns to subordinate his own little will to the laws which,
strictly followed, are building states and making nations happy but
which, when violated, result in the loss of freedom, in the collapse of
folkdom. In the course of the following years he learns that discipline
and subordination are not inventions of despotism that they have not
been created by a few with a lust for power in order to secure their
personal positions but that they are the prerequisites for the life of
the nation and thereby for his own life.
The great value of the organization for the youth lies in the
following. In the circle of boys of his own age he gains, partly while
playing, a knowledge which must be employed, especially to the life of
the adult. And while he is being trained for discipline in a manner
corresponding to his emotional life and his capacity to learn, he will
see that his blind obedience affords the possibility of success to his
group [Gefogschaft]. What is acquired in young years in the struggle
with small tasks later serves the state in its big tasks.
Chapter 4
Work Abroad [pp. 154-162]
The Reich Youth leadership does not pursue foreign politics.
The Fuehrer created the Office of Foreign Affairs for the foreign
activities of the National Socialism. What is done within the Foreign
Department of the Reich Youth leadership never means an overcrossing of
Party offices and State offices. The HJ deals with the youth and not
with big politics. And even where the youth contacts the youth of other
nations to exchange young people for study trips or camps, contact is
made outside the political sphere. It is the purely human agreement
of youth among themselves which in this way the Reich Youth leadership
attempts to achieve.
During the last year the most important meetings between German and
foreign youth were:
The visit of the HJ in Hungary.
The counter visit of the Levente youth in Germany.
The German-English Youth Camp near Hamburg.
The trip of Department Leader Nabersberg to England and Turkey.
A lecture of Karl Nabersberg in Paris on the occasion of a meeting of
the “Sohlbergkreis”.
The visit of a Finnish Study Group [Studiengesellschaft].
Also on the occasion of the visits of foreign youth leaders (i.e.
Greek, Chinese and Japanese) to the Reich Youth leadership, contacts
were made with foreign youth organizations.
Every nation has the interest that its youth has a political outlook
reaching as far as possible. Especially the National Socialist Germany
is strongly interested that her youth knows and respects other nations
as early as possible. The better the youth of Europe understands
each other, the nicer for the future. A basic principle of the youth
exchange is: no propaganda. Hitler boys who go abroad do not travel
as propagandists of National Socialism; their task is not to teach,
but to learn. They should see the beauty of the foreign landscape and
explore the national characteristic of the host-country. I believe
in a cooperation of the European youth at the basis of an agreement;
its only program point should be: to know each other. It would be an
utopian idea to believe that such a cooperation would improve the
world. Probably the world would not improve but the people could become
juster. In this connection we welcome the international exchange of
pupils and only desire that it might be extended beyond the circle of
pupils to the youth of all professions. The activity of the Foreign
Department of the Reich Youth leadership is not only concerned with
the relationship of the HJ to the youth of other nations, although
this field is most clearly in evidence. It cares, in close cooperation
with the League for Germandom Abroad [Volksbund fur das Deutschtum im
Ausland], for the youth of the German settlements abroad, in Europe and
South America, and awakens in the Reich German Youth the understanding
for the brothers and sisters abroad.
In a special main branch, the Central Office for Volksdeutsche Youth
Work [Mittelstelle fuer Volksdeutsche Jugendarbeit], which took over
the main tasks of the Central Office of German Youth in Europe, which
in 1933 was attached to the organization of the Reich Youth leadership,
the following fields are being worked on:
1. Borderland trips and trips abroad of the entire German youth.
2. “Volksdeutscher” labor service.
3. Schooling in the Reich of German youths living abroad.
The borderland trips and trips abroad offer the possibility to give the
young Germans abroad the contact with the new Germany by Reich German
Youth hiking groups in form of performances (folk songs, folk dances
and plays performed by laymen). At the same time, a selection by these
youth hiking groups should be made in the German settlements abroad
among those who appear suitable as youth leaders and therefore are to
be called to the Reich for schooling.
All borderland trips and trips abroad of youth hiking groups and
individual youth hikers have to be authorized by the hike office of the
central office. Thereby the hikes of the “wild hikers” should finally
be prevented which were not always to the good of the German reputation
abroad. On the other side the hikes should be arranged according to a
certain plan, so that they can be directed into certain sections where
a visit seems really appropriate.
A special task of the central office is the so-called Volksdeutsche
Labor Service which has the task of a systematic schooling of German
Youth leaders living abroad. In four specially suited labor camps the
sense of the labor service is clearly demonstrated to the Germans
living abroad by special schooling methods, in order that they can
apply what they learned in their home organization.
Another branch of the Foreign Department has the task to combine the
Reich German boys and girls inasmuch as is possible in youth groups in
which National Socialist ideas are conveyed to them. To this effect
the groups receive books and youth literature free of charge and
especially such which establish the spiritual contact with the Reich
German HJ. The work program provides the establishment of schooling
camps of several weeks duration for German youths from abroad who above
all should convey to the future leaders the experience of the present
fatherland. Through our own press service, the Foreign Department tries
to protect the rights of the German youth abroad in the Reich German
Press. The daily appearing press service “Space of the East” [Ostraum]
brings short news about the movement of the German youth organizations
abroad and the German school abroad for Lithuania, Letland, Esthonia,
Poland, Czechoslovakia, Austria, Rumania, and Yugoslavia. Another
paper “The School Review for Germans Abroad” [Die Auslandsdeutsche
Schulschaù] is delivered to a great number of German schools of higher
learning. Furthermore the branch participates in the youth periodicals
published by the Reich Youth leadership or in cooperation with it, and
furnishes the German daily newspapers with articles of a principle
nature about questions of the youth abroad, as well as the German
newspapers abroad with news from the Reich and the German groups beyond
the frontier. The branch “Press” in the Foreign Department is thereby
the rallying point for the news on the movement of the German Youth
abroad and the schools in the Reich for the Germans abroad.
The branch “School” of the Foreign Department is of special importance.
Its task is essentially to communicate to the HJ sufficient knowledge
about the Germandom of the borders abroad and of foreign politics.
To carry through the schooling in the units, borderland and foreign
lecturers were appointed who on central instruction of the chief
lecturer had to carry out the schooling in the individual units. The
first instruction week for lecturers abroad on a systematic execution
of the training program, was held from 4 to 10 December 1933 in
Potsdam. The training program uses the following aides:
1. A regularly appearing schooling-letter with a publication of 65,000
2. Literature on the subject in general which is distributed to the
lecturers abroad
3. The periodical “People and Reich”
4. Contributions in newspapers and periodicals
The training of the co-workers staff is to be extended by a number
of additional training weeks and by supply of training material and
establishment of competent libraries in the Oberbanne. Furthermore,
special attention for the localities less than 100 km from the frontier
is intended.
The colonial branch keeps awake the memory of the cultural, scientific,
economic and military achievements in the former German colonial
territory within the organizations under the order of the Reich Youth
leadership. Beyond this, the German youth shall be informed about the
importance of colonial possession for the supply of the home economy
with colonial products and raw materials. It will be taken into
consideration concerning this schooling that the guiding line of the
German population policy which aims at the utilization of the space
in the East will not be violated. In the historical schooling the
“colonial-guilt-lie” and the thereby intended defamation of the German
people--also in regard before the colored nations--will be emphasized
and it will be pointed out that equal terms for the German people are
only obtained when these parts of the Versailles shame dictate are also
rectified.
Special colonial lecturers who are assigned to the headquarters of
the HJ and BDM down to the Bann and Unterbann will attend to the
carrying out of these tasks. These lecturers also will be prepared for
the solution of their tasks in courses in the Reich Leader School in
Potsdam and within the districts and subdistricts. The literature at
present on hand about colonial questions which, however, is only for
limited use for the schooling within the HJ since it was written under
different political conditions, will be put at the disposal as work
material. New material, in accordance with timely requirements, is in
preparation and will serve in the future as basis for all work. The
youth should be informed every three months by a “schooling-letter”
about everything worth while in the field of the colonial question
which should come down to the sub-leaders of the whole HJ and BDM. In
this direction, friendly cooperation with the biggest society, the
German Colonial Society, takes place; material is exchanged. As much as
the promised shipping space is available, members of the HJ (colonial
lecturers) should be sent to the former German colonial territories so
that they can learn at the spot the present-day conditions and give the
Germans there a sign of our attachment. Supported by what they have
seen and lived, they should after their return work here to enlighten
the HJ in the country.
It would lead us astray to go into the details of the activities of
the Foreign Department. Generalobergebietsfuehrer Karl Nabersberg
devoted much energy to these duties and gave up even the leadership of
the staff of the Reich Youth leadership with which he was charged for
a time in favor of this task which had his particular interest. The
thought that every Hitler boy and every BDM girl regardless in which
part of the world they are, form a great comradeship and march together
in spite of local separation in one direction and live and work in the
same spirit was realized by the Foreign Department of the Reich Youth
leadership.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1462-PS
1939 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 709
First execution order to the law for the HITLER YOUTH (General
Regulation) of 25 March 1939
Based on Article 4 of the law for the Hitler Youth of 1 December 1936
(Reichsgesetzblatt I, page 993), I Order:
Article 1
1. The youth leader of the German Reich is solely competent for all
missions of the physical, ideological and moral education of the entire
German youth of the Reich area outside of the house of the parents and
the school. The competence of the Reichminister for science, education
and public orientation remains unaffected as far as private education
and social education are concerned.
2. The following problems are transferred from the sphere of action
of the Reich and Prussian Minister for science, education and public
orientation to the sphere of action of the youth leader of the German
Reich:
All affairs of youth care, the youth hostel system as well as of the
accident and liability insurance in the interest of youth care.
The question of competence for the year’s service on farms [LandJahr]
is left to a special regulation.
3. The youth leader of the German Reich with the Hitler youth is
subordinated to the Financial authority of the NSDAP.
Article 2
1. The Cadre Hitler Youth [Stamm HJ] exists within the Hitler Youth.
2. Whoever was a member of the Hitler Youth since 20 April 1938, is a
member of the Cadre Hitler Youth.
3. Juveniles, who have had at least one year of good conduct in the
Hitler Youth, and fulfill the conditions of ancestry for the acceptance
into the NSDAP, may be accepted into the Cadre Hitler Youth. More
specific regulations will be issued by the Reich Youth leader of the
NSDAP in agreement with the Fuehrer’s deputy.
4. The acceptance into the Cadre Hitler Youth of persons over 18 years
of age, who are to be used in the leadership and administration of the
Hitler Youth, can take place immediately.
5. Only the Cadre Hitler Youth is an affiliate of the NSDAP.
6. Membership in the Cadre Hitler Youth is voluntary.
Article 3
The Reichminister of the Interior will appoint the national agencies,
subordinated to the youth leader of the German Reich, in agreement with
Fuehrer’s deputy and the Reichminister of Finance.
Article 4
The members of the Hitler Youth are entitled, and are obliged, if
ordered, to wear the prescribed uniform.
Berlin, 25 March 1939
The Fuehrer and Reichs Chancellor
Adolf Hitler
The Deputy of the Fuehrer
R. Hess
The Reichsminister and Chief of Reich Chancellery
Dr. Lammers
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1463-PS
Diary of the Navy 1944
The Commander in Chief of the German Navy, Admiral Doenitz.
“This war is a naval war and it will be decided on the High
Seas.”--Admiral Doenitz.
Admiral Karl Doenitz was born in Berlin-Gruenau on 16 September 1891,
the son of an Engineer. He attended school in Berlin, Jena and Weimar.
He entered the Imperial German Navy as a cadet on 1 April 1910 and
was promoted to Lieutenant on 27 September 1913. As an ensign he was
ordered to the light cruiser “Breslau”. There he witnessed the outbreak
of the first world war when he was in the Mediterranean sea. His
experiences while on this cruiser which later became the “Midilli” of
the Turkish Navy he described in a little book published during the
last war while he was a lieutenant (jg). The title of the book was
“The cruises of the ‘Breslau’ in the Black Sea”. Doenitz who served
as watch officer and adjutant received the Iron Cross 2nd class on 7
January 1915. For a time he was air observer near the Dardanelles and
subsequently in charge of a naval aviation squadron near San Stefano.
On 5 May 1916 he received the Iron Cross first class and in the fall of
that year returned to Germany.
For a long time it had been the young officer’s burning desire to
become an officer on a submarine. This wish of the young lieutenant
(jg) was fulfilled when he was ordered to submarine school 2
December 1916. This proved decisive in the life of this officer
who indefatigably worked for the development of his weapon. Doenitz
became at first watch officer on the Submarine “U-39” whose commanding
officer, Lt (sg) Forstmann was one of the most successful submarine
officers of the last war. Inspired with great daring, Forstmann was an
officer who knew how to train aggressive and responsible commanders.
Doenitz always remembers with special gratitude the decisive influence
of his former teacher. After an artillery course Doenitz on 1 March
1918 became Commander of “UC-25” and later “UB-68”. With these boats he
carried on successful warfare against merchant shipping in the Atlantic
and the Mediterranean.
Lt. (jg) Doenitz placed himself at the disposal of the German Navy,
dishonorably mutilated by the Versailles dictate, and aided in its
reconstruction. He became a staff officer; he took over, during the
attempted coup d’etat of Kaff, the command of the torpedo boat V5
which was usable but without a commander. For three years then he was
commander of a torpedo boat, and became afterwards officer in charge
of torpedo inspection and for another three years filled a responsible
position with the Naval High Command. After one year’s sea duty as
navigation officer on the light cruiser “Nymphe” Doenitz became chief
of the first squadron of Torpedo boats newly built for the German Navy.
In the fall of 1928 Doenitz was promoted to lieutenant commander.
While Doenitz already earlier was making plans for the reconstruction
of the German U-boat fleet his new position for the first time, gave
him the opportunity to put down his experiences and suggestions in
the form of memoranda written for his superiors and other influential
personalities. During this time, the organizational plans and other
prerequisites were already formulated which made possible the
subsequent rapid construction of new German U-boats. This was followed
by another period during which he attended service schools and
undertook sea duty. On one of his trips he went to India for several
months. In 1934, he became Commanding officer of the Light cruiser
“Emden” which at that time undertook a cruise in the Indian Ocean.
When in 1935 Doenitz returned from this trip the Commander in Chief of
the German Navy during a tour of inspection in Wilhelmshaven told him
to his surprise that he was appointed Chief of the “Weddigen” U-boat
flotilla. From this date, 27 September 1935, started the ceaseless
construction of the new U-boats. At first two 250-ton boats were
built. Doenitz lately promoted to Commander, devoted himself to his
new duties with passionate zeal and after untiring day and night work
he was able in a very short time to present an extensive plan for the
reorganization of U-boat warfare. Again Doenitz donned his working
clothes to drill and train his young officers, personally and with
pitiless pace. He succeeded in closing a gap of 17 years, during which
no training took place, with a few months of tireless work. Day after
day, night after night, week after week he stood on the bridge of one
of his U-boats indoctrinating the men in his charge, by hard thorough
training, with the spirit of the men who manned the submarines during
World War I. At the same time he collected new technical experience
and new improvements in the development of different submarine types.
Doenitz knew no let-down for himself. Regardless of weather, season or
time of day he went with the boats, instructed and trained their crews,
and led them through thousands of miles in the Baltic and North Sea * *
*
One must recall, that after World War I a skillfully directed British
propaganda campaign created a world-wide general impression that the
submarine as a naval weapon was a thing of the past since superior
defensive measures had been instituted, namely the convoy system, and
that in future naval engagements, submarines would be of only secondary
importance. Commander Doenitz’ opinion was diametrically opposite; “The
massing of boats in convoy must be answered by massing of U-boats to
attack the convoy.” This maxim became the basis of his whole training
program. The wolf pack tactics which later became so famous were
originated and tested at a time of complete peace. The cruises in the
Baltic and North Sea were followed by the first Atlantic maneuvers *
* * Doenitz surrendered personal command over the U-Boat only after
the number of flotillas increased, in order to devote himself to
higher tasks of leadership. After the outbreak of the war, about 4
years after the first U-boats were commissioned, the new weapon was in
excellent condition and carried the stamp of a personality which was
our ideal combination between commander and front-line officer. Doenitz
on 28 January 1939 was promoted Commodore of U-boats and entered the
war with but 40 of his elite boats. They attacked immediately within
the first day. And at once this new weapon was a brilliant success.
On 18 September 1939, Doenitz received a cluster to the Iron Cross
1st class, for his success in the Baltic during the Polish campaign.
When the position of “leader of U-boats” was changed into that of
“Commander” Doenitz was promoted to Rear Admiral on 1 October 1939.
* * * Prien went to Scapa Flow. There was a fighter. He knew it and
said over and over: “I was only the paw of the Big Lion. What I did,
I could do because I was his disciple.” All the “old guard” thought
the same way and so did the commanding officers who returned to their
bases with flags of victory flying. The crew likewise was inspired by
the old man. With unparalleled enthusiasm and matter of factness, they
undertook every dangerous mission against the life-line of the enemy
who controlled the sea, a control which they undermined, and brought
again the terror of the U-boats to the Seven Seas to the surprise of
the whole world. In an endless chain, the U-boat Commanders reported
success after success to their chief. In spite of the fact that his
duties took on unmeasurable proportions since the beginning of the
huge U-boat construction program the Chief was what he always was and
always will be, leader and inspiration to all the forces under him.
A clear regard for the essential and the decisive, power to act and
aggressiveness are his main characteristics. In spite of all his duties
he never lost touch with his men and he showed a masterly understanding
in adjusting himself to the changing fortunes of war.
Doenitz was in charge of the Naval operations Command Post situated on
land. It is one of the strange and difficult characteristics of this
form of Naval warfare that the Commander cannot be with his men, cannot
make decisions on the spot but is forced to study the situation and
give orders thousands of miles away from the actual location. The very
strong ties between Doenitz and his men proved themselves in this case.
They never felt, and that was said many times in mess halls and on
enemy missions, that they had to make any of their difficult decisions
alone. Tiny, brief answers following rendered radio reports proved that
the Chief day and night was monitoring painstakingly their reports just
as if he was with them, as if he stood on the bridge beside them * * *
On 21 April 1940 Doenitz received the Knight’s Cross to the Iron Cross,
a reward of the Fuehrer, which put the unique accomplishments of this
battle-tested officer in its true light. On September 1940, he was
promoted to Vice Admiral, a year and a half later on 14 March 1942
he was promoted to Admiral, a reward for the heavy damages inflicted
on the new enemy, the U.S.A. On 30 January 1943 Doenitz received the
Supreme Command of the Germany Navy from the Fuehrer and concurrently
was promoted to Gross Admiral.
For the huge successes of the U-boats Doenitz received on 7 April
1943 in recognition of his unique achievements in U-boat warfare from
the Fuehrer personally as the 223rd Soldier of the Wehrmacht, the Oak
Wreath to the Knights Cross of the Iron Cross.
Even though the field of activity of the C in C of the German Navy has
experienced a tremendous extent on his personal leadership in U-boat
warfare and the personal care for his submarines, sailors, and for all
units of the German Navy will also in the future remain the supreme law
of all his action. Confidence merits confidence. The navy of Greater
Germany will prove that it is worthy of its C in C.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1472-PS
[CABLE]
Date 16 December 1942
URGENT--SECRET
TEXT:
In accordance with the increased recruitment of manpower into the
concentration camps, which was ordered by 30 January 1943, the
following may be applied in the Jewish sector.
1. Total amount: 45,000 Jews.
2. Start of transportation 11 January 1943.
3. Completion of transportation 31 January 1943.
The Reichsbahn [German State owned railway] cannot make available
special trains for the evacuation during the period 15 December 1942/10
January 1943 on account of the increased leave traffic of the Armed
Forces.
4. Breakdown: The 45,000 Jews consist of 30,000 Jews from the
Bialystock district, 10,000 Jews from the Theresienstadt Ghetto. Among
those are 5,000 able-bodied Jews who, so far, have been utilized in
the Ghetto for necessary minor jobs, and 5,000 Jews who are generally
incapacitated; also Jews over sixty years of age, in order to reduce
in the interest of the extension of the Ghetto the excessive number
of inmates to slightly below 48,000. I request special permission for
this. As heretofore, only the Jews who have no special connections and
relations, and who have no important decorations, have been earmarked
for deportation; 3,000 Jews from the occupied areas in the Netherlands,
2,000 Jews from Berlin which equals 45,000. In the total of 45,000
are included physically handicapped [underlined] and others (old Jews
and children). In making a distribution for this purpose, at least
10,000 to 15,000 laborers [underlined], will be available when the Jews
arriving at Auschwitz are assigned.
The Chief of the security police and the SD
Dept. IV, Div. B, Sec. 4, a-2093/42 g (391)
By Order of MUELLER
SS Gruppenfuehrer
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1481-PS
3.2.28 [in pencil], Fi 6/25 1.
Secret State Police
Munich State Police District Office
B. No. 52401/37 11 B.
Munich, 20 January, 1938.
Decree
By virtue of par. 1 of the Reich President’s order for the protection
of people and state of the 28.2.33 (RGBl 1 p. 83) the following decree
is issued:
The Guild of the Virgin Mary [die Marianische Jungfrauenkongregation]
of the Bavarian diocese, including the diocese of Speyer, together
with its branches and associations and the Societies of Our Lady
[Jungfrauenvereinen] attached to it, is by police order to be dissolved
and forbidden with immediate effect.
The property belonging to the dissolved Guild is to be confiscated by
the police. Not only is property in cash to be confiscated, but also
any stock on hand and other objects of value. All further activity is
forbidden the dissolved Guilds, particularly the foundation of any
organization intended as a successor or as a cover. Incorporation
as a body into other women’s societies is also to be looked on as a
forbidden continuation of activity. Infringement against the above
prohibition will be punished according to para. 4 of the order of
28.2.1933.
Reasons
In a parish in Nurnberg the Guild of the Virgin Mary, going outside
the sphere of the work proper to it, has occupied itself for years,
to a most far reaching degree, with arrangements of a worldly and
popular sporting character. Furthermore the president of the society
has continuously supplied the Guild of the Virgin Mary, from its
committee-members down to the women in charge of its groups, with
seditious material, which served for seditious discussions. Furthermore
the Guild of the Virgin Mary, particularly its leading circles, were
trained and mobilized for purely political and seditious tasks.
The whole behaviour of the Guild of the Virgin Mary had therefore to
be objected to from various points of view. It could be repeatedly
observed that the Guild engaged in purely worldly affairs, such as
community games, and then in the holding of “Social Evenings”.
This proves incontestably that the Guild of the Virgin Mary was active
to a very great degree in a manner unecclesiastical and therefore
worldly. By so doing it has left the sphere of its proper religious
task and entered a sphere of activity to which it has no statutory
right. The organization has therefore to be dissolved and forbidden.
Signed. Beutel.
certified copy--[signature illegible]
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1482-PS
Berlin, 20 July 1935
The Reich and Prussian Minister of the Interior
III P 3701/5
Secret
Special Delivery Letter!
[Stamp]
The Reich Governor in Bavaria 22 July 1935--one enclosure
Sign: Fi 6 July 22
[apparently signature, illegible]
SUBJECT: Confessional youth organizations.
A direct endangering of public security and order has resulted from
the recently observed intensive activity of confessional, particularly
Catholic youth organizations, which have in numerous cases considerably
overstepped the limits imposed on them by political development and
therefore in many places led to clashes with the organizations which
stand behind the government, particularly the Hitler youth.
I therefore respectfully request that, on the basis of paragraph 1 of
the decree of 28 February 1933, the confessional youth organizations
be forbidden to wear uniforms or uniform-like clothing and to assemble
publicly with pennants and flags and that the wearing of insignia and
the wearing of uniform costume as a substitute for uniforms as well as
any outdoor sport activity be prohibited.
I respectfully request that I be immediately informed of your
disposition (of the matter).
Signed: Dr. FRICK
certified: [signature illegible]
Ministerial Chancellery Secretary
[stamp] settled 1 August
To the provincial governments (for Prussia: to the deputy chief and
inspector of the Prussian secret state police)
Munich M [signature illegible]
Copies
To Reich Minister Kerrl, Reich Minister for Science, Education,
and Public Training, and the Reich governors with a request for
cognizance.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1498-PS
The Reich and Prussian Minister of the Interior, VI 7770/3014
Berlin NW 40, Koenigsplatz 6, 6 Nov. 1934
[telephone numbers, cable address]
[Stamp]
Reich Governor of Bavaria 7 Nov 1934----enclosures
GG 1/7 .m.
SPECIAL DELIVERY LETTER
To the State Governments for Prussia:
_a._ The Prime Minister--office of Secret State Police.
_b._ The Minister of Science, Art and Public Education.
_c._ The provincial Presidents and District Presidents.
_For Information_
To The State Secretary and Head of the Praesidium Chancellery.
The State Secretary and Head of the Reich Chancellery.
The Minister of Popular Enlightenment and Propaganda.
Reich Governors (of the States).
Executive Board of the NSDAP, Division for the Cultural peace in
Berlin.
The Reich Bishop in _Berlin-Charlottenburg_.
Subject: Evangelical Church Controversy.
Lately there is an increase in cases in which ill-timed reports
regarding the Evangelical Church reach the public. I therefore
forbid--till further notice--all publications in the daily newspapers,
in pamphlets or handbills, which are concerned with questions of
the Evangelical Church, except only official announcements of the
Church Government of the Reich. My edicts of 17 August 1934--III
3033/3014--and of 1 November 1934--III 7570/3014--are to that extent
abrogated.
[signed] FRICK
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1514-PS
Command of Mil. District VI
Dept. of Prisoners of War V Az. K 3 Nr. 1417/44 secret.
Soest, Westphalia, 27 July 1944
Phone: 1455/140.
SECRET
Reference: 1. OKW Az. 2f 24. 19b Chief of PW/general (Id) Nr. 1998/44
secret of 16.7.44
2. OKW Az. 2f 24. 19b AWA/PW general I (VIb) Nr. 2339/42
secret of 27.8.42
3. Mil. District VI, dept PW’s Az. K 8/a Nr. 751/42 secret
of 4.9.42
4. Mil. District VI, dept PW’s V Az. K 18/VI Nr. 1948/44 of
11.7.44
5. OKW Az. 2f 24. 11 Chief of PW/general (VIa) Nr. 979/43
secret of 19.4.43--reported by decree Mil. District VI,
dept PW’s Nr. 1015/43 secret.
6. Mil. District VI, dept PW’s Az. K 8 R Nr. 314/42 secret
of 7.4.42
7. Mil. District VI, dept PW’s V, Az. K 11 Nr. 1125/44
secret of 11.7.44
Subject: Delivery of prisoners of war to the secret state police.
Enclosed is the decree I referred to.
The following, summarizing ruling is issued with respect to the
delivery to the secret state police:
1. _a._ According to the decrees 2 and 3, the commander of the camp
has to deliver Soviet prisoners of war in case of punishable offenses
to the secret state police and to dismiss them from imprisonment of
war, if he does not believe that his disciplinary functions suffice to
prescribe punishment for violations committed. Report of the facts is
not necessary.
_b._ Recaptured Soviet prisoners of war have to be delivered first to
the nearest police office in order to ascertain whether punishable
offenses have been committed during the escape. The dismissal from
imprisonment of war takes place upon suggestion of the police
office, Section A 6 of the decree referred to in No. 4 regarding the
contraction of all regulations on the Arbeitseinsatz prisoners of war
who have been recaptured and refuse to work.
_c._ Recaptured Soviet officers who are prisoners of war, have to be
delivered to the _Gestapo_ and to be dismissed from imprisonment of
war. (Section C 1 of the decree referred to under 4 and under 5).
_d._ Soviet officer prisoners of war, who refuse to work and those who
distinguish themselves as agitators and have an unfavorable influence
upon the willingness to work of the other prisoners of war have to be
delivered by the responsible Stalag to the nearest state police office
and to be dismissed from imprisonment of war. (Section C 1 of the
decree referred to under 4 and 5).
_e._ Soviet enlisted prisoners of war, refusing to work who are
ringleaders and those who distinguish themselves as agitators and
therefore have an unfavorable influence upon the willingness to work of
the other prisoners of war, have to be delivered to the nearest state
police office and to be dismissed from imprisonment of war. (Section C
2 of the decree, referred to in 4).
_f._ Soviet prisoners of war (enlisted men and officers), who with
respect to their political attitude have been sifted out by the
special purpose command [Einsatzkommando] of the security police and
the security service, have to be delivered upon request by the camp
commander to the special purpose command and to be dismissed from
imprisonment of war. (Decree referred to in 6).
_g._ Polish prisoners of war have to be delivered if acts of sabotage
are proven, to the nearest state police office and to be dismissed from
imprisonment of war. The decision rests with the camp commander. Report
of the deed is not necessary. (Decree referred to under 7).
2. A report on the delivery and dismissal from imprisonment of war
in the cases mentioned under #1 of this decree, to the Mil. District
Command VI, dept of prisoners of war, is not necessary.
3. Prisoners of war from all nations have to be delivered to the secret
state police and to be dismissed from imprisonment of war, if a special
order of the OKW or of the Mil. District Command VI, department for
Prisoners of War, is issued.
4. Prisoners of war under suspicion of participating in illegal
organizations and resistance movements have to be left upon request to
the Gestapo for the purpose of interrogation. They remain prisoners of
war and have to be treated as such. The delivery to the Gestapo and
their dismissal from imprisonment of war has to take place only by
order of the OKW or of the Mil. District Command VI, dept of prisoners
of war.
In case of French and Belgian prisoners of war and interned Italian
military personnel, approval of Mil. District command VI, dept. of
prisoners of war, has to be obtained--if necessary by phone--before
delivery to the Gestapo for the purposes of interrogation.
By order of the Mil. District Commander
The commander of prisoners of war
The deputy
[signed] FLEMM
1 enclosure.
Distribution:
Oflag VI/A, B, C, D.6,
Stalag VI/A, C, D, F, G, J.326 (VI/K)
Construction work battalion of PW (BAB) 6, 7, 12, 17, 18, 26, 35, 39,
45, 46, 106.
PW Roof repair battalion VI, XVI
PW Glass installation Battalion VI, XVI
District commander rear area of PW/Z.V. Staff/Counter intelligence
officer
file 5
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1517-PS
TOP SECRET
MEMORANDUM
About Discussions [of Rosenberg] with the Fuehrer on 14 December 1941
To begin with, I [Rosenberg] asked the Fuehrer about my speech in the
Sportpalast and referred to several points which seemed to call for
further discussion. The Fuehrer was of the opinion that the speech was
given prior to the declaration of war by Japan and therefore under
different suppositions, but in view of this, still desires to think
over several points. It probably would not be appropriate if I were
to officially say that the provinces in the East were to remain under
Germany. I said thereupon that I, too, had considered this point, that
one can probably only say that the Eastern Provinces [Ostland] will
remain under German protection. The Fuehrer was of the opinion, only to
go so far that the provinces never would come under communism and now
from the German side appear as secured.
I remarked on the Jewish question that the comments about the New York
Jews must perhaps be changed somewhat after the conclusion (of matters
in the East). I took the standpoint, not to speak of the extermination
[Ausrottung] of the Jews. The Fuehrer affirmed this and said that they
had burdened the war upon us and that they had brought the destruction;
it is no wonder if the results would strike them first.
The Fuehrer further said that he did not deem it necessary to order
forth the other nations to contribute as yet, since they can produce
therein a legal claim for later. He does that from time to time in
single negotiations. I told him that I, too, had written that down
as a question. I would comply with these instructions to edit more
carefully the corresponding paragraphs in my speech. The Fuehrer agreed
throughout that I had touched upon the Asiatic conflict.
Following, I laid before the Fuehrer the outline of a religious
tolerance decree, to which the Fuehrer consented after careful
consideration.
Then I came to talk about the lecture of Professor Schuessler, to
whom Dr. Dietrich had given instructions to evaluate the political
testament of Peter the Great in an address. Dr. Dietrich had not
previously informed me thereon. Upon my indication that this testament
is a forgery out of the 18th Century, the Fuehrer thought that the
authenticity was contradicted by a German scholar in the 19th Century.
Thereupon I pointed out that this so-called testament was written in
Polish circles and that it then was converted and changed by Napoleon
in the political strife. However, I would make an accurate check. I
asked the Fuehrer for a general rule that if the Fuehrer had specific
desires over the press to have Dr. Dietrich inform me of these to
insure a regulated working arrangement.
The Fuehrer replied to the question by the military commanders in the
occupied Eastern territories about the marriage of persons belonging
to the Armed Forces with inhabitants of these territories that no
marriages will be permitted during this war. After the war a relaxation
could be introduced to agree with the political limits and blood
relationship.
I then spoke about the relation with Reich Commissioner Koch and told
the Fuehrer that Koch had, through various declarations, created the
impression among the officers of the High Command of the Armed Forces
(OKW) as if he dealt directly with the Fuehrer and otherwise decided
to rule without Berlin. Similar utterances that he made the law were
made to collaborators and he also told me once that he regarded himself
as coordinated. I made it clear to him that here exists a distinct
official relation. I spoke with him regarding the above and I hope that
clarification over the cooperation will result. I have only the wish
that the Fuehrer no longer will receive Koch alone but only in my
presence. The Fuehrer agreed immediately.
Then I told the Fuehrer of the visit by General Kitzinger, who said
that he was assigned with the thrashing of the harvest. For this
purpose he was promised several divisions which have not yet arrived.
Moreover, they took from him other units. The Fuehrer said that he
would see to it that a change will be enforced and that divisions will
be given him. On the conditions of the captured prisoners Kitzinger
remarked that because of malnutrition [Entkraeftung] in the camps in
his territory, some 2500 prisoners die daily. Anyhow, they are already
unable to consume good food and one must count on it that not very many
will remain. Aside from that, the manpower in the country is large
enough--the land even partly over-populated.
I further asked the Fuehrer if he had scrutinized the memoir on the
establishment of Turkish legions. What I surmise, since the High
Command of the Armed Forces (OKW) issued an order, is that beside the
Turkish-Aserbeidschander Legion, other Caucasian legions will be set
up also. The Fuehrer affirmed the question, and I once more referred
to the danger of a Panturanian movement. I reported further about the
petition of the Crimean tartars from Constantinople and the request
to visit the prison camps and to inspect the countrymen. I told the
Fuehrer that I had denied this request which he absolutely affirmed.
The only thing one could do would be to segregate the 250 captured
Crimean tartars with respect to Turkey, and to handle them accordingly.
In conclusion, the Fuehrer once more emphasized that he later wished
to have the Crimea cleaned out. I told him that I, too, had given
much consideration to the renaming of the towns and thought to rename
Simferopol to Gotenburg and Sevastopol to Theodorichhafen--this
according to the instructions of the Fuehrer himself.
Then I suggested a boundary settlement between Nikolajew and
Transnistry to the Fuehrer, because the way things are, the Rumanians
can look into all the shipbuilding installations; just an insignificant
regulation will prevent this. I had also made this suggestion to
General Field Marshal Keitel. The Fuehrer looked at the map and agreed
to such a boundary regulation.
Finally, I told the Fuehrer that I had in mind to go to Riga in January
and to visit other territories during the next year. I begged the
Fuehrer to allow me to obtain several coaches for a special train. I
have already started dealings over the procurement of such coaches in
Holland. The Fuehrer thought this all right and agreed with my wish.
Thereupon I gave the Fuehrer an aforementioned letter of a Japanese
scholar over the Japanese and National Socialistic Philosophy of Life
as related to Christianity, over which we talked for a long time. The
Fuehrer took the memoir with him, which immediately engrossed him.
Berlin, 16 December 1941
R/H
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1519-PS
The National Socialist German Workers Party Party Chancellery
Fuehrer Headquarters
30.9.1941
The Director of the Party Chancellery
[Stamp]
Gau Training Office, Franken
No. 2131
Received 8 Oct. 41
Sent
CONFIDENTIAL
Circular No. 21/41 Confidential
(not for publication)
_Subject: Treatment of Soviet Prisoners of War_
For your information please find enclosed a regulation of the Supreme
Command of the Armed Forces, dated 8.9.1941 on the treatment of Soviet
prisoners of War. This regulation is _confidential_!
Heil Hitler!
sgd. Bormann
One appendix overleaf
Certified:
Distribution:
Gauleiters
Kreisleiters
# # # # #
Supreme Command of the Armed Forces
Az. 2f 24.11 General Armed Forces Dept./P.W. (I)
No. 3058 41 Confidential
Berlin--Schoeneberg, 8.9.1941
2 Appendices Badenschestrasse 51
CONFIDENTIAL
_Subject_: Regulation for the treatment of Soviet prisoners of war.
_Reference_: 1. OKW/P.W. 26/41 Most Secret dated 16.6.1941 (only for
the P.W. commandants in Service Command I and the
General Government).
2. OKW/P.W. 2144/41 Secret dated 26.6.1941.
3. OKW/P.W. 2401/41 Secret dated 17.7.1941.
4. OKW/P.W. 15 No. 5015/41 dated 2.8.1941
Appended is a collation of and/or additions to the orders already
issued in various directives on the treatment of Soviet prisoners
of war. The directives, already issued by Supreme Command General
Headquarters for the operational areas, have been considered. By this
order any orders on this subject become invalid so long as no direct
reference is made to them in the appendix.
Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces
By order of
Reinecke
# # # # #
Appendix to Diary--No. 3058/41
Confidential dated 8.9.1941.
CONFIDENTIAL
Regulation for the treatment of Soviet PWs in all prisoner of war camps.
I. _Treatment of Soviet PWs in general._
_Bolshevism is the deadly enemy of Nazi Germany._ For the first time,
the German soldier is encountering not only a military opponent, but
one, at the same time, steeped in the ideas of Bolshevism so pernicious
to the people. The fight against National-Socialism has become part
of his system. He conducts it by every means in his power: Sabotage,
seditious propaganda, incendiarism, murder. The bolshevist soldier has
therefore lost all claim to treatment as an honourable opponent in
accordance with the Geneva Convention.
It is therefore in keeping with the respect and honour of the German
Armed Forces, that _every German soldier_ should hold himself severely
aloof when dealing with Soviet prisoners of war. Treatment must be
cool but correct. Any indulgence or even friendly disposition is to
be punished very severely. The feeling of pride and superiority of
the German soldier ordered to guard Soviet PWs, must at all times be
visible even in public.
The order for ruthless and energetic action must be given at the
slightest indication of insubordination, especially in the case of
Bolshevic fanatics. Insubordination, active or passive resistance must
_immediately_ be broken completely by force of arms (bayonets, butts
and firearms). The regulations on the use of arms in the Armed Forces
can be applied only to a limited extent as these regulations apply
under the assumption that _conditions will be generally peaceful_. With
Soviet PWs it is already necessary for reasons of discipline, that the
use of arms should be severe. Anyone carrying out an order, who does
not use his weapons or does so with insufficient energy, is punishable.
PWs attempting to escape are to be fired on without previous challenge.
No warning shot must ever be fired. The regulations already made, in
particular H. Dv. 38/11, page 13, etc., are invalid with regard to that
point. On the other hand, no arbitrary action is permitted. PWs who
are obedient and willing to work are to be treated correctly. However,
caution and mistrust must never lapse when dealing with PWs. The use of
arms against PWs is, as a rule, legal.
Any contact between PWs and the civilian population must be prevented.
This applies particularly to the occupied area. The segregation of
higher-ranking PWs (Officers and NCOs), which has already been effected
by the field forces, must be strictly maintained in the area of the
Armed Forces Commanders and within the Reich. Any communication between
higher-ranking personnel and the men, even by signs, must be rendered
impossible.
Camp-police must be formed from suitable Soviet PWs in the camp and in
the larger fatigue details to be employed in carrying out the orders
and upholding the discipline of the commandant. Within the wire fence,
the camp police may be armed with sticks, whips or other similar
weapons to enable them to carry out their duties effectively. The use
of this kind of weapon by _German soldiers_ is absolutely forbidden.
With the offer of better food, treatment and accommodation, an
executive body should be created in the camp; this would decrease the
work of the German guard personnel.
II. _Treatment of members of racial groups._
In accordance with orders issued to date, PWs have already been
divided up, according to their race, in the “Home Organisation”
[heimatorganisation] (General Government and Service Command I) as
well as in the camps within the Reich. The following racial groups are
concerned:
Racial Germans
Ukrainians
White Russians
Poles
Lithuanians
Latvians
Esthonians
Rumanians
Finns
Georgians.
In so far as it has been impossible for special reasons to carry
out this separation, it must now be done at once. This applies, in
particular, to PWs newly captured in the Area of the Armed Forces
Commanders.
Members of the following racial groups must be speedily sent home:
Racial Germans
Ukrainians, White Ruthenians
Latvians
Esthonians
Rumanians
Finns
Lithuanians
Special orders will be issued on the manner in which this release is to
be effected.
Should the attitude of individual members of these racial groups arouse
the suspicion that they could be detrimental or dangerous to the German
people or to National-Socialism, they are to be debarred from release
and will be dealt with in accordance with section III.
III. _Segregation of civilians and politically undesirable PWs taken
during the Eastern campaign._
1. _Intentions._ The Armed Forces must rid themselves of all those
elements among the PWs which must be considered as the driving
forces of bolshevism. The special conditions of the Eastern Campaign
demand _special measures_ which can be carried out on their own
responsibility, free from bureaucratic and administrative influences.
2. _The way to reach the appointed goal._ A. Apart from directing PWs
into camps according to their nationality (see section II) PWs (also
members of racial groups) and any civilians in the camps are to be
divided as follows:
_a._ those politically undesirable
_b._ those politically harmless
_c._ those especially reliable in the political sense (who could be
employed in the reconstruction work in the occupied areas).
B. Whereas the work of separation according to nationality, rank, etc.,
is undertaken by the camp organisation itself, the Reichsfuehrer-SS has
assigned _Special purpose units of the Security Police and the Security
Service_ for the work of classifying PWs according to their political
opinions. They are immediately subordinate to the Chief of the Security
Police and the SD, have received special training for their special
duties and carry out the measures and inquiries, within the framework
of the camp organisation, according to regulations which they have
already received from the Chief of Security Police and the SD.
There must be the closest cooperation between the commandants,
especially their defense officers, and the special purpose units.
3. _Further treatment of groups segregated in accordance with No. 2._
A. _Military personnel._ The special purpose unit of the Security
Police and SD decides what persons are to be segregated as “politically
undesirable elements”. Should individuals, considered as suspicious,
later prove themselves to be _unsuspicious_, they should be sent back
to the camp with the other PWs. Requests made by the special purpose
units for other persons to be handed over, must be complied with.
Officers will very often be liable for segregation as “political
undesirables”. Even soldiers captured in civilian clothes, count as
military personnel.
B. _Civilians._ If they are harmless, efforts must be made to send them
back quickly to the occupied area. The competent Armed Forces Commander
(and/or the commander in the army area to the rear) decides the time
this is to be brought about, with the approval of the competent office
of the Chief of the Security Police and SD. The condition for this
return is the assurance of employment in some work in their hometown
or in specially created Labour-formations. The Armed Forces Commander
(and/or the commander in the army area to the rear) is responsible for
guarding them on the return journey. If possible, the camp will provide
an escort unit. Politically undesirable civilians are to be treated as
under A.
C. _Reliable persons_ are to be separated from politically undesirable
persons and directed into some other work of camp administration.
(Special attention must be paid to racial Germans: it is, however quite
possible that, even among these, there may be elements that must be
considered as “politically undesirable”.)
Should the reliable persons seem especially suited for employment in
the reconstruction work in the occupied area, a request for release
made by the special purpose unit of the Security Police and SD can be
opposed only if there is an interest in any specific individual from
the point of view of defense.
IV. _Employment of Soviet PWs._
1. _General._ Soviet PWs may be employed only in squads completely
separate from civilians and PWs of other nationalities. (Employment
in groups). The only places of work which can be considered are these
where the PWs can work under the _constant_ supervision of the guard
personnel. The separation from civilians and PWs of other nationalities
must be enforced, not only in the billets, but also at the place of
work. It must be stressed, in this connection, that the guard personnel
must not be prevented from immediate use of their weapons out of
consideration for a third person.
2. _Special regulations for employment within the Reich._ The main
principle for the employment of Soviet PWs within the Reich, is the
assured security of German life and German property.
The Armed Forces authorities in charge of employment have the sole
responsibility for the orderly employment of Soviet PWs.
Therefore, employment, first and foremost, must be taken up in work
connected with the Armed Forces. In the case of employment in the civil
sector, the local employment authorities can make suggestions, but
the decision, contrary to the regulations on the employment of other
PWs, rests with the Armed Forces authorities. In cases where all the
conditions for constant supervision and complete separation from the
civilian population cannot be complied with by a civilian place of work
employment cannot be approved. Should one of these conditions lapse
later on, the fatigue detail is to be withdrawn forthwith.
In addition, the instructions OKW/PW (15) No. 5015/41, dated 2.8.41 is
to be followed in detail. Anyone breaking it will be severely punished.
3. _Guard duties._ The best possible trained energetic and prudent
guard personnel are to be chosen to guard the Soviet PWs and constantly
instructed by the Training Officer of the Military base camp [A. O. des
M. Stammlagers].
At least one guard must be assigned to each 10 PWs. There must,
however, never be one guard alone on duty. Should a fatigue detail
consist of _no more than_ 10 men, 2 guards must be employed to guard
them. Guards should be equipped with hand grenades if possible. Those
guarding larger squads must also be issued with machine guns or
sub-machine guns.
Places of work must be frequently examined by officers or experienced
NCOs. They are responsible for seeing that the orders given are carried
out to the letter.
The notes, attached as an appendix, are to be made available for
thorough and detailed perusal.
The billets of Soviet PWs on fatigue details are to be under constant
guard, even at night, and are to be inspected from time to time by the
supervising authorities.
V. _Final remarks._
PW-commandants are to be made personally responsible that under
all circumstances the above regulations are strictly observed by
subordinate units. This duty may in no case cease or be influenced by
a change in offices. Therefore all offices and units newly concerned
and employed in this sphere must be made thoroughly acquainted with the
content of the regulations.
# # # # #
Appendix to the Order of OKW/Gen. Armed Forces Dept. PW section No.
3058/41 Secret dated 8.9.1941 (for free distribution!)
Notes on the guarding of Soviet Prisoners of War.
_Bolshevism is the deadly enemy of Nazi Germany_
For the first time in this war, the German soldier is encountering
not only a military opponent, but one, at the same time, politically
educated, who sees in communism his ideal and in National-Socialism,
his most provocative enemy. In the fight against National-Socialism,
every method is, to him, legal: sniping, guerrilla warfare, sabotage,
incendiarism, seditious propaganda, murder. Even a Soviet soldier in
captivity, however harmless he may appear on the surface, will snatch
any opportunity to show his hatred of everything German. It is quite
possible that the PWs received corresponding instructions on how to
act in captivity. It is essential, therefore, to treat them with the
utmost vigilance, the greatest caution and complete mistrust.
The principles to be followed by guard personnel are:
1. Ruthless action at the slightest indication of insubordination
or disobedience. Weapons are to be used unsparingly to put down
resistance. PWs attempting to escape are to be fired on immediately
(without a challenge) with the firm intention of hitting them.
2. Any _conversation_--even on the march to and from the place of
work--unless it concerns absolutely necessary official instructions,
is _utterly forbidden_. No smoking at all is allowed on the march to
and from the places of work--as well as during work. In the same way,
all conversation between PWs and _civilians_ is to be prevented, if
necessary by force of arms--even against the civilians.
3. At the place of work also, a constant and careful supervision by
German guard personnel is required. Each guard must always _keep a
sufficient distance_ from the PWs to enable him, at any time, to use
his weapons _without delay_. Never turn your back on a PW.
4. Slackness is out of place even with a _PW who is obedient and
willing to work_. He interprets it as weakness and draws his own
conclusions.
5. When German soldiers are ruthlessly carrying out given orders with
all severity and harshness, any arbitrary action, maltreatment and,
above all, the use of clubs and whips is forbidden. This would be out
of keeping with the honour of German soldiers as armed men.
6. The appearance of seeming harmless on the part of bolshevist PWs
must never lead to the slackening of the above instructions.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1520-PS
Notes about a discussion with the Fuehrer at the Fuehrer Headquarters
on the 8th of May 1942.
Present at first Reich Minister Dr. Lammers [also Bormann and
Rosenberg, the author of the notes].
I began with reporting to the Fuehrer about the results of the 1941/42
collection of the NSDAP of books for the German Armed Forces resulting
in more than 9 million books, from which 46,000 libraries were formed.
Then I dealt with certain reproaches raised against the Ministry East.
The article in the “information service” of the Ministry for Propaganda
concerning construction and aims of the Ministry East appeared without
any knowledge whatsoever on my part. I had, as a matter of principle,
agreed with the Ministry for Propaganda that no publications whatsoever
regarding the occupied Eastern Territories should be published without
my express consent. This became essential because even ministers talked
about the “_Policy of Colonisation_” in the East.--Then it was also
said that I had declared 650 men as unfit for war service and thus
deprived the armed forces of them, and that I also left 90 officers
without work as an advance command in Taganrog. I want to state that,
because of the newly reinforced decree, the Ministry East has handed
over 650 men; however, up to a few weeks ago only 240 men have been
called away. As concerns the 90 men in Taganrog, this is not a measure
taken by me but by the Economic Staff East and the armed forces
armament staff, resp. Therefore, this matter was none of my affair.
Furthermore, this advance commando has been dissolved.
As regards the resettlement of the Germans from Lithuania, the Fuehrer
said that he was under the impression that people who had already
settled here would have to be resettled again. I told the Fuehrer that
it was not so, this was a matter concerning more than 30,000 settlers
capable of resettlement who were still detained in camps and who were
worn down by the prolonged camp life.
At last I referred to the new Molotov memorandum regarding supposed
horrors and our economic measures, which, as a matter of fact, refers
to some statements in the so-called “Green Folder” of the economic
staff East of the 4-year Plan. Presumably such statements had been
discovered on the body of a shot agrarian leader; a year ago I had
already expressed my concern about the too-clearly expressed tendencies
of those statements. A number of agrarian leaders already had been
killed, also three territorial commissioners already have been killed
fighting the partisans.
Thereafter I described to the Fuehrer the considerations which caused
me to grant _self-administration_ to the Baltic countries. First of
all this was not proclaimed by Law, but it was only my _decree_ to the
Reich Commissioner with the corresponding directives. In practice it
meant nothing beyond a confirmation of an already existing state of
affairs and the abolition of a certain uncertainty. We were very short
of officials and were thus forced to be most economical with human
material. However, frequently efforts were noticeable to meddle with
the trivialities of life which necessitates new demands and withdraws
too many soldiers from the armed forces. It left the doors open for
some people to escape army service. Furthermore, self-administration
was connected with an increased willingness to work. After all there
were enough safety clauses whereby the self-administration could not
undertake anything without the sanction of the Commissioner General.
In order to eliminate any possible political danger, an exception
has been made with _Riga_. Riga has 10-12,000 officials and was to
receive a German mayor who is not subordinated to the Lithuanian
self-administration. Thereby a personal political policy of the
Lithuanian Directorate would be avoided. By this measure Riga would be
an experiment for annexed administration.
We also created an historical alibi and had demonstrated that we were
meeting the Baltic nations more than half way. If at a later date this
would not be acknowledged, we had every justification to proceed more
drastically. The Fuehrer kept all decrees and regulations in order to
examine them. Yet during the whole of the report he made no comments.
Afterwards the Fuehrer asked how all those economical measures were
looked upon by the part of the Germans, whereupon I replied that, of
course, the entire economical management was in German hands, and
that this fact had produced a deterioration of the morale. Generally
speaking the monopolistic companies and the ZHO [Zentralhandelsges.
Ost--Eastern Central Trade], are fundamentally necessary, only they
have to be supervised. Dr. Lammers interjected that private profits had
to be throttled in order to avoid too strong a group of profiteers.
I once more referred to the question of monopolies and wished to
ascertain whether the Fuehrer intended an absolute tobacco monopoly
for here, whereupon he declared that he was particularly interested in
the retail monopoly. The question of arranging for the producers could
still be settled at a later date. I replied that the economic leaders
have not yet agreed upon the question of the producers. The opinion is
frequently prevalent, that the production itself need not necessarily
be a direct state monopoly. I told the Fuehrer that I shall have the
whole question examined once again.
Then the problem of _religious freedom_ for the occupied Eastern
territories was discussed. The Fuehrer consulted Reichsleiter Bormann,
who already had gathered much experience by the preparations for
the Wartheland and for Austria. I explained the situations in the
East was that various large ecclesiastical groups being formed, but
that one should not allow such development to take place without
supervision, but that one ought to direct same and that the intended
decrees, respectively orders, were for the purpose of protecting
us from unanticipated surprises. Bormann entirely agreed with this
attitude, he merely questioned if the Reichminister East, who also had
some standing in Germany, would not produce too close a dependency
by a law which might have repercussions inside the Reich. What was
to be understood under “religious freedom” was to be interpreted
_by the Churches_, and he could anticipate, that such a law would
produce hundreds of new letters and complaints on the part of the
churches within the Reich. The Fuehrer considered a number of twists
and forms which would eliminate such a danger, and after discussing
its suitability the Fuehrer read the decree and gave his consent.
Finally it was agreed that the whole question was not to be settled _by
myself_ in the form of a law, but that the Reich Commissioners take the
existing religious freedom so to speak for granted and would decree
the necessary executive orders. I was then to watch the development
continuously and retain the executive control. It is easily possible
that the leaders of the churches in the Ukraine would combine in order
to elect a patriarch. I pointed out that this was already the case for
all practical purposes and that a steering of the matter is necessary.
The Fuehrer asked me if I really thought that all the Ukrainians
were faithful adherents of the church. I replied that with the older
generation and the women it was certainly the case, the youth were
already somewhat unaccustomed to church. Furthermore I had transported
from Kiev to Berlin the “Atheist Museum”. In this the writings of the
national writer of the Ukraine, Schewischenko, are quoted and may be
possible to publish them in the Ukrainian language in a sense which
in truth was not for the church. Also such freedom of expression of
opinion has also to be guaranteed. Moreover the Fuehrer emphasized
that after the war he would proceed against the churches with the
fitting measures; he believed that he was still able to do something
because of his authority which at a later date would be difficult for
anybody else. He would not forget the attitude of the church during the
war. I told the Fuehrer that I carried out church political lectures
in a small circle in my lecture house in Dahlem, in which the whole
problem was thoroughly examined, so that in the future the necessary
ideological fight would also be carried out with the necessary
knowledge and on the necessary scale.
Then the treatment of the countries which were Germany’s wards was
discussed. I pointed out that some representatives interpreted the
point of view of the master race, by travelling up and down the
country with the whip. It is true, formerly one used to say of the
Slavs that they liked to be thrashed. But this had changed radically.
Now the situation was that the public thrashing meant the same as for
the Orientals “the losing of face.” Even the Bolshevics mistreated
the prisoners abominably behind the walls, but never in public view.
A number of incidents had occurred caused by thoughtless talk. It
is necessary that our foreign representatives also know how _to
keep silent_. The Fuehrer read the draft of my decree for the Reich
Commissioner Ukraine and gave his consent to it.
I then described to the Fuehrer the reception of the _three delegations
of farmers_ in grateful acknowledgment of our agrarian legislation
and produced all our propaganda, such as circulars, pamphlets,
posters, translations of German writings, etc. The difficulty here,
too, was that it had taken a long time until the 18 waggons could be
transported. A part had remained in the Government General. The whole
action was very successful. I then submitted to the Fuehrer photographs
of Ukrainian men and women who were working in the Heinkel works. The
Fuehrer expressed his surprise at the extraordinary good looks and even
beauty of the people.
I then dealt with the _employment of foreign workers_ in the occupied
Eastern territories. I had appointed a special delegate for this who
had been very active lately to cultivate all those existing connections
and to institute new ones. At first the Danish minister Larsen had
travelled the Eastland with the General-Director Junker who was
the chief of the Danish committee for employment in the East. This
journey already had produced tangible, practical results: in Port
Kunda a large cement works was being rebuilt, the machinery would be
delivered within a few weeks. After an initial starting time about
75,000 tons of cement will be produced annually. Further erections of
cement works would be possible. The completion of peat works could now
be prepared in order to benefit from it in the following year. Two
experts had to be sent there, and within a few weeks one could start
with the installations. The same applies to large plaster factory,
to the completion of concrete and wooden shoe factories. Since it
will probably become impossible in the future to continue to provide
the population with leather shoes. The factory will be capable of a
daily output of 10,000 shoes. Furthermore, a number of other business
plannings are also being considered. Especially the oil factory at
Libau is ready to be taken over, also creameries, shipbuilding plants,
etc. All those works thus promise a considerable increase in production
for the coming years. Negotiations had taken place also with the Dutch,
and Reich Commissioner Seyss Inquart had just now submitted a first
draft regarding the employment of Dutch people in the region of Libau.
It is planned to hand over to the Dutch people 500,000 ha of land to
be cultivated under stipulation that after delivery of all that is
claimed by the German administration, they are permitted to export
the surplus to Holland. Some of the details had still to be settled.
The Fuehrer thought one could as a matter of principle admit Dutchmen
to the East, because if there were not more than 1000 people, then
they would be absorbed. He did not wish large colonies. The matter
was left undecided, to be thoroughly investigated. Moreover the DAF
German Workers Front had bought a wharf at Varna in order to tackle the
building of concrete ships.
I then reported to the Fuehrer the planning of central office for
planning in the East, and I gave him the names on the committee for the
general policy, economics, etc. The supreme authorities of the Reich
had sent their emissaries. Naturally nothing would be done at this
stage in which might somehow hamper the war production.
Then the discussion turned to Caucasia and _the policy of the AA_
[Foreign Ministry] towards the Eastern territories. I reported to
the Fuehrer that, for some time, we had picked out the best of the
prisoners by commissions of the Ministry East. The OKW had now
established the Turkestan Legion through direct collaboration with
us. According to my information received from the manager of chief
section “Policy”, the camp is in perfect condition, the Commander has
learned the Turkestan language, and the Turkestans have accepted German
military terms and have an anti-Bolshevist attitude. The legions of the
Caucasians would be modeled on similar lines. If one had not in the
beginning on the part of the SD, called all those peoples “Asiatics”,
had them shot or left to their fate, there would be more troops at the
disposal of the German Reich today. A new flag was created for the
Turkestan legion, the half moon was done away with and in its place
put bow and arrow. I showed the Fuehrer the individual symbols for the
designs for flags for the Georgians, Armenians, Aserbeidschanians,
Cubancossacks, and Kalmucks. The Fuehrer had no objections against
these designs, however, he asked my opinion about the Armenians.
I stated that Armenia was the best bolt between Turkey and
Aserbeidschan, and thus could stop a Panturanian movement towards the
East. Generally speaking the Armenian people themselves are stationary,
a people of farmers who had considerable industrial skill.
I then described to the Fuehrer our relationship with the Foreign
Ministry. The Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs claimed the political
handling of the Eastern territories, in as far as it has not been taken
over directly within our administration. I said that the Reich Foreign
Minister had formed a large Eastern committee and had despite our
protests convoked in increasing measure the most varied emigrants. I
read to the Fuehrer a list of emigrants from Turkey, from Paris, from
Switzerland, all of whom were staying at the Adlon Hotel in Berlin.
Two of them, according to our information, were well-known espionage
agents. I thought it extremely risky to assemble here these emigrants
from all parts of the world. The Fuehrer listened in surprise. I said
that we prepared years ago already for the Eastern question. In this
connection we had made possible the studies of Dr. Benzing and assigned
him upon request for a certain period to the AA. The AA then created
for him a separate department for planning and appointed him to be a
Regierungsrat [Advisor of the Government].
It subsequently refused to return him to us. The same applies in the
case of the Turkestanian Kayum. The questions had long been discussed
with him. We had merely loaned him to the AA for the purpose of
broadcasting propaganda. Now the AA was sending him to Paris, in order
to collect emigrants. The Fuehrer gave the strictest instructions to
the Reich Minister Dr. Lammers, to inform the AA officially that it
had to discontinue its activities in the East instantly. It was also
to release the retained personalities to the Ministry East, and he did
not wish any further inquiries. I further explained that I had talked
to State Secretary v. Weizsaecker a few weeks ago and requested him
to inform the Reich Foreign Minister that I was looking forward to
speaking to him personally. Weizsaecker said that the two points of
view differed. When Weizsaecker was asked about it after some time, he
said that he did not understand from this talk that _he_ was to arrange
the meeting between Ribbentrop and myself. We have interpreted this
remark that the matter was to be put off until after the Congress of
emigrants had been convoked in Berlin. Some days ago we were informed
by a liaison man of the AA that they did not at all consider the
attitude which I had reported to the Fuehrer in regard to the Caucasian
people, as binding for them but that it was of a purely private
character. The Fuehrer once more emphasized his point of view.
I then reported to the Fuehrer on the work of the preparatory
reconstruction staffs. With the exception of a few personalities whom
the Fuehrer preferred not to have employed or preferred to be used
in Germany the Fuehrer accepted the proposed list of personalities.
The tasks of Reich Minister Speer and his relationship with me were
then thoroughly discussed. The Fuehrer said that he, for example,
had made the worst experiences in regard to the matters of railroad
traffic by the fact that the Government General had its own railroad
administration between the front lines and the Reich. Because of these
circumstances a lot of misunderstandings and frictions were caused.
The separate administrations did not function and interfered with the
uniform technical direction so that very nearly catastrophic conditions
resulted, if the _entire_ administration of railroad traffic had not
been transferred to the Reich Ministry of Communication. Only by these
means had it become gradually possible to increase the daily number
of trains from 125 to 220. For the construction of main thoroughfares
and armament works it is also necessary that a central office has
control, and Speer already proved at the beginning of his official
duties that he knew how to tackle a job well. He succeeded to solve
many a technical task in very short time, which normally would have
taken months, and he, the Fuehrer, was most satisfied with this choice.
I told the Fuehrer that I had promised my utmost support to Speer from
the very beginning and that I had accepted in principle his first
drafts for an arrangement, with the only exception of two points, that
is this arrangement should remain in force beyond the duration of the
war and secondly, that the department Chief of the O.T. [Organisation
Todt], who should have a rank of about Oberregierungsrat, should be
able to pass a decision against the Reich Commissioners.
The Fuehrer thereupon stated repeatedly that the Reich Ministry Speer
would be dissolved on the very day peace was declared and all his
present tasks would be split up. The management of the artery roads
through the East, however, had still technically to be centrally
conducted. They are, therefore, tasks for the immediate war effort.
Speer also neither has the intention nor the commission to start
building houses now, but he must be empowered to prevent the building
anywhere of large administrative palaces or similar buildings, which
are not war essential. Dr. Lammers suggested to include by way of
agreement or decree of the Fuehrer, that this decree was only for
the duration of the war. I then described to the Fuehrer the present
general situation, according to which new plenipotentiaries-in-chief
endeavoured to carry out direct actions in the occupied Eastern
territories, overlooking those dignitaries who were appointed by the
Fuehrer himself. At the moment the problem of the employment of labor
was under discussion. In those places where the commissioners-in-chief
had been informed in good time and had the possibility to enlighten
the populations concerned, it was possible to achieve a considerable
voluntary readiness for work. In many other instances one adopted
measures of enforcement immediately, without taking any consideration
of the commissioner-in-chief, with the result that in certain towns a
flight into the woods took place, in order that they would not be--to
use their own phrase--deported. Those men would decidedly increase
the number of partisans and thus endanger our lines of supply. Other
forced laborers had left the trains going into the Reich during the
night, with the result that they arrived half empty at the frontier
of the Government General. They, too, would constitute a danger. As a
result at places which were included in the Four Year Plan themselves,
the very Four Year Plan had withdrawn workers who were partially
lost, and thus the opposite result was achieved, that is a noticeable
deterioration of the situation and ill feeling of the population. I
already received a number of reports from the Ukraine and from Latvia
which confirm this state of affairs. If now medium or lower technicians
proceeded similarly without regard of the commissioners-in-chief, these
conditions would deteriorate considerably without thereby achieving
the technical effects. I point out that development. If Reich Minister
Speer would retain his authority in its old form, I would be forced to
decline the responsibility for conditions in the future and, in any
case, could not be subjected to criticism if the political situation
would worsen very decisively thereby. The Fuehrer listened to the
report most attentively, as was my impression, and then he said that,
in any case, the arterial roads had to be secured by technical means
in order to supply the frontier with guns and ammunition. The matter
was then discussed once more. I pointed out what great effort it took
me to restrain the supreme Reich authorities from interfering with
the occupied Eastern territories; the arguments, however, were so
convincing, that one realized to a large extent that the direction
of the East could only be carried out centrally. If this painfully
achieved position was now to be broken by such a far-reaching decree
for Speer, the tendency would revive everywhere to interfere with
the occupied Eastern territories disregarding the Ministry East. The
Fuehrer said that under no circumstances should that happen, and he
instructed Dr. Lammers, that he was to reject such demands on the
Fuehrer’s orders.
Dr. Lammers was ordered to draft a formulation of the tasks of Reich
Minister Speer in the occupied Eastern territories in relationship to
myself for the duration of the war.
In the course of the discussion a number of other matters were also
dealt with. The Fuehrer approved the final version regarding uniforms
of the occupied territories. I reported to him the results of the
exhibition in Agram, Bruxelles and of the work progress of the
exhibition “Fight for Europe”.
The question of the awarding the iron cross to the Estonians,
Lithuanians, and Latvians to a problem of the OKW. The Armed Forces are
in favor of such awards. However, there are some political objections.
The Fuehrer believes to see a danger in it, that in case of future
complications the bearer of the EK [iron cross] might have to be
subjected to disciplinary punishment. I explained that soldiers of the
Baltic nations--according to many utterances--looked upon an award as
a guarantee for Reich citizenship. Thereby the political effect of
a Germanisation and on the other hand the skimming of nationalistic
forces would become possible. The matter was to be examined once again.
I informed the Fuehrer of my intention to start my first official
journey into the Eastland on the 14th May. The Fuehrer authorized me to
extend his greetings to the appointed administrative corps.
I then reported to the Fuehrer the results of metal collection in the
Eastland which produced 2,500 tons. By collecting those metals still
available in the economy, the figure would be raised to 3,500 tons. The
collection of wools too had reached the average of the Reich.
I handed the Fuehrer a file note regarding the development of rubber
plantations, which has been fostered by the foreign policy office of
the NSDAP since 1936. Despite all the official refusals the plants were
at first cultivated in Athens, later on the Reich Food Minister granted
a few acres of land in Germany. Now it is cultivated in the Wartheland
and in the Government General, and later on in the Ukraine where from
1943 on more than 100,000 ha will be worked. The harvest will then
provide enough to fill the gap which is still open from synthetic
rubber production.
During the report I turned the conversation toward the planning
departments of the ministry. I said that after nearly one year no
high official had yet been appointed because of the many discussions
with the competent Reich departments. I mentioned the case of party
member Cranz who was supposed to be my immediately subordinated chief
of press in the East, but whom the ministry of finance did not want to
grant to me as a Ministerialdirektor. Dr. Lammers was of the opinion
that one could not start right away with the highest ranks. If Cranz
was now appointed Ministerialrat then he could be promoted within a
year. I said that Cranz was already a year in the Ministry. Nor was
it a question of appointing the _major_ Cranz, but of the journalist
who had followed this profession for nearly 20 years. I said that
the ministry also had to be on an equal footing in its negotiations
with the Reich Commissar. This was not an ordinary Special department
ministry [Ressortministerium], but it had other, far more extended
tasks. The Fuehrer agreed with this point of view and asked about
how large the Reich Commissioners Offices were. After mentioning the
number of rooms I added that a Reich Commissioner was in reality like a
minister president, who was governing a large country. Here, too, the
Fuehrer agreed, and he said that to begin with he was not much in favor
to create a ministry for the East Commission. I was surprised, because
Dr. Lammers had made out to me that just the creation of a ministry was
the wish of the Fuehrer. I told the Fuehrer that at that time I had
made special propositions. I then requested Dr. Lammers to give me his
support in this matter.
Signed: R.
Berlin, 13th May 1942.
R/H.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1521-PS
BAVARIAN POLITICAL POLICE
Copy
Munich, Briennerstr. 50, August 24th, 1934
Telephone 28341-46
Reg. No. 33668 I 1 Nh must be quoted in further correspondence. To the
Bureau of Secret State Police--Central Office
_Berlin S.W. 11_
Prinz Albrecht St. 8.
Reference
National mourning on the occasion of the death of Reich President and
Generalfeldmarschall von Hindenburg; here--the carrying out of para.
III of the decree of the Reich Government dated 2.8.34.
Enclosure
1 Copy
Several telephone reports which reached here as early as the evening
of the 2nd of August, 1934, from offices of the Party and regional
[Bezirk] authorities, concerning refusal to sound the funeral knell
ordered by the Reich Government, and also numerous written reports,
caused the Bavarian Political Police to come to the decision, a copy of
which is enclosed, and which has already been submitted to your office.
The result was as follows: In more than 70 parishes bells were not
tolled on the 2nd of August, in 20 parishes on the 2nd and 3rd of
August, and in 4 parishes on the 2nd, 3rd and 4th of August. The reason
given in about 56 cases was that no definite order had been issued
from the responsible diocesan office, or dean’s office. Of the clergy
involved, 32 in all are politically tainted--two of them read holy
mass on the 26th of July for the deceased Chancellor of the Austrian
Confederation Dollfuss, or remembered him in a sermon and had prayers
said for him. It appears that no special order of the senior church
authorities was necessary for this. In one case the sacristan was
interrupted in ringing the knell by the priest.
When asked for an explanation by enraged fellow Germans and fellow
party members, every possible excuse was used--let us only call
attention to the following ones, to show what type they were:
Alleged disturbance of the religious service.
Nothing is done on orders from lay authorities.
Absence, either accidental, or alleged to be by reason of duty.
Alleged state of decay of the belfry.
Alleged defectiveness of the bells.
Alleged ignorance of the decree of the Reich Government.
Hindenburg was a Protestant; by a decree of the Bavarian Ministry of
Public Worship and Education (Resolution of the State Minister for
Education and Public Worship, dated 29.6.34, No. I 19763) the vicar was
only pledged to obey the order of the church authorities with respect
to the ringing of church bells.
Alleged incompetency.
Bells had only been rung in the morning on the occasion of the 20th
anniversary of the outbreak of war.
On his own authority, the bishop of Wuerzburg, Matthias Ehrenfried,
a _sufficiently well-known_ cleric, fixed the ringing of bells for
the morning, between 11-0 and 12-0 o’clock. [pencil note referring to
underling] How so?
Another minister had the incredible lack of taste to point out that
the enforced ringing of church bells when Kurt Eisner was shot, had
been the occasion of the order that this should in future only be done
by order of the church authorities. The mentioning of the name of the
immortal President of the Reich von Hindenburg in the same breath as
an incident connected with Eisner, the traitor and Jew, is the most
despicable feature [Gemeinheit] of the affair.
From the foregoing it is not difficult to see that the Catholic clergy
in their intolerance, have done their utmost to disturb the peace
between laymen and clergy. There is no doubt that the obstructive
attitude of the clergy is due, on the one hand, to that fact that the
deceased Reichpresident was a Protestant, and on the other, to the
fact that the Catholic Church was to obey a suggestion made by the
National-Socialist Reich Government. The conduct shown in this case
provides once more a clear evidence of the international attitude and
lack of German feeling and perception in Catholic clerical circles.
In three cases the taking into protective custody, in order to
guarantee them personal safety, of refractory clergy could not be
avoided, in the interests of the maintenance of public security and
order, and on account of the anger of the people.
The following clergy are in question:
The Parish priest, Father Johann Quinger of Altenkunstadt BA.,
Lichtenfels. He was taken into protective custody on 3.8 on the express
order of the State Ministry of the Interior, because he assaulted SA
leaders and SA men who were ringing the bells against his wishes. He
was released from custody on 10.8.34.
The Parish priest, Father Ludwig Obholzer of Kiefersfelden BA
Rosenheim. For his personal safety he was in police custody from 2400
hours on the 2.8.34, till 1000 hours on 3.8.34. On 5.8.34, he said
sarcastically in his sermon, referring to the SA men who had carried
out the ringing of the funeral knell on their own account, “Lord
forgive them, for they know not what they do!”
The Parish priest, Father Johann Nepomuk Kleber of Wiefelsdorf, BA.,
Burglengenfeld, refused to ring the church bells on the 2nd and 3rd.
He is badly tainted politically and had to be taken into protective
custody from the 5th to the 8th of August 34 in the interests of his
own safety.
The behaviour of the diocesan office of the _archbishopric of Munich
and Freising_, [underlined in red pencil], which is in accordance with
the principle “Attack is the best defence” deserves special note. In
two letters of the 10th and 11th of August 1934 a touching complaint
is lodged about the behaviour of members of the SA and the Party on
ringing the church bells without authorization, and also about the
fact that the clergymen named above were restricted in their personal
liberty. In this connection it should be stressed that the clergy
concerned were treated with extreme leniency. We could refer here to
the case of Quinger, where the SA men, in spite of the injuries which
the clergyman inflicted on them, with exemplary discipline did not
return the assaults. The State authorities did everything to ensure
the continuance of worship undisturbed. Moreover, the length of
imprisonment was confined in all cases to the minimum.
It must again be pointed out, most emphatically, that the unspeakable
behaviour of the clergy concerned in this matter leads us to deduce
the existence of a very special frame of mind, and spotlights the true
internal attitude of the Catholic clergy to the National-Socialist
State. It is not to be wondered at if here and there, in face of
the incredible behaviour of the clergy and the threadbare excuses
they used, the people and the SA resorted to an act of self-defense
which was not perhaps in conformity with strict law, but was very
understandable. Narrow-minded jurisprudence, as the elders of the
church choose to practice it, is not in place here, and is not
understood by the mass of the people, as events have shown.
Since the diocesan office of the archbishopric of Munich and Freising
has announced that it will also “report” the incidents to the Reich
Ministry of the Interior, it is absolutely necessary to acquaint the
above office with the contents of the present report.
By order
signed Brunner
[Stamp]
Reich Governor of Bavaria
28 Aug. 1934 1/1
enclosures
Mark Ge 2/28.8
(Above) _Copy_ to the Reich Governor of Bavaria, for the attention of
State Secretary Hofmann, Munich, requesting that it should be noted.
By order
Jenner [?]
Copy checked 24.9.34. [Several illegible initials]
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1526-PS
Copy
Prof. Dr. Wolodymyr Kubijowytsch,
Chairman of the Ukrainian Main Committee.
Cracow, February 1943.
To the Governor General, Reich Minister Dr. Frank.
Your Excellency:
Complying with your wish I send you this letter, in which I should
like to state critical conditions and the painful happenings, which
create especially grave conditions for the Ukrainian population within
the General-Government. As to the German-Ukrainian relations and the
general situation of the Ukrainian people, I have included all that in
my letter, known as well to you, which I addressed to the Secretary
of State Dr. Buehler as far back as December 1942. In that letter I
stressed mainly the alarm of the Ukrainian population in regard to the
uncertainty about their national future within the New Europe. Here I
would like to quote some real happenings and add my reflections on them.
The center of these is the question: Shall the Ukrainians work
successfully in favor of final victory; they must be granted the
security which, while absolutely necessary to them, unfortunately
does not exist. For under the present conditions the Ukrainians are
neither sure of their possessions nor of their lives. The matter of
re-privatisation has not yet been settled. Inhuman treatment, severe
pressure to forced labor, unfounded arrests, and lastly the shootings
of great numbers are happenings not too infrequent these days.
I. _Question of Re-privatisation._
Of primary importance for the further shaping of German-Ukrainian
relations is the problem of re-privatisation. The whole Ukrainian
people have connected with the German victory in the East their hope
that now all remainders of the Bolshevist Regime shall be extinguished
finally.
The views of the Ukrainian people are basically those of private
property and economy. The Ukrainian peasant is prepared to undergo the
greatest privations and sacrifices in favor of the State, if only he
be allowed to work in tranquility; this feeling of inner tranquility
he can but gain in the knowledge that the soil on which he and his
ancestors have toiled, will remain his property in the future. The
Ukrainian population received with gratitude the proclamation of your
Excellency of 1 August 1941 in which, you Sir, have solved this problem
at its roots and have stated re-privatisation to be the general rule
for the economy of the State. Now, however, the attitude of some
authorities looks as if the re-privatisation would be questioned still
and as if in the new social order there was no place for private
property. This situation is very cleverly made use of by the hostile
whispering propaganda. Especially widely has the rumor been spread that
private property has not yet been reintroduced for the reason that a
large action of resettlement of the Ukrainians from Galicia to the East
is to be expected.
Actions, such as measures of adjusting real property at the expense
of peasant property (in the districts of Tarnopol, Rawa, Ruska,
Kalusch, etc.), survey of real property of peasants (in the district of
Czortkow) and imposing of fees for the use of land (Czortkow, Zloczow,
etc.) give such rumors the appearance of probability (enclosure 1).
It is clear that for this reason there appears a great alarm and
nervousness amongst the rural population which must badly influence the
inclination for work and the output of agricultural production.
The uncertainty as well as all the consciously false interpretations of
such measures through the whispering propaganda, could only be ended by
a definite carrying out of the principle of the Proclamation mentioned.
_II. Measures for finding labor._
The general nervousness is still more enhanced by the wrong methods of
finding labor which have been used more and more frequently in recent
months. The wild and ruthless man-hunt as exercised everywhere in towns
and country, in streets, squares, stations, even in churches, at night
in houses, has badly shaken the feeling of security of the inhabitants.
Everybody is exposed to the danger, to be seized anywhere and at any
time by members of the police, suddenly and unexpectedly, and to be
brought into an assembly camp. None of his relatives knows what has
happened to him only months later one or the other gives news of his
fate by a postcard.
I beg to mention some instances with their respective proofs:
_a._ During such an action a pupil in Sokol lost his life and another
one was wounded (enclosure 2).
_b._ 19 Ukrainian workers from Galicia, all provided with identity
cards, were assigned in Cracow to a transport of “Russian
prisoners-of-war” and delivered into a punitive camp in Graz
(enclosure 3).
_c._ 95 Ukrainians from Galicia, recruited for work in Germany by
the labor offices in the middle of January, were sent to Pskow in
Russia, via Eastern Prussia, where most of them died under
distress (enclosure 4).
_d._ Seizure of workers under pretext of military recruitment
(Zalesczyki); kidnapping schoolboys during school time (Biala
Podloaska, Wlodawa, Hrubieschow) (enclosure 5).
_III. Question of Personal Security._
Treatment of human beings.
Already the kind of treatment meted out to our compatriots by the lower
instruments of the German authority, adds much to make the general
situation more grave. The Ukrainians expected the treatment of members
of those nations who fought against Germany, because they belong to
a people who have never done anything against the Germans and their
interests. Now every Ukrainian cannot fail to become convinced that
most of the Germans do not make any distinction, and that they are
accustomed to treat all peoples of the East similarly, whether friend
or foe. Too often the Ukrainian is exposed to the danger, when dealing
with the lower authorities, to be personally insulted, to be slandered,
even to be ill-treated. Innumerable instances could be mentioned
proving this sort of treatment. In the enclosure I give only a small
selection of especially grave cases (enclosure 6).
Wholesale shootings.
Of much worse character are the wholesale shootings of absolutely
innocent persons, such as happened in Lubycza Koroliwska and then in
Lwow and Czortkow.
In Lubycza Koroliwska, district of Rawa Ruska, 46 peasants, including
31 Ukrainians, were shot without trial (4 October 1942) (enclosure 7).
During the second half of November 1943, 28 Ukrainians were shot in
Lwow, 56 in Czortkow, also without trial. (enclosure 8).
Arrests in December 1942.
In December 1942 the police undertook a cleansing action among the
so-called disturbing elements, leading very soon, however, to wholesale
arrests of innocent, quiet citizens. They are under arrest and in
danger to lose their good health for certain, if not their life.
(enclosure 9).
How acute and well founded this fear is, is proved by what happened to
6 Ukrainian girls from Kolomea, who were arrested in February 1942 and
who disappeared without leaving any trace. (enclosure 10).
Revision in the St. George Cathedral, Lwow.
In connection with the cleansing action mentioned above a raid was
carried out even in the St. George’s cathedral in Lwow. The fact
itself, especially because of the behavior of the police at this place
which is sacred to the Ukrainians, produced a deep resentment and bad
feelings amongst the population. This was used by hostile propaganda at
once. Generally, it is pointed out that not even during the Bolshevist
occupation raids took place on the hill of St. George, and that several
visits by Bolshevist professors and students were always undertaken
with great respect for the place and the person of the Metropolitan.
Special action against the asocial elements.
Since 15 January a special action began against the so-called asocial
elements in Galicia. In the whole area about 5,000 persons were
arrested. The purpose of this action was said to be the removal of
those elements, who did not wish to work, were active in the black
market and by so doing made the work of the authorities more difficult.
This action however, did not obtain the right result, and the victims
were leading personalities of the Ukrainian cultural and economic life
as well as employees of several state authorities and members of the
Ukrainian Aid Committee.
These wholesale arrests raised an extraordinary nervousness and anxiety
among the delegates of our committee and in large spheres of the
Ukrainian population.
_IV. Irregular conditions and Partisan nuisance in the District of
Lublin._
[This chapter deals with partisan activity and the risks to which the
loyal Ukrainian population is exposed thereby. Irrelevant].
_V. Collective responsibility._
General remarks.
The Ukrainian people consider as particularly painful the application
of methods of collective responsibility. The large masses of the
people generally have no understanding for the principle of collective
responsibility; they take it as absence of justice to be punished for a
deed one has neither done nor approved of. Generally, the principle of
collective responsibility may be considered as justified if applied to
a racial community which is homogenous. The partisan nuisance, however,
is particularly spread out in the mixed Polish-Ukrainian areas, and
the Ukrainian community can by no means bear any responsibility for
misdeeds done by Poles. But even in areas with the almost homogenous
population, as e.g. in Galicia, the Ukrainian people could only be held
responsible if they were possessed of some means of executive power
towards those members. Today they have no such means. For the reasons
stated, the application of the principle of collective responsibility
against the Ukrainian people is unjust and inexpedient in its present
state of organization and especially in the mixed areas. The collective
responsibility often hits the leading circles in town and country whose
feelings are pro-German, but who are powerless against both the Polish
dissenters and against their own irresponsible hot-heads and despairing
persons.
Thus it happens that the collective responsibility which has the
purpose of exterminating anti-German elements quite to the contrary
annihilates or weakens positively pro-German elements and creates bad
feelings and bitterness. Thus in the district of Lublin about 400 such
Ukrainians perished.
We mention but some of the most convincing instances:
Wholesale shootings.
On 25 December 1942 the military police surrounded the village of
Przewale, in the district of Zamose, area of Lublin, herded together a
large number of Ukrainians and Poles. When the manager of the estate
declared he needed the Poles for work, the Poles were set free, the
Ukrainians, however, numbering 16, were shot dead; among the persons
shot was a 15 years old girl, Eugenie Tybyczuk (encl. 15).
In the village of Nodosow (district of Lubin) 8 pro-German Ukrainians
who had been persecuted by the Poles because of their patriotic views
in pre-war time, were shot on 30 October 1942.
On 29 January 1943 in the village of Sumyn (collective community of
Tarnowatka, district of Lublin) 45 Ukrainians, including 18 children
between the ages of 3 and 15 were shot, and on 2 February 1943 in the
villages of Pankow and Scharowola (collective community of Tarnowatka)
19 Ukrainians were shot, including 8 children, aged 1 to 13 years
(encl. 16).
The greatest bitterness is created by the killing of innocent children,
because the population is unable to understand that the German
authorities could consent to or order such deeds.
The tragic events in Lubycza Koroliwska and Kubycza Kniazi (districts
of Rawa Ruska, area of Lublin) have been mentioned above (encl. 7).
Conclusion.
The happenings in Galicia mentioned in this report have been submitted
to Governor Dr. Waechter and the Department Head Dr. Bauer in writing
and verbally. We repeat them herein, in order to complete the picture
of the General Government.
* * * * * * *
Cracow, 25 February 1943.
# # # # #
_Table of Enclosures._
1. The surveying measures in the area of Czortkow.
2. The events at Sokal.
3. The behavior of the Polish employees of the labor office.
4. Minutes (fate of the Ukrainian workers in Pskow).
5. Memorandum for the files (false recruiting of workers to the
Reich).
6. Memorandum for the files (ill-treatment of Ukrainians).
7. Shooting of 46 peasants in Lubycza Koroliwska, district of Rawa
Ruska.
8. Shootings in Lwow and Czortkow in November 1942.
9. Arrests in Galicia in December 1942.
10. Uncertain fate of arrested Ukrainian women students from Kolomea.
11. List of some well-known Ukrainian citizens, arrested in January
1943 in the area of Kolomea, Stryj, and Kamionka Strumilowa.
12. Arrests and shootings of persons unfit for work in the district
of Sanok.
13. Anti-Ukrainian activities of persons unfit for work in the
district Biljoraj.
14. Activities of partisans in the district of Biala Podlasko during
the second half of the year 1942.
15. Shooting of 16 Ukrainians in the village of Przewale.
16. List of the Ukrainians shot in the village of Sumin, community of
Tarnowatka on 29 January 1943.
_Enclosure 1._
_The Surveying Measures in the District of Czortkow._
In September of last year the Chief Inspectorate of agricultural land
[Hauptlandinspektion] in Czortkow was formed under the management of
the former District Surveyor [Kreislandinspektor].
Employed were the engineers-surveyor Jwanenko, a Russian, and the
draughtsman Sach, a Pole; further the land-surveyors from Brzezany
and Tarnaopol and some other German employees who were brought to
Czortkow. Travelling in the district of Czortkow they drew maps showing
the position of the communities with special regard to all farms and
marking the better farms. About the middle of December the activities
of this institution ceased, probably up till the end of April 1943.
Rumor has it that German peasants to the number of 50,000 who are to be
transferred from Germany into this district should be settled on these
better farms.
_Enclosure 2._
_The Events at Sokal._
On 24 October 1942 between 13 and 14 hours, when the school boys went
home from school, they were stopped by detachments of military police
on the street and together with other people were formed into one
unit. There was a panic as nobody knew what was going to happen to
these people. People began to flee from the streets. The school boy
Jaroslau Meda who was just passing with his father, the secretary of
the collective community of Parchacz also started to run. The father
tried to calm him and called him back as there was no danger. A
military policeman, however, saw him fleeing and shot at him wounding
him fatally, so that he died in the local hospital half an hour later.
At the same time two military policemen went into the Ukrainian hostel
for schoolboys and took away some boys. The others were at lunch in
the dining-room and therefore remained unnoticed. In front of the
schoolboys’ hostel the schoolboy Wassyl Krawtschuk was caught by a
military policeman and wounded so seriously in the thigh by a bayonet
that he had to be taken to hospital.
The student of theology Osyyp Karawan was severely beaten until he
fainted.
The public school teacher Michael Duliba was beaten publicly.
It is to be stressed that nobody knew that this action of collecting
people was to procure workers to load carrots at the station. When
the headmaster of the public school informed the manager of the local
labor office by phone and asked for his help, the latter replied he
had no time to spare for this matter at the moment. Thereafter, the
headmasters of the Ukrainian schools informed the manager of the local
labor office that they would put their boys at the disposal of the
authorities in every case there was unforeseen and undelayable work to
be done in town after having received fair warning provided no other
labor was available.
_Enclosure 3._
Copy
Zborow, 6 Oct. 1942
Ukrainian Aid Committee, Branch Zborow.
To the Ukrainian Main Committee in Lwow.
Department for food.
Subject: The behavior of the Polish employees of the labor office in
Cracow towards our laborers.
We present the minutes prepared by our office together with Mr. Procyk
Lukas on 28 September 1942 who returned from Germany.
He reports:
Ukrainian laborers coming to Cracow, though provided with certificates
and identification papers, are being transferred by the Polish
employees of the labor office together with the transports of Russian
civilian and brought to punitive camps.
Many Ukrainians fell victim to such Polish provocations. The situation
of these people is all the more tragic, as they do not know the
German language and their certificates and identification papers were
destroyed by the above mentioned Polish employees.
Below we give a list of the Ukrainian laborers who are in the punitive
camp in Graz as Russians and refugees:
[Follows a list of 19 names].
The situation of the above named is tragic. I was lucky to escape. With
complete confidence in me and tears in their eyes they asked me to
report their condition to the Committee.
[signed] Procyk Lukas.
_Enclosure 4._
Minutes.
Michaljlo Kost, Bohdan Janiw, Iwan Baran (son of Iwan), Iwan Baran
(son of Mykola) and Olexa Chimjak, all from Koniuschky, Koroliwiski,
district of Komarow, were sent by the labor office for work to Germany
on 12 January 1942.
They came to Pwzemysk, where they stayed for a whole week awaiting
medical inspection. After the medical inspection they were joined to
the transport which was to go to Germany. However, they were driven via
Warsaw, East Prussia to Russia and were brought to the town of Pskow.
With them were 95 Ukrainian lads from Galicia, including 18 lads from
the village of Koniuschky, Koroliwiski. They were accompanied by a
military escort. On 28 January 1942 they arrived in Pskow. At first,
they worked in the woods felling trees, later building a bath-house.
In the beginning they received half a loaf of bread as daily ration,
and later one loaf for seven persons daily, black coffee at breakfast
and supper and soup at dinner time.
They never had a day off, they had to work even on Sundays. Terrible
frost persisted throughout--to 58 centigrades (below zero), but the
lads got no warm clothes, they worked in the clothes they had brought
with them. After arriving in Pskow the workers lived in unheated huts
without beds. The huts were made from wood and it was very cold there;
only after two weeks were they billeted in a hall with beds, but they
were unable to get warm with the blankets they had brought with them.
Many of them fell ill from hunger and cold, 18 had to be taken to
hospital (there was no room for several persons) where they remained
for 2 to 3 weeks. The sick were refused bread, because they were said
to be simulants. In the hospital the sick received 50 grammes of bread
and some warm water and some soup and potatoes at about 16 hours.
Anyone unfit for work was sent away forcibly. Many escaped from
the huts during the winter, one died. 13 lads from the village of
Koniuschky, Koroliwiski escaped, three were arrested, and we know
nothing about the others; they certainly did not return home.
5 of the above mentioned lads were declared unfit for work by a
military commission and sent to Lwow and then home where they arrived
completely exhausted. Of the 95 persons in the hutments in Pskow up
to April, only 14 remained, 8 from the district of Jarowiw and 1 from
Grodek. Those 14 persons, hungry and weak, were released to go home.
These workers received no pay.
Komarow, 22 April 1942.
Confirmed by signature: Mychajlo Kost,
Bohdan Janiw,
Iwan Baran.
_Enclosure 5._
_Memorandum for the files._
In November of last year an inspection of all males of the age groups
1910 to 1920 was ordered in the area of Zaleschozyki (district of
Czortkow). After the men had appeared for inspection, all those who
were chosen were arrested at once, loaded into trains and sent to the
Reich. Such recruiting of laborers for the Reich also took place in
other areas of this district. Following some interventions the action
was then stopped.
The labor office in Biala Podlaska carried out the recruiting for work
of the students at the commercial college. When the officials recruited
more students than ordered, the main doors and doors to the class-rooms
were locked; consequently a panic amongst the students broke out, and
even some students fled through the windows.
Similar events occurred in Wlodawa and Hrubieschow in consequence of
which the schools were closed for some time.
_Enclosure 6._
_Memo for the files._
_Re: Ill-treatment of Ukrainians._
_a._ On 11 November 1942 Irene Malaschtschuk, a public school girl
working in a German food store in Czortkow, was, whilst working
(attending to German customers) hit in the face several times by a
Security Policeman without any reason whatsoever. When questioned why
he did it, she received the answer: because you did not pay any special
attention to me.
_b._ In September 1942 a meeting took place in Chodorow in the presence
of the District Farmer of Stryj, the District Agricultural Expert,
the Chairman of the Ukrainian Aid Committee, the Land Commissioner,
the District Farmer, the Chairman of the Delegation in Chodorow,
and mayors and bailiffs of the district of Chodorow concerning the
delivery quotas. During the discussion of the quota action the District
Farmer said that the communities of Hranky, Kuty, and Bortniky had not
delivered their ordered quota of vegetables, then he ordered the Mayor
of Hranky, Kuty to come up and hit him in the face in front of the
assembly.
_c._ The chief of the price control office in Zloczow, H. Mok, who
personally controls the delivery of foodstuffs into the town, stopped
a woman on the way who was carrying a few kilos of carrots. Mr. Mok
ordered his interpreter, a Jew, to search the woman; the Jew did it
in such a manner as to offend the dignity of a human being and of the
woman.
_d._ The District Farmer Benzin in Biala Polaska shot at innocent
Ukrainian peasants from the villages of Polenow and Nosow, whilst on
duty on 30 July 1942, two of whom died. Benzin was arrested, but the
event caused great indignation in the whole area.
_e._ On 9 August 1942 the Ukrainian student Iwan Wowtschyschyn was
beaten without any reason whatsoever by a Polish railroad policeman on
the station in Przemysl; when the student tried to defend himself, he
was fatally wounded with the bayonet.
Generally, there are strong complaints all over the country about the
way Polish members of the railroad police treated Ukrainians.
_Enclosure 7._
_Shooting of 46 peasants in Lubycza, district of Rawa Ruska._
In the early morning on Sunday, 4 October 1942, some groups of the
Special Service detachments, stationed near Belsez, came to the
village of Lubycza Koroliwska and Kubysca Kniazi and called out all
male villagers. The men were convinced that it was a matter of some
urgent work for the village and obligingly hurried to the place of
assembly. There they were formed in rank and file and requested to name
2 saboteurs within two minutes otherwise every fifth man would be shot.
As, however, no acts of sabotage had been committed in the village, no
saboteurs could be named. Then, 45 men and 1 woman were chosen from the
crowd and shot dead in two groups in the presence of their relatives,
viz. in Lubycza, Koroliwska and Kubycza, Kniazi.
Amongst the 46 shot were 31 Ukrainians.
The pretence for these tragic mass-shootings was a fire which occurred
in the stables of the said Special Service detachments near Belsez
during the night of 3-4 October, when 3 horses were said to have
perished. Probably this fire was set alight by the carelessness of the
stable-boys and was extinguished at once.
The community of Lubycza, Koroliwska has been known as one of the most
loyal of the whole district. The very same day (4 October 1942) the
Governor of the province of Galicia, during a celebration in Lwow,
especially mentioned the community as one conscious of their duties
regarding the delivery of their quotas; this was officially published
(Lwiwski Wisti) (Lemberger Nachrichten 6 October 1942).
The village Kubycza is 8 km. away from the place where the fire took
place. The above mentioned stable is not within the village boundaries
of Lubycza, Koroliwska.
It should be noted here that in spite of repeated assurances given by
the District Captain [Kreishauptmann] the injured families in Lubycza,
Koroliwska have so far not received any compensation.
_Enclosure 8._
As a reprisal for the shooting of a member of the German police in
Lwow who was killed by an unknown perpetrator in the second half of
November 1942, 28 Ukrainians were shot in Lwow, and 56 in Czortkow who
were at the time in prison in these towns. Nobody was told the reason
for the shooting, and the shootings in Czortkow were carried out in
broad day-light before the eyes of the frightened population. Among
the persons shot were many suffering from typhoid who were taken from
the hospital whilst unconscious, loaded on to trucks, and taken to the
place of execution.
These shootings were to be considered as reprisals against the
so-called “Bandera” group. Among the persons shot were elderly citizens
who had no connection whatever with the activities of this group, as
for instance Dr. Olexa Kossak, lawyer from Kolomea, engineer Andrij
Pjaseckyj, head-gamekeeper in Janiw near Lwow all of whom had been
vouched for not only by myself and Dr. Kost Pankiskyj, but by Reich
Germans as well.
_Enclosure 9._
_Arrests in Galicia in December 1942._
In December 1942 the police made arrests among the so-called restless
elements.
In the whole province of Galicia arrests were made, especially among
the young people among whom followers of the partisans were looked for.
On this occasion a number of elderly citizens were arrested, who were
but vaguely connected with the suspects. Thus, for instance, the owners
of houses where the suspect lived as a lodger were arrested as well as
guests present in the house at the time of arrest. On interventions
by the representatives of the Ukrainian Main Committee in Lwow the
police answered in order to release the persons arrested by mistake.
Since then 2½ months have passed and the persons arrested by mistake
are still in prison. They are treated there as criminals and are not
certain of their lives.
A typical example of this is the fact that 50 Ukrainians died of misery
and hunger in the prison in Czortkow. The Ukrainian Aid Committee in
Czortkow tried to obtain a permit to send food to the prisoners, but
without success; although the commander of the police agreed, the
prison-commander insisted that the command of the Lwow police had to
grant permission.
_Enclosure 10._
_Uncertain fate of arrested Ukrainian women students._
On 5 February 1942, 6 Ukrainian women students and school girls from
Kolomea were arrested and in the spring sent on to Czortkow. Since then
their relatives are unable to obtain any news about their fate.
The personal data of the arrested:
[follow 6 names together with names of respective parents and date
and place of birth].
_Enclosure 11._
_List_ of some well-known Ukrainian citizens, members of the Ukrainian
Aid Committee and employees of the State Administration, the
Self-Government and the Economic Authorities, also of the old men and
students who were arrested in January 1943 in the districts of Kolomea,
Stryj, and Komionka, Strumilowa:
[follows names by localities.]
_Enclosure 12._
_Arrests and shootings of persons unfit for work in the District of
Sanok._
During the period from 18 to 24 January 1943 about 300 persons were
arrested in the neighborhood of Sanok in accordance with lists compiled
some time before by the local mayors on orders of the authorities. Some
of them were soon set free, but the fate of the rest is unknown to us
and their families. The shootings which are daily taking place on the
Jewish cemetery promise no good.
On 17 and 18 January 1943 many persons from the districts Sanok and
Jaslo were arrested in the station in Tarnow whilst riding in the
direction of Cracow; so far their families have no news about their
fate. Thus, for instance 4 persons were arrested from the village of
Losie, district Jaslo, viz.:
[follow 4 names and addresses.]
One of them went to see a doctor in Cracow, the others were on business
trips to Warsaw.
On 18 January 1943, 14 persons who were unfit for work were shot
together with 80 Jews in Ustrzyki Dolne; they were buried together in
a ditch. Among these 14 were old men and invalids, for instance from
Lutswyska; Iwan Lesky, 68-70 years old, invalid of the Austrian Army
who worked as a tiler, Jurko Schkrabak and his wife, both about 70
years of age, and 3 other unknown persons, a female beggar from Ustrzky
called “Haramsymka”. We do not know the names of the other people
shot. It should be pointed out that the Ukrainians celebrated a second
Christmas evening on that day called “Schtschedryj Wetschir”.
As this holiday is celebrated by the Ukrainians with great piety,
the shootings of these innocent people on this holy day caused great
indignance and embitterment. These events depress the Ukrainian
population. The view is current that now the shootings of the Jews
come to an end those of the Ukrainians begin. The case of Ustrzyki is
commented upon as follows: The Germans do not care about any non-German
sanctity and holidays, they even shoot Ukrainians on the Ukrainian
“Schtschedryj Wetschir” (the case in Ustrzyki).
The Ukrainian population is suspicious of all orders given by the
German authority and even keep away from the soup kitchens, for fear
that those in need may be considered as beggars and shot.
_Enclosure 13._
_Anti-Ukrainian activities of partisans in the District of Bilgoraj._
* * * * * * *
_Enclosure 14._
_Activities of partisans in the district of Biala Podlaska during the
second half of 1942._
* * * * * * *
_Enclosure 15._
_Shooting of 16 Ukrainians in Przewala._
On 17 December 1942 the population of Zubowice, district of Tyschowce
was moved away and racial Germans were settled in their place. The
Polish population of Zubowice, warned the day before by a certain
Kolesche of the coming evacuation fled, but the Ukrainians stayed and
were evacuated to the little town of Tyszowce and its suburbs, with
the help of the representatives of the Ukrainian Aid Committee. This
evacuation affected 128 Ukrainian families, 486 persons in all.
Some days later a few farms in Zubowice and the surrounding country
as far as the village of Przewale were burnt down. It is obvious that
these fires were started by escaped Poles who hid in the forests or
the neighboring Polish villages, for all farms burnt down belonged to
Poles prior to the evacuation; the Ukrainians who were evacuated in
an organized manner and went willingly to destinations far off, viz.
Zamlynie and Dubyna, were certainly not interested in burning down
farms in Zubowice, particularly not their own farms.
As reprisal the arrests in Zamlynie and the shooting of persons in the
village Przewale, near Zubowice, were carried out on 24 December 1942.
This village is inhabited by 337 Poles and only 122 Ukrainians. On
intervention by the Local Farm Administrator Poles have been separated
and released from amongst the people arrested at random, the remaining
Ukrainians, however, among them the 58 years old Ukrainian teacher
and trustee of the Aid Committee in Zamosc, Banda Onofer, and his 75
years old mother-in-law Marie Rewus were shot. The names of the other
Ukrainians who were shot are: (follows a list of 10 names including one
of a person aged 80 years).
_Enclosure 16._
_List of the Ukrainians shot on 29 January 1943 in the village of
Sumin community of Taranwatka._
[Follows a list of 45 names, giving family state, age, and remarks.
Remarks to No. 16: Wounded, in hospital, to No. 19: Village Mayor, to
No. 31: Wounded, in hospital, No’s: 39 & 45: wounded, in hospital.]
Total 8 men, 19 women, 18 children.
The delegate: Pastor Matwijtschuk.
# # # # #
_List of Ukrainians shot 2 February 1943 in the villages of Pankow
and Scharowola._
[Follows a list of 19 names, giving family state, age and remarks.
Remarks to No’s: 4, 14, 15, 16, 17: Wounded].
Total 4 men, 7 women, 8 children. In the village Pankow 5 Poles have
been shot. In the village Scharowola 6 Poles have been shot.
Delegation Ukrainian Aid Committee Tomascho Lubelsko.
Delegate: Matwijtschuk.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1531-PS
I.
Reich Security Head Office Amt IV
Bk. No. 409/39 Top Secret
Berlin, 26 October 1939
_Top Secret_
_a._ To all State Police District Offices.
_b._ To the Gestapo office (according to restricted distribution C.)
_For information_
_a._ To all inspectors of the Security police and the SD.
_b._ To the Inspector-General of the reinforced SS-Death’s Head Units
(with 8 copies for the camps).
_Subject_: Execution of protective custody.
By order of the Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police,
all prisoners under protective custody due for transference to a
concentration camp will, during the war, be assigned to a special
penal section. The only exceptions will be prisoners under protective
custody, who are assigned to a camp as a preventative police measure,
(particularly those under index A), or those who are expressly exempt
on the nominal role.
* * * * * * *
In order to achieve a further deterrent effect, the following must, in
future, be observed in each individual case.
* * * * * * *
3. _The length of the period of custody must in no case be made known_,
even if the Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police or the
Chief of the Security Police and the SD has already fixed it.
The term of a commitment to a concentration camp is to be openly
announced as “until further notice.”
In serious cases, there is no objection to the increasing of the
deterrent effect by the spreading of a cleverly carried out _rumor
propaganda_, more or less to the effect that, according to hearsay,
in view of the seriousness of his case, the arrested man will not be
released for 2 or 3 years.
4. In certain cases, the Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German
Police will order flogging in addition to detention in a concentration
camp. Orders of this kind will, in future, also be transmitted to the
State Police District Office concerned. In this case too, there is no
objection to spreading the rumour of this increased punishment as laid
down in Section 3, paragraph 3, in so far as this appears suitable, to
add to the deterrent effect.
5. Naturally, particularly suitable and reliable people are to be
chosen for the spreading of such news.
* * * * * * *
By Order
(signed) Mueller
Authenticated: (signed) Bleeck
Chancellery employee
# # # # #
II
Chief of the Security Police and the SD
Bk. No. IV--226/42 Top Secret
Berlin, 12th June 1942
120 Copies 110th Copy
TOP SECRET
_As Top Secret_
to all Chiefs of the Security Police and the SD
to all Directors of Groups IV A, IV B, IV C, and IV E of the Reich
Security Head Office
to all Commanding Officers of the Security Police and the SD
to all Heads of the State Police District Offices
_For Information_
to the Inspectors of the Security Police and the SD
_Subject_: Third degree
_Enclosure: 1 receipt_
In order to simplify things the Decree of the Chief of the Security
police and the SD of 1.7.37 Bk. No. 28 (II) 301/37 Secret (to be
destroyed according to sealed orders) will be superseded by the
following new ruling, with immediate effect:
1. Third degree may only be applied if it is clear from preliminary
investigation that the prisoner can give information on important
facts, as social or subversive to the State and to the Reich, but will
not disclose what he knows, and the information cannot be obtained by
investigation.
2. Third degree may, under this supposition, only be employed against
Communists, Marxists, Jehovah’s Witnesses, saboteurs, terrorists,
members of resistance movements, parachute agents, anti-social
elements, Polish or Soviet-Russian loafers or tramps. In all other
cases, my permission must first be obtained.
3. Third degree may not be used to extort confessions of a prisoner’s
own crimes. Also this method may not be employed against persons who
are temporarily detained by law for further investigations.
My previous permission is also necessary in exceptional cases.
4. Third degree can, according to the circumstances, consist, among
other methods, of very simple diet (water and bread), hard bunk,
dark cell, deprivation of sleep, exhaustion drill, but also in the
administration of flogging (for more than 20 strokes a doctor must be
consulted).
I. V.
(signed) Mueller
Authenticated: (signed) Nellmuth
Registered Secretary (Female)
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1534-PS
Berlin, W.8., Wilhelm Street 79, 30 January 37
My Fuehrer:
I thank you for the confidence which you have placed into me during
the four years of your leadership and for the honour you do me in
offering to admit me to the party. My conscience forbids me however to
accept this offer. I believe in the principles of positive christianity
and must remain faithful to my Lord and to myself. Party membership
however would mean that I should have to face without contradiction
the steadily aggravating attacks by party offices on the Christian
confessions and those who want to remain faithful to their religious
convictions.
This decision has been infinitely difficult for me. For never in my
life I have performed my duty with greater joy and satisfaction than
under your wise state leadership.
I ask to be permitted to resign.
With German Greetings!
Your very obedient,
(signed) Baron v. Eltz.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1536-PS
TOP SECRET
Reich Minister for Air and C-in-C Air Force [initials written in ink]
12 August 1938
Draft
General Officers only
2 copies 2nd Copy
Access only through officer
General Staff 5.Division No. 21/38. Top Secret General Officers only
(Ic)
Re: Freudenthal Affair
Ref: Abwehr II No. 42/38. Top Secret General Officers only.
A. As Appendix 1 please find enclosed a translation by Major d.G.
Moericke on which the following comment is made:
1. The report from the Abwehrstelle Breslau still does not prove that
the real circumstances are known to the two Sudeten Germans or even
widely in Sudeten German circles. Nevertheless, there is still no need
for Czech authorities to have any knowledge of them.
If the worst comes to the worst it is a question, in eventual remarks
made by Macholdt to Pilz, of suppositions which are nevertheless very
near to the truth of the matter.
2. For the time being there is no reason for stopping preparations for
the Fr. operation.
3. Punishable behaviour on the part of Major Moericke cannot be deduced
purely from the Abwehrstelle report. Rather, as far as can be seen
from here, has Major Moericke carried out the task allotted to him
skilfully and provided good evidence.
B. In the course of further preparations, the following measures are
recommended:
1. Not a single word on the matter will be mentioned to informers
[V-Leute].
2. The fields will not be purchased through middlemen. Neither will
any influence be brought to bear on the owners in order to effect any
change in the cultivation of the land according to local custom and the
time of the year.
3. In the event of the suspected endangering of our plans, as a result
of treachery, then it will be a question of sham reconnoitring of
landing grounds in other areas and spreading of rumors as a camouflage.
4. It is worth considering whether Macholdt and Pilz cannot be called
back to Germany on some pretext and retained here temporarily.
C. Further to the preparations which have already been carried out, the
following proposals have been made by the Luftwaffe:
1. Continual supervision of the state of the agricultural cultivation
of the landing grounds in question, in accordance with Appendices 2, 3,
4.
2. Continual supervision of the area around Freudenthal with regard to
whether Czech defence measures against their intended employment are
being undertaken.
Reconnoitring of further landing grounds, if possible by 10 September,
in the following areas:
_a._ Freudenthal--Spachendorf--Hof--Braunseifen--Freudenthal.
_b._ Around Sternberg (up to a radius of 5 km).
_c._ Around Olmuetz (up to a radius of 10 km).
As landing grounds are considered flat open stretches, above all dry
meadows and clay strips with a surface area of approximately 500 × 500
m. and larger.
If possible it is requested that photographs similar to Appendices 3
and 4 are brought along.
By order of
Schmidt
Distribution:
Abwehr II, 1st Copy received with 4 appendices
General Staff 5th Division (Ic), 2nd Copy 13/8
[signature illegible]
# # # # #
Appendix 1 to Reich Minister for Air and C-in-C Air Force. General
Staff 5th Division. No. 21/38. Top Secret General Officers only
dated 12.8.38.
TOP SECRET
Berlin 4.8.1938
General Officers only
Access through Officer only
Transaction
Major of the General Staff Moericke, Air Attaché at the German
Legation, Prague, states:
I was ordered by the General Staff of the Air Force to reconnoitre
the land in the region Freudenthal/Freihermersdorf for landing
possibilities.
For this purpose I obtained private lodgings in Freudenthal with the
manufacturer Macholdt, through one of my trusted men in Prague.
I had specifically ordered this man to give no details about me to M,
particularly about my official position.
I used my official car [Dienst Pkw] for the journey to Fr. taking
precautions against being observed.
The manufacturer M. is head of the Sudeten German Glider Pilots in
Fr. and said to be absolutely reliable by my trusted man. My personal
impression fully confirmed this judgment. No hint of my identity was
made to him, although I had the impression that M. knew who I was.
At my request, with which he complied without any question, M.
travelled with me over the country in question. We used M’s private car
for the trip.
As M. did not know the country around Beneschau sufficiently well,
he took with him the local leader of the F.S., a Czech reservist of
the Sudeten German Racial Group, at the time on leave. He was in
uniform. For reasons of camouflage I was entirely in agreement with
this--without actually saying so.
As M., during the course of the drive, observed that I photographed
large open spaces out of the car, he said “Aha, so you’re looking
for airfields!” I answered that we supposed that, in the case of any
serious trouble, the Czechs would put their airfields immediately
behind the line of fortifications. I had the intention of looking over
the country from that point of view.
To my question as to when the farmers in this part were generally in
the habit of ploughing up the fields he answered: “Always immediately
after the harvest.”
I thought that in this way he wanted to express the fact that the
Czechs would no longer be able to use the fields as airfields even
shortly after harvest.
Before leaving Fr. I bound M. to absolute secrecy as regards what he
had seen.
From the conversation between M. and the Leader of the F.S. in
Beneschau, whose name I do not know, I noticed that they knew several
of the Abwehr informers [V-Leute] in Freudenthal and Beneschau. Both M.
and the 2nd companion are minor informers [V-Leute].
As I have at the moment no incentive to believe that M. has not kept
his promise, I can only presume that Pilz is the same person as the
leader of the F. S. in Beneschau, who, accompanied us at the time,
and a subordinate informer [V-Mann] to the informer [V-Mann] in the
Security Office [Abwehrstelle] at Breslau.
I believe it to be out of the question that the real purpose of my
reconnaissance be known.
Should measures be invoked against Macholdt or Pilz on the grounds of
the report from the Security Office at Breslau, I urgently request a
hearing beforehand.
Moericke, Major d. G.H.
g. w. o.
Schmidt, Maj. d. G.
# # # # #
Appendix 2 to Reich Minister for Air and C-in-C of the Air Force,
General Staff 5th Division.
No. 21/38. Top Secret General Officers only dated 12.8.38.
[Section of map]
General Officers only
Access through Officer only
Appendix 3 to Reich Minister for Air, etc.
[photograph]
Landing-ground south of Freudenthal; taken from southern edge of
Freudenthal looking west.
Appendix 4, Sectional picture of airfields _a_ and _b_ [4
photographs].
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1538-PS
SECRET
Office Foreign Intelligence Dept Foreign Affairs Nr 173/41 (g.K.Chefs
III org)
May 24, 1941
[Stamp] Air-Corps-Operational, 7 copies
Staff I a, 2 copies
May 24, 41
No. 279.
[Stamp] TOP SECRET
(to be forwarded) By Officer only
To be presented to the Chief of the Armed Forces High Command.
[Marginal note:]
The Military Attaché Tokio reports with No. T 47 signed May 23.
In interview with Akita on handling of relations between Japan and USA
in the press, desire was expressed to hear Okamoto on the form in which
Japan would start hostilities in case of a war between USA and Germany.
Instead of a reception by Okamoto visit with Akita who explained:
[Marginal note:]
To be presented to the Chief of the Office Foreign Intelligence
(simultaneously for ZL).
1. In case USA enters war, Japan acknowledges treaty obligations at
once. However, would not open hostilities immediately. Preparations for
attack on Singapore and Manila stand.
2. Possible war Russia-Germany causes USA entry into war. Japanese
action as mentioned under 1 plus preparation of possible attacks (on)
Vladivostok and Blagowesqensk.
[Marginal note:]
(To be presented to the) Operational Staff of the Air-Forces I. C.
3. Conclusion of conflict with China important before new tasks for
Japanese Armed Forces. I am stressing first that Japanese recognition
of obligations under treaty needs confirmation by immediate opening of
hostilities.
Signature: Bueckner
U R Ia
Schmid [in crayon]
May 24
Copy to:
L.
3 Skl
Sonderstb H.H.K.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1541-PS
TOP MILITARY SECRET
The Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces High Command/armed forces.
Command Staff/armed forces, Section L Nr. 33 406/40
TOP SECRET
Matter of Chief Fuehrer #9
Only through Officer 13 December 1940
[illegible notations] 12 Copies, 9th Copy
Direction Number 20
Operation Marita
1. The result of the battles in Albania is not yet decisive. Because
of a dangerous situation in Albania it is doubly necessary that the
British endeavor be foiled to create airbases under the protection of a
Balkan front, which would be dangerous above all to Italy as well as to
the Rumanian oil fields.
2. My plan therefore is (_a_) to form a slowly increasing task force in
Southern Rumania within the next months.
(_b_) After the setting in of favorable weather, probably in March, to
send this task force for the occupation of the Aegean North coast by
way of Bulgaria, and if necessary to occupy the entire Greek mainland
(Operation Marita). The support of Bulgaria is to be expected.
3. For the _concentration of the task force_ in Rumania are necessary:
(_a_) The 16th Panzer Division which arrives in December on an army
mission, and whose task remains unchanged.
(_b_) Following will be a task force of about seven divisions (final
wave) to be dispatched to Southern Rumania. Engineers in the required
strength for the preparation of the Danube crossing can conveniently be
attached for transport to the 16th Panzer Division (as instructional
troops). The field commander of the army will await my decision for the
proper moment for them to be employed on the Danube.
(_c_) Preparations are to be made for further transport to take in the
calculated maximum for the operation Marita (total of 24 divisions).
(_d_) It is the mission of the Air Force to give air protection to the
concentration, as well as preparing the necessary primary and reserve
installations on Rumanian soil.
4. The _Operation Marita_ itself is to be prepared on the following
basis:
(_a_) The primary mission of the operation is the occupation of the
Aegean coast, and the Bay of Saloniki. It may be necessary to continue
the attack across Larissa and the Isthmus of Corinth.
(_b_) Flank protection against Turkey will be the task of the Bulgarian
forces, although it is to be secured and strengthened through the
alerting of German Forces.
(_c_) It is not certain whether the Bulgarian forces will take part
in the attack. Likewise the Yugoslavs position cannot yet be clearly
determined.
(_d_) It will be the mission of the _Air Force_ to support the drive of
the army in all phases, to liquidate the opposing air force, and, as
far as possible, to occupy British strongpoints on the Greek Islands
through airborne landings.
(_e_) The question in which fashion the Operation Marita is to be
supported by the Italian forces, and how coordination of the operations
is to take place, awaits a later decision.
5. The military preparations which will produce exceptional political
results in the Balkans demands the exact control of all the necessary
measures by the General Staff.
The transport through Hungary and the arrival in Rumania will be
reported step by step by the General Staff of the armed forces and are
to be explained at first as a strengthening of the Germany Army mission
in Rumania.
Consultations with the Rumanians or the Bulgarians which may point to
our intentions as well as notification of the Italians are each subject
to my consent; also the sending of scouting missions and advanced
parties.
6. After the completion of the Operation Marita it is contemplated to
use the access of the forces used therein for a _new undertaking_.
7. I anticipate reports from the Chiefs concerning their plans, which
has already taken place as regards the Army. I want to be presented
with exact timetables for the planned preparations, as well as for the
necessary recallings from the armament industry (reconstruction of
Furlough Divisions).
Signed: Adolf Hitler
Witnessed: [signature illegible] Captain in the General Staff
Distribution:
Commander of the Armies (Operational Section), 1st Copy
Commander of the Navy (Sea War Direction), 2nd Copy
Commander of the Air Force (Air Force General Staff), 3rd Copy
Chief of the German Army Mission to Rumania, 4th Copy
_Supreme Command of the Armed Forces:_
Command Staff, 5th Copy
Section L, 6-9 Copies
UNV, 10th Copy
Chief of Army Transport Forces, 11th Copy
Foreign Counter Intelligence Office, 12th Copy
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1544-PS
File Memorandum
on my parting visit with the Chancellor
After an exchange of irrelevant courtesies, the conversation turned
to the speech of the Chancellor [Bundeskanzler]. I said to him that
though he had used very cordial expressions on the German mission of
Austria his dramatic advocacy of her independence which he apparently
considered threatened had drowned out this testimony to a large extent,
to say nothing about some unnecessary pinpricks against Germany. To
his assertion that he had reestablished his authority in the country
by this speech I added that this speech also had provoked a debate
yesterday in the French Chamber. In my opinion it was greatly to be
regretted that the Austrian question had again become the center of
European discussions. For Germany an Austrian independence supported
by French and Czech crutches was intolerable, for it would lead to
arguments which might easily endanger the peace concluded recently.
The Chancellor admitted this without qualifications and requested
me to inform the Reich Foreign Minister as soon as possible that
neither he nor any other political agency in Austria had instigated
this debate in the French Chamber, and that he shared my opinion on
its extraordinarily disrupting effects. On my request he stated his
willingness to publish Sunday morning an article in the official paper
“Wiener Zeitung” (Viennese Newspaper) in which he would clearly detach
the problem of Austrian independence from French interests. And he had
instructed the Austrian press to carry only meagre excerpts of the
debate in the Chamber.
I then introduced into the conversation the widespread opinion that
he had acted under “brutal pressure” in Berchtesgaden. I myself had
been present and been able to state that he had always and at every
point had complete freedom of decision. The Chancellor replied he had
actually been under considerable moral pressure, he could not deny
that. He had made notes on the talk which bore that out. I reminded
him that despite this talk he had not seen his way clear to make any
concessions, and I asked him whether without the pressure he would have
been ready to make the concessions he made late in the evening. He
answered: “To be honest, no!” It appears to me of importance to record
this statement.
In parting I asked the Chancellor never to deceive himself that Austria
could ever maintain her status with the help of Non-German, European
combinations. This question would be decided only according to the
interests of the German people. He asserted that he held the same
conviction and would act accordingly.
Vienna, 26 Feb 1938
/s/ Papen
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1546-PS
N. THE OCCUPATION OF NORWAY ON 9 APRIL 1940.
[RAEDER MEMORANDUM]
In the beginning of October 1939, I had a discussion on the Norwegian
question with the Commander of Naval Group East, Admiral Carls, with
whose opinions I completely agreed. After that I gave the Fuehrer an
oral report on the dangers of an occupation of Norwegian bases by
the British and on the possibilities to forestall such a move. The
Fuehrer to whom I submitted a short memorandum promised to think it
over. About at the beginning of December, the Fuehrer received reports
on the activity of the National Samling movement in Norway under the
leadership of Quisling and its successes. The incorporation of Norway
into a Germanic empire under German leadership and with elimination
of English influence was the aim of this movement. These matters were
obviously carried to the Fuehrer by Rosenberg. Around the 12 Dec.
1939 the Fuehrer commanded the OKW to effect the preparations for
the occupation of Norwegian bases in the coming spring. As it was a
question of an operation of _all three branches of the Armed Forces_
it had to be worked out by the Armed Forces High Command in which the
special Naval adviser took the chief part and took the lead in working
it out in accordance with a memorandum prepared by the Sea Warfare
Command and in close cooperation with the Sea Warfare Command.
I had left the _Danish Question_ open in my report to the Fuehrer
supposing that after the occupation of the Norwegian coast the English
influence in Denmark could be completely eliminated in such wise that
the intelligence service there could not cause any more harm and the
Danish Government would comply with the demands of the German High
Command without function. However, the Fuehrer decided to occupy
Denmark at the same time.
The Navy made the decision to transport the _first group_ of the
occupation troops with their equipment on warships and to land them
under their immediate protection. Even though the combat-readiness
of the warships was impaired by loading them with troops, by this
method the possibility of a punctual landing at the ordered time was
best provided for. Further groups with munition and supplies were to
be loaded on steamships which were to arrive simultaneously or soon
after the warships. The difficulty was that at that time the divisions
of the army still demanded to be transported with all equipment and
“rear echelon service” while a considerable limitation of their
equipment would have been necessary and possible. Considerable demands
of transport space were made by the Air Forces for their ground
organization for which no experience existed at all up till then.
The Navy had already in peacetime an organization of “Naval Service
Offices” in all large German ports which worked in close touch with
the Merchant Marine and were at all times exactly informed of the
location and the readiness for sailing of the German merchant ships of
their area. Material for the rebuilding of these ships for transport
purposes was at their disposal, plans for such rebuilding were ready in
their hands. In January these offices received directives to have the
necessary transport space ready in spring. A transport in a westerly
direction was given as the reason for camouflage purposes. The Air
Force did not join this organization that also was very favourable for
secrecy, but gave the order for their extensive transports to a certain
firm with which it had already cooperated at the time of the transports
to Spain. This included certain dangers for secrecy and eliminated the
experience of the Navy. Moreover, the command of the Air Force did not
approach with particular enthusiasm this task in the work of which not
the Air Force, but the not so well liked Navy, had the leading part. In
the Navy the impression existed that some things could have been better
done with regard to the reconnaissance of airfields in Norway and to
the preparations for the improvement and the building of airfields.
The preparations for the enterprise were rendered more difficult
by the long and very cold winter of 1939/40 which delayed quite a
bit the bringing up of the steamers involved in the transport from
the eastern part of the Baltic Sea and their loading. With all the
effort to forestall the English in the occupation--their unneutral
action against the German supply ship in Flekkefjord in 1940 made the
apprehension of the German Command appear only too well founded--the
date for the landing was fixed by the Fuehrer not earlier than on
April 9, 1940 in which regard it could not be helped that according to
the latest information received the English planned an enterprise in
Norwegian waters for April 8--it remained open whether mine-laying on
occupation of air bases. My request to fix the landing on April 7 was
unfortunately not granted by the Fuehrer.
The general order for the execution of the landing was signed by the
Fuehrer; detailed directives valid for all armed forces were given
by the High Command in which, as already mentioned, the special Navy
adviser took the lead. The ports of embarkation were distributed from
Wesermmende to Stettin-Swinenmende along the coast. The transportation
of the troops to the ports was undertaken only in the last hours before
departure without their knowing where they were being transported. It
was particularly difficult for the keeping of the secret that for the
enterprise in Northern Norway some units of Southern German mountain
troops were destined whose appearance in Northern Germany was already
conscious enough by itself. But we succeeded in keeping them uncertain
about the destination until to their complete surprise, they were
embarked on the destroyers in Wesermmende in the night of April 7. The
number of the Army and air units I cannot state anymore from memory at
present. Also, the composition of the landing troops I can give only in
general terms.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1551-PS
1936 REICHS MINISTERIALBLATT i.V., PAGES 946-948
Assignment and Channels of the Chief of German Police within the
Ministry of the Interior of 26 June 1936
(1) For your information, I publish in the enclosures my edicts,
concerning the appointment of a chief of regular police and that
of a chief of security police (enclosure (1)), and concerning the
administrative divisions within the realm of the German police
(enclosure (2)), effective today.
(2) Official communications in regards to police matters with Reich and
Prussian Ministry of the Interior are to be handled as follows:
(_a_) Letters and communications for me personally, as well as letters
and communications of fundamental importance, are to be addressed:
To the
Reichsleiter SS and Chief of German Police in the Reich Ministry of
the Interior
Berlin SW 11
Prinz-Albrecht Str. 8
(_b_) Letters and communications, which refer to matters to be handled
by the headquarters of the regular police according to my edict about
the administrative divisions within the realm of the Chief of German
Police, are to be addressed:
To the
Reichsleiter SS and the Chief of German Police in the Reich Ministry
of the Interior (Chief of Regular Police)
Berlin NW 7
Unter den Linden 74
(_c_) Letters and communications, which refer to matters to be handled
by the headquarters of the Security Police according to my edict about
the administrative divisions within the realm of the Chief of German
Police, are to be addressed:
To the
Reichsleiter SS and the Chief of German Police in the Reich Ministry
of the Interior (Chief of Security Police)
Berlin SW 11
Prinz-Albrecht Str. 8
Phone # Chief of German Police: A2 (Flora) 0040
Phone # Chief of Regular Police: A2 (Flora) 0034
Phone # Chief of Security Police: A2 (Flora) 0040
To the lower agencies, the communities and community organizations as
well as bodies of public law.
To the highest Reich officials, the Prussian Prime Minister, the
Prussian Minister of Finance, the General Manager of the German
Railroad, the Directorate of the Reichsbank by copy.
# # # # #
Berlin, 26 June 1936
Inclosure #1
The Reichleiter SS and Chief of the German Police in the Reich
Ministry of the Interior
Appointment of a Chief of Regular Police and a Chief of Security Police
(1) On the basis of the execution edict of the Reich Minister of the
Interior to the edict of the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor, in reference
to the appointment of a Chief of German Police, I herewith appoint
General of Police Kurt Daluege as chief of the regular police and SS
Gruppenfuehrer Reinhard Heydrich as Chief of the Security Police.
(2) From the entire police force [Vollzugspolizei] the following come
under:
The Chief of Regular Police:
Safety Police [Schutzpolizei]
Rural Police [Gendarmerie]
Local Police [Gemeindepolizei]
The Chief of Security Police:
The Political Police
The Criminal Police
(3) The authority over fields of action of the Chief of German Police,
not mentioned here, is explained in the plan of administrative division
(Inclosure #2)
To the (a) General of Police Daluege, (b) SS Gruppenfuehrer Heydrich.
# # # # #
Inclosure #2 Berlin 26 June 1936
The Reichleiter SS and Chief of the German Police in the Reich Ministry
of the Interior O/S No 2/36
Administrative division within the realm of the Chief of German Police
On the basis of #1 of the edict of the Reich and Prussian Minister of
the Interior of 25 June 1936 (not published), for the execution of the
edict of the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor regarding the appointment of
a Chief of German Police, I therefore order (with permission of the
Reich- and Prussian Minister of the Interior):
1. The functioning of the branches, under the jurisdiction of the Chief
of German Police, will be handled by two (2) headquarters:
_a._ The regular police, which will include the following branches:
Household, pay, welfare, economy and police law.
General administrative affairs of the state police, as far as they
concern the regular police.
Safety police.
Traffic police.
Rural police [Gendarmerie], local police [Gemeindepolizei], civil
service legal affairs.
Medical and veterinary affairs.
National defense and army matters, as far as they have been put under
the jurisdiction of the regular police. Personnel affairs of
officials of the regular police.
(The security police is to participate in all actions, which affect the
security police).
The headquarters “Regular Police” is entrusted with the functioning of
the following branches in conjunction with the headquarters “security
police” if the latter are concerned:
Administrative police; and
Personnel affairs of police presidents and police directors.
_b._ The security police, which will include the following branches:
Political police,
Lodge affairs, freemasonry, fraternity affairs, criminal police,
Disciplinary affairs within the criminal police,
General administrative affairs of the state police, as far as the
security police is concerned,
Press law,
Weapons law and traffic with arms,
Passports affairs:
General cases.
Special cases.
Agreements with foreign states about the free passage of the border
[kleinen Grenzverkehr].
Foreign legionnaires (passport matters).
Immigration of Jews from the East.
National defense and army matters, as far as they have been put under
the jurisdiction of the security police.
Alien affairs:
General cases.
Police regulations for foreigners.
Special cases.
Fugitives [refractaere], deserters.
Deportations.
Reimbursement.
Foreign workers.
Border disputes.
Extradition of foreigners.
Registration of foreigners.
Statistics of foreigners.
Border disputes; Foreign Legion.
Personnel affairs of all officials of the security police.
Personnel affairs of all officials of the political and criminal
police.
(The regular police is to participate in all actions, which affect the
regular police).
2. I confer the leadership of the headquarters Regular Police upon
General of Police Daluege. I confer the leadership of the headquarters
Security Police upon SS Gruppenfuehrer Heydrich.
3. The chiefs of the headquarters Regular Police and Security Police
will sign:
For the Chief of the German Police
“acting for”
For the Reich and Prussian Minister of the Interior
“by order”
The chiefs of the headquarters Regular Police and Security Police in
their offices, in which cases their department heads and assistants are
to sign:
“by order”
* * * * * * *
To _a._ General of Police Daluege
_b._ SS Gruppenfuehrer Heydrich
Communication to ______________________
Report on Sterilization in Germany and occupied countries to be sent to
the members of Committee I Submitted by Dr. B. Ecer ANNEX B
Detailed Statement on the murdering of ill and aged people in Germany
1. The murdering can be traced back to a secret law which was released
sometime in Summer 1940.
2. Besides the Chief Physician of the Reich Dr. L. Conti, the
Reichsfuehrer SS Himmler, the Reichs Minister of the Interior Dr. Frick
as well as other men, the following participate on the introduction of
this secret law:
_a._ The Councillor of the Ministry Dr. Herbert Linden of the Reich’s
Ministry of the Interior.
_b._ Dr. Staehle-Nagold, the Chief Physician of Wuerttemberg.
_c._ Councillor of Medicine /Obermedizinalrat/ Dr. Hermann
Pfannmueller, Director of the Sanatorium and Nursing Institution
Eglfing-Haar near Munich.
_d._ Professor Dr. Werner Heyde, Director of the Psychiatric and
Neurological Clinic in Wuerzburg.
* * * * * * *
3. As I have already stated, there were / after careful calculation
/ at least 200,000 mainly mentally deficient, imbeciles, besides
neurological cases and medically unfit people /these were not only
incurable cases/, and at least 75,000 aged people.
4. The murders were mainly accomplished in Muensingen/Wuerttemberg and
Linz o/Danube; several gas-chambers with cremation chambers directly
attached were constructed there. As the gas-chambers are next to the
training grounds of the troops in Muensingen, it is believed that the
mentally deficient who were murdered there, were used for experimenting
with new poison-gases.
5. The transport from the institutions to the gas-chambers is carried
out by SS Kommandos. These call themselves “Gemeinnuetzige Transport
A. G., Berlin, Luetzowufer.” This Limited Company also stores the
individual medical case histories of the murdered inmates of the
institutions.
6. The inmates of the many smaller and middle-sized institutions
were murdered almost without exception. The larger institutions are
partly--to keep up the pretence to the outside world--still at hand,
but they now only have a fraction of the original number of their
inmates; for example there are now only some 500 inmates instead of
2500 in Berlin-Buch; in Stadtroda/Thueringen only about 150 instead
of 600; in Kaufbeuren/Bayern only 200 instead of 1000, etc. Of the
larger Sanatoriums and Nursing Institutions the following were already
closed down completely some time ago; Illenau/Baden 800 inmates;
Berlin/Herzberge 2500 inmates, Kreutzburg/Oberschlesien 1500 inmates;
Sonnenstein/Sachsen 800 inmates; Werneck/Unterfranken-Bayern 111
inmates; Steinhof/Wien 3000 inmates, and others, most probably now also
Schleswig with 1000 beds. Guenzburg with 400 etc. etc.
* * * * * * *
Written in December 1941,
/sgd/ Dr. T. Lang
This is to certify, that the above report by Dr. T. Lang dated Dec.
1941 is part of the original report of the Czechoslovak War Crimes
Commission.
Nurnberg 8. Dec. 1945 for Col. Dr. Ecer
Capt. Dr. Hochwald
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1573-PS
SECRET
Copy
The chief of the Security Police and the Security Service. IV D 3-3
B/41 g.Rs.-
Berlin, 18 Jun. 1941
TOP SECRET
Express letter
To all state police Administrative office
(To the State Police, attention SS Stubaf. RR. Nosske or
representative at Aachen)
_Subject_: Measures to be taken against Emigrants and civilian
workers who came from the great Russian areas and against
Foreign workers.
_Reference_: None
To prevent the unauthorized and arbitrary return of Russian, Ukrainian,
White Ruthenians, Cossack and Caucasian emigrants and civilian workers
from the territory of the Reich to the East and to prevent attempts
at disorder by foreign workers in the German production, I decide as
follows:
1. The managers of the branch offices [Stuetzpunkt] of the
Russian, Ukrainian, White Ruthenian and Caucasians trustee office
[Vertrauensstellen] as well as the relief committee and the leading
members of the Russian, Ukrainian, White Ruthenian, Cossack and
Caucasian emigration organisations are to be notified immediately that
they are not allowed to leave their domicile without permission of
the security police until further notice. Also they are to be told
to apply the same measures to the members who are under their care.
Their attention is to be called to the fact that they will be arrested
because of unauthorized leaving of the place of work and domicile.
I request you to have a check up of the attendance of branch office
leaders if possible by daily requests in these concerns.
2. Emigrants and foreign workers are to be arrested if it seems
necessary in the situation if there is no doubt of their guilt and if
they are under the suspicion of having been active for the U.S.S.R.
in transmitting news. The measure is to be in readiness, however, it
should not be executed before the pass word “Fremdvoelker” has been
transmitted by means of Urgent telegram.
3. In case of refusals to work or in making propaganda for the enemy or
suspicion of sabotage among all foreign laborers arrests and protective
custody should be applied most strictly.
4. Persons who violate issued decrees or who try to provoke
disturbances in factories or meetings by inflammatory speeches to the
emigrants or foreign workers are also to be arrested.
5. It is an absolute necessity for the maintenance of German production
to its capacity that emigrants and foreign workers remain at their
places of work. In case, conditions in certain communities require
that special measures be taken to reach this objective. I ask for
appropriate action and report.
The RSHA to be kept posted how these measures are carried out. The
decree also is to be applied to emigrants who came from the Baltic
states--Lithuanians, Latvians and Estonians.
By order
/s/ MUELLER
Certified correct: /s/ Signature
(L.S.) Chancellery clerk.
# # # # #
Aachen, 3 July 1941
_Note_: The original decree can be found under IIIc under File No.
20/41 top secret
Koernert
Krim-Assistent
SECRET
Secret State Police, State Police Bldg.-Aachen
II E br.-No. 6/41 top Secret
Aachen, 22 Jan. 1942
1. The written record of these proceedings was worked out and sent
through as a secret matter under II E under No. 303/41.
2. R II deliver taken care of 22. Jan.
3. To the Top Secret File
By order
[illegible] Koer
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1574-PS
SECRET STATE POLICE [Gestapo]
Secret Police Office, Reich Security Head Office. IV C 2--5719/
4540/43 g
Berlin SW 11 Prinz Albrecht Strasse 8. 19 January 1944 Warrant for
“Protective Custody”
Christian Name & Surname: _James_, Cook Steele.
Date and Place of birth: 29.20.1918 at Malseta, S. Rhodesia
Occupation: Warrant Officer
M or S: Married
Nationality: British Subject
Race (to be stated in case of non-Aryans)
Address: Gresham Farm Marandellas, S. Rhodesia
is being taken in protective custody.
Reasons
It has been established by the State Police that he/she endangers the
existence and the security of the people and the state by his/her
conduct, in that he/she has been proved to be guilty of activities to
the detriment of the German Reich and there is reason to suspect that
he would, if released, commit acts prejudicial to the interests of the
Reich.
received 23.1.44. 1400 hrs
[initials]
(Sgd) Dr. Kaltenbrunner
Certified correct: (sgd) Kriminalrat
Steele should not know of the existence of this warrant [written in
pencil; illegible initials follow].
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1582-PS
Bra/V
SS-Untersturmfuehrer Dr. med. Sigmund RASCHER
MUNICH, Trogerstr. 56
Dear Dr. Rascher:
Shortly before flying to Oslo, the Reichsfuehrer SS gave me your letter
of 15 May, 1941, for partial reply.
I can inform you that prisoners will of course be gladly made available
for the high-flight researches. I have informed the Chief of the
Security Police of this agreement of the Reichsfuehrer SS, and
requested that the competent official be instructed to get in touch
with you.
I want to use the opportunity to extend my cordial wishes to you on the
birth of your son.
I shall refer as soon as possible to the second part of your letter.
Heil Hitler
By order [initials] R Br
SS-Sturmbannfuehrer
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1583-PS
SECRET
Reichsfuehrer SS.
RG/V
Field Command Post 16 November 1942
Personal Headquarters, Reichsfuehrer SS
1. To SS Lt. Gen OHL, BERLIN
Dear OHL,
The following struck me during my visit to Dachau on the 13 Nov 1942
regarding the experiments conducted there for the saving of people
whose lives are endangered through exposure [Unterkuhlung] in ice, snow
or water and who are to be saved by the employment of every method or
means:
I had ordered that suitable women are to be set aside from the
Concentration Camp for these experiments for the warming of those who
were exposed. Four girls were set aside who were in the Concentration
Camp due to loose living, and being prostitutes, they formulate a
danger of contagion. Among those four was a 21 year old girl named
Ursula Kraus, who naturally was not to be set aside for this. Kraus
was a person under the care of the State [Fuersorgezoegling] and has
already been sick twice with venereal disease. Nevertheless she belongs
to that type of girl upon whom the attempt must be made in order to
save her for the German people and for her own later life.
In addition, I found during this opportunity that some madmen in the
women’s Concentration Camp had told the feminine prisoners at the
time of selection of prostitutes for the Camp brothel, that those who
volunteered would be released after a half year.
I order:
1. Only such prostitutes are to be selected for the Camp brothel who
from the beginning can be taken for granted as not being able to be
saved for a later regulated life, judging from their previous living
and bearing. Also, that we are not guilty of spoiling a person who
could still be saved for the German people. Such women can only be
released from the Concentration Camp if they according to their age, do
not constitute a destruction to the youth, to health (by contagion), or
to the public welfare and security. The money which they earn in the
camp brothel shall be an old-age security for them.
2. Fundamentally, all youths who can still be saved are to be
segregated from the older prostitutes in living quarters and work. A
difference must be made between those who cannot be reformed,--who must
remain isolated in the camps, and those who came into the camp to be
reformed and can eventually be saved. The best and most ideologically
inclined custodians are to be employed for the latter.
In addition, I refer to the fact that the whipping penalty as a whole
but especially for women, is to be the last measure, it is only to be
used
_a._ if all other punishment such as arrest, solitary confinement, diet
of bread and water, hard labor, were of no avail.
_b._ in individual cases of desertion or in actual attacks, which
must be inflicted for intimidating and especially exemplary reasons.
The whipping penalty is no instrument for responsible commanders or
supervising custodians who are too lazy or incompetent to reeducate. In
all cases in which food was stolen, the guilty one is to be placed on
bread and water from 3 to 5 days as punishment for first offense. The
whipping penalty is only then to be inflicted upon repeated offenses.
I ask you to personally check the conditions in the women’s
concentration camps. Otherwise we must feel guilty since girls who
could still be saved will be ruined for always through false treatment
and repeated bad company in which we placed them (exactly as is the
case in the prisons and reform schools of the law).
Heil Hitler!
Your
(signed) H. Himmler
2. Inspector of the Concentration Camps, Oranienburg
Carbon copy with request for acknowledgment.
SS Lt. Col.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1584-I-PS
Teletype Goering to Himmler, dated 14 February 1944
TOP SECRET
CHIEF REICH SECURITY OFFICE
Teletype Section
URGENT
Transmitted by [Initials]
Received
-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------------
Hour | Day | Month | Year | from | by
240 | 15 | 2 | 44 | E2 | [Initials]
-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------------
FS--No. 24411
t-KR-RM Asien Nr. 0170 14/2 2030--QEM--GKDOL--to Reichsfuehrer-SS
Reichs Minister Himmler, Berlin SW 11-Reference: Letter Journal No.
72/44.-
Subject: Formation of the 7th Airforce group squadron for special
purposes 7 (Z.B.V.7)
I received your request to form another squadron of airforce group for
special purposes 7 (Z.B.V.7) and ordered examination by the air force
operational staff [Luftwaffenfuehrungsstab]. At the same time I ask you
to put at my disposal as great a number of Concentration Camp [K Z]
convicts as possible for air armament, as this kind of manpower proved
to be very useful according to previous experience. The situation of
the air war makes subterranean transfer of industry necessary. For work
of this kind Concentration Camp [KZ] convicts can be especially well
concentrated at work and in the camp. Such installations are necessary
in order to secure production of the now fully developed most modern
airplanes. The Fuehrer upon his visit in Insterbrug has attached great
value to these airplanes. Intermediate negotiations have already been
held between my and your departments. I would be especially grateful
for your support in carrying out this task.
Heil Hitler--Yours Goering, Reich Marshal of Greater Germany. ADF
391/44 GKDOS.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1584-III-PS
TOP SECRET
The Reichsfuehrer-SS Field Command Post.
Personal Staff 10 March 1944
Diary No.
_Subject_: Use of Prisoners in the air craft industry-M.
To the SS-Brigadefuehrer FEGELEIN
_Fuehrer Headquarters_
Dear Hermann!
Enclosed I am sending you copy of a letter for your information. It was
given to the Reich marshal on 9 March 1944 by the Reichsfuehrer-SS.
Heil Hitler!
(initialled) DR
1 enclosure
# # # # #
9 March 1944
1879/44 secret Field-command office
Subject: Employment of prisoners in the aviation industry.
Reference: Teletype of 14 February 1944.
Top Reich Secret
Most honored Reichsmarshal
Following my teletype letter of the 18 Feb. 44 I herewith transmit a
survey on the employment of prisoners in the aviation industry.
This survey indicates that at the present time about _36000 prisoners_
are employed for the purposes of the air force. An increase to a total
of _90,000 prisoners_ is contemplated.
The production is being discussed, established and executed between the
Reich ministry of aviation and the chief of my economic-administrative
main office, SS-Obergruppenfuehrer and General of the Waffen-SS, Pohl
respectively.
We assist with all forces at our disposal.
The task of my economic-administrative main office, however, is not
solely fulfilled with the delivery of the prisoners to the aviation
industry as SS-Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl and his assistants take care of
the required working speed thru constant control and supervision of the
workgroups [Kommandos] and therefore have some influence on the results
of production. In this respect I may suggest consideration of the fact
that in enlarging our responsibility thru a speeding up of the total
work, better results can definitely be expected.
We also have for some time adjusted our own stone-quarries to
production for the airforce. For instance in Flossenbuerg near Weiden
the prisoners employed previously in the quarry are working now in the
fighter plane program for the Messerschmitt corporation, Regensburg,
which saw in the availability of our stone-mason shops and labor forces
after the attack on Regensburg at that time a favorable opportunity for
the immediate partial transfer of their production. Altogether 4000
prisoners will work there after the expansion. We produce now with 2000
men 900 sets of engine cowlings and radiator covers as well as 120,000
single parts of various kinds for the fighter ME 109.
In Oranienburg we are employing 6000 prisoners at the Heinkel works now
for construction of the HE 177. With that we have supplied 60% of the
total crew of the plant.
The prisoners are working without fault. Up till now 200 suggestions
regarding the improvement of work have been handed in at Heinkel from
the ranks of the prisoners, which were used and were rewarded with
premiums. We are increasing this employment to 8000 prisoners.
We also have employed female prisoners in the aviation industry. For
instance at the mechanical workshops in Neubrandenburg 2500 women
are working now in the manufacture of devices for dropping bombs and
rudder control. The plant has adjusted the total serial production to
employ prisoners. In the month of January 30,000 devices as well as 500
rudder controls and altitude regulators have been manufactured. We are
increasing employment to 4000 women. The performance of the women is
excellent.
In our own plant in Butschowitz near Bruenn [Brno] we produce also
for the air force, there however with civilian workers. This plant
supplies 14,000 wooden-built rear control apparatus for ME 109 to the
Messerschmitt corporation, Augsburg.
The movement of manufacturing plants of the aviation industry to
subterranean locations requires _further_ employment of about 100,000
prisoners. The plans for this employment on the basis of your letter of
14 Feb 1944 are already under way.
I shall keep you, most honored Reichsmarshal, currently informed on
this subject.
Heil Hitler
(initialed) HH
Use of Prisoners for the Aircraft Industry.
-----------------------+---------------+---------+-----------------------
| Number of | |
| Prisoners | Man-Hrs |
+-------+-------+---------+
Camp & Plant |planned| used | January | Production
-----------------------+-------+-------+---------+-----------------------
_Auschwitz_: | | | |
| | | |
AA fortification staff,| | | |
Auschwitz | 250 | 191 | 48,788 | Construction of AA
| | | | positions.
| | | |
Ost-Maschinenbau GmbH, | | | |
(Factory), | | | |
Schwientochlowitz | 1,500 | 730 | 196,067 | AA gun production:
| | | | _prod. result Jan_:
| | | | 105 guns.
| | | |
Siemens & Schuckert, | | | |
Auschwitz | 1,500 | 90 | 19,240 | at first completion
| | | | of plant, later
| | | | switch and control
| | | | instruments for night
| | | | fighters.
| | | |
_Buchenwald_: | | | |
| | | |
Erla-Maschinenwerk | | | |
GmbH., Leipzig | 2,800 | 1,550 | 176,105 | air plane parts
| | | | production
| | | | _prod. result_
| | | | _Jan_:
| | | | 360 wings for BF 109
| | | | 290 fuselages BF 109
| | | | 304 tail assemblies
| | | |
Junkers-Flug-& | | | |
Motorenwerke AG., | | | |
Schoenebeck | 2,000 | 1,310 | 362,619 | air plane parts
| | | | production
| | | |
Polte, Arnstadt | 100 | 87 | 24,112 | finishing of AA
| | | | cartridge cases;
| | | | _prod. result Jan_:
| | | | 181,000 AA
| | | | cartridge cases.
| | | |
Leichtmetallwerke | | | |
Rautenbach Wernigerode| 1,200 | 772 | 189,832 | production of cylinder
| | | | blocks for airplane
| | | | motors
| | | |
_Dachau_: | | | |
| | | |
High frequency research| 15 | 15 | 3,290 | high frequency
| | | | development
| | | |
BMW, Munich-Allach |12,000 | 3,434 | 908,606 | air plane motor
| | | | production--
| | | | construction &
| | | | subterranean building
| | | |
Dornier Works GmbH., | | | |
Neuaubing | 3,000 | 60 | 9,527 | at first construction
| | | | of workers’ camp,
| | | | later plane part
| | | | production.
| | | |
Engineer Kimmel, Munich| 25 | 23 | 7,925 | building of radio
| | | | measuring instruments
| | | | _prod. result Jan_:
| | | | 35 RC-generators.
Air force research | | | |
institute, Munich | 400 | 40 | -- | building of air force
| | | | research institute
| | | | Ottobrunn
| | | |
Messerschmitt AG., | | | |
Augsburg-- | | | |
” Haunstetten | 3,400 | 2,695 | 740,640 | air plane production
| | | | Me
” Gablingen | 600 | 352 | -- | air plane production
| | | | Me
” Dachau | 600 | 192 | 35,766 | manufacture of plane
| | | | parts
” Kottern | 1,000 | 341 | 57,050 | first building of
| | | | factory, then plant
| | | | parts production
| | | |
Air force planning | | | |
office, Sudelfeld | 25 | 25 | 4,660 | building of
| | | | experimental station
| | | | for high frequency
Praezifix, Dachau | 400 | 356 | 94,067 | production of standard
| | | | plane parts and
| | | | screws
H. Sachse KG. Kempten. | 1,000 | 374 | 91,630 | first building of
| | | | factory/start
| | | | production of
| | | | propeller control
| | | | instruments.
| | | |
_Flossenbuerg_: | | | |
| | | |
Dt. Erd- & Steinwerke | | | |
GmbH, Floss. | 4,000 | 1,911 | 422,158 | plane parts production
| | | | for Me _prod. result
| | | | Jan_: 900 noses &
| | | | radiator covering;
| | | | 120,000 parts.
| | | |
Erla-Maschinenwerk | | | |
GmbH, | | | |
Johanngeorgenstadt | 600 | 564 | 117,524 | air plane parts
| | | | production.
Milsen | 500 | 30 | -- | air plane parts
| | | | production.
| | | |
Geramic Works Bohemia, | | | |
Neurohlau | 100 | 100 | 10,764 | plane parts
| | | | production.
| | | |
Luftfahrtgeraetewerk, | | | |
Zwodau | 1,500 | 199 | 28,314 | instrument prod. for
| | | | air force.
| | | |
_Herzogenbusch_: | | | |
| | | |
Dt. Erd- & Steinwerke | | | |
GmbH. Herzogenbusch | 600 | 411 | 35,248 | air plane
| | | | disassembling plant
| | | | _prod. result Jan_:
| | | | 12 planes
| | | | disassembled
| | | | 35 motors ”
| | | | 120 wings ”
| | | |
Air force field | | | |
construction office 3 | 1,000 | 265 | 64,800 | runway construction
| | | | for airport.
| | | |
_Mauthausen_: | | | |
| | | |
Dt. Erd- & Steinwerke | | | |
GmbH., Mauthausen | 500 | 423 | 82,632 | plane parts
| | | | construction for Me
| | | | _prod. results
| | | | January_:
| | | | 25 plane fuselages
| | | |
Flugmotoren GmbH., | | | |
Wiener-Neudorf | 3,000 | 1,983 | 417,328 | first building, later
| | | | plane parts prod.
| | | |
Heinkel-Werke AG, | | | |
Schwechat | 3,200 | 2,065 | 486,206 | air plane parts
| | | | production
| | | |
_Natzweiler_: | | | |
| | | |
Dt Erd- & Steinwerke | | | |
GmbH, Natzweiler | 400 | 261 | 63,221 | disassembling of Ju
| | | | motors & welding of
| | | | air torpedoes.
| | | |
_Neuengamme_: | | | |
| | | |
Jastram, | | | |
Hamburg-Bergedorf | 80 | 80 | 21,554 | air plane parts
| | | | production
Messap GmbH., | | | |
Hamburg-Langenhorn | 120 | 110 | 31,422 | production of fuse
| | | | mechanisms
| | | | _prod. result Jan_:
| | | |16 800 balance wheels
| | | | S30
| | | |53 900 balance wheels
| | | | S60
| | | |15 600 time fuses S30
| | | |46 700 time fuses S60
| | | |
_Ravensbrueck_: | | | |
| | | |
Air ministry testing | | | |
ground, Peenamuende-W | 600 | 598 | 125,000 | building
| | | |
Geraetewerk Pommern | | | |
GmbH, Stargard | 550 | 283 | 81,129 | production of aerial
| | | | torpedoes
| | | |
Heinkel-Werke AG, | | | |
Barth. | 2,000 | 1,721 | 435,155 | air plane production
| | | |
Mechan. Werkstaetten | | | |
GmbH. Neubrandenburg | 4,000 | 1,981 | 529,126 | production of bomb
| | | | release mechanism and
| | | | Fz.G.76; _prod. Jan._
| | | | 23,000 lock 50/X
| | | | 1,500 lock 2000
| | | | 150 PVC 1006
| | | | 500 rudder
| | | | machines
| | | | 400 ER 4 L-“2”
| | | |
Siemens & Halske, | | | |
Berlin, work | | | |
Ravensbrueck | 2,400 | 872 | 242,867 | communication
| | | | equipment
| | | | product. (e.g. throat
| | | | microphones)
Silva-Metallwerke | | | |
GmbH, Genthin | 600 | 596 | 154,224 | production of AA
| | | | ammunition
| | | | _prod. result Jan._:
| | | | 518 200 2-cm shells
| | | | 927 500 2-cm shells
| | | | (various styles)
| | | | 965 000 13-mm shells
| | | |
Veltener-Maschinenbau | | | |
GmbH., Volten | 600 | 596 | 146,873 | production of plane
| | | | parts.
| | | |
_Sachsenhausen_: | | | |
| | | |
Heinkel-Werke AG, | | | |
Oranienburg | 6,500 | 5,939 |1,699,978| plane mass production.
| | | | _Prod. result_
| | | | 15 plane bodies He 177
Luftschiffbau Zepplin | | | |
GmbH, Oranienburg | 300 | 221 | 54,006 | production and repair
| | | | of balloons
| | | | _prod. result Jan_:
| | | | 120 balloons repaired
| | | | and part work for
| | | | 40 new balloons.
| | | |
_Ostland | | | |
Concentration | | | |
Camp_: | | | |
| | | |
Air force field | | | |
building direction. | | | |
Spilve | 1,000 | 1,000 | 280,776 | building of airport.
| | | |
Field building | | | |
direction 3/I, Kauen | 1,000 | 829 | 222,186 | building of airport.
| | | |
AA booty repair shop, | | | |
Kauen | 200 | 162 | 4,920 | rebuilding of booty AA
| | | |
Kopperschmidt & Soehne,| | | |
Riga | 20 | 20 | 6,160 | production of plane
| | | | turrets.
| | | |
It was recently agreed | | | |
to use further: | | | |
| | | |
_Buchenwald_: | | | |
| | | |
Anhydrit |10,000 | -- | -- | plane production of
| | | | Ju underground
| | | |
Ago, Oschersleben | 1,500 | -- | -- | plane production
| | | | Focke-Wulf fighters.
| | | |
_Gross-Rosen_: | | | |
| | | |
Famo, Bunzlau | 1,500 | -- | -- | servicing of FW night
| | | | fighters, Ta 154.
| | | |
_Mauthausen_: | | | |
| | | |
Esche II |10,000 | -- | -- | kind of production to
| | | | be decided by air
| | | | Ministry.
| | | |
_Natzweiler_: | | | |
| | | |
Geraetewerk Pommern | | | |
GmbH., branch | | | |
Diedenhofen | 600 | -- | -- | production of aerial
| | | | torpedoes.
|90,785 |35,839 |8,733,495|
-----------------------+-------+-------+---------+-----------------------
The Chief of the
SS Economics Administration Main Office
Berlin, 21 February 1944 (signed) Pohl I. [?]
SS Obergruppenfuehrer and General of Armed Forces SS.
The Reich Minister for Armament and War Production
TAE-No. 475/44 top secret
(Signed) Pohl
[Initialled] HH
Berlin, Pariser Platz 3, 17 April 1944.
Phone: 11 00 52
Pohl
TOP SECRET
Fighter staff, attention: Field Marshal MILCH
Fighter staff, attention: Chief of office SWR
_For Information_
Reichsfuehrer-SS and chief of the German Police, Reichleader HIMMLER
Head of armament office Lt Gen Dr Ing. h. c. Waeger
Plenipotentiary-General for Construction, Director Stobbe-Dethleffsen
1. Using tables and drawings as an illustration I have in conjunction
with Field Marshal Milch informed the Fuehrer on the work of the
fighter staff in pointing to the extraordinarily pleasing and
successful cooperation of the newly created organization with all
offices and works. He is cognizant of the fact that the greatest part
of the transfer has been fixed according to plan and that as the
first step the decentralization above the ground can be concluded by
approximately August and that the second step aiming at the total
subterranean security of the most sensitive works will be concluded by
the end of the year.
2. Field Marshal Milch has reported as a result of the meeting on
construction of the “central planning” to the Fuehrer, that of
the amount of construction demanded, because of the extraordinary
aggravation of the all-over situation, only the most important part of
the construction work could be accomplished. The Fuehrer demands that
in spite of that both the large plants, each of at least 600,000 qm,
which he demanded should be constructed with all energy. He consents
that one of these works will not be built in concrete but in accordance
with the proposal as an enlargement and in the immediate vicinity of
the present central works as the so-called central construction and
will come under the management of the Junkers works.
The Fuehrer agrees to the suggestion that the second large building
project will, because of lack in labor and material, not be carried
out on German territory, but on suitable ground (first of all gravel
foundation and possibilities for transportation) in the immediate
proximity of the border, on French, Belgian or Dutch territory,
as long as the plant is constructed behind a fortified zone. The
suggestion to build on French territory is favored by the fact that
it will then be much easier to make the necessary labor available. In
spite of that the Fuehrer asks to try, to construct this second works
in an essentially secure territory, namely in the Protectorate. If
the labor can not be supplied there either, the Fuehrer wants to get
in touch in person with the Reichsfuehrer SS and will cause him to
provide the approximately 100,000 men required, thru the securing of
corresponding Jewish contingents from Hungary. The Fuehrer demands that
a meeting take place with him shortly in order to discuss the details
in the presence of the men concerned.
3. An immediate task for the central construction besides assuring the
supply of the bottleneck products of the Junkers works which is to be
executed step by step, is the planning and securing of ME 262 at the
rate of 1000 a month and of an additional fighter plane at the rate of
2000 a month.
Heil Hitler
signed: SPEER
Certified: Capt. Stein
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1590-PS
[several illegible notations]
Re: Taking of hostages
OKH received: 1 Oct. 1941
5 copies--copy
OKH/Gen. Qn.
(W. Bfh. Suedost)
Military Commander, South-East
Attacks on members of the Armed Forces lately committed in the occupied
territories gave reason to point out that it is advisable that military
commanders always have at their disposal a number of hostages of
different political tendencies, namely:
1. nationalist
2. democratic-bourgeois, and
3. communist
It is important that among them shall be well-known leading
personalities or members of their families, whose names are to be made
public.
Depending on the membership of the culprit, hostages of the
corresponding group are to be shot in case of attacks.
It is asked that commanders be accordingly instructed.
[partly illegible notation]
Chief of the Armed Forces High Command
(signed) Keitel.
Complied with in France and Belgium.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1600-PS
The State-Picture Gallery in Dresden
The Director. Dresden-Al, 1 June 1940.
To: Ministerialrat Dr. Hanssen
Berlin W 8, Wilhelmstr. 64
Dear Ministerialrat!
Permit me to express my thanks for having sent me the copy of the
letter of the State Secretary Dr. Landfried.
I herewith enclose a copy of my letter of 16 March 1940 to Reichsleiter
Bormann, referring mainly to the _confiscated property of the convents
in the Ostmark_. In accordance with the Fuehrer’s decree on Jewish
property, a generally applicable procedure may be recommended in this
case, too; the Fuehrer should have the final word in the distribution
to the individual consumers, rather the first option on any purchase.
This regulation should be made to be retroactive as of the time of the
assumption of power if possible.
Heil Hitler!
Yours faithfully
H. Posse.
1 enclosure.
# # # # #
At the Fuehrer’s present HQ, 16 Jan 41 Bo/Fu
R.L.M.B.
1. Director Dr. Posse, _Dresden-Hellerau_
_Personal!_
_Registered!_
Tunnigtweg 14
Dear Dr. Posse!
Enclosed herewith I am sending you the pictures of the altar from the
convent in Hohenfurth near Kruman. The convent and its entire property
shall be confiscated in the immediate future because of the attitude,
hostile towards the State, of its inhabitants.
It shall be up to you to decide whether the pictures shall remain in
the convent at Hohenfurth or be transferred to the museum in Linz after
the latter shall be completed.
I await your decision in the matter.
Heil Hitler!
Faithfully yours,
[initialed by Bormann]
Enclosures
2. Presented again: 3 May 1941.
# # # # #
Dresden-Al, 16 May 1941
The State-Picture Gallery in Dresden.
The Director.
The Reichsleiter Martin Bormann,
Berlin W 8, Wilhelmstr. 64
_Personal!_
Dear Reichsleiter!
I report that I have returned today from a weeks trip to Oberdonau and
Vienna. Besides checking on the confiscated convents and monasteries,
the main reason for my trip to Linz and Oberdonau was to find out
_whether any of the confiscated convents offered facilities suitable
for temporarily storing the collections acquired by the Fuehrer_.
After having seen the convents at Hohenfurth, St. Florian,
Krenesmunster, Schloegel, Wilhering etc., and after having discussed
the matter with Gauleiter Eigruber and his deputies, I found that
the _convent in Krenesmunster is extremely suited for this purpose_.
There are in this convent 50-60 rooms that can be locked; the various
new acquisitions can be stored there temporarily. There is also
the “Emperor’s Stall” there, 25 m long, and a flight of 7 rooms in
good shape, at present the picture-gallery of the convent, not very
valuable, is on exposition. From time to time, the newly acquired
collections may be presented to the Fuehrer there.
Krenesmunster is situated in the woods, far away from industrial area;
therefore, a threat from the air hardly exists.
In case the Fuehrer should agree with the proposal to have
Krenesmunster as a depot for Linz, it is suggested that the Germans
from Bessarabia who are at present living in the convent, be moved into
another convent, in order to safeguard the stocks, particularly against
fire.
Therefore, I beg to have the Fuehrer state his intentions regarding
their proposal which is also supported by Gauleiter Eigruber not only
is the collection Lanz in Amsterdam, packed in the meantime, awaiting,
also several other collections of paintings for which there’d hardly
be space enough in Munich, are ready, and so is Dr. Topfer’s library
which was bought in Switzerland. Also very rich stocks, already packed
and stored in Vienna, confiscated from Jewish owners, and many new
acquisitions from Vienna could be brought to Krenesmunster. This
way, room could be made in Vienna and what remains of confiscated
art-treasures could be distributed.
Heil Hitler!
Yours faithfully
H. Posse.
# # # # #
Report on the trip, undertaken on orders to Cracow and Warsaw, so as to
ascertain the kind and the amount of confiscated art-treasures.
It was impossible to carry out the order as such, as well as that part
of it which drafting of a plan as to how to dispose of the confiscated
art treasures, since most of them were still packed away in cases and
were either stored in Cracow, or in other places, particularly in
Warsaw ready for shipment to Cracow.
Since 6 October, under the direction of Understate secretary Dr.
Muhlmann, as the special deputy of General Field Marshall Goering
and as the Director of the Department of Science and Training, the
storing of all the valuable Art treasures has been in full swing with
assistance of suitable experts from Berlin, Vienna, and Breslau, and,
so far as I could determine it has been almost completely carried out.
Works of art and culture, mainly from Warsaw were saved, particularly
from the badly damaged chateau of the Kings whose furniture and
interior decorations were salvaged to a large extent. In Cracow,
box-cars containing the works of art secured from public, clerical and
private ownership arrived almost daily. The Art treasures are being
collected in the particularly suitable building of the Jagellonic
Library in Cracow and are being set up there properly, a task which may
be finished by February 1940. As soon as the task of collecting shall
be finished and an inventory is made so that a complete survey of the
entire valuable Polish Art-treasure can be made, I shall again travel
to Cracow so as to carry out the order given me.
The official pictorial service is photographing all important works of
art little by little. The governor general shall present these pictures
in the form of a photo-Album to the Fuehrer.
I was able to gain some knowledge on the public and private collections
as well as clerical property in Cracow and Warsaw. It is true that
we cannot hope too much to enrich ourselves from the acquisition of
great Art works of paintings and sculptures there with the exception
of the Veit Stoss-altar and the plates of Hans von Kulmbach in the
Church of Maria in Cracow, the Raffael, Leonardo and Rembrandt from
the collection Czarborpki and several other works from the National
Museum in Warsaw--works of a rather high value of whose existence we
in Germany had already known. Richer and more extensive is the Polish
stock of “objects d’art”, such as handicraft in gold and silver of
German origin to a large part, (particularly from the Church of Maria
and the cathedral of Wawel) tapestries, arms, porcelains, furniture,
bronzes, coins, valuable parchment-scrips, books, etc. Those were the
principal fields of interest for Polish collectors, besides their
interest in Polish National Art, particularly of the 19th century. It
is characteristic that apart from original paintings so many copies
can be found in Polish castles and private collections (for example
Czartoryski, Wilano etc). However, many thousand works of art of all
kinds ought to be found in the Jagellonic Library.
As I said before, I shall not be able to make proposals regarding
the distribution as long as an inventory of the entire material
does not exist. However, I should like to reserve for the museum
in Linz the three most important paintings of the Czartoryski
collection, namely the Raffael, Leonardo and Rembrandt which are at
present in the Kaiser-Frederick Museum in Berlin. We in Dresden are
particularly interested in the interior decorations of the castle
of the Kings in Warsaw since Saxonian architects and artists have
created them; therefore, the suggestion is made that the salvaged
parts of it (panellings, doors, inlaid floors, sculptures, mirrors,
glass-chandeliers, porcelains etc) be used for the interior decoration
of the Pavillion of the “Zivinges” in Dresden.
A number of fine drawings of Albrecht Durer’s and other old German
masters kept in the Ossolinemm in Lemberg, has fallen into Russian
hands. Maybe at least Durer’s 27 pieces could still be salvaged for
Germany.
While in Warsaw, a Polish colleague of mine whom I have known, for
quite some time told me that the storing of the art treasures was
begun already in June 1939; by the end of July the entire official
museum property was packed in cases and ready for shipment. In spite of
that the Poles did not manage to carry any important stocks away and
save them for themselves, with the exception of the famous tapestry,
collection of Wawel, the riding costumes kept there also, arms and
historically valuable pieces like the blood-banner of the Prophet
which, as far as I could ascertain, fell into Russian hands.
/s/ Hans Posse.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1602-PS
Dr. med. Sigmund RASCHER MUNICH, 15 May 1941
Trogerstrasse 56
Dear Reichsfuehrer,
My sincere thanks for your cordial wishes and flowers on the birth
of my second son. This time, too, it is a strong boy, though he has
come 3 weeks too early. I may send you a picture of both children
incidentally. * * *
For the time being I have been assigned to the Luftgaukommando VII,
Munich, for a medical course. During this course, where researches
on high-altitude flights play a prominent part (determined by the
somewhat higher ceiling of the English fighter planes) considerable
regret was expressed at the fact that no tests with human material had
yet been possible for us, as such experiments are very dangerous and
nobody volunteers for them. I put, therefore, the _serious_ question:
can you make available two or three professional criminals for these
experiments? The experiments are made at “Bodenstaendige Pruefstelle
fuer Hoehenforschung der Luftwaffe”, Munich. The experiments, by which
the subjects can, of course, die, would take place with my cooperation.
They are essential for researches on high-altitude flight and cannot
be carried out, as has been tried, with monkeys, who offer entirely
different test-conditions. I have had a very confidential talk with a
representative of the air forces Surgeon who makes these experiments.
He is also of the opinion that the problems in question could only be
solved by experiments on human persons. (Feeble-minded could also be
used as test material). * * *
I hope sincerely, highly esteemed Reichsfuehrer that, in spite of the
immense burden of work you carry, you are in the pink of health.
With my heartiest wishes, I am with Heil Hitler your gratefully devoted
(signature) S. RASCHER
(Z--2)
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1616-PS
Dr. S. RASCHER SS-Hauptsturmfuehrer
Munich, 17 February 1943
To the Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police Mr. Heinrich
Himmler
Berlin SW 11 Prinz Albrecht Str. 8
Dear Reichsfuehrer!
Enclosed I present to you in condensed form a summary of the results of
the experiments made in warming up people who have been cooled off by
using animal heat.
Right now I am attempting to prove through experiments on human beings
that it is possible to warm up people cooled off by dry cold just as
fast as people who were cooled off by remaining in cold water. The
Reich physician SS, SS-Gruppenfuehrer Dr. Gravitz doubted very much
that that would be possible and said that I would have to prove it
first by 100 experiments. Up to now I have cooled off about 30 people
stripped in the open air during 9-14 hours to 27°-29°. After a time
corresponding to a transport of one hour, I put these subjects in a
hot bath. _Up to now_ every single patient was completely warmed up
within one hour at most, though some of them had their hands and feet
frozen white. In some cases a slight fatigue with slightly rising
temperature was observed on the day following the experiments. I have
not observed any fatal results from this extremely fast warming up. I
have not so far been able to do any warming up by “Sauna” as ordered
by you, my dear Reichsfuehrer, as the weather in December and January
was too warm for any experiments in the open air, and right now the
camp is closed on account of typhoid and I am not allowed therefore to
bring the subjects to these experiments into the SS-Sauna. (I have been
vaccinated several times and continue myself to make the tests within
the camp in spite of the typhoid in the camp.) It would be best if I
were transferred to the Waffen-SS soon and could go together with Neff
to Auschwitz and * * * the question of the warming up of persons who
have frozen on land * * *.
[rest of document missing]
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1617-PS
SECRET
The Reichfuehrer SS
Berlin, SW 11, B. Prinz Albrecht Strasse 8 Field Command Post
November 1942
Dear Comrade Milch!
You will recall that through General Wolff I particularly recommended
to you for your consideration the work of a certain SS Fuehrer,
Dr. Rascher, who is a physician of the air force on leave [Arzt des
Beurlaubtenstandes der Luftwaffe].
These researches which deal with the behavior of the human organism
at great heights, as well as with manifestations caused by prolonged
cooling of the human body in cold water, and similar problems which are
of vital importance to the air force in particular, can be performed
by us with particular efficiency because I personally assumed the
responsibility for supplying asocial individuals and criminals who
deserve only to die [todeswuerdig] from concentration camps for these
experiments.
Unfortunately you had no time recently when Dr. Rascher wanted to
report on the experiments at the Ministry for Aviation. I had put
great hopes in that report, because I believed that in this way the
difficulties, based mainly on religious objections, which oppose Dr.
Rascher’s experiments--for which _I_ assumed responsibility--could be
eliminated.
The difficulties are still the same now as before. In these “Christian
medical circles” the standpoint is being taken that it goes without
saying that a young German aviator should be allowed to risk his life
but that the life of a criminal--who is not drafted into military
service--is too sacred for this purpose and one should not stain
oneself with this guilt; at the same time it is interesting to note
that credit is taken for the results of the experiments while excluding
the scientist who performed them.
I personally have inspected the experiments, and have--I can say this
without exaggeration--participated in every phase of this scientific
work in a helpful and inspiring manner.
We two should not get angry about these difficulties. It will take at
least another ten years until we can get such narrow-mindedness out
of our people. But this should not affect the research work which is
necessary for our young and splendid soldiers and aviators.
I beg you to release Dr. Rascher, Stabsarzt in reserve, from the air
force and to transfer him to me to the Waffen-SS. I would then assume
the sole responsibility for having these experiments made in this
field, and would put the results, of which we in the SS need only a
part for the frost injuries in the East, entirely at the disposal of
the air force. However, in this connection I suggest that with the
liaison between you and Wolff a _“non-Christian” physician should
be charged, who should be at the same time honorable as a scientist
and not prone to intellectual theft_ and who could be informed of
the results. This physician should also have good contacts with the
administrative authorities, so that the results would really obtain a
hearing.
I believe that this solution--to transfer Dr. Rascher to the SS,
so that he could carry out the experiments under my responsibility
and under my orders--is the best way. The experiments should not be
stopped; we owe that to our men. If Dr. Rascher remained with the air
force, there would certainly be much annoyance; because then I would
have to bring a series of unpleasant details to you, because of the
arrogance and assumption which Professor Dr. Holzloehner has displayed
in the post of Dachau--who is under my command--about me in utterances
delivered to SS Colonel Sievers. In order to save both of us this
trouble, I suggest again that Dr. Rascher should be transferred to the
Waffen SS as quickly as possible.
I would be grateful to you if you would give the order to put the low
pressure chamber at our disposal again, together with step-up pumps,
because the experiments should be extended to include even greater
altitudes.
Cordial greetings and Heil Hitler!
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1618-PS
S. RASCHER
Intermediate report on intense chilling experiments in the Dachau Camp,
started on 15 August 1942
_Experimental procedure_
The experimental subjects (V P) were placed in the water, dressed in
complete flying uniform, winter or summer combination, and with an
aviator’s helmet. A life jacket made of rubber or kapok was to prevent
submerging. The experiments were carried out at water temperatures
varying from 2.5° to 12°. In one experimental series, Occiput and brain
stem protruded above the water, while in another series of experiments
the Occiput (brain stem) and back of the head were submerged in water.
Electrical measurements gave low temperature readings of 26.4° in
the stomach and 26.5° in the rectum. Fatalities occurred only when
the brain stem and the back of the head were also chilled. Autopsies
of such fatal cases always revealed large amounts of free blood,
up to ½ liter, in the cranial cavity. The heart invariably showed
extreme dilation of the night chamber. As soon as the temperature in
these experiments reached 28°, the experimental subjects (VP) died
invariably, despite all attempts at resuscitation. The above discussed
autopsy finding conclusively proved the importance of a warming
protective device for head and Occiput when designing the planned
protective clothing of the foam type.
Other important findings, common in all experiments, to be mentioned.
Marked increase of the viscosity of the blood, marked increase of
hemoglobin, an approximate five fold increase of the leukocytes,
invariable rise of blood sugar to twice its normal value. Auricular
fibrillation made its appearance regularly at 30°.
During attempts to save severely chilled persons, it was shown that
rapid re-warming was in all cases preferable to slow re-warming,
because after removal from the cold water, the body temperature
continued to sink rapidly. I think that for this reason we can dispense
with the attempt to save intensely chilled subjects by means of animal
heat.
Rewarming by animal warmth--animal bodies or women’s bodies--would be
too slow. As auxiliary measures for the prevention of intense chilling,
improvements in the clothing of aviators come alone into consideration.
The foam suit with suitable neck protector which is being prepared
by the German Institution for textile research [Deutsches
Textilforschungsinstitut] Muenchen-Gladbach deserves first priority
in this connection. The experiments have shown that pharmaceutical
measures are probably unnecessary if the flier is still alive at the
time of rescue.
(signed) Dr. S. Rascher
Muenchen--Dachau, 10 September 1942.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1621-PS
SECRET!
The Reichsfuehrer SS Personal Staff
File Nr. 19/9/43a/Pers/V
Command Post, 12 November 1942
[Rubber Stamp]
Personal Staff, Reichsfuehrer SS
[illegible notation] Administration
Secret/
SECRET!
1. To SS Major General Rauter
The Hague
Dear Major General,
The SS Captain Dr. Rascher is in need of medico-physiological
appliances. He points out that there are sufficient appliances at the
University of Leyden and at the University of Utrecht, which could be
put to use.
The Reichsfuehrer SS asks you to attempt to obtain these appliances,
which would still have to be listed in detail by SS Captain Dr.
Rascher resp. by SS Colonel Sievers, through the Reich Commissar.
SS-Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Rascher resp. SS-Standartenfuehrer Sievers
will submit the list directly to you.
Heil Hitler!
(signed) Brandt
Transmitted to
2. SS Colonel (SS-Standartenfuehrer) Sievers
3. SS Captain (SS-Hauptsturmfuehrer) Dr. Rascher, with the request
that the above be noted and the necessary steps taken.
[Signed illegible]
SS-Lieutenant Colonel
# # # # #
SECRET!
[Rubber Stamp]
Personal Staff Reichsfuehrer SS
(illegible notation)
SECRET
Dr. S. Rascher, SS Captain
SECRET!
File Memorandum.
Procurement of medico-physiological appliances is so difficult in
Germany that the continued conduct of experiments is seriously
endangered. If the necessary appliances cannot be procured, it will
be very much more difficult to build up the Institute for Functional
Research in Military Science within the framework of the Ancestral
Heritage Organization [Ahnenerbe].
The Institutes of the Universities of Leyden and Utrecht, however, are
very plentifully equipped with the very best scientific appliances at
both these universities is not feasible, however, since the University
of Leyden is, and will remain, closed, notwithstanding all rumors,
and since the University of Utrecht works with only half its usual
enrollment.
SS Lieutenant Colonel Sievers therefore suggests that the Reichsfuehrer
SS write a letter to Reich Governor Dr. Seyss-Inquart saying that it is
request that the Reich Governor put the appliances of the University
Institutes concerned at the disposal of the Ancestral Heritage
Organization [Ahnenerbe], initially on a loan basis.
(signed) Dr. Rascher
Munich, 12 November 1942
[Handwritten notation]
Dr. Brandt to Reuter
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1637-PS
1938 REICHS MINISTERIALBLATT, i. V., PAGES 1089-1091
Acceptance of members of the Security Police into the SS of the
N.S.D.A.P. of 23 June 1938.
Ministerial-Blatt of the Reich and Prussian Ministries of the Interior,
Berlin, 1938
No. 28, p. 1090
_Appointments, Wages, Maintenance, Service Regulations_
Circular of the Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police in the
Reich Ministry of the Interior for 23.6.1938--S-V 3 No. 72/38
-------------------------+-------------------------+--------------------
The | The | Corresponds to the
-------------------------+-------------------------+--------------------
Criminal-assistant | Office helper | SS Sergeant
aspirant in preparatory | [Amtsgehilfe | [SS
service | Betenmeister] | Unterscharfuehrer]
[Kriminal-Assist-Aniv. | |
im Verbereitungsvienst] | |
-------------------------+-------------------------+--------------------
Criminal-Assistant | Superintendant | SS-Staff Sergeant
aspirant | [Hausmeister] | [SS-
[Kriminal-Assist-Aniv] | | Scharfuehrer]
-------------------------+-------------------------+--------------------
Criminal assistant | Police office assistant.| SS-Technical
[Kriminal-Assist] | [Pol-Buereassist] | Sergeant [SS-
| Police-Prison-Technical | Oberscharfuehrer]
| Sergeant. [Poli- |
| Gefaengnisoberwachtm] |
-------------------------+-------------------------+--------------------
Chief Criminal | Police-Prison-Master | SS-Master Sergeant
Assistant. | Sergeant [Pol- | [SS
[Krim-Oberassist] | Gefaengnis-Hauptwachtm]| Hauptscharfuehrer]
-------------------------+-------------------------+--------------------
Criminal secretary | Police-secretary | SS-Lieutenant
[Krim-Sekretar] | [Pol-Sekretar] | [SS-
Criminal district | Office-Secretary | Untersturmfuehrer]
secretary | [Kanzleisekretaer] |
[Krim-Bez. Sekretar] | Police secretary first |
| class |
| [Pol-Obersekretaer] |
| Technical secretary |
| [Techn-Sekretaer] |
-------------------------+-------------------------+--------------------
Criminal inspector | Ministerial registrator | SS-First
[Krim-Inspektor] | [Min-Registrator] | Lieutenant [SS-
Criminal commissar up | Police inspector | Obersturmfuehrer]
to 15 years of service | [Pol-Inspektor] |
[Krim-Kommissar] | Assessor |
| [Assessor] |
-------------------------+-------------------------+--------------------
Criminal commissar with | Police inspector | SS-Captain
over 15 years of | [Pol-Inspektor] | [SS-
service | with 300 Reichsmark | Hauptsturmfuehrer]
[Krim-Kommissar] | additional salary. |
Criminal counsellor | Police inspector first |
[Krim-Rat] up to 15 | class |
years of service. | [Pol-Oberinspektor] |
| Government-Assessor |
| [Reg-Assessor] |
| Police counsellor up to |
| 15 years of service. |
| [Pol-Rat] |
-------------------------+-------------------------+--------------------
Criminal counsellor with | Police counsellor with | SS-Major
over 15 years of | over 15 years of | [SS-
service [Krim-Rat] | service. [Pol-Rat] | Sturmbannfuehrer]
Criminal director | Office-counsellor |
[Krim-Direktor] | [Amtsrat] |
Government and criminal | Government-counsellor |
counsellor | [Reg-Rat] |
[Reg. u. Krim-Rat] | |
-------------------------+-------------------------+--------------------
Government counsellor | Government counsellor | SS-Lieutenant
first class and | first class | Colonel [SS-
criminal counsellor. | [Oberreg-Rat] | Obersturmbann-
[Oberreg.-und Krim.-Rat] | | fuehrer]
-------------------------+-------------------------+--------------------
Government and criminal | Government director | SS-Colonel
director | [Reg-Direktor] | [SS-
[Reg.-und Krim.- | Ministerial | Standartenfuehrer]
Direktor] | counsellor [Min-Rat] |
Reich-criminal director | |
[Reichskrim-Direktor] | |
------------------------+-------------------------+--------------------
With the aim of fusing members of the German Police with the
“Schutzstaffel” of the National Socialist German Workers Party into one
uniformly turned out State Protective Corps [Staatsschutzkorps] of the
National Socialist Reich, I decree as follows:
I. (1) Members of the Security Police can upon request be received into
the Schutzstaffel of the _NSDAP_ if they
1. fulfill the general requirements of the SS and
2. _a._ Up to 30.1.1933 (inclusive) have been members of the NSDAP
or of its affiliates (the Sturmabteilung, the National Socialist
Motor Corps, the Hitler Youth) even if they have meanwhile
honorably resigned from these affiliates.
or
_b._ for a static period [seit einem ... liegenden Zeitpunkt]
before 30.1.1933 were sponsoring members of the SS
[Foerderndes Mitglied]
or
_c._ Have seen service for at least three years in the Security
Police under the direction of the Reichsfuehrer SS and have
proven themselves.
(2) Permit for admission of a wider circle of persons I reserve for
myself.
(3) Admission according to the general requirements is not affected by
this circular.
II. 1. Upon transfer into the SS, the grade held in the police will be
changed to a corresponding one in the SS. Former members of the SS, SA,
NSKK (National Socialist Drivers Corps) who held a higher rank, will be
incorporated with the same high rank. When promoted within the security
police, an assimilation of ranks will take place in every case.
3. I myself will make decisions about incorporation of members of the
security police with higher ranks.
4. The employees of the security police will be put into that SS rank
which corresponds to their rank as civil servant, according to their
jobs.
5. Members of the security police incorporated into the SS up to
the publication of these ordinances will be promoted to the SS rank
corresponding to their police rank, provided they do not already hold
such, or a higher SS rank.
III. 1. Members of the security police incorporated into the SS will be
assigned to the units of the security service of the Reichsfuehrer-SS,
according to more detailed instructions of the chief of the security
police and of the security main office of the Reichsfuehrer-SS.
2. The chief of the security police and of the security main office
regulates the SS-service relations [Dienstverhaltnisse] and obligations
of the members of the security police who were incorporated into the SS.
IV. 1. The applications of members of the security police for admission
to the SS are to be directed to the chief of the security police
through service channels.
2. The applications are to be submitted according to the following
sample:
_SAMPLE_:
(Place and date)
I herewith request admission to the security service of the
Reichsfuehrer-SS in conformity with the circular of the
Reichsfuehrer-SS and Chief of the German police in the Ministry of
the Interior of June 23rd, 1938-S.V.3 number 72/38 (R M Bli V. page
1089)
First and last name: _______________________________________
____________________________________________________________
(rank and office)
Day, month and year of birth: ______________________________
Place of birth: ____________________________________________
Party membership number, district [Ortsgruppe]: ____________
Last SS-, SA-, NSKK or HJ rank and number,
last SS, SA-, respectively HJ district
[Dienststelle]: ____________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
Separated from the SS etc. on the __________________________
(with indication, whether transferred directly to the police, or, if
otherwise, which service relations in the meantime)
Day of joining the NSDAP, SS, SA, HJ _______________________
Helping member [Foerderndes Mitglied] of the SS since: _____
Working in the security police since: ______________________
To The Chief of the security police through channels.
* * * * * * *
V. This circular is to be brought to the attention of all members of
the security police.
To the Reichsstatthalter, the state governments, the Reichscommissioner
for the Saarland, the Prussian supreme and government presidents,
the office of the secret state police [Gestapo], the Reich criminal
police office [Reichskrim-Pol-Amt], the federal police main offices
[Staatspol-Leitstellen] and federal police office [Staatspol-Stellen],
the criminal police main offices [Krim-Pol. Leitstellen] and criminal
police offices [Krim-Pol Stellen], the commander of the leaderschool of
the security police [Kommandeur der Fuehrerschule der Sicherheitspol].
To the SS main office, the main office for security
[Sicherheitshauptamt], the security service leaders [SD-Fuehrer] of the
higher levels of the SS [SS-Oberabschnitte] and the security service
lower levels [SD-Unterabschnitte]. by copy.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1638-PS
1938 REICHS MINISTERIALBLATT, iV, PAGE 1906
Cooperation of the Agencies of the General and Interior Administration
with the S.D. of the Reichsfuehrer SS (SD) of 11 Nov. 1938
(1) The Security Service of the Reichsfuehrer SS (SD) has, as the
intelligence organization for Party and nation--in particular for the
support of the Security Police--important missions to fulfill. The
SD thereby becomes active on a national mission. This necessitates a
close and sympathetic cooperation between the SD and the authorities
for general and internal administration. Therefore, inquiries of the SD
are to be answered in the same way as inquiries of all national office
are treated. Likewise, the sections of the SD are obligated to furnish
information to the general and internal administration.
(2) Business between the SD and the Reich Ministry of the Interior
proceeds solely through the Chief of the Sicherheitshauptamt, business
between the SD and the remaining authorities of general and internal
administration only through the higher levels of the SD. Business
between the authorities for general and internal administration of
the SHA proceeds through the Reich Ministry of the Interior, business
between the authorities for general and internal administration and
the other SD offices in Prussia through the Regierungs-Praesident or
Ober-Praesident, in the other provinces through the corresponding
authorities. In doubtful cases the combined decision of the Reich
Ministry of the Interior and of the Reichsfuehrer SS should be obtained.
Supplement for municipalities, municipal groups, other corporate bodies
of the public law: I request, to act accordingly.
To lower authorities municipalities, municipal groups, other corporate
bodies of the public law.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1639-A-PS
Mobilization Book for the Civil Administration 1939 Edition [Pages 2-18]
Armed Forces High Command Berlin, 18th Feb 1939
No. 265/39 g.Kdos. I IVa. 125 copies, 101st copy
Re: Reprint of Mobilization Book for the Civil Administration.
1. Enclosed is the Reprint for 1939 of the “Mobilization Book for the
Civil Administration” with the request to destroy Mobilization Books
(Z), hereby made obsolete, at the beginning of the new mobilization
year.
2. The Reprint takes effect on the 1st April 1939. The annexes V, XIX,
and XX will be forwarded after their completion.
3. An expression of opinion on the proposals handed in here will not
take place in detail any more, insofar as the expression has not
already been made.
4. The necessity of cooperation between Ministers and the highest Reich
agencies is not always pointed out in the column “Remarks”. It is to be
understood that the cooperation needed for preparations and carrying
out of the measures must be guaranteed, even without an express
directive.
Chief of the Armed Forces High Command.
Keitel.
Distribution list on the next page.
Distribution’s List: Copy
Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor 1
Deputy of the Fuehrer 2- 3
Attention SS Brigadier General _Knoblauch_
Prussian State-Ministry 4- 5
Attention Counsellor of the Ministry _Bergbohm_
Ministry for Foreign Affairs 6- 7
Attention Counsellor of the Legation Dr. _Freiherr v.d.
Heyden-Rynsch_
GBV [Plenipotentiary-General for Administration] Chief of
Operational Staff
Attention State Secretary Dr. _Struckart_
for Reich Ministry of the Interior 8- 9
for Reich Ministry of Justice 11-12
for Reich Ministry of Science, Education and Popular
Culture 13-14
for Central Reich Office for regional planning 15-16
GBW [Plenipotentiary-General for Economics] Chief of the
Operational Staff
Attention Ministerial Director _Sarnow_ for GBW
[Operational Staff] 17-18
for Reich Ministry of Economics 19-20
for Reich Ministry of Food and Agriculture 21-22
for Reich Labor Ministry 23-24
for Reich Chief Forester 25-26
Reich Ministry of Finance 27-28
Attention Counsellor of the Minister, Privy Counsellor
Dr. _Bender_
Reich Ministry of Finance 29-30
Attention Finance President _von Dietz_
Reich Ministry of Communications 31-33
Attention Chief of Section of the Ministry _Baur_
Reich Ministry of Communications 34-35
Attention State Railway Director Dr. _Ebeling_
Reich Postal Ministry 36-37
Attention Counsellor of the Ministry _Honold_
Reich Ministry for Popular Enlightenment and Propaganda 38-39
Attention Lt Colonel _Wentscher_
Reichbank Directorate 40-41
Attention Reichsbank Director Dr. _Mueller_
Inspector General of the German Highways 42-43
Attention Government Construction Counsellor _Henne_
OKH (Army High Command) (2nd Section of the General Staff
of the Army) 44-73
OKM (Navy High Command) (A.II) 74-81
Reich Ministry for Air Travel and Air Force High Command
(2nd Section of the General Staff of the Air Force) 82-93
_OKW_: (Armed Forces High Command)
L Ia 94
L Ia Prop. 95
L II 96
L IVa 97
L IVb 98
L IVd 99
WNV 100
W Stb 101-103
A Ausl./Abw. (Foreign Intelligence Section) 104-106
AWA (J) 107
WH 108
Being kept by L IVa 109-125
# # # # #
Part I
_of the Mobilization Schedule for the Civil Administrative Authorities_
_Introduction to the Mobilization Schedule for the Civil Administrative
Authorities._
A. _Principles & Concepts_
1. Preparedness for defense on the part of the whole nation is the
condition for an effective defense of the Reich.
2. It is through _mobilization_ that Wehrmacht, Economy, State and
People are carried over from a state of peace to a state of war.
The mobilization of the Wehrmacht comprises:
(_a_) The securing of the necessary foundations for the establishment,
leadership and supplying of the needs of the war-Wehrmacht,
(_b_) the building up of peace units to war strength,
(_c_) the establishment of new war units,
(_d_) the establishment of the reserve Wehrmacht.
_The Mobilization of Economy_ comprises the collecting of all
_economic_ forces and holding them in readiness to work at their
highest capacity in the service of the conduct of the war.
_The Mobilization of State & People_ comprises:
(_a_) the turn-over of State Leadership and the life of the people
to the requirements of the conduct of the war as regards politics,
sociology and constitutional law; and
(_b_) making available for the conduct of the war all the material
forces of the people.
3. A case of war can arise instantaneously or start as a result of
foreign political tension. The preparation and schedule of mobilization
must take both possibilities into account.
The “_state of defense_” and the “_state of war_” in the sense of R.V.
Law will be ordered expressly in accordance with the Reichs defense law
by the Fuehrer and Reichs Chancellor.
With the declaration of the “_state of war_”, the war laws and
regulations come into force without further orders. The legal
consequences provided in other laws for the state of war also become
effective.
If no “_state of defense_” has previously been ordered, the regulations
concerning the state of defense will come into force with the
declaration of the state of war.
It is to be reckoned with that foreign political considerations (war
guilt question, etc.) will not give rise to a declaration of a state
of war, even if it should come to armed conflict with a foreign enemy.
Legal provision is therefore to be made by which regulations for “war”
in various laws will come into force for the case in question. These
regulations must be formulated in such a way that no “war” exists as
understood in international law.
For this reason the legal consequences provided in the various laws for
the “the case of war” will not come into force with the mobilization
decree (X or mobilization case).
4. The _period of tension_ possibly preceding a case of war must be
exploited to the limit of foreign political endurance in order that the
Reich may be made ready for war.
For these reasons the _3 following stages must be distinguished from
each other in the schedule of mobilization_.
4. _a._ “_The period of tension_”
During the period of tension the fundamentals for the reliable
execution of the mobilization proper should be created, and individual
measures for mobilization should be taken in advance, whereby as far as
possible foreign political liability and any kind of provocation abroad
are to be avoided.
These “_advance measures_” will be arranged in the mobilization plans
of the armed forces, according to stages of tension. Within these
advance measures there will be no distinction of special stages for
the civil administration, since it is necessary to have a much more
flexible regulation.
The advance measures will be executed on the basis of peace
legislation. The fact and the purpose of the advance measures are to
be camouflaged as much as possible within the civil administration
concerned.
The “_period of tension_” as such will not be ordered; it is merely the
technical term for a period of special political tension in foreign
relations, during which preparatory measures (advance measures) can be
ordered.
4. _b._ _Mobilization without public announcement_ (“_X case_”):
While its purpose is to be camouflaged as far as possible, it is to
bring about the systematic mobilization of the armed forces, and
if necessary the camouflaged mobilization of the state, economy and
people. A possibility exists that “Case X” will only be ordered for the
armed forces or parts of it.
If no official announcement of the state of defense is made, the
execution of the mobilization must be assured through administrative
channels. The peace time laws: Law relating to Participation in
Defense measures, emergency service decree, etc. (Wehrleistungsgesetz,
Notdienstverordnung, u.a.) adapted for camouflaged mobilization will
serve as legal basis.
Case X may be ordered without being preceded by the measures provided
in sub 4a.
4. _c._ _General mobilization with public announcement._
(“_Mobilization case_”--“_Mob case_”):
This includes the mobilization of the armed forces and the state of
the national economy as well as of the entire people, if no special
limitations have been ordered in the mobilization decree (for instance
local limitations). In the normal case, the order for general
mobilization initiates the provided mobilization measures of the armed
forces, and of all civil authorities and offices, with the exception
however of specially designated measures for the supervision and
checking of the information service.
In all cases these measures will only come into force by a special
order of the Supreme High Command of the Armed Forces.
Just as in Case X, the execution of general mobilization is based on
the peace laws adapted for a camouflaged mobilization.
The general mobilization (Mob case) can be ordered without being
preceded by the period of tension or by mobilization without official
announcement (Case X).
5. _Publication and Execution of Mobilization Measures._
5. _a._ The measures provided for the _period of tension_ will be
ordered singly, in groups or in their entirety by the Fuehrer &
Reich Chancellor (after considering proposals from the appropriate
Reich Dept.) on the application of the Chief of the OKW, or of the
Plenipotentiary for the Reich Administration or the Plenipotentiary
for Economy who will act in conjunction with the Chief of the OKW.
The measures ordered by the Fuehrer and Reichs Chancellor will be
communicated to the highest civil administrative authorities through
the OKW, and to the Departments under the Plenipotentiaries for the
Reich Administration and Economy through the latter.
The measures ordered have to be carried out according to the
instructions of the highest Reich authorities, provided that the
authorities of the Armed Forces have not been specially ordered to
charge the intermediate and lower civil authorities with the execution
of the measures.
This is applicable for the following cases (or, as circumstances may
dictate, not till the incidence of Case X or general mobilization).
(1) _Evacuation and clearing of battle territory_ according to
directives for the “evacuation of Reichs territory threatened by the
enemy”, Vol. 1, Nos. 14 and 15, or (respectively) “clearing of the
battle territory of the west” and the corresponding provisions for the
East.
(2) _Establishment of the Frontier Guards_ incl. initiation of the
attached special intelligence network acc. to the provisions for the
VGAD of Sept. 1937 No. 24 & Appendix 10, No. 12.
(3) _Establishment of the VGAD_ incl. initiation of the special
intelligence network acc. to the provisions for the VGAD of Sept. 1937,
App. 1, No. 2 & App. 10, No. 12.
(4) _Establishment of Field Police Units--Key Words_ (not code numbers)
may be agreed with the military authorities for these measures.
The purpose of all other key words made known to the civil authorities
by the military commands is exclusively that of informing the
authorities concerned about measures coming within the _military_
sphere. Those key words are not to be entered in the mobilization
calendar, but are to be added on a special sheet.
Notwithstanding all this, a _mutual understanding_ with military
authorities concerning the _preparation_ of the various measures
in time of peace and their _execution_ (after proclamation through
civilian channels) in war time is absolutely necessary wherever
military and civil measures come into contact.
5. _b._ Case X _(Mobilization without public announcement)_ is ordered
by the Fuehrer and Reichs Chancellor. Publication to the highest Reichs
authorities is carried out in the same manner as for the “advance
measures”.
Various mobilization measures will be decreed within the civil sphere
through release [Ausloesung] of code words, or through special order if
Case X applies only to the armed forces or parts of it.
The measures for mobilization are carried out by the highest Reichs
authorities under their exclusive responsibility with the limitation
that the fact of mobilization must not be mentioned publicly
(diplomatic channels, press, public proclamations and announcements,
radio, etc.). To achieve this purpose it must be stressed that it is
necessary to camouflage the individual measures as much as possible
without endangering their execution ... The main purpose is not to
offer legal grounds to the prospective enemy for the opening of
hostilities or their own mobilization. For that purpose, the necessary
suspension of various measures contained in Section II (mobilization)
of the mob. calendar will be ordered by the High Command of the Armed
Forces.
In principle every proclamation and suspension of code numbers during
the period of tension or in case X must be made known to the High
Commands of the three branches of the Armed Forces by the High Command
of the Armed Forces.
5. _c._ _General mobilization with public announcement_ (case of
mobilization):
The general mobilization will be decreed publicly by the
“Mobilization-order” of the Fuehrer and Reichs Chancellor.
5. _d._ Preparations are being made to enable parts of the Wehrmacht
to move out at increased speed. In order that the units of the Army &
the Navy to whom this applies may be _prepared to move out_ and the
Luftwaffe _prepared to take off_, the civil administration authorities
are required to render special assistance. This measure may be ordered
during the period of tension.
As this preparedness (for moving out or taking off) only applies
to certain territories of the Reich and only affects certain
administrative authorities, the latter will receive their instructions
direct from those Wehrmacht authorities in whose territory the
preparedness for moving out or taking off is being established. In
addition, the order to prepare for the march-out or take-off will be
communicated to the appropriate Reich ministries, the G.B. and so on,
by the OKW.
6. _Dissemination of the mobilization orders through the various
administrative channels_:
In case of mobilization the general mobilization with public
announcement (case of mob.) will be announced to the Reichs authorities
etc., the intermediate and lower civil authorities by a mob. cable
through the DRP [German Reichs Postal Service].
The DRP organizes for that purpose a dissemination plan in agreement
with the other Reichs authorities. The “general mobilization” will also
be made public by means of radio, public announcements, etc.
The highest Reichs authorities will issue individual orders in their
spheres for the “period of tension” and for “Case X”. Announcements
concerning the stages of mobilization and the measures to be taken
therefor will not be circulated through district cables by the DRP.
All mobilization orders are to be passed on by the quickest means to
the subordinate authorities.
If the orders are passed on by phone, the identity of the civil servant
transmitting the order is to be ascertained by appropriate questioning,
in order to guard against deception. If doubts remain as to the
identity of the person calling, they are to be dispelled by a further
call.
The ordering of measures which concern, directly or indirectly, offices
of the armed forces or authorities of other departments must be made
known to those authorities.
If an authority learns about the stages of mobilization through
unofficial channels, then it must immediately be ascertained through
contact with superior authorities whether measures may be taken. The
means of dissemination of mob. orders must be defined in the mob.
calendars of the authorities. It is assumed that the night and day
telephone service will be organized within the framework of the advance
measures for the period of tension.
_B. Preparations for Mobilization._
_Principles for the drafting of the “Mobilization Schedule for the
Civil Administrative Authorities”._
7. The mobilization plans of the Wehrmacht and the Mobilization
Schedule for the civil administration provide the responsible State
Government with a general survey of the volume of preparations for
mobilization and of their political scope. They have been so adjusted
to each other that the unification of the entire mobilization is
secured.
8. The mobilization schedule for the civil administrative authorities
comprises in general all the measures of the civil state administration
which on the one hand directly support the operational capacity of the
Wehrmacht, or on the other hand serve the preparedness for war on the
part of state, economy and people.
9. The mobilization stages discussed sub. no. 4--
(a) period of tension
(b) mobilization without public announcement (Case X)
(c) general mobilization with public announcement (mob. case)
form the _basis_ for the drafting of the “mobilization schedule for the
civil administration”.
9. _a._ The _advance measures for the period of tension_ form the
content of _Section I_ in every part of the mobilization schedule.
The advance measures for the civil administrative authorities in the
period of tension are made flexible to conform to any development of
the political & economic situation. Insofar as the advance measures
for the civil administration give direct support to the Wehrmacht,
they will be ordered from case to case so as to conform to the advance
measures of the Wehrmacht.
9. _b._ The measures for _mobilization_ form the content of _Section
II_ in every part of the mob. schedule, with the proviso that in
the case of “mobilization without public announcement (Case X)”
they will be carried out according to the provisions of No. 4.b
without publication, whereas in the case of general mobilization with
public announcement (mob. case) they will as a rule be subject to no
restrictions. The specially designated measures (code number) for the
supervision and checking of the intelligence service will in _no_ case,
however, come into force except by special order of the OKW (No. 4.c).
The advance measures for the period of tension are printed in red in
Section II (mobilization).
The purpose of the said summary in Section II is to afford a complete
survey in case mobilization should arise suddenly (without a previous
period of tension).
The mob. measures common to all administrative authorities are listed
in a special _Part II of the mobilization schedule_. They are not
included in the separate parts of the mob. schedule.
10. Every part of the “Mobilization Schedule for the civil
administrative authorities” (and therewith all the highest Reich
Departments) is furnished with certain _code numbers_ with which the
various measures are to be designated at all times.
The purpose of these code numbers is to enable certain measures to
be put into effect quickly and under certain circumstances to be
camouflaged. In order to guard against confusion with the code numbers
of the Wehrmacht units, the letter _Z_ (for Zivilverwaltungen- i.e.
civil administration) is to be set _before_ the code number wherever
code numbers are given in the mob. schedule of the civil administration.
11. The “mobilization schedule for the civil administrative
authorities” contains in--
_Part I_
The introduction to the mob. schedule No. 1-100
for the civil administrative
authorities
_Part II_
Measures applicable to all Code No. 0101-0500
administrations and in its subsequent
parts measures of the various
supreme Reich Departments.
_Part III_
Foreign Office Code No. 0501-1000
_Part IV_
Reich Ministry of the Interior Code No. 1001-1500
_Part V_
Reich Ministry for Popular Code No. 1501-2000
Enlightenment & Propaganda
_Part VI_
Reich Ministry of Justice Code No. 2001-2500
_Part VII_
Reich Ministry for Science, Code No. 2501-3000
Education and Popular Culture
_Part VIII_
Reich Traffic Ministry (Motor Code No. 3001-3500
traffic, shipping & waterways)
_Part IX_
Reich Post Code No. 3501-4000
_Part X_
Reich Traffic Ministry Code No. 4001-4500
(Railway Sections)
_Part XI_
General Inspector for German Code No. 4501-5000
roadways
_Part XII_
Special measures of the Plenipotentiary Code No. 5001-5500
for Economy
_Part XIII_
Reich Ministry for Economy Code No. 5501-6000
_Part XIV_
Reich Ministry for Food and Code No. 6001-6500
Agriculture
_Part XV_
Reich Ministry of Finance Code No. 6501-7000
_Part XVI_
Reich Ministry of Labor Code No. 7001-7500
_Part XVII_
Reich Forests Director Code No. 7501-8000
_Part XVIII_
Reichbank Directorate Code No. 8001-8500
_Part XIX_
Reich Department for Space Code No. 8501-9000
Regulation
_Part XX_
NSDAP Code No. 9001-9500
12. The various civil administrations will in their own sphere of
authority keep _mobilization calendars_ based on the general measures
set forth in the “mobilization schedule for civil administrative
authorities”.
These calendars will comprise the individual measures and explanations
necessary for the execution of the general measures in the same order
and with the same code numbers as in the mobilization schedule.
That the code numbers of the mobilization schedule should agree with
those on all mob. calendars is necessary to enable the measures ordered
in accordance with the mob. schedule to be passed on quickly and
camouflaged.
_The mobilization calendars of the civil administrative authorities_
shall be drafted and passed on in the same way in compliance with the
executory provisions laid down by the OKW.
_C. Securing of sufficient money to cover mobilization._
13. The money set aside in the Reichsbank establishments for the
purposes of the armed forces and the civil administration in the case
of mobilization may be used for the advance measures and for the
mobilization without public announcement (“Case X”).
The absolutely necessary payments before the publication of a
mobilization order are to be entered under a special section of
the present budget appropriations for the time being and will be
transferred to the war budget later on, unless otherwise directed. This
regulation is to be added to all mobilization calendars.
_D. Dates for Mob. Preparations in the Civil Administration._
14. In order that a new measure should be included in the mobilization
schedule for the civil administrative authorities, application must be
made to the Chief of the Reich Defense Committee (Section Defense of
the Reich in the OKW).
15. In order that consistency may be preserved in preparing measures
for the calendar for any mobilization year, alterations, and where
possible, new measures should only be applied for once a year--at the
latest--November 1st.
On the basis of such applications the mob. schedule will be altered by
the following 1st of February in such a way that it will be decisive
for calendar preparations for the current mob. year (April 1-March 31).
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1642-PS
Distribution List for the Secret map of the Soviet Union (European part)
OKW--(Supreme Command Armed forces):
Keitel, Jodl, Warlimont, Munch, Wedell, Canaris 6
Office for the Four year plan:
Koerner, Neuman, Gramsch and 12 others 15
Foreign office:
Grosskopf 2
OKH--(High Command Army):
Brauchitsch and Quartermaster-General 3
OKM--(High Command Navy):
Raeder and 1 other 2
Propaganda Ministry:
Goebbels, Gutterer 3
Reichs Ministry for Economy:
Funk 11
Police:
Himmler and 3 others 4
--
36
Own Ministry:
Sch., Mall., Leibl, Siew., Korpp, Meyer, Dreyer 8
--
44
[illegible] 2
--
46
and 50 persons
_Title of map_:
Union of the Socialist
Soviet republics
European part
scale 1 : 400000000 kilometer
Map I
OKW /(Supreme Command of the armed forces)
Office for Economy and armament/
Economy
(Wi Rue Amt/Wi)
1. March 1941
[Explanatory note: The map was found among the Rosenberg documents in a
red folder carrying the remark “Frontiers”, with a distribution list in
Rosenberg’s own handwriting. This distribution list refers apparently
to plans worked out by Rosenberg for the administration of the occupied
territories as the map shows lines in blue pencil indicating possibly
the extent of the intended administration through the Rosenberg
Ministry.]
SYNOPSIS OF DOCUMENT 1643-PS
Synopsis of letter written 29 November 1942 by Dr. Casdorf to various
Reich officials: Leader of the SS; Chief of the German police; Main
Government Office of Economics of the SS.
Invitation extended to various responsible officials for a meeting
to be held on 17 December 1942 at 10 o’clock, for the purpose of
discussing the legal aspects of the confiscation of property by the SS
for enlarging the concentration camp at Auschwitz as suggested in the
attached letter.
# # # # #
Synopsis of letter written 7 November 1942 by SS General Pohl to the
Reich Minister of Finance for the enlargement of the concentration
camp at Auschwitz.
The Reichsfuehrer of the SS expressed the wish that the territory of
Auschwitz concentration camp should be increased to about 4640 acres
and become a private estate owned by the Reich. The area in question
(to be confiscated as soon as possible) belonged to various owners such
as (1) Jewish and Polish private land owners, (2) towns in which most
of the industrial property belonged to the Poles and the Jews, (3) the
Polish State, (4) the community, (5) the church, (6) racial Germans.
Different authorities were in charge and different rules had to be
applied which made the transfer of property an impractical legal
procedure. For this reason, the Minister of Justice introduced a
new regulation on 23 May 1942 which made a new system of property
registration possible.
The SS suggests that the Reichskommissar, for the securing of the
German element, should be authorized to transfer estates under
categories 2-6. Racial Germans should be compensated for their estates
in money or in allotting other ground properties to them.
It is desired that all authorities concerned should be notified and
invited for a discussion on this subject. In this meeting, Dr. Fiedler
(Office of the Reichskommissar for the strengthening of the German
element) and Mr. Korch [Zentralbodenamt] should participate.
# # # # #
Synopsis of teletype letter from the Chief of the ORPO to the
Regierungspraesident in Kattowitz, 8 December 1942, forwarded to the
Reich Minister on 9 December 1942.
The chief of police orders:
The creation of an independent police district for the concentration
camp and quarters [Lager und Wehnsiedlung] for inmates in Auschwitz,
headed by the camp commandant. This new regulation will not
affect the police functions of the Landsrat in Bielitz or of the
Regierungspraesident in Kattowitz. The commander of the camp will be
the police chief of the town of Auschwitz. The disciplinary measures
ordered by the camp commander against the camp inmates should not have
the character of police measures, and his functions as camp commander
and police chief should be kept distinct. The field police can be
ordered by the camp commandant for special duty within the camp itself;
but such an order can be given only by the camp commander.
# # # # #
Synopsis of a copy of minutes of meeting held on 17 and 18 December
1942 about the confiscation of territory for the enlargement of the
Auschwitz concentration camp.
In order to be able to enlarge the territory of the Auschwitz
concentration camp, it would be expedient to transfer all the estates
to be confiscated to the “Zentralbodenamt” which is an agency of the
Reichsfuehrer SS. However, in order to carry out this transaction, all
those agencies which are at present responsible for the various types
of real estate in question, have to give their approval.
The officials in charge of the church property and of the former Polish
State property gave their consent to release the estates under their
jurisdiction to the Zentralbodenamt. However, the representative of
the Reich Minister of the Interior claimed that he had no authority to
dispose of the property.
Of the community, in spite of arguments to the contrary from other
officials, a further discussion on 21 December 1942 was to be held
between the representatives of the Reich Ministry of the Interior and
the Reichsfuehrer SS.
On 18 December 1942 the representative of the Haupttreuhandstelle Ost
agreed to release the estates under their jurisdiction and empower
the officials in charge to initiate the transactions. The still
remaining legal requirements for the release of properties belonging
to industrial enterprises, racial Germans, and the town of Auschwitz
were finally discussed. The list of participants appears on page
4. Attached, an authorization from the Reich Minister of Finance
(Haupttreuhandstelle Ost) issued 12 January 1943, giving full power
of attorney to the Bodenamt of the Reichsfuehrer SS to make out the
necessary declarations in regard to the real estates.
# # # # #
Synopsis of teletype letter from Dr. Hoffman, representing the Reich
Ministry of the Interior, to the Regierungspraesident in Kattowitz,
dated 22 January 1943.
The territory of the Auschwitz concentration camp will be changed into
an independent estate. For this purpose it must become the property
of the Reich, represented by the Reichsfuehrer SS. This transaction
must be carried out quickly. Land belonging to the Auschwitz district
or to former Reich communities will be transferred after individual
agreements have been made between the owners and the Reichsfuehrer SS
or his agencies. The other community property will be transferred to
the Bodenamt from the respective communities through the mediation of
the Regierungspraesident. Regardless of how much of a property will
become part of the new concentration camp estate, it will have to be
purchased in its entirety. After the measurements have been completed,
the part not needed for the camp estate will be returned to the
original owner. In the Interior the Reichsfuehrer will administer the
property.
Finally the legal aspects of the compensation are discussed.
# # # # #
Synopsis of letter from Dr. Hoffman, representative of the Reich
Ministry of the Interior, to the Oberpraesident of Kattowitz, dated
9 June 1943.
Inquiry as to whether the new Auschwitz estate has already been formed.
# # # # #
Synopsis of letter from the Chief President of Upper Silesia to the
Reich Minister of the Interior, dated 16 August 1943.
Since the new estate of the concentration camp Auschwitz could not
be created fast enough because two private properties could not be
purchased, the President of Upper Silesia issued a decree creating
a new district for Auschwitz. This decree, issued 31 May 1943, is
attached in two copies. It gives a detailed description of the border
line of the newly created Auschwitz district. Relevant maps are
enclosed in folder.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1650-PS
SECRET STATE POLICE--STATE POLICE OFFICE COLOGNE
Branch Office, Aachen
To be transmitted in secret--To be handled as a secret government
matter.
DOR. BERLIN NUE 19 507 March 4 1944 1430--WF--
To all State Police Directorates except PRAGUE and BRUNN--Inspectors of
the Security Police and of the Security Service.
Subject: Measures to be taken against captured escaped prisoners of
war who are officers or not working non-commissioned officers,
except British and American prisoners of war.
The Supreme Command of the Army has ordered as follows:
1. Every captured escaped prisoner of war who is an officer or a not
working non-commissioned officer, except British and American prisoners
of war, is to be turned over to the Chief of the Security Police and of
the Security Service under the classification “Step III” regardless of
whether the escape occurred during a transport, whether it was a mass
escape or an individual one.
2. Since the transfer of the prisoners of war to the security police
and security service may not become officially known to the outside
under any circumstances other prisoners of war may by no means be
informed of the capture. The captured prisoners are to be reported
to the Army Information Bureau as “escaped and not captured”. Their
mail is to be handled accordingly. Inquiries of representatives of
the Protective Power of the International Red Cross, and of other aid
societies will be given the same answer.
3. If escaped British and American prisoners of war who are officers or
not working non-commissioned officers, respectively, are captured they
are to be detained at first outside the prisoner of war camps and out
of sight of prisoners of war; if Army owned buildings are unavailable
they are to be placed in police custody. In every instance the Corps
Area Command will request speedily the Supreme Command of the Army
(Chief, Prisoner of War Section) for a decision as to whether they
are to be turned over to the Chief of the Security Police and of the
Security Service.
In reference to this, I order as follows:
1. The State Police Directorates will accept the captured escaped
officer prisoners of war from the prisoner of war camp commandants and
will transport them to the Concentration Camp Mauthausen following the
procedure previously used, unless the circumstances render a special
transport imperative. The prisoners of war are to be put in irons on
the transport--not on the station if it is subject to view by the
public. The camp commandant at Mauthausen is to be notified that the
transfer occurs within the scope of the action “Kugel” [translator’s
note: the literal translation of “Kugel” is “bullet”]. The State
Police Directorates will submit semi-yearly reports on these transfers
giving merely the figures, the first report being due on 5 July 1944
(sharp). The report is to be made under the reference “Treatment of
Captured Escaped Prisoners of War who are officers within the Scope
of the Action ‘Kugel’.” In the case of special events, reports are to
be submitted immediately. The State Police Directorates will maintain
exact records.
2. For the sake of secrecy, the Supreme Command of the Armed Force has
been requested to inform the prisoner of war camps to turn the captured
prisoners over to the local State Police Office and not to send them
directly to Mauthausen.
3. Captured escaped British and American officers and not working
non-commissioned officers are to be detained in police custody in a
city in which a State Police office is located provided the Army has no
suitable quarters. In view of the existing crowding of police prisons,
the State Police officer will accept captured prisoners only if the
Army actually does not dispose of any suitable space. The prisoner of
war camp commandants are to be contacted in reference to their quarters
immediately after the receipt of this order. In the interest of the
secrecy of this order, confinement outside of police jails, e.g. in
Labor Education Camps is not permissible.
4. If escaped prisoners of war who are officers and not working
non-commissioned officers except British and American prisoners of
war are captured by police authorities, reasons of practicability
render it unnecessary to return the prisoner to the prisoner of war
camp commandant once the facts have been clarified adequately. The
prisoner of war camp is to be informed of the capture and is to be
requested for a transfer under the classification “Step III”. Captured
escaped British and American prisoners of war who are officers and
non-commissioned officers are always to be turned over to the Army.
5. The city and county police authorities are not to be informed of
this order.
Chief of the Security Police and of the Security Service
IV D5d--B.NR. 61/44 GRS.--For the Chief--(signed) Mueller.
SS General.
Branch Office Aachen. Aachen 6 March 1944
_IV D No. 26/44 g Rs_
1. Two extract copies were made of this order.
1st Copy to IV A--6 March.
2nd Copy to IV D--2 March.
2. To be filed with IV C.--IV 3 Noted.
ROSCHER 19 June
[two illegible signatures]
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1652-PS
1933 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 135
Decree of the Reichs President for Protection against treacherous
Attacks on the Government of the Nationalist Movement 21 March 1933
On the basis of Article 48, Par. 2 of the constitution the following is
decreed:
Par. 1
1. Any person possessing a uniform of an organization supporting the
government of the nationalist movement without being entitled thereto
through membership in the organization or otherwise, will be punished
with imprisonment up to two years.
2. Any person wearing the uniform or an insignia representing
membership of an organization designated in Par. 1, without being a
member of the organization, will be punished with imprisonment of at
least one month.
Par. 2
1. Whoever commits a punishable act against persons or objects or
threatens the same and while so doing wears or carries with him
the uniform or insignia designating membership in an organization
of the kind listed in Section 1 (1) without being a member of the
organization, will be punished with a penitentiary sentence; in case of
mitigating circumstances, with imprisonment of not less than 6 months.
2. If the offense was committed with the intention to incite a revolt
or to create fear or panic among the populace or to cause difficulties
for the German Reich in its foreign affairs, the punishment is a
penitentiary sentence of from 3 years to life. In especially severe
cases the death penalty may be exacted.
3. According to these regulations a German can also be prosecuted if he
has committed the offense in a foreign country.
Par. 3
1. Whoever purposely makes or circulates a statement of a factual
nature which is untrue or grossly exaggerated or which is apt to
seriously harm the welfare of the Reich or of a state or the reputation
of the national government or of a state government or of the parties
or organizations supporting these governments, is to be punished,
insofar as no more severe punishment is decreed in other regulations,
with imprisonment up to two years and, if he makes or spreads the
statement publicly, with imprisonment of not less than three months.
2. If through this deed, heavy damage for the Reich or a state
resulted, penitentiary punishment can be exacted.
3. Whoever commits an act through negligence, will be punished with
imprisonment up to 3 months, or by a fine.
Par. 4
Whoever has acquired membership in an organization surreptitiously is
counted as a non-member in the application of this decree.
Par. 5
This decree becomes effective on the day following its publication.
Berlin, 21 March 1933
Reichs President
von HINDENBURG
Reichs Chancellor
Adolf HITLER
Reichs Minister of the Interior
FRICK
For the Reichs Minister for Justice
The Deputy of the Reichs Chancellor
von PAPEN
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1653-PS
1934 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 81
First regulation concerning the new building of the Reich of 2 February
1934
Under the authority of Article 5 of the law on the Reconstruction of
the Reich from 30 January 1934 (Reichsgesetzblatt I, page 75), the
following decree is published herewith:
Article 1
To exercise sovereign rights--a function which was transferred from
the provinces onto the Reich--shall be a function exercised by the
provincial governments as a mandate and on behalf of the Reichs, since
the Reich shall not make use of its right to exercise this function,
either generally or in individual cases.
Article 2
Treaties or agreements in the realm of administration which the
provinces may have concluded among each other or with the Reich shall
not be affected by this transfer of the sovereign rights from the
provinces onto the Reich.
Article 3
1. Laws need the assent of the competent Minister of the Reich.
2. In his own domain the competent Minister of the Reich may order that
the drafts of laws be submitted to him before the law is published.
Article 4
The highest echelons of the provincial governments shall, within the
realm of their tasks, obey the orders issued by the competent Ministers
of the Reich.
Article 5
Employees of the provincial governments may be transferred into the
Reich’s civil service, and employees of the government of the Reich may
be transferred into the civil service of the provinces.
Article 6
This decree became valid on 30 January 1934.
Berlin, 2 February 1934
The Minister of the Interior
FRICK
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1654-PS
1935 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PAGE 369, Nr. 28 dated 16 March 1935
TO THE GERMAN PEOPLE!
When in November 1918, the German people trusting the assurances given
in Wilson’s 14 points, laid down their arms, after four and a half
years of glorious resistance in a war which they never wanted, they
believed, not only to have rendered a service to tortured mankind but
also toward a great idea. Suffering the most, under the consequences
of this insane battle, millions of our people faithfully grasped at
the thought of a reorganization of the relationship between people.
This would be improved by the elimination of secret diplomatic cabinet
politics on one hand, and the horrible means of war on the other. The
harshest results of defeat which are history appeared, to many German
people as the necessary sacrifices in order to free the world once and
for all of similar horrors.
The idea of the League of Nations has probably not aroused a more
hearty approval in other nations than in the German which lost all
earthly happiness. And so it was easy to understand, why the German
people occupied and fulfilled the inane requests for destruction of
armaments. The German people, and especially the administration, were
convinced that through their fulfillment of orders for disarmament,
laid down at Versailles, an international disarmament program was
going to be started and guaranteed. For only in a fulfillment of
these orders, by both sides, lies a moral sensible justification for
a demand, which if unilaterally imposed and executed, will lead to
eternal discrimination and with that, to a declaration of inferiority,
of a great nation. But such a peace treaty could never be the
prerequisite for a real inner reconciliation of the people and with
that lead to a pacification of the world; but it would only create an
eternal burning hatred. Germany has fulfilled the imposed disarmament
obligations laid down by the Inter-Allied Control Commission.
The following were the works of the destruction of the German military
power and its means which were certified to, by this commission.
A. Army
59 897 guns and barrels
130 558 machine guns
31 470 trench mortars and barrels
6007 000 rifles and carbines
243 957 machine gun barrels
28 001 gun carriages
4 390 trench mortar carriages
38750 000 projectiles
16550 000 hand and rifle grenades
60400 000 fuzes
491000 000 small arms ammunition
335 000 shells
23 515 cartridges and bullets
37 600 powder
79 500 empty shells
212 000 telephones
1 072 flamethrowers
31 armored trains
59 tanks
1 762 observation cars
8 982 wireless stations
1 240 Field bakeries
2 199 pontoons
981 pieces of equipment for soldiers and
8230 350 sets of equipment for soldiers
7 300 pistols and revolvers
180 machine gun sleighs
21 mobile workshops
12 AA gun carriers
11 caissons
64 000 steel helmets
174 000 gas masks
2 500 machines of former war industry
8 000 rifle barrels
B. Air
15 714 fighter planes and bombers
27 757 Airplane engines
C. Navy
26 battleships
4 coast guard vessels
4 destroyers
19 small destroyers
21 school and special ships
83 torpedo boats
315 U-Boats
Remarks to A and B
Further under the destruction duties; vehicles of all kinds, means of
gas attack and partly gas defense, gas and explosives, searchlights,
sighting mechanisms, range-finding and sound-ranging devices, optical
apparatus of all kinds, harnesses for horses, narrow gauge equipment,
field printing shops, field kitchens, workshops, slash and stabbing
weapons, steel helmets, ammunition transport material, normal and
special machines of the War industry as, buildings, blueprints thereof,
airplane and zeppelin hangars, etc.
Following this unprecedented historical fulfillment of a treaty, the
German people had the right to expect the redemption of the introduced
duties also from the other side.
Because:
1. Germany has disarmed.
2. In the peace treaty it was plainly required that Germany must be
disarmed in order to set precedent for general disarmament; this means,
it was said that only in Germany’s armament alone lies the basis for
the armament of other nations.
3. The German people were filled with such principles in its
governments and in its Parties which completely agreed with the
pacifistic-democratic ideals of the League of Nations and its founders.
While Germany however had fulfilled its obligations on one side of the
treaty, there remained the redeeming of the obligations on the other
side. That means: the high treaty-makers of the former victorious
states have unilaterally released themselves from the obligations of
the Versailles treaty!
Not enough that every disarmament, was in some way or another
comparable to the German destruction of arms, discontinued, no:
Not even a standstill in the armament was seen, on the contrary
the armament of a whole number of states became visible. What was
discovered during the War in the way of new destructive machinery
now was completed in a methodical-scientific way. In the field of
creating mighty tanks, fighters and bombers, uninterrupted and terrible
improvements took place. New large guns were constructed, new high
explosive, incendiary and gas bombs were developed.
In the meantime however, the world resounded again with war cries as if
there never had been a World War and never a Versailles Treaty. Germany
was an empty powerless space, among these highly armed War states,
which continually made available the most modern motorized equipment
[Kraefte] and had no defense against any menace or threat. The German
people recall the disaster and suffering from fifteen years of
economical distress, political and moral humiliation. It is therefore
easily understood when Germany began to ask loudly for the redeeming of
the promise of the disarmament of the other nations.
Because this is clear, the world would not tolerate a hundred year long
peace but it must be an unmeasurable blessing to her. But it would not
endure a hundred year long break between conqueror and conquered.
The feeling regarding the moral rectification and necessity of an
international disarmament was not only active in Germany but also
within many other nations. Out of the pursuance of these strengths
resulted attempts to try and direct an armament reduction by means
of conferences and thereby bring about a general international
assimilation on a lower level.
And so resulted the first proposition for an international armament
abrogation, of which we have the memory of the MacDonald Plan as being
significant.
Germany was prepared to accept this plan and to take it as foundation
of a final agreement.
It failed due to the rejection by other nations and was finally
abandoned. Since the German people and Reich under such circumstances
found no realization in the equality of rights solemnly guaranteed in
the December declaration of 1932, the new German government saw in
themselves, the guardians of the honor and the living rights of the
German people; they were not in the position to continue to take part
in such conferences or to belong to the League of Nations.
Even after the leaving of Geneva, the German Government was still
prepared not only to consider proposals by other nations but also to
make several practical proposals themselves. They undertook thereby
the conception, which was coined by other nations themselves, that the
creation of short services Armies are inappropriate for purposes of
aggression and therefore are to be recommended for a peaceful defense.
They were therefore prepared to convert the long-service Reichswehr
into a short service Army according to the wishes of other nations.
Their proposals of the winter 1933/34 were practical and easy to
accomplish. Their rejection as well as the final rejection of the
similar proposed Italian and English plan however led us to believe
that the inclination toward a further sensible fulfillment of the
Versailles disarmament provision no longer exists.
Under these circumstances, the German government was forced to take
every necessary measure which would guarantee the termination of
conditions, which are just as unworthy as menacing; of the helpless
defenselessness of a great people and Reich.
They started out from the same motivations as the very true expression
given by Minister Baldwin in his last speech:
“A country, which is not willing to seize the necessary precautionary
measures for its own protection will never have might in this world,
neither moral nor material might.”
The Government of the present day German Reich however, only wishes one
single moral and material might; it is the power to be able to protect
the peace for the Reich and with that, peace for all of Europe!
Therefore she did everything that was in her power and what could serve
toward the furtherance of the peace.
1. For a long period of time she has proposed to all her neighbor
nations, the signing of non-aggression pacts.
2. She has sought and found an agreeable arrangement with the eastern
neighbor nation, which, thanks to the great arbitrary understanding,
has for ever decontaminated the menacing atmosphere which existed when
they took over the power, and it will lead to a lasting understanding
and friendship between the two peoples.
3. She has finally given France the solemn security that Germany, after
the effectuated arrangement of the Saar question will not place or
raise any more territorial claims against France. She believes thereby
to have created, in a historically rare form the prerequisite for the
termination of a hundred year long conflict between two large nations
through a great political and essential sacrifice.
However, the German government must witness to its regret, that for
months a continually rising rearmament is taking place in the world.
She sees in the creation of a Soviet-Russian Army of 101 Divisions,
which means 960,000 men in present peacetime strength, an element which
could not be foreseen at the time of the composition of the Versailles
Treaty.
She sees further signs of rejecting the disarmament idea, proclamated
in its time, in the overdoing of similar measures. It is far from the
German Government to reproach any nation. However, she sees today that
through the present resolved introduction of the two-year military
service in France, the basic ideas of the creation of a short service
defense Army has been abandoned in favor of a long-service organization.
This, however, was one of the arguments used in the demands on Germany,
to surrender its Reichswehr.
* * * Under these circumstances, the German government feels that it
is impossible longer to postpone taking the necessary measures for the
security of the Reich, or even to hide them from the knowledge of the
world.
Therefore, if it now complies with the desire, expressed in the
speech of the English Minister Baldwin on November 28, 1934 for a
clarification of the German intentions, then this is done:
1. IN ORDER TO GIVE THE GERMAN PEOPLE THE CONVICTION AND THE OTHER
STATES THE KNOWLEDGE THAT THE MAINTAINING OF THE HONOR AND SECURITY OF
THE GERMAN REICH WILL, FROM NOW ON, AGAIN BE ENTRUSTED TO THE GERMAN
NATION’S OWN POWER.
2. But in order, by fixing the extent of the German measures, to
invalidate these assertions which wish to imply that the German people
are striving for a position of military hegemony in Europe.
What the German government desires, as the guardian of the honor
and interests of the German nation, is to guarantee the extent of
those means of power which are required not only for maintaining the
integrity of the German Reich, but also for the international respect
and esteem of Germany as a co-guarantor of the general peace.
For in this hour the German government renews, before the German people
and before the whole world, the assurance of its determination never
to trespass the limit of guarding German honor and the freedom of the
Reich, and especially of its determination to (wish to) form, in the
national German armament, not an instrument of military attack, but
rather exclusively one for defense, and thus for maintaining the peace.
In so doing, the German Reich Cabinet expresses the confident hope that
the German people, which thus regains its honor, may be permitted, with
independent equal right, to make its contribution to the pacification
of the world in a free and open cooperation with the other nations and
their governments.
In this spirit the German Reich Cabinet has today passed the following
law:
Law for the Organization of the Armed Forces of March 16, 1935.
The Reich Cabinet has passed the following law which is herewith
promulgated:
Section 1
Service in the Armed Forces is based upon compulsory military duty.
Section 2
In peace time, the German Army, including the police troops transferred
to it is organized into:
12 Corps and
16 Divisions.
Section 3
The Reich Minister of War is charged with the duty of submitting
immediately to the Reich Ministry, detailed laws on compulsory military
duty.
Berlin, March 16, 1935
The Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor
ADOLF HITLER
The Reich Minister of Foreign Affairs
FREIHERR VON NEURATH
The Reich Minister of the Interior
FRICK
The Reich Minister of Finance
GRAF SCHWERIN VON KROSIGK
The Reich Minister of Economics
Acting: HJALMAR SCHACHT
President of the Board of Directors of the Reichsbank.
The Reich Minister of Labor
FRANZ SELDTE
The Reich Minister of Justice
DR. GUERTNER
The Reich Minister of Defense
VON BLOMBERG
The Reich Minister of Post and Traffic
FREIHERR VON TELTZ
The Reich Minister of Nutrition and Agriculture
R. WALTER DARRE
The Reich Minister for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda
DR. GOEBBELS
The Reich Minister for Air
HERMANN GOERING
The Reich Minister of Science Education and Popular Culture
RUST
The Reich Minister without Portfolio
R. HESS
The Reich Minister without Portfolio
KERRL
The Reich Minister without Portfolio
Dr. HANS FRANK
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1659-PS
1938 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 303
Second order concerning plebiscite and election for the greater German
Reichstag of 24 March 1938
On the basis of par. 4 of the Second Decree regarding the Reichstag
election law of 18 March 1938 (RGBl I, p. 258) the following is decreed
in supplement to pars. 8 and 32 of the First Decree of 22 March 1938
for the people’s vote and for the election to the Greater German
Reichstag:
Article 1
1. The ballot is printed as follows:
[Illustration:
PEOPLE’S VOTE AND THE GREATER GERMAN REICHSTAG BALLOT
Do you agree with the accomplishment, on 13 March 1938, of the
REUNITING OF AUSTRIA WITH THE GERMAN REICH and do you vote for the list
of our Fuehrer ADOLF HITLER?
YES NO
]
2. The ballot for the qualified voters with the exception of the
Austrian qualified voters (par 8 of the First Decree) consists of white
or yellow paper.
3. The ballot for the Austrian qualified voters (par. 32 section 1 of
the First Decree) consists of green paper.
Article 2
1. The ballot for soldiers of the former Austrian Army (par 32 section
2 of the First Decree) is printed as follows:
[Illustration:
PEOPLE’S VOTE ON THE 10 APRIL 1938 BALLOT
Do you agree, German Soldier, with the ratification on the 13 March
1938 of the
REUNITING OF AUSTRIA WITH THE GERMAN REICH?
YES NO ]
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1660-PS
1938 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 631
Decree for the registration for the active service in Austria in the
year 1938 of 16 June 1938
I. The registration for the active service in the army for the year
1938 in the country of Austria will be conducted during the time from
16 August until 10 September 1938.
II. To be called for registration:
1. All those subject to duty, born in the year 1917, without regard to
their physical fitness and regardless whether they were exempt from
induction in spring of the year 1938;
2. All those volunteers of other years of birth who were considered
“general service”;
3. All those subject to duty considered “general service” or “limited
service” at the time of induction of the class of 1915 and 1916 who
have registered with reserve commands and who have as yet not been
trained;
4. The volunteers who have reported, or want to report, in June 1938,
for induction into active service for the fall of 1938 (for the
Luftwaffe also for the spring of 1939), without regard whether or not
they have been physically examined.
III. Charged with this task are--
in the higher administrative echelons:
The Landeshauptmaenner (governors of provinces); in Vienna the
mayor,
in the district police echelons:
in the cities, the mayor, and the State police officer, as far as
they are on hand,
in Vienna the Chief of Police,
in the rural districts the district governors.
IV. This decree is based upon Article 37, Section 2 of the draft law
dated 21 May 1935 (Reichsgesetzbl. I, page 609) and the decree of the
Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor regarding the transfer (carrying over)
of the institutional law according to the draft law dated 22 May 1935
(Reichsgesetzblatt I, page 615) and the decree on the introduction
of the general draft in the country of Austria dated 15 June 1938
(Reichsgesetzblatt I, page 631).
Berlin, 16 June 1938
The Chief of the High Command of the Armed Forces
Keitel
The Reich Minister of the Interior
Frick
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1662-PS
1938 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 1580
Order eliminating Jews from German economic life of 12 November 1938
On the basis of the Decree of 18 October 1936 for the execution of the
Four Year Plan (RGBl I, p. 887), the following is ordered:
Article 1
1. From January 1, 1938, operation of retail shops, mail order houses,
independent exercise of handicrafts is forbidden to Jews. (Article 5 of
the First Decree to Reich citizenship law [Reichsbuergergesetz] of 14
Nov 1935--RGBl I, 1933).
2. Moreover it is forbidden to Jews from the same date to offer goods
or services in the markets of all kinds, fairs, or exhibitions or to
advertise such or accept orders therefor.
3. Jewish shops operated in violation of this order will be closed by
police. (Third Decree to Reich citizenship law of 14 June 1938-RGBl I,
627).
Article 2
1. No Jew can manage a firm according to the interpretation of the term
“manager” under the law for national labor of 20 Jan 1934. (RGBl I, 45).
2. If a Jew is a leading employee in a business concern he may be
dismissed with notice of six weeks. At expiration of this period all
claims resulting from the employee’s contract, especially claims of
compensation or pensions, become null.
Article 3
1. No Jew can be a member of a cooperative society.
2. Jewish members of cooperatives lose membership from 21 Dec 1938. No
notice is necessary.
Article 4
Competent Reich Ministers are empowered to issue rules required by this
decree. They may permit exceptions so far as this is necessary for
transfer of Jewish firms into non-Jewish hands or for liquidation of
Jewish concerns and in special cases in order to insure supplies.
Berlin, 12 November 1938
The Commissioner for the Four Year Plan
Goering
General Field Marshal
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1665-PS
1940 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 1270
Order concerning treatment of property of Nationals of the former
Polish State of 17 September 1940
On the basis of the Decree to Implement the Four Year Plan of 18
October 1936 (RGBl I, 887) in conjunction with the Decree for the
Introduction of the Four Year Plan in the Eastern Territories of 30
October 1939 (RGBl I, 2125) the following is decreed for the area of
the Greater German Reich, including annexed Eastern territories:
Article 1
1. Property of nationals of the former Polish State within the area
of the Greater German Reich, including annexed Eastern territories,
is subject to confiscation, administration by commissioner and
sequestration in accordance with the following regulations.
2. This does not apply to the property of persons who have gained
German citizenship in accordance with Article 6 of the edict of the
Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor concerning organization and administration
of Eastern territories, dated 8 October 1939 (RGBl I, 2042). The
competent authority (Article 12) may permit additional exceptions.
3. Nationals of the former Free City of Danzig who are of Polish
nationality are considered as nationals of the former Polish State.
Article 2
1. Confiscation will be applied in case of property belonging to:
_a._ Jews.
_b._ Persons who have fled or who have absented themselves for longer
than temporary period.
2. Confiscation may be applied:
_a._ If the property is needed for the public good, especially for
purposes of national defense or the strengthening of German folkdom.
_b._ If the owners or other persons entitled to it immigrated into the,
then, area of the German Reich after 1 October 1918.
3. Confiscation may be limited to individual articles of property.
4. As a rule the following articles are to be exempted from
confiscation:
_a._ Movable articles destined exclusively for personal use.
_b._ Cash, bank and savings bank deposits as well as stocks and bonds
up to a total value of one thousand marks.
Article 3
Properties are stationary and movable objects (with all accessories),
credits, shares, judgments, and interests of all sorts.
Article 4
1. With the sequestration the previous owners lose the rights of
disposal of the sequestered properties. The competence of the general
governor in accordance with the ordinance for public administration of
farm and forestry industries and territories in the annexed Eastern
areas of 12 Feb 1940 (RGBl I, 355) remains unaffected.
2. Whoever has sequestered property in his possession or custody, must
administer it until further notice. Changes or disposal of the property
or its profits are only to be permitted within the limits of regular
business. All measures which go beyond this, especially the disposal
of plots of land, must have the permission of the competent office
(Article 12).
Article 5
1. The commissarial administration can be ordered for property which is
subject to sequestration, insofar as ordinary administration demands it.
2. Orders by the commissarial administration serve as confiscation at
the same time.
Article 6
1. The commissarial administrator is appointed by the competent office
(Article 12). He will receive a written appointment. He can be recalled
at any time.
2. In the direction of businesses, he must use the same caution which
a regular businessman or administrator would and is responsible for
all the damages which result through breach of duty. He must report to
the competent office (Article 12) at all times all of the information
requested by it and insofar as nothing else is determined he still
must report it concerning his administrative activity monthly without
further request.
3. The commissarial administrator can be held to the fulfillment of his
obligations by the competent office--without prejudice to his criminal
responsibility--by means of an automatic fine of up to 10,000 RM.
Article 7
1. The commissarial administrator is empowered to take all judicial and
extrajudicial actions, which the administration of the property entails
within the limits of ordinary business.
2. The administrator needs a special permission of the competent office
(Article 12) prior to:
_a._ Selling or mortgaging lots.
_b._ Changing the subject or the legal form of an enterprise.
_c._ Doing legal business which results in the sale or winding-up of an
enterprise or of a management or the sale of an administrated stock of
goods or other property which is not divided.
_d._ Renting professional, agriculture and lumber enterprises and farm
and timber lots over 10 hectars.
_e._ Undertaking other legal business whose settlement is made
dependent upon previously established authority of the competent
office (Article 12) by means of public announcement in the German
Reichsanzeiger and the Prussian Staatsanzeiger.
3. Legal affairs which are undertaken without the authority required by
Article 2 are not valid.
Article 8
1. The administrator will receive a remuneration for his activity which
will be determined by the competent office.
2. The costs of the commissarial administration including the
remuneration will be borne by the concern, property, or portion of
property, administered.
Article 9
1. Sequestered property can be confiscated in favor of the Reich by
the competent office if the public weal, particularly the defense of
the Reich or the consolidation of the German nationality [Volkstums],
requires it.
2. Before confiscation the sequestered property is to be determined
according to more detailed directives of the competent office (Article
12).
The Reich is the security for the debts of the confiscated property up
to the amount of the sale value of the confiscated property. Judgments
against confiscated properties remain valid.
4. The disposal of confiscated property is granted the office which was
competent for the confiscation (Article 12). In the case of disposal
of agricultural property an accord will be reached between the Reich
Commissar for the strengthening of German nationality and the Reich
Minister for Food and Agriculture.
5. The regulation of the type and extent of compensation which will be
granted for property losses attendant upon the carrying out of this
decree remains withheld. For measures of the competent agency (Article
12), on the basis of Articles 16 and 17, no compensation will be
granted.
Article 10
1. A commissarial (provisional) administration can also be established
over the property of legal persons, societies, clubs and other
associations of individuals in which subjects of the former Polish
State in the year 1939 still either had a preponderant capital interest
or whose administration was decisively influenced by members of the
former Polish State.
2. During the existence of the commissarial administration the
authority of chief and of the other persons authorized for
representation or administration will be dormant; the same thing for
the powers of all other organs.
3. Only the shares and holdings of subjects of the former Polish State
are subject to confiscation in this case.
Article 11
1. The sequestration or the regulation of the commissarial
administration are upon request of the competent authority (Article
2) to be entered into the register of deeds or any other appropriate
public register. The entry of the name of the commissarial
administrator can also be demanded.
2. Insofar as the register of deeds or other appropriate public
register becomes incorrect as a result of measures on the basis of this
decree, it is upon request of the competent authority to be corrected.
Article 1, section 3 to 5 of the second decree for the execution and
completion of the law on the granting of compensation in case of
confiscation or transferral of property of 18 March 1938 (RGBl I, 317)
is to be applied appropriately.
Article 12
1. For measures and decisions on the basis of this decree the
commissioner for the four year plan--chief-trusteeship East--is
the competent authority; for agriculture including agricultural
side-enterprises, the Reich Commissar for the strengthening of German
nationality.
2. The competent authorities according to subparagraph (1) can delegate
the exercise of their powers entirely or partially to other agencies.
Complaints against their decisions will be directed to the competent
authority according to Sect (1). The complaint will have no delaying
effect. It is not permissible if more than one year has gone by since
the issuance of the disputed decision.
Article 13
If anybody opposes the sequestration or the ruling of the commissarial
administration with the assertion that he is a member of the German
people, then the proceedings are to be suspended. The competent
authority (Article 12) will entrust the decision concerning membership
in the German people to the local governor [Regierungspraesident].
The person concerned also has the right of requesting that his
nationality be determined. Complaint against the decision of the
Regierungspraesident to the Reich Minister of the Interior is
permissible. The decision on membership in the German people is
binding, upon the proceedings of the competent authority (Article 12)
on the basis of this decree.
Article 14
The regulations to be issued according to Article 2, 5 and 10 will
be effected by a written order which is to be made known to person
concerned. This personally making known may be substituted by a sign,
poster, or public proclamation.
Article 15
1. Disposal of property and property rights of subjects of the
former Polish State, who do not come under the regulations governing
exceptions of Article 1, Section 2, need the approval of the
competent authority (Article 12) to be valid. This is not true for the
disposition of claims upon interest and other continuous earnings.
2. The competent authority decides whether approval according to
Section 1 is necessary. The decision is binding upon courts and
administrative agencies. The competent authority (Article 12) must upon
demand issue a certificate that approval is not necessary.
Article 16
1. All sorts of compulsory sales of objects are by this decree
subject to sequestration may only be begun with the assent of the
competent authority (Article 12). If one of the competent authorities
according to Article 12 has assented, it has no influence upon further
proceedings, if it has wrongly asserted its competence.
2. If it is to be feared that the debtor will escape the compulsory
sale, or an immediate seizure is called for, for some other reason,
then upon order of the court authorizing the compulsory sale the
compulsory sale can be begun before issuance of the necessary approval,
according to Section 1. It should, in this case, be limited to the
measures permissible in the execution of an attachment and be continued
from this point only when the approval has been issued. Upon demand of
the competent authority (Article 12) the court authorizing a compulsory
sale must order the lifting of the temporary attachment measures.
Article 17
1. If in the incorporated Eastern territories bankruptcy proceedings
are opened on the property of a bankrupt, then the provisions of
Article 16 are valid accordingly, for the liquidation of the property
belonging to the estate of the bankrupt.
2. If the opening or discontinuance of bankruptcy proceedings in the
incorporated Eastern territories depends upon whether the value of
the bankrupt estate corresponds to the cost of the proceedings, then
objects which according to this decree are subject to confiscation,
shall only be regarded as belonging to the bankrupt estate, if the
competent authority (Article 12) has agreed to their liquidation in
bankruptcy proceedings.
Article 18
It can be publicly announced that property coming into consideration
for sequestration is to be registered. The announcement of registration
for agricultural property takes place in agreement with the Reich
Minister for Food and Agriculture.
Article 19
The competent authority (Article 12) can demand information of
everybody for the carrying out of its tasks. Administrative agencies
and courts must give it official help, especially they must question
witnesses and experts upon its demand.
Article 20
1. Whoever undertakes to deprive the agencies indicated in Article
12 or those empowered to dispose of the property by said agencies or
otherwise in any way undertakes to thwart, to evade, or to prejudice
the effect of the sequestration in order to create a profit for himself
or another, will be punished with imprisonment and fine or one of these
penalties.
2. In aggravated cases the punishment will be confinement to a
penitentiary. If the culprit acts out of insubordination against the
political new order or the case is otherwise especially aggravated the
sentence of death is to be given.
Article 21
1. Whoever intentionally or carelessly fails to fulfill or fulfills
incorrectly, or incompletely, an obligation to report or give
information incumbent upon him according to an executionary regulation
issued to implement this law or a regulation issued according to
Articles 18 and 19, will be punished with imprisonment and fine.
2. The criminal prosecution will be instituted only upon request of the
competent authority (Article 12).
Article 22
1. The following remain unprejudiced:
_a._ The regulation for the securing of the necessary establishments
for the fitting out of the Reich’s war harbor Gdynia of 21 December
1939 (RGBl I, 2475);
_b._ The decree on the public exploitation of agricultural and
sylvicultural enterprises and real estate in the incorporated Eastern
territories of 12 February 1940 (RGBl I, 355) with the provision that
upon the undertaking subject to public exploitation the provisions of
Articles 1, 2, 3, 4 Section 1, Articles 9, 11, 12 Section 1, Articles
14, 18, 19, 20, 21 and 23 of this decree will be applied;
_c._ The ordinance on the handling of enemy property of 15 Jan 1940
(RGBl I, 191) with the provision that property of the subjects of the
former Polish State, who have their residence or permanent domicile in
the territory of an enemy state, will be treated according to this
decree, insofar as it is located in the Greater German Reich including
the incorporated Eastern territories.
_d._ The decree on confiscation in the occupied former Polish
territories (except Eastern Upper Silesia) of 5 Oct 1939, P. 25.
_e._ The decree on the employment of Jewish property of 3 Dec 1938
(RGBl I, 1709) with following:
1. The sequestration according to Article 2 and the regulation of a
commissarial administration according to Articles 5 and 10 of this
decree do not take place in the case of property of Jews, which the
Jewish owners had already been ordered to sell on the basis of Articles
1 to 6 of the decree on the disposal of Jewish property at the time
this law came into effect. The proceeds of this sale can be confiscated.
2. The approval according to Article 15 of this decree is not necessary
insofar as a license is prescribed by Article 8 of decree on employment
of Jewish property;
_f._ The decree of the Reich protector in Bohemia and Moravia on Jewish
property of 21 June 1939 [Verordnungsblatt des Reichsprotektors in
Boehmen und Maehren p. 45] and the decree of the Reich protector in
Bohemia and Moravia on the removal of the Jews from the economy of the
protectorate of 26 Jan 1940 [Verordnungsblatt des Reichsprotektors in
Boehmen and Maehren P. 45] with the provision that the proceedings for
the removal of Jews will also be carried out in regard to the property
of subjects of the former Polish State according to these provisions,
in agreement with the chief-trusteeship East; for the sequestration and
confiscation the agencies named in Article 12 remain competent.
2. Furthermore all regulations conflicting with this one, issued since
28 August 1939 in the incorporated Eastern territories including
the territory of the former Free City of Danzig, especially such
regulations which grant the right to sequester, to install commissarial
administrators or trustees, or to confiscate, become invalid.
3. The measures and legal transactions of the commissariat
administrator undertaken with the approval of the competent agencies
are not subject to the necessity of being approved according to
the decree to assure the orderly development of the economy in the
incorporated Eastern territories of 31 Jan 1940 (RGBl I, 255). In the
case of property disposal an understanding will be established with
the competent Reichs governor or provincial governor or the highest
Reichs authority, which according to Article 3 Section 2 of the decree
of 31 Jan 1940 have withheld their consent. If in cases of especial
importance such an understanding cannot be established, then the
commissioner for the four year plan will make the decision.
4. Measures of the competent authorities (Article 12) which have been
taken before this decree became effective, are valid if they are in
accordance with the provisions of this decree or with the law as it
stood previously.
5. Insofar as sequestrations, confiscations, or the installation of
commissarial administrators have been carried out by anyone else
but the competent agencies (Article 12), their confirmation is to
be applied for in writing. If the confirmation of them is not then
forthcoming, the previously directed measures become null and void. The
same is true if a decision is not reached on the confirmation before
31 October 1940. The competent agencies are authorized to prolong this
period to a reasonable degree in individual cases.
6. The provisions of Section 5 are not valid for trustees, who at the
time this law came into effect were installed according to Articles
2 and 6 of the decree on the employment of Jewish property of 3 Dec
1938 (RGBl I, 1709) for the temporary carrying on, transferral, or
winding up of Jewish business undertakings or for the administration
or transferral of other property of Jews. The legal position of these
trustees remains unchanged.
Article 23
1. The commissioner for the four year plan will issue the necessary
legal regulations for the carrying out of this law--for agriculture
including subsidiary enterprises pertaining to agriculture--with
the agreement of Reich commissar for the strengthening of German
nationality and of the Reich Minister for Food and Agriculture.
2. The commissioner for the four year plan in agreement with the Reich
Minister of Finance and the Reich Minister for Economic Affairs can
decree by means of legal regulations a simplified settlement, diverging
from the provisions of the law as it stands, of the legal affairs of
those persons whose property is subject to confiscation according to
this decree.
3. The necessary administrative regulations for the carrying out
of this decree will be issued by the commissioner for the four
year plan--Chief Trusteeship East--in agreement with the competent
authorities.
Article 24
1. This decree becomes effective one week after its proclamation.
2. The commissioner for the four year plan will fix the time of its
becoming invalid.
Berlin, 17 September 1940
The chairman of the ministerial council
for the defense of the Reich and commissioner
for the four year plan
GOERING
Reichs Marshal
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1666-PS
1942 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 179
Decree of the Fuehrer concerning a plenipotentiary general for the
utilization of labor of 21 March 1942
In order to secure the manpower requisite for the war industries as
a whole, and particularly for armaments, it is necessary that the
utilization of all available manpower, including that of workers
recruited [angeworbenen] abroad and of prisoners of war, should
be subject to a uniform control, directed in a manner appropriate
to the requirements of war industry, and further that all still
incompletely utilized manpower in the Great German Reich, including
the Protectorate, and in the General Gouvernement and in the Occupied
Territories, should be mobilized.
Reichsstatthalter and Gauleiter Fritz Sauckel will carry out this task
within the framework of the Four Years Plan, as Plenipotentiary General
for the utilization of labor. In that capacity he will be directly
responsible to the Commissioner for the Four Years Plan.
Section III (wages) and Section V (utilization of labor) of the Reich
Labor Ministry, together with their subordinate authorities, will
be placed at the disposal of the Plenipotentiary General for the
accomplishment of his task.
Fuehrer-Headquarters, 21 March 1942
The Fuehrer
Adolf Hitler
The Reich Minister and Head of the Reich Chancellery
Dr. Lammers
The Chief of the High Command of the Armed Forces
Keitel
1942 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 180
Ordinance for the execution of the Fuehrer’s decree concerning a
Plenipotentiary General for Arbeitseinsatz of 27 March 1942
In pursuance of the Fuehrer’s Decree of 21 March 1942 (RGBl I, 179), I
decree as follows:
1. My manpower sections [Geschaeftsgruppen Arbeitseinsatz] are hereby
abolished. (Circular letter of 22 Oct 1936/St. M. Dev. 265). Their
duties (recruitment and allocation of manpower, regulations for labor
conditions [Arbeitsbedingungen]) are taken over by the Plenipotentiary
General for Arbeitseinsatz, who is directly under me.
2. The Plenipotentiary General for Arbeitseinsatz will be responsible
for regulating the conditions of labor (wage policy) employed in the
Reich Territory, having regard to the requirements of Arbeitseinsatz.
3. The Plenipotentiary General for Arbeitseinsatz is part of the Four
Year Plan. In cases where new legislation is required, or existing laws
require to be modified, he will submit appropriate proposals to me.
4. The Plenipotentiary General for Arbeitseinsatz will have at
his disposal for the performance of his task the right delegated
to me by the Fuehrer for issuing instructions to the higher Reich
authorities, their branches and the Party offices, and their associated
organisms and also to the Reich protector, the General-Governor, the
Commander-in-Chief, and heads of the civil administrations.
In the case of ordinances and instructions of fundamental importance
report is to be submitted to me, in advance.
Berlin, 27 March 1942
The Deputy for the Four Year Plan
Goering
Reich Marshal
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1669-PS
NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY
Deputy of the Fuehrer
H/J
Munich, Briennerstrasse 45
Tel: 54901 and 58344
Munich, 28 August 1933.
Mr. Dr. Albrecht Hanshofer
BERLIN
Society of Geography, Wilhelmstr, BERLIN
My dear Doctor:
Many thanks for both your letters of the 23 and 24 of this month. I
made all necessary arrangements concerning the Standartenfuehrers,
immediately.
I would like very much to speak to Haselblatt before his convention
starts. Probably I will be at Berlin around September 7. I don’t know
yet if I shall be able to attend the Convention myself.
Concerning the American, would you please tell him, that in one case
it is no longer the question of a “party” in the sense of the “custom”
practiced since Washington’s time, that we are striving for, but this
party is a section of the State itself. It is of utmost interest to me
to know, whether any American official representatives ever attended
meetings of the fascist party.
I reported the statements of the Polish Chief of Staff.
With hearty greetings
your
[Signature] Rudolf Hess.
Registered!
# # # # #
Berlin, August 1933.
EAST PRUSSIA
Dear Mr. Hess:
Today I have only two reports to pass on to you, having received them
from a generally well informed source.
Primarily: Assertion of the Polish Chief of staff: “Once the damned
civilians thwarted our East Prussian aim with their scruples &
hesitation. That will not happen again. Precaution has been taken that
these people are sent to a Concentration Camp if they should still dare
to obstruct us.”
Secondly: A very delicate matter. It is known to yourself, that
at some place in your organization, there are people, unable to
subordinate their personal initiative for the benefit of the common
good. I am informed that a personage very highly esteemed abroad,
but completely retired at home, H * * * h B * * * g has to fear for
her individual safety. The source of this insecurity, I was told is
S.A. Standartleader Schoeneberg. I don’t have to point out to you the
repercussions, abroad, which any personal accident would provoke. * * *
Could you take care of internal curbing.
With hearty Greetings
Always Your
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1674-PS
1938 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PAGE 1044, 17 Aug. 1938
The second decree for the execution of the law regarding the change of
the surnames and forenames of 17th August 1938.
On the basis of Article 13, of the law of 5 January 1938
(Reichsgesetzblatt I.S.9) concerning the change of the surnames and
given-names, the following is ordered:
Art. 1
1. Jews may be given only such given-names as are cited in the
directives issued by the Ministry of Interior concerning the
utilization of given-names.
2. Para. (1) is not applicable to Jews who are foreign citizens.
Art. 2
1. In so far as the Jews are still using some other given-names
different from those which are at their disposal according to Art.
1,--they are obliged to assume by the 1st January 1939, a second,
additional given-name as follows; for males, the given-name Israel and
for females the given-name Sara.
2. The person having to assume an additional forename according to para
(1) is obliged to give a written notification in this matter to the
registration office at which his birth, and marriage are registered.
The same notification is to be given to the proper police-official
in the registerer’s place of residence or customary habitat. The
notifications are to be reported within a month from the date requiring
him to assume an additional given-name.
3. In so far as the birth or marriage of the person who must register
has been verified by a German diplomatic representative of a Consul, or
has been verified in a German protectorate,--the notification, which
must be made, is to be forwarded to the Register-Office I, Berlin. If
the place of residence or customary habitat of the person registering
is abroad, the notification in question, mentioned in Para (2),
sentence (1) is to be forwarded to the competent German Consul instead
of to the competent police-official.
4. For people who are unable, or are partially unable to conduct
their own affairs, the obligation to register rests upon the legal
representative.
Art. 3
As far as is customary in juridical and business procedure to indicate
the given-names, the Jews are obliged always to indicate at least
one of their given-names. In so far as they are required to assume
an a
