The Project Gutenberg EBook of Bolshevism: A Curse & Danger to the Workers, by
Henry William Lee
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
Title: Bolshevism: A Curse & Danger to the Workers
Author: Henry William Lee
Release Date: July 14, 2008 [EBook #26051]
Language: English
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BOLSHEVISM: A CURSE & DANGER ***
Produced by Bryan Ness, Jeannie Howse and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This
file was produced from images generously made available
by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
* * * * *
+---------------------------------------------------+
| Transcriber's Note: |
| |
| Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. |
| For a complete list, please see the end of this |
| document. |
| |
| Bold text is marked like so: =bold text=. |
| |
+---------------------------------------------------+
* * * * *
_Second Edition._ PRICE TWOPENCE.
BOLSHEVISM:
A CURSE & DANGER
TO THE WORKERS.
BY
H.W. LEE
(_Editor of "Justice"; Author of "The First of May: International
Labour Day"; "A Socialist View of the Unemployed Question";
"Social-Democracy and the Zollverein"; "The Triumph of the Trust
under Free Trade"; "The Great Strike Movement of 1911"; and
"Why Starve? Britain's Food in War--and in Peace."_).
WITH
FOREWORD BY WILL THORNE, M.P.
THE TWENTIETH CENTURY PRESS (1912), LIMITED.
(TRADE UNION AND 48 HOURS),
37, 37A AND 38, CLERKENWELL GREEN, LONDON, E.C.
_February, 1919._
FOREWORD BY WILL THORNE, M.P.
I have been asked to write a brief introduction to the pamphlet which
my old friend and comrade H.W. Lee has written on the undercurrent of
Bolshevist propaganda going on in this country, of which the recent
unauthorised strike outbreaks are outward and visible signs. I do this
gladly. Our comrade Lee, through being long associated with the
Social-Democratic Federation as its Secretary, and his editorship of
"Justice" during the last five years, has gained a knowledge of
International Socialist movements in their many phases which renders
his pamphlet both authoritative and reliable.
I hope the pamphlet will have a wide circulation in all the large
industrial centres, because I feel convinced that the majority of the
rank and file of the wage-earners do not and cannot know what it is
that our Bolshevists are striving for. They have not the faintest idea
in what direction some of them are being led. The Bolshevists in
certain industrial centres want to impose their own authority on the
rank and file of the workers, using catch-words for that purpose. If
they succeed in this direction they will set to work to undermine the
trade union movement of this country, and upset, instead of making use
of, the means we at present possess for improving our economic
conditions.
Our minds go back to the Leeds "Convention," held in June, 1917. The
delegates at that Conference declared that they were in favour of
Workmen's and Soldiers' Councils being formed in all the large
industrial centres of the country. Nothing whatever came of it. But
the W.S.C.s then controlling the revolutionary undercurrent in Russia
were totally different from the Bolshevist tyranny of to-day, and many
of the delegates who formed the W.S.C.s in various parts of Russia
after the Revolution have been imprisoned or shot because they opposed
the domination of Lenin and Trotzky.
Last Tuesday I saw two friends whom I met in Petrograd in April, 1917,
and both of them absolutely confirm the statements made in the Press
about the hundreds of men and women who have been shot without any
trial or confirmation of the charges brought against them.
An article which appears in the "Nineteenth Century" of January,
written by Mr. Pierson, who was imprisoned in the Fortress of St.
Peter and St. Paul last October, after being arrested at the British
Embassy in Petrograd at the same time that Captain Cromie was shot,
also confirms the brutalities that are taking place constantly in
Petrograd and other parts of Russia.
A letter in the "Daily Express," written by Colonel John Ward, M.P.,
shows the terrible hell which Bolshevism is making, and the methods
that are being pursued by the followers of Lenin and Trotzky. If the
Soldiers' and Workmen's Councils had done their duty in the latter
part of April, 1917, after Lenin made his two hours' speech in the
Duma on April 17, they would have sent him back whence he came,
because it is a well-known fact that he was allowed to pass through
Germany with thirty other companions in a first-class saloon. I am
quite convinced that it was not the Russian people who were paying his
expenses during the time he was carrying on his pernicious propaganda
work in various parts of Russia. The downfall of the Soldiers' and
Workmen's Councils has been the consequence of their giving Lenin and
his thirty companions full freedom to spread their anarchical creed
and the wiping out of duly elected Assemblies.
The leading men of the Bolshevik movement in this country are out for
the overthrow of things as they are by physical force as soon as they
feel confident that they have a good number of the rank and file of
the wage-earners behind them. I want to warn the wage-earners--men and
women of my own class--against being associated with such people,
because I know that their tactics cannot remedy the economic and
industrial injustices under which the industrial workers are
suffering. They can be rectified by Social-Democratic education,
scientific organisation in the trade union movement, and by using
political powers to that end.
The methods adopted by the unauthorised shop stewards movement in the
different parts of the country must be rigorously suppressed, and
properly appointed shop stewards and works committees in all factories
and workshops must be elected instead. By that method industrial and
economic improvements can be brought about with the greatest benefit
and the least harm to all.
The pamphlet gives a very clear statement about what is taking place
in connection with the Bolshevist movement. That is the reason why I
trust that it will have a wide circulation in all the large industrial
centres of the country.
WILL THORNE.
February 13, 1919.
"BOLSHEVISM":
A Curse and a Danger to the Workers.
Russia has given most countries of the world a new word. "Bolshevism"
is to-day known universally, though its meaning is not by any means so
universal. In Russia it has a very definite and often striking
meaning, as many anti-Bolsheviks have known and are learning to their
cost. Elsewhere it has a wider, if looser, significance, and is
frequently employed to express or describe a number of things to which
one objects. Our own Press, for instance, flings "Bolshevik" and
"Bolshevism" at everybody and everything that it denounces, or against
whom and which it seeks to raise prejudice. In this respect it has
often overreached itself, for it is causing some to accept the Russian
Bolsheviks at their own estimation, because they know that many of the
things styled "Bolshevist" are not as bad as they are made out to be.
In Russia "Bolshevik" means majority, and "Menshevik" minority. Their
real significance was purely an internal one for the Russian
Social-Democratic Party. It is important to make this point clear, for
now and again we come across British supporters of and sympathisers
with the Russian Bolsheviks who take the name as a proof that the
Government of Lenin and Trotzky actually represents the majority of
the Russian people! Nothing is more contrary to the fact. The
Bolshevist "coup de rue" of November, 1917, was as complete a
usurpation of power as that of Louis Napoleon in 1851. True it was a
usurpation by professed Socialists, supposedly in the interests of the
Russian working class, but it was no less a usurpation and an attack
on democracy which only success in the interests of the Russian
working class could possibly justify. The forcible dissolution of the
Constituent Assembly by the Bolsheviks two months afterwards, because
the elections did not go in their favour, compelled them to take the
road to complete domination, and they are now unable to retrace their
steps, even if, as is reported, the more honest of them wish to do so.
Bolsheviks, Mensheviks, and Social Revolutionaries.
The terms "Bolshevik" and "Menshevik" (majority and minority) arose
from the division in the Russian Social-Democracy which had shown
itself at the Congress held in London in 1903. The difference is
generally assumed to be one of tactics--of a readiness to co-operate
with other parties for certain definite objects under certain special
conditions ("Menshevik"), or of complete antagonism and opposition to
all other parties every time and all the time ("Bolshevik"). But the
difference lies deeper than that. "Bolshevism" is, in effect, the
Russian form of "impossibilism." From this the thorough-going
Social-Democrats of all countries have to suffer at times. By
divorcing the application of Socialist principles and measures from
the actual life of the day, and arguing and discussing "in vacuo,"
impossibilism drives many, who see the utter sterility of its results,
into the opposite direction, that of opportunism for the moment
without much thought for the future.
Until their "coup de rue" of November, 1917, the Russian Bolsheviks
regarded themselves as the extreme Left of the Russian Social-Democratic
Party. But latterly they have dropped the name Social-Democrat--so much
the better for Social-Democracy--and have adopted that of the "Russian
Communist Party"--so much the worse for Communism, for towards
Communism the Social-Democratic Commonwealths of the future are bound
to tend. "Bolshevism" to-day, where it is honest, is in the main a
revival of the Anarchism of Bakunine, together with a policy of armed
insurrection, and a seizure of political power which shall install the
"dictatorship of the proletariat." That is the dividing line between
the Bolsheviks and their Social-Democratic opponents, the Mensheviks,
and their far more numerous and powerful antagonists, the Social
Revolutionaries, who obtained an overwhelming majority in the
Constituent Assembly which the Bolsheviks dissolved by force. The
Social Revolutionaries seek the emancipation of the peasants and
workers by democratic means--the only safe and sure way--though they
were quite ready to use force for the overthrow of Tsardom, happily
effected in March, 1917. Unhappily, though, Bolshevik terrorism, with
its complete inability to carry out its promises of "peace and bread"
for the Russian people, and certain European financial interests are
together rehabilitating reaction in Russia, and the people and the
peasants may be driven to put up with some new autocratic régime in the
hope that it may shield them from the present terrorism and secure them
something to eat.
Bolshevist Intolerance.
Innumerable instances could be given of the bitter intolerance of the
honest Bolshevik fanatics towards all sections of the International
Socialist movement with which they have not agreed. Paul Axelrod, one
of the founders of Russian Social-Democracy, in a pamphlet published at
Zürich in 1915, entitled "The Crisis and the Duties of International
Social-Democracy," reproaches Lenin with seeking to carry into the
internal struggles of the Socialist Parties in Europe "specifically
Russian methods" which aim directly at creating troubles and divisions,
and branding without any distinction "nearly all the known and
respected bodies of International Social-Democracy as traitors and
deserters stranded in the bourgeois camp, treating these comrades,
whose international conscience and sentiments are above all suspicion,
as National Liberals, chauvinists, philistines, traitors, etc." Is this
the way in which to raise the enthusiasm of the workers for the cause
of Socialism? Is this the manner in which the spirit of self-sacrifice
can be roused in the masses? It savours far too much of the old
implacable bitterness of the Terrorists--reasonable and natural enough
in their secret conspiracies, where a fellow-conspirator might be a
police agent--but utterly out of place and mischievous when introduced
into open propaganda and organisation.
To this jaundiced outlook of the prominent Bolsheviks is added
ignorance of administration. Nearly all of them are refugees who have
spent many years of their lives outside of Russia. They have evolved
theories of Socialist policy from their inner consciousness without an
opportunity of putting them to practical tests--until now, when the
world is in the throes of a war crisis. And they attempt to apply
their theories of the "dictatorship of the proletariat" in a vast
nation made up of various races in different stages of civilisation,
only just entering upon full capitalist development, where the
proletariat, the wage workers, constitute fewer than 20,000,000 out of
a total population of 180,000,000! And yet there are supporters of the
Bolsheviks in Britain who profess to be Marxists--more Marxist than
Marx, in fact--and who can countenance such a logical outrage on the
"materialist conception of history"!
Offensive and Defensive Wars.
Nothing better illustrates the unreality of some of Lenin's theories
than his attitude on national self-defence. In 1915 he and Zinovieff,
another well-known Bolshevik, published a pamphlet on "Socialism and
the War." One chapter dealt with "A War of Defence and a War of
Attack." It contains this passage:--"If to-morrow, for example,
Morocco were to go to war against France, the Indies against England,
and China against Russia, they would be wars of defence, just wars,
independently of any question of which began the war." Being "wars of
defence, just wars," the people would obviously be justified in taking
part in them from Lenin's point of view. Now let us see where the
logic of this contention will land us. Morocco, possibly because what
capitalism is there is foreign, may justly wage war against France;
but if France fights a war of defence against an aggressive attack by
Germany, she is engaged in an "imperialist war." Similarly, if India
rises against Britain, the people will be fighting a just war; but if
Britain supports France and Belgium against German imperialism, she is
carrying on an "imperialist war." Hence it follows that, if the
Central Powers had won the war, and Belgium had been subjugated by
Germany, Belgium would have been fully justified in fighting to
recover her independence; but in defending that independence which she
would have a right to recover, if deprived of it, she was taking part
in an "imperialist war "! Such is Leninist logic when brought down to
actual facts.
In short, Lenin, like Bakunine, loves ideas more than men. This may be
said of all the honest Bolshevist fanatics. There are others--many of
them. And even the genuine fanatics appear to have reached a stage of
mental "impossibilism" where the end not only justifies the means, but
any means must necessarily help to achieve the end. We know the
Bolsheviks were conveyed to Russia in April, 1917, via Germany in
sealed carriages with the consent of the German authorities. The Swiss
Bolshevik, Platten, arranged the affair with the German Government.
That the German Government expected that the Bolshevist mission to
Russia would be of advantage to Germany cannot be questioned;
otherwise the Bolshevist refugees would not have been allowed to go to
Petrograd through Germany. The Bolsheviks themselves knew that their
actions in the Russian Revolution would help Imperialist Germany, for
the "Berner Tagwacht" announced, after they had left Switzerland, that
they were "perfectly well aware that the German Government is only
permitting the transit of those persons because it believes that their
presence in Russia will strengthen the anti-war tendencies there." It
is the same with whatever money was supplied by Germany to the
Bolsheviks. It would all help to establish the "dictatorship of the
proletariat."
It is necessary to refer also to Leo Trotzky. Some who are convinced
of Lenin's honesty of purpose do not hold the same view of Trotzky.
Lenin is the implacable theorist in whose nostrils compromise of any
sort stinks. Trotzky is not of that character. He is much more
adaptable. And he has changed opinions on war issues more than once
during the war. In the autumn of 1914 or the beginning of 1915,
Trotzky wrote a brilliant pamphlet, "Der Krieg und die Internationale"
("The War and the International"). In that pamphlet he boldly declared
that the break-up of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was a necessity.
While ridiculing defensive wars, he nevertheless wrote: "The more
obstinate the resistance of France--and now, truly, it is her duty to
protect her territory and her independence against the German
attack--the more surely does she hold, and will hold, the German army
on the Western front." Again: "The victory of Germany over France--a
very regrettable strategic necessity in the opinion of German
Social-Democracy--would signify first of all not merely the defeat of
the permanent army under a democratic republican régime, but the
victory of the feudal and monarchical constitution over the
democratic and republican constitution." Thus wrote Trotzky while
still a Social-Democrat, before he became a Bolshevist dictator. How,
then, can he denounce France for fighting an "imperialist war," or
Britain for helping her to prevent a "victory of the feudal and
monarchical constitution over the democratic and republican
constitution"?
The "Dictatorship of the Proletariat."
The "dictatorship of the proletariat" appeals to Trotzky, because he
has become virtually the dictator of the proletariat and everything
else in Russia within the power of the "Red Guards" and his Chinese
battalions. These Chinese battalions, recruited from Chinese labourers
employed behind the military lines while Russia was in the war, may be
responsible for some of the "executions" which have taken place. The
Bolshevist emissary, Maxim Litvinoff, pooh-poohs all stories of
massacres. It is generally the dregs of the Chinese population who are
recruited for labour gangs abroad; and if "removals" of
"counter-revolutionaries" can be accomplished by Chinese battalions,
the Bolsheviks can then aver that they have not had a hand in it!
Since the acceptance of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty because Russia could
fight no longer, Trotzky has not only talked of raising Bolshevik
armies, but has succeeded in raising them and officering them by
officers of the old Tsarist régime. What Trotzky would not do against
the German armies he is quite prepared to do against those portions of
Russia that have taken advantage of the self-determination granted by
the Bolshevist Administration. Perhaps the peculiar Bolshevist
philosophy regarding wars of defence is also to apply to neighbouring
States if they do not happen to be strong militarily. You must not
prevent the "self-determination" of any portion of an existing State,
but you may attack it when "self-determined," in the interests of the
"international Social Revolution" and the "dictatorship of the
proletariat." That sort of action, when undertaken by an autocracy, is
usually described as an act of imperialist aggression in order to
divert attention from internal difficulties; and Bolshevism in Russia
is an autocracy--a dictatorship not of the proletariat, but over the
proletariat. It cannot possibly be anything else.
The Russian Revolution of March, 1917, was in many respects similar to
the French Revolution of 1789. It brought the downfall of absolute
monarchy. It was not so bourgeois in character as the French
Revolution, because there was a definite proletarian class in Russia,
though small in comparison with its immense population, and capitalist
production was established. But the Russian Revolution had this
disadvantage compared with the French Revolution--there was
practically no class able to take over the administration in the
interests of the Revolution as with the French; and if that was so
when certain bourgeois elements were with the Revolution, how much
less of administrative knowledge would there be in a Bolshevist
Government over millions of ignorant workers and peasants accustomed
only to a despotic régime, whose "Commissaries" are mainly refugees,
most of whom have lost all real touch with Russian internal affairs?
Bolshevist Inquisition.
There is not the slightest need to accept the capitalist Press of this
or any other country as authoritative on the present condition of
things in Russia. Consult the Bolshevist organs themselves,
particularly the "Izvestya" and "Pravda." They give quite enough
evidence to prove what terrorism prevails, how all freedom of the
Press, speech and public meeting is ruthlessly suppressed. The
following is from "Pravda" of October 8 last:--
"The absence of the necessary restraint makes one feel appalled
at the 'instruction' issued by the All-Russian Extraordinary
Commission to 'All Provincial Extraordinary Commissions,' which
says: 'The All-Russian Extraordinary Commission is perfectly
independent in its work, carrying out house searches, arrests,
executions, of which it _afterwards_ reports to the Council of
the People's Commissaries and to the Central Executive Council.'
Further, the Provincial and District Extraordinary Commissions
'are independent in their activities, and when called upon by
the local Executive Council present a report of their work.' In
so far as house searches and arrests are concerned, a report
made _afterwards_ may result in putting right irregularities
committed owing to lack of restraint. The same cannot be said of
executions.... It can also be seen from the 'instruction' that
personal safety is to a certain extent guaranteed only to
members of the Government, of the Central Council and of the
local Executive Committees. With the exception of these few
persons, all members of the local Committees of the [Bolshevist]
Party, of the Control Committees, and of the Executive Committee
of the Party may be shot at any time by the decision of any
Extraordinary Commission of a small district town if they happen
to be on its territory, and a report of that made _afterwards_."
"Vorwärts," quoting from "Pravda," says that the Bolshevist organ
reports that 13,764 persons have been executed within the last three
months.
As regards the internal economic situation in Russia under Bolshevist
rule, a Russian workman, whose experience has not been confined to
Petrograd and Moscow, makes the following statement in the
"Social-Demokraten" of Stockholm:--
"The output of the factories has decreased by 80 per cent.,
notwithstanding that the Revolutionary Committees stimulate
production with the revolver. The condition of the railways is
worse than ever. All the industrial workmen are against the
Bolsheviks, and the same is the case with the peasants. The
so-called 'Committees of the Poor' are drawn from the small
number of peasants who sought employment in the factories during
the war and have now returned to the country. The only
supporters of the Bolsheviks, apart from the Letts and the
Chinese, are those belonging to their own official caste. The
European Press has rather understated than exaggerated the Red
Terror."
As regards food conditions,[1] the Bolshevist Administration seems to
be thorough and precise in the issue of food-cards of all
descriptions, according to the four categories into which the
population is divided. More food-cards, in fact, appear to have been
issued to the population of Moscow than the population itself, which
was 1,694,971 last April. Restaurants, dining-rooms, etc., are fully
supplied with supplementary food-cards. But what of supplies? They
are, after all, the main thing. Translated into English money and
weight, the prices last September were as follows: Potatoes, 7-1/2d. a
lb.; fresh cabbage, 7d. a lb.; fish (supply diminishing), pickled
herrings from 1s. 9d. to 3s. 3d. a lb.; smoked herrings, from 2s. 4d.
to 4s. each; meat, 7s. 7d. a lb.; pork, 12s. 8d. a lb.; boiled
sausage, 9s. 3d. a lb.; smoked sausage, 11s. 10d. a lb.; milk, of
which there was little, was 2s. 6d. a bottle; cream butter, 25s. 3d. a
lb.; lump sugar, 25s. 3d. a lb. In Petrograd meat was from 9s. 7d. a
lb.; veal, 11s. a lb.; pork, 12s. 7d. a lb.; mutton, 10s. 1d. a lb.
Fish, supplies of which were limited, were about the same prices as at
Moscow. The figures of municipal bread-baking in Petrograd for last
April, May and June were 328,128, 262,075 and 185,222 puds
respectively. A pud is 36 lbs. This indicates a most serious
reduction. According to rations on the bread-cards, which are 3/8 lb.
per day, with the same amount for supplementary cards for workers'
categories, and 1/8 lb. a day per child, the monthly supply for
Petrograd should be 792,000 puds.
In October reports from Tambov, Viatka, Vladimir, Tula and Saratov
indicate that, though supplies of all kinds of grain were fairly good,
the disorganisation of transport was so great that the larger part of
those supplies remained where they were. A number of delegates were
sent to Saratov to obtain 30,000 puds of breadstuffs for twenty-five
workmen's organisations in Moscow. They only succeeded in obtaining
3,000 puds, and they complained most bitterly of "bureaucracy" at the
hands of the Saratov Provincial Food Committee, who kept them waiting
a very long time and finally passed them on to a local Committee who
declined to do anything. They demanded that pressure should be brought
to bear on the Provincial Committee to make them disgorge part of
their large reserves for the starving centre.
Russian Co-operative Societies.
Recently reports and articles have been appearing in certain of the
Labour and capitalist Press favourable to the Bolsheviks, notably the
"Labour Leader," concerning the co-operative movement in Russia. It is
alleged that the growth of the co-operative movement there is evidence
that the Bolshevist Government is really and seriously building up a
new Socialist society despite the grave difficulties within and the
antagonism from without. It is true that the co-operative movement is
going ahead in Russia, but it is not because of, but in spite of,
Bolshevism. The co-operative movement in Russia is not the product of
the Bolshevist Government; it existed and progressed under Tsardom.
The help which the co-operative societies rendered to the Russian
people during the war is beyond all dispute. The majority of the
co-operators in the area under Bolshevist domination are forced to
work with the Bolshevist Soviets in order to save their societies from
dissolution. The co-operative societies in Siberia, representing two
million affiliated families, a population of about ten millions, have
been the backbone of the opposition to the Bolshevist Government east
of the Urals.
Bolshevism in Russia is, in fact, a revival of the Anarchism of
Bakunine, tinged with certain Marxist theories which the Bolshevik
refugees have gathered during their numerous sojourns abroad. It is a
worship of the Revolution to which everything must be sacrificed. In
its adoration of the Goddess of Liberty it is willing-to crush the
freedom of human beings. The change from Tsardom to Bolshevism is, to
use Trotzky's cynical phrase, "the turn of the wheel."
The Bolshevist Government has now dominated the central portion of
European Russia for more than a twelvemonth. It bases its demand for
general recognition on the fact that it has lasted a year without
being overturned, and contends that that proves it has the support of
"Soviet" Russia. The brief statement of internal conditions at Moscow
and Petrograd made above suggests that the reports of terrible food
shortage in those great cities, which come from independent sources,
are not entirely destitute of foundation. And yet the apologists of
the Bolsheviks here assure us that in Russia at the present time we
have a "Socialist Republic of a very high order"!
These facts require to be made thoroughly well known among the working
classes of these islands. The idea is being assiduously put about,
more subterraneously than openly, that there is now established in
Russia a genuine Socialist Republic, or, at all events, a real and
conscious attempt on the part of the workers and peasants of Russia to
establish such a Republic. Given this idea, there is every reason for
a popular agitation to prevent anything being done by the British
Government and its allies to hamper that Socialist Republic in the
early stages of its development. Unfortunately, the utter incapacity
of the recent and present Coalition to come to any definite policy
regarding Russia, and the inclination of some of its members to back
the reactionists, while standing aloof from the real democratic forces
in Russia which support the Constituent Assembly, play completely into
the hands of the Bolsheviks of Russia and their sympathisers here.
Whatever Bolshevist undercurrents there are in the present reckless
strike movements in Glasgow, Belfast and elsewhere are therefore due
in great part to the Governments of Mr. Lloyd George. Nevertheless it
behoves the working class of these islands to take cognisance of the
facts concerning Russia, for they will enable them to realise clearly
the grave mischief that these "unauthorised" strikes are doing, more
to their own class and the country generally than to the capitalists
against whom the efforts of the majority of the strikers are directed.
Bolshevism on the Clyde.
The Clyde is the centre of Bolshevism in Britain, though the spirit of
it is in other parts also. But on the Clyde a number of very
determined and exceedingly well meaning, but "heady," Socialists of
the S.L.P. "impossibilist" type have influenced by sheer persistence a
good many others who do not understand whither they are being led.
Here, again, the "dictatorship of the proletariat" means the dictation
of the proletariat by these "impossibilists," in order to bring
capitalist industry to its knees. For that purpose strikes are to be
brought about as frequently as possible on no matter what pretext,
provided that pretext calls out enough "hands" to paralyse capitalist
industry. It may be increased wages one day, shorter hours the next,
shop conditions the day after, anything that will cause men to "down
tools."
The idea, obviously, is to reduce industry to such a state of chaos
that it becomes absolutely unprofitable to the employers, and thus it
will be easier for the shop committees to take over the "control of
industry" by Soviets from which all "bourgeois" and
"counter-revolutionaries" shall be excluded. Meanwhile, when the
strikes have reached a certain point, the demand shall be made for
Government intervention, which, if granted under vague threats of
terrible things to come, will redound to the power and credit of the
Bolshevist leaders; and if not, and disturbances take place, then the
leaders will be arrested, the revolutionary fires will be lighted on
the Clyde, and will spread over the whole country; the leaders in
question will be released from gaol by enthusiastic "revolutionary"
crowds; and then will follow a glorified transformation scene as in a
pantomime, with the heroes bathed in gorgeous "revolutionary"
lime-light effects. I should not write in this fashion did I not know
that this idea has influenced a few of the most single-minded and
devoted Socialists on the Clyde, and we can only regret that such
really noble spirits should have been unable to keep their heads in
the greatest crisis in the world's history.
The "Dictatorship of the Proletariat" in Operation.
The battle cry of the Russian Bolsheviks and their sympathisers and
would-be imitators elsewhere is the "dictatorship of the proletariat."
Let us consider what that means. Dictatorship means despotism, and
whether it is that of a Tsar or a Kaiser, an oligarchy or a Bolshevik
administration, it is despotism--nothing more and nothing less.
Impatience with the slowness of the mass of the people is only to be
expected in all who see what human existence could be made on this
planet, how enjoyable and pleasurable life might be made by light and
pleasant labour for all, with the vast powers which man now possesses
over Nature. I don't suppose there is a single Socialist who has spent
twenty years of his or her life in the cause of International
Social-Democracy who has not at times wished that the Social
Revolution could be quickly brought about by some benevolent
despotism. That a similar train of thought should have entered the
minds of Russian refugees, driven from a land where political
democracy in any form appeared almost hopeless of achievement, is only
natural, and equally natural that it should have been pursued to its
abstract logical conclusion, inasmuch as, unlike ourselves, they were
not working actually amongst the people day in and day out to
understand how impossible of realisation such a wish must be.
Impatience with the mass--however the Mass may be worshipped--is at
the bottom of the idea of the "dictatorship of the proletariat." They
must be emancipated in spite of themselves. Liberty and democracy can
come afterwards when the Socialist dictators have transformed
capitalist society into the Socialist State. During that
transformation the mass must obey the minority which has seized power;
it must accept as right and just what that minority decrees; it must
abandon liberty of speech and the Press, or at least it must refuse
those liberties to all who do not agree with the actions of the
minority in power. And if the mass don't like it, well----! Are these
not precisely the principles on which Lenin and Trotzky are striving
to create this "Socialist Republic of a very high order"? And are they
not revealed in the attempts of a small minority to impose their will
on the majority during our own strike influenza? Often is it
observable that those who most vehemently denounce the slightest
exercise of power in others have not the faintest objection to using
it ruthlessly themselves. Bolshevism, then, is another phase, and
anything but a pleasant phase, of Utopian Socialism, whatever use of
the name of Karl Marx be made in connection with its advocacy.
The Blind Samson.
The wage-earners constitute by far the largest section of the
community. Their votes, now more than ever, can do much to control the
administration of the country if they will take the trouble to
exercise that control in the direction of securing the thorough
democratisation of the State, so that it may be made ready to organise
the industries of the nation for the common good. The paralysis of
industry will hurt the capitalist employers unquestionably, but it
will certainly not benefit the workers. Blind Samson damaged the
Philistines when he pulled down their temple; but he did not come out
unscathed--quite the contrary. The Social Revolution--i.e., the change
from capitalist production for profit to social production for
use--cannot be made with rose-water; but that is no reason why there
should be blood-letting just for the fun of seeing if red corpuscles
are present in sufficient quantity.
Let them be what they may, the trade unions are the only form of
working-class organisation to-day which can secure for the workers a
decent standard of existence under capitalist conditions of industry.
Anything which tends to weaken them and reduce their influence,
whether in the interests of the employers or for the supposed
advancement of r-r-r-revolutionary proletarian principles, whatever
they may be, will be harmful to the workers. It is for the workers
themselves to see that their trade unions shall be the means of
securing something more than higher wages or even shorter hours of
labour. War conditions have shown what a will-o'-the-wisp are mere
increases of pay; and short hours of labour such as could easily be
arranged under collective organisation of industry, with all the
economies of effort which co-operation would effect, cannot be secured
under capitalism. That surely should be obvious to all who call
themselves Socialists and who have even a passing acquaintance with
economics; otherwise, why the necessity of the Co-operative
Commonwealth? Socialist policy towards the trade unions should be, in
short, not their capture for political purposes, nor their upset for
Bolshevist phantasies, but one of educating the trade unionists. It is
only along that line that the Social-Democratic movement can make real
and steady progress.
The policy of the strike for anything and everything is not only
anti-social; it is anti-Socialist. Writing on the strike outbreak of
1911,[2] I said: "The mass strike is rarely effective, save in a
negative fashion. It is successful mostly when used against some
particular object or for some definite purpose of the moment. It can
be used to break an objectionable agreement; it may prevent the
putting into force of an unpopular law, or the passing of some
tyrannical measure; it may check an attempt to suppress popular
liberties, such as they are; and it may prove the best possible means
of preventing war between two countries, if action in that direction
be taken equally in both countries. But as _the_ means for the
overthrow of the capitalist system and the establishment of the
Socialist Republic it is useless. Those who rely upon the general
strike as _the_ means for the realisation of Social-Democracy are like
the ancient Gauls, of whom it is said that they shook all States and
founded none."
Sporadic and Lightning Strikes Anti-Social and Anti-Socialist.
What applied to the strike movement of 1911 applies with even greater
force to the present strike ebullitions, in which the presence of
Russian Bolsheviks is to be noted. This is all in accordance with the
Bolshevist plan of "world revolution" for which roubles are being
plentifully furnished, mainly through agents in Sweden. The prevailing
idea is to pull down bourgeois society, no matter what the
consequences. If conditions generally in the countries of Europe under
capitalism to-day were like what they were here a century ago, coupled
with an absolute monarchical tyranny such as that which existed until
recently in Russia, then there might be something to be said for the
destruction of bourgeois society by any means that would bring it
down. Nothing under such conditions could be worse for the mass of the
people. But with the destruction of the State in these islands would
go the trade unions built up by years of solid labour and sacrifice,
the co-operative societies, just now beginning to take a wider outlook
on things than mere "divi." hunting, and the democratic political
institutions of which the people can make far more use than they do
when they choose to exercise their intelligence and bestir their
energies. Then the increasingly complicated nature of production,
distribution and exchange has also to be considered. A piece of grit
will often throw elaborate and delicate machinery out of gear, but we
do not regard it as a revolutionary agent on that account. The control
of a few engineering workshops by shop stewards, puffed out with
vanity and a "little brief authority," will not provide the food
necessary to feed the people of these islands. We have, too, an
indication of the spirit of liberty with which they are animated in
the massed picketing at Glasgow, not against blacklegs and
non-unionists, but against fellow trade unionists who refused to aid
"unauthorised strikes."
I have said that these "down tools" outbursts are anti-Socialist. They
are anti-Socialist because they are anarchical. They may pull down,
but they cannot build up. Socialism and Socialists have suffered
enough during the war because of the freaks and cranks that the war
discovered among us, and the greater number of the same genus who now
profess to be Socialists without understanding much, if anything,
about the Socialist movement. We do not want further prejudice raised
against us by attempts to connect us with anarchical violence,
hooliganism and looting. Nothing for the benefit of the people can
possibly come out of what is now going on. All it will do is to help
reaction, and make even the majority of the working class ready to
acquiesce in a mild military dictatorship as a lesser evil than
Bolshevist tyranny and violence. And there are some British Generals
who are popular, and who are not merely militarists!
There is no royal road to the Social Revolution. The steady and
patient work of Socialist propaganda and organisation together with
the pressing forward of thorough-going collectivist proposals for the
ownership and control of industry for the common good, and the
imagination to take advantage of everything that will help forward the
great change from capitalist production for profit to Socialist
production for use--those are the lines we must follow. All the
imaginary shortcuts of the impatient ones, which lead to anarchical
deserts or reactionary morasses, serve only to retard real
Social-Democratic progress.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Comrade "R.," who has written much for "Justice" on the food
question abroad, has supplied these particulars.--H.W.L.
[2] "The Great Strike Movement of 1911, and Its Lessons."
+----------------------------------------------------------+
| For accurate and reliable information on International |
| Labour and Socialist movements |
| and happenings read... |
| |
| "JUSTICE." |
| |
| The oldest Socialist Journal in Great Britain. |
| |
| =Published every Thursday, price Twopence.= |
| |
| Of all Newsagents, or direct from the Publishers, |
| Twentieth Century Press (1912) Ltd., 37-38 Clerkenwell |
| Green, London. E.C. 1 Subscription rates: 13 weeks, |
| 2/6; 26 weeks, 5/-; 52 weeks, 10/-; post free. |
+----------------------------------------------------------+
Printed and Published by the Twentieth Century Press (1912), Ltd.,
37-38 Clerkenwell Green, London, E.C.1. Trade Unions and other
organisations supplied with quantities at special rates, to be had on
application to the Manager.
* * * * *
+-------------------------------------------------+
| Typographical errors corrected in text: |
| |
| Page 8: 'whch have taken place' replaced with |
| 'which have taken place' |
| |
+-------------------------------------------------+
* * * * *
End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Bolshevism: A Curse & Danger to the
Workers, by Henry William Lee
*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BOLSHEVISM: A CURSE & DANGER ***
***** This file should be named 26051-8.txt or 26051-8.zip *****
This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
https://www.gutenberg.org/2/6/0/5/26051/
Produced by Bryan Ness, Jeannie Howse and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This
file was produced from images generously made available
by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
will be renamed.
Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project
Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you
do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is
subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
redistribution.
*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
https://gutenberg.org/license).
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an
individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in
a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check
the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning
the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
copied or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked
to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
that
- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is
owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments
must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License. You must require such a user to return or
destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
Project Gutenberg-tm works.
- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
of receipt of the work.
- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the
Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with
the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy
is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
opportunities to fix the problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists
because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
people in all walks of life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org.
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
https://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at
809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
[email protected]. Email contact links and up to date contact
information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
page at https://pglaf.org
For additional contact information:
Dr. Gregory B. Newby
Chief Executive and Director
[email protected]
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To
SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
particular state visit https://pglaf.org
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including including checks, online payments and credit card
donations. To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily
keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
https://www.gutenberg.org
This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
