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Title: Barotseland: eight years among the Barotse
Author: K.C.B G.C.M.G. Sir Harry Johnston
D. W. Stirke
Release date: August 4, 2023 [eBook #71338]
Language: English
Original publication: London: John Bale, Sons & Danielsson, LTD, 1922
Credits: Charlene Taylor and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BAROTSELAND: EIGHT YEARS AMONG THE BAROTSE ***
BAROTSELAND:
EIGHT YEARS AMONG THE BAROTSE PEOPLE
[Illustration: Lewanika
Late Paramount Chief of the Barotse Nation
_Frontispiece._ Photo by Mrs. Marshall]
BAROTSELAND:
Eight Years among the Barotse
BY
D. W. STIRKE
Native Commissioner Northern Rhodesia
WITH AN INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER BY
SIR HARRY JOHNSTON, G.C.M.G., K.C.B.
At one time H.M. Commissioner &c., for Northern Zambezia
LONDON:
JOHN BALE, SONS & DANIELSSON, LTD.
OXFORD HOUSE
83-91, GREAT TITCHFIELD STREET, OXFORD STREET, W.1
PREFACE BY THE AUTHOR.
In presenting this book to the public I would like to register my
appreciation of the kindness of various friends who have materially
assisted me in its production. My brother-officials Messrs. Helm and
Palmer and my friend the Rev. V. Ellenberger, of the Paris Huguenot
Mission, have greatly assisted me with advice and information, while my
sincere gratitude is due to Mr. Coxhead (Secretary for Native Affairs),
Mrs. Marshall, Mr. Walton (Assistant Native Commissioner), and Mr. Thomas
(Vice-Principal of the Barotse National School) for photographs.
The greatest care has been taken in checking and rechecking any and all
portions of the book and several items have been deleted as lacking
confirmation, which was unavoidable in handling such a mixed race as the
present day Barotse.
I would also wish it to be fully understood that this work has been
compiled by me, aided by my friends as mentioned before, but with no
official assistance from the Administration, and this work must in no
way be considered “Official” or “Approved by the British South African
Co.” The information to be found in the book is however fairly accurate,
in spite of not being written under the ægis of the Administration.
Since finishing the book the death of the Paramount Chief Lewanika has
occurred, and he has been succeeded in his position by his eldest son,
Yeta, who has taken the title of Yeta II.
Lewanika was a man of about 70 years of age, and had a hold on his people
that no Murotse chief will ever have again. He will, for generations,
be remembered as the chief who did most for the improvement and
consolidation of his people. Lewanika travelled to England for the late
King Edward’s coronation, and it was always a great delight to him to
talk about the friends he made and the sights he saw while going to,
staying in, and returning from England.
Early in his reign he was deposed by a relative of his named Tatila; but
Tatila had not the grip over his people nor the statesmanship to hold
the chieftainship, with the result that Lewanika was reinstated after a
couple of battles. To the surprise of all he showed great clemency and
pardoned most of the rebels. A notable example of his clemency is the
induna Noyōō, who was very prominent in killing off Lewanika’s women and
children during Tatila’s brief rule. Lewanika told me himself that his
reason for sparing Noyōō was because he and Noyōō had herded cattle
together when very small boys.
Lewanika led many successful raids against the neighbouring tribe of the
Mashukulumbwe, and he was the first Barotse Chief who accepted their
homage and counted them as a portion of his people.
He had a great belief in acquiring knowledge of other native races and
chiefs, and sent embassies to Chitimukulu the Awemba Chief and to Khama
the Bamangwato Chief (the Bamangwato being better known nowadays under
the general term Bechuana).
Lewanika was a man of most charming and courteous manners and had always
a very sincere regard for Europeans, while his loyalty to the Empire has
repeatedly proved itself, more especially since the beginning of the
German War. A visit by a European, accompanied by his wife, was always
considered a great compliment by the late chief.
Missionaries always received support from Lewanika, and were given
grants of land for their stations and many other privileges. The Chief
himself never professed Christianity, but set an example to his people by
attending church services and by supporting the Missions generally.
D. E. C. S.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Preface by the Author v
Introductory Chapter by Sir Harry Johnston 1
CHAPTER I.
The Barozi and their Origin 37
CHAPTER II.
The Administration of Barotseland 42
CHAPTER III.
Native Administration 46
CHAPTER IV.
Barozi Industries 55
CHAPTER V.
Customs (Mikwa) 61
CHAPTER VI.
Riddles and Conundrums 80
CHAPTER VII.
Barozi Songs and Dances 85
CHAPTER VIII.
Barozi Legends 93
CHAPTER IX.
Barozi Laws 108
CHAPTER X.
General 115
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
_To face p._
Lewanika, late Paramount Chief of the Barotse Nation _Frontispiece_
The Skull of _Homo rhodesiensis_ from the Specimen at the
British Museum 1
The Giant Sable Antelope of Eastern Angola 28
The Mokwai Mataŭka of Nalolo with her husband (standing) and
interpreter (sitting) 37
One of Lewanika’s Aunts with Attendant 40
Lewanika’s Band (Mirupa and Silimba) 40
A Lujazi Village 44
Lewanika’s Head Paddlers 44
Arrival of the Nalikwanda 52
The Secretary for Native Affairs and the late Paramount Chief 52
The Nalikwanda 56
Government Messengers and a Post-runner at Nalolo 56
Crossing Cattle over the Zambezi 58
The Mokwai’s House and Fence at Nalolo 58
Capture of a young Crocodile 62
Arrival of Lewanika’s Subsidy at Lialui: carried by British South
Africa Company’s Messengers 62
Tax-payers 66
Royalty travelling by Boat 66
Mankoya Women dancing 70
“Well in swing” 70
Mambalangwe “Nuts” 74
Mat-makers, with Mats for Sale 78
A Mambalangwe Family 78
Gang of Natives proceeding to the Mines in Southern Rhodesia 82
Shooting Rapids 86
Ngonya Falls at Sioma, Barotseland 86
Food for Sale 88
The End of the Day’s Journey 88
“Liyumbo,” or Food-tribute 92
Travelling in Barotseland 92
The Author and the Mokwai of Nalolo 100
A Mrozi Boat and Crew 100
The Author and Lewanika 104
A Mumbunda Witch Doctor telling Fortunes 106
A Barotse Village 106
Start of a River Trip 110
Interior of Lewanika’s Dining-room 110
A Mambalangwe Belle 114
A Mankoya Chief and Retinue 118
A Traveller on the Zambezi 122
The Mankoya Chief, Mweni-Mutondo, and Band 122
Village School Boys, with Parents in foreground 128
Hauling Boats through Rapids 128
Portion of a Lubale Village 134
The Lunda Chief, Sinde, and Harem 134
[Illustration: The Skull of an ancient North Rhodesian Type of Man (_Homo
rhodesiensis_).
(From a photograph kindly lent by Dr. SMITH WOODWARD, British Museum).
_Face_ p. 1]
INTRODUCTION.
BY SIR HARRY JOHNSTON, G.C.M.G., K.C.B.
_Sometime H.M. Commissioner, &c., for Northern Zambezia._
Barotseland at the present day is mainly defined as the kingdom of the
recently dead Lewanika which lies both to the east and west of the Upper
Zambezi, north of Sesheke, the Katima Rapids, the “Caprivi” boundary
line of former German South West Africa. The western boundary line
of Barotseland is the east bank of the Kwando river up stream to its
intersection with the 22nd degree of E. longitude; the northern boundary
is the 13th degree of S. latitude; and the eastern limit is a line
drawn from the 13th degree of S. latitude to the upper waters of the
Kabompo-Lulafuta, and then southward to the Majili river and along the
Majili down to its union with the Upper Zambezi near Sesheke.
The master people, still, in this Upper Zambezi state are the A-luyi, who
seem to have entered the lands of the Upper Zambezi from the direction of
Eastern Angola, if vague tradition be anything to rely on. At any rate
the A-luyi became the dominant tribe in this region some three hundred
years ago, if not much earlier. Prior to their dominancy the Upper
Zambezi regions had been invaded by terrible armies of cannibals, the
“Bazimba” of Portuguese East African records and the “Giagas,” “Jaggas”
of Portuguese Congo and Angola history. The term “Jagga” seems to have
been derived from the title Jaga, which they gave to their chiefs;
amongst themselves this tribe or congeries of tribes which played such
an amazing part in the history of Central Africa in the latter half of
the 16th century was known either as the “Imbángala” of the middle course
of the Kwango river or the Va-chibokwe, Va-kioko, Va-chokwe, Bajoko
(according to Livingstone), or Ba-jok of South-west Congoland and the
Kasai sources. This boiling over of the Va-chokwe—as they are nowadays
termed in their original home—caused terrific, population-destroying
raids to be made across Northern Angola into Luango and the Congo coast
region, and southwards over Barotseland, Central Zambezia, Southern
Nyasaland and Moçambique, and northwards up the East Coast to the
surroundings of Mombasa. The Va-chokwe were known by several names in the
Portuguese records, the Jagga, Ba-zimba, and Bambo (_sing._ “Mumbo.”)
“Ba-zimba” seems to have died out as a tribal name, but the Bambo still
inhabit the region through which the Lower Shire flows, and the original
Va-chokwe, Va-kioko, Va-chibokwe, or Ba-jok are prominent inhabitants
in the basin of the extreme upper Kasai, and come into Barotseland
or Angola on trading expeditions. They are a singularly independent,
quarrelsome, warlike people, not unlikely to give trouble yet to the
Belgian controllers of Congoland, to the British peace-keepers in
North-West Zambezia, or to the Portuguese in Eastern Angola.
But though Upper Zambezia was traditionally overrun by the Va-chokwe
three hundred and fifty years ago, the A-luyi seem soon afterwards to
have absorbed the invasive quota of peoples and to have settled down as
the rulers of Upper Zambezia till their land was first invaded from the
south about one hundred and twenty years ago.
This invasion took place from the direction of Lake Ngami and the
invaders seem to have been a section of the Ba-hurutse division of the
Bechuana people. They reached the Upper Zambezi—traditionally—at the end
of the 18th century, whether as friends or foes, tradition does not say;
probably in small numbers and with no racial feud against the A-luyi.
Their descendants may be the “Njenji” or “Zinzi” tribe who still speak a
dialect of Sechuana and are settled rather high up the Zambezi. They seem
however to have long retained the tribal name—Ba-hurutse—which became
shortened into Ba-rotse.
These Ba-hurutse colonists of the Upper Zambezi valley apparently
preserved some slender connection with the remainder of the great area
of Bechuanaland, and had allowed news to reach the Fatherland of
their tribe regarding the well-watered region in which they had made a
new home. At any rate Sebituane, the son of an erratic woman chief in
Basutoland, who in the second decade of the 19th century led her people
forth on a mad excursion, gradually found his way to the north-west, and
finally at the close of the eighteen-twenties had crossed the Zambezi
and brought his followers—now called the Makololo—to the conquest of its
upper valley.
By about 1840, he had conquered the A-luyi, whom he and his people
called the “Ba-rotse” (Ba-hurutse), by the name of the earlier Bechuana
colonists. Livingstone found him a fine-looking, copper-coloured man.
“He was far and away the finest Kafir I ever saw,” wrote W. C. Oswell at
the time—1851; and many years afterwards (in 1890) he repeated the same
thing to me. “Sebituane is a gentleman in life and manner” exclaimed his
surprised guests in 1851, when they appreciated to the full his gracious
and thoughtful hospitality.
One feels on reading the remembrances of Livingstone and Oswell how
intense must have been their regret when a few days after their arrival
this great chief fell ill with inflammation of the lungs and passed
away. Sebituane’s last days of life were taken up with recounting in
a subdued voice (he was suffering from an old wound in the lungs) his
wonderful adventures since he had first reached the Zambezi and found
his way into Barotseland as a ruler. To the east of his moving horde of
Bechuana or Makololo, were the fierce Tebele Zulus under Umsilikazi or
Mosilikatse,[1] who likewise strove to conquer for themselves a state in
North Zambezia. The pressure of the Amandebele drove Sebituane to the
more swampy regions of “Barotseland.”
After Sebituane’s death Livingstone and Oswell left his country,
promising to return. His son Sekeletu—inferior to his splendid father
in height, physique, and appearance—was placed on the throne and ruled
Barotseland for some twelve years. Livingstone had returned to the Upper
Zambezi in 1853, determined then to discover the whole secret of its
course and of its main tributaries, and to follow up the trail of the
Ba-joko traders and the “Mambari” or half-caste Portuguese, who were
beginning to renew their trading enterprize with the Upper Zambezi, and
ascertain if through Sekeletu’s kingdom they could find their way “á
contra costa”—to Portuguese Zambezia and Moçambique.
Livingstone traversed Barotseland (or Uluyi, as it was still more
anciently called). Makololo porters and soldiers—some of whom were really
A-luyi subjects of Sekeletu—accompanied him to São Paulo de Loanda, and
turned back with him from Portuguese civilization to deliver him safely
again at Sekeletu’s capital, whence, after many adventures on the Tonga
highlands and along the cataract-strewn Zambezi, he reached that river’s
delta and the settled towns of the Portuguese.
He returned in 1858 and, accompanied by Charles Livingstone and John
Kirk, he once more entered Barotseland and sat with Sekeletu and his
subordinate chiefs. But Livingstone had become by then more deeply
interested in the problems, geographical and political, of Lake Nyasa
and the Shiré river, the ravages of the Yao and Arab slave-traders, the
courses of rivers west and north of the Nyasa watershed. Barotseland
simmered on; scarcely visited by any European—unless it was some stray
hunter who had found his way to the Zambezi. At last, in the year 1878,
the pioneers of the great French Protestant Mission—notably Monsieur
François Coillard—came into the Lake Ngami basin from Bechuanaland, and
thence travelled to Upper Zambezi.
They found this former kingdom of Sebituane and Sekeletu ruled
intermittently and disturbedly by a young chief of the old Aluyi
dynasty—_Lewanika_. Sekeletu had died in 1864, and a period of struggle
then arose in which the Aluyi and allied peoples, with possibly the
remnant of the old settlement of the “Barotse” (Ba-hurutse), overcame the
fighting caste of the Makololo, killed the males and married the females;
and at the end of the struggle—about 1870—-the former dynasty of Aluyi
chiefs was re-established.
The French Protestant missionaries (some of whom were Swiss) did much
to keep Lewanika and his people in touch with British South Africa,
after they were well-established in his country. He was made aware, at
the close of the ’eighties, of German ambitions, of Portuguese desires
to “protect” his territory—the journeys of Serpa Pinto and Capello and
Ivens (1878-1883) had kept him advised of this; and at the same time of
the formation of a great Chartered Company which had come to terms with
the Matebele Zulus and was extending British political influence over the
regions north of the Zambezi.
The “Barotse” people had heard something about the Arabs far back in
the 19th century, for Livingstone found an intelligent, enquiring,
civil-spoken Arab staying at or near the Barotse capital on the Zambezi
in 1855.
Lewanika came to hear of the war with the Arabs in Nyasaland and on
Tanganyika into which Germans and English were led, and his sympathies
lay with the Europeans. Though Sekeletu had been a slave-trader on rather
a considerable scale, Lewanika held such a policy in abhorrence. In
1891 he came to a preliminary understanding with the Chartered Company
which has been strengthened by later agreements. In 1902, Lewanika, who
had been born and brought up in the heart of Central Africa, travelled
_via_ Cape Town to England and was present at the coronation of King
Edward VII. He looked a fine and imposing figure in Westminster Abbey,
where I—recently returned from Uganda—was presented to him, after the
ceremony was over. He had, indeed, as the author of this book says in
his introduction, “most charming and courteous manners.” Further, it
should be added that in regard to the kingdom of the Barotse, the British
South Africa Chartered Company has taken no false step, has incurred no
unfavourable criticism, and has received praise for its control of native
customs and defence of native rights from the French Protestant and the
Church of England missionaries at work in this country and its neighbour
states.
* * * * *
The Barotse country, as defined on the sketch map accompanying this
book, includes a number of interesting and distinct Bantu languages. It
is even possible that a traveller who pushed his explorations to the
south-western limits of the kingdom and of the British sphere might
find in the valley of the Kwando river a few nomad Bushmen of more
normal stature than the stunted Bushmen of Cape Colony, but speaking
a tongue of Bushman and not Bantu affinities. The Bushmen were more
anciently inhabitants of this land than the Bantu Negroes; but not far
away, to the east of Barotseland, we have had a sensational discovery
within the last twelve months of a different and peculiar species of
man which once inhabited South Central Africa, prior to the penetration
thither of the Negro sub-species. This was _Homo rhodesiensis_, the
skull, jaw, and limb-bones of which were found in close association with
rudely-chipped quartz knives and scrapers, and with the broken bones
of antelopes still living in Rhodesia. The place of discovery was some
sixty feet below the surface in a cave at the Broken Hill Mine almost
in the middle of Northern Rhodesia. The bones found are attributable to
at least two personages, the limb-bones and the skull having belonged
to a tall man perhaps not less than six feet in height. He possessed
tremendously-developed brow ridges, a feature in which Negro man is as a
rule more deficient than the European. These, and the large flat face and
comparatively small front teeth and other features, suggest an affinity
with Neanderthal man (_Homo primigenius_) of Europe. Other points show
some resemblance to the black Australian. But the brain-case measured in
space only about 1,280 cubic centimetres—a capacity much inferior to the
ordinary brain-cases of the Neanderthaloids and Australoids, though, of
course, there are occasional examples of Australoid women’s skulls that
have a brain capacity of under 1,000 cubic centimetres.
These bony remains of Rhodesian man may have been living creatures as
much as forty thousand or as little as ten thousand years ago: there is
not enough surrounding evidence to fix the date of them more precisely.
All we can say is that the bones of the beasts they hunted and ate are
nearly if not quite identical with those of existing species. Probably
at the time when this big-browed, gorilla-faced man was alive, the Upper
Zambezi, which flows through Barotseland three or four hundred miles
westward of Broken Hill Mine, formed a great longitudinal lake in the
heart of the Barotse[2] country, the greater part of which still remains
very swampy. And when it issued from this expansion it joined the Kwando,
the Okavango, and the Zuga to form a vast lake in what is now the North
Kalahari Desert. The Guay river was then the Upper Zambezi and the Kafue
river joined it as now.
The Kalahari Desert which well nigh ruins the north-western part of South
Africa is probably “younger” as a desert even than the Sahara—and the
Sahara Desert is a thing of yesterday, possibly much more recent than
the existing human species. In the days when Rhodesian man with the huge
brow-ridges, long, ape-like face and poorly developed brain ranged across
all of Northern Rhodesia that was not under water, he might have passed
between the vast Zambezi Lake on the west and the sources of the Guay on
the east, and have wandered down into a green, tree-besprinkled South
Africa, where he was no doubt killed out by the smaller but far more
cunning Bushman or the intelligent Strandloopers who painted pictures
on the rock surfaces like their relatives of Europe, the Crô-Magnon
men. Long after these antecedent types of invaders had died away came
in the vigorous Negroes...? Two thousand years ago? ... who spoke Bantu
languages. Whether, between the Strandloopers, Bushmen and Hottentots who
invaded the southern portion of South Africa thousands—who yet can say
how many?—of years ago and the Bantu Negroes of yesterday (so to speak),
other races entered and dwelt in southern and South-Central Africa,
we do not know. I have given reasons elsewhere for premising that the
flocking south from Equatoria of the Zulus, Bechuana, Karaña, Nyanja,
Tonga, Luyi, Hérero, Angola, Luba, Lunda, Yao and Makua tribes and their
allies and embranchments was quite a recent episode in the history of
Africa, perhaps not more than two thousand years old. We have at present
absolutely no knowledge of the incoming of any other type of inhabitant
later than the Hottentot and before the Bantu; though there may have been
many Negro immigrants belonging to neither group linguistically.
Barotseland, as its recent past becomes revealed to us from the second
half of the sixteenth century, seems to have had as a dominant people
the _Aluyi_; and as other tribes of importance the _Tonga_ group
(Ila-Tonga-Subia) in the south and south-east, the _Luena_ or _Lubale_,
_Mbunda_, and _Lujazi_ tribes of northern Barotseland and the adjoining
parts of Angola, the _Nkoya-Mbwela_ peoples of eastern Barotseland; and a
section of the southern _Luba_ folk. Sporadically there has also occurred
a strong invasion of the _Lunda_ people (Ma-bunda) into the northernmost
basin of the Zambezi, but it is doubtful whether these immigrants
penetrate into the political limits of Barotseland. Similarly a section
of another vigorous South Congo people has colonized the Northern
Zambezi basin; the Luba, who are known in North-Eastern Barotseland
as the _Kahonde_ or _Kaondi_. Then again the enterprising, uppish,
cheeky _Va-chokwe_ or “Ba-joko” traders—once the slave-traders of South
Congoland and Eastern Angola—circulate through Northern Barotseland and
add yet another type of Bantu language to its markets and meetings.
The dominant language at Court and in trade to-day is an almost
artificially-manufactured tongue which had come into existence during the
last fifty years—_Si-kololo_. This will be found illustrated in its most
modern form in the first volume of my _Comparative Study of the Bantu
and Semi-Bantu Languages_ (Oxford, 1919). My information has been mainly
derived from the _Sikololo Grammar and Vocabulary_ published in London by
Dr. Stanley Colyer in 1917, and from a _Sikololo Phrase-book_ produced
two years’ earlier by Mr. Stirke, the author of this book, in conjunction
with a very noteworthy colleague, Mr. A. W. Thomas, formerly master of
the Barotse National School.
_Sikololo_ which has gradually displaced and superceded the Sechuana or
Sesuto language of the original Bechwana invaders of a hundred years ago,
is a far easier language to speak and pronounce than the difficult and
highly peculiar idiom of Central South Africa. To philologists, Sechuana
and its later southern specialization, Sesuto, are intensely interesting.
Sechuana entered South Africa at as ancient a date as any other Bantu
tongue—say sixteen or seventeen hundred years ago, coming thither from
South-East Africa. But since then it has become highly specialized.
The most specialized form of it was the southernmost, Sesuto, scarcely
distinguishable a hundred or more years ago from the Sepedi of the
Western Transvaal.
The chief Sebituane, born some hundred and twenty years ago, was a
Mosuto, the son of a great crazy woman-chief known as Mantatisi. He
carried his Sesuto tongue with him on the amazing journey he made with
half his tribe across Bechuanaland to Lake Ngami and the Zambezi.
Sechuana or Sesuto was the Court language in Barotseland when Livingstone
first reached the Upper Zambezi in 1851. As the years rolled by, and
after the Makololo (Basuto) dynasty had given place to a restoration of
the Aluyi chieftainship, the original Sesuto spoken by Sebituane and
well understood by Livingstone (who could converse in it freely) became
greatly changed. It has remained the governing language of Barotseland
and has succeeded almost in replacing and killing the remarkable Siluyi
of the old rulers; and neither of the beautiful languages of the
Tonga-Subia group of Southern and South-Eastern Barotseland has been
allowed to take its place.
In Sikololo the pronunciation is much simplified. The rough guttural
combination _kx_—of Sechuana-Sesuto gives way to the simple _k_; a hiatus
formed by a dropped consonant is filled by _h_; _ts_ is generally changed
to _z_; _e_ in the prefixes becomes _i_; _f_ which had become _h_ in
Sesuto is generally replaced; the uncouth _tl_, _tlh_ or the aspirated
_th_ and _kh_ return to the simple _t_ and _k_; and in general the
pronunciation of Sikololo is brought into conformity with the harmonious
phonology of the Zambezi languages.
A far more interesting tongue is _Siluyi_, the nearly extinct language
of the Aluyi; in its older form, that is to say, as it was spoken round
about Lialui (the original governing centre, near the left bank of
the Zambezi, in about 15° 15´). Here it was a stately language, using
preprefixes, and possessing all the seventeen customary prefixes of the
Bantu languages. The second (_Ba_-) and eighth (_Bi_-) of these were in
an abbreviated form, because the Luyi tongue had rather a dislike to an
initial _b_, though it turned the sixteenth prefix—_Pa_- into _Ba_-,
following a practice which recurs a good deal in the Angola tongues.
The principal form in which I have presented this language in the First
Volume of my _Comparative Study_ is derived from the studies of Luyi
(Siluyi) compiled some twenty to twenty-five years ago by the Rev. E.
Jacottet, of the French Protestant Mission. It was soon evident, when the
British South Africa Co. officials got to work, that there was at least
one separate dialect of Luyi spoken to the East and North-East of the
main Zambezi. This was the _Si-kwango_ or _Si-kwangwa_, a tongue in which
the preprefixes are dropped. Si-kwangwa seems still to be a living speech
among the people in the East-Central part of Barotseland; but the much
nobler Luyi of the Zambezi vicinity is dying out, even among the natives
of Luyi stock, dying out in favour of mongrel Sikololo.
Allied to Siluyi apparently, is the _Nyengo_ language of the Bampukushu
people, a scattered tribe living still (perhaps) in the South-Western
portion of Barotseland, on the banks of the Kwando or Linyanti river.
There has been no record of this speech since that which was compiled by
Livingston about 1853, and which I have reproduced (numbered 82) in my
_Comparative Study of the Bantu Languages_.
Still farther south, in the northern part of the basin of Lake Ngami,
there were, down to quite recently, the _Ba-yeye_ or _Makoba_ people,
whose language also seemed to show kinship with Luyi as well as with
the Subia-Tonga group. The imperfect record of this is numbered 81 in
my book. It may be extinct as a spoken tongue by now. But its existence
where it last lingered on the northern side of Lake Ngami would seem to
show that this basin of the shrinking lake (which received a vast but
diminishing tribute of water from the Okavango river, and earlier still
from the present “Upper Zambezi”) was colonized by the Bantu from the
north before it was found and peopled by the Bechuana tribes from the
south-east.
So much does Sikwangwa differ from Siluyi nowadays, that it is almost
a separate language. If this be so, the Western Zambezi group of my
formation would contain at least four languages, _Yeye_, _Nyengo_, _Luyi_
and _Sikwangwa_. I am also informed that Sikwangwa is not the only
existing dialect of Luyi, but that two others exist, and are spoken to
the North-West and North-East of Lialui and the Zambezi: _Si-koma_ and
_Si-kwandi_. These have only been recorded in name, and I have seen no
specimens of their vocabularies. It would be interesting to ascertain
whether, like Luyi, they retain the use of preprefixes; or whether they
have dropped them, as have most of the languages in the western half of
the Zambezi basin.
There is a tendency in Siluyi for _b_ and _p_ to take the place of _v_
or _f_ as the initial of the root, although in the prefixes _b_ and _p_
are inclined to drop out: so that _Aba_- becomes _Aa_-; _Ibi_-, _I_;
Ubu-, Uu-; and Apa-, Aba-. Thus we have -_pumo_ for “belly,” instead of
the familiar -_fumo_; -_bumu_ for “chief,” in place of -_fumu_; -_pumbu_
for “ground” (ordinarily -_vu_) -_buu_ for “hippopotamus” (-_vubu_),
-_bula_ for “rain” (-_vula_); and -_pi_ for “war” (-_vita_). The roots
for the numerals “six,” “seven,” “eight” and “nine” were in Livingstone’s
day, very peculiar and unlike those of any other Bantu tongue; though
to-day they are supplemented by paraphrases meaning “five-and-one,”
“five-and-two,” etc.
The Rev. Mr. Jacottet has shown how rich Siluyi was in folk-lore and
legends. It is a great pity this particularly interesting, expressive
Bantu tongue should be allowed to die out through the vogue given to the
artificial amalgam of speech known as Sikololo.
_Subia_, spoken in Southern Barotseland, on and near the Zambezi at its
bend eastward, is also a language of great interest, said likewise to be
dying out under the rivalry of mongrel Sikololo. It was first noticed
by Livingstone about 1851, and a grammatical sketch of it was given by
Jacottet in 1896. But in the present century, F. V. Worthington and C.
F. Molyneux, officials of the Chartered Company, supplied me with a full
vocabulary and grammatical information which has been reproduced in my
_Comparative Study_, Vols. I and II. Subia is spoken to the south of the
Zambezi as far eastward as Pandamatenka; but it belongs to the West
Central Zambezia Group, mainly in use on the north side of the great
river, and including the Tonga, Ila and Lenje tongues and their dialects.
This group is related to the Luba languages of Southern Congoland and
to the tongues of the Bangweulu basin and of the Luangwa valley. They
are all beautiful-sounding and expressive languages, representing Bantu
speech in an attractive form.
The _Tonga_ language is spoken in South-East Barotseland in one or
more dialects. The Tonga people are a series of vigorous tribes not
very likely to give up their expressive language in favour of the
bastard Sikololo or the crabbed Sechuana. They attained some degree of
civilization two centuries ago under the teaching of Portuguese Jesuit
missionaries. Their attitude towards Livingstone and later travellers,
down to the incoming of the British South Africa Company, was hostile.
James Chapman, the great explorer of Southern Zambezia and even of
Barotseland—in some senses the rival of Livingstone—suffered much from
attacks at their hands. So did F. C. Selous. They also warred incessantly
against the Zulu invasions under Umsilikazi and Lobengula, and checked
the Zuluizing of central Northern Zambezia, which, in default of similar
vigorous opposition, took place in the regions east of the Luangwa river.
Similarly related to Tonga and Subia are the _Ila_ (Shukulumbwe) and
_Lenje_ tongues, though both lie almost or wholly outside the limits of
Barotseland, in the central part of Northern Rhodesia. The Ba-ila tribes,
two divisions of which are also known as the _Ba-lumbu_ and _Ba-shala_,
are a splendid-looking folk in physical development, who were long
recalcitrant to European influence. In fact their healthy plateau country
has only been opened up to knowledge during the last twenty years. When
they were first seen in the latter part of the nineteenth century they
were found to be—the men especially—living in a state of complete nudity,
except in the case of the married women. But to make up for the complete
neglect of clothing the men devoted particular attention to their
head-hair. This was pulled up, greased, lengthened by the insertion of
ancestral hair pullings, and fastened to a supple arched, recurved whip,
so that it rose a foot to two feet above the occiput. Nowadays I imagine
that their complete nudity is modified. The mining surveys, motor roads,
and suggestions of railways, together with good and wise government,
in and out of the Barotse kingdom, have succeeded in taming the Ba-ila
and in drawing them into paid employment; though it is still feared by
watchful administrators that they tend to diminish owing to sexual vice
which causes the women to become infertile.
Another language of interest and importance is that of the _Nkoya_ and
_Mbwela_ tribes living in East Barotseland. It has affinities jointly
to the Luyi Group and to that of the North-West Zambezia languages.
Preprefixes are not used, but the seventeen prefixes-with-concords seem
to be fully represented in primitive forms, except that the seventh
prefix (_Ki_-) is represented by _Shi_-, which brings it near to the
_Si_- of Luyi. The tenth prefix is lisped as _Thi_-, _Thin_-, &c., a
feature reappearing in one or two other tongues of the Group. The eighth
prefix is _Bi_- and the locative prefix is _Pa_-. The root for ‘two,’
in the numerals is the East and South Africa form, -_bidi_ or -_biji_
(for -_bili_); not the -_bali_ root that obtains in the other members
of the North-West Zambezian Group. Another peculiarity that signalizes
Nkoya is the root -_mwa_- for ‘all,’ only to be met with elsewhere in
two of the Manyema languages of East Congoland. In Nkoya there is none
of that dislike to the consonant _p_, which recurs over and over again
in Bantu Africa. But in the other members of the North-West Zambezia
Group this obtains, and in these—Luena, Mbunda, Lujazi and Chokwe—the
16th prefix is given as _Ha_- or _A_- instead of _Pa_-. Otherwise they
are fairly orthodox, betraying little more “West African” affinities than
the use of the -_bali_ root for ‘two’ (instead of -_bili_), which is a
characteristic of West Central Africa.
The _Luena_ or _Lubale_ language only enters the north-western part of
Barotseland; _Mbunda_ is spoken in separate parts on either side of
the Upper Zambezi, also in the north of this state; _Lujazi_ extends
from South-East Angola to the western limits of Barotse territory; and
Chokwe comes in as a trading language in the extreme north. None of these
North-West Zambezia languages use preprefixes.
One other great Bantu Group may be met with in the northern part of
Barotseland. Here there are outlying dialects of Luba and Lunda which
have penetrated into Barotseland comparatively recently. The Luba tongues
of South Congoland are represented by _Kahonde_, a form of South Luba
illustrated in my Comparative Study under the designation of 105a. This
is spoken on the North-Eastern verge of Barotseland in the basin of
the Upper Kabompo river. Southern Lunda, introduced into the northern
part of this territory goes under the name of “_Ma-bunda_,” the root of
which—_bunda_—is the same as that of “Mbunda,” a quite distinct language
of the North-West Zambezia Group allied to Luena, Lujazi, Nkoya, and
Chokwe. “Bunda” is evidently a language and tribal name which in the
shapes of -_bundu_, -_bundo_, and -_bunda_ haunts Angola and Western
Zambezia without implying close relationship between the different forms
of speech thus termed. The “Ma-bunda” dialect of Lunda may represent
an older form of the latter name, which seems to be a contraction of
Lu-unda for Lu-bunda. The language (No. 111) which I have styled “Western
Lunda” in my Comparative Study was originally called by its discoverer,
the Revd. S. Koelle, “Ru-unda,” suggesting that _Ru_- (= _Lu_-) was the
familiar language prefix and -_unda_ or -_bunda_ the root. The loss of an
initial _b_ is a frequent occurrence in the Lunda languages.
* * * * *
The distribution of tongues southward from Angola and the Congo Basin
over the regions north of the main Zambezi river indicates no causes of
hesitancy, no interruptions in the north-to-south progress of the Bantu
peoples. But westward of the course of the Luangwa river, as far as the
Barotse country extends, or at any rate as far as the main stream of the
Zambezi flows, this great river seems to have been a very decided and
arresting barrier in the distribution not only of African tribes and
languages but of the larger or more remarkable mammals and birds.
With regard to man of course the barrier has not been so effective.
Evidently the Aluyi people of long ago crossed the Upper Zambezi and
penetrate to the Lower Kwando or Chobe, and across this stream to the
vicinity of Lake Ngami, though not much farther west; and in return,
immigrants of Bechuana stock entered Barotseland from Lake Ngami in the
last century. But there seems to have been a not easily explained halt
in human migrations between Western Zambezia and South-West and South
Africa. It would be comparatively easy to account for, if one could
presume that the present sterile influence of the Kalahari desert
prevailed two thousand or even one thousand years ago, and earlier still.
But on the contrary from the many indications we can collect and from
the legends of the natives in the regions south of the Zambezi, we are
inclined to believe that the present arid nature of the lands on the
western side of South Africa is quite a modern feature which has gone on
rapidly increasing. So rapidly that even I who made a journey in 1882 to
the Kunene river from Mossamedes can remember flowing streams (in the dry
season) and forests, where the rivers and rivulets are now dry and the
woodland is dead.
There seem, in addition, to have taken place in comparatively recent
times, changes in the disposition of water supplies, which have diverted
much useful moisture from inner South Africa into the Atlantic Ocean.
Not such a very long time ago the Kunene river, which brings an abundant
supply of fresh water from the great knot of highlands in Southern
Angola, bore this water into Lake Etosha in Ovampoland, and beyond that
towards the course of the Okavango or the great vanished lake of which
Ngami is the surviving vestige: Ngami, which even in Livingstone’s
day—the end of the ’forties, some seventy-two years ago—was twice its
present size. Into the same basin flowed the mighty Okavango (known much
farther north as the Kubango), the Kwando and the upper Zambezi, then the
outlet of another vast lake in the Barotse country. Quite possibly these
two shallow lakes of huge size sent their overflow of water through the
Guay river into the bed of the Zambezi-Kafue, and so out into the Indian
Ocean after all; for these waters of Central Africa were completely
hemmed in southwards by the plateaux of Damaraland, Bechuanaland and
Matebeleland. But in those days the ultimate source of the Zambezi would
have lain in the Benguela highlands near the Atlantic Ocean, and not in
the Luvale country near to the upper Kasai.
* * * * *
As regards the mammalian fauna and some of the more striking or peculiar
of African birds, Barotseland, east of the Upper Zambezi, appears, in
common with all the rest of South Central Africa up to the east coast of
Lake Nyasa and down to the main course of the Zambezi, to be deficient
as compared with Portuguese West Africa, South Africa, and (in a lesser
degree) Moçambique. It probably has more in common as a distributional
area with the southern part of the Congo basin outside the forest area,
and west of the Luapula-Lualaba streams. Down to recent times Barotseland
possessed great herds, enormous numbers of a few species of game animals,
but not such a great variety of species. Like South Congoland outside the
forest zone, it seems never to have had any example of the rhinoceros:
indeed, I have no confirmatory evidence of the existence of a rhinoceros
or a giraffe, west of the eastern rise of the Nyasa-Tanganyika plateau,
or of the waters of Lake Nyasa. The rhinoceros begins to show itself
south of Lake Nyasa and east of the Shire river. It recurs in Southern
Angola and Damaraland, up to the vicinity of the Western Zambezi, and as
far north as the beginning of the lofty plateaux where the Kwanza river
rises.
The Kwanza, which divides Angola into two unequal portions, is very
noteworthy as a boundary. Its ultimate sources are in the Ngangela, Bihé
and Lujazi highlands (plateaus and mountains) which connect the mountain
ranges of Benguela on the west with the 5,000-feet-high plateau dividing
the Southern Congo basin from that of the Zambezi. This undulating line
of heights (rising on several peaks to nearly 8,000 feet) really marks
off Southern from Northern Angola; and zoologically Southern Angola
extends eastwards almost to the banks of the Upper Zambezi and covers the
western limits of Barotseland.
Here you have a remarkable extension of the South African area of
zoological distribution. East of this, from the Upper Zambezi to the
Shire river and the east coast of Lake Nyasa (with the Zambezi as a
southern boundary) there is an interruption in distributional area
which affects certain mammals and birds very curiously. For some the
interruption is complete. The Ostrich, the true Gazelles, the Oryxes,
the Secretary bird, certain types of Vulture, the Striped Hyena, the
Chita or Hunting Leopard, the Caracal Lynx, the Aard Wolf (_Proteles_),
the Big-eared Fox (_Otocyon_), the small Desert Foxes, the Black-backed
Jackal, the _Pedetes_ or Cape Jumping Hare, the Elephant-shrews, the
Mountain Zebras, the White Rhinoceros and, in a lesser degree, the Black,
are in a measure confined to north-east and eastern Equatorial Africa
on the one hand, and to Africa south of the Zambezi and to Southern
Angola on the other. Some of the examples cited stretch across to the
Bahr-al-ghazal and even Northern Nigeria from Abyssinia and the Eastern
Sudan; others reach Senegal and Western Nigeria beyond the forest zone.
But all of the examples cited (besides many more less well-known birds
and mammals) seem to be absent from North Angola, Northern Zambezia and
Nyasaland, and apparently also from Moçambique. In Moçambique, numerous
forms may have been exterminated by the white man and the black hunters,
who began shooting here in the 17th century. Yet it is difficult to
understand that they could thus have eliminated the Ostrich, Springbok,
Striped Hyena (represented in South Africa and Angola by the Brown
Hyena), Chita, Caracal, Aard Wolf, and _Pedetes_ rodent, or even the
Giraffe.
The Giraffe’s distribution conforms somewhat, but not so closely, to
similar restrictions. Its least specialized form, perhaps, is the
Reticulated Giraffe of Somaliland, whereon the original markings are
seen to be white stripes, horizontal and perpendicular, on a red ground.
From Somaliland the Giraffe radiates over the eastern Sudan to Northern
Nigeria and thence (with gaps) to Senegal. It entirely avoids forested
Central and West Africa, though it has a near relation, the Okapi, in the
forests of Equatorial Africa east and north of the main Congo river. The
distribution of the Giraffe continues south from Uganda and Somaliland to
the east of Tanganyika and Nyasa down to the neighbourhood of the Ruvuma
river. It has never been reported south of that stream, or until the
Lower Zambezi has been _crossed_. A hundred years ago and down to about
1900 it was found in various sub-species and varieties _south_ and _west_
of the Zambezi to Cape Colony and into Southern Angola. But it has never
been shown to exist between the Upper Zambezi and the Moçambique coast,
north of that river system.
On the other hand the range of the Sable Antelope does not leave out
Northern Zambezia and Barotseland. It begins in Eastern Africa, in the
latitude and neighbourhood of Mombasa (a fact first suggested in my book
on Kilimanjaro, published in 1885), broadens over what was formerly
“German East Africa,” passes round the south end of Tanganyika into
Southern Congoland and crosses Barotseland into Eastern Angola. Here, in
the south-eastern basin of the Kwanza, and possibly in north-western
Barotseland as well, it develops its most superb form—_Hippotragus
variani_, generally called the Giant Sable—with magnificently developed
horns, longer than those of any other type found elsewhere, and a longer,
narrower skull. It is possible (from heads I once saw, shot to the west
of the main Upper Zambezi and specimens of horns) that the Giant Sable
may be found just within the limits of Barotseland.[3]
North of the belt of dense forest between the Liba and Kabompo, on the
spongy plains near to the river, Livingstone noticed in the rainy season
large numbers of Buffaloes, Elands, Kudus, Roan Antelopes, Gnus, and
other game. He even avers that farther north he saw a White Rhinoceros.
It was on a Sunday and his encampment was almost surrounded by herds of
astonished Mpala antelopes, tsesebes (“bastard hartebeests”), zebras and
buffaloes. But although the Black Rhinoceros is undoubtedly found in
Southern Angola close up to the Barotse frontier, and the White has been
shot immediately south of the Upper Zambezi, no word has come from any
other quarter as to the existence of the monstrous White square-lipped
species in the direction of the Upper Zambezi and the Congo watershed; so
it is possible his eye-sight was deceived.
[Illustration: Giant Sable Antelope, from Angola
(From a specimen in the Museum of the New York Zoological Society
presented by JOHN JAY PAUL.)]
In general, Barotseland, east of the main Zambezi and of its great
north-western affluent the Lungo-e-bungo, seems to possess the mammal
and bird fauna of Northern Angola, Southern Congoland, Northern Rhodesia
and Nyasaland. Moçambique is richer—up to the Shire river—in possessing
the Black (I used to think also the White, and perhaps was not wrong)
Rhinoceros, and a few other creatures found also in Eastern Equatorial
and in Trans-zambezian Africa. Otherwise Moçambique remains rather an
unsolved problem, as to why and how it served as an interruption in the
spread of the vertebrate fauna of Pliocene and Pleistocene North Africa
down to South Africa, an extension which as regards West-Central and
Western Africa may have been barred by the former enormous area of dense
forest growth.
* * * * *
In botany, as in vertebrate zoology, Barotseland is part of the region
which lies between the Kwanza and Zambezi rivers on the south, and the
main-stream of the Congo on the north, from Lake Mweru to the Atlantic
Ocean. It has a sufficient rainfall, from 22 inches in the south-west
to 42 inches in the north-east, to maintain a fairly luxuriant flora as
well as powerful rivers. North of the confluence of the Kabompo and the
Liambai or Liba (the Upper Zambezi), there seems to have been seventy
years ago a luxuriant belt of forest stretching northwards and occupying
the mountainous region between the Liba-Zambezi and the Kabompo or
Lulafuta.
The average elevation of the Barotse Valley, south of this confluence,
ranges from a little under 3,000 feet at Sesheke to about 3,600 feet at
the juncture of the Zambezi and the Kabompo; but the forested country
between these rivers must rise in part to at least 4,500 feet. The
richness of this forest seems to have made an immense impression on
Livingstone in the middle of the ’fifties. Up till then, coming from
South Africa through Bechuanaland, he had at most seen scattered trees
with occasionally a fine solitary umbrageous specimen, or a palm thicket.
But above the confluence of these two rivers he evidently plunged (when
he had to land) into a woodland comparable with the splendid forests of
the Congo or the Cameroons. His _Missionary Travels_ contains some very
good word-painting of the grand growth of the trees, the deep gloom of
the forest depths as contrasted with the shadeless glare of Bechuanaland.
In spite of the incessantly rainy weather—and in this little-explored
region the yearly rainfall must be far in excess of the modest estimate
quoted by travellers in the Barotse park-land and plateaux—Livingstone
found considerable pleasure in here seeing—for the first time—the _real_
forest display of Central Africa.
North of the Zambezi-Kabompo junction Livingstone noticed the increasing
growth of the bamboo on the uplands, as a skirting of the great display
of tropical forest which so deeply impressed him as he followed the
northward course of the main Zambezi. This—or these—bamboos recur on the
elevated plateaux of Eastern Barotseland, and extend over a good deal
of the upland on either side of the Upper Kafue, as well as over the
five thousand feet crest of the Congo boundary. No doubt they may also
be observed within the north-western limits of Barotseland. They are
seemingly of the same types as the bamboos of Nyasaland and the elevated
portions of Northern Rhodesia south of Tanganyika, and in such case
belong to the _Oxytenanthera_ and _Arundinaria_ genera. The only other
genus of _arboreal_ bamboo in Africa is _Oreobambos_; but that, I think,
is confined in its range to Abyssinia and the Snow mountains of East
Equatorial Africa.
The forests of Northern Barotseland have one or more species of wild
plantain (_Musa_) and either wild or introduced examples of the oil palm,
where the rainfall is over fifty inches per annum. This may have been
introduced from Congoland or Northern Angola by the natives, who in the
north of the Barotse country are so closely connected with the peoples of
the Congo basin; or as in the case of North Nyasaland and Zanzibar Id.,
it may be a separate species or sub-species of the _Elaïs_ genus.
According to the reports of later travellers, there is much woodland
and scrub on the higher land—4,000 to 4,500 feet—on the west side of
the Zambezi, south of the Kabompo-Zambezi junction. This woodland is
also repeated, less markedly, to the east of the great river where the
land likewise rises. The Mankoya country (Eastern Barotseland) has a
larger, steadier rainfall than Sesheke and the southern regions; and the
Mashukulumbwe table-land, and the valley of the upper Kafue are said to
be well and regularly watered countries. The more scattered growth of
trees (occasional fine and large trees are common) seems due to human
intervention. The natives of the Lukona province, towards Angola, are a
wilder, less intelligent race than folk of Tonga kinship on the east, and
not so eager to promote tree planting. Bulovale (the region between the
Luena and Kabompo rivers) and north of the Kabompo up to the boundary of
the Zambezi watershed are well forested regions.
The central valley of the Zambezi—“Borotse proper,”[4] as it might be
called, the region which the Barotse (really the Aluyi) have so long
dominated—ranges from below the Zambezi-Kabompo confluence on the north
to the Gonye Falls on the south, and is about 150 miles long and 60
miles broad. It is the bed—most observers think—of the old lake of
the Upper Zambezi, and presents to-day an utterly flat and treeless
aspect. Then ensue from Gonye to Katima, some eighty miles of rapids or
falls. From Katongo to Mambova, past the now world-famed Sesheke, where
Livingstone and Oswell first “discovered” the Zambezi, there are fifty
miles of navigable river; then two more rapids at Mambova and Nkalata,
and then another navigable stretch of some sixty miles to the vicinity
of the Victoria Falls. (These lie well outside the political limits of
Barotseland, the boundary striking north along the Majili river, ten
miles east of Sesheke.) The plain of the extinct lake is much flooded
during the winter rains, when a good deal of central Barotseland is under
water. The rainy season seems, however, to be tending more and more
towards the spring months (the autumn of South Central Africa).
The geology of Barotseland may be summarized thus: In the north-west,
north, east and south-east the surface is a red laterite clay,
superimposed on granite which in the higher portions obtrudes itself in
mountains and hills. The central valley and most of the south-west has a
heavy, white, sandy soil, but with a good deal of alluvium laid down on
the sand by river courses or in the bed of the ancient lake. There is a
basaltic outbreak in the neighbourhood of the Victoria Falls, but this
lies outside Barotseland limits. In the eastern half of the country gold,
copper—connected with the copper deposits of Katanga—tin, lead, zinc
and iron have been discovered, chiefly in regions between four and five
thousand feet in altitude.
* * * * *
In this little book and in the first and second volumes of my
_Comparative Studies of the Bantu Languages_ (fed from much the same
source) our information concerning Barotseland and its peoples has
been greatly implemented. But that fact does not conceal from us that
the country, its zoology, botany, peoples, and even its geography (to
say nothing of geology) are still far too little known. The portions
that lie to the west and south-west of the main Zambezi remain almost
_un_known and undescribed, or are only made known to us in works of
travel fifty, sixty, seventy years old, which even if accurate in what
particulars they give were written at a much lower level of knowledge
than exists concerning Africa in general to-day. We know more about
Eastern Angola than we do of Western Barotseland. Recent discoveries
concerning Angolan Antelopes, Zebras, Rhinoceroses, and other mammalian
types make us eager to ascertain how these discoveries affect Barotseland
_west_ of the Zambezi. How far do the Bushman tribes extend into Western
Barotseland? Are they of normal human stature, like those of South-East
Angola? Do they speak languages akin to the Bushman tongues and use
clicks? Have they greatly projecting brows like certain Bushmen of the
Northern Kalahari, or are they without brow projections at all but very
prognathous in the lower part of the face? What is the full tale of the
Bantu tribes of Western Barotseland? Are there still unrecorded Bantu
languages on the Kwando river? Do the tongues recorded south-west of the
Upper Zambezi by Livingstone, seventy-two years ago, still exist?
Does Livingstone’s great forest between the course of the Upper Zambezi
and that of the Kabompo still maintain itself, in spite of the reckless
spirit of destruction inherent in all uneducated Negro tribes, who since
the imposition of peace by the white man have been largely increasing the
area of their settlement in Northern Barotseland? If the forest is still
there, in whole or in part, why are no botanical reports and collections
available? The botany of Barotseland, in common with its zoology, has
never been efficiently explored and reported on since the land was first
entered. Cattle apparently prosper in the whole country; yet the tsetse
fly exists seemingly everywhere. Does it, north of the Zambezi and west
of the Luañgwa, convey no germs? The time—it seems to me—has come when
the British Empire, from London or from Cape Town, should have this
country examined scientifically from west to east and north to south; not
with anything but benevolent intentions towards its natives—Aluyi and
Batonga, Basubia and Mabunda, Batonga and Baila, Bankoya and Kahonde,
Valujazi and Valubale—but with the earnest endeavour to make fully known
its resources and defects, its wonders and survivals, and the relation
that Western Barotseland bears to the growing menace of South Africa:
the spread of the Kalahari Desert, the drying up of once fully habitable
land, the cause of ruin in South Angola, in Eastern Damaraland, and the
vast, dead region north, east, south, and west of Lake Ngami.
H. H. JOHNSTON.
[Illustration: The Mokwai Mataŭka of Nalolo with her husband (standing)
and interpreter (sitting)
Photo by Mrs. Marshall]
BAROTSELAND:
EIGHT YEARS AMONG THE BAROTSE.
CHAPTER I.
The Barotse and their Origin.
The origin of the Barotse is a matter of conflicting conjecture. It has
been suggested by the Abarozwi of Southern Rhodesia that the Barotse
are descendants of theirs and that Lewanika is a direct descendant from
their royal house. The Barotse of Barotseland deny this _in toto_. They
aver that they came south from the Congo Basin and found the Alunda and
Balubale living in their country (_vide_ map). The Alunda and Balubale
confirm the statement of the Barotse, and it is known that the Barotse
lived for some years among the Lunda, gradually working south till they
left the forest country on the Zambezi and came out on to the flat swampy
country known to-day as the Barotse Valley.
They were then sometimes called by foreigners the Barozi or Barotse, but
were better styled the A-luyi and spoke Siluyi and in our days Sirozi or
Sikololo.
During the chieftainship of Mbukwano, the A-luyi were conquered by
Sebituane, a roving Mosutu with a band of warriors. Sebituane not only
re-christened the A-luyi as “Makololo,” but forced Sesuto as a language
on them. Sebituane and his followers were not called Basuto by the
A-luyi but Makololo, which name, according to the Rev. E. Smith, once of
the Batonga-Baila mission, was derived from the fact that Sebituane’s
favourite wife was a Makololo woman.
Sikololo (a mongrel form of Sesuto) is the lingua franca of the
Barozi to-day. The greatest difficulty is found in getting any
well-authenticated information from the Barozi as to their past history.
The origin of the name “Murozi” (a native of the Barozi country) is
peculiar. The true name of the people is the A-luyi; the prefix _A_ or
_Ba_ being the plural of _Mu_ and applied to mean “people.” When the
Makololo under Sebituane first invaded the southern portions of the
country, they found a subordinate tribe called the Masubia living near
Sesheke. These people told the Makololo that their overlords living to
the north were the “A-luyi.” The Makololo converted this into “Ba-luizi,”
“Ba-ruizi” (L and R being interchangeable) and finally “Ba-rozi.” Why
the foreign missionaries decided to call it “Barotse” is best known to
themselves; certainly no one else can imagine or find any reason for it
at all. There is no possible reason for mistaking the “z” in Barozi for
“ts”.[5]
Whether from the vicissitudes of their southern trek or from natural
laziness is unknown, but they have no system of record, nor, as is
the case in many native tribes, have the village elders ever acted as
historians and handed their knowledge on from father to son. The Barozi
themselves say that owing to their numerous raids and their intermarriage
with the aboriginal tribes and with women raided from other tribes, they
have lost all purity of race and incidentally all remembrance of their
former history. They certainly are to-day a very mixed race, and nearly
all their songs, dances, customs and legends are either borrowed wholly
or in part from other tribes. They are quite positive that the Abarozwi
of Southern Rhodesia are related to them, but they state that these
people are a branch that left them and trekked south into Matebeleland
where they settled. If this is correct it must have been previous to the
Matebele settling in Southern Rhodesia under Mosilikatse, as the Barozi,
though fond of raiding weaker or more divided people, were too canny to
try conclusions with a powerful and warlike people like the Matebele.
Besides the raid of Sebituane and his Makololo, several raids by the
Matebele are known of, and although the Barozi certainly suffered at the
raiders’ hands, they generally got rid of them by strategy and cunning.
Their own successes over people like the Bashukulumbwe and Batonga were
nearly always gained by treachery, superior numbers, superior weapons, or
else by internal dissensions amongst the people they raided.
The Barozi were very fortunate in the class of people they found
occupying the country they settled in; the more timid tribes were at
once enslaved, while more powerful people were propitiated and gradually
absorbed. Unfortunately, the conquerors readily acquired all the vicious
and degraded habits of the conquered, and are to-day, both physically
and morally, a far poorer type of native than they were on entering the
country, always providing their statements are true. Natural laziness and
the rapidity with which they acquired the demoralizing customs of their
subject people have practically eliminated the true Muluyi nature in so
much that the real Sirozi or Siluyi language is gradually dying out and
to-day is known to but a few of the blood royal, sons of Indunas and the
like. Sikololo, which is a mongrel Sesuto, is the commonest language
in use in the country and even amongst the outlying tribes such as the
Alunda, Balubale, Bankoya, Batotela, Bandundulu and others, it is always
possible to find one or more persons in every village with a slight
knowledge of Sikololo. The missionaries possibly made a mistake in not
working up Sikololo on their arrival in the country, but having Sesuto
text-books and grammars to hand they commenced to teach Sesuto. Sikololo
is now being reverted to and this should simplify matters to a great
extent. Many pure Siluyi words are in use in Sikololo, for which there
are no equivalents in Sesuto. For example, river work such as paddling
and other matters connected with boats are unrepresented in Sesuto, as
there is no river work in Basutoland, and the words in use in Sikololo
are practically all Siluyi.
[Illustration: One of Lewanika’s Aunts with Attendant
Photo by J. C. Coxhead, Esq.]
[Illustration: Lewanika’s Band (Mirupa and Silimba)
Photo by J. C. Coxhead, Esq.]
Siluyi itself is doubtless a corruption of an older Siluyi language, but
this is hard to prove owing to the lapse of time and lack of authentic
records.
The Bambowe, an aboriginal tribe on the Zambezi, living south of the
Balunda, corroborate the statement made by Alunda and Balubale, that the
Barozi or Aluyi lived amongst them while coming from the Congo Basin.
The Bakwangwa, another aboriginal tribe living east of the Zambezi, say
the Barozi found them there and absorbed them, and yet Sirozi (Siluyi)
is clearly the language of which Simbowe and Sikwangwa are dialects. Any
one conversant with one of these languages, understands and is understood
by speakers of the others. Some idea of the composition of the Barozi
people of to-day can be gained when one realizes that they are composed
of Bambowe, Bakwangwa, Bahoombi, Bakoma, Makololo, Bandundulu, Bambunda,
Bankoya, Bashasha, Alunda, Balubale, Bambalangwe, Batonga, Basubia,
Mashukulumbwe, Bakwande, Batotela, Bakwangali, Bakwengo, Balojazi,
Vachibokwe, Basanjo and other tribes. Many of the above tribes were, so
far as can be gathered, aboriginal owners of the Barozi country, others
were raided from time to time and slaves (chiefly women) taken back to
the homes of the raiders, where they in time intermarried and became
Barozi.
CHAPTER II.
The Administration of Barotseland.
The Barotse Reserve is administered by the British South Africa Company
in agreement with the Paramount Chief Lewanika. By this agreement the
Chief Lewanika has handed over certain powers and privileges to the
B.S.A. Co. The company is empowered to collect a poll-tax, of which a
percentage is set aside for the Barotse nation. Out of this percentage
the Barotse National School and its industrial branch is maintained. The
school is controlled by a European principal and vice-principal, as well
as a European instructor, at the head of the industrial side, supported
by an effective staff of native teachers. The B.S.A. Co. further have a
resident magistrate near Lewanika’s capital at Lialui, who is supported
by two Northern Rhodesia police officers and a company of native police
(recruited in Angoni and Awembaland). Native commissioners are maintained
at Lialui, Nalolo, Balovale, Mankoya, and Lukona, with an assistant
magistrate and a native commissioner at Sesheke.
Lewanika has ceded all judicial rights to the B.S.A. Co. with the
exception of very minor items and of civil cases between natives. At the
same time the B.S.A. Co. recognizes native laws where such native laws
are not repugnant to British ideas of justice.
At present Lewanika has his capital at Lialui, where his Kotla
(Parliament)[6] sits daily. His sister Mataŭka is Mokwai of Nalolo
(Mokwai being a title designating a woman of royal blood on the father’s
side).
A younger sister, Mbwanjikana, is Mokwai of Libonda, and Lewanika’s
eldest son Litia (or Yeta, as he is now called by all Barozi since
his youth) is stationed at Sesheke. (Yeta, styled Yeta II, has since
succeeded his father as Paramount Chief.) The two sisters and Yeta are
subordinate to Lewanika, but all three have their Kotlas (Parliaments)
and Prime Ministers. There is a right of appeal from any of these
subordinate Kotlas to the Lialui Kotla.
The Barozi Reserve is closed against farming or mining, and is reserved
for the Barozi only. Trading is allowed, but any applicant for a licence
has to be proved by the Administrator, Resident Magistrate, and the Chief
Lewanika—Lewanika getting a half share of all gun and store licences
issued throughout Barotseland.
Liquor is naturally not allowed to be sold in the Reserve, nor are
powder, caps, nor guns. The Administrator will grant permission to the
Chief, at his request, for any of the more important Indunas to buy
sporting guns and a limited amount of ammunition.
Slavery has been suppressed, although, in due justice to the Barozi, it
does not appear to have existed in its more brutal form in this country.
The B.S.A. Co. has given every encouragement to the Paris Huguenot
Mission in the Reserve, and the Mission have several privileges to assist
them, such as free inspection of their schools by the Principal of the
Barozi National School, the reservation of vacancies in the Barozi
National School for members of the Mission Schools and other items. The
Chief Lewanika has always lent the mission the support of his approval,
although he himself has not become converted.
The B.S.A. Co. has endeavoured in every possible way to protect the
interests of the Barozi people and their Chief Lewanika. The Resident
Magistrate at Mongu, besides his magisterial duties, acts as adviser
to the Chief and the Kotlas (or Parliament) as well. The native is
safeguarded against himself as regards his cattle by restrictions placed
on the local traders as to numbers purchased annually—restrictions on
breeding stock being much more stringent than on bulls and bullocks. The
Rhodesian Native Labour Bureau is given free access to the country to
recruit labour, but is under close Government supervision.
[Illustration: A Lujazi Village
Photo by J. C. Coxhead, Esq.]
[Illustration: Lewanika’s Head Paddlers
Photo by J. C. Coxhead, Esq.]
Besides all these safeguards, there is a Resident Commissioner stationed
at Salisbury in Southern Rhodesia, a large part of whose duties is the
protection of natives’ rights. Beyond him again is the High Commissioner
for all native protectorates, who directly represents His Majesty King
George V, and is also Governor-General for the Union of South Africa.
A poll tax of 10s. is collected, which is very much lighter than the
tax collected from any native race south of the Zambezi. This tax is
collected from adult males only, boys, old men and women not being taxed,
with the exception of second and other wives of polygamous marriages. A
man’s first wife does not have to be paid for, but, as a man who marries
more than one wife is nearly always a man of means, he is responsible
for the tax of his second and other wives. Exemptions are granted from
payment of tax, either for a number of years or for life, for sickness,
disease or old age.
The Administrator of Northern Rhodesia pays a visit to the Barozi Reserve
in person or by proxy every year, and during his visit the Chief and
the people are at liberty to bring any complaints and grievances before
him. No matter is too trifling or insignificant to receive the fullest
and most careful attention and it is doubtless the care taken over these
minor points that has solidified the excellent relations at present
existing between the Chief Lewanika and the officials of the B.S.A.
Company.
CHAPTER III.
Native Administration.
The Paramount Chief of the Barozi is the head of the nation and, in the
eyes of his subjects, can do no wrong. His actions are nevertheless
curtailed by the national assembly, which was called in the early days of
the Aluyi, the “Namōō,” but after the Makololo invasion, the “Kotla.”
On state occasions the Chief sits in the middle of the Kotla which holds
its daily meetings in a long rectangular building open on three sides.
Half-way along the fourth side, which is walled, sits the Paramount Chief
on a raised daïs. On his immediate right sits the “Ngambela” or Prime
Minister and the various Indunas in order of the responsibility of their
positions. On the immediate left of the Chief sits Ingangwana the Induna
at the head of the “Likombwa,” a division of the people who supervise
the Chief’s food and all his personal property (as different from his
property as Chief). On the left of the Likombwa sit all sons-in-law of
the Chief, with the exception of those who hold positions as Indunas of
the people, in which case they sit to the right in order of seniority of
position.
In any discussion the “Left” supports the Chief while the Ngambela and
the “Right” oppose the Chief, should his wishes clash with the national
welfare. There are two rules for the conduct of business in the Kotla
which will be dealt with separately. No state affairs are discussed in
the presence of the Chief by the assembled Kotla. The reason for this is
that out of respect for the Chief’s person, it is argued that discussion
would be cramped and restrained and that the best and wisest solution of
the question would not be arrived at. So the arrangement of the Kotla may
be placed under the following two headings: (1) with the Chief present;
(2) in the absence of the Chief. (1) The Chief comes practically daily
and sits in the Kotla to show himself to his loyal subjects, and to let
them see that he is well. Trivial matters only are discussed, the Chief
asking any questions he wishes of the Ngambela or any of the indunas.
Should there be embassies from other people, they are received while
the Chief is present and the Chief may, at will, call up the head of
the embassy and inquire of him as to the health of the Chief who sends
the embassy, the state of crops and general welfare of the nation
represented, or as to how the embassy like the Barotse country; but all
these questions are polite nothings.
While the Chief is present, the Left sits as previously stated but
the Right is slightly different. First comes the Prime Minister (or
Ngambela), after him comes Solami. Solami is the man who represents the
father of the Chief. As is easily understood no Chief, whose father held
the chieftainship, ever held sway during his father’s lifetime. This is
not stipulated by law but has always been the case—the death of a Chief’s
father often having been arranged by his son to secure succession. So we
find Solami is the man who has married the Chief’s mother. Here again it
might be suggested that a Chief’s mother might also be dead by design
or by course of nature. This is guarded against by the Barotse custom
“ku yola” (to appoint), which appoints a successor to take the name and
position of any male or female person of importance. Makoshi, the mother
of the present Chief, Lewanika, died about ten years ago and a daughter
of Lewanika’s (Ngula by name) was at once appointed Makoshi. Her husband
is Solami and, though a son-in-law, yet represents the father of the
Chief.
On Solami’s right sits Natamoyo. “Natamoyo” means the “father of life”
according to the Siluyi meaning of the word “moyo,” and he has or rather
had, a position of great value and power. Should any man—Chief, induna,
or private person—be pursuing anyone with the desire or intention of
killing him, the hunted person was safe directly he could reach the
Natamoyo or his palisade. Natamoyo was in fact very similar to the “city
of refuge” of the Old Testament. Natamoyo also had the power to veto an
execution when discussed in the Kotla, but his chief value lay in his
being a haven of refuge. He had as well the following privilege. If the
Chief committed any act of injustice to any of his people, the injured
party could complain to the Natamoyo, who then went to the Chief’s
palisade and abused him roundly. The Chief would then desist from the
course of action which was objected to. Needless to say this privilege
was very great and valuable amongst a people over whom order was only
maintained by the exercise of great brutality, persecution and very often
injustice. It is hardly needful to point out that anyone else having
the temerity to resent any action of the Chiefs would have paid for it
with his life, in all probability being assisted out of the world, with
torture and various most revolting cruelties.
After Solami comes Mukulwakashiku, an Induna who acts as Prime Minister
during the absence of the Ngambela. On Mukulwakashiku’s right sit the
various indunas who take precedence by the relative value of their
positions.
(2) When the Chief leaves the Kotla, the business of the people is
discussed; cases are tried and new laws talked over, or old laws amended.
The “Right” sits in the same order, but the positions of Solami and
Natamoyo are now of little value and the two leading men are the Ngambela
and Mukulwakashiku. Other divisions of the people for legislative
purposes will be described later, but the method of the procedure of the
Kotla will now be given. The Ngambela calls Mukulwakashiku and instructs
him to inform the assembled Kotla of the matter under discussion. This is
done and the assembled Barozi are called on to express their opinions.
The smallest man (in position) on the “Right” starts the ball rolling,
and utters his views on the matter. He must be a free-born Murozi,
but not of necessity even the headman of a village. All the divisions
have different values for each member and the junior member of each
division speaks first. In a large assembly the first speakers are always
members of the “Ikatengo,” a division which comprises the people, petty
headmen and very minor indunas. Headmen of more important villages and
sub-Indunas of the “Lukaya” division speak after the Ikatengo have
finished. When the “Lukaya” have finished, the indunas of importance
who comprise the Saa division speak next. Following them, the Sikalu
expresses its opinion; this division is composed of the higher indunas.
Members of the three division, Lukaya, Saa and Sikalu of the “Right”
alternate with members of the “Left,” and when the head “Sikombwa” of
the “Left” has finished, Mukulwakashiku gives his personal opinion. He
is the last speaker before the Ngambela. The Ngambela then gives a brief
résumé of the various pros and cons and shows the weak points in the
different arguments.
Should he disagree with the majority, a lively discussion takes place,
and should the majority still disagree, the matter is laid before the
Chief by one of the “Sikombwa” (Left) and his decision is final. This is
seldom if ever the case—especially nowadays—as the present Ngambela is
a man of great cleverness, tact and diplomacy, and can always command
a great following. When the matter is settled in the Kotla, one of the
“Sikombwa” is sent with word to the Chief who sends word back by the same
man as to his approval or otherwise. In the event of his disapproval he
gives his reasons by the same channel, and these reasons are announced to
the Kotla by Mukulwakashiku at the Ngambela’s orders. When the Kotla hear
the Chief’s reasons, they signify their agreement thereto by clapping
their hands (kandelela), and their resolutions are rescinded or else they
refuse to be guided by the Chief. The Ngambela then goes to the Chief and
explains the matter and urges his acceptance of the ruling of the Kotla.
This he generally gets.
This is a brief description of the working of the chief legislative organ
as regards the making of laws, settling of cases, &c. Their methods of
administering the law are as follows: Any private person, free or serf,
brings his case to the headman of his village, the headman takes it to
the resident induna of the native district in which the village may lie,
the country being divided off into a large number of districts, like
parishes in England, though much bigger in area; the resident induna
carries the case to the Kotla induna who represents that native district
in the Kotla and the representative induna takes the case to the Ngambela
who hears the case at his own residence. Should the parties agree to
the Ngambela’s finding the case is settled, but should there be any
dissatisfaction the matter is discussed before the assembled Kotla, each
party speaking in turn with their respective witnesses.
The divisions enumerated earlier in this chapter have each and all of
them certain duties and privileges. The “Sikalu” is a Privy Council and
consists of a score or so of the highest indunas. They are divided again
into two divisions which have their respective duties. The “Sikalu” of
the night sits together with the Chief in a very humble sort of hut, a
good distance from any chance of eavesdropping, and these indunas when so
employed do not “kandelela” when speaking to the Chief. The Ngambela is
one of the night Sikalu. The Sikalu discusses any new law to be made or
any important matter which it is necessary to keep very secret, and these
discussions are always held in whispers and at a good distance from any
likely shelter for eavesdroppers.
[Illustration: Arrival of the Nalikwanda
Photo by J. C. Coxhead, Esq.]
[Illustration: The Secretary for Native Affairs and the late Paramount
Chief
Photo by J. C. Coxhead, Esq.]
The Sikalu of the day is sometimes taken on one side in the Kotla by the
Ngambela if any little unforeseen piece of news or information crops up
in any discussion. Their conversation is also strictly private and is
held entirely in whispers.
The “Saa” is a much larger division of the people, and has the privilege
of going to the Chief after dusk and discussing current topics with him,
the Sikalu members being also members of the Saa. Any member of the Saa
can talk when he chooses and about what he chooses. Should two start
simultaneously the holder of the most important position speaks first.
The Lukaya and Ikatengo are not allowed free access to the Chief but are
only called into the presence of the Chief when required by him.
There are, beside these legislative divisions, several other divisions
of the people headed by various indunas. On the death of an important
person another person, generally younger, is elected to the place of
the deceased; thus indunas of the same name have been at the head of
divisions since time immemorial. These divisions are enumerated in order
of seniority. It was the duty of the induna in charge of each division
to provided a certain number from the division under him for tribute
work for the Chief, or for raiding parties or anything else that might
necessitate a large number of people being assembled together.
The first division is the Kabeti under the Ngambela who deputes his
authority to the induna Imandi. The second division is the Mutakela
under the induna Mukulwakashiku, third the Ngundwe under Noyo, fourth
the Ngulubela under Katema, fifth the Kawayo under Namunda, sixth the
Mbanda under Muyumbana, seventh Njeminwa under Kalonga. The first six
divisions are Barozi only, but the seventh division comprises all alien
people subject to the Barozi as well as the Likombwa or Chief’s body
servants and the less important of his relatives by blood or marriage.
All these divisions and arrangements of the people are of long standing
before the Makololo invasion, and were necessitated by the fact that as
there was no known method of writing amongst the Barozi, every induna
of the respective divisions had to act as index of the people under his
supervision.
CHAPTER IV.
Barozi Industries.
The Barozi industries are neither numerous nor complicated. A simple
people living in a state of savagery would not have any very great or
serious wants. Living on the Zambezi, and in a low flat swampy country
which becomes inundated yearly, boats were a necessity of life. The trunk
of a large tree cut down and then carefully hollowed out and pointed at
bow and stern, such were their first boats and so they are to-day.
In the course of time they found that a long paddle worked by men
standing up was more effective than a short paddle worked by anyone
sitting down, as well as being much more useful for work in shallow water
where the paddles being cut long are available as poles for pushing the
boat along. Of all the various trees used for boat making “mukwa” (a tree
resembling an ash) is alone unsinkable, all other kinds sink on being
submerged. Paddles are made of young “mukwa” as it has more play and give
in it than other woods. Paddling itself is quite a fine art, and to be
a paddler in the Barozi sense of the word is to have a more than useful
knowledge of the science. Steering is done by the stern paddler assisted
by the bow paddler, but by no means all of those who are good paddlers
are capable of paddling in the bow or stern.
The Barozi say that they learnt boat building from the Batotela, but
this is possibly automatically suggested by the fact that suitable trees
for boat building are found a long distance from Barozi itself, either
amongst Batotela on the Lumbi, Bankoya on the Dongwe, and Alunda and
Balubale on the upper Zambezi.
_Pottery._—This industry, since the introduction of iron pots and metal
dishes, is fast dying out. At an earlier date large numbers of clay pots
of all sizes were made. Considering that no wheel nor any instrument
beyond the bare hands were used, the pottery work is wonderfully good.
The favourite forms of work were big circular pots with wide orifices
which were universally used for cooking porridge and other foods, and
large pots with thin necks and narrow mouths which were used for keeping
water in. These pots are very porous and are most excellent for keeping
water cold during the heat of the day. The more ambitious workers (the
industry is incidentally worked by women) used to cut patterns and daub
red ochre streaks on their pots, this is usually done after the first
baking. Children universally model animals, though very crudely, in clay,
but few of these models are burnt.
[Illustration: The Nalikwanda
Photo by J. C. Coxhead, Esq.]
[Illustration: Government Messengers and a Post-runner at Nalolo]
_Ironwork._—It is not quite certain whence the Barozi acquired this
industry. They must have had some knowledge of it during their migration
from the Congo to their present habitat, though when they first left
the Congo it is probable that their implements were made of copper.
The blacksmith work of to-day is mainly in the hands of the Batotela,
Bakwangwa, Bankoya and Bambunda, although traces of it are found in
all tribes, aboriginal and otherwise, who are included in the Barozi
people. In a few places iron is dug for and short shafts sunk, but the
main supply of iron is gained from swamps and the beds of small streams.
The ore, as recovered from these sources, goes through a rough smelting
process, being placed under a large fire of wood in a circular fire-place
from which small channels are made in which the molten iron is run off.
These channels end in small circular depressions which collect the iron
and it is then left to cool off. The iron is naturally very impure and is
always very soft, but on the other hand it is very easily rubbed up to a
good degree of sharpness and is really much more useful and adaptable to
rough work than well-tempered European steel. The iron when cool is then
taken in hand by the blacksmith, whose knowledge is generally passed on
from father to son. He uses rough pincers, heavy and light hammers and
an anvil all made from native iron. Bellows are constructed by taking a
large piece of wood which is trimmed down into two large circular basins
parallel to each other with a long pipe running down from between them,
a small hole from each basin leading into the pipe. A closed pair of
scissors gives, on a very small scale, a good idea of the woodwork of
the bellows, the two finger holes being the circular depressions and the
closed blades the pipe. Over each depression is tied a well dressed piece
of hide which is tightly tied round the rim of the depression or cup.
In the centre of each piece of hide a light stick, about twelve inches
long is attached, and by jerking these sticks up and down quickly, quite
a useful draught is made. At the mouth of the pipe a nozzle of clay is
made to prevent the fire getting to the wood. Only charcoal is used by
the blacksmiths and this is made, by preference, from any of the harder
red woods with which the country abounds. Spear heads, axe and hoe heads,
snuff spoons and nails are the chief articles made, and a good blacksmith
will embellish his work with all kinds of punched ornamentation.
_Basketwork._—This is a form of work which is very nearly universal
throughout the Barozi country, although certain branches of it are
confined to certain localities. Plain mats made of rows of reed-like
grass kept very close to each other by several parallel lines of bark,
knotted to each individual piece of grass, are made all over the country.
The best makers are, however, the Banyengo and Bambunda. These mats
are about five feet broad and eight to ten feet long. A smaller mat,
possibly introduced by the Makololo, is made of flat reeds which are
kept together by strings of bark. The bark in these mats does not show as
the reeds are strung on the various lines of bark. These mats are about
two feet six inches broad by five to seven feet long. Another mat is made
like the large mat mentioned previously, but worked throughout with a
chequer pattern of dark bark so as to form squares, diamonds, triangles
and, in the more daring efforts, to form crocodiles, men, horses, cattle
and elephant. The best workers of this last form of mat are the Bambunda.
Another form of mat is made out of undressed papyrus strung on bark,
so closely that they are, when placed at a fair angle, practically
waterproof, and the Bakoma who are the chief makers of this form of mat,
frequently build their houses of several mats slung over a horizontal
pole.
[Illustration: Crossing Cattle over the Zambezi]
[Illustration: The Mokwai’s House and Fence at Nalolo]
Circular and oval baskets of white stiff grass with patterns of black
grass woven into the white are made by the Bambunda. These baskets have
circular covers and are really very well and artistically made. The black
grass used for patterns is of two varieties, one kind being the pith of
a very slender root belonging to a small bush, while the other kind is
simply the white grass as used in the main construction of the basket,
soaked and partially decomposed in water before weaving. The Bankoya and
the Alunda make a very closely woven grass basket which is waterproof and
which is much used in districts where clay is scarce, to carry and even
to cook water. Grass baskets are almost universally made throughout the
Barozi to carry grain, meal, sweet potatoes and other foodstuffs.
_Woodwork._—The Barozi are not very proficient at woodwork, the neatest
and best workers being again the Bambunda, Bakwangwa and Bandundulu who
make stools and wooden dishes in large quantities. These are generally
made out of a soft wood and are then hardened on the surface by being
scorched all over with a red-hot axe blade, a certain quantity of fat
being rubbed in after the scorching. The Bambunda are very clever at
carving little figures of wood representing men, women, animals and
boats, the Bambalangwi, Balubale and Alunda carve long hair combs and
sticks in a variety of interesting patterns. The average Murozi can carve
himself a knobkerry, axe and hoe handle, or the shaft of a spear, but
their work is very plain though very neat and wonderfully regular.
The Bandundulu are the chief makers of boat paddles, though the Bambunda
and Bakwangwa cut them as well.
CHAPTER V.
Barozi Customs (Mikwa).
The customs from infancy to old age and death, of the nation will be
given first, and a few peculiar customs of certain tribes will be
described afterwards.
_Birth._—A pregnant woman on feeling her confinement near, has a small
grass hut built for her at the side of her husband’s house. There she
is confined, no male being present, though other married women come to
assist. Young women are not allowed to be present. The umbilical cord
(kakombo) is cut close to the child’s navel (mukubu) and a piece of
string is knotted tightly round the navel to prevent further bleeding.
The child is washed with cold water. The mother’s thighs are washed with
hot water, grass having been boiled in it previously. The afterbirth is
buried by women near by. Certain roots are procured from the forest and
soaked in water, the child being washed with this mixture every day for
two or three months. The mother remains in the temporary hut for two
months, women going every day to help her wash herself and child. After
two days the husband may go to see his child but may not sleep there.
Certain of the tribes absorbed by the Barozi have a custom that compels
a woman, after delivery of a child, to sleep with two other men before
returning to her husband. The Barozi themselves do not have this custom.
About four months after the birth, if the child lives, conjugal relations
are resumed, but if the child dies shortly after birth the mother mourns
for a day or so, and directly she has recovered from the effects of
giving the child birth, returns to her husband. Twins are not killed, nor
are they considered unlucky. A child born deformed is killed, generally
by the mother choking it by forcing the breast well into its mouth.
Triplets are very rare and are considered bad. One is killed and two left
alive, the reason being that the mother has only two breasts. Children
are suckled for nearly eighteen months. If it becomes known that a woman,
married or single, has procured abortion, she is taken by the other women
of the village and the hair of her head is pulled out by the roots.
Nothing is said however, if a woman takes medicine to prevent pregnancy.
If a woman gives birth to a still-born child a grass hut is built outside
the village and the woman has to live there, day and night, for a month,
only women attend her and bring her food, no man will go near the place.
When the month is finished, the women bring medicine to wash her with
and she is then at liberty to return to the village, but must sleep once
with some man other than her husband, before returning to her husband.
[Illustration: Capture of a young Crocodile
Photo by Mrs. Cambell]
[Illustration: Arrival of Lewanika’s Subsidy at Lialui: Carried by
British South Africa Company’s Messengers
Photo by J. Walton, Esq.]
It is considered most unlucky for a woman to become pregnant while still
suckling a child, and native tradition holds that the first child will
always die, as after the mother becomes pregnant the milk then belongs to
the unborn child and the bigger child will not thrive on it. Children are
always carried on their mothers’ backs, supported by a skin, until about
two years old, after which age, if the journey is any distance, the child
is placed astride one shoulder of the father and so carried. A child is
never beaten till about two years old and after that chastisement is very
mild. At six or seven boys are chastised by father or mother, but girls
of the same age are only chastised by their mothers.
_Arrival at the Age of Puberty._—Boys have no initiation ceremony, and
circumcision, though practised among one or two of the tribes absorbed
by the Barozi, such as the Balunda and Bankoya, is not practised by the
Barozi. Girls have a ceremony known as the “Mwalianjo.” Directly a girl
has her first periods of menstruation, she immediately goes and hides,
if living out on the plains, in an adjacent clump of reeds or, if living
near the forest, in the bush near the village. While thus hiding she
is not supposed to see or speak to a man or boy, and if one actually
approaches through inadvertence, she covers her head with a cloth or skin
until he has passed by. Directly her absence from the village is noticed
by her contemporaries, the married women go and look for her and stop
with her in the bush, singing and dancing. At night after dark, she is
brought back to her father’s yard to sleep, but at daybreak she is always
hidden again in the bush. This goes on for a month. The women while
dancing and singing round the girl beat her with sticks, not severely
enough to do damage but hard enough to arouse the tears and lamentations
of the novitiate. The married women also show the girl how to receive and
how to comport herself during the conjugal embraces of her husband, one
woman taking the man’s part for the performance. Much advice is given her
how to preserve her husband’s affections. At the end of the month the
women take the girl to the nearest water and wash her. One of the elder
women then goes and turns the bridegroom out of his house and the girl is
then brought and placed in the hut in the blankets, the husband recalled
and the newly married pair left. The company then dance and sing all
night, drinking and eating largely the while. In the early morning the
women take the bride and cut all her hair off, and she is in all senses
of the word, a married woman. This “mwalianjo” ceremony was in itself
fairly harmless, although possibly a trifle coarse and vulgar from a
European point of view, but of later years single girls who had not even
arrived at the age of puberty used to attend these ceremonies and join in
the obscene jesting that went on, and the married women besides giving
good advice, also counsel the bride-to-be never to refuse the overtures
of one or more paramours, as well as giving her hints of how best to
hide these intrigues from her husband. Very few girls reach the age of
puberty without being already bespoken in marriage. Should the bridegroom
elect have died just previously or at the time of his wife’s “mwalianjo”
ceremony, the girl remains with her father and indulges in fairly
promiscuous intercourse with the men and youths of the village, until a
suitor turns up and marries her. Virginity is unknown and certainly not
demanded.
_Marriage._—As has been shown in the previous paragraph, girls are all
bespoken in marriage many years before arriving at a marriageable age,
and have, theoretically, very little say in the matter at all; the
arrangements being made between suitor and father or mother. The mother’s
rights over her daughter are not so powerful as the father’s. A young man
arriving at an age when he considers it good to get married, goes to the
parents of the girl of his choice (generally before she has arrived at
the age of puberty), and asks their consent to his marriage with their
daughter. If the parents agree, the suitor gives the girl a necklace of
white beads and a blanket. The matter is then left until the girl goes
into hiding for her “mwalianjo.” No permission or approval is required
from the suitor’s parents, but sometimes a father while his son is still
fairly young, will arrange a marriage for him. After the “mwalianjo” is
finished, the bridegroom will give presents to his father-in-law and
mother-in-law. The presents are generally an ox, a hoe and a wooden dish.
The father-in-law on his side gives a shirt and a loin cloth to his
son-in-law. The mother-in-law then cooks beer in large quantities and
the bridegroom, his friends and relatives, the bride and hers, all drink
the beer. The bridegroom also has certain obligations, such as cutting
a garden for his wife’s parents and building or helping to build a new
house for them. During the performance of these duties the newly married
couple live in the wife’s village, eating the food of the wife’s parents,
but after performing these duties, the couple return to the husband’s
village, returning to visit the wife’s parents occasionally but having
their permanent residence at the husband’s village. In case of divorce,
the wife returns to her father’s village. No compensation is due from the
girl’s parents if she is divorced.
[Illustration: Tax-payers
Photo by J. Walton, Esq.]
[Illustration: Royalty travelling by Boat
Photo by Mrs. Cambell]
_Death._—The Barozi bury all their dead with the exception of lepers.
Their reason for not burying lepers is the idea that if a leper is
buried in the earth the ground will become impregnated with leprosy and
everyone will die of that disease. Men and women are buried alike.
The eyes of the corpse are closed and the knees bent right up to the
chest. The arms are bent at the elbow and the hands placed palm to palm
level with the mouth. A blanket is then folded round the body. A rough
stretcher is made of poles and the corpse carried on it to the grave.
Each district or collection of villages has a common burial place. If
possible a corpse is brought to its own burial ground. But this is only
done when the person dies within a short distance of his or her home.
Corpses are buried the same day as death takes place. Men always act as
carriers, irrespective of the sex of the corpse. The corpse is lifted
off the bier at the graveside and placed in the grave, on its side, head
to the west. The Barozi dig a straight square hole and a mat is placed
tent-wise over the corpse. The clothes of the deceased are put in the
grave under the mat, as well as a few wooden dishes and pots, the latter
being first broken. The mat over the corpse is put there with the idea
that no earth shall actually be thrown on the body, although as the
sides get filled up, the mat eventually gives way under the weight and
the grave thus gets filled up. Some of the burial party stand in the
grave at the side, the rest push the earth to the edge of the grave.
Those standing in the grave take the loose earth and place it gently all
round the edge of the mat covering the corpse, raising themselves on the
earth thus placed as the grave gets filled up. After the mat has given
way beneath the weight of the earth, the grave is filled up. A mound of
earth is placed over the grave and a few more pots and wooden dishes
are broken and placed on top. The burial party and mourners then return
to the village. On the path outside the village a small fire is made
and the whole party, men and women have to leap over the fire as a form
of purification. They then assemble at the deceased person’s house and
mourn. The mourning lasts for three or four days, and consists of sitting
round the deceased’s house and wailing. Cattle are killed, the number
being in proportion to the wealth of the deceased, and the meat is eaten
during the mourning. After the mourning is finished the whole party wash
in special medicines. If the deceased is a man his house is broken down,
but if a woman her husband still lives in the house, but the house is
plastered afresh before he re-occupies it. No difference is made in the
burial of a pregnant woman. The Barozi themselves make no distinction in
burying hunters, though the Alunda and Bankoya do. The only people who
have separate and special burial grounds amongst the Barozi are those of
the blood royal. The less important members have a common burial place,
but the paramount Chief and sub-chiefs at Nalolo, Libonda and Sesheke
have each a village already built and selected, in the middle of which
they will eventually be buried. In former times, many of the reigning
chiefs favourite indunas would voluntarily submit to having their arms
tied behind their backs and being placed thus bound into a boat which had
previously been bored through in several places. The boat was then towed
into midstream and sunk. It is also probable that in former days a number
of slaves were killed with the deceased chief, but a natural shyness
of admitting these things makes them very difficult to prove, while
the sanctity as well as fear of approaching burial places of any kind,
prevent any sort of exhumation as proof.
Certain of the tribes included in the Barozi, have different customs
as regards death and burial, but they are very slightly different and
the difference is hardly worthy of comment. The Alunda used to bury on
platforms erected in the bush, but now nearly all burials are conducted
similarly to those of the Barozi.
The Bankoya, Alunda, Bambalangwe and Balubale bury chiefs and indunas in
their huts and, after so doing, generally move their villages a little
distance from the old site. Hunters are usually buried outside the
village, a short path being cut from the main path to the grave. Poles
are stuck round the grave with the skulls of various wild animals on
them. These tribes tie a long string to the corpse and keep the end of
the string above the top of the grave. The Bambunda place a reed in or
close to the ear of the corpse when in the grave, the end protruding
above the top of the grave. Witch doctors and others are supposed to
learn important secrets from the spirit of the deceased by means of a
reed or string communication. Another custom among the Bandundulu is that
of “bringing back” those men who stand in the grave placing the earth
in it. After the grave has been nearly filled, the oldest woman in the
village takes her hoe and places it on the shoulder of one of the men
and pulls him out of the grave. Each of the men so employed is treated
similarly. The grave is then raised to the necessary height. As far as
can be gathered, though it is admitted that there is very little native
confirmation, the idea is this: The oldest woman being very old and near
to death can therefore get no harm from the dead. So she is chosen to
affront the dead by bringing back from the grave, those people who were
employed in filling up the grave, and who having entered the grave were
as dead or as the property of the dead. The use of the hoe is symbolical
of the digging out. The Alunda after a burial do not leap a fire as the
Barozi do, but stand at the nearest bifurcation of the path leading to
the village, and the oldest woman of the village brings burning sticks
and passes them round the burial party. Here again, the employment of an
elderly woman near to death and thus immune to the danger of the dead, is
noticeable.
Having thus roughly depicted the four chief divisions of the life of
the average male or female Murozi, a few points of their daily life as
governed by custom will be now described.
[Illustration: Mankoya women dancing
Photo by J. Walton, Esq.]
[Illustration: “Well in swing”]
_Work._—A very hard and fast rule is maintained in the division of the
day’s work although, as is usual with many native races, the greater
portion falls on the female. The axe and the hoe are very emblematic of
the different kinds of work for each sex. The man does all wood cutting
in preparing a new garden or in building a house, while the woman tills
the garden with her hoe, cuts grass for thatching with her hoe and mixes
mud for plastering the house with her hoe. So emblematic are these two
implements that very light and ornate axes and hoes are made solely for
carrying when visiting. The woman does all garnering of grain, though
the man builds the frame of the grain bin. Brewing of beer and cooking
of food is woman’s work, though young and single men cook their own
porridge or employ little boys to do it for them. All mud plastering is
done by women though the framework of the house, the building of the reed
fence, and the thatching of the house is the man’s portion. Grass cutting
is chiefly women’s work, but men often assist at it, reed cutting for
fence and hut building is done by both sexes. A woman will fetch loose
fire-wood from the bush but will not cut fire-wood down with an axe.
All carrying is done by women on their heads but men always carry their
loads divided into half, half fastened to each end of a pole which is
carried on the shoulder. Women do all the carrying of water required by a
household. All cattle herding and milking of cattle is done by men only,
but the Barozi cannot give any reason for the custom except that it has
always been men’s work. There is a belief that if women enter a cattle
kraal, it will bring on an immediate and untimely menstrual discharge,
the only women who go near a kraal are therefore very old women or very
young children. The most notorious exceptions to the above customs are
the Alunda. These people will often admit they are the slaves to their
women folk. The average Lunda woman’s daily work is fishing, which they
do by wading along the sides of streams, pushing a large wicker basket in
front of them. The Alunda men use the hoe as well as the axe, and tend
their gardens, grind meal for porridge, plaster their huts and do all
the work that is generally supposed by other tribes to be women’s work
only. In speaking of the Alunda, it must be remembered that the Alunda
living in the Barozi country are only a small portion of the main tribe,
the larger portion living in Southern and South-western Congoland. All
other tribes under the sway of the Barozi follow the customs depicted
above, in the division of labour between the sexes. It will be seen by
reference to Chapter IV that women do not share in many of the industries
of the country; with the exception of the mat and pot making all other
industries are worked by men. This, however, is only fair and just, as it
will be seen from the preceding paragraphs that the larger portion of the
day’s work certainly falls on the women.
_Salutations._—A great deal of the ceremony of salutations is being
killed by civilization. The ordinary forms of greeting differ according
to the status of the parties meeting each other. In a country where time
was and is very little object, two people of equal status on meeting put
down their spears and anything they may be carrying and squat on their
heels. Right hands are clasped but not shaken, and a second grip is given
after the first one, by closing the hand on the thumb of the proffered
hand. This grip is done by both parties simultaneously, and is by no
means peculiar to the Barozi, as the Matebele, Basuto, Bechuana and Xosa
people all do the same. The Barozi, after completing the grip, clap their
hands (kandelela) three times and then converse on various topics. If the
parties are related or well-known to one another the two grips are given
and then both parties join hands, the right hand of one holding the left
hand of the other, and _vice versa_, a kiss is given by each to the palm
of his friend’s left hand. If very close relatives meet, besides this
they spray each other with spittle. When a person of humble status meets
an induna or person of importance, he or she steps off the path and claps
(kandelela) until the big person has gone by. The Chief has a special
salute for himself, which is also given to any envoy coming direct from
him. It consists of every man greeting him by standing up and shouting
“Yo sho” at the same time throwing both arms to full extent above the
head, this is done three times, then all kneel, clapping their hands
three times and shouting “Shangwe” (my father), “Mangwe” (my master),
“Mawe” (my mother), this performance is repeated a second time exactly
similarly and a third time, when the only difference is that the third
time “Yo sho” is said on their knees. When women greet the Chief, they
remain seated on the ground and shout “Ya shé” clapping their hands at
the same time. These are the actual greetings although when the Chief
moves about from one locality to another, large ceremonial dances for men
and women take place. The clapping of hands (ku kandelela) is differently
performed by the two sexes. Men bring both palms smartly together, the
right hand uppermost and at right angles to the other hand. The women
close the fingers and arch each hand, making a cup formation of both
hands which makes a hollow sound as they clap the concavities together.
[Illustration: Mambalangwe “Nuts”
Photo by Mrs. Cambell]
A great deal of respect is still shown to elders of both sexes. For
instance, several women may be hoeing a garden and during the heat of
the day one of the younger ones will go and fetch water in a calabash,
or dish, for drinking purposes. On her return should there be other
women waiting to drink, the eldest has the first drink, and this is not
affected by the ownership of the dish or any other reason, except in the
case of an old slave woman and a younger free woman when the free woman
drinks first unless the free woman is a girl who has not been through
her initiation ceremony when the old slave woman drinks first. Age has
seniority, then married before single, maturity before immaturity. On the
other hand, at a meeting or assembly, the younger men speak first on the
supposition that their council is rashest and of least value, the old
grey heads and deep thinkers having the last say. A father commands more
respect in many ways than a mother, but there are other reasons for that
more than the imagined superiority of sex. Chief amongst them is, that in
a country of easy and frequent divorce, the children when able to walk
and look after themselves, immediately belong to the father and gradually
forget their mothers. But the principle of “respect for age” still has
a great effect on the young of either sex, throughout the country. A
youthful induna of much importance will still be exceedingly polite to
older indunas of much smaller position.
A gift is always received by both hands, and the modern European method
of holding out one hand to receive anything whatsoever, is unknown. This
custom certainly arises from the idea that as both hands are held up
to receive a gift, there can be no possibility of a stab or blow being
delivered, as would be quite possible if one hand only was used to
receive whatever was passing between two parties.
_Feeding._—No unmarried women will eat eggs, as the belief is that if
they eat them they will be barren. Nor will unmarried women eat the flesh
of the pelican, because, according to native tradition, the pelican
cannot, owing to strength and size of wings and extreme buoyancy, be
pulled under and eaten by crocodiles, and if they were to eat its flesh
they would not be caught as wives by men. No women may eat the monitor
lizard (hopani) though men eat it and it is considered a great delicacy.
The reason for this is that monitors look very like snakes, of which
women are more frightened than men.
Men, women and children always rinse their hands before eating. This
is the more necessary since most foodstuffs are carried from the pot
to their mouths by hand. It makes no difference if a man is eating by
himself or with company. After the meal the hands are rinsed again and
the mouth as well. Men seldom eat with their wives, as a man who does
so is jeered at and considered greedy, on the principle that being
stronger than his wife he will grab the largest and best portions. Women
and children, male or female, eat together, and little boys will eat
with little girls, but grown up men practically always eat either by
themselves or with men friends. Meals are eaten twice a day regularly,
but sometimes more often when food is plentiful. The staple diet is a
stiff porridge made of ground flour of manioc (a species of cassava),
mealies (maize), red and yellow millet or Kafir corn. A sauce is made
of fish, meat, wild spinach or monkey nuts, and the lumps of porridge
are dipped in this as detached from the dish. Maize porridge is eaten
generally with milk, sweet or sour. Meat and fish are preferred high, but
fresh meat and fish are eaten when plentiful. Milk is a very popular form
of food, especially in the thick sour form. Many kinds of wild fruit are
eaten, as is game when procurable. The Nambove and certain lower classes
of the Barozi will eat crocodile, but the better class Barozi turn up
their noses at it, as they do at the wild cats which, however, are gladly
eaten by the Mambunda. Food is eaten in early morning and towards sundown.
The appearance of the new moon means a general holiday. The day after
its appearance no one goes to work at the gardens. In former times the
“Ngomalume” and “Liwale” dances were danced in the villages of Nalolo and
Lialui (the residences of the two biggest Barozi Chiefs) only, by men and
women respectively, but this custom is dying out.
The ploughing and hoeing of a new ant heap is also the occasion (on the
day after the ant heap is ploughed) for a holiday. The belief being that
if a holiday is not taken the seeds planted in the new garden will die.
This custom does not apply to ant heaps that have ever been ploughed
before.
Certain tribes under Barozi rule have a custom which refers to the
fidelity of their wives, but the Barozi do not make use of this custom.
Should a man suspect his wife of infidelity he takes a little ash from
the fire and when his wife brings the newly cooked morning food he throws
the ash over it and goes out to eat with one of his friends. If the woman
happens to be virtuous or, whether virtuous or not, wishes to give the
lie to her husband’s suspicions, she shuts herself up in her hut and
bewails her lot or sulks, whichever her temperament may lead her to do.
If on the other hand, she is unrepentant and reckless, she throws the
spoiled food away and goes off and eats with her women friends.
The Barozi themselves have no form of blood brotherhood. They have a
custom called “making a friendship” (ku ikeza bulikani). One man calls
another to his house and tells him he wishes to be friends with him. If
the other party agrees, the first man gives the other a small present.
On the return of the second man to his house a return present is sent.
This makes the friendship binding. After that if the first man is in
trouble or need, he runs to his friend and the friend supplies him if
possible, with what he needs or assists him to the best of his ability.
Anything a man lets his friend have is a gift, and there is no obligation
of returning it or its value, the only obligation that remains is that
of help in the event of his friend wanting it. The subordinate tribes
have a proper form of blood brotherhood. It is practised amongst men
only. The two who wish to make the brotherhood get two cups of beer.
Small incisions are made on the chest and a drop or two of blood is
squeezed from the incisions into the beer. Each man takes the other’s cup
and drinks it, they then swear never to hate each other, never to kill
one another should they meet in battle, and never to be angry with one
another. It is believed that a man who kills his blood brother will die
of leprosy.
[Illustration: Mat-makers, with Mats for Sale
Photo by J. Walton, Esq.]
[Illustration: A Mambalangwe Family
Photo by Mrs. Cambell]
There is a marriage custom that exists among certain of the subordinate
tribes in Baroziland. When a woman is pregnant a man, generally an
acquaintance of hers or of her husband, will go up to her and place his
hand on her stomach, at the same time addressing his remarks to the
unborn child: “You within, if you are a woman, shall be my wife, but
if you are a man, you shall be my friend.” When the woman is delivered
this prophecy is carried out. There is, however, no record of what would
happen if there were twins. This custom is probably learnt from the
Batoka, but the Barozi do not practise it.
Another custom, also existing among certain of the subordinate tribes,
is the obligation of a man to give a younger sister or cousin to his
son-in-law, should the son-in-law’s wife die or be childless. But if it
is only a case of sterility the elder woman returns home to her father,
as the marriage of two sisters to one man at the same time is not
tolerated.
CHAPTER VI.
Barozi Riddles and Conundrums.
Conundrums are universal throughout the Barozi, and a few are given as
examples. Most of them are lacking in humour from an European point of
view, but the ability to guess them is looked on as quite an asset,
especially among women and children. Each riddle is prefixed by the words
“A-ko,” “Here it is,” used by the person asking the riddle. The person
taking up the challenge replies “Keyi,” which means “Bring it.” These
words are pure Silui (Serozi) and are used for all riddles, although
the riddles themselves may be in Sikololo, Mbunda or any other tongue
or dialect in use in any part of Barozi. There are not any permanent
riddles, as they are generally made up by the person asking them, but
there are a few certainly which, from the length of time they have been
known and their popularity, may be considered as permanent jokes.
(1) _Question._ “Ku tanta mbilingwa ku uka ni mbilingwa.”
“It climbs up and falls back.”
_Answer._ “Ki kokwani ha ipahama kwa kota.”
“An insect climbing a tree (still slips).”
(2) _Q._ “Kateli ka shangwe no malimba.”
“My father’s calabash has spots.”
_A._ “Ki ngwesi.”
“A tiger-fish.”
(3) _Q._ “Ka ka bonwe fo ka felela.”
“Something one cannot see the end of.”
_A._ “Ki ndila.”
“It is a road.”
(4) _Q._ “Mbumu na mbumu ka kuwana.”
“Chief and chief do not visit each other.”
_A._ “Ki musitu.”
“It is the forest.”
(5) _Q._ “Tutanela twili ba mundi.”
“Two huts in a village.”
_A._ “Mele no akatana.”
“The breasts of a young girl.”
(6) _Q._ “Ka nwela ka tumuka.”
“Something that dives in and leaps out.”
_A._ “Ki silabo.”
“A paddle.”
(7) _Q._ “A lila ba likamba la walanda.”
“Something that crys on the river bank.”
_A._ “Ki maoma.”
“It is the war drum.”
(8) _Q._ “Ha ka siwi.”
“Something that cannot be left behind.”
_A._ “ ”
“A shadow.”
(9) _Q._ “Ka be ka luma, ka be lu felile.”
“If this thing bit, we should die.”
_A._ “Ki munyako.”
“The doorway.”
(10) _Q._ “Kato ka shangwi ku longa.”
“My father’s boat is full.”
_A._ “Likundi.”
“A pod of peas.”
(11) _Q._ “Ka kasa fezwi bu meti.”
“Something of which the blood is never finished.”
_A._ “Ki pula.”
“The rain.”
(12) _Q._ “I samba ka shemwa ak’a endi ni balelo.”
“Born a long time, and yet cannot walk.”
_A._ “Sitondo.”
“A tree.”
(13) _Q._ “Anuke a ku fukile utu kobela no ku kena.”
“Boys dressed in white clothes.”
_A._ “Ki mundali.”
“Mealies.”
(14) _Q._ “Lila la tau ha li iniwi ki nzi.”
“A fly cannot sit on the stomach of this lion.”
_A._ “Ki mulilo.”
“It is fire.”
(15) _Q._ “Ka bata mazwalelo.”
“It looks for a place to be born in.”
_A._ “Ki tozi.”
“Pumpkin stalks (before they bear fruit.)”
(16) _Q._ “Mutala no ku sumenena.”
“A well fixed fence.”
_A._ “Ki mayo.”
“The teeth.”
(17) _Q._ “Ndundu no makumba.”
“A bundle of bark.”
_A._ “Ki lezazi.”
“The sun.”
(18) _Q._ “Namani ya zwalwa ka nako ye, kwamoraho a mazazi e na le
manaka amateleli.”
“A calf born now, in a few days has long horns.”
_A._ “Ki mbututu.”
“A baby.”
(19) _Q._ “Lutondo lwa ka yengwa Nyambi.”
“Tree made by the god Nyambi.”
_A._ “Ki kuma.”
“The papyrus reed (with tuft on top.”)
(20) _Q._ “Mulamu wa Nyambi na mbulwa makolwa.”
“The stick of the god Nyambi has no branch.”
_A._ “Ki noha.”
“A snake.”
(21) _Q._ “Mulume a lebe a mane kapata matunga a bile.”
“A long man cannot reach this country.”
_A._ “Ki lihulimu.”
“The sky.”
(22) _Q._ “Komo i potoloha silezi.”
“A cow that walks round in the mud.”
_A._ “Mukwenyani.”
“A mother-in-law.”
(23) _Q._ “A mutulo u ku nengela a mbowela u ku nengela.”
“The people of the north dance and those of the south dance.”
_A._ “Matali a kota.”
“The leaves of trees.”
(24) _Q._ “Ku tina ku mukelekete, mukelekete ku choka.”
“You climb this tree, it breaks.”
_A._ “Ki mutwa.”
“The little thorn-bush.”
(25) _Q._ “Ka ka muenwa mwanda.”
“You cannot see any trace of it.”
_A._ “Ki mundu.”
“It is the watersnail.”
(26) _Q._ “Ndo nambulwa mwelo.”
“The house that has no door.”
_A._ “Liki.”
“An egg.”
(27) _Q._ “Ka lubilo ku siya sitimela.”
“What runs quicker than a train?”
_A._ “Ki pilu.”
“The heart.”
(28) _Q._ “Mwandu ya ngulubati ha ku keni lishingwa zepeli.”
“No two logs can enter this old man’s house.”
_A._ “Lisuba la ndonga.”
“The eye of a needle.”
[Illustration: Gang of Natives proceeding to the Mines in Southern
Rhodesia
Photo by Mrs. Cambell]
CHAPTER VII.
Barozi Songs and Dances.
THE LIIMBA.
This is a purely Barozi song and is sung and danced by women only, to
celebrate the arrival of a Chief.
“Sitengu nalili, masiku a nakene, ndendende.”
Sitengu (a small bird that is heard before cock crow) has
called, the night is finished. Yea! yea!
“Mukalelwa mweta sikawana moya, ndendende.”
The one who is in trouble says he cannot free himself from his
trouble. Yea! yea!
“Mufuma mweta sika sheba sinu, ndendende.”
The rich man says, I am in need of nothing. Yea! yea!
“Muwabelwa mushekasheka, ndendende.”
The man who is glad always laughs.
“Mu siala munyima tayiwa mangwi, a kena ta liya mu yenda
munyima tayiwa a tata ta ndoo.”
He who stops behind, my master, is white like a pelican, but he
who goes along (with us) is bright like a leopard.
And many other verses.
THE LIWALE.
This is a purely Barozi dance and is danced when the new moon appears, by
women only, with drums and silimba.
THE NGOMALUME.
This is purely Barozi and is danced by men at the arrival of the new moon.
THE LISHOMA.
Purely Barozi, danced by men only, on the arrival of a Chief. In both
these dances a large war drum is placed before the Chief, and the men
shuffle round it in time to the drum.
[Illustration: Shooting Rapids]
[Illustration: Ngonya Falls at Sioma, Barotseland]
THE BUNYANGA.
An Mbunda song sung by men and women, generally sung when a hunter has
brought meat, but also after the hearing of some case between various
people. A few verses are:
“Tangwa lia toko nji ka bangila mwebwangi, wa ili musambwa lia
ndonga, konja lala tulo njilinga bati mwebwangi na na welelo,
buno buta njilinga chilapo.”
The sun is set, I follow my wife, she has crossed the river, I
cannot sleep, what shall I do without my wife? Yes, I will make
a paddle of my gun.
“Njamba wa funda bilindi bia Kalunga, u yu wa funda umu.”
The elephant digs holes of God, who digs here?
“Kwenda buchechi, kwenda na mema, mu zabule wino ngandu mwali
umo.”
Go carefully, go in the water, come out carefully, the
crocodile is there.
The verse used chiefly after the settlement of disputes:
“Nena bwala tu nwe, kumi lia matemo, milonga tu andeka.”
Bring beer to drink (and) ten hoes (as a fine) we will talk
over the disputes.
THE MANDENDI FROM THE MANKOYA.
A song and dance for men and women, with drums accompaniment, danced for
sick people.
“Kwa Mulala na Sikobela kwa ili lukambo yai, ya, yai, ya, we
yai, ya, kwa ili.”
To Mulala and Sikobela they have gone to dance, yes, yes, yes,
yes, yes, yes they have gone there.
And other lines of a similar nature.
THE LIALA FROM THE MAKWANGWA.
A song and dance for men and women, with drums, danced for sick people.
“Mwaka bani fa bang’ambote matondo.”
The year I will die, the medicine will speak to me.
“Ke’ manene Nalwamba katondo.”
The (medicine of the) tree standing at Nalwamba.
“Ni liat’aba kaowa.”
If I stand there the insect kaowa (will bite).
“Tu kaiowani, tu kaiowani, mene sisingi kuli yowano tamba ni
kalemwa ngandu.”
Let us go and wash, let us go and wash, I do not want to go and
wash lest the crocodile catch me.
And other lines.
THE NAIMBWE FROM THE MANKOYA.
A dance danced by the doctor, with the audience singing and beating drums.
“Mu kuchaba nkuni tu ka moni ba lubanda.”
Let us go to gather fire-wood and to see the people.
“Shimu bombola mema, meme ye mema a kalambwi.”
The cold water, the cold water of the river.
“Baulima na Balushangi mawa fulili kalangu kaluwi.”
Balima and Balushangi, please make bells for dancing.
And other lines.
[Illustration: Food for Sale]
[Illustration: The End of the Day’s Journey]
THE SEPERU FROM THE MASHUKULUMBWE.
A dance for men and women without drums.
“Si nibizi ka kapiololo, litaba kamuso li ta anduluka.”
Do not call me with a whistle, the matters will be discussed
to-morrow.
“Ha ni jeli fande haisi, mwa muzuzu ni mwa makozwana.”
I cannot eat outside the house, inside yes, but not outside.
And other lines.
Besides these combined songs and dances, there are numerous songs that
are sung to the accompaniment of the “Silimba” or kangombio.
The “silimba” is an instrument made on the pattern of a Xylophone—the
notes are pieces of wood cut down very carefully till they are as thin
as possible without splitting, each piece being fastened to a frame over
long calabashes of varying lengths, the longer the calabash the deeper
the note resulting from it. Each calabash has a small hole near the
base, carefully covered with spider-webs to give vibration to the notes.
The notes are struck with sticks (one held in each hand) with a knob of
native rubber at the end of each.
The “kangombio” is a small hand instrument consisting of one round
calabash with an open top on which a thin piece of wood is placed. On the
wood a row of thin tongues of metal of varying lengths, is placed. The
tongues of metal are fastened to the wood at one end and then run over a
small bridge fastened to the piece of wood, the playing ends being left
unfastened. The performer holds the calabash with both hands and strikes
the notes with the thumbs of each hand.
A few of the songs used are given below. Like all native songs, the same
line is sung over and over again till the performer wishes to change.
SILUI (SIROZI).
“Mangwalala a iya ku ndia a na eni.”
The crows that come to eat my (body) are disappointed.
SINKOYA.
“Kana ka shiwa Kenda na kulila ipula Kambundu wa ya ndilila
liye.”
Child of dead people go and cry and ask the Kambundu (for food)
because I am poor.
SILUI (SIROZI).
“I’anuke, I’anuke, I’anuke a Libonda.”
“Iimbu ku lia mangambwa, tingulu, ku lia amamu’na ngulu.”
“Mbu ku mwan’a lilolo wa twelanga meyi matungu.”
Children, children, children of Libonda.
The hippo eats the pumpkin leaves and the sweet potatoes, and
he eats the leaves of the sweet potatoes.
The hippo is the child of the lilolo (any place where three or
more people sit together), he dives into the great waters.
SILUI.
“Mangwe she mangwe ku wabelwa.”
Greeting to our master, we are glad (to see) our master.
“Wato wa ngi no yongela Kayenyi.”
My boat is lost at Kayenyi.
SINDUNDULU.
“Kanitwa no mengo na kakayi.”
I am alone my brothers are dead.
SINKOYA.
“Liyunyi lia lila ba mawa, lia nchingisha winga wa ku yanda nka
yami, ba yaya ba ya shilunga.”
The birds have eaten my mother, they have made me live alone
and be poor, all my relatives are dead.
“Numwaka likuwana lia lile ba mawa.”
This year they will eat your mother (and you will be poor to).
“Kasongo ku li mwene Shindi na litunga liendi.”
Kasongo has gone to the chief shindi, and to his country.
“Nkaka lwabila wa matunga.”
You my master are lord of the countries.
SILUI
“Ka nuwe mbu wa Libonda wa mona ka tu tjimba-tjimba.”
The hippo of Libonda jumps in. You see him swimming.
“Ka mona wato ba lipe wa fulanga meyi matungu.”
He sees a boat near the bank, he shakes the water at the bottom.
SINKOYA.
“Lwabila tu lienga nobe twa bula ku bwala maliata, tu liye ku
shima ku malovu nkaka tu lenga nobe.”
Chief we will eat your food, if you cannot give us presents
give us meal and beer, Chief, to eat.
SILUI.
“Silwale, Silwale wa manitondo kasa lilume lile lile.”
Silwale, Silwale of Namitondo is not a very big man.
“Kalume ka masumango, Silwale, Silwale.”
A short man, Silwale, Silwale.
MBUNDA.
“Ipulani Kawanda, Kawanda, wa ya bika binakwata ku buta bwa ma
ndundu banjitwila kabunga.”
Ask Kawanda, Kawanda is gone who holds my gun and grinds my
meal for me.
“Chinyanga wa ya, mama, soka ko komwalile ba ndumba na
chisumpa, ba li munjubo na ba ningula.”
The hunter is gone, my mother, shut the door to keep out the
lions and the leopards, so say the people in the huts.
“Chilambu change, tangwa lia kuta na tate mukuzomba chilambu
change njiambata mikila.”
The day I go hunting with my father I will carry my blanket and
(wild beast) tails.
[Illustration: “Liyumbo,” or Food-tribute]
[Illustration: Travelling in Barotseland]
CHAPTER VIII.
Barozi Legends.
There are many legends amongst the Barozi, very few of them are
historical, and they are more like our fairy tales. Many of them have
equivalents among other native races, though generally differing in
title. A selection is given herewith.
MWALIYE.
A man once sent his relations through the country to find a wife for
him. After many and long journeyings they found a very beautiful girl.
Her mother consented to the marriage and she left for her husband’s
village, taking her younger sister for company. The girl had never ground
meal since her birth, which in a country where all women grind the meal
for the porridge, was a very strange thing. When she arrived at her
mother-in-law’s house, her mother-in-law told her to grind meal for food,
as she refused to grind any more for her. Mwaliye replied that she did
not know how to, but her mother-in-law insisted, so Mwaliye took grain in
a basket, a dish and a grinding mortar from her and went to get water.
When she came back to the mortar she said, “Alas, to-day I have become
a slave!” She then began to grind the meal, and as she stamped it with
the long wooden pestle, she sang. This is what she sang: “At home I do
nothing but look at the sun, here I am turned into a big flour pestle.”
As she sang this, the foot of the mortar sank into the earth. She went on
singing and her feet sank into the earth and the dishes sank in as well.
Still she wept and went on singing. Then the mortar sank into the earth,
and was finally followed by the pestle and the girl.
When her husband came back, his mother was very sad as she did not know
what to tell him. A little bird came near the mother’s house and sang
a song: “Your Mwaliye has gone very far down under the earth with her
basket, and her plates and her mortar and her pestle.” When Mwaliye’s
little sister heard that, she ran to the place where Mwaliye had
disappeared and started to sing a song: “Open up the hole! Open up the
hole! My elder sister! Open up the hole! When she sings thus, she saw the
sun! Open up the hole!” When she had sung this, they saw the top of the
pestle appearing, so she repeated her song till at last Mwaliye returned
with all her things. Then she told her husband how her mother-in-law had
made her grind meal and he was very angry.
SABWIZA AND HIS YOUNGER BROTHER.
Sabwiza was supposed to be a very handsome man. He was also a hunter
of great renown. One day he went hunting elephants with his younger
brother. But his brother hated him and planned to kill him. They soon
found elephants and began to stalk them. When they came close Sabwiza
loaded his gun and got ready to shoot. Then his younger brother who
was close behind him, caught him and killed him. When he was dead, the
younger brother went home and told the people of the village that Sabwiza
had died whilst hunting. The whole village wept for Sabwiza; as they sat
wailing for him, they looked up at the sky and saw Sabwiza walking on the
clouds carrying his hunting gear. Then he disappeared.
Shortly after this the people took the younger brother and made him
headman in Sabwiza’s place. He was given all Sabwiza’s goods and
Sabwiza’s wife as well. But whenever he sat with his wife or eat food or
did anything, Sabwiza always appeared. So the younger brother died of
fright.
THE THUNDER AND THE ELEPHANT.
The elephant always said he was not afraid of thunder. One day the
thunder told the elephant that he, the thunder, was the more powerful
of the two. But the elephant denied this and said that he was the more
powerful. Then the thunder said, “All right! go a long way off and
bellow. If I hear you, then you are the more powerful.” Off went the
elephant for a very long distance, and trumpeted as hard as he could,
but the thunder could not hear him at all. Then the thunder started. It
made a fearful roar and the lightning flashed. Then the elephant was very
frightened. The thunder called out to him and said, “Do not be afraid,
it’s only your blood brother.” The thunder slapped him on the back, but
the elephant was very frightened and called the thunder his master.
THE WOMAN AND THE HYENA.
One evening as it was getting dark, a woman sat cooking her husband’s
food. A hyena approached the hut, the woman did not see it was a hyena,
but thought it was her husband. She was holding the child in her arms.
When she wanted to stir the porridge, she handed the child, as she
thought, to her husband. The hyena took the child. When the woman had
finished cooking, she said, “Give me the child and let me nurse it.” But
the hyena then ran off with the child.
When the woman heard her child cry out, she looked round and saw it was a
hyena. The hyena ran away and ate the child. The husband hearing his wife
weeping, came running and asked what the matter was. The woman told him,
and they both sat down and wept for their dead child.
SINGALAMBA.
Singalamba was a hunter. One day he went hunting in the forest with his
son. He did not kill anything, so he killed his son. After drying his
son’s flesh in the sun, he tied it up in bundles and went home. On the
road home he heard a bird singing this song: “Look at this man who has
eaten his son, when I get to the village I will tell them the meat is
human flesh—Singalamba has eaten his son.” Singalamba threw sticks at the
bird and killed it; he then lit a fire and burnt it up. Further along
the road he heard another bird singing the same song. He threw sticks at
it again, but this time he missed and the bird flew on to the village.
When it got there it perched on the roof of Singalamba’s hut and sang the
same song. When his wife heard the song she asked Singalamba if the meat
were the flesh of her son, but he said, “No, our son has gone with meat
to his grandmother.” Then the woman sent to ask her mother if the little
boy had arrived with the meat. Her mother sent back word that the boy had
never come at all. So the woman again accused her husband of killing his
son, and at last he confessed. Then the people were very angry at being
deceived, and his wife took all her things and left him and went away
home, and never came back to him again. The man soon after died.
THE STORY OF THE GREEDY WOMAN.
There was once a woman who loved eating above everything else. When the
other people in the village usually went off to till their gardens, she
put a stone in her cheek and pretended to be very sick with toothache.
When the people saw what they thought was a bad swelling, they wanted to
cure her by cutting it, after the custom for relieving swellings, but
she refused, saying she was afraid of the pain. So they went off to the
gardens leaving her behind. Directly they were gone, she spat the stone
out of her mouth and got some grain, ground it, cooked the meal and eat
it. She then lay down and slept. When the people returned they asked her
if the pain were better but she always said “No!” She did this for a long
time, but one day she was seen cooking food by an old woman who had also
been left at home on account of ill-health. When the people came home
this old woman told them how they had been deceived. So they made a plan
to catch her. The next day that they went off to the gardens, they only
went a little way and then crept very quietly back to the village and
hid. When they saw the woman who was supposed to be sick, get up and cook
food, they all came out of their hiding places and laughed at her. Then
she was very ashamed for the rest of her life.
KABWELI.
One day some girls were travelling to the chiefs village to work for him.
When they left their home a little boy named Kabweli followed them. When
they saw him, they tried to drive him away but he refused to leave them.
Again, when they had gone about half-way, they tried to persuade him to
go ahead, but he refused and came along behind them. So they went on.
Everyone passing them said “Where are you girls going?” They replied “To
the Lumbi to the village of our chief Nangandu-ku-ambwa” (lit. the one
who is called the Crocodile man). When the passer-by met Kabweli a little
behind the girls, he asked “Where are you going, Kabweli?” And Kabweli
always answered “I am going with these girls to the chief. I throw away
the cinders.” The work of servants travelling with their masters, amongst
other things was to throw away the ashes. And so they journeyed on and
whenever the girls slept, Kabweli threw away the ashes. But when the got
at last to the chief’s village they found the chief was just dead and
that a lot of people had gathered to mourn him.
When Kabweli arrived and heard the news, he went to where the chief’s
body was and looked at it. Then he said, “Do not bury him for a little.”
The people listened and obeyed him. Then Kabweli went into the forest
to look for certain medicinal roots. When he found them, he boiled them
and bathed the chief’s body with the juice. Then Nangandu got up and was
quite well again much to the surprise of all the mourners. Then he gave
Kabweli many presents.
THE GREEDY MAN AND HIS CLEVER WIFE.
There was once a man who was very greedy. He used to go hunting and
fishing and whenever he brought back meat, he used to get up in the
night, while his wife was asleep and eat it all, but when his wife got
up in the morning and asked where the meat had gone, he always said the
dogs had eaten it all up. So she went to the “Mantis” and told him and
the “Mantis” told her to go home and put white shells in her eyes when
she went to sleep. So she did this and when her husband got up to eat the
meat, he looked at his wife, and thought her eyes were open. So he lay
still for a little and then had another look, but she still seemed to
have her eyes open. He did this all night and got no sleep, he was afraid
to get up and eat the meat as he thought his wife was looking. At dawn
he fell asleep and shortly afterwards, his wife woke up, took the shells
from her eyes and went out and found the meat quite safe. Then she woke
her husband up, but he was very sleepy as he had had no sleep, and he
said “Go away, I want to sleep.” So she ate up all the meat.
THE WOMAN AND THE HARE.
Once a woman lived in a cave. The hare came and asked her to marry
him. She agreed. The hare was very proud and took the lion to see the
beautiful woman. When the woman saw him, she sang “What does the lion
want here? I do not like the lion, I only love the hare.” Then the hare
was very proud indeed. Every day the hare brought one or another of the
animals to see his future wife, but the woman always sung the same song.
But at last the hare in his folly, took a man to see her, and she fell in
love with the man and married him. Then the hare wept bitterly for many
days.
[Illustration: The Author and the Mokwai of Nalolo]
[Illustration: A Mrozi Boat and Crew]
THE DOCTOR SNAKE AND THE LITTLE BOYS.
Once a big chief took sick. His indunas called many doctors, but all
failed. At last they went and asked the “mantis.” The mantis told them to
go to a certain cave near a large rock, where they would find a doctor.
So the big indunas sent some small indunas. When they got there they sang
this song, “Come out, come out, Mutombo! And all the people may see you.”
Now this Mutombo was a big snake. Then Mutombo put his head out of the
cave, and, when they saw his snake’s head, they fled in terror. Returning
home, the big indunas mocked them and went the next day themselves. But
when they saw Mutombo they also ran away. Then the little boys said they
would try. When the snake saw the little boys, he came out and went with
them, riding on their shoulders. When they drew near the village, the
people saw the snake, and all fled in fear, until the boys told them it
was the doctor. Then Mutombo cured the chief, and all the little boys who
fetched Mutombo were given villages and cattle, and the big indunas who
had run away were made their servants.
MANGE.
Mange was a chieftainess who ruled the Bakwangwa. Her brother, who was
also a chief, hated her. The Bakwangwa also hated her, as she was a very
cruel woman. At last she fell sick and died. She was buried by her people
at Ituku, near a big swamp. Soon afterwards she came out of her grave in
the shape of a very strong wind that broke all the branches of the trees.
When she got as far as the swamp at Ikwiji she went down into the bottom
of the swamp with all her cattle and people, and built her village there.
Soon after this every one who passed by the swamp heard things that
astonished and frightened them. Some heard cattle bellowing, some drums
being beaten, people talking, women grinding meal, and many other noises.
It is said nowadays if any one sees those cattle they die.
THE HARE AND THE ANIMALS.
Once upon a time there was a great drought in the country. So the animals
all agreed to dig a deep well. This they did, and then went off to graze
in the forest. A hare came along and filled his two gourds with water,
and then dropped dung into the well. When the animals came back and saw
the dung in the well, they were very angry, and kept asking one another
who had done this dirty trick. The next day they went off to graze,
but left the hippopotamus on guard. Along came the hare, carrying his
gourds for water, and a small gourd of honey. He sat down and greeted the
hippopotamus, who asked him what he had in his little calabash. The hare
told him, and the hippo asked if it was good to eat. The hare dipped a
feather in the honey and gave it to the hippo to lick. The hippopotamus
was delighted, and asked for more. The hare agreed to give him more, on
the condition that the hippo let himself be tied up fast to a tree. The
hippopotamus was so greedy that he readily consented. After he was tied
up fast, the hare drew water and threw some more dung into the well. When
the animals came back, they laughed at the hippo for being deceived by
the hare. Then all the animals took turn to guard the well, but the hare
deceived them all and dirtied the well every time after he had drawn his
water. At last the tortoise was left in charge. He lay in the water close
to the edge and pretended to sleep. When the hare saw the tortoise was
on guard, he laughed, and said, “I shall have no trouble in deceiving
that old fool.” So thinking the tortoise slept, he started to fill one
gourd. The tortoise seized it. Then the hare beat him with his disengaged
hand—the other was gripping the gourd—but the tortoise seized him by the
hand, the hare tried to kick him, but the tortoise seized his foot, then
he tried to bite him, but the tortoise caught him by the teeth—in fact,
the hare tried everything but the tortoise held on until the animals came
and found them and killed the hare for his impudence.
[Illustration: The Author and Lewanika]
NYAMBI AND KAMUNU.
A long while ago Nyambi and his wife Nasileli were the only people on
earth. Nyambi was a very clever person and made trees, rivers, animals,
birds, fishes, and when he had finished these he made a man Kamunu and
his wife. He found this man Kamunu was quite different to the other
things he made; if Kamunu saw Nyambi making a spoon or working iron, he
immediately did the same. So Nyambi began to be rather frightened. One
day Kamunu made a sharp piece of iron, and threw it at a lichwe antelope,
killed it and eat it. When he found it was easy, he killed many animals
like this. Then Nyambi was very angry with him, and asked him why he
ate his brothers in this way. Then Nyambi drove Kamunu far away. Kamunu
stopped away for some time, but at last he thought Nyambi would forgive
him, so he came back. Then Sasisho (a small unknown animal), who was
messenger to Nyambi, reported that he had seen Kamunu carrying an anvil
and a pot of medicine. Then Kamunu asked Nyambi to give him a place
to plant his gardens. This Nyambi did for him. When Kamunu’s mealies
grew, the eland came and ate them, so Kamunu killed one of the eland.
When he told Nyambi, Nyambi forgave him. Then Kamunu’s dog died, and
shortly after his pot broke, and again soon after this his son died,
and on each occasion Kamunu came to Nyambi to get medicine to prevent
these accidents. But Nyambi was afraid of making Kamunu too powerful, so
he told him he did not know of any medicine. At last Nyambi got tired
of Kamunu, and jumped over a big river to an island in the middle, but
Kamunu cut down a big bundle of reeds and floated across on this. Then
Nyambi called all the animals and told them that Kamunu was the strongest
and cleverest, and would kill all if they gave him the chance. So the
weaker animals and birds all agreed to run away whenever they saw him,
and the strong animals said they would try to hurt him if they saw him.
Then Nyambi told the animals to bring fire-wood and make a huge fire.
When this was done, he put the Nyungu-luila-matanda (a large pot of
special medicine) on the fire to heat. When the fire was very fierce and
the pot very hot, he called all the animals and Kamunu to see who could
take the pot off the fire. The animals all tried in vain. Then Kamunu
saw how hot it was, and threw water on the fire, and, taking a bundle
of grass well soaked in water, he lifted the pot up with the grass and
took it off the fire. Thus Nyambi showed the animals how wise Kamunu was.
Soon Nyambi got so frightened of the cleverness of man that he called the
spider to spin a thread from the earth to the sky, and by this means
Nyambi went to live in the skies. Nyambi is the god of the Barozi, while
Kamunu is the first man on earth.
THE HARE AND THE CROCODILE.
The hare used to live on an island with the tiger-cats. He used to look
after their camp and all the fish they caught. One day the hare stole the
fish and ate them. He then tied himself up with ropes of twisted grass,
and began to bawl at the top of his voice “Mawe! (my mother) Shangwe (my
father) come and untie me.” When the tiger-cats came back, they found him
thus, and asked him who had done it, and who had stolen the fish. The
hare told them it was some strange people whom he did not know. So the
next day one of the tiger-cats hid instead of going with the others, and
saw the hare steal the fish and tie himself up. When the others heard
this they got up in the middle of the night and left the island. When
the hare woke, he found them gone, and no boat left for him to cross in.
At the river bank he saw a crocodile, so he said, “Old cripple, carry
me over to the other side!” So the crocodile agreed. As they were going
over, the hare said, “Phew! Crocodile, you stink.” The crocodile said,
“What is that you say?” The hare said, “I only said you make a splendid
boat and swim very well.” When they got to the bank the hare jumped on to
the shore and told the crocodile to put mud on his back and lie at the
edge of the water. Then the hare went off and found the hyena. He told
the hyena that he knew of a splendid bit of meat which he would share
with him if only he would take it to the water and wash it. The hare then
took the hyena and showed him the crocodile’s head by the water, and
said, “There it is.” The hyena could not see the rest of the crocodile’s
body because of the mud on it. So he went and made a grab at the meat.
Then the hare called out to the crocodile: “There’s the meat I promised
you;” so the crocodile seized the hyena and ate him.
[Illustration: A Mumbunda Witch Doctor telling Fortunes]
[Illustration: A Barotse Village
Photo by J. Walton, Esq.]
CHAPTER IX.
Barozi Laws.
The ancient laws and customs of the Barozi are respected by the
Administration as long as there is nothing repugnant in them to the ideas
of justice as represented by the present standards of British Law. It is
endeavoured in this chapter to give a brief outline of the more important
of their laws with the penalties ensuing on a breach thereof, as in vogue
before the arrival of the present Administration.
Homicide was not punishable by any fixed penalty, and no difference was
made between murder and manslaughter. The penalty lay in the hands of
relatives of the deceased, who could do one of four things to the guilty
party, viz., to kill the guilty, to fine him, to take him as a slave or
to let the matter drop. The last mentioned was naturally only done when
politic to do so, the first penalty was generally resorted to when the
guilty party was very poor and possibly useless as a slave. Compensation
was nearly always settled by the assembled Kotla.
If a man was found slain near a village, but with no actual evidence as
to the slayer, the village was held responsible for the killing and
the Kotla placed a collective penalty on the village. A certain amount
of danger lay in discovering a slain person at any distance from human
habitations, as the finding often brought a charge of killing as its
reward.
In a case where there was actually no proof, witch-doctors were called
in, and some wretched person who had fallen foul of the witch-doctor
or even of some of the relatives of the deceased, generally got fined,
however innocent he might really be.
All cases of homicide are now adjudicated upon at proper Courts of
Justice, duly approved of by the High Commissioner of South Africa.
Theft was punished frequently, more severely than homicide, but in a
country where lock and bolts were unknown, this was probably inevitable.
The guilty party had all his possessions seized by the aggrieved party
and a clay pot was smashed, portions of it were made red hot with fire
and the thief was seized and his fist tightly closed round one of the
red hot pieces and firmly held there. This generally resulted in his
being maimed for life, as the burnt hand festered and rotted away in most
cases, while, even if it were looked after well enough to heal, the flesh
and sinews of the hand were so burnt as to prevent the hand ever resuming
its normal state and condition.
A kleptomaniac or an incorrigible thief was promptly helped into the
next world. A first offence, if the value of the stolen property was very
minute, was occasionally let off with a fine, but a second offence always
brought the punishment of burning of the right hand. Theft cases are now
tried by the Courts of Administration.
Adultery was punishable in various ways. The killing of the guilty couple
if found “in flagrante delicto” brought no penalty on the husband. If
the matter came to the ears of the injured husband later, the paramour
was fined one head of cattle. There was no fine or compensation from
the paramour if the guilty wife had gone uninvited to his hut, but the
paramour was nearly always accused of having called the woman to his hut
and could then be fined for the offence. The Barozi law has always been
distinctly unjust on this point, but it was doubtless necessitated by
the lack of morals among the Barozi. A woman could name any number of
paramours to her husband on his return from a long journey or a hunting
or fighting expedition, and these would one and all have to pay a fine
to the husband, although the woman might have named them out of spite
only. There is no such thing as rape amongst the Barozi. A man criminally
assaulting a female child under the age of puberty, might possibly have
to pay a fine to the girl’s father, but carnal knowledge of an unmarried
girl earned no penalty, and there is no known case of any woman or girl
needing coercion, in fact the power to refuse, on the woman’s part might
practically be said to be non-existent, while the laxity or rather utter
lack of morals certainly made the desire to refuse non-existent.
[Illustration: Start of a River Trip
Photo by E. S.]
[Illustration: Interior of Lewanika’s Dining-room
Photo by J. Walton, Esq.]
Cases of adultery are still settled by the Kotla but, as there is always
the possibility of an appeal from a decision to the nearest Native
Commissioner’s Court, the Kotla takes much more pains over settling these
cases than in former times.
These three “Crimes” with their various sub-headings formed the chief
cases settled in earlier days by the Kotla. Land disputes, which were
rare, were nearly all settled by the Chief and as the country has ever
been larger than the actual requirements of the people, disputes on land
and water rights were practically unknown.
The Natamoyo’s yard was always a city of refuge. Any law-breaker who
could get away from the avenging parties, and could reach the shelter of
the yard round the house or hut of the Natamoyo, was safe. “Natamoyo” in
Silui or Sirozi means the “man of life,” and thus his actual residence
became a city of refuge to any wrongdoer. A day’s sojourn at Natamoyo’s
yard was sufficient sanctuary and wiped away any obligation required by
law.
Blood relatives of the Chief had practically, a different set of laws for
their conduct. If one of the blood royal killed a man, he was fined very
lightly as a presupposed provocation was allowed in his case.
If he committed adultery, he was fined the same as an ordinary man in
amount, but as the royal progeny were the large stock holders of the
country, the value of the fine was really quite out of proportion when
compared with the same fine imposed on the owner of one or two head of
stock.
If a thief was of royal origin, he was fined but never maimed like a
commoner. The chief himself had no laws to submit to, but this freedom
was largely counterbalanced by the knowledge that if his actions became
too arbitrary or irregular, his life would promptly pay for them.
There is a curious custom which still holds good to-day, and which,
though really belonging to the chapter describing customs, is introduced
here as bearing on the laws pertaining to theft. This custom is “Kufunda”
(Sikololo) or “Kushwanga” (Silui). This was the right of a man to his
relatives’ possessions. A man could take cattle, or goods of a relative,
and the aggrieved party could not bring an action for theft against him.
Should any one overdo the “Kufunda,” the aggrieved party could warn his
relative that he was tired of losing all his possessions and that the
“Kufunda” must cease. After a public warning, any further case would be
treated as a mild theft and a fine imposed on the guilty party, but this
warning was seldom used, as a great deal of genuine generosity, or, it
might be said, a genuine community of property existed amongst relatives.
Nearly all other matters in the Barozi country are governed by custom.
First, as a great deal of English law is based on some old custom, so
do Barozi customs regulate decisions in any matters brought under the
jurisdiction of the various Kotlas.
THE LAW OF SUCCESSION.
This law is particularly selected to be described here as a peculiar and
solitary example of how the old Barozi law differs entirely from the
similar laws of all the tribes now absorbed under the sovereignty of
the Barozi. According to Barozi law, the heir is, if possible, a son;
but failing a son, a brother. A father may nominate a favourite son as
heir and he need not be the eldest son, but should he die intestate, the
Kotla will generally choose the elder son as heir unless he is an outlaw
or desperado, when a younger and better behaved man is elected. On the
other hand the laws of all other tribes hold as the heir the sister’s
son. This, as is quite easy to understand, was caused by the looseness
of morals of these smaller tribes, which meant that no man could be sure
that the child born by his wife was begotten by him himself. It was
argued that whoever was the father to the son of any man’s sister, the
son must at any rate have a certain amount of his mother’s and hence of
his maternal uncle’s blood, and was therefore the most suitable person
to appoint as heir. Comparing this with the Barozi law on the subject,
it will be seen that although under Barozi law the nephew might be an
heir if there were no sons of the deceased alive, yet the law or custom
regulating succession in the other subordinate tribes, made the nephew
heir in preference to all other possible heirs.
As a matter of fact, all estates (in which the ruling of the law of
succession might affect other members of the deceased’s family—to wit,
the estates of wealthy indunas and headmen) come under the jurisdiction
of the Kotla for settlement. The reason for this is that wealth is nearly
always represented by cattle and as in ancient European times, the Crown
was the only possessor of lands, so the chief is by repute the owner of
all cattle in the country, and on the death of any person of importance
who was in charge of a large herd of the chief’s cattle, the Kotla had
to step in to decide how many cattle should revert to the chief, how
many were earned by the deceased as a reward for herding the rest, and
how many should be left on the chief’s behalf in the care of the heir.
So, while the Kotla always hands over the bulk to one particular person,
the other members of the family are also given a small share, while the
estate often maintains the widow or widows—especially if pregnant—for
some time, until remarriage or return to their parents releases the
estate from such obligations.
[Illustration: A Mambalangwe Belle
Photo by Mrs. Cambell]
CHAPTER X.
General.
_Clothing._—The Barozi wear for the most part European clothing. The
men wear what is known as “seziba” in Sisuto, or “sekupato” in Sirozi.
This is made by taking two broad pieces of limbo and by joining them
by a narrow piece. The broad piece is draped in front from well below
the knees up to the belt over which it passes, the narrow piece turns
down inside the belt, is passed between the legs and up the back to the
belt under which it goes. Having passed the belt, the other broad piece
is turned down from the belt to the back of the legs, hanging over the
buttocks.
The women wear skirts made full at the feet and narrowing in to the
waist. The wealth of a person is shown by the quantity of limbo worn in
the “seziba” or skirt. The women like to wear anything up to eight or
nine skirts, one on top of another as a large posterior is considered a
great sign of beauty. Small children, after about the second year, wear
a small dress over the genital organs, consisting of numerous strings
of twisted bark. Further away from trading centres people are found in
skins, the men with a skin in front and one behind, and the women with
a kilt made of cowhide. Hides are used for blankets, but the European
blanket is nearly universal throughout the country.
_Personal Ornaments._—Few, if any of these, are of truly native origin.
Brass rings are worn, if procurable, and ivory and bone ones. Ivory
bracelets on the arms are, however, of native origin. In the old days,
chiefs, members of the blood royal, sons-in-law of the Chief, and the
wives of the Chief, were the only people who could wear ivory bracelets,
but nowadays, anyone who can afford to buy, wears them. Ivory pins for
scratching the head were also a royal privilege, but anyone who likes
can carry one now. So in former days, the carrying of an eland-tail fly
switch was a royal privilege, but this has also lapsed with time and the
approach of civilization. Beards are worn by the men, but moustaches
are seldom seen. No beard used to be allowed to be longer than the
Chief Lewanika’s. Even his son Litia, who had a longer beard than the
Chief’s, hid his beard inside his shirt when moving in public. Beads are
universally worn.
_Tattooing and Painting._—In former times red ochre was very popular as a
decoration, especially for the hair but this is never used now. Tattooing
is universal. The most common mark is the straight line running from
the forehead to the end of the nose. This is done by men and women. The
women also tattoo a black circle round each eye above the eyebrow and
down to the cheek bone, this looks, when newly made, like the rim of an
immense pair of spectacles. Women also cut rows of small gashes along the
stomach about level with the navel. These were all supposed to add to
beauty, possibly to draw attention to a clean skin. The women also cut a
parallelogram of deep gashes above the buttocks right across the back,
but this is done solely and simply to give their husbands a good grip on
their wives when indulging in the pleasures of matrimony. Unfortunately,
this place for a grip is not kept sacred to husbands only. A great deal
of gashing is also done for medicinal purposes, which will be mentioned
further on.
_Religion and Superstitions._—The Barozi worship a god named Nyambi.
He is, by repute, very cruel, and for this reason all children are
given ugly names with the idea that if Nyambi should pass by and hear
anyone calling “Katongwani” (the little hyena), “Kambotwe” (the little
frog), “Namasiku” (thing of darkness or night), “Mubu” (mud) &c. &c.,
he would think a person with such a name as bound to be ugly and not
worth killing. Nyambi is supposed to have a wife named Nasilele who is
represented by the Evening Star. When the moon wanes, this is said to
be from shame because Nasilele being jealous of Nyambi’s attention to
a younger wife, is trying to poison Nyambi. The new moon shows that
Nasilele has been unsuccessful. Thunder and lightning, which is all
classed as rain, is said to be sent from Nyambi. The lightning is
supposed to be an enormous spur wing goose. Its wings beating against
the earth cause the thunder and lightning, and the damage actually done
by lightning is said to be caused by the spur of the goose’s wing. A
small table, about eighteen inches high, is erected in every village,
and on this are generally placed a small dish of water and a few cobs
of mealies or other foodstuffs. This is in case Nyambi should feel
hungry or thirsty while passing through the village. The Barozi do not,
however, realize a heaven. A dead man’s spirit is either captured by a
witch doctor as his servant, or else starts a career of its own—always of
evil-doing. The spirits of the dead always work off any old scores that
may be outstanding between the deceased and other people. Sickness, bad
crops, accidents, bad luck, &c., are all attributed to the malignancy
of spirits. To this day, cattle are sent as an offering to the grave of
Mwanambinji, who in his day was a great chief, and who becoming scared of
his brother, descended with people and cattle into the earth near Sinanga
in the Barozi Valley.
[Illustration: A Mankoya Chief and Retinue
Photo by J. Walton, Esq.]
Certain people are credited with power to make rain, to give immunity
from lions, to cure all sicknesses and many other things, but they will,
none of them, stand inspection or examination. All abnormal sights in
the heavens, such as the appearance of Halley’s Comet, which was very
clearly visible in the Barozi country, are said to be signs of great
trouble coming. The death of His Majesty, King Edward VII., was at once
received as the misfortune predicted by the appearance of the comet.
Amongst the Barozi, monkeys are said to be human beings and the Barozi
do not eat them, although some of the subordinate tribes do so. The
“Lisikita” (grey owl) is looked on with great dread and only a few
educated Barozi will shoot at it. Its presence is said to foretell the
speedy death of some member of the village at which it is seen. The
“Lisikita” is said to live on human bodies and is often considered to
be a “Muloi” i.e., an evil spirit sent by some one to bewitch and kill
an enemy. Great faith is put in witch-craft of all sorts. If two men
quarrel, one will go to a witch-doctor and pay him an agreed price to
bewitch his enemy. The natural vicissitudes of daily life all play into
the hands of the witch doctor. A man cutting a bough, may get hurt by the
bough falling on him, the axe may slip and cut him, a thorn in the bush
may graze him and give him blood-poisoning, he may have a touch of fever,
his cattle may die from bad grazing, all and everything is immediately
claimed by the witch-doctor as a proof of the potency of his charm. The
bewitchment is in some cases, effected by certain herbs being boiled in
water and the man’s name being whispered into the steam, in other cases,
the doctor climbs a tall tree, faces the direction of the village of
the party to be bewitched, and calls the party by name, in other cases
some reputedly wondrous herb dropped near the fence or near the hut of
the party will do the necessary mischief; in other cases, a wooden dish
filled with human urine and excrement and placed inside the party’s fence
will effect the evil. Women believe that by rubbing dried hyena dung on a
rival wife’s blanket, the rival will become repulsive to the husband and
will be driven away to the honour and glory of the other wife. A peculiar
and very disgusting method exists but the origin of it is unknown and it
is very rarely heard of. It may possibly come from the west from certain
wild tribes in the Portuguese Territory. If a man wishes to strengthen
himself to bewitch his foes, he cooks porridge. When cooked he takes it
into his house and makes his wife strip and lie flat on her back. Each
handful that he takes to eat, is rubbed on his wife’s genital organs.
Whether this is only done when the foes are relatives of his wife, or
against any or all foes is unknown. The Barozi deny all knowledge of
this, but a case of it has been heard of in recent years, and as it seems
a little too peculiar to be attributed to the imagination of the wife,
mention has been made of it.
There is a quaint ceremony attached to the yearly move of the chief
from his village to his rainy season dwelling-place. It might almost
belong to the chapter devoted to customs, but its similarity to the Old
Testament story of the ark, has almost brought it under the heading of
religion. It must be explained that the Barozi valley is a huge plain
which is inundated during the wet season, from March to May, by the
floods from the Zambesi. There is a legend that the first known Barozi
chief “Mbōō” (Mwanasilundwe) had warning that there was going to be an
abnormal flood. The name of this flood was “Meya-lungwangwa” (the waters
are itching). So he built himself a tremendous boat of beams of wood
which he laced together with bark and reeds. When completed, he got on
to this with his wives, children, animals and servants, and went on
until at last he reached the higher forest country where he was safe.
The chief, every year at high water goes off to his village at the edge
of the valley, in a very large boat, with about sixty people paddling
in front of the boat and another sixty in the stern. The boat is called
“Nalikwanda” and is always spoken of as a man, and when being prepared
for the excursion has a “beard” made of plaited reeds hung on to bow and
stem. Over the shelter (“lutanka”) erected in the middle of the boat, is
a big figure representing an elephant—the crest of the chief. (The Mokwai
of Nalolo and Litia also perform this ceremony, and have a bull and an
eland respectively as their crests.) The chief sits in the “lutanka” or
shelter and eats there while on the voyage. Fire is carried on a small
raised daïs made of clay, and the chief’s war drums are carried on
board and beaten strenuously throughout the trip. The paddlers in front,
where they can be seen, are always relatives of the chief, those behind
are the leading indunas headed by the Prime Minister. If a “relative”
swaggers because he paddles under the eyes of the chief, there is always
the retort that he paddles where he can be seen, but may not paddle at
the back as he can’t be trusted. In old days the induna in charge of the
whole crew, had the power to throw out anyone who did not paddle well,
and this is kept up to-day, though more as a memento of old times than
for any inefficiency, one or two of the paddlers always being thrown
overboard into the water, much to the delight of the rest of the crew.
The whole trip is the most important ceremony of the year, and the
“Nalikwanda” is accompanied by innumerable boats of all sizes filled
with men, women and children. All present shriek and yell at the tops of
their voices, and the drums are beaten as hard as possible. The resulting
noise is better imagined than described. Every few moments a paddler
of the Nalikwanda calls out “Ana moyōō” (People of life) and the whole
crew roars “Wōō.” This is done twice at a time amid the redoubled yells
of the populace. Arrived at their destination, the chief lands amid the
acclamations and greetings of his people. The same ceremony is employed
for the return journey at the end of the rainy season.
[Illustration: A Traveller on the Zambezi
Photo by J. Walton, Esq.]
[Illustration: The Mankoya Chief, Mweni-Mutondo, and Band
Photo by J. Walton, Esq.]
The “Ngombo” is a Bambunda form of divination or fortune-telling. It
consists of three or four skins of the stink-cat (a species of weasel)
which are used as a small mat. The fortune teller sits behind these and
holds a tray made of bark over the skins, with forty or fifty models and
symbols on it. The models represent a man, a woman, a boat, a drum, a
chair, a male child, a female child and a carrier’s load. The symbols
are a buck’s hoof (pad) to represent travel, a dried monkey-nut shell
to represent a pregnant woman, a star with rays to represent the sun,
a quarter circle to represent the moon, a tortoise skull to represent
“early” as tortoises are supposed to travel very early, a tiger-fish’s
jaw to represent laughter, the dried out shell of a spotted beetle to
represent trouble, a broken bone to represent fear, an iron bangle to
represent a village and many other symbols too numerous to mention.
These all lie in the tray and the fortune-teller, after invoking the
aid of various spirits, sprinkles a little red ochre and a little chalk
over the tray. The séance is then ready to commence and after payment of
a small fee, the enquirer asks any question he may wish answered. The
fortune-teller then gives the tray several gentle jerks to mix up all the
figures and symbols and after doing this several times, and at the same
time invoking the spirits to help him to read clearly and truthfully,
he answers the queries put to him. Great faith is put in his answers,
although to a sceptical on-looker it might well be thought that by
judicious shaking, the various symbols can be arranged more or less as
the fortune teller wishes. Directly the male (or female, as the case may
be) figure assumes an upright or prominent position, the answer is read
from the proximity of the surrounding symbols. The fee is very small, a
shilling, or a few beads or a bit of limbo, are each and all sufficient
to the “Ngombo” who is very popular, and if the fortune teller is at all
lucky in his prophesies, his reputation spreads throughout the country.
There are several forms of witch-craft which have been alluded to
previously, but the “tests” for proving a person guilty of witch-craft
will now be described. There is the boiling water test, in which, after
a large pot of water has been brought to the boil, the accused has to
immerse his arm and to pick up the pebbles thrown into the bottom of
the pot. His immunity from burn or scald proves his innocence. The
most important test is that of “Mwati.” This test is made in two ways
according as the matter is serious or not. If the matter is not too
serious, the accused person brings a dog or a fowl. These are made to
drink the “Mwati” and should they vomit and live after it, the accused
is held to be not guilty, but should the dog or fowl die, the accused is
found guilty and fined accordingly. In a more serious case, the accused
will drink the “Mwati” himself. His innocence is proved by his vomiting
and living, but his death proves his guilt and his relatives will then
probably have to pay the compensation. These tests are of course
prohibited by law, and any one aiding or abetting at an administration of
the “Mwati” is liable to several years’ imprisonment. The same penalty is
in store for any one who throws the bones to ascertain who may be guilty
of witch-craft, and a heavy penalty exists for the person who even makes
the bare statement that another is a witch, witch-doctor or a person who
employs unnatural means for obtaining his desires. This may seem severe
to any one who does not know and realize the immense influence and power
any knowledge of the black arts, whether real or pretended, has over
an ignorant, uneducated and superstitious native race. But when it is
remembered what the part played in the rebellions by superstition was, it
is easy to understand that anything appertaining to witch-craft has to be
suppressed with a stern and unyielding hand.
There seems to be no trace of fire-worship in the country. The Barozi
will not, however, throw rubbish on their fires and do not expectorate
into it, as this would be considered dirty, but there is no veneration
for fire as a deity or of divine extraction.
_Medicinal, &c._—The majority of cures effected by native doctors are
the result of good constitutions, and not science. There are doubtless
native remedies that are effective, but as few or any of these have
been analysed it is impossible to ascertain their efficacy. Trivial
illnesses are attributed to evil spirits residing in the body, and the
cure for these is to call in a “doctor,” who makes a roaring fire on
which a large pot of herbs and water is boiled. When boiling, the pot
is placed on the edge of the fire and covered with a skin. The patient
is brought and placed under the skin as well. The proximity to the fire
and the steam from the boiling pot cause such heavy perspiration that
the patient nearly always faints from exhaustion as well as from the
partial suffocation. Any attempt of the patient to withdraw from the
covering is sternly prevented, and any groans or spasmodic movements of
the patient’s limbs are held to be a sure sign of the egress of the evil
spirits. During the sweating the “doctor” dances vigorously, and drums
are beaten and songs sung to drive off the evil spirits. As a large
number of trivial ailments are caused by malaria, this sweating is often
efficacious, but on the other hand, the patients frequently die from
exhaustion or pneumonia.
Venereal diseases are very prevalent amongst the Barozi. Syphilis, yaws
and gonorrhœa are common. The Barozi affirm that they never knew of any
of these ailments till visited by members of other tribes, but this is
very dubious. The Barozi do not recognise any difference between syphilis
and yaws, which they consider as two forms of one disease. It is commonly
stated that a certain cure for venereal diseases can be effected by the
sufferer having sexual connexion with a virgin. The fact, however, that
children of similar ages commence immoral relations almost as soon as
they can walk, may possibly explain why this cure is never effected. No
attempt at segregation is made, nor do sufferers of either sex refrain
from copulation while suffering from these diseases. Much of the epilepsy
now common in the country is undoubtedly due to syphilis. The “doctors”
have a reputed cure, and cases are known of in which apparent external
healing takes place, but nothing is known or proved of the entire
elimination of the disease from the sufferer, or from his or her progeny.
Leprosy is very common throughout the country and is becoming more common
as each year passes, although it must be admitted that the increase is
very slow and small. In former days the Barozi practised segregation. A
hut for the leper was built outside the village, the “doctor” visited
him at night, and then never actually came in contact with the leper,
but prescribed for him from outside the hut. The leper’s food was cooked
after sundown and carried by an old woman and deposited into his bowls
and dishes, which were placed outside his hut. To-day it is regrettable
that nothing of this sort is done. Lepers mix freely with clean people;
leper men marry clean women, clean men marry leprous women. Leprous and
clean eat from common dishes, use the same blankets, the same sleeping
mats, the same houses. This lapse is more probably due to a spirit of
fatalism than anything else, although the Barozi are certainly not
notorious for cleanliness or energy. Segregation might be effected.
There are large spaces of unoccupied country that might be fenced off and
made into enormous leper locations, but the difficulty of obtaining the
consent of the Barozi people to such treatment and the expense entailed
would be very great. It is noticeable that in those parts of the country
where sun-dried barbel and other fish are eaten in large quantities
lepers are most numerous.
Blood-letting is very common amongst the Barozi as a form of relief from
pain. This is done in two ways, either by cutting a row of gashes about
an inch long over the part affected, or else by cupping. To perform the
last-mentioned form of blood-letting, the top of a bullock or buck’s
horn is taken and pressed over the sore spot which is well damped
previously. As it dries, the horn establishes suction, and eventually
raises a blister over the sore place. The blister bursts, and a quantity
of blood is drawn off by the suction. The horn drops off naturally after
the blister bursts. Another method of relieving acute pain is to tie a
piece, of bark or string tightly round the affected part. This is more
frequently done for pains in the head, chest, and stomach.
[Illustration: Village School Boys, with Parents in foreground
Photo by J. Walton, Esq.]
[Illustration: Hauling Boats through Rapids]
The Barozi have certain medicines to prevent pregnancy, and although they
are not at all ready to submit these roots for analysis, they are by
repute very effective. They have other roots to assist women to become
pregnant, but these do not seem to be held in such confidence as the
preventive roots.
It is certain that the Barozi, or, rather, the “doctors,” have knowledge
of many very effective poisons, but here again the lack of opportunity
to hold post-mortems prevents any definite results being proved. One
medical officer who held a post-mortem was ever afterwards charged with
taking certain portions of the inside of the corpse away to make up into
medicines for other patients, and it took several years to overcome and
remove this belief. Amongst other poisons the Barozi prefer to use the
dried brain of the crocodile, as this when properly dried and powdered
looks so similar to the ordinary meal from which they make their daily
porridge, that it is indiscernible when mixed with the meal, and the
impossibility of holding a post-mortem directly after death prevents the
efficacy of the poison being proved or disproved. The Barozi themselves
swear that it is most fatal. There is naturally much reticence nowadays
amongst them to disclose the poisons or their names, but there is one
poison that is reputed to take two or three months to kill the person to
whom it is administered. The person poisoned is said to feel no effects
for two or three days, after which vomiting starts and lasts till death;
at the same time the body slowly wastes away. This poison is administered
in either food or drink, and is only known, perhaps fortunately, to
very few. Another very favourite remedy for complaints is the firing of
a gun—loaded with powder only—at the afflicted party. This is generally
done when the sick person is unable to afford a “doctor’s” fees. As guns
are left for long periods loaded, it sometimes happens that the bullet is
accidentally left in, and the patient is then freed from any further need
of medical attention in this world.
_Games and Recreation._—Recreation is taken by old and young alike.
Adults and children dance on all and every occasion. A few of the dances,
as will be seen, are for the different sexes, but the majority of dances
are performed by men and women together; although the men generally group
on one side and the women opposite them. Children have other games in
which the adults do not join. The little girls make clay models like
human beings, and use these as dolls; the little boys make models of
cattle and play at herding cattle. The sexes join in many of their games.
The favourite games when boys and girls play together is “Mandwani.”
The children go outside the village and make several little grass huts
about two or three feet high. A chief is appointed, and indunas and other
important people are elected, and a mock representation of the daily
life at the capital is acted. Another game is “Chuku-chuku.” A child
picks up some small article and hides it in the hands, then holds out
the hand, and another guesses what it is. A correct guess meets with
much acclamation, wrong guesses being loudly derided. Boys are very fond
of making small traps to catch small birds such as sparrows. Riddles
(liyumbo, vide Chap. VI.) are very popular, but this form of amusement is
not confined to children only, as adults are equally fond of asking each
other riddles. Children play another game called “Mayumbo.” A series of
small holes are dug in the earth and some small object is chosen. This
is taken up by one player, who also takes up loose sand and throws a
little into each pit, the small object falling into one or the other of
the holes with the sand. The game is to guess which hole the thing has
fallen into. This game has a close relationship to similar games which
are found from Suez to the Cape of Good Hope amongst all African tribes,
and may tend to prove a common source of origin for all of them, although
it is also reputed to be played amongst Arab tribes as well; and if this
is so, it might suggest that the game was originally introduced by the
Arab slave dealers who undoubtedly came as far south as the Zambezi, if
not further. Wrestling is also very popular amongst boys, but no other
fighting is practised.
_Totems._—This is a subject that might well come under the heading of
religion, as doubtless, in earlier times the family totem was held in
great respect and reverence. To-day however, the totem is rapidly
disappearing from the Barozi, and many young men will tell you that
they are unaware of their family totems. This is very largely due to
intermarriage and amalgamation with other tribes. It must be remembered
that a child took the joint totem of its father and mother, when one
considers this and remembers also that the father and mother in turn
held the joint totems of their parents and so on _ad infinitum_, it
will be quite easy to understand the extreme difficulty in arriving at
accurate information from a naturally lazy and careless people who have,
apparently, never had any methods of record. There is no doubt that the
mother’s totem predominates and always has done so, as cases are numerous
of men marrying back to the same (or partially the same) totem as held
by their father, but marrying back to the totem held by the mother is
practically unknown. The totem laws were probably the origin of the fear
and disgust of the Barozi to anything like consanguinity of married
couples, and although to-day the totem is forgotten to a great extent,
the marriage of relatives of close blood relationship is unknown, and
the very idea of such a marriage most abhorrent. This is all the more
striking amongst a people whose immorality is notorious and who might
with justice be called unmoral rather than immoral. The totems, or such
as can be remembered were numerous, all the large buck, the rapids of
rivers, trees of the forest, fish, wild animals, roots and bushes and
all the elements, were all held as totems for various families. It is
worthy of comment that in the case of divorces where female children
have been retained by the mother, these female children have assumed
the mother’s totem and dropped the father’s totem. It is however
nearly impossible to ascertain whether this is due to carelessness or
is founded on some old law regulating the totems. To-day there is no
certain knowledge among the Barozi whether edible totems such as buck,
birds or fishes, were sacred to those whose totems they were, and thus
uneatable or not, but an elephant-totem man will certainly not refuse
a lump of elephant meat nowadays. The totem of the Chief’s family is
the “Namuchoko,” a species of white pumpkin. This was the totem of the
Chief’s mother.
_Architecture._—The round hut universally built by nearly all native
races in South Africa, is most popular among the Barozi, although they
say that they learnt it from the Batotela, an aboriginal tribe that were
resident in the country when the Barozi entered it. The chiefs and big
indunas built large square houses but this style they think was acquired
from the Portuguese. The Alunda and Balubale who live to the north,
and through whom the Barozi passed on their way south from the Congo,
built square huts, but they also suggest that this was acquired from
the Portuguese, so that it is a little difficult to determine what the
true Barozi style of architecture ever was. Several of the wilder and
more debased tribes build little grass shelters only, while the people
of the Makoma country often build their residences of mats only. Some
of the Barozi state that the true Barozi style of building was a long
rectangular hut with a reed frame and walled with grass. The reeds were
bent into a curved dome which was also covered with grass, probably a
little thicker than the walls. This form of building is still used, but
chiefly for travelling-camps erected en route for the Chief and royal
family, and the dining-room of the Chief Lewanika is built on this
pattern though very elaborately, and with mud instead of grass walls.
Nearly all huts have a fence round them, the bigger the man, the bigger
the fence. Grain bins are built of various designs; some are made on the
pattern of a miniature round hut with a small roof which is taken on and
off as food is required. Others are made of clay only and these latter
stand four and five feet high. A large lump of clay is taken and hollowed
out and as it dries, more is added to it till the bin is the required
height. The grain is then inserted and a big cap of clay is put on the
top as a cover. When the grain inside is wanted, a hole at the bottom is
made and the grain taken out as wanted. The clay bins are only used for
mealies, but the others for all kinds of food. All bins are built off the
ground to escape white ants, mice and other vermin.
[Illustration: Portion of a Lubale Village]
[Illustration: The Lunda Chief, Sinde, and Harem]
_Oaths, &c._—The Barozi are very prone to oaths. If a Murozi makes an
ordinary every-day statement, he is disbelieved promptly and has to swear
to its truth before he is believed. The favourite oath is “Ka niti—It
is the very truth.” “Fa” is another form which also means “It is the
truth,” but “fa” also means “there” and has probably got its value as an
oath in a roundabout way by meaning “yes,” there it is (the truth). The
common expression of doubt is “Kauki.” This is a common vulgar expression
and means “(If you tell me a lie) may you be broken.” Some of the
missionaries hold that this word is very wrong, but it is dubious that
it is any worse than the English “Go and be hanged,” or any other vulgar
form of disagreement. The Barozi have many of these forms of disbelief,
“Lu kupazule” (you be torn), “lukung’a ne wena” (may you be injured),
“Sijo so ta ja si ku pazule” (may the food you eat choke you) and many
more. This form of oath-taking is called “Ku konka” or “ku kaule” and
if carried too far is often a cause of squabbles and quarrels, but if
real trouble is wanted in the shape of a fight, swearing (“Kulwaha”) is
resorted to. All swearing is done by invoking the private portions of the
opponents’ relatives, thus “Malete l’aho” (the testicles of your father),
“Maboya maho” (the hair on your mother’s thighs), and many other filthy
suggestions, all enough to cause trouble. A man to swear at his wife
or the wife at her husband is held to be quite sufficient grounds for
divorce.
FOOTNOTES
[1] The father of Lobengula.
[2] With Sechuana prefixes, if Ba-rotse means the Rotse people, Bo-rotse
= the Rotse country, Se-rotse the Rotse language, and Mo-rotse a Rotse
man.
[3] See for a description of the Giant Sable and its habitat, and also an
account of ‘South African’ elements in the Angolan Fauna, an article by
Mr. Gilbert Blaine in the Part II _Proceedings of the Zoological Society_
for June, 1922.
[4] As already mentioned, the ‘_Bo-_’ prefix before the root _-rotse_
means the country.
[5] I do not here agree with the author. The first Bechuana invaders
or visitors about the year 1800 were from the Ba-hurutse tribe of the
Bechuana stock. Their name became shortened into “Barotse.”—H. H. J.
[6] The author spells this “Khotla.” But in the original Sesuto word it
is “Kotla.”—H. H. J.
GENEALOGICAL DESCENT OF ROYAL FAMILY.
Nyambe--Mbuyamwambwa
|
+--------+--+-----+-------+
| | | |
Mwanaselundwi Nyambo Yeta _Ngalamwa_
|
Ngalama
|
+------+-----+
| |
Yetanalute Ngombala
|
_Mbanga_
|
+-----+----+
| |
Mwanawina Yubiai
|
+------+------+
| |
Mwanyanda Molambwa
|
Sanana
|
+---------+------------+----+---+------+---------+
| | | | | |
Mubukwano Selumelume _Imbua_ _Litia_ Sipopa _Sebeso_
| | |
+----+ | +----+
| | |
Akufuna | Mwanawina
Lewanika (Lobosi)
|
+------+
|
Yeta II
Roman lettering: Chiefs of the Barotse.
Italic ” : _Members of the blood Royal_.
[Illustration: _PORTUGUESE WEST AFRICA_
(_ANGOLA_)]
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