The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Rise and Fall of Anarchy in America, by
George N. McLean
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
Title: The Rise and Fall of Anarchy in America
From its Incipient Stage to the First Bomb Thrown in Chicago
Author: George N. McLean
Release Date: September 1, 2015 [EBook #49842]
Language: English
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY ***
Produced by David Edwards, Martin Mayer, (The illustrations
were produced from images generously made available by The
Internet Archive) and the Online Distributed Proofreading
Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced from
scanned images of public domain material from the Google
Books project.)
[Illustration: LIBERTY ENLIGHTENING THE WORLD.]
THE RISE AND FALL
OF
Anarchy in America.
FROM ITS INCIPIENT STAGE
TO THE FIRST BOMB THROWN IN CHICAGO.
A COMPREHENSIVE ACCOUNT OF THE GREAT CONSPIRACY CULMINATING IN THE
Haymarket Massacre,
MAY 4th, 1886.
A MINUTE ACCOUNT OF THE APPREHENSION, TRIAL, CONVICTION AND EXECUTION
OF THE LEADING CONSPIRATORS.
BY
GEO. N. McLEAN.
"ORDER IS HEAVEN'S FIRST LAW."
PROFUSELY ILLUSTRATED.
SOLD BY SUBSCRIPTION ONLY.
R. G. BADOUX & CO.
CHICAGO & PHILADELPHIA
1888.
Copyrighted, 1888.
R. G. BADOUX & CO.
(_All rights reserved._)
[Illustration: CONTENTS]
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION.
"Order is Heaven's First Law"--Liberty Enlightening the
World--The Red Flag--The Price of Liberty--Our National
Institutions--When Judgment and Justice is Abroad in the Land
the People will Learn Righteousness 9
CHAPTER II.
ANARCHISTS.
Their Nationality--First Agitation--Leader of Anarchy--Revenge
Circular--The Haymarket Meeting--The Lehr und Wehr Verein--The
Massacre--Dispersing the Mob 12
CHAPTER III.
THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.
Bravery of the Police--The Occupation of the Conspirators--The
Trial--Securing a Jury--Bombs in Court--Evidence
of Detective Johnson--Parsons Swears He "Won't Eat
Snowballs Next Winter"--Drilling Anarchists--Pinkerton
Detectives--Cross-Examination--Bombs and Dynamite--Parsons'
View of the Board of Trade--Guns, Dynamite and Prussic Acid
Advocated by Spies--Prosecution Rests Its Case 20
CHAPTER IV.
THE DEFENSE.
Under a Cloud--A Struggle For Life--Contesting Every Point by
Shrewd Counsel--Braving it Out--Throttling the Law--Fielden on
the Stand--Laughable Testimony by Henry Schultz, Who Said He
was a Tourist--Schwab's Evidence--Spies Testifies--Postal Card
From Herr Most--Close of the Defense 64
CHAPTER V.
ARGUMENTS FOR THE PROSECUTION AND DEFENSE.
Opening Speech by Frank Walker--"We Stand in the Temple
of Justice"--Zeisler for the Defense, Ingham for the
Prosecution--Messrs. Foster and Black for the Defense--Julius
S. Grinnell Makes Closing Speech for the State 100
CHAPTER VI.
INSTRUCTIONS OF THE COURT.
The Verdict--Blanched Faces--The Court to the Jury--Biography,
Age and Residence of the Jurors 119
CHAPTER VII.
THE CONSPIRACY AND MASSACRE.
Names and Number of Killed and Wounded--Unearthing the
Plot--Officers at Work--Crowned With Success--Report of Grand
Jury--The Number of Widows and Orphans Resulting From One
Explosion 119
CHAPTER VIII.
COST OF TRIAL.
Extracts from _Zeitung_--Motion for New Trial--Motion
Overruled 139
CHAPTER IX.
SPIES ADDRESSES THE COURT.
Three Days' Speeches by the Doomed Men--Their Reason Why the
Law Should Not be Executed 150
CHAPTER X.
MISCELLANEOUS MATTER.
_Arbeiter Zeitung_--Mrs. Parsons--Her Arrest in Ohio--Her
Arrest in Chicago--Herr Most Endorsing the Bomb-Throwing--The
Panic He Could Create in a Big City in Thirty Minutes With
3,000 Bombs in the Hands of 500 Revolutionists 181
CHAPTER XI.
SUPERSEDEAS GRANTED.
United States Supreme Court Sustain Original Verdict--Parsons'
Letter to Governor Oglesby--Lingg Defiant--Refusing to Sign a
Petition for Executive Clemency--Their Impertinent Letters to
the Governor 184
CHAPTER XII.
FIELDEN PENITENT.
His Letter to the Governor--Spies' Last Letter to His
Excellency--Willing to Die for His Comrades 219
CHAPTER XIII.
LINGG SUICIDES.
Dr. Bolton With the Prisoners--They Decline Spiritual
Comfort--The Last Night of the Doomed Men--Parsons Sings in
His Cell--Telegrams for Parsons--His Last Letter 223
CHAPTER XIV.
DESCRIPTION OF THE EXECUTION.
Threatening Letters--Pitying Justice--Outraged Law
Vindicated--Mercy to the Guilty is Cruelty to the
Innocent--The Unchanged, Everlasting Will to Give Each Man His
Right--Abuse of Free Speech--"The Mills of God Grind Slow, But
Exceedingly Fine"--Captain Black at the Anarchists' Funeral 231
CHAPTER XV.
A DESCRIPTION OF HERR MOST'S SANCTUM.
A Den Where Anarchy Was Begotten--The Anarchist Chief's Museum
of Weapons and Infernal Machines--Easy Lessons in the Art of
Assassination 240
CHAPTER XVI.
BIOGRAPHY OF HERR MOST.
His Past Career and Early Training--His Imprisonment in
the Bastille and Red Tower for Preaching His Gospel of
Blood--Extracts From His Inflammatory Utterances--"Whet Your
Daggers"--"Let Every Prince Find a Brutus by His Throne." 246
CHAPTER XVII.
BIOGRAPHY OF SPIES.
And the Other Seven Condemned Men--Their Birthplace,
Education, and Private Life--Parsons' Letter to the _Daily
News_, After the Explosion, While a Fugitive From Justice 251
CHAPTER XVIII.
BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD OF JOHN BONFIELD.
Inspector and Secretary of Police Department--Biographies of
Sheriff Matson, Judge Gary, Judge Grinnell--Tribute to Captain
Schaack 259
CHAPTER XIX.
EULOGY TO THE POLICE.
Boldly They Fought and Well--Contrast Between Capital and
Labor--The Anarchists' Fatal Delusion--The United States
National Anthem 264
[Illustration]
PREFACE.
In view of the many phases and complications involved in the labor
question, along with the cosmopolitan element engaged in forcing, as
it were, measures intended to revolutionize labor, trade and commerce,
this subject becomes of extreme delicacy to treat, the intricacy of
which affect all classes and conditions of men, and threatens to
convulse society from the outer crust of uppertendom to the inner
sub-strata of human interest, affecting largely the social, civil, and
political interests of the ever-enlarging generations of mankind.
The dark cloud standing out in bold relief outlined against the
political horizon of this great republic seems to be gathering in
intensity. Just now the lull in matters pertaining to this great
question of CAPITAL and LABOR, seem like the "calm that precedes the
hurricane." Animosities and antagonisms are widening the gulf between
these conflicting interests of society, and anarchy and socialism,
assuming a belligerent attitude, threaten a disruption of good and
wholesome government.
We bid a hearty God-speed to any innovation upon the stereotyped and
superannuated system, or dogmatic usage in the interests of absolute
and overwhelming monopolies, which has for its object the general
well-being of our common humanity, the elevation of the universal
brotherhood of mankind, and the perpetuity of American institutions.
We do not believe in monopoly and oppression; but the final triumph of
right over wrong by honest, earnest and persevering endeavor.
SOCIALISM.
A theory of society which advocates a more precise, orderly and
harmonious arrangement of the social relations of mankind than that
which has hitherto prevailed.--_Webster._
COMMUNISM.
The reorganizing of society, or the doctrine that it should be
reorganized, by regulating property, industry and the means of
livelihood, and also the domestic relations and social morals of
mankind; socialism; especially the doctrine of a community of property,
or the negative of individual right in property.--_J. H. Burton._
ANARCHY.
Want of government, the state of society where there is no law or
supreme power, or where the laws are not efficient, and individuals do
what they please with impunity.--_Webster._
INTRODUCTION.
"ORDER, HEAVEN'S FIRST LAW."
Never before, perhaps, in the history of any great nation, was there a
time when wise, honest and unswerving men were necessary at the helm
of the great social and political ship of American freedom than at the
present time, in order that she may weather the blasts, pass in safety
the dangerous reefs and shoals of any _party politics_, maintain the
majesty of her laws, grow strong in truth, making aggressive warfare
upon error and superstition, "and having done all to stand entire at
last," "with her lamps trimmed and burning," her liberty enlightening
the world.
One of our great minds has said: "Our country, though rich in men of
faithfulness and power, and having escaped from the difficulties of
earlier times, perceives new questions which demand whatever of counsel
the wise and thoughtful can give," for an era so active in thought and
impulse is always perilous to the nation and need strong men, wise and
calm in the midst of her greatest storms. Many of our nation's noblest
sons within a short space of time have bowed in obedience to the behest
of that monarch whose summons all must obey. In our minds we go back
to that period when our country was young, and behold manly forms,
marked by intellectual dignity, and bearing in their countenance the
unmistakable insignia of true and noble manhood. They, too, have passed
away, and home and sanctuary know them no more; but the light found in
such characters assist in solving the difficult problems of to-day.
Our nation's God can make of a poor and humble craftsman a mighty
statesman. Many such lives are poured full of honors, and their graves
are fresh and green in our memories. Nothing can equal in grandeur the
interminable extent of our vast prairies, covered with blossoming buds.
Every lover of nature, and home and country can daily hear a grand
anthem of praise ascend to God for the munificence of his unspeakable
gifts.
"From that cathedral boundless as our wonder
Whose quenchless lamps the sun and moon supply."
These pastoral symphonies are dear to all our hearts. We love our
country, and gazing upon our glorious flag, we feel it means to
"_Friends a starry sky_,"
But to foes
"_A storm in every fold._"
Untarnished its honor, and the undimmed radiance streaming down from
every star upon our glorious banner for over one hundred years, what
usurper dare insult her national prowess and trail her honors in the
dust, or flaunt the red flag of anarchy and socialism in the face of
our national greatness?
Anarchy cannot prevail, as "order is heaven's first law," and "eternal
vigilance the price of liberty."
Our measureless prosperity as a nation have caused to seek employment,
protection and a home beneath the ample folds of our grand old flag,
many representatives from almost every nation under the sun, to whom
have been extended all the rights, social, civil, religious and
political, of free-born American citizenship, while obedient to its
laws. We who seek this country as our home, because of its advantages
and the superior facilities for obtaining a livelihood or of amassing
wealth, can be guilty of no baser act than to endeavor to sow the
seeds of discord and confusion among the peaceful and well organized
brotherhood in this land of freedom and prosperity; and all violations
of good and wholesome law, endangering the peace and prosperity of
citizens, or the overthrow of our national institutions, are deserving
of the nation's frown.
What greater insult can be offered to the children of freedom than for
people of foreign birth to usurp the birthrights and trample upon the
institutions for which their fathers bled and died?
Never before were citizens of any country placed on trial for so grave
and flagrant a transgression, who received such consideration and
fairness at the hands of the administrators of law and justice as did
the participants in the Haymarket tragedy.
In view of the deep turpitude of their crime great credit is due to all
the standard papers of the city of Chicago, and the Press of the United
States, for the fair and impartial manner in which they represented
the Anarchists' case during the trial and pending the execution. The
articles appearing from time to time in their columns seemed ever
tempered with mercy. Yet firmness characterized all their expressed
opinions. The institutions of our country are dear to every true and
loyal American.
The outrage perpetrated upon our high order of civilization called
for life in exchange for the lives sacrificed by the tragic events
of the night of May the 4th, 1886. Every right-thinking journalist
acknowledged the justice of the sentence and said, so let it be;
believing that when "judgment and justice are abroad in the land the
people will learn righteousness."
CHAPTER II.
Anarchists--Their Nationality--The First
Agitation--Leaders--Anarchy--The "Revenge" Circular--The
Haymarket Meeting--The Massacre.
Scarcely has the chronicler of time recorded fifty years in the
eventful history of Chicago since it was known only as a little trading
post for the Indians of the west and northwest, but being the central
and distributing point for the interminable fertile territories
stretching away toward the land of the setting sun, its progress in
wealth and population has been unprecedented. The superior facilities
for obtaining supplies, and the demand for implements for agricultural
purposes, have conspired to render Chicago one of the most important
commercial cities on the globe. And to-day it stands the grainery of
the American Continent, the great repository and commercial reservoir
of continental America, with a cosmopolitan population of over seven
hundred thousand. Capitalists engaged in mammoth manufacturing
enterprises like McCormick and others, in order to secure cheap labor
to the exclusion of native skilled workmen, have imported to this
country thousands of foreigners who, after gaining a foothold in the
land, have turned upon their employers in organized bands with measures
intended to be revolutionary.
The troublesome element consisted largely of the ignorant lower classes
of Bavarians, Bohemians, Hungarians, Germans, Austrians, and others who
held secret meetings in organized groups armed and equipped like the
nihilists of Russia, and the communists of France.
[Illustration: THE HAYMARKET MASSACRE.]
They called themselves socialists. Their emblem was _red_. They paraded
the streets of Chicago without let or hindrance in 1878, carrying a red
flag and making insulting and incendiary speeches at Lake front park,
and at several of the public halls of the city.
This free country accorded to them without regard to birth or
nationality the rights of freedom of speech, and we shall see how that
indulgence beyond the bounds of propriety has been abused. In 1877 they
held secret meetings to organize their forces, and during the same year
there were several labor riots.
In 1879 anarchists and socialists united to endeavor to secure by
their votes and influence as mayor DR. ERNST SCHMIDT, and as city
treasurer F. STAUBER. Polling nearly 10,000 votes they secured several
representatives in the city council.
On the evening of the 2d of July, 1879, Captain Bielfeld, with ten of
the gang known as the Lehr and Werh Verein, left Turner Hall, marching
from Twelfth to Union, then returning, Lieut. Callahan secured their
arrest. As a test case for a violation of the law relative to the
militia, Bielfeld alone was booked to appear before the police court
on the 3d of July, 1879. Rubens, his attorney, gave bonds for his
appearance. The defendant then took a change of venue to Morrison,
becoming his own bail to appear at that place in the afternoon.
Bielfeld, with his attorney, and prosecuting attorney Cameron, were
present. The case was continued for one week. The following day being
the Fourth of July, was looked forward to with solicitude as a day when
Chicago might expect riot and carnage. Bielfeld had been bound in $300
bonds but was released on habeas corpus the same day on an application
to Judge Barnum, who pronounced the majority of the clauses in the
militia law as unconstitutional.
In November, 1879, a similar case was argued before the supreme court
which in its rulings sustained the constitutionality of the militia
law in direct opposition to Judge Barnum's rulings and opinions. This
opinion was a reversing of Judge Barnum's decision restricting armed
bodies of socialists, anarchists, or communists from parading the
streets, deciding that in matters pertaining to the peace and safety of
citizens the police powers are plenary.
In the autumn of 1879 the Bohemian anarchistic agitators held a picnic
at Silver Leaf Grove, in the vicinity of Douglas Park, and being
annoyed by uninvited guests, at the command of their captain, Prokop
Hudek, they fired a round of ball cartridge into the promiscuous crowd,
seriously wounding quite a large number of citizens. Their captain,
and the entire company of would-be assassins, were arrested and
brought to the corner of Madison and Union streets, where the police
were compelled to use their utmost efforts to prevent the enraged and
outraged citizens from lynching the leaders of the gang of outlaws.
The peace-loving and law-abiding citizens were so exasperated at
the audacity and cupidity of the uncivilized horde that it was with
difficulty the police induced them to disperse without wreaking a
summary vengeance upon these organized bandits, who were beginning
to operate with impunity in the very midst of the highest order of
civilization and refinement.
The United States Supreme Court acknowledge and defend the right of
citizens to assemble, _without arms_, when the object is to make known,
in proper language, any grievance. But they must in all cases be under
the control, direction and protection of the police force. But all
meetings to organize, or any organized gatherings for the purpose of
subverting law and order, all armed mobs making incendiary speeches or
advocating violence are subject to military law, and under the control
of the police, as the guardians of the public peace.
From the time of the arrest of _Herman Presser_, on the affirmation
of the militia law, by the Federal Court, in 1886, all armed
demonstrations of the socialistic element from this time ceased, but in
secret they matured their fiendish plottings against the law-abiding
citizens and safety of American institutions, becoming skilled in the
manufacture and use of dynamite bombs as a weapon for the purpose of
destroying life and property, and the intimidation of the officers of
law and justice.
The leaders of anarchy and socialism with whom we have to do, more
particularly in this volume, are viz.: August Spies, Samuel Fielden and
A. R. Parsons, Spies being the editor of the _Arbeiter Zeitung_, and A.
R. Parsons editor of the paper known as the _Alarm_.
The eight-hour system of labor had been agitated for some time, and
the first of May, 1886, was the time set for it to go into effect
by all the trade and labor unions. It was suspected by many that
the insubordinate element of socialists and anarchists would take
advantage of the already fermented state of the working classes, to
make a bold stand to revolutionize and demoralize, by their treasonable
and inflammatory speeches, the otherwise peaceful and respectable
citizens of Chicago. The McCormick reaper works, with over one thousand
employes, mostly foreigners, had been out on a strike for several
weeks, and being at fever heat the anarchists sought to produce a
riot among these turbulent men, who only needed a leader and some
encouragement, which they were soon to receive from Spies. On May 2d
a large force collected at or near the junction of Eighteenth street
and Centre avenue. Here they reversed the American flag, carrying it
top side down, symbolic of the revolution they intended to work in
American institutions. They marched down the Black Road to the prairie
in front of McCormick's works, where August Spies addressed them in
extravagant language, exciting the mob by a seditious and inflammatory
speech, at the close of which the effect was plainly visible, as the
mob at once attacked the works of McCormick, demolishing a portion of
it, and seriously injuring several non-union men who were employed
there. The six police there on duty bravely tried to hold the fort,
but were forced to give way before nearly three thousand infuriated
men, when they turned in a call for assistance, and were reinforced
by the arrival of thirty more officers, who bravely beat back their
assailants, killing one of the mob by a shot from a revolver, and
wounding several others. The repulsed mob then retreated, and their
leaders repaired to office of the _Zeitung_ to prepare a circular, and
printed it in German and English, which was headed _Revenge_, and the
English copy read as follows, which they circulated throughout the city:
REVENGE.
"Revenge, working men! to arms! Your masters sent out their
bloodhounds--the police. They killed six of your brothers at
McCormick's this afternoon. They killed the poor wretches,
because they, like you, had the courage to disobey the
supreme will of your bosses. They killed them because they
dared ask for the shortening of the hours of toil. They
killed them to show you, 'free American citizens,' that you
_must_ be satisfied and contented with whatever your bosses
condescend to allow you, or you'll get killed. You have for
years endured the most abject humiliation; you have for years
suffered immeasurable iniquities; you have worked yourselves
to death; you have endured the pangs of want and hunger; your
children you have sacrificed to the factory lords--in short,
you have been miserable, obedient slaves all these years. Why?
To satisfy the insatiable greed to fill the coffers of your
lazy, thieving master. When you ask them now to lessen your
burden he sends his bloodhounds out to shoot you, kill you.
If you are men, if you are the sons of your grandsires who
have shed their blood to free you, then you will rise in your
might, Hercules, and destroy the hideous monster that seeks to
destroy you. To arms we call you! To arms!
YOUR BROTHERS."
The German portion differed from the above mainly in the following
passage: "_Why? Because_ you dared ask for the shortening of the hours
of labor." In the German copy it ran: "Because you dared ask for all
that you believed to be your rights." Instead of being addressed, as in
the English, to American citizens, it was directed to the followers of
anarchy and socialism.
Another circular was distributed calling a meeting at the Haymarket for
the night of May 4, and urging working men to arm and go in full force.
In the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ appeared the letter "Y," meaning Ypsilon,
which was the signal for the armed anarchists to turn out, and in the
department of the paper known as the "Letter-Box" the word "Ruhe,"
signifying that the time for revolution was at hand.
There were about three hundred and fifty anarchists carrying concealed
weapons at the Haymarket massacre on the 4th of May, 1886, and probably
about fifteen hundred present in all at the time of the explosion. A.
R. Parsons had delivered his speech and Samuel Fielden was portraying
to the sympathizing crowd, with all the eloquence he could command,
the wide and yawning unbridged gulf between capital and labor, when
seven companies of police, numbering nearly two hundred men, under
command of their superior officers, swooped down upon the lawless
mob. Captain Ward, in clear and ringing tones, commanded these land
pirates to quietly disperse, when from an alley contiguous was seen in
the darkness a little line of fire passing directly over the heads of
the motley crowd. The hissing fiend, hurled by some practiced hand to
perform its hellish mission, fell directly between two of the ranks
of our brave and noble officers, and exploded with a detonation which
seemed to shake the city from center to circumference, dealing death to
several brave and noble officers, while the wounded and dying numbered
over sixty, who a moment before were in the best of spirits and in the
discharge of their duty as protectors of public peace, were stricken
down without a moment's warning. But was there a man dismayed, although
the groans of the wounded and mangled victims could be heard in every
direction, not knowing but the next instant another explosion would
strew the ground with fresh victims from their ranks? Scarcely had the
sound of the explosion died away in the echoing distance, or the smoke
from the fatal bomb rose up to be lost in the dark and murky clouds,
ere the spirit of patriotism rose up in their hearts, inspiring them
to deeds of noble daring, when they boldly charged in a solid column
this band of treacherous outlaws. _Captain Bonfield_ seized a revolver
from the hand of a fallen officer, at the same time drawing his own
revolver, and from both hands he rained a shower of lead into the ranks
of the enemy. Under this aggressive movement the anarchists began
beating a hasty retreat.
The wounded officers were removed to the _County Hospital_, while a
large detachment were kept busy during the night caring for the dead
and dying. The exact number of killed and wounded among the anarchists
could not be ascertained, as they were removed from the ensanguined
field immediately by their friends to places of safety, and medical
assistance secured for them from among the socialistic fraternity.
On the 5th of May, Rudolph Schnaubelt was arrested on suspicion that he
was an important factor in the conspiracy. On an investigation which
followed, he very adroitly managed to impress the authorities of his
innocence, when he was discharged, and he at once disappeared from the
city; but during the progress of the trial, evidence was obtained which
proves almost conclusively that Rudolph Schnaubelt was the arch fiend
who hurled the deadly bomb causing so many brave officers to bite the
dust without a moment's warning.
[Illustration]
CHAPTER III.
This great and unprecedented anarchistic conspiracy of May 4th will
doubtless result in a blessing to America. First, it will teach the
administrators of law and justice the necessity of being watchful of
this treacherous element in society which would thus ruthlessly violate
every sacred principle of right and honor.
The bravery of the police on that eventful night of May 4th is worthy
of note in the history of Chicago, and those who fell in the defence
of our birthrights as American citizens have builded a monument in the
hearts of a grateful people that shall endure while the star-spangled
banner shall continue to wave "O'er the land of the free and the
home of the brave." Were we to disturb, disquiet, and bring up from
their tombs the most hideous monsters from the dead of the dark and
superstitious ages of the gloomy past, their hands deep purple with the
blood of their murdered fellow men, we should fail to find a parallel
that would compare with this unscrupulous cold-blooded massacre, along
with the bold attempt at the subversion of law.
On the fifth of the month eight of the leaders of anarchy were arrested
and indicted for murder and conspiracy. The police raided the office of
the _Arbeiter Zeitung_, the organ of the socialistic and anarchistic
labor agitators, obtaining quantities of dynamite bombs, flags, and
inflammatory literature which was offered in the trial as corroborative
evidence. AUGUST SPIES, a German, was the editor of the _Zeitung_ and
a ringleader of the anarchists. A. R. PARSONS, an American, was editor
of the _Alarm_. SAMUEL FIELDEN, of English nationality, laborer. OSCAR
NEEBE, German. ADOLPH FISCHER, a German. LOUIS LINGG, a German,
carpenter. GEORGE ENGEL, German, and MICHAL SCHWAB. These are the ones
who were indicted for murder and anarchy. A. R. Parsons fled the night
of the riot and consequently was not arrested, but he subsequently
came in and gave himself up to the officials in the criminal court,
doubtless thinking by this semblance of honor to impress the court of
his innocence and thereby secure acquittal.
[Illustration]
The attorneys for the State in the prosecution were as follows: Julius
S. Grinnell; and assistants State, George Ingham and Frank Walker.
Col. W. P. Black, Solomon Zeisler, and Mr. Foster, of Iowa, were for
the defence, who availed themselves of every technicality in the
interests of their clients. Four long and tedious weeks were consumed
in obtaining a jury, exhausting fourteen panels of jurors in securing
twelve competent men to try this case. His Honor, Judge J. E. Gary,
presiding.
The names of the jury accepted by the State and the defence were Major
J. H. Cole, F. E. Osborne, S. G. Randall, A. H. Reed, J. H. Bruyton, A.
Hamilton, G. W. Adams, J. B. Greiner, C. B. Todd, C. A. Ludwig, T. E.
Denker, and H. T. Sanford.
An application was filed with State's Attorney Grinnell for a separate
trial in the case of Neebe, Spies, Schwab, and Fielden, but was
overruled by his Honor, Judge Gary, as they had been jointly indicted
for conspiracy and murder.
On Friday, July 10th, 1886, the case of the anarchists was opened by
the prosecution in the taking of evidence.
Officers Steel, Barber, Reed and McMahon, who were wounded in the riot
of May the 4th, were so far recovered as to be able to be present.
Felix Puschek was sworn and submitted plans of the Haymarket and
several halls in the city known to be headquarters for the meetings of
the anarchists.
Police Inspector Bonfield next took the stand and related how the
police attempted to disperse the unlawful assemblage of armed
Anarchists, and detailed the circumstance of the bomb-throwing, already
related. He also identified the following circular, by which the
meeting was called:
"Attention, working men! Great mass-meeting to-night, at 7
o'clock, Haymarket square, between Desplaines and Halsted.
Good speakers will be present to denounce the late atrocious
act of the police, the shooting of our fellow working men
yesterday afternoon. Working men, arm and appear in full
force."
"THE COMMITTEE."
Some of the anarchists indicted for conspiracy turned State's
evidence. Gottfried Waller, a Swiss by nationality, a cabinet-maker
by trade, formerly a socialist, and a member of the Lehr and Wehr
Verein, testified that the latter organization comprised various armed
groups of anarchists; that the letter "Y" in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_
meant for the armed section to meet at Greif's hall; that he acted as
chairman of the meeting of seventy or eighty persons, Engel, Fischer
and Breitenfeld, the commander of the Lehr and Wehr, being present. The
witness testified that Engel unfolded a plan whereby if a collision
between the strikers and the police should occur, the word "Ruhe"
would appear in the _Arbeiter_ as a signal for the Lehr and Wehr and
the Northwest group of anarchists to assemble in Wicker Park with
arms. They should then storm the North avenue police station, and
proceed thence to other stations, using dynamite and shooting down
all who opposed them, and should cut the telegraph wires to prevent
communication with the outside world. Engel said the best way to begin
would be to throw a dynamite bomb into the police station, and that
when the populace saw that the police were overpowered, tumult would
spread through the city, and the anarchists would be joined by the
working men. This plan, Engel said, had been adopted by the Northwest
group. It was decided to appoint a committee to keep watch of affairs
in the city and to call a meeting for the next night in the Haymarket.
Fischer was directed to get the handbills calling the meeting printed.
Those present at the preliminary meeting represented various groups
throughout the city. Fischer announced that the word "Ruhe" would mean
that a revolution had been started. Engel put the motion, and the plan
was adopted. The committee on action was composed of members from each
group; the witness knew only one--Kraemer. The members of the armed
groups were known by numbers, and witness number was 19.
Spies was questioned in January, 1885, at Grand Rapids, Mich., relative
to these secret organizations, when he said that force must bring about
the necessary reform which the ballot-box had failed to inaugurate and
was incompetent to perform. Shook, of Grand Rapids, also testified that
Spies had said that the secret drilled organizations of Chicago for the
revolution of society numbered over 3,000, and that none except members
of those organizations knew of the _modus operandi_ by which they
intended to wage their warfare.
Lieutenant Bowler testified to seeing men in the crowd fire upon the
police with revolvers; officers S. C. Bohner and E. J. Hawley saw
Fielden fire. In the line of proving up the conspiracy to incite
the working men to violence, it was shown by the evidence of James
L. Frazer, E. T. Baker, A. S. Leckie, Frank Haraster, Sergeant John
Enright and officer L. H. McShane, that Spies and Fielden incited the
mob to attack McCormick's Reaper Works and the non-union employes on
May 3. Detective Reuben Slayton testified to having arrested Fischer
at the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ office. He had a loaded revolver hid under
his coat; a file-grooved dagger and a fulminating cap, used to explode
dynamite bombs. Theodore Fricke, former business manager of the
_Arbeiter_, identified the copy of the "Revenge" circular as being
in Spies' handwriting. Lieutenant William Ward testified to having
commanded the Haymarket meeting to disperse in the name of the people
of Illinois, and that Fielden cried, "We are peaceable," laying a
slight emphasis on the last word.
William Seliger, of 442 Sedgwick street, testified that Louis Lingg
boarded with him, and that himself, Lingg, Huebner, Manzenberg and
Hewmann worked at making dynamite bombs of a spherical shape. He
attended the various meetings. He identified the calls for the armed
sections to meet in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_. Balthazar Rau brought the
"Revenge" circular to Zephf's hall. Lingg worked at first on "gas-pipe"
bombs; they made forty or fifty bombs the Tuesday before the riot.
Lingg said they were to be used that evening; he and Lingg carried a
small trunk full of the bombs to Neff's hall, 58 Clybourne avenue,
that evening, where they were divided up among the anarchists; besides
the Northwest group the Sachsen Bund met at Neff's hall; witness,
Lingg, Thieben and Gustave Lehmen and two others from the Lehr and
Wehr Verein, left Neff's hall for the Larrabee street police station;
Lingg said a disturbance must be made on the North side to prevent the
police from going to the West side; Lingg wanted to throw a bomb into
the station; the police were outside, and they could not get near;
the patrol-wagon came along completely manned, and Lingg wanted to
throw a bomb under the wagon; he asked witness for fire from his cigar;
witness went into a hallway and lit a match, and before he returned the
wagon had passed: they returned to Neff's hall where he heard a bomb
had fallen on the West side, and killed a great many; Hewmann blamed
Lingg and said in an angry voice, "You are the cause of it all;" they
then went and hid their bombs under sidewalks and in various places,
and went home; Lingg first brought dynamite to the house about six
weeks before May 1, in a long wooden box; he made a wooden spoon to
handle it with in filling the bombs; witness belonged to the Northwest
group, and his number was 72, Engel was also a member. [The bombs were
here produced and Judge Gary ordered them removed immediately from the
courtroom and from the building.] Seliger's testimony was unshaken
on cross-examination. Mrs. Bertha Seliger corroborated her husband's
testimony, testifying that at one time six or seven men were at work
making bombs, and that after the Haymarket Lingg tore up the floor of a
closet to secrete those he had on hand.
Lieutenant John D. Shea, Chief of the Detective force, testified to
having assisted in the raid on the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ office, May 5.
The galley of type from which the "Revenge" circular was printed,
copies of Herr Most's book, and other anarchistic literature, red flags
and banners with treasonable devices, and a quantity of dynamite were
found. The witness asked Spies if he wrote the "Revenge" circular, and
he refused to answer. When he arrested Fischer he asked him where he
was on the night of the Haymarket meeting. Fisher said in the _Arbeiter
Zeitung_ office with Schwab, and that Rau brought word that Spies was
at the Haymarket, that a big crowd was there, and they all went over.
He had a belt, a dagger, and a fulminating cap on him when arrested,
but he said he carried them for protection. I said: 'You didn't
need them in the office.' He said: 'I intended to go away, but was
arrested.' I also said: 'There has been found other weapons like this
sharpened dagger; how is it you come to carry this?' He said he put it
in his pocket for his own protection.
Detective William Jones testified that he had a locksmith open a closet
in Spies office, and in a desk were found two bars of dynamite, a long
fuse, a box of fulminating caps, some letters, and copies of both the
celebrated circulars. At Fischer's home he found a lot of cartridges
and a blouse of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. Officer Duffy found two
thousand copies of the circular calling upon the working men to arm,
and the manuscript of the "Revenge" circular in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_
office. Herr Most's book, "The Science of Revolutionary Warfare," found
in the _Arbeiter_ office, was offered in evidence; also the manual for
the manufacture of explosives and poisons.
Bernhard Schrader, a native of Prussia, five years in this country, a
carpenter by trade, testified that he was a member of the Lehr und Wehr
Verein; was at the meeting at Greif's hall the night of May 3, and he
corroborated Waller's testimony throughout. Besides those mentioned by
Waller, Schrader named Hadermann, Thiel and Danafeldt, as attendants at
the meeting. He saw Balthazar Rau distributing the "Revenge" circulars
at a meeting of the Carpenter's Union on Desplaines street. Witness
was present also at the Sunday meeting on Emma street. It was here
agreed to cripple the fire department, in case they were called out, by
cutting their hose. Witness went to the meeting at 54 West Lake street
in response to the signal "Y" in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_. He was at the
Haymarket, but did not know who threw the bomb. The Northwest group of
the Lehr und Wehr were armed with Springfield rifles. Witness' number
in the organization was 3,312.
Lieutenant Edward Steele testified that when the police entered the
Haymarket somebody cried out: "Here come the bloodhounds. You do your
duty, and we'll do ours."
Lieutenant Michael Quinn testified that he heard this exclamation and
that the man who made it was Fielden, just as he ceased speaking on the
wagon. About the instant the bomb exploded, Fielden exclaimed: "We are
peaceable!"
Lieutenant Stanton testified that the bomb exploded four seconds after
his company of eighteen men entered the Haymarket. Every member of his
company except two were wounded, and two--Degan and Redden--killed.
The witness was wounded in eleven places. Officers Krueger and Wessler
testified to having seen Fielden shoot at the police with a revolver.
Gustave Lehman, one of the conspirators, gave a detailed account of
various meetings; the afternoon of May 4 he was at Lingg's house
where men with cloths over their faces were making dynamite bombs;
Huebner was cutting fuse; Lingg gave witness a small hand-satchel with
two bombs, fuse, caps, and a can of dynamite; at 3 o'clock in the
morning, after the Haymarket explosion, he got out of bed and carried
this material back to Ogden's grove and hid it, where it was found by
Officer Hoffman; money to buy dynamite was raised at a dance of the
Carpenters' Union, at Florus' Hall, 71 West Lake street. Lingg took
this money and bought dynamite; Lingg taught them how to make bombs.
M. H. Williamson and Clarence P. Dresser, reporters, had heard Fielden,
Parsons and Spies counsel violence; the latter at the _Arbeiter
Zeitung_ office had advised that the new Board of Trade be blown up
on the night of its opening. George Munn and Herman Pudewa, printers,
worked on the "Revenge" circular in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ office;
Richard Reichel, office-boy, got the "copy" for it from Spies.
The most sensational evidence of the trial, as showing the inside
workings of the armed sections of the socialists, and at the same time
the most damaging as indicative of their motives and designs, was that
of Detective Andrew C. Johnson, of the Pinkerton agency, an entirely
disinterested person who was detailed in December, 1884, by his
agency, which had been employed by the First National Bank to furnish
details of the secret meetings which it was known were being held by
revolutionary plotters at various places throughout the city. Johnson
is a Scandinavian, thin-faced and sandy-haired, born in Copenhagen,
and thirty-five years of age. He told his story in a calm, collected,
business-like manner. Mr. Grinnell asked:
"Do you know any of the defendants?" Witness--"I do."
"Name them."--"Parsons, Fielden, Spies, Schwab and Lingg."
"Were you at any time connected with any group of the International
Workingmen's Association?"--"I was."
"What group?"--"The American group."
"Were you a member of any armed section of the socialists of this
city?"--"Yes, sir."
"When did you begin attendance at their meetings?"--"The first meeting
I attended was the 22d of February 1885, at Baum's pavilion. The last
meeting I attended was the 24th of January of this year."
"At whose instance did you go to their meetings?"--"At the instance of
my agency."
"Did you from time to time make reports of what you heard and saw at
their meetings?"--"I did."
Mr. Grinnell passed over to witness a bundle of papers and asked:
"Have you in your hand a report of the meeting of the 22d of February,
1885?"--"Yes, sir."
"Were any of the defendants present at that meeting?"--"Yes, sir;
Parsons was present."
"Refer to your memoranda and tell me what was said by Parsons at that
meeting."--Objected to; overruled.--"Parsons stated that the reason
the meeting had been called in that locality was so as to give the
many merchant princes who resided there an opportunity to attend and
see what the Communists had to say about the distribution of wealth.
He said: 'I want you all to unite together and throw off the yoke.
We need no president, no congressmen, no police, no militia, and no
judges. They are all leeches, sucking the blood of the poor, who have
to support them all by their labor. I say to you, rise one and all, and
let us exterminate them all. Woe to the police or to the military whom
they send against us.'"
"That was where?"--"At Baum's pavilion, corner of Cottage Grove avenue
and Twenty-second street."
"Have you a report of any other of the defendants speaking at that
meeting?"--"No, sir."
"What is the next memorandum that you have?"--"The next meeting was
March 1. That night I became a member. I went to Thielen, who was at
the time acting as treasurer and secretary for the association, and
gave him my name and signified my willingness to join the association.
He entered my name in a book and handed me a red card with my name on
and a number."
"When and where was that?"--"That was March 1, 1885, at Greif's hall,
No. 54 West Lake street, in this city."
"Have you what was said and done at that meeting?"--"I have a report of
it here."
"Who spoke?"--"Parsons, Fielden, Spies, and others."
"Any other of the defendants?"--"No sir."
"State what Fielden said, and then what Parsons said."--"A lecture
was given by a man named Bailey on the subject of socialism and
christianity, and the question arose as to whether christianity ought
to be introduced in their meetings."
"What did Fielden, Spies and Parsons say there?"--"Fielden said that
he thought this matter ought not to be introduced into their meetings.
Parsons said, 'I am of the same opinion,' and Spies also said that it
ought not to be introduced."
"Now state the next meeting."--"The next meeting was March 4, at the
same place."
"Who were present?"--"Parsons, Fielden and Spies were present, and
spoke."
"When was the memorandum made that you have of that meeting?"--"The
same day, immediately after the termination of the meeting. Parsons
said: 'We are sorely in need of funds to publish the _Alarm_. As many
of you as are able ought to give as much as you can, because our paper
is our most powerful weapon, and it is only through the paper that
we can hope to reach the masses.' During his lecture he introduced
christianity. Spies stood up and said: 'We don't want any christianity
here in our meetings at all. We have told you so before.' Fielden made
no speech."
"When was the next meeting?"--"March 22."
"Were any speeches made by any of the defendants there?"--"Yes, sir,
Spies spoke. Previously a man named Bishop introduced a resolution of
sympathy for a girl named Sorell. Bishop stated that the girl had been
assaulted by her master. She had applied for a warrant, which had been
refused her on account of the high social standing of her master. Spies
said: 'What is the use of passing resolutions? We must act, and revenge
the girl. Here is a fine opportunity for some of our young men to go
and shoot Wight.' That was the man who had assaulted the girl."
"Do your reports contain references to speeches made by others?"--"They
do."
"You are only picking out speeches made by the defendants?"--"That is
all."
"When was the next meeting?"--"March 29, 1885, at Greif's hall. The
defendant, Fielden, spoke at that meeting. He said: 'A few explosions
in the city of Chicago would help the cause considerably. There is
the new Board of Trade, a roost of thieves and robbers. We ought to
commence by blowing that up.'"
"Were other speeches made at that meeting?"--"There were, but no others
made by the defendants."
"When was the next meeting?"--"April 1, at Greif's hall. Spies, Fielden
and Parsons were present at the meeting. Spies made a lengthy speech on
this occasion. His speech was in regard to acts of cruelty committed
by the police in Chicago; he spoke of the number of arrests made, and
the number of convictions in proportion. He also referred to the case
of the girl who preferred a charge of assault against police-sergeant
Patton, of the West Chicago avenue station."
"Who else spoke there?"--"Fielden. Spies had said before that he had
advised the girl to get a pistol and go and shoot the policeman.
Fielden stood up and said; 'That is what she ought to do.'"
"What was the next meeting?"--"April 8, 1885, at Greif's hall. Parsons
made a lengthy speech. He referred frequently in his address to the
strike at the McCormick harvester works. He said: 'There is but one of
two things for the men to do. They must either go to work for the wages
offered them or else starve.' In concluding his remarks he referred
to the strike at La Salle, Illinois. He said: 'To-morrow morning or
the next day the authorities here in the city will probably send a
trainload of policemen or militia to La Salle to shoot down the working
people there. Now, there is a way to prevent this. All you have to do
is to get some soap and place it on the rails and the train will be
unable to move.' Parsons spoke at great length of the crimes, as he
termed them, of the capitalists, and he said to those present that it
was an absolute necessity for them to unite against them, as that was
the only way they could fight the capitalists."
"Who else spoke there?"--"Fielden. He said it was a blessing something
had been discovered wherewith the working men could fight the police
and militia with their Gatling guns."
"What was the next meeting you had?"--"April 19. That meeting was held
at No. 106 Randolph street, because the hall at No. 54 Lake street was
engaged. At this meeting Parsons offered a resolution of sympathy for
Louis Riel and the half-breeds in the Northwest who were in rebellion
against the Canadian government. Neither Parsons nor Fielden spoke at
the meeting."
"What was the next meeting?"--"April 22, at Greif's hall. Referring to
the opening of the new Board of Trade building, Parsons said: 'What a
splendid opportunity there will be next Tuesday night for some bold
fellow to make the capitalists tremble by blowing up the building
and all the thieves and robbers that are there.' At the conclusion
of his speech he said that the working men of Chicago should form in
processions on Market square Tuesday evening next, and he invited all
those present to get as many of their friends as they could to join in
the procession."
"Did any other of the defendants speak there?"--"Fielden said: 'I also
wish to invite as many of you as can come and as many as you can get.
Go around to the lodging-houses and get all you can to join in the
procession--the more the merrier.'"
"When was the next meeting?"--"April 26, at Greif's hall."
"Did any of the defendants speak there?"--"There were present Parsons,
Fielden, Spies. Parsons said: 'I wish you all to consider the misery
of the working classes, and the cause of all the misery is these
institutions termed government. I lived on snowballs all last winter,
but, by G--d! I won't do it this winter.'"
"What was the next meeting at which any of the defendants
attended?"--"April 30, at Market square; Parsons and Fielden. Parsons
said: 'We have assembled here to determine in which way best to
celebrate the dedication of the new Board of Trade building, and to
give the working men of Chicago a chance to state their views in the
matter'. Fielden then said: 'I want all the working men of Chicago,
the country, and the world in general to arm themselves and sweep the
capitalists off the face of the earth.' Parsons then said: 'Every
working man in Chicago must save a little of his wages every week until
he has enough to buy a Colt's revolver and a Winchester rifle, for the
only way that the working people will get their rights is by the point
of the bayonet. We want you to form in procession now, and we will
march to the Board of Trade. We will halt there, and while the band is
playing we will sing the Marseillaise.'"
"Did you march in the procession, too?"--"I did."
"Where were you in that line of march?"--"I was in the center of the
procession."
"Did any of the defendants march with you?"--"Not with me, but in the
procession Fielden, Spies, Parsons and Neebe marched."
"What was the next meeting?"--"There was something occurred the night
of May 30. I was standing at the corner of Washington street and
Fifth avenue close behind Spies. That was Decoration day, and as the
procession passed by, Spies said: 'A half-dozen dynamite bombs would
scatter them all.' A little later a gentleman who was standing near
remarked upon the fine appearance of the Illinois National Guard, who
were then passing. Spies said: 'They are only boys, and would be no use
in case of a riot. Fifty determined men would soon disarm them all.'"
"When was the next meeting?"--"The next meeting was on the Lake front,
May 31, and Fielden and Parsons was there. Fielden said: 'It is only
by strength and force that you can overthrow the government.' Parsons
also spoke, but I don't recollect what he said."
"Go on to the next meeting."--"The next meeting was June 7, at Ogden's
grove. There were present Fielden, Parsons and Spies. Fielden said:
'Every working man in Chicago ought to belong to organizations. It is
of no use to go to our masters to give us more wages or better times.
I mean for you to use force. It is of no use for the working people to
hope to gain anything by means of an ordinary weapon. Every one of you
must learn the use of dynamite, for that is the power with which we
hope to gain our rights.' Schwab also spoke at that meeting in German,
which I do not understand."
"When was the next meeting?"--"The next meeting was August 19, at
Greif's hall. Parsons and Fielden spoke. Parsons referred to the late
strike of the street car employes, and said that if but one shot had
been fired, and Bonfield had happened to be shot, the whole city would
have been deluged in blood, and social revolution would have been
inaugurated. The next meeting was August 24, at Greif's hall."
"Do you know of a fellow named Bodendecke speaking at those
meetings?"--"Occasionally, but not frequently; I don't know where he
is now. There were some twenty or twenty-three men present at that
meeting, and twenty women."
"Name who were present."--"Besides the two defendants, Parsons, and
Fielden, there was Baltus, Bodendecke, Boyd, Lawson, Parker, Franklin
and Schneider."
"State what occurred there."--"After being there a short time a man
armed with a long cavalry sword and dressed in a blue blouse and
wearing a slouch hat came into the room. He ordered all those present
to fall in. He then called off certain names, and all those present
answered to their names. He inquired whether there were any new members
who wished to join the military company, and some one replied that
there was. He then said: 'Whoever wants to join step to the front.'
Myself and two others stepped to the front. We were asked separately to
give our names. I gave my name, which was put down in a book, and I was
then told that my number was 16. Previous to my name being put down in
the book, a man to whom I was speaking asked whether there was any one
present who knew me, or whether any one could vouch for my being a true
man. The defendant, Parsons and Bodendecke spoke up and said they would
vouch for me. The other two were asked their names in turn, and as they
were properly vouched for, their names were entered in a similar manner
in a book, and they were given numbers. The man who came into the room
armed then inquired of two other men in the room whether they were
members of the American group. Both said they were and he asked to see
their cards. As they were unable to show cards they were expelled, as
were two others. The doors were closed and the remainder were asked to
fall in line, and we were drilled about three-quarters of an hour--put
through a regular manual of drill, marching, countermarching, wheeling,
forming fours, etc."
"Who drilled you?"--"The man that came in with the sword; I didn't
ascertain his name. At the expiration of that time the drill-instructor
stated that he would now introduce some of the members of the first
company of the German organization. He went outside and in a few
minutes returned accompanied by ten other men, dressed as he himself
was, each one armed with a Springfield rifle. When they all got into
the room he placed them in line facing us and introduced them as
members of the first company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. He said
that he was going to drill them a little while to let us see how far
they had got with their drill. He drilled them about ten minutes in a
regular musket drill. At the end of that time a man in the employ of
the proprietor of the saloon at No. 54 West Lake street came into the
room with two tin boxes, which he placed on the table at the south end
of the room. The drill-instructor then asked all those present to step
up and examine the two tin boxes, as they were the latest improved
dynamite bomb. I stepped to the front with the others, and examined the
two tins."
"Describe them as near as you can."--"They were about the size and
had the appearance of ordinary preserved fruit cans. The top part
unscrewed, and on the inside the cans were filled with a light-brown
mixture. There was also a small glass tube inserted in the center of
the can. The tube was in connection with a screw, and it was explained
that when the can was thrown against any hard substance it would
explode."
"Was that mixture a liquid?"--"Inside of the glass tube was a liquid."
"Was there anything around that glass tube?"--"Yes, sir; it was a
brownish mixture."
"Was that a liquid?"--"No, sir; it looked more like fine sawdust."
"Did you feel of it?"--"I did not. The drill-instructor told us we
should be very careful about selecting new members of company, because
if we were not, there was no telling whom we might get into our midst.
The next proceeding of the evening was to select officers. A man
named Walters was chosen Captain, and Parsons was chosen Lieutenant.
Some discussion arose as to what the company should be called. It was
decided eventually that we should be called the International Rifles.
The drill-instructor then suggested that we ought to choose some other
hall, as we were not quite safe there. He added: 'We have a fine place
at No. 636 Milwaukee avenue. We have a shooting range in the basement,
where we practice shooting regularly.' Parsons inquired whether it
was not possible for us to rent the same place. The drill-instructor
informed him he did not know. The question of renting another hall was
postponed, and our next meeting was fixed for the next Monday."
Mr. Salomon--"A meeting of what?"
Witness--"A meeting of the armed section of the American group."
Mr. Grinnell--"Who drilled that company that night?"--Witness--"That
German, and Parsons and Fielden."
"When was the next meeting?"--"The following Monday, the 31st of
August, at the same place. Parsons and Fielden were present, and
others. That was a meeting of the armed section, and it was held at
Greif's hall. Capt. Walters drilled us about an hour and a half.
Afterward a consultation was held by the members of the company as to
the best way of procuring arms. Some one suggested that each member
should pay so much a week until a sufficient amount had been raised
wherewith to purchase a rifle for each member of the company. Parsons
said: 'Look here, boys, why can't we make a raid some night on the
militia armory? There are only two or three men on guard there, and it
is easily done.' This suggestion seemed to be favored by the members,
and it was finally decided to put the matter off until the nights got a
little longer."
Capt. Black--"Which matter was put off?"
Witness--"The raid on the armory."
Mr. Grinnell--"When was the next meeting?"--Witness--"September 3,
1885, at No. 54 West Lake street. Fielden made a speech there and said:
'It is useless for you to suppose that you can ever obtain anything in
any other way than by force. You must arm yourselves and prepare for
the coming revolution.' That was one of the ordinary meetings of the
association. The next meeting was October 11, at Twelfth street Turner
hall. Spies and Fielden were present. Fielden said: 'The Eight-Hour law
will be of no benefit to the working men. You must organize and use
force. You must crush out the present Government by force. It is the
only way in which you can better your present condition.' I left with
Fielden before the meeting terminated."
"When was the next meeting you attended?"--"The next meeting was
December 20, at Twelfth street Turner hall. Fielden was present. He
said: 'All the crowned heads of Europe are trembling at the very name
of Socialism, and I hope soon to see a few Liskes in the United States
to put away a few of the tools of the capitalists. The execution of
Riel in the Northwest was downright murder.'"--"Was that an open
meeting?"--"It was as far as I know. I saw no one refused admission."
"How about those other meetings you have mentioned, aside from the
armed sections?"--"Aside from the meetings of the armed section
I should say that they were public. I never saw any one refused
admission."--"Was there any precaution taken?"--"A precaution was taken
in this way: A member of the group was generally stationed at the door,
and as each member entered the hall he was closely scrutinized. The
next meeting was December 30."
"What place?"--"At No. 106 Randolph."
"Who spoke there?"--"Fielden. At this meeting a stranger asked a
question, and Fielden replied to the question."
"Do you know what the question was?"--"The question was: 'Would the
destruction of private property assist universal co-operation?' Fielden
replied: 'Neither I or any body else can tell what is going to be in a
hundred years from now, but this everybody knows: If private property
is done away with, it would insure a better state of things generally.
And we are trying all we can to teach the people the best way in which
to bring about this change.'"
"Who was present at that meeting?"--"Fielden, only. The next meeting
was January of this year, at Twelfth street Turner hall. Fielden and
Schwab were present. Fielden, referring to the troubles in Ireland,
said: 'If every Irishman would become a Socialist, he would have
a better opportunity to secure home-rule for Ireland. I want all
Irishmen to destroy all the private property they can lay their hands
on.' He also referred to other matters. What he said had reference to
Pinkerton's detective agency."
"What was it he said?"--"He said Pinkerton's detectives were a lot of
cold-blooded murderers, and the worst enemies the working men had, and
they were all in the pay of the capitalists."
"Is that all that was said there? Was that one of these ordinary
opening meetings?"--"It was."
"What else happened?"--"Schwab also addressed this meeting in German.
During his speech he was frequently applauded. The next meeting I
attended was January 14, at No. 106 Randolph Street."
"January of this year?"--"Yes, sir."
"What was said at this meeting?"--"Before the meeting commenced the
defendants, Fielden and Spies, had a conversation which I overheard."
"Where was that?"--"That was held in the hall near the door."
"State what you heard."--"Spies said to Fielden: 'Don't say very much
about that article on Anarchists in an afternoon paper. You simply need
to state that a reporter of the paper had an interview with me a few
days ago, but that most of the statements of the paper are lies.'"
"How was that conversation carried on?"--"It was carried on quietly and
was not meant for anybody else to hear."
Capt. Black objected to the last part of the answer, and succeeded in
having it stricken out.
"What was the tone of voice?"--"In whispers."
"When did they leave?"--"Spies further said: 'You must be careful in
your remarks. You don't know who might be amongst us to-night.' Spies
then went away and the meeting was called to order."
"By whom?"--"Fielden."
"What did he say?"--"He made a long talk, commenting on the articles
that appeared. He said almost all of the statements were lies. He
said in regard to dynamite bombs: 'It is quite true we have lots of
explosives and dynamite in our possession, and we will not hesitate
to use them when the proper time comes. We care nothing at all either
for the military or the police. All of these are in the pay of the
capitalists.' He further said that 'even in the regular army most of
the soldiers are in sympathy with us, and most of them have been driven
to enlist. I have had a letter from a friend out West. He told me that
he had seen a soldier on the frontier reading a copy of the _Alarm_.'
Others then made speeches. Afterward Fielden again spoke at the same
meeting in regard to the question asked him, what was the Socialist
idea of the eight-hour movement. Fielden said: 'We don't object to
but we don't believe in it. Whether a man works eight hours a day or
ten hours a day he is still a slave. We propose to abolish slavery
altogether.' That is all of that meeting. Fielden said, the 24th of
January, at a meeting held at No. 106 Randolph street--"
"What is the name of that, Jung's hall?"--"Yes, I believe it is Jung's
hall. Fielden said good results were sure to follow the abolishment of
private property."
"When did you quit this branch of your business?"--"The latter part of
January last."
"Did you know then of Pinkerton's agency having any other men employed
in the same line that you were employed in?"--"I knew there had been
another man, but whether he was employed then I do not know."
"Have you lately, within the last few days, ascertained, and do
you know the fact, that you have seen any Pinkerton men in these
meetings?"--"That is so."
"But you did not know it at that time?"--"I did not know it at that
time."
"How often did you drill with the armed section?"--"Only twice."
"How often did they drill?"--"Once a week."
"Have you got any information from any other members of the
organization? If they drilled after that?"
Objected to and withdrawn.
"Did you ascertain from any of the defendants if they drilled after
that?"--"I did not."
"Have you had any other talk with Parsons outside of these
utterances?"--"I have."
"Have you had any talk with Spies, Fielden, Parsons, and other
defendants as to the purposes of their organization?"--"I have talked
frequently with Parsons and Fielden at various times and at various
places. I cannot recollect as to what was said at each place and when
it was said."
"Can you give me the substance or purport of what was said at any time?"
Captain Black objected, unless time and place were given.
"What was the object of the armed section as was expressed by the
members?"--"At the first meeting of the armed section the discussion
arose as to what the company should be called. Some one suggested
that the company should be amalgamated with the German organization,
and the company was to be called the Fourth Company of the Lehr und
Wehr Verein. This idea was opposed, and finally it was decided that
it should be called the International Rifles. It was further said and
understood by all the members that in case of a conflict with the
authorities the International Rifles were to act in concert with the
Lehr und Wehr Verein, and obey the orders of the officers of that
organization."
"What was said at any time as to when this revolution was to take
place--when was to be the culmination of the conflict?"--"The 1st of
May was frequently mentioned as a good opportunity."
"What 1st of May?"--"This present. As far as I remember it was at a
meeting at Twelfth street Turner hall on one occasion in December, and
it was the defendant Fielden that said the 1st of May would be the time
to strike the blow. There would be so many strikes and there would be
50,000 men out of work--that is to say if the eight-hour movement was a
failure."
"Have you ever met any of them at the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ office?"--"I
have."
"What conversation did you have?"--"I had a conversation with Parsons
some time in March. The conversation took place in the _Alarm_ office
in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ building. This office is situated in the back
of the building."
"Well, state what you remember of the conversation."--"I asked
Parsons if he did not think it advisable to get some papers printed
in the Scandinavian language, as I thought I could make use of them.
I intended to distribute them among the Scandinavian people along
Milwaukee avenue and that neighborhood. Parsons replied: 'Yes, it is a
good idea, and the best thing you can do is to bring the matter up in
our next meeting. Bring it up before the meeting, and I will see that
it is attended to. It is no use, we must have the Scandinavians with
us.'"
"Did you have any talk with any of these defendants about the purposes
and objects of the social revolution, so-called?"--"I have had numerous
conversations with Fielden and Parsons but I cannot remember distinctly
what was said."
"What was Parsons' relation to the _Alarm_?"--"He was the editor."
"Did you ever see a book by Most called 'The Modern Science of
Revolutionary Warfare?' Look at that book and state whether you have
seen it before."--"I have."
"Where?"--"I have seen it at meetings at Twelfth street Turner hall; at
No. 54 West Lake street, and also at No. 106 Randolph."
"Who had charge of the distribution of it?"--"The Chairman."
"Of the respective meetings?"--"Yes, sir."
"Were they sold or given away?"--"They were sold."
"Do you know whether or not any steps were taken to distribute the
_Alarm_?"
"There were a number of those present at that particular meeting who
bought a number of copies of the _Alarm_, and said that they would try
their best to sell them and obtain new subscribers."
"Do you know a man named Schneider and one Thomas Brown?"--"Yes, sir."
"Did they belong to the American group?"--"Both of them."
"Did they belong to the armed section?"--"Both of them."
"Where usually did the American group meet before the time you ceased
your connection with it?"
"During the last few meetings it met at No. 106 Randolph street."
"Prior to that where did it meet?"--"It had met at No. 54 West Lake
street, also at No. 45 North Clark street, and on the Lake front."
"Did you ever meet with the American group at No. 107 Fifth
avenue?"--"No, sir."
"No. 636 Milwaukee avenue was the place mentioned as the proper place
for drilling. Were you ever there?"--"I was there."
"Did they meet more than once there?"--"I don't know."
"Do you know what the hall is called?"--"I do."
"What is it?"--"Thalia hall."
"When you joined this organization did it cost you anything?"--"Ten
cents."
"How often did you pay the contributions?"--"Once a month."
"How much?"--"Ten cents."
"When you joined the armed section did that require any special
contribution?"--"No, sir."
"What was Fielden's office in the group of the armed section?"
"He was Treasurer and Secretary of the organization--of the group."
"Did he hold any office, or was he simply a private in the armed
section?"
"He held no office while I attended there."
CROSS-EXAMINED.
Cross-examined by Mr. Foster:--"Where were you before you came here?"
"I was a police officer in England eight years."
"In uniform?"--"Part of the time."
"How long did you do detective service there?"--"Three years."
"At what place?"--"In Lancashire."
"How long have you been with Pinkerton?"--"Three years."
"What did you do before you became a detective here? Were you ever in
any legitimate business?"
Mr. Grinnell--"In any _other_ legitimate business?"
Witness--"I was storekeeper at the Windsor hotel."
"Was that meeting at Baum's hall a public one?"--"It was."
"March 1 you became a member?"--"Yes, sir."
"Were your antecedents inquired into?"--"No, sir."
"You just paid your ten cents and were received?"--"Yes, sir."
"Is not that your experience, that anybody who could pay 10 cents could
be received?"--"Yes, sir."
"Did you ever see anybody excluded?"--"No, sir, except reporters. I
have seen reporters excluded sometimes."
"Were not reporters generally freely admitted?"--"Not very often."
"They had seats for them and a table?"--"I don't know. I never saw more
than one at a time there."
"Did you ever see anybody excluded by the doorkeeper?"
"No, sir."
"Did you ever have any ushers--anybody who got seats for strangers."
"No, sir; but I saw some of the old members get up and give their seats
when strangers came in."
"You stated that Mr. Spies introduced resolutions in sympathy with a
girl?"
"Somebody else introduced them but Spies opposed it. He said there was
no use making resolutions."
"That is, the girl had had her day in court and it was no use passing
resolutions?"
"He said it would be a good opportunity for some one to take a pistol
and go and shoot Wight."
"You are sure Spies said that?"--"Yes, sir."
"You wrote out your report immediately with all the facts fresh in your
mind."--"Yes, I wrote it that night."
"Didn't you write in your report [reading from it] that Keegan said
that after Spies got through with his remarks?"--"Yes, but Mr. Spies
said it also."
"You are sure of that?"--"Yes, sir."
"Will you show me the place in your report where this is said?"--"I
don't find it."
"Then your memory is better now than it was immediately after the
meeting?"
"It is considerably better now that I have refreshed it."
"A detective's memory gets better as the time goes on, does it?"
Mr. Grinnell objected to this kind of cross-examination.
Referring to the charges against Sergt. Patton, Mr. Foster asked: "Were
the circumstances stated that the girl had been grossly abused, but his
brother officers stood round and swore him out?"
"It may have been."
"And was it not stated as a general expression that such a man ought to
be shot?"
"It may have been."
In regard to the strike at La Salle, Mr. Foster made it appear as
if Parsons had simply stated in general terms that if soap was put
on the rails the train would not be able to move, but that he did
not advise anybody to go and put the soap on. Fielden's remark that
something had been discovered by which the working men could resist
the police and militia, and Parson's remark that he would not live on
snowballs another winter, were represented by Mr. Foster in an
equally innocent and harmless light. The cross-examination for the day
concluded with the following questions and answers:
[Illustration: OSCAR NEEBE.]
"You heard Fielden say: 'While we march toward the Board of Trade we
will sing the Marseillaise hymn?'"--"Yes, sir."
"That you understood to be the French national hymn?"--"Yes, sir."
W. H. Freeman, a reporter, testified as follows:
"I was at the corner of Randolph and Desplaines streets. Saw Parsons
speaking, and listened to what he had to say. Some one said Mayor
Harrison was there and I tried to find him. There was a big crowd.
Parsons said that Jay Gould was a robber, and asked what was to be
done. Somebody shouted, 'Throw him in the lake.' Parsons said: 'No,
that won't do. We must overthrow the system by which he was enabled
to secure so much money.' He shouted frequently: 'To arms! to arms!'
and the crowd applauded. There were six or eight persons on the wagon.
Fielden, the next speaker, discussed legislation, saying that Martin
Foran had admitted that it was impossible for the working men to get
their rights through legislation, and that the people were fools to
send such a man to Congress when he owned that the legislation could
not better them. He justified the forthcoming revolution, saying it was
just as proper as the colonial revolution. The police came up quietly
and my first knowledge of it was the command to disperse. Then the
bomb exploded. It made a terrible noise, and a moment after the firing
commenced. Parsons, Spies and Fielden were on the wagon, and I think
I saw Schwab there. I crouched down behind the wagon until after the
firing was over; then I went to the Desplaines street station. On
getting out on the street I saw two officers lying wounded. I spoke to
them but they didn't answer, so I told the sergeant of a patrol-wagon
about it."
Officer McKeogh testified:
"I was at the Haymarket on the night of May 4. Parsons followed Spies,
saying: 'I am a Socialist from the top of my head to the soles of my
feet, and I'll express my sentiments if I die before morning.' Again he
said: 'I pay rent for the house I live in.' Some one asked: 'What does
the landlord do with the money?' Parsons replied: 'I am glad you asked
that question. The landlord pays taxes, they go to pay the sheriff, the
militia, and the Pinkertonites.' The crowd cheered, then Parsons cried:
'To arms! to arms!' and Fielden took the stand. He said: 'The law does
not protect you, working men. Did the law protect you when the police
shot down your brothers at McCormick's? Did the law protect you when
McCormick closed the doors of his factory and left you and your wives
and children to starve? I say throttle the law; strangle it, kill it!'"
H. E. O. Heineman, formerly a reporter on the _Arbeiter Zeitung_, was
asked:
"Mr. Heineman, you were formerly an Internationalist?"--"Yes, sir."
"When did you cease your connection with them?"--"About two years ago."
"Whom of the defendants do you know that were in that association or
society before you left it?"--"Of my own knowledge I know none but one,
that is Neebe. He used to belong to the same group that I did."
"Did you ever meet with any of the others at any of the
meetings?"--"Yes; Spies, Schwab, and I think, Parsons."
"That was about the time Herr Most came here and delivered some
speeches?"--"Yes, sir."
"And it was on account of those speeches you severed your connection
with the Anarchists?"--"Yes."
"Whom did you see on the speaker's wagon at the Haymarket?"--"I saw the
speakers, Spies, Schwab and Fielden, and Rudolph Schnaubelt, whom I had
formerly known from my connection with the Internationalists."
"You say Schnaubelt was on the wagon. How long after the cloud came up
and the crowd thinned out did you see him?"--"I cannot say."
"Well, how long before the police came did you miss Schnaubelt?"--"I
cannot say; perhaps ten minutes."
"You say Mr. Neebe was a member of the Internationalist organization.
Now, you didn't have any passwords, did you? It wasn't an organization
where you drilled, was it?"--"It was an avowed Socialistic order."
Another sensational witness was Harry L. Gilmer, a workman, who
testified that he saw Spies and Rudolph Schnaubelt standing inside
the mouth of the alley at the Haymarket; that Spies lit a match for
Schnaubelt, who in turn lit the fuse of the bomb and threw it among
the police. An effort was made to shake the testimony of this witness,
which was not successful, and witnesses were then brought forward to
impeach his veracity, but the state produced many prominent men who
knew him, and who stated that they would believe him under oath.
Captain Frank Schaack, in charge of the East Chicago avenue police
station, who unearthed the Anarchists' conspiracy after the Haymarket,
was called to the stand on Thursday, July 29. Lingg's trunk was placed
before him. He was asked:
"Do you know any of the defendants in this case?"
"I have seen Spies, Schwab and Parsons, and Engel and Lingg were
arrested and confined in my station."
"When did you first converse with Lingg about this case?"
"About 3 o'clock on the afternoon of May 14. First I asked him his
name. He told me. I asked him if he was at the meeting at 54 Lake
street on Tuesday night. He said: 'Yes.' Then he said he made dynamite.
I asked him what for. He said: 'To use then.' He looked excited. I
asked why he disliked the police. He said he had a reason; the police
clubbed the men at McCormick's. He said he was down on the police
because they took the part of the capitalists. I said: 'Why don't you
use guns instead of dynamite?' He said guns wouldn't do; that the
militia would outnumber the Socialists. I asked him how he learned to
make dynamite. He said out of books, and that he made bombs out of
gas-pipe and out of lead and metal mixed. He said he got the lead on
the streets and the gas-pipe along the river or anywhere he could."
"What other conversation did you have?"
"Lingg said he made those bombs and meant to use them. Then Mrs.
Seliger accused him of making bombs a few weeks after he came to her
house. I knew then that he had made a good many. John Thielen was
arrested at the same time, and from him we got two bombs. I said to
Lingg: 'This man says you gave him the bombs. What have you to say?'
He looked at Thielen and shook his head, and Thielen said: 'Oh, it's
no use, everything is known; you might just as well talk.' But Lingg
refused to say anything."
"Anything else?"
"Well, this trunk here was brought to my office. Under the lining
I found a lot of dynamite and some fuse and asked him if that was
the kind of dynamite he used. He said it was; that he got it at a
store on Lake street. There were three kinds of dynamite. He said he
experimented once with a long bomb; that he put it in a tree, touched
it off, and that it riddled the tree to atoms. I asked him if he knew
Spies. He said 'Yes, for some time;' that he was often at the _Arbeiter
Zeitung_ office. I asked him how long he had been a Socialist. He said
he'd been a Socialist as long as he could think."
"Did you have any conversation with Engel?"
"Yes, on the 18th, in the evening, I asked him where he was May 3. He
said he worked for a man named Koch. I asked him if he made a speech
at the meeting at 54 Lake street. He said no, but that he was at the
meeting. The second time I talked with him his wife came. She brought
him a bunch of flowers. He got excited, and cried: 'What good are those
flowers to me? Here I am locked up in a dark cell.' Then his wife
said: 'Papa, see what trouble you've got yourself into; why haven't
you stopped this nonsense?' He said: 'Mamma, I can't. I am cursed with
eloquence. What is in a man must come out. Louise Michel suffered for
the cause. She is a woman; why should I not suffer? I am a man, and I
will stand it like a man.'"
"How many bombs in all did you find?"--Objected to.
"Tell the jury what experiments you made with those bombs."
"One bomb found in Lingg's room, which Schuettler said was loaded with
a funnel, I put in a box two feet square and buried in the ground three
feet deep at Lake View. Officers Stift, Rehm and Loewenstein were
there. We touched the bomb off. It blew the box to pieces, fragments
carried off the branches of trees, and the ground was torn up for a
great distance. This black dynamite, also found in Lingg's room, was
put in a beer keg. Part of this dynamite Lingg gave to Thielen, and
this is a fragment of a round bomb I experimented with. On top of this
bomb I had a round piece of iron thirty-four inches wide, some heavy
planks, a piece of steel forty-two inches wide and weighing 180 pounds;
then an iron boiler twenty-two inches wide and fourteen inches high;
then on top of that a stone weighing 132 pounds. The stone was burst to
pieces, nine holes were shot through the iron boiler, the steel cover
was cracked, and the planks were split into kindling wood. Portions of
the other bombs I cut off, and gave them to Profs. Haines and Paton."
There were bushels of bombs before the jury. Coils of fuse was
unwound. Dynamite in paper packages and in tin boxes was displayed.
The courtroom looked like the interior of an arsenal so far as the
tremendous character of the explosives were concerned. Pieces of metal,
gas-pipe, tin cans, and iron boxes rattled together. Capt. Schaack,
pointing to the bombs, said he got two from Hoffman, one from fireman
Miller, and one from Officer Loewenstein. He was not allowed to tell
how many bombs in all he received until the officers first told where
the bombs were found.
"Now about those conversations. Did Lingg say anything about the use of
those bombs?"
"He said he intended to use them against the Gatling-guns of the
militia; that a revolution was impending. I asked him about that
satchel he brought to Neff's place. He said he saw one there. Then I
asked him where he got the moulds to mould the round bombs. He said he
made them out of clay; that they could be used about two times, then
they were no good. He said he saw the 'Revenge' circular on the West
side."
"Who did he say was at his place May 4?"--"He said about six in all,
but he only knew the two Lehmans."
Capt. Schaack was asked by Mr. Ingham whether he experimented with fuse.
"I did. I also experimented with dynamite cartridges. I had one
inserted into a stone weighing perhaps thirty pounds. The explosion
broke this stone into atoms."
Cross-examined by Mr. Foster.--"What Lingg said to you, Captain, was
substantially this: That there was to be a conflict between the police
and the Gatling-guns on one side and the laboring men on the other, and
that he was making these bombs to use when that time came?"
"That's about it, only he said the time had actually come."
"Those experiments you made were made for your own satisfaction?"
"They were made to enable me to testify to the character of the stuff
that was found."
"As a matter of fact you woke up Engel in his cell after midnight to
interrogate him, didn't you?"
"Well, I don't remember. If I did, I did, and I suppose I did. I had a
right to do it."
"Do you know of two detectives at your station who went to Lingg's cell
late at night and exhibited a rope saying they were going to hang him?"
"I do not, and I do not believe anything of the kind was done."
Officer Hoffman, of the Larrabee street station, testified that he
found nine round bombs and four long ones under a sidewalk near Clyde
street and Clybourn avenue.
"Who was with you at the time?"--"Gustav Lehman."
Under John Thielen's house the witness found two long bombs, two boxes
of cartridges, two cigar boxes full of dynamite, one rifle, and one
revolver.
"What else?"--"Lehman pointed out to me a can holding about a gallon,
and this was filled with dynamite."
"Look at this box of caps. Where did you find them?"--"They were with
the dynamite. They were all under the sidewalk on Clybourn avenue, back
of Ogden's grove."
Assistant State's Attorney Frank Walker opened the proceedings Friday,
July 30, by reading extracts from Parsons' _Alarm_, dated May 2d of
this year. It was a speech delivered by Parsons April 29, the night
the new Board of Trade was dedicated, and that occasion afforded the
speaker his subject. The speech was full of rabid utterances, of which
the following are samples:
"To-night the property owners are dedicating a temple for the plunder
of the people. We assemble as Anarchists and Communists to protest
against the system of society founded on spoilation of the people."
In conclusion Parsons advised his hearers to save their money and buy
revolvers and rifles, and recommended the use of dynamite.
Under date of December 26, 1885, the _Alarm_ contained a long
description of what qualities should center in a revolutionist. "The
revolutionist," it was said, "must dedicate his life exclusively to
his idea, living in this world only for the purpose of more surely
destroying it. He hates every law and science, and knows of but one
science--that of destruction. He despises public sentiment and social
morality. All his sentiments of friendship, love and sympathy must be
suppressed. Equally must he hate everything that stands in the way to
the attainment of his ends. He must have but one thought--merciless
revolution; he must be bound by no ties, and must not hesitate to
destroy all institutions and systems."
On February 6, 1886, the _Alarm_ paid its respects to Captain Bonfield,
and the attention of the revolutionists was called to the clubbing done
by the police at the time of the car-men's strike, by saying: "American
sovereigns, if you don't like this, get guns or dynamite."
The names of those appointed to act as a bureau of information for the
Anarchists were printed in the _Alarm_ under date January 9, 1886.
Joseph Bock, B. Rau, August Spies, A. R. Parsons and Anton Hirschberger
were the names given. On March 20, 1886, the _Alarm_ said: "All
argument is no good unless based on force."
On another occasion, speaking of the eight-hour movement, it was
said: "All roads lead to Rome; so must all labor movements lead to
Socialism." Later the _Alarm_ said: "One pound of dynamite is better
than a bushel of ballots. Working men, to arms! Death to luxurious
idleness!" All articles from which these extracts were taken had
Parsons' name appended as the writer. April 24, the date of the
last issue of the _Alarm_, the Knights of Labor were assailed "for
attempting to prevent the people from exterminating the predatory
beasts--the capitalists." Mr. Ingham reads from Herr Most's book
a description of an infernal machine to burn down buildings. This
apparatus is described as of wonderful efficiency and dirt cheap. It
is read to secure the admission as evidence of the four tin boxes
spoken of by Detective Jansen, who saw them exhibited at 54 West Lake
street.
The Court is not sure the contents in both cases are the same, and
Officer Coughlin, of the Chicago avenue station, is put on the stand
to prove the character of the compound. He experimented with one
can by means of a fulminating cap. He tried to explode the can but
failed, then he attached a fuse and an explosion followed. A quantity
of burning liquid, much resembling vitriol, was distributed in all
directions, a stream was thrown five or six feet high, and for a space
of ten feet in all directions the grass was set on fire, and it burned
for fully five minutes.
Charles B. Prouty is called. He was formerly manager of a gun store on
State street.
"Have you ever seen any of the defendants before?"--"I have seen Engel
and Parsons."
"When did you converse with Engel last, before May 4?"--"Some time
last fall. Mr. Engel and his wife called at the store and inquired
for some big revolvers. They found one that suited them, to present
to some society. They said they wanted 100 or 200 for this society. A
week later they said this revolver would do and they wanted some 200
revolvers. I told them I thought I could get them, but when they came
back the second time I found I couldn't. They were much disappointed
and said they would go some place else."
"What was the price?"--"I think $5.50. They were either 44 or 45
calibre revolvers."
"What did you say about the price?"--"I told them that was very cheap
and said they could make a handsome profit on them. They said they
didn't want to make any profit; that the weapons were for a society."
Captain Black, on the cross-examination, brings it out that the witness
sold the gun to Engel, thinking he wanted to go into some speculation.
W. J. Reynolds, also in the gun business at 73 State street, has seen
Parsons, and he thinks Engel.
"When did you see Parsons relative to your business, and tell what it
was?"
"I think it was in February or March. He came into the store and wanted
to purchase about forty remodeled Remington guns. Parsons spoke to
me several times about this purchase, but it was never made. Parsons
seemed undecided."
"State whether your concern ever sold any rifle or revolver cartridges,
which were to be delivered, and were delivered, at 636 Milwaukee
avenue--Thalia hall?"
This question is overruled by the court unless the cartridges were
delivered by the witness in person. Capt. Black takes the witness in
hand and he said he never knew Parsons by name until yesterday, then
that person was pointed out to him in court.
"That's all," says Capt. Black.--"Mr. Reynolds," says Mr. Grinnell,
"was Parsons pointed out to you, or did you not point out the man you
had seen before?"
"I pointed out the man I had seen before."
A manuscript in Spies' handwriting is offered in evidence. It is a
manuscript of an editorial which was printed in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_
of May 4 and captioned: "Blood and Powder as a Cure for Dissatisfied
Working Men." In another part of the paper was the following: "This
evening there is a great meeting at the Haymarket. No working men ought
to stay away."
Manuscript in Schwab's handwriting is submitted. This matter appeared
in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ May 4, and one passage is as follows: "The
heroes of the club dispensed with their cudgels yesterday." This has
reference to the riot at McCormick's.
Another extract; "Reports of the capitalist papers have all been
dictated by the police." Still another: "The armory on the Lake front
is guarded by military tramps." And another: "Milwaukee, usually
so quiet, yesterday became the scene of quite a number of labor
riots." Under date of May 3, Spies' paper said: "A hot conflict. The
termination of the radical elements bring the extortioners in numerous
instances to terms." January 5, 1885, Spies wrote concerning a report
of a meeting at 54 West Lake street: "Comrade Spies, in the course
of his speech said: 'And if we commence to murder we obey the law of
necessity for self-preservation.'" January 19, 1885, the _Arbeiter
Zeitung_ contained a two column report of a meeting held at Mueller's
hall. Dynamite, blood and bombs were the nice points dealt with, and
the comments thereon was what the state wanted read. But first a
translation should have been made, and to do this an adjournment is
taken until 2 o'clock.
As the trial progressed public interest in the development of the
Anarchist plot to overthrow law and order increased. The courtroom
would not hold half of the people that applied for admission, and
hundreds were turned away. Scattered throughout the courtroom were
numerous red flags and banners of the Lehr und Wehr Verein and the
various Anarchist groups. Detective James Bonfield was recalled to
identify the flags and banners found at the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ office.
They were as follows: "In the Absence of Law all Men are Free";
"Every Government is a Conspiracy against the People"; "Down with
all Laws"; "Fifteenth Section Boys Stick together"; "Proletarians of
all Countries, unite"; "International Working People's Association of
Chicago. Presented by the Socialistic Women's Society July 16, 1875".
Saturday, July 31, the state introduced more translations from the
_Arbeiter Zeitung_. The paper of January 6, under the caption of "A New
Military Law," contained the following editorials: "After the adoption
of the law and its working we have learned a lesson. The vote of 1881
has shown that we are stronger than ever. There exists to-day an
invisible network of Socialistic forces. We are stronger than ever."
On January 22, 1886, an editorial asked: "How can the eight-hour day be
brought about? Why, every clear-headed man can see that the result can
be obtained by no other means than armed force."
The next day it was said: "The rottenness of our social institutions
cannot be covered up with whitewash. Capital sucks its force out of the
labor of the working men. The misery has become unbearable. Let us not
treat with our enemies on May 1. Therefore, comrades, arm to the teeth.
We want to demand our rights on May 1."
Regarding the riot in London, a meeting was held at the Twelfth street
Turner hall, Neebe presiding; Fielden the orator, and his speech and
the proceedings were reported under date of February 15. Fielden said:
"The time is not so far distant when the down-trodden in Chicago will
rise like their brothers in London, and march up Michigan avenue, the
red flag at their head." Schwab spoke, calling on the people to rally
around the red flag of revolution. An editorial on February 17 said:
"Hundreds and thousands of reasons indicate that force will bring about
a successful termination in the struggle for liberty." April 10 it was
said: "What happened yesterday in East St. Louis may happen in Chicago.
It is high time to be prepared to complete the ammunition and be ready."
On April 22 Spies wrote: "Working men, arm yourselves. May 1 is close
at hand." Six days later he said: "What Anarchists predicted six months
ago has been realized now. The power of the manufacturers must be met
with armed working men. The logic of facts requires this. Arms are more
necessary now than ever. It is time to arm yourselves. Whoever has not
money sell your watch and buy firearms. Patience has been preached--the
working men have had too much of patience."
On April 29 Spies wrote: "The wage slave who is not utterly demoralized
should have a breech-loader in his house." And the next day he said:
"As we have been informed the police have received secret orders to
keep themselves in readiness for fear of a riot on Saturday next, to
the working men we again say: Arm yourselves! Keep your arms hidden so
that they will not be stolen by the minions of the law, as has happened
before." In the Letter-Box was the following: "A dynamite cartridge
explodes not through concussion. A percussion primer is necessary."
January 5, in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_, a report said: "The meeting
which the American group held at 54 West Lake street was one of the
best meetings ever held in Chicago. Comrade Spies said: 'When we
murder we put an end to general murder. We only follow the law of
self-preservation.'"
On January 18 all working men were called to attend a meeting
at Steinmetz hall. "To Arms," was the caption. "Those who desire
instruction in drilling will not have to pay." At Mueller's hall, a
few days later, Schwab made an address, saying: "We have made all
preparations for a revolution by force." Spies said: "I have been
accused by a paper that I tried to stir up a revolution. I concede
this. What is crime, anyhow? When the working men try to secure the
fruits of their labor it is called crime."
Guns, dynamite and prussic acid, Spies preached, should be given the
working men, and "for every clubbed head in the ranks of the working
men there should be exacted twelve dead policemen." In a long discourse
on the means of action, Spies said: "In the action itself one must
be personally at the place, to select personally that point of the
place of action which is the most important, and is coupled with the
greatest danger, upon which depends chiefly the success or failure of
the whole affair. Otherwise the thing would reach the long ears of the
police, which, as is known to every one, hear the grass grow and the
fleas cough; but if this theory is acted on, the danger of discovery
is extremely small." "The Love of Self-Sacrifice", as manifested by
those who were killed during the uprising of the Paris Commune, while
fighting under the red flag, was the subject of a long address on
March 22, and March 23 it was said the question of arming was the one
uppermost in labor circles. Working men, it was held, ought to be armed
long ago. Daggers and revolvers were easily purchased; hand-grenades
were plentiful, and so was dynamite. The approaching contest should not
be gone into with empty hands.
The State here rested its case.
CHAPTER IV.
UNDER A CLOUD. A STRUGGLE FOR LIFE. CONTESTING EVERY POINT BY
SHREWD COUNSEL. BRAVING IT OUT. THE DEFENSE.
Attorney Zeisler moved to have the jury sent from the room pending
a motion, and this the Court refused to do, saying it was a vicious
practice, and that the jury should hear all there was in a case.
Capt. Black--"The motion we desire to make is that your Honor now
instruct the jury, the State having rested, that they find a verdict of
not guilty as to Oscar Neebe; and we desire to argue that motion."
Counsel for the defense proceeded to argue the motion, and held that
Neebe was not amenable; not having been present at the Haymarket, and
having nothing to do with the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ until after the arrest
of Spies.
The Court--"If he had had prior knowledge of the participation in
the Haymarket meeting the question would be quite different, but if
there is a general advice to commit murder, and the time and occasion
not being foreseen, the adviser is guilty if the murder is committed.
Whether he did participate, concurred, assented, or encouraged the
publication of the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ is a question for this jury
upon the testimony that he was frequently there, and that so soon as
Schwab and Spies were away he took charge. Everything in which his name
has been mentioned must be taken together, and then what the proper
inference is, is for the jury to say."
Capt. Black--"Does your Honor overrule the motion?"--The Court--"I
overrule the motion."
[Illustration: COUNSEL FOR DEFENDANTS.]
Capt. Black--"We except, if your Honor pleases. We desire also to
make a like motion, without arguing it, in behalf of all the defendants
except Spies and Fischer."--Motion overruled.
Mr. Salomon then began the opening argument for the defense. There were
two leading points in his argument:
1. There cannot be accessories without a principal. The state must
prove that somebody was a principal in committing murder before it can
convict others as accessories.
2. The defendants did not throw the bomb: therefore they are not guilty.
"True, the defendants made bombs; true, they intended to use dynamite.
What if they did?" asks Mr. Salomon. "They were preparing for a
revolution by force of arms and by means of dynamite--but what has that
to do with the case? Did they kill Matthias J. Degan, for which act
they were specifically indicted? That is the question."
Mr. Salomon then argued that the State would have to prove that the
object of the Haymarket meeting was to "aggressively kill the police."
He pointed out that the defendants had consecrated their lives to the
benefit of their fellow men. They did not seek McCormick's property
for themselves--they did not want the goods in Marshall Field's store
for themselves. Their methods were dangerous, but why were they not
stopped at inception? They advocated force, because they believed in
force. No twelve men--no 12,000 men--could root out Anarchy. Anarchy
is of the head--it is implanted in the soul! As well attempt to root
out Republicanism or Democracy! They intended revolution--a revolution
similar to that of the Northern states against slavery, or of America
against British oppression. They wanted to free the white slaves--the
working classes. They intended to use dynamite in furtherance of that
revolution. But they did not expect, nor did they conspire to take,
the life of officer Degan. Lingg had the right to manufacture bombs
and fill his house with dynamite, if he so pleased. There was no law
against it. Mr. Salomon intimated that an attempt would be made to
show who threw the bomb, or that it was thrown by somebody other than
Schnaubelt; also that the police began the riot by shooting into the
crowd; that Schwab was not at the meeting at all, and that when the
bomb exploded Parsons and Fischer were in Zephf's hall drinking beer.
"We expect further to show you," said Mr. Salomon, "that this meeting
had assembled peaceably, that its objects were peaceable, that they
delivered the same harangues, that the crowd listened quietly, that not
a single act transpired there previous to the coming of the police,
for which any man in it could be held amenable to law. They assembled
there under the provisions of our Constitution in the exercise of their
right of free speech, to discuss the situation of the working men, to
discuss the eight-hour question. They assembled there and incidentally
discussed what they called the outrages perpetrated at McCormick's. No
man expected that bomb would be thrown, no man expected that any one
would be injured at that meeting."
The witness who gave, perhaps, the strongest evidence for the defense
was Dr. James D. Taylor, an aged physician of the Eclectic school. On
the direct examination, Captain Black asked:
"How old are you?" Answer--"I am seventy-six years of age."
"Where were you on May 4, in the evening?"--"At the Haymarket."
"Tell us when you reached the Haymarket."--"About twenty minutes before
the speaking commenced."
"During that twenty minutes where were you?"--"I was standing in the
alley--Crane's alley--near Desplaines street."
"How near to the west edge of the sidewalk?"--"Very close to it."
"How long did you occupy that position?"--"As long as the bullets would
let me."
"How long was that?" asks Mr. Grinnell.--"I was the last man that left
the alley after the bomb exploded."
"Did you hear the speeches at the Haymarket?"--"Oh, yes; distinctly."
"What did Spies say?"--"He spoke about Jay Gould, and some one said:
'Hang him,' and Spies said: 'No, it is not time for that.'"
"What did Parsons say?"--"He spoke of the necessity for union. The
substance of his remarks was that if the working men expected to win
they must unite."
"Did you notice the approach of the police?"--"I did; the first column
came up close to where I was standing. They were so close I could touch
them."
"Did you hear Fielden?"--"Yes."
"What did he say?"--"Well, he spoke about the law, and said: 'It is
your enemy. Kill it, stab it, throttle it; if you don't, it will
throttle you.'"
"Did you hear the command given to disperse?"--"Yes, sir."
"What did Fielden say?"--"He said: 'We are peaceable,' or 'This is a
peaceable meeting.'"
"Did you see Fielden again?"--"I did. He got down out of the wagon and
came around where I was standing."
"Did you see him with a revolver?"--"I did not."
"Did you see him shoot at all?"--"Never. I did not."
"Did you see the bomb?"--"I did."
"Where did it come from?"--"About twenty feet, or perhaps forty, south
of the alley, behind some boxes on the sidewalk."
"Now, tell what you saw."--"Well, the bomb looked to me like a boy's
firecracker. It was then about five feet in the air. It circled in a
southeast direction, and fell, I think, between the first and second
columns of the police."
"When did the shooting commence?"--"Almost simultaneously."
"Did the firing proceed from the crowd, or the police?"--"It came from
the street, near where the police were."
"Did you see or hear of any pistol shots from the crowd?"--"Not one."
"You say you went to the Haymarket the next morning. Did you make any
examination of the neighborhood?"--"I did."
"Did you find any marks of bullets in the walls around there?"--"Yes,
a great many. They were in the north end of the wall of Crane Bros.'
building. Then I examined a telegraph pole north of the alley, on the
west side of the street. There were a great many perforations on the
south side of this pole."
"Were there any perforations on the north side of the pole?"--"Not one."
"Did you visit the place a second time?"--"I did."
"For the purpose of examining this telegraph pole?"--"Yes, sir."
"Tell the jury whether you found the pole there or not."--"It was not
there."
"How long ago was that?"--"A week."
"And the pole was gone?"--"It was gone."
"What course did you take, doctor, in going out of the alley?"--"I took
a zig-zag course."
"Doctor, are you a Socialist?"--"Yes, sir."
"Are you an Anarchist?"--"Not in the sense in which the term is usually
employed."
"How long have you been a Socialist?"--"About fifty years. I was taught
Socialism by Robert Owen, father of Robert Dale Owen."
"Do you know any of the defendants?"--"Yes. I know Parsons and Fielden
well; Spies and Neebe slightly."
"Have you ever taken part in Socialistic meetings?"--"Yes. I have
spoken at meetings controversially."
"Are you, or were you, a member of the International Working Men's
Society?"--"I was."
"For how long?"--"Well, I continued a member until the organization was
abandoned."
"What group were you a member of?"--"Of the American group."
"Where did you attend meetings?"--"At Greif's hall."
"What were the conditions of membership? Tell the jury whether those
meetings were secret or public."--"They were public. The conditions of
membership were--" This answer was objected to by the State, and the
Court sustains the objection.
"How long have you been a member of the American group?"--"I think a
year, or a little more."
"How often have you met Parsons and Fielden?"--"They have not been
regular in their attendance."
"Now, taking them in their order, will you state what you heard them
say, either on the Lake front or at any hall, regarding the use of
force?" Captain Black withdraws this question at once upon consultation
with his associates.
Mr. Ingham then took up the cross-examination: "How did you come to
go to the Haymarket, doctor?"--"I happened to be in the neighborhood,
taking my usual evening walk."
"Did you see any circular?"--"I did not."
"How did you come to attend the meeting, then?"--"I saw a great many
people, who told me there was to be a meeting."
"Did you go at once to the alley?"--"I did."
"Are you sure you did not stop on the Haymarket?"--"I am sure I did
not."
"Why, then, did you go in the alley?"--"To hear what was to be said."
"What time did you get there?"--"A little after 7 o'clock."
"And you stopped there all the time?"--"Yes."
"How long did you wait?"--"About twenty minutes."
"Then the meeting was opened?"--"It was."
"And you listened to Spies?"--"Yes."
"What did he say?"--"The substance of what he said was that the men had
better go home, and not do any violence."
(The witness confounds Spies and Parsons. The former, according to
other witnesses, made no reference to Jay Gould, but Parsons did. The
doctor said also that Parsons told the men that the history of strikes
showed all strikes to have proved a failure; that what was wanted was a
change in the system.)
"Did you see Fielden all the time he was speaking?"--"I did."
"And he had no revolver?"--"He had not."
"Did you keep your eye on him all the time?"--"Every minute."
"You did not take your eye off him for a single minute?"--"Not half a
minute."
"And you saw him just as he closed his speech?"--"I did. He got down
out of the wagon and was standing close to me."
"Where did he go after the bomb exploded?"--"The Lord only knows what
became of him. The demoralization was so great that I don't know. I
think he was one of the first men to go down after the shell exploded."
"Well, how long did you remain there?"--"I was the last man to go up
the alley. There was a great crowd ahead of me."
"Were the bullets thick?"--"Well, I should say they were."
"Yet you didn't run?"--"Well, I am an old man, and I don't care much."
"What did you do next, after leaving the alley?"--"I went farther down
in the alley. I was the last man to go down the alley. There was a
projection in the alley and I took refuge behind that."
"You were young enough then to want to live?"--"It wasn't that; I heard
the police shooting. They were going back toward the Haymarket. I could
tell that by the report of the shooting. Then I ran out on Desplaines
street and dodged about till I got home."
"Where did you dodge?"--"A good many places. The police were shooting
all over. They were all excited. I saw them shooting as far up as
Madison street. One policeman on Madison street I saw point his
revolver at a crowd of people on the street and say: 'D--- you! you've
got to die any way.' Then he fired his revolver at them."
"You say you saw the bomb when it was about five feet in the
air?"--"Yes."
"Did you see the fuse?"--"Yes."
"What kind of a bomb was it?"--"Round."
"What happened after it exploded?"--"The demoralization was great."
"Did you hear any groans?"--"No."
"How long have you been a physician?"--"Forty years."
"What school?"--"Eclectic."
"Are you a graduate of any college?"--"Yes; Eclectic."
"You say you are a Socialist, but not an Anarchist as it is commonly
defined. Are you an Anarchist as you understand that term?"--"I am."
"Do you believe in an oath?"--"I do."
"Do you believe that an oath adds anything to the obligation to tell
the truth?"--"No. All honest men should tell the truth."
"That's all."
L. M. Moses, a grocer, and Austin Mitchell, who lived with Moses,
testified that they would not believe the witness Gilmer under oath.
The defense then introduced August Krumm, of 1036 West Twentieth
street, a woodworker, by whom they expected to entirely offset Gilmer's
evidence. From his evidence it was made to appear that Gilmer mistook
Krumm for Spies, and that instead of lighting a bomb Krumm was engaged
in nothing more harmful than lighting a pipe of tobacco. Mr. Foster
conducts the examination, and the witness says he was at the Haymarket
meeting May 4, and saw Spies and Parsons there for the first time.
"How did you come to go there?"--"I had business down town; heard of
the meeting and went there with a friend, A. M. Albright."
"Now, how close to the alley near Crane Brothers did you stand?"--"Very
close. We stood there all the time from about 9.30 o'clock until the
police arrived."
"Did you stand there all the time?"--"No; we were gone for a minute or
two."
"Where did you go?"--"We went into the alley. I wanted to light my
pipe. Albright came with me. He gave me a pipeful of tobacco and I went
into the alley to light my pipe."
"What did you go into the alley for?"--"There was a wind on the street,
and we went into the alley so the match would not go out."
"And Albright followed you?"--"Yes. He came to light his pipe."
"Whose pipe was lighted first?"--"Mine."
"Then his pipe was lighted?"--"Yes. He came over to me and lit his pipe
from the match that lit my pipe, holding his head up close to mine."
"After you came out of the alley what did you see?"--"The police were
there; then the explosion followed."
"Did you see Spies go into the alley?"--"I did not."
"Did you see anybody in the alley?"--"Yes. There were two or three men
there, but I could not tell who they were. It was dark."
"Did anybody come into the alley while you were there?"--"No."
"Could anybody pass into the alley without your knowing it?"--"No, sir;
I stood up close to the building while I was lighting my pipe."
"Now, tell whether you saw a light in the air about that time or a
little after."--"Yes; I saw a light like a match about twenty feet
south of the alley on Desplaines street."
Mr. Grinnell takes the witness in hand. "You say you came down town on
business. Who did you want to see?"--"A friend of mine."
"Who is he?"--"Adolph Winness."
"Where does he live?"--"I do not know."
"Where does he work?"--"I don't know now."
"What does he work at?"--"He is a woodworker."
"How did you expect to meet him then, if you did not know where he
lived or where he worked?"--"He told me I could find him there."
"Find him where?"--"On Randolph street."
"When did you see him last?"--"That afternoon. He came out to see me."
"And he did not tell you where he worked?"--"No."
"Nor where he stopped?"--"No."
"Yet he said you could find him on Randolph street?"--"Yes."
"So he gave you the idea that he could be found out of doors, did
he?"--"Well, he's around Randolph street a good deal."
"Where did you meet Albright?"--"In the alley."
"Near Crane Brothers?"--"Yes."
"What did you say?"--"I said: 'Hello, Albright,' and he said: 'Hello,
Krumm.'"
"What else?"--"Did you say you came down town to see a friend?"--"Yes."
"Did you tell him the name of your friend?"--"No."
"Who was speaking then?"--"Parsons, I think."
"Tell what he said."--"He said something about Jay Gould."
"What did Spies say?"--"He said: 'A few words more, boys, and we'll go
home.'"
"Spies said that, did he?"--"Yes."
"Which man is Spies?"--The witness confounds the men. Asked to indicate
Spies he points to Fielden.
"How did you stand in the alley when the speaking was going on?"--"I
had my back to the north wall."
"Did you stand that way all the time?"--"Yes, except when we lit our
pipes."
"Then did you stand the same way after you lighted your pipes?"--"Yes."
"Then how could you see these men if you had your backs to the
wall?"--"I looked over my head."
"You looked over your head all the time?"--"Yes, when we looked at the
speakers."
"And you never saw these men before?"--"No."
"Yet from that point in the alley, the speakers eight feet or more
distant, a crowd between you, you looking over your shoulders in the
dark, you recognize these men the first time you saw them?"--"Yes."
"Where were the police when Fielden said. 'Now, a word more boys, and
we will go home'?"--"They were coming up Desplaines street."
"Where was Spies then?"--"I don't know. I don't remember."
"Well, didn't you see Spies on the wagon?"--"Yes."
"When?"--"I don't think now. Early in the evening, I think."
"Now, when you were talking to Albright, did you talk about what the
speakers were saying?"--"No."
"Did you talk about the eight-hour question?"--"No."
"What were you talking about?"--"About the shop."
"Now, where did you see the bomb?"--"It was about ten feet in the air,
about twenty feet south of the alley. I didn't see it explode."
"No, of course not. It was too far south."
"There then was some boxes on the sidewalk, and you couldn't see?"--"I
did not say there were any boxes on the sidewalk."
"Yes, but if there were any boxes there you would have seen
them?"--"Yes. I would have seen them if they had been on the sidewalk."
"And you did not see them there?"--"I did not."
(All the other witnesses for the defense testified that a big pile of
boxes stood on the sidewalk between the alley and a point where the
bomb exploded.)
"And you say you did not see those boxes?"--"I did not."
"When were you at the Haymarket?"--"May 4."
"Were you ever there in your life?"--"Yes."
"How about a lamp post. Did you see one?"--"I don't remember now, but
I know there is one at the southeast corner of the alley."
"How do you know this?"--"I worked at the corner of Randolph and
Jefferson streets for ten years, and remember it."
"How long ago was that?"--"Seven years ago."
"And you can remember that a lamp post stood at the southeast corner of
the alley after the lapse of seven years?"--"I can."
"Where is your wife now?"--"Living on Sedgwick street."
"Whereabouts?"--"I don't know. I have not seen her for a year."
"How did you come to go to Salomon & Zeisler's office?"--"I saw a
notice in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ asking for all that knew anything
about the bomb-throwing to call on them. I went there on Sunday."
"When did you see this notice?"--"Some time ago. I don't remember when."
"Did you talk with any one about this bomb-throwing?"--"Yes, with
Albright."
"Any one else?"--"No."
"Yet you saw the bomb in the air and heard the explosion but you did
not talk to any one about what you saw?"--"That's it."
M. T. Malkoff, the correspondent of a paper at Moscow, Russia, and
formerly a writer on the _Arbeiter Zeitung_, testified that Parsons
was in Zephf's hall, talking to his wife, Mrs. Holmes and the witness,
when the bomb exploded. State's Attorney Grinnell elicits from the
witness that he has been five years in this country, that he lived
in New York and maintained himself by teaching the Russian Language.
From New York, he went to Little Rock, then to St. Louis, and finally
to Chicago, arriving here in 1884. "You came here with a letter of
introduction to Spies?"--"No, sir. I obtained my position in the South
through a letter of introduction from Spies."
"How did you come to get that letter?"--"I and a man named Clossie
translated a romance from the Russian and sold it to Spies."
"That was a revolutionary novel?"--"It was not. It was a
description----"
"Oh, I don't want to go into that. You know Herr Most?"--"I have seen
him, but I don't know him."
"You know Justus Schwab? You had letters sent to his address?"--"That
may be."
"You lived with Schwab in New York?"--"I did not."
"You lived with Balthazar Rau here, though, on May 4?"--"I did."
"Where?"--"At 418 Larrabee street."
"When did you leave Russia?"--"In 1882."
"Your bedroom was searched, wasn't it?"--"Yes, sir."
"Were the arms found there guns and bayonets, or any of them, belonging
to you?"--"No, sir."
"Where did you live before you went to Rau's house?"--"With Mr. Schwab."
"One of the defendants?"--"Yes, sir."
"You are a stockholder in the _Alarm_ company?"--"No, sir."
"You contributed money to that organization?"--"That may be."
"But did you not contribute money?"--"I did."
"How much?"--"Two dollars."
"You were a Nihilist in Russia?"--"No, sir."
"Are you not the agent here for the Nihilists in Russia?"--"No, sir. I
am not an agent for any society in Russia."
"Did you not tell Mr. Hardy you were the agent for a Nihilistic
society?"--"No, sir. The reporters used to call me a Nihilist because I
was Russian."
"What paper are you now working for?"--"The _Moscow Gazette_."
"Look at that letter; is that your signature at the bottom?"--"It is."
The letter is written in German and it is given to the translator, who
is instructed to render it into English. "This letter is directed to a
'Mr. Editor.' What editor?"--"I think it was directed to Mr. Spies."
"That was before you came to Chicago?"--"It was."
"Then we offer it in evidence." The letter is, in substance, an
inquiry as to whether or not Spies could use certain articles written
by Malkoff. It goes on to say: "I have just completed another article
treating of the secret revolutionary societies of Russia. I am a
proletariat in the fullest sense of the word. Address your letter to J.
H. Schwab, 50 First street, New York."
"Is that J. H. Schwab, Justus Schwab?"--"It is."
"Did you live with him in New York?"--"No, sir. I just got my mail
there."
"Now," said Foster, "you say you were a proletariat. What do you mean
by that term?"--"I understand it to be a man without any means of
support."
"And you, having no money, had your mail sent to Justus Schwab because
you had no home, eh?"--"Yes, sir."
"Now," asked Mr. Ingham, "I'll ask you if you did not use the term
proletariat in the sense in which Socialists always employ that
term?"--"No, sir, I did not."
SAMUEL FIELDEN.
Samuel Fielden, one of the defendants who was speaking at the time
of the bomb explosion, testified that he did not know who threw the
bomb, and denied that he fired at the police with a revolver. He was
cross-examined by Mr. Ingham for the State, who asked: "At what age did
you come to the United States?"--"Twenty-one."
"Did you have any business before you came to the United States?"--"I
went to work in a cotton mill at eight years of age, and worked in that
mill until I left the country to come to the United States."
"How long have you been a Socialist?"--"I joined the Socialistic
organization in July, 1884."
"How long have you been a revolutionist?"--"In the sense of an
evolutionary revolutionist, I have been so for a number of years."
"How long have you been of the belief that the existing order of things
should be overthrown by force?"--"I don't know that I have ever been
convinced. I am of the opinion that the existing order of things must
be overturned, but whether by force I don't know."
"How long have you believed in Anarchy?"--"Well, I believed in it
shortly after I joined the organization--as soon as I came to think on
the subject."
"You have been progressing from Socialism to Anarchism; and if you
cannot convince the majority of the United States to your opinions,
you propose to compel them by force?"--Objected to.
"How long have you preached Anarchy?"--Objected to.
"Was there any English-speaking group in the city that you know
of?"--Objected to.
"Did you ever attend any meeting of any English-speaking group other
than the American group in this city of that kind?"--"We tried to found
one a year ago last winter on West Indiana street. I think we only held
two meetings, and then we abandoned it."
"Any other group of them that you attended?"--"I don't remember any
now."
"You have for the last two or three years been making speeches of
Socialistic and Anarchistic character?"--"I have been making labor
speeches; they were not always Socialistic or Anarchistic speeches."
"But you have made Socialistic and Anarchistic speeches?"--"Well, I
have touched on Anarchy and Socialism, and sometimes my speeches might
have been considered from the ordinary trades union standpoint, for all
the anarchy there was in them."
"Have you ever made speeches on the Lake front and other Socialistic
meetings?"--"Yes, on the Lake front, some on Market square, Twelfth
street, Turner hall, and at No. 106 Randolph street."
"Look at the copy of the _Alarm_ of June 27, 1885, 'Dynamite;
Instructions Regarding Its Use and Operation,' and signed 'A. S.' Say
whether you ever saw it."--"I don't know that I have."
"Was there any reason why you did not walk when you started home that
night?"--"Yes. I did not wish to be arrested that night."
"You expected that you would be arrested?"--"Well, after that trouble I
expected to be arrested."
"You were speaking when the police came up, and were making no
inflammatory speech?"--"I did not incite anybody to do anything, to
do any overt act. I told the people in general to resist the present
socialistic system that oppressed them, and gave them no chance to earn
a living."
"And yet you expected to be arrested?"--"I had read something of
criminal proceedings, and I knew that the police would arrest
everybody connected with that meeting in order to find the one who was
responsible. I made an explanation before the Coroner's jury because I
had a different idea of the police at that time. I thought if I made
that statement and they inquired into the truth and were convinced of
my innocence they would let me go. But I now see that I was mistaken."
"Did the police indict you?"--"I don't know who indicted me."
Redirect--"You have heard what has been said about your expression
of throttling the law, of killing it, of stabbing it. Just state
the explanation which you said you desired to make in regard to
that."--"Well, it was just the explanation that a public orator would
make when he was denouncing a political party. When he said he wanted
to get rid of the Democratic party, for instance, he would kill it,
stab it, or make way with it. The words would rush away with a public
speaker, and in the hurry he could not add a lengthy explanation."
"You also read the reporter's notes in regard to snails and worms and
said there was no connection there. What were your words in reference
to snails and worms, and the idea that you now remember?"--"Well,
the idea that I intended to convey at that time was that when men
were thrown out of work through no fault of their own, and it being
a fact that has been proven and asserted on the floor of the House
of Representatives that over a million of men are out of employment
through no fault of their own--these men being driven about, become
degraded and loathsome, and people look upon them with contempt, and
yet it is no fault of their own; they have no part in producing the
condition of things that throws them out of employment, and leads them
to their abject condition."
"You did not know of the presence of a dynamite bomb or anything of
that kind in the crowd?"--"No, sir; I did not even know of the presence
of an unusual number of police at the station. I did not know that till
after the meeting."
Henry Schultz, an elderly German, testified that "from 9 o'clock until
the fight was over I was on the Haymarket; I stood in the middle of the
street, a little north of the wagon."
"How long had you been in Chicago at that time?"--"Two weeks. I am a
tourist." [Laughter.]
"Have you been in the habit of attending meetings in the street?"--"No;
but since I have been here seeing the sights I would stop at anything."
"Before the police came, did you see anything disorderly?"--"It was, as
I know, peaceable, like a Fourth of July."
"Do you remember the speech of the first speaker?"--"I know the run of
his talk; I kept it in my mind. He said, 'I didn't want to come here.
Then they called me a coward, and I didn't like to be called a coward,
and that is the reason I came.' A few words after that he said: 'They
are only 500 yards from here. Maybe by to-morrow morning I will have
to die.' I kept that on my mind. I left the meeting when the black
cloud came up, and when the bomb exploded I looked around the corner,
and I saw everything dark, and I thought the bomb must have blown out
the lights." [Laughter.]
"What else did you see?"--"I saw the policemen and they were all
around. They had the ground. I saw some of the workmen run--they were
about two blocks ahead of the police."
"Did you see the police come upon the working men?"--"They came pretty
strong in Lake street, and they had the men in the gutter, and when
they raised up they got another club."
Mr. Grinnell--"What is your business?"--"Doing nothing," replied Mr.
Schultz, with a grin at the crowd, and the crowd laughed in a guarded
way, because they did not wish to be fired out of the entertainment.
"How long have you been conducting that business?"--"About ten years.
Before that I was mining in Montana."
"Where is your house in Portage City?"--"The next house to the
courthouse," responded the witness with a cunning look at the Court,
and there was another wild outburst of mirth from the audience. Mr.
Schultz narrated a part of his early history, from which it appeared
that before he became a millionaire he played the fiddle at dances; and
in answer to a question as to when he began to be a musician, he said:
"From nine years old. My father was a musician--it runs in the family."
"Do you play the violin since you have been in Chicago?"--"No; my money
reaches so that I don't have to do anything." [Laughter.]
"The first speaker was Spies, wasn't it?"--"Oh, I can't promise
anything," said Mr. Schultz, with a contortion of countenance which
brought down the house. Judge Gary looked indignantly around and said:
"Oh! be quiet!" and the crowd immediately became as demure as a Quaker
meeting.
"What did Spies say about the police being so many feet away?"--"He
said they was only five hundred yards from here and he was likely to
die before morning. That was about all he said in that run of speech."
"Did you hear the first speaker say anything about 'To arms! to
arms!'?"--"That was the man--I heard him."
"Where did you go when you left the meeting?"--"I went to wash my feet!"
The expression on Mr. Schultz's face, and the simplicity of the
answer, upset the decorum of the spectators and they laughed right out
in meetin', regardless of the threatened penalty for such a glaring
contempt of court. Judge Gary himself, however, assisted in the
hilarity, and was very lenient with the offenders, a fellow-feeling
evidently making him wondrous kind. Mr. Schultz a moment afterward had
an opportunity to correct the impression that he was in the habit of
touring around the streets of Chicago in his bare feet.
"Did you have your boots off when you were washing your feet?"--"Oh,
no; I didn't wash my feet; I only washed the mud off my boots in one of
them horse-troughs." Then Mr. Schultz treated the company to a choice
selection of facial contortions, and got down out of the chair with the
air of a man who has done his duty, his whole duty, and nothing but his
duty.
MICHAEL SCHWAB.
The defendant, Michael Schwab, was put on the stand Monday, August 9.
He testified that he went to the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ office on the
evening of May 4. A telephone message was received requesting Spies to
speak at a meeting near Deering's Harvester works, on Clybourn avenue.
The witness said he went to the Haymarket to find Spies, but failed.
He did see Rudolph Schnaubelt, his brother-in-law, there. Witness then
took a street car and went up Clybourn avenue; spoke twenty minutes at
the meeting; stepped into a saloon and got a few glasses of beer, and
then went to his home, on Florimond street, arriving about 11 o'clock
P. M.
Mr. Foster asked: "Were you ever in the alley at Crane Bros.' that
night with Mr. Spies?"--"No, sir."
"Did you walk west on Randolph street with Mr. Spies two blocks, then
return with him?"--"No, sir."
"Did you see Mr. Spies that night?"--"No, sir."
"Did you see Mr. Spies hand your brother-in-law a package that night in
the alley at Crane Bros.', and did you say anything like this: 'If that
won't be enough, shall we get another one?'"--"No, sir."
"Did you see Mr. Spies at all that night?"--"No, sir."
"When did you see him at all for the last time that day?"--"In the
afternoon. I did not see him again until the next morning."
Schwab said he had been a member of the Internationalist society since
its organization. On the night of May 4 he went to the Haymarket on
foot and walked through the Washington street tunnel. Balthazar Rau
accompanied him as far west as Desplaines street.
[Illustration: MICHAEL SCHWAB.]
"Are you an Anarchist?" asked Mr. Grinnell.--"It depends on what you
mean. There are several definitions of that."
"Answer my question. Are you an Anarchist?"--"I can't answer that."
AUGUST SPIES.
Schwab stepped down and Spies took the stand. "Give your full name to
the jury," said Captain Black.
"August Vincent Theodore Spies," replies the prisoner.
He is thirty-one years old, and came to this county from Germany in
1872. Spies speaks with a marked accent, but very distinctly. He is
cool and collected apparently, and sits back in the witness chair very
much at ease.
He has been a member of the Socialistic Publishing Society, and that
concern exercised control over the policy of the _Arbeiter Zeitung_, of
which paper the witness was editor for six years. Spies said he was at
a meeting on the "black road" on May 3. Spies reached the meeting on
the "black road" about 3 o'clock in the afternoon. There was a crowd
of perhaps three thousand present. Some men were speaking, but they
were very poor speakers, and the crowd was not interested. Balthazar
Rau was with him, and introduced him to the chairman of the meeting. It
was called for the purpose of discussing the eight-hour question. While
Spies was there a committee was appointed to wait on the bosses; then
he was introduced, and spoke for possibly twenty minutes. Spies went on:
"I was almost prostrated. I had been speaking two or three times daily
for the past two or three weeks, and was very much worn. I did not
jump around and wave my hands as one witness testified here on the
stand, and I made a very common-place, ordinary speech. I told the men
to hold together, to stand by their union, or they would not succeed.
That was the substance of what I said. While I was speaking some one
cried out in an unknown tongue, and about two hundred men detached
themselves from the crowd and went on to McCormick's. Pretty soon I
heard firing, and on inquiring what was the matter was told the men had
attacked McCormick's men, and that the police were firing on them. I
stopped for about five minutes, was elected a member of the committee;
then I went to McCormick's. A lot of cars were standing on the tracks.
The men were hiding behind these cars, others were running, while the
police were firing on the flying people. The sight of this made my
blood boil. At that time I could have done almost anything, I was so
excited. A young Irishman came out from behind one of the cars. I think
he knew me and said: 'What kind of ---- business is this? There are two
men over there dead; the police have killed them.' I asked him how many
were killed. He said five or six, and that twenty-five or thirty were
injured. I came down town then and wrote the report which appeared in
the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ the next day."
"Did you write the 'Revenge Circular'?"--"Yes; only I did not write the
word 'Revenge.'"
"Can you tell how that word happened to be put in the circular?"--"I
cannot."
"How many of those circulars were distributed?"--"About twenty-five
hundred."
"How soon was it written after your return to the
office?"--"Immediately."
"At that time were you still laboring under the excitement incident to
the riot?"--"I was."
[Illustration]
"What was your state of mind?"--"I was very indignant. I knew from
experience of the past that this butchering of people was done for
the express purpose of defeating the eight-hour movement." Spies is
growing excited. Mr. Grinnell objects. The Court says his last answer
is not proper and orders it stricken from the record.
"On the evening of May 4 you attended the Haymarket meeting?"--"I did."
"You were asked to speak there?"--"I was."
"When did you learn there was to be a meeting?"--"About 8 o'clock that
morning. I was advised there was to be a meeting and was asked to
address it."
"What time did you reach there?"--"About 8:20 o'clock."
"Did you see the notice of that meeting in the _Arbeiter
Zeitung_?"--"Yes; I put it in myself."
"Did you see a circular that day, calling for a meeting at the
Haymarket?"--"Yes. It was the circular containing the line: 'Working
men, arm yourselves and appear in full force.' When I read that line
I said: 'If this is the meeting I am to address I will not speak.' He
asked why. I said on account of that line. He said the circulars had
not been distributed, and I said: 'If the line is taken out I will go.'
Fischer was sent for and he told the men to have that line taken out."
"Who was this man that brought the circulars?"--"He was on the stand;
Gruenberg is his name, I think."
"Was there any torch on the wagon?"--"No; I think the sky was clear and
that the lamp was burning near the corner of the alley."
"Was that selection made by yourself, or upon consultation?"--"Well, I
consulted with my brother Henry. He was with me all evening."
"After you got them together, what did you do?"--"Some one suggested
we had better move the wagon around on Randolph street, but I said that
might impede the street cars. Then I asked where was Parsons. I was not
on the committee of arrangements and had nothing to do with the meeting
except to speak. One Schroder said Parsons was speaking then at the
corner of Halsted and Randolph streets, and I went up to find him with
my brother Henry and Schnaubelt."
"Did you see Schwab?"--"No, I did not. Schnaubelt told me Schwab had
gone to Deering's."
"Did you go to Crane's alley with Schwab?"--"I could not very well do
that, as I had not seen him that night."
"Just answer the question," cried Mr. Ingham.--"Well, I did not go to
the alley. I did not even know there was an alley there." The witness
denies the conversation Mr. Thompson alleges he overheard Spies engage
in with Schwab. He said Schnaubelt cannot speak any English--that he
has only been about two years in the country.
"Did Schwab say to you that evening: 'Now, if they come, we are
prepared for them'?"--"No, sir; I did not see him that evening."
"Did you talk with Schwab on the east side of Desplaines street, about
twelve feet south of the alley that evening?"--"I did not. I was not
anywhere near that alley with any man."
"You remember what the witness Thompson said, that he saw you walk with
Schnaubelt east on Randolph street; that he saw you hand him something;
that you then returned to the meeting together. Is that true?"--"It is
not. That man told a different story before the coroner's jury."
This last answer is ordered stricken out, and Spies was told to say
nothing but in answer to questions. Spies was asked to tell what he
said at the meeting. It was a short synopsis of the existing state of
the labor world. First, he said that the meeting was to be a peaceable
one; that it was not called for the purpose of creating trouble.
Attention was directed to the strike at East St. Louis, where those who
were active in the riots there were not Socialists nor Anarchists, but
church-going people, and honest, sincere Christians. It was admitted by
students that society was retrograding; the masses were being degraded
under the excessive work they had to carry on. For twenty years the
working men asked in vain for two hours less work a day, and that
finally they resolved to take the matter in their own hands and help
themselves. "About this time I saw Parsons, then I broke off. I was not
in a state to make a speech. I was tired. I introduced Parsons, and he
proceeded to address the meeting."
"What was the size of the crowd then?"--"About two thousand persons."
"Where did you go after finishing your speech?"--"I remained on the
wagon."
"You spoke in English?"--"Yes. I made no speech in German that night. I
was asked to do so, but was too tired. I introduced Fielden and he made
a brief speech, then we intended to go home."
"What did Parsons say in his speech?"--"Parsons made a pretty good
speech. He said of the dollar earned by the working men they got only
fifteen cents, while the pharisaical class got eighty-five cents, and
that the eight-hour movement was a still-hunt for that eighty-five
cents."
"What do you remember of Fielden's speech?"--"Well, Fielden did not
say much. I don't remember now what he did say."
"Were you on the wagon when the police came?"--"Yes. I saw the police
on Randolph street."
"At that time what was the size of the meeting?"--"It was as good
as adjourned. About two-thirds of those present went, some going to
Zephf's hall when the black cloud came up."
"What did you hear when the command to disperse was given?"--"I was
standing in the middle of the wagon, back of Fielden. I heard Captain
Ward say; 'I command you, in the name of the people of Illinois, to
disperse.' Captain Ward had a cane or club in his hand. Fielden said
to him: 'Captain, this is a peaceable meeting.' I started to get down
out of the wagon. My brother Henry and one Legner helped me down. I
was indignant at the thought that the police had come to disperse the
meeting, as it was a quiet one. Just as soon as I reached the ground I
heard a loud detonation. I thought the police had a cannon to frighten
the people. I did not dream for a moment of a bomb, and I did not even
then think the police were firing at the crowd. I thought the police
were firing over their heads."
"Where did you go to?"--"I was pushed along by the crowd. I went to
Zephf's hall."
"Did you at any time that night get down from the wagon and go into an
alley and light a bomb in the hands of Rudolph Schnaubelt?"--"I never
did."
"Did you see Schnaubelt in the alley that night while Fischer was
there?"--"I did not."
"You remember the witness Gilmer?"--"Yes."
"Is his story true?"--"Not a word of it."
"You remember Wilkinson, the reporter for the _Daily News_?"--"Yes. I
had a conversation with him in January."
"Well, go on and tell us about it."--"He was introduced to me by Joe
Gruenhut. He said he wanted to get some data wherewith to prepare an
article on Anarchism, Socialism and dynamite, and all that. I happened
to have four shells in my office. I had them for about three years. A
man on his way to New Zealand gave me two bombs; another man some time
after called at my office with two bombs, and wanted to know if their
construction was proper. That's how I came to possess them. He wanted
one to show to Mr. Stone. I let him take it. We went to dinner at a
restaurant, and we conversed about society, its present state, and the
trouble that was likely to ensue. We spoke about street warfare, as all
this was contained in the papers every day. There was constant talk
that so many wild-eyed Socialists were arriving every day, and I told
him it was an open secret that there were 3,000 armed Socialists in
Chicago, and we spoke about revolutions, and I said that in past ages
gun-powder had come to the assistance of the down-trodden masses, and
that dynamite was a child of the same parent, and was a great leveler."
"Do you remember the toothpick illustration?"--"Yes. I remember that,
and also re-call speaking of the Washington street tunnel, saying how
easy comparatively few men could hold that tunnel against a body of
soldiers, but nothing was said about Chicago, nor was any time fixed
for the revolution."
"You wrote the word 'Ruhe' for insertion in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ May
4?"--"I did."
"How did you come to do that?"--"The night before at 11 o'clock I
received a letter as follows: _Mr. Editor_: Please insert in to-day's
letter-box the word 'Ruhe' in prominent letters."
"At that time did you know there was any import attached to the
word?"--"I did not."
"When did you next hear of it?"--"The next afternoon Balthazar Rau
asked me if the word was in the paper. I said: 'Yes.' He asked me if I
knew the meaning. I said: 'No.' Then he said: 'The armed section had
a meeting last night and adopted the word 'Ruhe' as a signal to keep
their powder dry and be in readiness in case the police precipitated
a riot.' I asked if that had anything to do with the meeting I was to
address at the Haymarket, and he said: 'Oh, no; that's something the
boys got up themselves.' I said it was very foolish, that it was not
rational, and asked if there was no way in which it could be undone.
Rau then went to see the people of the armed section and told them the
word was put in by mistake."
"Were you a member of the armed section?"--"No, not for six year."
"Did you ever have dynamite and a fuse in your desk?"--"Yes, I had two
packages of giant powder and some fuse in my desk for two years. I had
them chiefly to show to reporters, they bothered me a good deal. They
always wanted some sensation. Then, too, I wanted the dynamite to study
it; I had read a great deal about explosives."
"Do you know anything about a package of dynamite found on the shelf in
the closet of the _Arbeiter Zeitung_?"--"Ab-so-lute-ly nothing."
"Do you know anything about a revolver that was found in the _Arbeiter
Zeitung_ office?"--"No. I do not. I carried a revolver myself, but it
was a good one."
"Did you carry a revolver?"--"Yes. I always thought it was a good
thing to be prepared. I was out late at night a good deal."
"Did you have a revolver that night?"--"No, it was too heavy. I left it
with ex-Ald. Frank Stauber."
"You were arrested May 5?"--"Yes."
"Tell us how."--"Well, an officer--James Bonfield, I think--came to my
office and asked for Schwab. He said Chief Ebersold would like to see
him. Schwab asked me if he should go. I said yes, he might. Then the
officer turned to me and asked me if my name was Spies. I said yes.
Then he said Superintendent Ebersold would like to see me about that
affair of last night. I went over there, unsuspectingly. I was never so
treated before in all my life."
"Tell what happened?"--"Well, as soon as I got into the station
Superintendent Ebersold started at me. He said: 'You dirty Dutch
dog; you hound; you whelp--you, we will strangle you! We will kill
you!' Then they jumped on us, tore us apart from each other. I never
said anything. Then they searched us, took our money, even our
handkerchiefs, and would not return them to us. I was put in a cell,
and have not had my liberty since."
Mr. Ingham cross-examined the witness. Spies said he came to this
country when seventeen years old, and that he has lived in Chicago some
thirteen years. The _Arbeiter Zeitung_ was controlled by what Spies
termed an "autonomous editorial arrangement;" that is, the powers of
the several editors were co-ordinate, but the general policy of the
paper was under the supervision of the board of trustees.
"Did you ever receive any money for the _Alarm_?"--"Yes."
"Did you ever pay out any money for the _Alarm_?"--"Yes."
"Did you ever write any articles for the _Alarm_?"--"I may have."
"How many bombs did you have in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ office?"--"Four,
I think. Two I got from a man named Schwab. I forget now. He was a
shoemaker. He went to New Zealand."
"How did this man come to give you those bombs?"--"He came to me and
asked me if my name was Spies. I said yes. Then he asked me if I had
seen any of the bombs they were making. I said no. Then he left them
with me."
"Who did he mean by 'they'?"--"I don't know."
"Didn't he say who they were?"--"No."
"And you never saw him before or since?"--"No, sir."
"And when did you get these czar bombs?"--"I never got them. That is an
invention of that reporter. A man came there while I was at dinner and
left them there. He left the bombs with the bookkeeper. I never saw him
before or after."
Mr. Ingham introduced a letter and a postal card found in Spies' desk,
the reading of which, as translated by Mr. Gauss, created a great
sensation. Spies acknowledged the writing as addressed to him by Johann
Most, the noted Anarchist:
"DEAR SPIES:--Are you sure that the letter from the Hocking
Valley was not written by a detective? In the week I will go
to Pittsburgh, I have an inclination also to go to the Hocking
Valley. For the present I send you some printed matter.
There Sch. and H. also existed but on paper. I told you this
some months ago. On the other hand, I am able to furnish
"_medicine_", and the "_genuine_" article at that. Directions
for use are perhaps not needed with these people. Moreover,
they were recently published in the "Fr." The appliances I
can also send. Now, if you consider the address of Buchtell
thoroughly reliable, I will ship twenty or twenty-five
pounds. But how? Is there an express line to the place? Or
is there another way possible? Polus the great seems to
delight in hopping about in the swamps of the N. Y. V. Z.,
like a blown-up (bloated) frog. His tirades excite general
detestation. He has made himself immensely ridiculous. The
main thing is only that the fellow cannot smuggle any more
rotten elements into the newspaper company than are already in
it. In this regard the caution is important. The organization
here is no better nor worse than formerly. Our group has about
the strength of the North side group in Chicago, and then,
besides this, we have also the soc. rev. 6, the Austrian and
Bohemian leagues--three more groups. Finally, it is easily
seen that our influence with the trade organizations is
steadily growing. We insert our meetings only in the Fr.,
and cannot notice that they are worse attended than at the
time when we yet threw the weekly $1.50 and $2 into the
mouth of the N. Y. V. Z. Don't forget putting yourself into
communication with Drury in reference to the English organ.
He will surely work with you much and well. Such a paper is
more necessary than the _Tooth_. This, indeed, is getting more
miserable and confused from issue to issue, and in general is
whistling from the last hole. Inclosed is a fly-leaf which
recently appeared at Emden, and is, perhaps, adopted for
reprint. Greetings to Schwab, Rau, and to you. Your
"JOHANN MOST.
"P.S.--To Buchtell I will, of course, write for the present
only in general terms.
"A. Spies, 107 Fifth avenue, Chicago, Ill."
Mr. Gauss then read the following as his translation of the postal card:
"DEAR SPIES:--I had scarcely mailed my letter yesterday when
the telegraph brought news from H. M. One does not know
whether to rejoice over that or not. The advance in itself is
elevating. Sad is the circumstance that it will remain local
and therefore may not have the result. At any rate, these
people made a better impression than the foolish voters on
this and the other side of the ocean. Greeting and a hail. Your
"J. M."
W. A. S. Graham, a reporter for _The Times_, testified that he talked
with the witness for the prosecution, Harry Gilmer, on the afternoon
of May 5, and that Gilmer said the man who threw the bomb lit the fuse
himself. "He said he saw the man light the fuse and throw the bomb, and
that he could identify him again if he saw him. He said the man was of
medium size and had a soft hat and whiskers. He said the man's back was
turned to him."
At this stage the defense rested, and evidence in rebuttal was
introduced. Justice Daniel Scully testified that in the preliminary
examination of one Frank Steuner, charged with shooting from the wagon
at the Haymarket, Officers Foley and Wessler did not testify that it
was Steuner who fired on the police.
"Did the officers not say the man who jumped up from behind the wagon
was a heavy man, with long whiskers (Fielden)?"--"They did."
"Did not Officer Foley say he would be able to identify this man if he
ever saw him again?"--"He did."
John B. Ryan, an attorney who defended Steuner before Justice Scully,
testified that Steuner said at the time that the man who did the
shooting was a short, heavy-set man with full whiskers.
United States District Attorney R. S. Tuthill, Charles B. Dibble, an
attorney, Judge Chester C. Cole, of Des Moines, Iowa, E. R. Mason,
Clerk of the United States District Court at Des Moines, George Crist,
Ex-City Marshal of Des Moines, and Ex-Governor Samuel Merrill of Iowa,
all testified to the good character of the witness Gilmer. They would
believe him under oath. Governor Merrill had known Gilmer since 1872,
and had given him employment.
As the great trial drew toward its close popular interest in the
proceedings increased. The Criminal Court building was crowded with
people daily long before the hour for opening court arrived, and many
times the number who gained admission were turned away. On the day
of the closing argument by the prosecution, and while the jury were
deliberating over their verdict, extra precautions were taken to
protect the administrators of the law. A cordon of police and deputy
sheriffs surrounded the building, and no one was allowed to enter who
could not be properly identified.
CHAPTER V.
ARGUMENTS FOR THE PROSECUTION AND DEFENSE.
Assistant State's Attorney Frank Walker began the opening argument for
the prosecution Wednesday, August 11. The speaker said:
"We stand in the temple of justice to exercise the law, where all men
stand equal. No matter what may have been the deep turpitude of the
crime, no matter what may have been the design, though it aim even at
the overthrow of the law itself, no man ought to be convicted of the
crime charged until proven guilty beyond all reasonable doubt. These
men were presumed innocent at the outset until the proof presented by
the State established their guilt. The defendants were charged with
murder. Murder was defined to be the unlawful killing of a person
in the peace of the people. An accessory was he who stands by and
aids or abets or advises the deed, or who, not standing by, aids or
abets or advises the deed, and such persons are to be considered as
principals and punished. Whether the principals are punished or not,
they are equally as guilty as the principals. When a number of persons
conspire together to do a certain act, and when, in furtherance of this
design, some one is killed, all those in the conspiracy are guilty of
murder before the fact. The defendant's counsel have told you these
men conspired to precipitate the social revolution, and though that
conspiracy cost Matthias J. Degan his life, yet you are told these
defendants are guilty only of murder. Was Luther Payne or Mrs. Surratt
held guilty when in the execution of a conspiracy President Lincoln
was killed? Neither Payne nor Surratt committed the deed, yet they
were held guilty. There was a conspiracy; it was designed to bring
about another revolution. Booth killed President Lincoln, but all who
participated in the conspiracy had to forfeit their lives."
[Illustration: COUNSEL FOR THE STATE.]
"If a body of men, inflamed with resentment, proceed to pull down a
building, or to remove an objectionable obstruction and death to some
one ensues, each one of these men is individually responsible for the
killing. Nobody knew this better than August Spies, the author of the
'Revenge' circular. Suppose that a body of men undertake to pull down
a building; there is a common design to demolish that building, and a
stone is thrown, not at any individual but at the building, and some
one is struck by this stone and killed, all of those engaged in the
execution of that common design are responsible for the killing of
this one person. When there is an intent grievously to hurt and death
is occasioned, then the offense is murder. Was this man [pointing to
Fischer] in this conspiracy for murder? This man with his revolver a
foot long and his file dagger with a groove? What is this groove for?
It is for prussic acid. Was this man in the conspiracy?"
Mr. Walker then read a passage from Most's "Revolutionary Warfare"
telling how prussic acid can be applied to grooved daggers, making them
the more deadly. "This is the test: Was the bomb thrown in furtherance
of the common design? If it was it makes no difference whether it
was thrown by one of these conspirators here or not. Nobody had been
advocating the use of dynamite but Socialists. Was there anybody who
would throw a bomb except a Socialist? We have proved that Lingg made
the bomb in furtherance of the common design. 'You have done this,
Louis Lingg,' said Huebner, and Lingg went away and complained that he
was blamed for doing the good work."
Mr. Walker reiterated that every one of the 3,000 men said by Spies to
have participated in the conspiracy were equally guilty of the murder
of Officer Degan. All the members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein were
included in this charge. He pointed out the fact that nearly all of the
witnesses for the defense are members of Anarchist bodies; that their
sympathies are with the prisoners, and that it has been abundantly
shown by their cross-examination that they would not hesitate to
pervert the truth in order to shield their confederates from the
consequences of their acts.
MR. ZEISLER FOR THE DEFENSE.
Mr. Zeisler, of the counsel for the defense, set to work at once to
tear Mr. Walker's address to pieces. He accused the assistant State's
Attorney of distorting the facts in the case, and attempting to bring
about a conviction by working on the prejudices and suspicions of
the jury. Mr. Walker impugned the motives and the characters of the
defenses' witnesses. Mr. Zeisler continued:
"Who are their principal witnesses? The policemen who were at the
Haymarket. And before we get through we will show that these men were
not heroes, but knaves, led on by the most cowardly knave who ever held
a public position. It has been proved that most of these policemen
who went on the stand had been at one time or another members of the
detective force, and the Supreme Court tells us that a detective is a
liar!"
The speaker went on to attack the other State witnesses. Detectives
are taken from the criminal classes. Harry L. Gilmer, he said, is a
constitutional liar, and the only witness who has been impeached.
Some of the reporters, he acknowledges, tell the truth, and on their
statements the defense will partially rely to show the innocence of the
prisoners.
"Nobody understands why the police came down to break up the meeting.
Detectives have sworn here that after Mr. Parsons suggested that the
meeting adjourn to Zephf's hall, and the sky clouded up, the crowd
dwindled down to two hundred or three hundred men, and then came this
army of 180 policemen, armed with clubs and revolvers, headed by this
hero, Bonfield, the savior of his country, to break up this meeting
of peaceable and unarmed citizens. Was this courageous, or was it
cowardly? It was an assault in the eyes of the law. The counsel for
the State have attempted to make you believe that these disciples of
Herr Most took a match and lighted a bomb which Most says should have
a fuse not longer than two inches. Doesn't it seem very probable that
they would have lighted with a match this fuse, which would burn out in
a few seconds, when they could have carried a lighted cigar to do it
with? We have the testimony of a number of witnesses that Spies was not
out of the wagon till the trouble began; and if Mr. Grinnell had had
more sense in the prosecution of this case; if he had not been blinded
by malice and prejudice; if he had not been influenced by the police
conspiracy to send these men to the gallows, he would have seen the
uselessness of attempting to secure a conviction by such testimony as
that of Gilmer."
MR. INGHAM FOR THE PROSECUTION.
Mr. George Ingham addressed the jury for the prosecution. He told
them that there are verdicts which make history, and that theirs will
be a history-making verdict. On the night of May 4, at 10 o'clock,
Matthias J. Degan marched out of the Desplaines street station, full
of life, and was soon afterward struck down by the hands of these
defendants, not one of whom he had ever injured. The speaker told the
jury again what "reasonable doubt" means. He said that the grand jury
might have indicted 300 men instead of eight, but they saw fit to pick
out the eight whom they deemed the leaders of the conspiracy against
law and human life. There had been a good deal of talk, he said, about
the constitutional right of free speech. The Constitution gave the
people the right to meet and petition, but not to advise other people
to commit murder. This right was based upon the old English common
law, and in England was also found a definition of what constitutes
incitement to murder. The case he was going to quote had also had
another connection with the present one. It was brought in London
in 1881 against Johann Most, who was then publishing his sheet, the
_Freiheit_, in that city. It was shortly after the assassination of
the Czar of Russia. He there advocated the assassination of all the
heads of States, from Constantinople to Washington, and was convicted
of inciting to murder. Mr. Ingham read the proceedings in the English
court, the article upon which he was tried, and Lord Coleridge's
decision. Then he said: "It is shown that these defendants--Spies,
Parsons, Schwab and Fischer--were engaged in the publication of
articles in which they advised the destruction of the police by force,
in which they advised working men to arm themselves with dynamite
and be ready whenever the conflict should come to destroy the police
force. For the publication of any one of these articles the defendants
could have been convicted of a misdemeanor. And when Fielden that
night told the people that war had been declared and that they must
arm themselves to resist what had never taken place, he was guilty of
a misdemeanor, and for that reason, if for no other, the police had a
right to disperse the meeting. The treatment that Herr Most received in
London shows you that the only salvation of a community is to enforce
the letter of the law without sentiment, that bloodshed may be avoided.
Herr Most was convicted for the publication of that article, and no
English policemen have been blown up with dynamite. He came to this
country, and the policemen who have been blown up are the American
officers right here in this city. If we have not enforced the law it is
high time that we enforce it now."
Mr. Ingham then showed that the Haymarket meeting was a trap for the
police designed for the purpose of leading them into a dark, dangerous
place, the speeches being the bait, artfully increased until the police
came to the alley and the bomb could be thrown. "Now who made the bomb?
It is in evidence that Louis Lingg had been making bombs of a certain
construction which Spies had said were superior, being of composite
metal. It is in evidence that Lingg all the morning of May 4 was away
from his house; that he upbraided Seliger for having made but one
bomb. During the afternoon he was busy making bombs, and men came and
went and worked at the bombs in his house. There is a story of a man
who that day received bombs and dynamite from Lingg, showing that he
distributed them." Mr. Ingham read to the jury the chemical analysis
of the bombs furnished by Drs. Haines and Delafontaine. What is the
answer to all this? That the bomb was not thrown from the alley, but
from thirty-eight feet south of the alley. And if they had satisfied
you of that, was it not still thrown by one of the Anarchists--one of
the conspirators? The bomb came from the conspiracy. And the moment it
resulted in the death of Degan the crime of conspiracy was merged into
the crime of murder.
"When Sumter was fired on, when the flag was insulted, when the attempt
was made to destroy the Government, it was an attempt merely to change
the form of government. When the bomb in this war was thrown it was
the opening shot of a war which should destroy all government, destroy
all law, leave men free to live as they see fit, and leave nothing
to guide but the strong arm. I believe for myself that humanity--not
merely our people, not merely we of America, but that humanity the wide
world over--has no hope or no safety save the law. Law is the very
shield that guards the progression of the race; it is the palladium
of the liberty and lives of all people. Law which does not punish
murder breeds death. Jurors who from the merciful instincts of their
hearts hesitate to convict the guilty, are, in reality, merciless as
the grave, for by their verdict they people graves with the innocent
victims of midnight assassination and fill the mind with deeds of
blood. Innocent blood from the days of Abel till now cries to Heaven
for vengeance; innocent blood that contaminates the ground upon which
it falls, and from it spring up dragon's teeth. And now if you believe
these men guilty, if you are satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt, as
you cannot help but be, that these men were a party to a conspiracy
unlawful in its nature, and that from that conspiracy a human life
was taken, that they are murderers under that law, see to it that the
majesty of the law of the state of Illinois is vindicated, and its
penalties enforced. That is the demand upon you this day and this
hour, not only of the people of the state of Illinois, but of humanity
itself; for humanity, with all its fears, with all its hopes for future
years, is hanging breathless on your fate."
MR. FOSTER FOR THE DEFENSE.
Mr. Foster, who followed for the defense, had not lived long in
Chicago. He came in March from Davenport, Iowa, near which city he
was born about forty years ago. He is of medium height and square
build. His features are refined and intellectual. An abundant growth
of rich auburn hair adorns his shapely head. Mr. Foster obtained
considerable fame as a lawyer in his native state, took an active part
in politics, and was one of the Blaine Electors in 1884, and was very
active in the campaign of that year. After having made an energetic and
finely-eloquent plea to the jury to cast aside all prejudice arising
from hatred of the principles of the Anarchists, love of and loyalty to
the land, inherent patriotism, and the teachings of the popular press,
Mr. Foster proceeded, in order to set himself right, to tear down
without apology the theory of the defense set up by Messrs. Salomon
& Zeisler. He had no defense to make for Socialism--it is dangerous;
Communism is pernicious, and Anarchism is damnable. Lingg had
manufactured bombs, and he ought to be punished therefor; but he was on
trial for throwing, not manufacturing bombs. Spies, Schwab and Fischer
had no business to preach social revolution in America. If they were
not satisfied with the state of things here they ought to have gone
back to Germany and tried to reform things there. Mr. Fielden might
have found occupation in teaching his brother Englishmen to be just to
Ireland. Parsons he rebuked in an eloquent passage for his lack of
patriotism. Having thus skillfully set himself right with the jurors,
Mr. Foster proceeded to define the issue of the trial as he understood
it, and as he wished the jury to understand it. He admitted the moral
responsibility of some of the prisoners for the crime. He denied their
legal responsibility.
"Our law knows no citizenship when a defendant is brought to the bar
of justice. Our law is grand enough, our law is broad enough, the
principles upon which our Government is founded are such that it
matters not whether he be French, German, Irish, Italian, or wherever
his birthplace may be. All men are equal before the law. They are
all citizens of the United States except Louis Lingg. I believe the
testimony shows that he has been in the country two years. I think that
Spies said he came here in infancy. I know as a matter of fact that
Neebe, born in the state of Pennsylvania, never was a foreigner. Schwab
has been in this country long enough to be a citizen. Whether he is or
not is entirely immaterial for the purposes of this case. I know that
Fielden has been here more than twenty years. I know that Fischer has
been in Chicago for the last ten to twelve years, and Engel for fifteen
or twenty years. What is the importance of the suggestion that they
are foreigners, and Germans, except that it is important to wring from
you a verdict grounded on prejudice. * * * It was an open secret that
the defendants were indicted for murder, conspiracy and riot, but I
will only argue the question of conspiracy so far as it relates to the
crime of murder. The question of Socialism was of no importance unless
it was connected with the murder of Degan, and the defendants were
not being tried for any offense but that of conspiracy which resulted
in the murder of Degan. The prosecution had been trying to tote the
defendants out into the underbrush and assassinate them on immaterial
issues; but the defendants' counsel were too smart to be seduced by the
song of the siren. Suppose Spies _et. al._ did conspire to overthrow
society and their conspiracy stopped there, then there was nothing to
argue. A verdict rendered upon anything else than a conspiracy directly
connected with the outrage perpetrated at the Haymarket, would fall to
the ground and amount to nothing."
Referring to the popular clamor against the Socialists, Mr. Foster
said: "Outside of you twelve gentlemen, the judge upon the bench, and
counsel on either side, there is not a man in Chicago who has a right
to say he has an opinion founded upon the facts in this case. If these
men are to be tried on general principles for advocating doctrines
opposed to our ideas of propriety, there is no use for me to argue
the case. Let the Sheriff go and erect the scaffold; let him bring
eight ropes with dangling nooses at the ends; let him pass them around
the necks of these eight men; and let us stop this farce now, if the
verdict and conviction is to be upon prejudice and general principles.
We boast of our courts of justice, of our equitable law, but if the
time has come, when men are to be prejudged before the trial and
convicted upon general principles, all that is grand, sacred, noble and
praiseworthy in our temples of justice will be destroyed. Considering
the experience of us all in relation to this Haymarket tragedy,
considering the facts that we know to be true, do you blame me for
saying I am afraid of your passions? I am afraid of your prejudices."
Holding up the Czar bomb, Mr. Foster exclaimed in a loud voice: "Hang
Spies, and Neebe, and Schwab, and Parsons, and Fielden, and Fischer,
and Lingg, and Engel!" Taking up a tin dynamite can he continued:
"Among other things, three tin cans were found under a sidewalk in the
city. Strangle them to death, in part because these three cans were
found! When were they in possession of any of the defendants? Never, so
far as the testimony is concerned. When were they prepared and filled
at the house of any of the defendants, or any of their associates?
Never, so far as the testimony is concerned. And yet they are not only
introduced in evidence, their contents examined and sworn to, but
you are expected to smell them; you are asked to examine them at the
risk of a headache, and they want your noses near to their tops. Why?
Because they were found in the city of Chicago. And that is part of the
testimony upon which the lives of these eight men are to be destroyed.
But it is all in a lifetime; it is all part of the grand combination;
it is all in the great conspiracy, because counsel tell us it is. Such
evidence was never introduced in any court of justice in the civilized
world without objection. It was said Herr Most described such things in
his book on 'Revolutionary Warfare.' There is not a word of testimony
that any of the defendants ever read that book. But that does not make
any difference. They are Socialists--hang them. That does not make any
difference. They are Communists--hang them; they are Anarchists--hang
them. I always supposed that the lowest creature that possessed life
was entitled to some consideration. I supposed there was not a thing in
existence so low, so poor or loathsome, but had some rights, and I do
not believe it now, except it be a Socialist, Communist or Anarchist.
That puts them beyond the pale of civilization; it puts them beyond the
protection of the law; it convicts them of itself."
[Illustration: W. P. BLACK AND WIFE.]
CAPTAIN W. P. BLACK FOR THE DEFENSE.
On Tuesday, August 17, the fiftieth day of the trial, Captain W. P.
Black, the leading counsel for the defense, made his plea. He said:
"May it please the Court, and Gentlemen of the jury: On the morning
of May 5, 1886, the good people of Chicago were startled at the event
which happened at the Haymarket. Fear is the mother of cruelty, and
perhaps that will account in some measure for the bitterness with
which the State has prosecuted this case. The serious question which
confronts us, however, is to what extent, you, gentlemen, in your
deliberations, may be influenced by passion or by prejudice. On the
night of May 4 a dynamite bomb was thrown at the Haymarket in this
city and exploded. It caused widespread havoc and loss of human life.
But the moral responsibility for dynamite does not rest upon the
Socialists. This explosive was given to the world by science. We might
well stand appalled at the dread results this terrible agent is capable
of producing. When a man is charged, or sought to be charged, with a
crime, as in this case, the people must show who threw the bomb--who
did the deed--and must show that these defendants were connected
directly with the guilty man."
The speaker said that counsel for the State were wrong when one of them
advised the jury that upon them it depended to maintain the law and
government, because these defendants plotted against the state. They
were revolutionists, it was said, but that was not true. There can be
no revolution, though, except when the heart of the people rise to
redress some great wrong.
"As to the witnesses for the State, the testimony of two of them,
Gilmer and Thompson, who swore to having seen Schnaubelt throw the
bomb, was impeached. Gilmer's story was utterly improbable in itself;
the rational mind rejected it. Is it credible? Mr. Ingham has said
Spies was the brainiest man among the Anarchists, and the greatest
coward. The witness Gilmer testified that he saw Spies get down from
the wagon and go into the alley with Schnaubelt; saw him strike the
light, fire the bomb, and give it to Schnaubelt, who hurled it among
the police. Is that credible? Remember, Spies, a man of brains, of more
than average brains; would he light the match that fired that bomb, and
the police almost upon him? Is that credible? It was also said Spies
was a great coward. Then, if that were true, would he run the risk
of lighting the bomb? The counter-proof was abundant. A half a dozen
reputable citizens standing in the mouth of the alley had testified
that they did not see Spies leave the wagon, and that he did not enter
the alley before the bomb exploded. This was negative testimony, it was
true, but considering the narrow space and how unlikely it was that
Spies, whom they all knew, could enter the alley without being seen
by the witnesses, it was conclusive. Again, two or three witnesses
testified that Schnaubelt went home early in the evening, disappointed
because there was no German speaking, and was not at the Haymarket when
the explosion took place."
The circumstantial evidence presented by the State, and by which it
was sought to enmesh the defendants, was next considered. The case of
the state was substantially this. The meeting at the Haymarket May 4
was an incident in the carrying out of an organized scheme. August
Spies was there to precipitate a conflict with the police. He put
Parsons on the stand, who made a long harangue, but the police did
not appear. Then Fielden was put up to speak. The police came, and
the act was accomplished. But who called this meeting? Not Spies, not
Neebe, not Parsons, not Schwab, nor Engel, nor Lingg, nor Fischer, as
an individual act. It was the result of another meeting, held the night
before at 54 West Lake street, and about which Spies knew nothing.
"Again, the State wished it to be understood that Spies, in order
to get the men ripe for revolt, went out to McCormick's May 3, and
forced himself on a meeting there. Then, having worked up his auditors
to a pitch of excitement and inflamed them to attack the non-union
men, he came down town and wrote the 'Revenge' circular, calling for
the Haymarket meeting. But did he encourage the men at McCormick's
to violence? The testimony, and it was not controverted, proved that
he counseled peace; that he told the men to stand firm and to trust
to concerted action for the attainment of their ends. The further
circumstance proving that no violence was contemplated that night
consisted in this, that when the black cloud came up and rain was
threatened, an adjournment was proposed. Fielden had the stand at
that time, but he, simple soul, begged a few minutes' delay, saying
he had but little more to say, and then in all simplicity went on
to say it. All this was in the line going to prove that Spies had
no connection with the alleged conspiracy. The circular calling for
the Tuesday night meeting referred to a specific object. Do not the
circumstances," continued Captain Black, "prove that August Spies was
not aware of the meeting held May 3? Do they not prove that he could
have no share in the design of that meeting, of which the one at
Haymarket, with its result, was an incident in the general conspiracy?
As to the Haymarket meeting, was it not a lawful assemblage? Who first
broke the laws? That meeting was called by a circular. It was called
to denounce a grievance. Perhaps there was no real grievance, but if
the projectors of the meeting thought there was they had the right to
assemble. The Constitution given us by our forefathers who made the
name of revolutionists glorious, gave us that right. That right was
incorporated in the fundamental laws of the nation. One clause in the
Constitution allows the people to assemble together in a peaceable
manner to discuss their grievances, another provides that the people
have the right to assemble together in a peaceable manner to discuss
measures for their common good, and to instruct their representatives.
I am not here to defend Socialism, nor do I contend that Anarchy has
in it the elements of true reform, but I am here to defend these men.
They are Socialists. That system centuries ago had the sanction of St.
Augustine. John Stuart Mill is one of a great host of philosophers who
have subscribed in fealty to Socialism.
"These defendants have the right to discuss the great wrongs of the
working people. They have the right to try their remedy. They say that
private property is robbery. That may be false. There is not a Catholic
organization that is not founded on the idea of common co-operation.
It was Plato's dream that the means of existence should be the common
property of all. The Anarchist or Socialist was said to believe that
every law of man was a bone of contention, intended for the benefit of
one class only. The fact that these defendants are Anarchists is not a
fact which would justify the jury in taking their lives. These men
are not the lazy fellows pictured by the state."
[Illustration: JULIUS S. GRINNELL.]
STATE'S ATTORNEY JULIUS S. GRINNELL FOR THE PROSECUTION.
State's Attorney Grinnell closed for the State, and he began his
remarks by criticising counsel for the defense for making heroes of the
prisoners. The Anarchists were compared to the fathers of our country;
they were pictured as martyrs, as men who sacrificed themselves for the
welfare of human kind. If that be so, songs of praise should be sung,
and the Anarchists ought to be garlanded with flowers. Captain Black
had said that society was discriminating against the poor; that the
struggle for existence was daily becoming harder. That was not true,
for civil liberty was never before as widespread as it is at present.
Mr. Grinnell said the case had received his entire attention since May
5. Government was on trial. Murder had been committed. It was sought
to know who was responsible. For a few days after the Haymarket riot
it was not thought it was more far-reaching than the results of the
inflammatory speech-making. It was not until after the magnificent
efforts of Captain Schaack that a conspiracy was developed. Then
Schnaubelt was discovered. It was not until after Spies was arrested
that it became apparent that a man was capable of the hellish act in
which he was concerned. A mistake had been made. It was said the State
would show who the bomb thrower was. This had not been done, owing
to the inability of certain witnesses to make good on the stand the
statements they had before made to the officers. These men were not
Socialists, but Anarchists, and their creed is no government, no law.
Until placed on the stand these men never hedged on that definition.
It was sought to be shown that the defendants were barking dogs that
would not bite. These men were on trial, law was on trial, Anarchy
was on trial for treason. The penalty of treason is death. A man can
commit an overt act of treason, and not kill anybody. Is it any the
less treason because seven men are killed and sixty wounded? There is
no statute of limitation for threats, when repeated threats resulted
in the commission of the deed. For years past, on the Lake front and
at the different so-called Socialistic halls in the city, these men
had preached the use of dynamite, poison and daggers as a means of
effecting the social revolution. The thing should have been stopped
long ago. But that was foreign to the case. The men were here now on
trial for murder. Their threats had been carried out. It did not matter
whether any police officers had overstepped their duty; the jury had
nothing at all to do with that. The accused were on trial for murder.
On the Lake front the Anarchists were wont to assemble under the red
flag, which they described as the emblem of universal liberty. But
there was but one flag of liberty--that was the Stars and Stripes;
and it would always remain such if the gentlemen of the jury had the
courage to uphold the law. Threats had been mouthed, dire vaporings
were spread from one group to another to fill the people with terror,
so that the social revolution might the more easily be accomplished.
Mr. Grinnell holds that Spies wrote the "Revenge" circular
premeditatedly. He reads it to the jury commenting on various passages
contained therein, and makes it plain to the jury that Spies had an
ulterior and sinister purpose in view when he penned the famous dodger.
There were only two officers at McCormick's when the mob Spies was
addressing broke loose and attacked the non-union men. The police were
called, but why? To protect the McCormick property and the two officers
from the fury of the mob as well as to save the non-union men from
being killed. It was this sight--the coming of additional police--that
made the blood of the valorous Spies boil. Knowing that no fatalities
had taken place, or not knowing that any had occurred, Spies posted down
town, and the "Revenge" circular was written by him and in the hands
of the printer before 5 o'clock that same afternoon. Balthazar Rau's
name was mentioned every day, time and time again by the defense, but
he was not called as a witness. They were afraid to put him on the
stand. It was Rau who invited Spies to address the Haymarket meeting,
and he was present when Spies made his speech. That was a kind of Marc
Antony address, and to be understood one must read it between the
lines. It was artfully calculated to inflame. It was a significant
opening. The working men were told to come armed. Waller did come
armed. The police should have broken up the meeting in its incipiency.
If Bonfield had not gone down there at the time he did the riot would
have been general. The reason more bombs were not thrown was that the
other fellows in the conspiracy had not time to reach the scene. The
man who threw the bomb obtained it from Lingg or Spies, and hurled
it according to directions received from one or other of these men.
Did Fielden shoot that night? For years past he has called the police
bloodhounds; he said he would march down Michigan avenue with the red
flag or the black flag, and preached "death to the capitalists and the
police, our despoilers." This must be understood above all things; that
the bomb was thrown in furtherance of the common design, no matter
who threw it. Gilmer said Spies handed the bomb to Schnaubelt. Is that
improbable? For years he preached the throwing of bombs. An article
over his own signature is in evidence, and in this he gives directions
as to the manner in which bombs should be ignited and hurled at the
enemy. Who was Schnaubelt? Schwab's brother-in-law. He is the man who
was arrested before the conspiracy was known and let go, then shaved
off his whiskers, and has not been seen since. A peculiar circumstance,
and the most significant of the case, was that when Spies was arrested
he left the traces of his crime in his office. Bonfield arrested him.
Spies said he went over to the Central station unsuspectingly. Had
he known what was going to have happened he would have destroyed the
"Ruhe" manuscript. It was the little mistakes that brought the criminal
to justice, and there never was a criminal, big or little, that did not
leave traces of his crime behind him.
Mr. Grinnell concluded by saying his labor was over; the jury's
was just begun. They had the power to exact the lives of some of
the prisoners, to others they might give a term of years in the
penitentiary, and some again they might acquit. He would not ask the
jury to take the life of Oscar Neebe. He would not ask the jury to do
what he would not do himself. The proof was not sufficient to convict
Neebe, but some of them, Spies, Fischer, Lingg, Engel, Fielden, Parsons
and Schwab, ought to have the extreme penalty administered to them.
[Illustration: JOS. E. GARY.]
"Personally," said Mr. Grinnell, "I have not a word to say against
these men. But the law demands that they be punished. They have
violated the law, and you, gentlemen of the jury, stand between the
living and the dead. Do your duty. Do not disagree. If you think that
some of them do not deserve the death penalty give them a life
sentence, but do not disagree. Gentlemen, this is no pleasant task for
me, but it is my duty; do yours."
CHAPTER VI.
THE INSTRUCTIONS OF THE COURT.
In his instructions to the jury Judge Gary said: "The Court instructs
the jury that whoever is guilty of murder shall suffer the punishment
of death, or imprisonment in the penitentiary for his natural life, or
for a term of not less than fourteen years. If the accused are found
guilty by a jury they shall fix the punishment by their verdict.
"The Court instructs the jury as a matter of law that, in considering
the case, the jury are not to go beyond the evidence to hunt up
doubts, nor must they entertain such doubts as are merely chimerical
or conjectural. A doubt to justify an acquittal must be reasonable,
and must arise from a candid and impartial investigation of all the
evidence in the case, and unless it is such that, were the same kind
of doubt interposed in the graver transactions of life, it would cause
a reasonable and prudent man to hesitate and pause, it is sufficient
to authorize a verdict of not guilty. If, after considering all the
evidence, you can say you have an abiding conviction of the truth of
the charge, you are satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt.
"If it does so prove, then your duty to the State requires you to
convict whosoever is found guilty. The case of each of the defendants
should be considered with the same care and scrutiny as if he alone
were on trial. If a conspiracy having violence and murder as its object
is fully proved, then the acts and declarations of each one of the
conspirators, before or after May 4, which are merely narrative as to
what had been or would be done, and not made to aid in carrying into
effect the object of the conspiracy, are only evidence against the
person who made them. What are the facts and what is the truth the jury
must determine from the evidence, and from that alone. If there are any
unguarded expressions in any of the instructions which seem to assume
the existence of any facts, or to be any intimation as to what is
proved, all such expressions must be discouraged and the evidence only
looked to, to determine the facts.
"The Court instructs the jury as a matter of law that an accessory
is he who stands by and aids, abets, or assists, or who, not being
present, aiding, abetting, or assisting, has advised, encouraged, aided
or abetted the perpetration of that crime. He who thus aids, abets,
assists, advises or encourages shall be considered as a principal and
punished accordingly. Every such accessory when a crime is committed
within or without this state by his aid or procurement in this state,
may be indicted and convicted at the same time as the principal, or
before or after his conviction, and whether the principal is convicted
or amenable to justice or not, and punished as principal.
"If the defendants attempted to overthrow the law by force and threw
the bomb, then the defendants who were in the conspiracy were guilty
of murder. If there was an Anarchistic conspiracy, and the defendants
were parties to it, they are guilty of murder, though the date of
the culmination of the conspiracy was not fixed. If any of the
defendants conspired to excite by advice people to riot and murder,
such defendants are guilty if such murder was done in pursuance of
said conspiracy; the impracticalness of the aim of the defendants is
immaterial.
"Circumstantial evidence is competent to prove guilt, and if defendants
conspired to overthrow the law and Degan was killed in consequence, the
parties are guilty, and it is not necessary that any of the defendants
were present at the killing.
"All parties to the conspiracy are equally guilty. Circumstantial
evidence must satisfy the jury beyond reasonable doubt. In such case
the jury may find defendants guilty. When defendants testified in the
case they stood on the same ground as other witnesses."
THE VERDICT.
The jury retired at 2:50 o'clock Thursday, August 19. The first
intimation that an agreement had been reached was when word was sent
to the Revere house to prepare supper for the jury, it having been
understood that unless a decision as to the fate of the prisoners was
reached before 10 o'clock, supper would not be served at that time.
Friday morning the excitement of the crowd in front of the Criminal
Court building was something intense while the verdict was being
awaited. There was none of the joking and laughing that is heard on the
only other occasion that brings a mob to stand without those dreary
walls--the execution of a convicted criminal. Such conversations as
were held were in a low tone, and related solely to the one topic--the
probable conviction of the eight prisoners who were waiting for the
hour which was to mean life or death to them. Both sides of the street
were lined with people who awaited anxiously for some tidings from the
court within. An army of bailiffs and policemen guarded the big doors,
and the surging masses were only kept back by sheer force. The limited
number who obtained admission to courtroom were the reporters and the
immediate friends and relatives of the defendants. The gaily-dressed
women who had attended the trial since the start were not there. The
court officials decided that the relatives of the prisoners should be
allowed in the courtroom, and at 9:15 o'clock the sister of Spies, with
another young woman, made her appearance. Shortly afterward the mother
of Spies, accompanied by a younger son, also entered the courtroom
and took a seat on the back benches. At 9:20 Mrs. Parsons entered the
courtroom, accompanied by a woman who attended her throughout the
trial. She was given a seat between two policemen. The row of seats
farthest removed from the judge were occupied by a force of police
officers. Next below, seated in the order named, were Henry Spies; Mrs.
Spies, the prisoner's mother; Miss Spies; Chris Spies, and a young lady
friend. Next below was Mrs. Martin. The ladies looked anxious. Mrs. and
Miss Spies and Mrs. Parsons looked worn out, though the latter tried to
appear unconcerned, and occupied her time in reading newspapers. It was
9:50 o'clock when the Judge came in. He looked nervous and excited. He
was barely seated when Captain Black entered. The Captain took a seat
near his wife. He had just paid a visit to his clients.
"Are they prepared for the worst?" asked Mrs. Black, anxiously.
"Prepared!" repeated the Captain. "Yes; fully prepared to laugh at
death. They talk about the matter much more coolly than I can."
A moment or two later the prisoners were brought in. They were not
given their usual seats, but placed in a row on a bench against the
wall at the Judge's left, in the narrow aisle leading to the passage
way to the jail. They sat in the same old order. Spies was at the
head, next to the judge. All looked haggard and excited. Even the
usually stoical face of Lingg wore an expression of anxiety. Fischer
was deathly pale and trembled visibly. These pale and trembling
wretches were the braggarts who a few short weeks before were boldly
proclaiming the doctrines of Socialism and Anarchy on the Lake front,
in Zephf's hall and the beer saloons of the North and West sides. They
were the men who were advocating force and the use of dynamite, and
the total annihilation of law and order, the theft of property, and
murder of citizens. Their vapid mouthings were thrust upon assemblages
of decent working men, their policy was Communism, their banner was
the banner of blood, and their teachings were death and destruction.
Bold and fearless as lions they appeared when indulging in flights of
incendiary oratory. Like dumb, obedient beasts they bowed in submission
before the most powerful scourge the law can wield--the death verdict.
The jurymen filed in and took their seats in the jury box. They looked
determined and resolute. There was a death-like silence in the court.
In a low voice the Judge asked: "Gentlemen, have you agreed?" F. E.
Osborne, the foreman, rose and replied: "We have, your honor." Taking
out two sheets of foolscap from his side coat-pocket, he handed them
to Clerk Doyle, who glanced at them and handed them to the Judge, who
slipped them apart, trembling so that the leaves shook violently. A
whispered consultation between the Judge and the Clerk followed, and
the document was returned to Mr. Doyle, who read:
"We, the jury, find the defendants, August Spies, Michael Schwab,
Samuel Fielden, Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel and
Louis Lingg, guilty of murder, as charged in the indictment, and fix
the penalty at death.
"We find the defendant, Oscar Neebe, guilty of murder in manner and
form as charged in the indictment, and fix the penalty at imprisonment
in the penitentiary for a term of fifteen years."
Not a sound came from the spectators. For a moment the courtroom was
silent as the tomb. The prisoners were struck with horror. Spies' face
blanched white as the paper on which his death sentence was written.
His lips quivered, and he mechanically tapped the floor with his foot
and nervously stroked his moustache. Neebe was completely stunned.
The blood rushed to his face, and the perspiration stood out on his
forehead in great drops. Schwab's yellow face seemed to look into
vacancy, and he had a wandering, stupid stare. Parsons was visibly
affected, but he kept himself up better than the rest, and maintained
a certain air of nonchalance. He made an effort to flaunt a red
handkerchief out of the window at the crowd on the outside, but was
promptly checked by a bailiff. Fielden fairly quaked. He shook like
an aspen leaf, and in every way showed his great fear. Fischer was
ghastly. When the verdict was first being read he held a half-consumed
cigar in his mouth, but when the death penalty was reached the weed
fell from his lips to the floor. Lingg appeared sullen and stoical,
but when the sentence was read his face flushed, and he was seen to
tremble. Engel betrayed no emotion. When the verdict became known to
the thousands assembled outside a great cheer rent the air.
Captain Black asked that the jury be polled. The jurymen answered with
firm voices. Captain Black said he would desire to make a motion for
a new trial. State's Attorney Grinnell said it would be impossible to
dispose of the motion during the present term, but by agreement, the
motion could be argued at the September term. This was agreed to by the
defense.
The Court.--"Let the motion be entered and continued until the next
term, and let the defendants be taken back to jail." Judge Gary then
arose and addressed the jury as follows:
"GENTLEMEN OF THE JURY:--You have finished this long and very arduous
trial, which has required a very considerable sacrifice of time,
and some hardship. I hope that everything has been done that could
possibly be done to make those sacrifices and hardships as mild as
might be permitted. It does not become me to say anything in regard
to the case that you have tried, or the verdict you have rendered;
but men compulsorily serving as jurors, as you have done, deserve
some recognition of the service you have performed besides the meager
compensation you have received."
The Foreman of the jury said: "The jury have deputed to me the only
agreeable duty, that it is in our province to perform, and that
is to thank the Court and the counsel for the defense and for the
prosecution, for your kindly care to make us as comfortable as possible
during our confinement. We thank you."
The jury then filed out, and scarcely had they left the room when a
shrill voice was heard, and Mrs. Schwab fell heavily to the floor. She
was taken out into the fresh air by policemen, and soon revived. Mrs.
Spies followed up this scene by going into hysterics, and also had
to be assisted from the room. The other women kept their nerves, and
after the first shock maintained composure. In the meantime the crowd
had closed in on the prisoners, and were examining them from head to
foot. The bailiffs, however, promptly put a stop to this, and led the
condemned men away to their cells.
THE JURORS.
The twelve good men and true, who sat in judgment for so many long and
weary days, are all Americans by birth. Frank S. Osborne, foreman of
the jury, is a widower of thirty-nine, and the father of three sons. He
is head salesman of the carpet department of Marshall Field's retail
store, and came here from Columbus, Ohio. He is an Episcopalian.
Major James H. Cole, of Lawndale, the first juror accepted by both
sides, was born at Utica, N. Y., forty-three years ago, and served
throughout the Rebellion in the Forty-first Ohio Infantry. He came
to Chicago from Chattanooga, Tennessee, six years ago, and though a
bookkeeper by profession, is at present out of employment.
J. H. Brayton, principal of Webster School, lives at Engelwood with his
family, although a native of Lyons, N. Y. He had arranged a hunting and
fishing excursion for the summer, which was ruined.
A. H. Reed is of the firm of Reed & Sons, of Reed's Temple of Music,
136 State street. He was born in Boston forty-nine years ago, but has
been in the music business here for twenty-three years, living with
his wife at 3242 Groveland Park. Mr. Reed is a Freethinker, but not an
Atheist.
[Illustration: THE JURY.]
Andrew Hamilton, dealer in hardware, has lived in Chicago twenty years
of the forty-one he has been on earth, and now lives with his wife at
1521 Forty-first street.
C. B. Todd, forty-seven years old, was born in Elmira, N. Y., lived in
Minnesota for sixteen years after the war, but is now a salesman in the
Putnam Clothing House. He served in the Sixth New York Heavy Artillery.
Mr. Todd lives at 1013 West Polk street.
H. T. Sanford is but twenty-four years old, and is a son of the late
Lawyer Sanford, compiler of the Superior Court reports of New York.
For fifteen months past he has been voucher clerk for the Chicago &
Northwestern, but before coming to Chicago he was a petroleum broker at
New York. He and his wife live at Oak Park.
S. C. Randall, the youngest man on the jury, was born in Erie county,
Pennsylvania, in 1864, and in the three years he has been in Chicago he
has been a hotel waiter, a milk peddler, and is now a salesman for J.
C. Vaughan & Co., seedsmen, 45 La Salle street.
Theodore Denker, shipping clerk for H. H. King Co., is twenty-seven
years old, and lives at Woodlawn Park. He has lived in Chicago
twenty-five years, and is not married.
Charles A. Ludwig is also twenty-seven years old, single, and is a
clerk in the wood mantel shop of Charles L. Page & Co.
John B. Greiner is a clerk in the freight department of the Chicago &
Northwestern Road, and lives at Humboldt Park. He is twenty-five years
old, and single.
G. W. Adams, twenty-seven years old, travels in Michigan, selling paint
for a Clinton street firm. He is a painter by trade, and lives with his
brother at Evanston.
The following is the official Police Department report of casualties at
the Haymarket:
CHAPTER VII.
THE CONSPIRACY AND MASSACRE. NAMES AND NUMBER OF KILLED AND
WOUNDED. UNEARTHING THE PLOT. OFFICERS AT WORK AND CROWNED
WITH SUCCESS. REPORT OF GRAND JURY.
====================+================+====================================
NAME OF OFFICER. | STATION. | NATURE OF WOUNDS AND CIRCUMSTANCES.
--------------------+----------------+------------------------------------
August C. Killer | Third Precinct.| Shell wound in right side, and ball
| | wound in left side. Wife and five
| | children.
Thomas McHenry | " " | Shell wound in left knee and three
| | shell wounds in left hip. Single;
| | has sister and blind mother to
| | support.
John E. Doyle. | " " | Bullet wound in back and calves of
| | both legs; serious. Wife and one
| | child.
John A. King | " " | Jaw bone fractured by shell, and
| | two bullet wounds in right leg
| | below the knee; serious. Single.
Nicholas Shannon | " " | Thirteen shell wounds on right side
| | and five shell wounds on left
| | side, also right foot and back;
| | serious. Wife and three children.
MICHAEL SHEAHAN | " " | DIED MAY 9. Single.
James Conway | " " | Bullet wound in right leg. Single.
Patrick Hartford | " " | Shell wound right ankle, two toes
| | on left foot amputated, bullet
| | wound in left side. Wife and four
| | children.
Patrick Nash | " " | Bruise on left shoulder by club.
| | Single.
Arthur Conolly | " " | Two shell wounds in left leg, bones
| | slightly fractured. Wife.
Louis Johnson | " " | Shell wound in left leg. Wife and
| | four children.
M. M. Cardin | " " | Bullet wound in calf of both legs.
| | Wife and two children.
Adam Barber | " " | Shell wound left leg, bullet wound
| | in right heel, bullet not
| | extracted. Wife and one child.
Henry F. Smith | " " | Bullet wound on right shoulder;
| | quite serious. Wife and two
| | children in California.
Frank Tyrell | " " | Bullet in right hip near the spine;
| | bullet not removed. Single.
James A. Brady | " " | Shell wound in left leg, slight;
| | injury to toes left foot and
| | shell wounds in left thigh. Wife
| | and two children; wife very sick
| | at County Hospital.
John Ried | " " | Shell wound in left leg; bullet
| | wound in right knee, not removed.
| | Single.
GEORGE MULLER | " " | DIED MAY 6, at County Hospital.
| | Single.
Patrick McLaughlin | " " | Bruise on right side, leg and hip;
| | slight. Wife and three children.
Frank Murphy | " " | Trampled on, three ribs broken.
| | Wife and two children.
Lawrence Murphy | " " | Shell wounds left side of neck and
| | left knee; part of left foot
| | amputated. Wife and three
| | children.
====================+================+====================================
====================+================+====================================
NAME OF OFFICER. | STATION. | NATURE OF WOUNDS AND CIRCUMSTANCES.
--------------------+----------------+------------------------------------
JOHN J. BARRETT | Third Precinct.| DIED MAY 6, at County Hospital;
| | shot in liver. Wife.
Michael Madden | " " | Shot in left lung, will recover;
| | killed his assailant after he was
| | shot. Single.
Lieutenant Stanton | " " | Shell wound in right side, bullet
| | wound in right hip, wounds inside
| | both hips, bullet wound in calf
| | of leg. Wife, seven children.
MATTHIAS J. DEGAN | " " | INSTANTLY KILLED. Widower; father,
| | mother and three sons.
Thomas Brophy | " " | Slight injury in left leg; reported
| | for duty. Wife.
Bernard Murphy | " " | Bullet wound in left thigh shell
| | wound in right side of head and
| | on chin; not dangerous. Wife.
Charles H. Fink | " " | Three shell wounds in left leg and
| | two wounds on right leg, and
| | slightly in thigh; not dangerous.
| | Wife.
Joseph Norman | " " | Bullet passed through right foot,
| | slight injury to fingers on left
| | hand. Wife and two children.
Peter Butterly | " " | Bullet wound in right arm, shell
| | wound in both legs, near knees.
| | Wife and one child.
Alexander Jameson | " " | Bullet wound in left leg; serious.
| | Wife and seven children.
Michael Horan | " " | Bullet wound in left thigh, not
| | removed, slight shell wound on
| | left arm. Single.
Thomas Hennessey | " " | Shell wound on left thigh; slight.
| | Has crippled brother and two
| | sisters to support.
William Burns | " " | Slight shell wound on left ankle.
| | Single.
THOMAS REDDEN | " " | DIED MAY 16, at County Hospital.
| | Fracture of left leg below knee,
| | bullet wound in left cheek,
| | bullet wound in right arm. Wife
| | and two children.
James Plunkett | " " | Struck with club and trampled upon:
| | on duty. Wife.
Charles W. Whitney | " " | Shell wound in left breast, shell
| | not removed. Single.
Jacob Hansen | " " | Right leg amputated above the knee.
| | Three shell wounds on left leg.
| | Wife and one child.
Timothy Sullivan | " " | Bullet wound just above left knee.
| | Has four children (Widower).
Martin Cullen | " " | Right collar bone fractured, and
| | slight injury to left knee; not
| | serious. Wife and five children.
Simon Klidzio | " " | Shot in calf of left leg; serious.
| | Wife and three children.
Julius L. Simonson | " " | Shot in arm, near shoulder; very
| | serious. Wife and two children.
John K. McMahon | " " | Shell wound on calf of left leg;
| | shell not found; ball wound left
| | leg, near knee; very serious.
| | Wife and two children.
Simon McMahon | " " | Shot in right arm and two wounds on
| | right leg. Wife, five children.
Edward W. Ruel | " " | Shot in right ankle, bullet not
| | removed; serious. Single.
====================+================+====================================
====================+================+====================================
NAME OF OFFICER. | STATION. | NATURE OF WOUNDS AND CIRCUMSTANCES.
--------------------+----------------+------------------------------------
Alexander Halverson | Third Precinct.| Shot in both legs, ball not
| | extracted. Single.
Carl E. Johnson | " " | Shot in left elbow. Wife and two
| | children.
Peter McCormick | " " | Slight shot wound in left arm.
| | Wife.
Christopher Gaynor | " " | Slight bruise on left knee. Wife.
TIMOTHY FLAVIN | Fourth " | DIED FROM WOUNDS, MAY 8. Wife and
| | three children.
NILS HANSEN | " " | DIED JUNE 14, at County Hospital.
| | Shot in body, arms and legs,
| | fingers paralyzed. Wife and six
| | children.
S. J. Weineke | " " | Shot in left side of head, ball not
| | found; serious. Wife and two
| | children.
Patrick McNulty | " " | Shot in right leg and both hips;
| | dangerous. Wife and three
| | children.
Samuel Hilgo | " " | Shot in right leg; not serious.
| | Single.
Herman Krueger | " " | Shot in right knee. Wife and two
| | children.
Joseph A. Gilso | " " | Slightly injured in leg and back.
| | Wife and six children.
Edward Barrett | " " | Shot in right leg; quite serious.
| | Wife and six children.
Fruman Steele | " " | Slightly wounded in back; not
| | serious. Single.
James T. Johnson | " " | Right knee sprained; not serious.
| | Wife and three children.
Benjamin F. Snell | " " | Shot in right leg; at hospital.
| | Single.
James H. Willson | Central Detail.| Seriously injured in abdomen by
| | shell, and in left hand; very
| | serious. Wife and five children.
Daniel Hogan | " " | Shot in calf of right leg and in
| | left hand. Wife and daughter.
M. O'Brien | " " | Shell wound in left thigh. Wife and
| | two children.
Frederick A. Andrew | " " | Wounded in leg; not serious.
| | Married.
Jacob Ebinger | " " | Shell wound on back of left hand.
| | Wife and three children.
John J. Kelly | " " | Slight wound by shell, left hand.
| | Wife and three children.
Patrick Flavin | " " | Finger hurt by shell. Married.
--------------------+----------------+------------------------------------
Total number of wounded officers, 67. Deaths, 7.
"BEHOLD HOW GREAT A MATTER A LITTLE FIRE KINDLETH!" The explosion
at the Haymarket made 3 widows, 14 orphans, and left 119 children
dependent upon public charity, pending the recovery of their wounded,
or perhaps permanently maimed and crippled fathers.
The business men of the city and railroad corporations promptly gave
over $50,000 for the relief of the families of the officers who were
killed and wounded.
THE CONSPIRACY.
The search for, and the capture of the prime-actors in the Haymarket
tragedy was at once commenced in earnest. The well organized and
efficient force of brave men, under command of cool headed and well
skilled officers, was sure to succeed. Captain F. Schaack, with six
detectives, kept the entire Northwest group under the surveillance of
their argus eyes. Thielen turned informer and communicated important
information which fitted exactly to supply a perfect chain of evidence.
The _Ypsilon_ and _Ruhe_ signals were significant evidence toward
proving conspiracy along with the other daily developments in the
case. Several officers and detectives were detailed to make a search
of several houses on Sedgwick street, among which, one Seliger's, at
No. 442. As the officers were nearing the house, Louis Lingg and one,
Oppenheimer, were watching them with much interest and discussing the
practicability of making a rush for their arms and kill the officers
rather than have the arsenal of the Anarchist, with its appliances for
the manufacture of infernal machines for the consummation of conspiracy
and treason, fall into the hands of the officers of the law. But the
ever vigilant officers secured possession of the house and removed
all suspicious articles to the station. Lingg went immediately into
hiding, but was on the 14 of May arrested in a little cottage on
Ambrose street. Seliger was arrested in Meyer's carpenter shop, and
Thielen coming to see what Seliger was arrested for was also taken into
custody. Lingg became reckless and defiant. Many of the conspirators
were run to earth by those six men and arrested. Assistant State's
Attorney Furthman interviewed the prisoners in their native tongue and
made a record of their statements.
RUDOLPH SCHNAUBELT,
who it is now believed was the man who threw the dynamite bomb
with such deadly effect, was once arrested, but on temporary
release decamped at once, which suspicious action led to a further
investigation. But two weeks having elapsed since his release, he made
good his escape from the country no doubt. About forty Socialists
were arrested and discharged again. Neebe was once discharged and
re-arrested as the case developed. Gilmer's evidence some days after
the riot tended very much to strengthen the belief that Schnaubelt
was the party who threw the bomb, and that it was thrown under the
immediate supervision and by the direction of August Spies, which is
in keeping with his public speech and the secret teachings by which
he was endeavoring to establish, that system of revolutionary warfare
supplemented by the organization known as the _Lehr und Wehr Verein_,
which is synonymous with armed protection, or teaching secretly the use
of weapons for the purpose of defense.
THE GRAND JURY.
The following is an abstract of their report:
TO THE HON. JUDGE JOHN G. ROGERS: In presenting the bills of
indictments which we have the honor herewith to submit, in what
are known as the "Anarchist cases," we deem it proper to accompany
the same with a few words of explanation. We have endeavored in
our deliberations and in our findings to be guided strictly by the
instructions delivered to us by the Court in regard to the liability
of a citizen under the law for the abuse of the privilege of free
speech. We have in this connection, upon the evidence adduced, found
true bills only against such persons as had, in their abuse of this
right, been more or less instrumental in causing the riot and bloodshed
at Haymarket square, the particulars of which we were called upon to
investigate. We have in some cases refused to find bills for the reason
that persons against whom evidence was presented seemed to be the weak
and ignorant tools of designing men, and that it was our belief should
they continue their evil associations and practices after this calamity
shall have shown them to what it leads, that some future grand jury
would give their cases proper attention. So far as we are informed
this is the first appearance of dynamite as a factor in the criminal
annals of this state, and this is also the first organized conspiracy
for the destruction of human life, and the overthrow of law in any part
of this country that has employed this new and dangerous agency. It is
not surprising that the fatal and appalling success which has attended
this, its first introduction, should have inspired terror in this
community.
We find that the attack on the police on May 4 was the result of
a deliberate conspiracy, the full details of which are now in the
possession of the officers of the law, and will be brought out when
the cases shall be reached in court. We find that this force of
disorganizers had a very perfect force of organizers of its own, and
that it was chiefly under the control of the coterie of men who were
connected with the publication of their English and German newspaper
organs, the _Alarm_ and _Arbeiter Zeitung_. The evidence has shown
conclusively to us that these men were manipulating this agitation from
base and selfish motives, for the power and influence which it gave
them, and for the money which they could make out of it; that the large
majority of their followers were simply their dupes, and they have
collected in this way large sums of money from those followers, and
from the working men of this city. That their plan was to involve, so
far as they could, not only the Socialist and Communist organizations,
with whom they claim some kindred, but also the labor societies and
trades unions, to the end that in the midst of the excitement they
were creating they could not only rely upon them as a source of
revenue, but also have them to fall back upon in the event of their
finally being made amenable to the law. Witnesses have come before
us under protest and with fear and trembling lest their appearance
before this jury should draw down upon them or upon their families
the secret vengeance of this unknown enemy. Branches of industry in
the city have remained paralyzed after all causes of disagreement
between the employer and the employed had been adjusted, by the same
fear inspired among the workmen, coupled with the feeling that the law
as administered was impotent to afford protection to a man ready and
willing to work for the support of his family. So exaggerated has been
the popular notion as to the magnitude of this force that politicians
have cringed before it, and political parties have catered to its
vote. Processions have been tolerated upon our public streets carrying
banners and inscriptions which were a shame and a disgrace to our city,
and an affront to every law-abiding citizen. Public harangues have
been permitted that were an open menace to law and order, and which in
logical sequence have reached their culmination in the bloody outrage
known as the Haymarket massacre. We believe that a proper enforcement
of the law, as expounded by your Honor in the charge made to this
Grand Jury at the beginning of its session, would restore confidence,
correct existing evils, preserve the peace, and protect this community
from the recurrence of a like disorder.
In conclusion, we desire, as citizens and as members of this Grand
Jury, in this public way to express our most grateful acknowledgments
of the debt owing to the officers and men of the police force of
Chicago. By their heroic bravery and their conscientiousness and
devotion to duty we believe that they have saved this city from a
scene of bloodshed and devastation equal to, or perhaps greater than
that witnessed during the Commune in Paris. We wish further, from
the evidence that has been placed before us, to express our fullest
confidence that the same force that has protected us by its bravery
in the face of the enemy, aided by the skill and legal ability of our
Prosecuting Attorney and his assistants, is quite competent to hunt
these public enemies down, and to bring them before our courts of law
with sufficient evidence of guilt to insure what they so richly deserve.
Wednesday, May 19, there appeared before the grand jury as a witness
one Krendl, who is in the service of the City Water Department. This
witness, it was said, testified that he saw a machinist, whose name was
withheld, talking with Spies and Schwab at the Haymarket the evening
of the tragedy. The witness watched the trio closely and saw them
go toward Halsted street and then return to the wagon so frequently
referred to in connection with the massacre. Upon their return
the witness noticed that the machinist had something in his right
coat-pocket which filled it up as an apple or base-ball might. His
attention was directed to this fact because of the persistent manner in
which the machinist kept guard over the mouth of the pocket with his
hand.
M. M. Thompson followed the above witness, and described a certain
person who was with Schwab and Spies during the early part of the
evening, and this, in connection with Krendl's testimony, was
considered important by the jury. It was stated at the time that
Krendl was able to give the machinist's name, from having once been a
Socialist.
It was afterward discovered that Schnaubelt was the machinist referred
to. Fred. P. Rosbeck, a manufacturer of light machinery at No. 224 East
Washington street, stated that Schnaubelt had been in his employ about
five weeks previous to the Haymarket riot. He was a good workman, but a
pronounced Socialist and Anarchist, and his rabid utterances had many
others in the shop to incline to his views. Schnaubelt had a companion,
August Lambrecht by name, who came to work for Rosbeck about the same
time he did. They were very intimate, going and coming together, and
carrying on a close relationship. Tuesday, May 4, Schnaubelt asked his
employer for the day, saying he had some important business to attend
to. He was granted a leave of absence, but returned to work promptly
Wednesday morning. Seeking to enlist him in conversation, Mr. Rosbeck
said:
"Rudolph, they had a big time at the Haymarket last night."
"Yes," said Schnaubelt, "a devil of a time."
Intending to further draw him out, the employer continued:
"You Anarchists didn't half do your job, though. Why didn't you use
more bombs?"
"Because," he answered, "they didn't get up with them in time."
That evening Rosbeck told this story to a friend, who informed the
detective, and the arrest was made Thursday morning. Wednesday
Schnaubelt had a heavy beard and moustache. At the time of his arrest
Thursday he had no beard and his moustache had been trimmed close to
his lip. After his release by the police Schnaubelt returned to the
shop and resumed work, but that Thursday night he informed Rosbeck that
he might not return the next day. He said that he feared the detectives
might search his house and then arrest him. He said Mrs. Schwab was his
sister, and he was often at her house. If they searched Schwab's house
it might lead to his (Schnaubelt's) arrest. He has not been seen since
that Thursday night. His tools and clothes remained in the shop, as
also did his unpaid wages. Rosbeck thought Lambrecht had knowledge of
his friend's whereabouts. About the middle of May Lambrecht informed
Rosbeck that Schnaubelt had instructed him to draw his salary and take
possession of his clothes.
In his evidence before the jury M. M. Thompson declared that he
saw either Spies or Schwab--and he felt almost certain it was the
latter--hand Schnaubelt the bomb while the trio were about fifteen
feet from the wagon. Schnaubelt, he said, was in waiting for them when
they came from Halsted street. Krendl testified that in his opinion
Schnaubelt could not have been handed the bomb at the place designated,
because he saw him go to Halsted street with the speakers, and return.
He admitted, however, that Schnaubelt had something in his outside
pocket when near the wagon.
Schnaubelt, when arrested by Detective Palmer, admitted to Lieutenant
Shea that he was with Schwab that Tuesday night, but insisted that he
left the wagon on which they were standing when it commenced to rain.
Various rumors as to Schnaubelt's whereabouts were received. A letter,
said to be in the fugitive's handwriting, was received by the police
some weeks after the riot, from Portland, Oregon. The writer poked fun
at the chief and said that the fact that he was so far away was due to
the stupidity of the detective force and Lieut. Shea's gullibility.
Subsequently the body of a man was found in the canal at Erie, Pa.,
which in features and in the clothes upon it corresponded to the
description of Schnaubelt, and it was thought he had left Chicago as a
stowaway in a vessel and had been drowned in trying to get ashore at
Erie at night. The authorities, however, became convinced that this was
not Schnaubelt. Some of the police have always believed that Schnaubelt
left the city with Parsons the night after the bomb-throwing, and after
remaining in hiding with the latter near Omaha until Parsons decided to
appear and stand trial, continued his flight South or West. September
15, 1886, H. F. Schaffer, a conductor on the Mexican Central Railroad,
on his way to his home in Ohio, called on Chief of Police Ebersold and
informed him that from a picture of Schnaubelt in the _Police News_,
he thought he had identified the fugitive in the person of a jeweler
in the City of Mexico, who spoke English with a German accent. Mr.
Schaffer and a companion visited the jeweler frequently and endeavored
to draw him out upon the subject of the Haymarket massacre, but the
suspected person would not talk about the Anarchists. It is understood
the police took measures to investigate this supposed clue.
[Illustration]
CHAPTER VIII.
COST OF ANARCHIST TRIAL. EXTRACTS FROM ZEITUNG. MOTION FOR NEW
TRIAL. MOTION OVERRULED.
COST OF THE ANARCHIST TRIALS.
It is estimated that the trials of the Anarchist conspirators for
connection with the Haymarket massacre has cost Cook county and Chicago
about $100,000. A calculation made by county officials at the close of
the murder trial in August, placed the average cost since the night of
the bomb-throwing at $24,800 per month. Another estimate itemizes the
daily expenses as follows:
State's Attorney's office, stenographers, messengers, telegrams,
interpreters, extra legal help (Mr. Ingham) $200
Sheriff's office, bailiff's, jury fees, hotel bills for jury, etc. 150
Court Costs, Judge's salary, miscellaneous items 100
Detectives, policemen, witness fees 150
Criminal Court Clerk's office and other expenses 100
This makes a total of $700 a day, or $70,000 for the 100 days which
the trial covered. The trials of the twenty-six persons indicted for
conspiracy in connection with the murders bring the total cost up to
$100,000.
In an interview Chief of Police Ebersold praised the brave and steady
action of the police at the Haymarket, but for quick and active
fighting gave the palm to the six officers who held a mob of two or
three thousand men at bay at the McCormick works the day before the
Haymarket affair. A mob tried to hang Officer Casey to a lamp post,
and he fought hand to hand against great odds until rescued. Vaclav
Dejnek, Frank Broda and a young man named Hess were indicted for this
affair, and Dejnek was sentenced to serve one year in state's prison.
THE ARBEITER ZEITUNG.
The _Arbeiter Zeitung_, which was suppressed the morning after the
riot, was re-issued almost immediately, and in one issue had the
following comments on the trial:
"Has it come to this, in the land of Washington, Franklin and
Jefferson? It is the Iron Must of historic development. Only those
men who are economically independent can be truly free. Where there
are poor and rich political freedom is a wretched lie. Mammon, the
powerful idol, lowers freedom to a kitchen wench. As in Rome at the
time of its decay Prætorian bands of foreigners upheld the rule of the
Cæsars, so now the chief support of the money kings is the police force
of the large American cities, which consists mainly of foreigners.
The downfall of the Republic is nigh. It will fall like all countries
whose foundations crumble away in the course of time. All the weeping
and wailing cannot delay catastrophe. The present is without hope, so
we must strengthen ourselves by looking at the future. A new life will
bloom from the ruins of the present social order. The society of the
future will bridge over the abysses which open to-day before our eyes.
All men will be equal. They will remember with a shudder the time when
Prætorian bands could plot the massacre of thousands. Mammon will be
cast down from his usurped throne, and Freedom will take the place with
conquering power, to dwell with happy humanity forever and ever."
After the verdict was rendered Mr. Grinnell, in behalf of the State,
sent word to the new publishers of the _Arbeiter Zeitung_, that care
must be taken by them that no attacks either on the jury or Judge Gary
should appear in their paper, notifying them that if any such article
should appear, the managers of the paper would be prosecuted for
contempt of court.
The following was the result of the warning:
"OUTRAGEOUS!"
"SEVEN OF THE DEFENDANTS SENTENCED TO DEATH, AND NEEBE
GETS FIFTEEN YEARS."
"A Motion for a New Trial Made!"
"The jury, through Osborne, its foreman, presented their
verdict to Judge Gary this morning. When the result became
known the detectives, who mingled freely with the crowd on
the street, set up a loud cheering, and the judge became very
pale--he did not expect such a demonstration. Grinnell, on the
other hand, evidently expected such a verdict, and presumably
with cause. Marshall Field and men of his stripe have entirely
too much money. What do the people say to this verdict? They
will look upon it as being impossible--incredible. We were not
inclined to believe it at first, but we soon became convinced.
Captain Black instantly made a motion for a new trial, which
Grinnell did not oppose, and Judge Gary will hear this
motion next term. If he overrules the motion, an appeal will
be taken. We are not in a proper frame of mind to say more
to-day."
THE VERDICT
fell like a bolt of lightning into the midst of Socialistic and
Anarchistic circles, believing as they did, that punishment could
only be inflicted upon the perpetrator of the act of hurling the
bomb. No wonder that consternation sat darkly upon each sullen brow
like the pall of impending doom, as slowly from the jury came those
words of fearful import which set them face to face with death, the
verdict was applauded by the foreign and American press. Twenty-five
representatives of reputable labor unions met condemning the action of
the Socialists and thereby endorsing the verdict of the jury.
The Socialists of New York held indignation meetings denouncing the
verdict and expressing sympathy with their unfortunate brethren of
Chicago. Mrs. Black, in a letter dated Sept. 22, prophesied that in
case the sentence was executed widespread revolution and destruction
of property and life would immediately be inaugurated. On the 27th
Capt. Black served a notice upon State's Attorney Grinnell for a new
trial, on the ground that the verdict was not in keeping with the law;
also that the court had allowed improper testimony, and had erred in
his instructions. 1,191 men were called to serve as jurors in the case
before the twelve eligible men were secured, and even then it was
claimed by the defense that only ten of the twelve were competent.
On Friday, Oct. 1st, the Attorneys for the defense began their
arguments for a new trial, drawing largely upon their imaginations
to supply evidence in the case. They endeavored to introduce false
affidavits from one Orrin Blossom, of No. 2,961 Wentworth Avenue, and
A. Love, of La Grange, to impeach the testimony of Gilmer. But the wary
State's Attorney Grinnell had one move to make which blocked their
game. He had counter affidavits from Orrin Blossom and Love proving
that Love was not in the city on the night of the Haymarket riot after
six o'clock, and that he never saw _Harry Gilmer_.
Three days were spent by the defense in arguing their claims for a new
trial, and on October 7th Judge Gary rendered his decision in the case
in the following language:
THE MOTION FOR A NEW TRIAL OVERRULED.
Judge Gary said:
"In passing upon this motion for a new trial the case is so
voluminous, there is such a mass of evidence, that it is
impossible, within anything like reasonable limits, to give a
synopsis or epitome. I do not understand that either upon the
trial before the jury or upon the arguments of this motion
before me there have been any arguments tending or intended to
deny that all of the defendants, except Neebe, were parties to
whatever purpose or object there was in view--that the other
seven were combined for some purpose. I, of course, do not
wish to attribute to the defendants' counsel any admissions
which they have not made, but my impression is that there has
been no argument tending or intending to deny that all the
other seven, except Neebe, were engaged in the pursuit of some
object. What it is, the counsel have debated before the jury
and before me. Now, it is important to know what that object
was, whether it was as counsel for defense have stated--merely
to encourage working men to resist, if unlawful attacks were
made upon them--or whether it was something else. There is no
better way to ascertain what the object was, than to read what
they have spoken and written as the object, while the events
were transpiring. Now, from the files of their newspapers,
which go back a good way, a good deal can be taken, which
must of necessity be taken as the truth of what their object
was. I have not had time and opportunity to arrange either the
translations of the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ or the files of the
_Alarm_, and pick out those which in the fullest shape show
what they were proposing to do. These translations from the
_Arbeiter Zeitung_ now come to my hands for the first time. I
have here a translation of the _Arbeiter Zeitung_, January 11,
1885, headed 'To Arms'."
The Court proceeded to read numerous and lengthy extracts from
translations offered in evidence of articles in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_,
in which revolution by force was advised, and the approaching
revolution, it was declared, would be greater than that of the last
century. Among the extracts read were the following:
"Dynamite! Of all stuff, this is the stuff."
"The day draws near when the working people of America, in an outburst
of passion and ungovernable rage, will revolt and demand the total
abolition of the existing state of things which brings to the working
classes so much misery and death. Have you all prepared yourselves with
knives, pistols, guns and dynamite for the unavoidable conflict between
labor and capital?"
"It was decided at the last mass-meeting at No. 54 West
Lake street that the next meeting will be devoted to the
consideration of the military laws and necessity of using
force in the warfare between capital and labor."
"Each working man ought to have been armed long ago. Daggers,
revolvers and explosives are cheap, and can be easily
obtained."
"Those who want to talk to capitalists in earnest must be
prepared to attain their object by killing them. This can only
be accomplished by systematic organization. The time for all
this is short--look out--"
"In addition to all this," continued Judge Gary, "there is
the testimony of witnesses that there was a combination which
was formed as early as 1884, and that combination had for
its purpose the changing of the existing order of things,
the overthrow of government, and the abolition of all law.
There can be no question in the mind of any one who has read
these articles or heard these speeches, which were written
and spoken long before the eight-hour movement was talked of,
that this movement which they advocated was but a means in
their estimation toward the ends which they sought, and that
the movement itself was not primarily any consideration with
them at all. The different papers and speeches furnish direct
contradiction to the arguments of counsel that they proposed
to resort to arms merely to resist any unlawful attacks which
the police might make upon them, because these all show that
their object was this: If, during the eight-hour movement,
strikes occurred, and if the employers chose to employ other
men in the place of those who had struck, then these men
so employed must be prevented by force from going to work,
and if the police then undertook to resist the force so
employed on behalf of the strikers; if the police undertook
to prevent this force from being so employed, then that was
the ground on which the police force was to be destroyed.
There can be no doubt that that was an unlawful combination.
It is impossible to argue that any set of men have the right
to dictate to others whether they should work or not, and
if they chose to work in defiance of their dictation, drive
them away by force, and if the police undertook to prevent
that force, then kill the police. It is impossible for an
instant to support any such principle as that. The members
of this combination publicly announce that they had no hope
of winning the majority over to their side by argument, and
no hope of attaining their object by getting rid of this
majority by violence. There is no doubt that seven of the
defendants were in the combination formed for that purpose. As
to Neebe's part, there is the evidence of witnesses that he
presided at meetings called by the class of people from whom
this combination was drawn, and that he called meetings of the
people who were engaged in the movement. There is evidence
that he marched in the Board of Trade procession, the object
of which was said to be the demolition of that building."
The Court proceeded to discuss all the evidence against Neebe, which
tended to show that he was associated with the rest of the defendants
in the encouragement of the movement which had for its object the
destruction of the government. The Court resumed:
"On the question of the instructions whether these defendants,
or any of them, did anticipate or expect the throwing of the
bomb on the night of the 4th of May, is not a question which
I need to consider, because the instructions did not go upon
that ground. The jury were not instructed to find them guilty
if they believed that they participated in the throwing of the
bomb, or encouraged or advised the throwing of that bomb, or
had knowledge that it was to be thrown, or anything of that
sort. The conviction has not gone upon the ground that they
did have any actual participation in the act which caused the
death of Deegan, but upon the ground, under the instructions,
that they had generally by speech and print advised a large
class to commit murder, and had left the occasion, time
and place to the individual will, whim and caprice of the
individuals so advised, and that in consequence of that
advice, and in pursuance of it, and influenced by it, somebody
not known did throw the bomb that caused Deegan's death.
"There is no example in the law books of a case of this sort.
No such occurrence has ever happened before in the history
of the world. I suppose that in the Lord George Gordon riots
we might find something like this. Lord George Gordon was
indicted for treason, and the government failed in its proof
upon the trial as to what he had done. Very likely they did
not want to prove it very strongly against him; I do not
know; it is none of my business. If the bomb was thrown in
pursuance of the prisoners' advice, the instruction as to
the law of accessories before the fact applied to the case,
and the instruction to the jury was proper. If the radical
Prohibitionists should make up their minds that the only way
to stop the liquor traffic was by destroying the saloons and
killing the saloon-keepers, and if some crank should blow
up a saloon with a bomb for whose manufacture the radicals
had furnished specific directions, and in the explosion a
saloon-keeper was killed, there could be no question but that
the radical temperance men were guilty of murder. But there
was no question that when some one said 'Hang McCormick,' or
'Hang Gould,' the reply was given to make no idle threats, but
when they got ready to do anything, to do it."
The shorthand report of the speeches of Spies, Parsons and Fielden at
the Haymarket meeting was then read, after which the Court said:
"Now, the general advice throughout was to each
individual-man--I mean the general teachings on this subject
of associated revolution--was to each individual-man to do
it himself, without combination; that men working together
in deeds of violence were to be avoided; that they were to
go alone where one man only was required to accomplish the
work, and where more than one man was required, as few as was
necessary should be taken. Now, under these circumstances, in
the inflamed state of the public mind at the time, each of
these orators was still more inflaming the public mind when he
advised the people to use force, and some man--I do not say
identified, but unidentified--some man in that crowd, when the
police approached, with a bomb of Lingg's manufacture, killed
Deegan; all who have advised such action are guilty of his
murder. If anything can be proved by circumstantial evidence,
that is proved; that he threw that bomb in consequence of
the influence of these teachings, this advise by speech and
printing over a course of two years; that the man who threw
that bomb had been educated up to it by the teachings of these
defendants. The case, as I said before, is unprecedented.
There is no example of any such crime having been committed;
there is no precedent of any case like this having become the
subject of judicial investigation; but the principle of law is
well fixed. It is the boast of people who profess to admire
the common law, that it adapts itself to human events, and
that no situation or no new form of industry can arise but the
common law has principles which may be applied."
The prisoners spoke in their own behalf before sentence was passed. The
courtroom was crowded as usual. The police department was represented
by Chief Ebersold, Capt. Schaack, and twenty officers. The prisoners
wore a look of even greater anxiety than at the morning session.
Parsons appeared particularly thoughtful and gloomy. The greater part
of the session he sat with his cheek resting in his hand and taking
less note of the proceedings than usual. Spies was laboring under great
excitement. Before he began his speech Judge Gary repeated the caution
he had before given the auditors to refrain from any demonstration of
approbation or disapprobation during the session. He insisted that
every one in the court should be seated, and seeing two men at the
rear of the room seated on a table he compelled them to take chairs or
sit on the floor. Everything was quiet as the grave when Spies began
his address. During the impassioned passages he raised his voice and
indulged in violent gesticulation. Neebe's utterance was quite rapid,
and he spoke like one at home before an audience. His speech would have
produced an impression on any jury. His voice is clear and resonant,
and he has a better presence than any of the other defendants. Fischer
spoke hesitatingly, and would probably not have spoken at all but for
an uncontrollable desire to express his opinion of the State's Attorney
and all representatives of the law. Lingg's rather handsome face was
flushed, and his eyes flashed as he poured out his denunciation of
Messrs. Grinnell and Bonfield. When he took his seat his face was
covered with perspiration. He made the walls ring, and as each sentence
had to be translated by Prof. Ficke, he had ample opportunity to
deliver each sentence with renewed emphasis. Schwab read his speech in
a clear, resonant voice, and it had been evidently prepared with much
care.
CHAPTER IX.
REASONS WHY THE SENTENCE OF THE LAW SHOULD NOT BE EXECUTED
UPON THEM. SPEECHES BY THE ANARCHISTS.
AUGUST SPIES.
[Illustration: AUG. SPIES.]
"In addressing this Court I speak as the representative of one
class to the representative of another. I will begin with the
words uttered five hundred years ago on a similar occasion by
the Venetian Doge Faliero, who, addressing the court, said:
'My defense is your accusation; the causes of my alleged
crime, your history.' I have been indicted under the charge
of murder as an accomplice or accessory. Upon this indictment
I have been convicted. There was no evidence produced by the
State to show or even indicate that I had any knowledge of the
man who threw the bomb, or that I myself had anything to do
with the throwing of the missile unless, of course, you weigh
the testimony of the accomplices of the State's Attorney and
Bonfield, the testimony of Thompson and Gilmer, by the price
they were paid for it. If there was no evidence to show that I
was legally responsible for the deed, then my conviction and
the execution of the sentence are nothing less than a willful,
malicious and deliberate murder--as foul a murder as may be
found in the annals of religious, political, or any other
sort of persecution. Judicial murders have in many cases been
committed where the representatives of the state were acting
in good faith, believing their victims to be guilty of the
charge or accusation. In this case the representatives of the
state cannot justify themselves by a similar excuse, for
they themselves have fabricated most of the testimony which
was used as a pretense to convict us--convict us by a jury
picked to convict before this Court and before the public,
which is supposed to be the State. I charge the State's
Attorney and Bonfield with a heinous conspiracy to commit
murder.
"I will now state a little incident which will throw light
upon this charge. On the evening on which the Prætorian
cohorts of the Citizens' Association, the Bankers'
Association, the Bar Association, and railroad princes
attacked the meeting of working men at the Haymarket with
murderous intent--on that evening about 8 o'clock, I met a
young man, Legner by name. My brother was with me at the same
time, and never left me on that evening until I jumped from
the wagon a few seconds before the explosion came. Legner
knew that I had not seen Schwab that evening. He knew that I
had no such conversation with anybody, as Marshall Field's
protege, Thompson has testified to. He knew that I did not
jump from the wagon and strike a match and hand it to the
man who threw the bomb. He is not a Socialist. Why didn't we
bring him on the stand? Because the honorable representatives
of the State, Grinnell and Bonfield, spirited him away.
These honorable gentlemen knew everything about Legner. They
knew that his testimony would prove the perjury of Thompson
and Gilmer beyond any reasonable doubt. Legner's name was
on the list of witnesses for the State. He was not called,
however, for obvious reasons. First, as he stated to a number
of friends, he had been offered $500 if he would leave the
city, and threatened with direful things if he should remain
here and appear as a witness for the defense. He replied
that he could neither be bought nor bulldozed to serve such
a foul, damnable, dastardly plot. But when we wanted Legner
he could not be found. Mr. Grinnell said--and Mr. Grinnell
is an honorable man--that he himself had been searching for
the young man, but had not been able to find him. About
three weeks later I learned that the very same young man had
been kidnapped and taken to Buffalo, N. Y., by two of the
illustrious guardians of the law, two Chicago detectives. Let
Mr. Grinnell, let the Citizens' Association, his employer,
let them answer for themselves, and let the people--let the
public--sit in judgment upon these would-be assassins. No, I
reply, the Prosecution has not established our legal guilt,
notwithstanding the purchased and perjured testimony of some,
and notwithstanding the originality of the proceedings of
the trial. And as long as this has not been done, and you
pronounce the sentence of the appointed vigilante committee
acting as a jury, I say that you, the alleged servant and high
priests of the law, are the real and only law-breakers, and
in this case you go to the extent of murder. It is well that
the people know this. And when I speak of the people I do not
mean the few conspirators of Grinnell, the noble patricians
who are murderers of those whom they please to oppress. Those
citizens may constitute the state. They may control the state;
they may have their Grinnells, Bonfields, and their hirelings.
No, when I speak of the people, I speak of the great mass
of working beasts, who unfortunately are not yet conscious
of the rascalities that are perpetrated in the name of the
people--in their name. They condemn the murder of eight men
whose only crime is that they have dared to speak the truth.
This murder may open the eyes of these suffering millions,
may wake them up indeed. I have noticed that our conviction
has worked miracles in this direction already. The class
that clamors for our lives, the good and devout Christians,
have attempted in every way, through their newspapers and
otherwise, to conceal the true and only issue in this case, by
designating the defendants Anarchists and picturing them as a
newly-discovered tribe or species of cannibals, by inventing
shocking and horrifying stories of their conspiracies.
"I believe with Buckle, with Paine, with Jefferson, with
Emerson, with Spencer, and with many other great thinkers
of this century, that the state of caste and classes, the
state where one class dominates and lives upon the labor of
another class and calls it order, should be abolished. Yes,
I believe that this barbaric form of social organization,
with its legalized thunder and murder, is doomed to die and
make room for free society--volunteer associations if you
like--universal brotherhood. You may pronounce your sentence
upon me, honorable judge, but let the world know that in the
year A. D. 1886, in the state of Illinois, eight men were
sentenced to death because they had not lost their faith in
the ultimate victory of liberty and justice. Read the history
of Greece and Rome; read that of Venice. Look over the dark
pages of the church and follow the thorny path of science. No
change! No change!
"You would destroy society and civilization, as ever, upon the
cry of the ruling classes. They are so comfortably situated
under the prevailing system that they naturally abhor and
fear even the slightest changes. Their privileges are as
dear to them as life itself, and every change threatens
these privileges. But civilization is a record whose steps
are monuments of such changes. Without these social changes,
always brought about against the will and against the force
of the ruling classes, there would be no civilization. As to
the destruction of society, which we have been accused of
seeking, it sounds like one of Æsop's fables--like the cunning
of the fox. We, who have jeopardized our lives to save society
from the fiend that has grasped her by the throat, that seeks
her life-blood and devours her substance; we, who would heal
her bleeding wounds, who would free her from the fetters you
have wrought around her, from the misery you have brought upon
her--we are enemies. We have preached dynamite, it is said,
and we have predicted from the lessons history has taught
us, that the ruling class of to-day would no more listen to
the voice of reason than did their predecessors. They would
attempt by brute force to stay the march of progress. Was it
a lie, or was it the truth that we stated? * * * I have been
a citizen of this city fully as long as Mr. Grinnell, and am
probably as good a citizen as Grinnell. At least I should not
wish to be compared to him. Grinnell has appealed time and
again, as has been stated by our attorneys, to the patriotism
of the jury. To that I reply, and I will simply use the words
of an English litterateur, 'Patriotism is the last resort
of the scoundrel.' My friends' agitation in behalf of the
disinherited and disfranchised millions, and my agitation in
this direction, the popularization of the economic teachings
in favor of the education of wage-workers, is declared to be a
conspiracy against society. The word 'society' is here wisely
substituted for state, as represented by the patricians of
to-day. It has always been the opinion of the ruling classes
that the people must be kept in ignorance. They lose their
servility, modesty, and obedience to the arbitrary powers that
be, as their intelligence grows. The education of a blackman,
a quarter of a century ago was a criminal offense. Why?
Because the intelligent slave would throw off his shackles at
whatever cost, my Christian gentlemen. Why is the education
of the working classes to-day looked upon by a certain class
as treason against the State? For the same reason! The State,
however, wisely avoided this point in the prosecution of the
case. From their testimony one would really conclude that
we had in our speeches and publications preached nothing
else but destruction and dynamite. * * * You, gentlemen, are
the revolutionists. You rebel against the effects of social
conditions which have tossed you by fortune's hand into a
magnificent paradise. Without inquiring, you imagine that no
one else has a right in that place. You insist that you are
the chosen ones, the sole proprietors of forces that tossed
you into the paradise. The industrial forces are still at
work. They are growing more active and intense from day to
day. Their tendency is to elevate all mankind to the same
level; to have all humanity share in the paradise you now
monopolize. Can you roll back the incoming tide or angry waves
of old ocean by forbidding it to dash upon the shore? So you
can no more frighten back the rising waves of intelligence
and progress into their unfathomable depths by erecting a few
gallows in the perspective. You, who oppose the natural forces
of things, you are the real revolutionists. You, and you
alone, are the conspirators and destructionists."
ADOLPH FISCHER.
[Illustration: ADOLPH FISCHER.]
"Your Honor, you asked me why the sentence of death should
not be passed upon me. I will not talk much. I will only say
a few words, and that is that I protest against my being
sentenced to death, because I committed no crime. I was tried
here in this room for murder and I was convicted of Anarchy.
I protest against being sentenced to death, because I have not
been found guilty of murder. I have been tried for murder,
but I have been convicted because I am an Anarchist. Although
being one of the parties who were at the Haymarket meeting,
I had no more to do with the throwing of that bomb, I had no
more connection with it than State's Attorney Grinnell had
perhaps.
"As I said, it is a fact, and I do not deny that I was one
of the parties who called at the Haymarket meeting, but that
meeting--(At this point Mr. Salomon stepped up and spoke to
Fischer in a low tone, but Fischer waved him off and said:
Mr. Salomon, be so kind. I know what I am talking about.)
Now, that Haymarket meeting was not called for the purpose of
committing violence and crime. No; but the meeting was called
for the purpose of protesting against the outrages and against
the crimes of the police committed on the day previous out
at McCormick's. The next day I went to Wehrer & Klein and
had twenty-five thousand copies of the handbills printed,
and I invited Spies to speak at Haymarket meeting. It is the
fact, and I don't deny it, in the original of the 'copy' I
had the line 'Working men, arm!' and I had my reasons, too,
for putting those lines in, because I didn't want the working
men to be shot down in that meeting as on other occasions.
But as those circulars were printed and brought over to the
_Arbeiter Zeitung_ office, my comrade, Spies, saw one of those
circulars. I had invited him to speak before that. He showed
the circular and said: 'Well, Fischer, if those circulars are
distributed I won't speak.' And I admitted it would be better
to take those lines out; and Mr. Spies spoke. And that is all
I had to do with that meeting. I feel that I am sentenced, or
will be sentenced to death because I am an Anarchist, and
not because I am a murderer. I have never been a murderer.
I have never committed any crime in my life yet; but I know
a certain man who is on the way to becoming a murderer, an
assassin, and that man is Grinnell--the State's Attorney
Grinnell--because he brought men on the witness stand whom he
knew would swear falsely; and I publicly denounce Mr. Grinnell
as being a murderer and an assassin if I should be executed.
But, if the ruling classes think that by hanging us, hanging a
few Anarchists, they can crush out Anarchy, they will be badly
mistaken, because the Anarchist loves his principles more
than his life. An Anarchist is always ready to die for his
principles."
MICHAEL SCHWAB.
"It is not much I have to say, and I would say nothing at
all if keeping silence did not look like a cowardly approval
of what has been done here. To those, the proceedings of
a trial of justice would be a sneer. Justice has not been
done. More than that, could not be done. If one class is
arraigned against the other class it is idle and hypocritical
to talk about justice and fairness. Anarchy was on trial,
as the State's Attorney put it in his closing speech. A
doctrine, an opinion hostile to brute force, hostile to our
present murderous system of production and distribution.
I am condemned to die for writing newspaper articles and
making speeches. The State's Attorney knows as well as I do
that the alleged conversation between Mr. Spies and me never
took place. He knows a good deal more than that. He knows
all the beautiful works of his organizer, Furthmann. When I
was before the Coroner's jury two or three witnesses swore
very positively to having seen me at the Haymarket when Mr.
Parsons finished his speech. I suppose they wanted at that
time to fix the bomb-throwing on me, for the first dispatches
to Europe said that M. Schwab had thrown several bombs at
the police. Later on they found that would not do, and then
Schnaubelt was the man. Anarchy was on trial. Little did it
matter who the persons were to be honored by the prosecution.
* * *
"As soon as the word is applied to us and to our doctrine
it carries with it a meaning that we Anarchists see fit to
give. 'Anarchy' is Greek, and means, verbatim, that we are
not being ruled. According to our vocabulary Anarchy is a
state of society in which the only government is reason; a
state of society in which all human beings do right for the
simple reason that it is right, and hate wrong because it is
wrong. In such a society no compulsion will be necessary. The
Attorney of the State was wrong when he exclaimed 'Anarchy
is dead!' Anarchy up to the present time existed only as a
doctrine, and Grinnell has not the power to kill any doctrine
whatever. Anarchy, as defined by us, is called an idle dream,
but that dream was called by God a divine blessing. One of the
three great German poets and a celebrated German critic of the
last century has also defined it. If Anarchy was the thing the
State's Attorney makes it out to be, how could it be that such
eminent scholars as Prince Krapotkine should say what he has
said about it? Anarchy is a dream, but only in the present.
It will be realized, for reason will grow in spite of all
obstacles. Who is the man that has the cheek to tell us that
human development has already reached its culminating point?
I know our ideal will not be accomplished this year or next
year, but I know it will be accomplished as soon as possible,
some day in the future. It is entirely wrong to use the word
Anarchy as synonymous with violence. Violence is something,
and Anarchy is another. In the present state of society
violence is used on all sides, and therefore we advocated the
use of violence against violence, but against violence only as
a necessary means of defense. I have never read Herr Most's
book simply because I don't find time to read it; and if I
had read it, what of it? I am an agnostic, but I like to read
the Bible, nevertheless. I have not the slightest idea who
threw the bomb at the Haymarket, and had no knowledge of any
conspiracy to use violence that or any other night."
OSCAR NEEBE.
"Your Honor: I have found out during the last few days what
law is. Before I didn't know it. I did not know that I was
convicted because I knew Spies and Fielden and Parsons. I
have met these gentlemen. I have presided at a meeting, as
the evidence against me shows, in the Turner hall, to which
meeting your Honor was invited. The judges, the preachers, the
newspaper men, and everybody was invited to appear at that
meeting for the purpose of discussing Anarchism and Socialism.
I was at that hall. I am well known among the working men of
the city, and I was the one elected chairman of that meeting.
Nobody appeared to speak, to discuss the question of Labor and
Anarchism or Socialism with laboring men. No, they couldn't
stand it. I was chairman of that meeting; I don't deny it. I
had the honor to be marshal of a labor demonstration in this
city, and I never saw as respectable a lot of men as I saw
that day.
"They marched like soldiers, and I was proud that I was
marshal of those men. They were the toilers and the working
men of this city. The men marched through the city of Chicago
to protest against the wrongs of society, and I was marshal
of them. If that is a crime, I have found out--as a born
American--what I am guilty of. I always thought I had a right
to express my opinion, to be chairman of a peaceable meeting,
and to be marshal of a demonstration. My friends, the labor
agitators, and the marshals of a demonstration--was it a crime
to be marshal of a demonstration? I am convicted of that. I
suppose Grinnell thought after Oscar Neebe was indicted for
murder the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ would go down. But it didn't
happen that way. And Mr. Furthmann, too--he is a scoundrel,
and I can tell it to you to your face. There is only one man
that acted as a lawyer, and he is Mr. Ingham, but you three
fellows have not."
I established the paper and issued it to the working men of
the city of Chicago, and inside of two weeks I had enough
money from the toilers--from hired girls, from men who would
take the last cent out of their pocket to establish the
paper--to buy a press. I could not publish the paper because
the honorable detectives and Mr. Grinnell followed us up,
and no printing house would print our paper, and we had to
have our own press. We published our own paper after we had
a press, bought by the money of the working men of the city.
That is the crime I have committed--getting men to try and
establish a working man's paper that will stand to-day, and
I am proud of it. They have not got one press--they have got
two presses to-day, and they belong to the working men of
this city. When the first issue came out, from that day up to
the day now, your Honor, we have gained 4,000 subscribers.
There are the gentlemen sitting over there from the _Freie
Presse_ and _Staats Zeitung_--they know it. The Germans of
this city are condemning these actions. They would not read
our paper. There is the crime of the Germans. I say it is a
verdict against Germans, and I, as an American, must say that
I never saw anything like that.
"Those are the crimes I have committed after the 4th of May.
Before the 4th of May I committed some crimes. I organized
trades unions. I was for the reduction of the hours of labor
and the education of laboring men and the re-establishment of
the _Arbeiter Zeitung_. There is no evidence to show that I
was connected with the bomb-throwing, that I was near it or
anything of that kind. So I am only sorry, your Honor, if you
can stop it or help it, I will ask you to do it--that is, to
hang me, too; and I think it is more honor to die certainly
than to be killed by inches. I have a family and children, and
if they know their father is dead they will bury him. They can
go to the grave and kneel down in front of it; but they can't
go to Joliet and see their father convicted of a crime that
he hasn't anything to do with. That is all I have got to say.
Your Honor, I am sorry I do not get hung with the rest of the
men."
[Illustration: LOUIS LINGG.]
LOUIS LINGG.
[Translated by Prof. H. H. Fick.]
"Court of Justice: With the same contempt with which I have
tried to live humanely upon this American soil, I am now
granted the privilege to speak. If I do take the word I do
it because injustice and indignities have been heaped upon
me right here. I have been accused of murder. What proofs
have been brought in support of it? It has been proved that
I assisted some man by the name of Seliger in manufacturing
bombs. It has been furthermore stated that with the assistance
of somebody else I have taken those bombs to 58 Clybourn
avenue, but although one of these assistants has been produced
as a State witness it has not been shown that one of these
bombs was taken to the Haymarket. * * * What is Anarchy? * * *
The points that we are driving at have been carefully withheld
by the State. * * * But it has not been said that by their
superior force we are driven to our course. Contempt of court
has been charged against us. We have been treated as opponents
of public order. What is this order? Such order as represented
by police and detectives? On the slightest occasion the
representatives of this public order have forced themselves
into our midst. The same police that aim to give protection
to property embraces thieves in its ranks. * * * I have told
Capt. Schaack that I was at a meeting of carpenters at Zephf's
hall on May 3. He has stated that I admitted to him that I
learned the fabrication of bombs from Most's book, 'Science
of Warfare.' That is perjury. * * * It has been proved that
Grinnell has used Gilmer for his purpose intentionally. There
are points which prove that. * * * I say that these seven
persons here, of which I am one, are murdered purposely by
Grinnell. * * * Grinnell has the courage to call me a coward,
right here in this court of justice, and Grinnell is a person
who has connived with miserable subjects to go against me,
to get testimony against me, to kill me. * * * Is life worth
living? What are their purposes in thus murdering these men?
Low egotism, which finds its reward in a higher position,
and which yields a return of money. * * * But it has been
said that the International association of working men was
in itself a conspiracy, and that I was a member of this
association. My colleague, Spies, has already stated to you
how we were connected. * * * And that is the conspiracy that
has been proved against me, and for that I am to end my life
upon the gallows--an instrument which you consider a disgrace
to me. I declare here openly that I do not acknowledge these
laws, and less so the sentence of the Court. * * * I would
not say a word if I was really guilty according to this
foolish law, but even according to these laws that would not
be respected by a schoolboy, not even these laws have been
carried out to the full extent when I was found guilty. * * *
You smile. You perhaps think I will not use bombs any more,
but I tell you I die gladly upon the gallows in the sure hope
that hundreds and thousands of people to whom I have spoken
will now recognize and make use of dynamite. In this hope I
despise you, and I despise your laws. Hang me for it."
GEORGE ENGEL.
[Translated by Mr. Gauss.]
"When I left Germany in the year 1872 it was by reason of my
recognition of the fact that I could not support myself in the
future as it was the duty of a man to do. I recognized that I
could not make my living in Germany because the machinery and
the guilds of old no longer furnished me a guarantee to live.
I resolved to emigrate from Germany to the United States,
praised by many so highly. When I landed at Philadelphia,
on the 8th of January, 1873, my heart and my bosom expanded
with the expectation of living hereafter in that free country
which had been so often praised to me by so many emigrants,
and I resolved to be a good citizen of this country; and I
congratulated myself on having broken with Germany, where I
could have no longer made my living, and I think that my past
will show that, that which I resolved I intended to keep
faithfully. For the first time I stand before an American
court, and at that to be at once condemned to death. And what
are the causes that have preceded it, and have brought me
into this court? They are the same things that preceded my
leaving Germany, and the same causes that made me leave. I
have seen with my own eyes that in this free country, in this
richest country of the world, so to say, there are existing
proletarians who are pushed out of the order of society."
After explaining how his dissatisfaction with the existing order of
things led him to become a Socialist, Engel continued:
"I resolved to study Socialism with all my power. In the year
1878 I came from Philadelphia to Chicago, and took pains to
eke out my existence here in Chicago, and believed that it
would be an easier task to live here, than in Philadelphia,
where I had previously in vain exerted my powers to live. I
found that, that also was in vain. There was no difference for
a proletariat, whether he lived in New York, or Philadelphia,
or Chicago. * * * To make further investigations I tried to
buy, from the money that I and my family earned, scientific
books on those questions. I bought the works of Ferdinand
Lassalle, Karl Marx and Henry George. After investigating
these works I recognized these reasons why a proletariat
could not exist, even in this country, as free as it is. I
thought about the means by which that could be corrected.
They praised to me this country where every man and every
working man had a right to go to the ballot-box and choose
his own officers. I scarcely believed that any citizen of
the United States could have meant so honestly and well as
I, when I turned my attention to politics, and took part in
them. But even in this regard of freedom of the ballot-box
I found myself mistaken. I learned to see that the working
man was not free in his opinion, that he was not free in
vote. It was in vain that the Socialistic party took pains
in former times, honest pains, to elect honest officers.
After a few vain attempts I found that it was impossible for
a working man to free himself by means of the ballot-box,
and to secure those things which were necessary for his
existence. * * * In this city corruption even entered the
ranks of the Social Democracy. I also obtained the conviction
that through those men who put themselves over us as leaders,
and occupied themselves with compromises, this was brought
about, and then I left the ranks of the Social Democracy
and gave myself over to the International which was then
organizing; and what these men wanted, and what these men
through their exertions sought to bring about was nothing more
or less than the conviction that the freeing of the ruling
classes could only be brought about by force, as have all
revolutions been throughout history. This conviction, before
I went over to those people, was obtained through study of
the history of all lands. The history of all lands showed me
that all advantages in a political, in a religious, and in a
material direction, were always obtained only by the use of
force; and if I confine myself to the history of this country
where I am convicted, I take into consideration that the
first immigrants into this country and the first colonists,
only freed themselves by force from the power of England. I
afterward obtained the conviction that the slavery existing
in this country, to the shame of the Republic, could only be
put aside by force. And what does this history teach us? The
man that spoke against existing slavery in this country was
hanged, as it is intended that we should be hanged, to-day.
In the course of time I became convinced that all those who
spoke in favor of the ruling classes must hang. And what are
the reasons for it? This Republic does not exist through,
and its affairs are not conducted by, those persons who come
into office by an honest ballot. * * * Under these conditions
it is certainly not a wonder that there were men, noble men,
noble scientific men, who have tried to find ways and means
to bring back humanity to its original condition. And this is
the social science to which I confess myself with joy. The
State's Attorney said here 'Anarchism is on trial.' Anarchism
and Socialism are, according to my opinion, as like as one egg
is to another. Only the tactics are different. Anarchism has
abandoned the ways pointed out by Socialism to free mankind,
and has resolved no longer to bear the yoke of slavery, and,
therefore, I say to the working classes, do not believe any
longer in the ballot-box and in those ways and means that
are left open to you; but rather think about ways and means
when the time comes, when the burden of the people becomes
intolerable. And that is our crime. Because we have named
to the people the ways and means by which they could free
themselves in the fight against Capitalism, by reason of that,
Anarchism is hated and persecuted in every state. In spite
of that and again in spite of it Anarchism will exist, and
if not in public it will exist in secret, because the powers
force it to act in secret. If the State's Attorney declares
or thinks that after he has hanged these seven men and sent
the other one to the penitentiary for fifteen years he has
then killed Anarchism, I say, that will not be so. Only the
tactics will be changed, and that will be all. No power in
the world will tear from the working man his knowledge and
his skill or opportunity in making bombs. I am convinced that
Anarchism cannot be routed out,--if that was the case it would
have been routed out in other countries long ago--in the least
by our murdering the Anarchists. That evening when the first
bomb in this country was thrown, I was sitting in my room; did
not know anything about the conspiracy; did not know anything
about that deed; did not know anything about the bomb; did
not know anything about the conspiracy which the State's
Attorney had brought about here. * * * Can you have respect
for a government that only gives rights to the privileged
classes, but to the working men not at all, although there
are conspiracies in all classes and connections of the
capitalistic class. Although we have only recently experienced
that the coal barons came together, put up the price of coal
arbitrarily while they paid less wages to their working men,
and wherever those coal workers, those miners have come
together to consider the bettering their conditions, their
demands have always been very modest on the whole, then the
militia appears at once upon the scene and helps those people,
while they are feeding the miners with powder and lead. For
such a government I have no respect, and can have no respect
in spite of all their followers, in spite of all their police,
in spite of all their spies.
"I am not a man who hates a single capitalist. I am not the
man who at all hates the person of the capitalist. I hate the
system and all privileges, and my greatest desire is that the
working classes will at last recognize who are their friends
and who are their enemies. Against the condemnation of myself
by the capitalistic influence I have no word to say."
[Illustration: SAM'L FIELDEN.]
SAM FIELDEN.
Fielden prefaced his plea by reciting a poem called "Revolution",
written by Freilegrath, a German poet:
"And tho' ye caught your noble prey within your hangman's sordid thrall,
And tho' your captive was led forth beneath your city's rampart wall;
And tho' the grass lies o'er her green, where at the morning's early red
The peasant girl brings funeral wreaths--I tell you still--she is not
dead!"
* * * * *
"You see me only in your cells; ye see me only in the grave;
Ye see me only wandering lone, beside the exile's sullen wave--
Ye fools! Do I not live where you have tried to pierce in vain?
Rests not a nook for me to dwell, in every heart, and every brain?"
* * * * *
"'Tis therefore I will be--and lead the peoples yet your hosts to meet,
And on your necks, your heads, your crowns, will plant my strong,
resistless feet!
It is no boast--it is no threat--thus history's iron law decrees--
The day grows hot, oh, Babylon! 'Tis cool beneath thy willow trees!"
Fielden continued:
"It makes a great deal of difference, perhaps, what kind of a
revolutionist a man is. The men who have been on trial here
for Anarchy have been asked the question on the witness stand
if they were revolutionists. It is not generally considered to
be a crime among intellectual people to be a revolutionist,
but it may be made a crime if a revolutionist happens to be
poor. * * * If I had known that I was being tried for Anarchy
I could have answered that charge. I could have justified
it under the constitutional right of every citizen of this
country, and more than the right which any constitution
can give, the natural right of the human mind to draw its
conclusion from whatever information it can gain, but I had no
opportunities to show why I was an Anarchist. I was told
that I was to be hung for being an Anarchist, after I had got
through defending myself on the charge of murder."
Fielden related that he was born in Lancashire; that his first speech
was made to starving operatives in the streets of his native town; that
it was here he began to hate kings and queens; his first speech was in
support of the operatives of Lancashire as against the sympathizers
with the South in the American rebellion; he came to the United States
in 1868 and was a Methodist exhorter in Ohio, and came to Chicago in
1869. Fielden detailed how he had come to be a Socialist and Anarchist;
reviewing the various speeches he had made at meetings in Chicago;
attacking the veracity of witnesses who had testified against him, and
declaring himself the victim of illegal prosecution. He continued:
"From the time I became a Socialist I learned more and more
what it was. I knew that I had found the right thing; that
I had found the medicine that was calculated to cure the
ills of society. Having found it, I believed it, and I had
a right to advocate it, and I did. The Constitution of the
United States, when it says: 'The right of free speech shall
not be abridged,' gives every man the right to speak. I have
advocated the principles of Socialism and social equality,
and for that and no other reason am I here, and sentence of
death is to be pronounced upon me. What is Socialism? Taking
somebody else's property? That is what Socialism is in the
common acceptation of the term. No; but if I were to answer
it as shortly and as curtly as it is answered by its enemies,
I would say it is preventing somebody else from taking your
property. But Socialism is equality. Socialism recognizes the
fact that no man in society is responsible for what he is;
that all the ills that are in society are the production of
poverty; and scientific Socialism says that you must go to the
root of the evil. There is no criminal statistician in the
world but will acknowledge that all the crime, when traced to
its origin, is the product of poverty. * * * If I am to be
convicted--hanged for telling the truth, the little child that
kneels by its mother's side on the West side to-day and tells
its mother that he wants his papa to come home, and to whom I
had intended as soon as its prattling tongue should begin to
talk, to teach that beautiful sentiment--that child had better
never be taught to read; had better never be taught that
sentiment to love truth. If they are to be convicted of murder
because they dare tell what they think is the truth, then
it would be better that every one of your schoolhouses were
reduced to the ground and one stone not left upon another. If
you teach your children to read they will acquire curiosity
from what they read. They will think, and then will search for
the meaning of this and that. They will arrive at conclusions.
And then if they love the truth, they must tell to each other
what is truth or what they think is the truth. That is the sum
of my offending. * * * The private property system then, in
my opinion, being a system that only subserves the interests
of a few, and can only subserve the interests of the few,
has no mercy. It cannot stop for the consideration of such a
sentiment. Naturally it cannot. So you ought not to have mercy
upon the private property system, because it is well known
that there are many people in the community with prejudices
in their minds. They have grown up under certain social
regulations, and they believe that those social regulations
are right, just as Mr. Grinnell believes that everything in
America is right, because he happened to be born here. And
they have such a prejudice against any one who attacks those
systems. Now, I say they ought not to have any mercy upon
systems that do not subserve their interests. They ought not
to have any respect for them that would interfere with their
abolishing them."
Fielden maintained that the throwing of the bomb at the Haymarket was
a complete surprise to him; that he felt that he would be held in some
respect, at least responsible, yet he resolved not to attempt flight;
continuing:
"I have said here that I thought when the representatives
of the State had inquired by means of their policemen as to
my connection with it, I should have been released. And I
say now, in view of all the authorities that have been read
on the law and accessory, that there is nothing in evidence
that has been introduced to connect me with that affair. * *
* The great Socialist who lived in this world nearly 1,900
years ago, Jesus Christ, has left these words, and there
are no grander words in which the principles of justice and
right are conveyed in any language. He said: 'Better that
ninety-nine guilty men should go unpunished than that one
innocent man should suffer.' Mr. Grinnell, I should judge
from his statements here, is a Christian. I would ask him to
apply that statement of the Great Teacher to the different
testimony that has been given here, and the direct contrary in
other places in the investigation of this case. Your Honor, we
claim that this is a class verdict. We claim that the foulest
criminal that could have been picked up in the slums of any
city in Christendom, or outside of it, would never have been
convicted on such testimony as has been brought in here if he
had not been a dangerous man in the opinion of the privileged
classes. * * * If my life is to be taken for advocating the
principles of Socialism and Anarchy, as I have understood them
and honestly believe them to be in the interests of humanity,
I say to you that I gladly give it up; and the price is very
small for the result that is gained. * * * We claim that so
far as we have been able to find out in trying to find a cure
for the ills of society, we have not found out anything that
has seemed to fit the particular diseases which society in our
opinion is afflicted with to-day, better than the principles
of Socialism. And your Honor, Socialism, when it is thoroughly
understood in this community and in the world, as it is by
us, I believe that the world, which is generally honest,
prejudiced though it may be, will not be slow to adopt its
principles. And it will be a good time, a grand day for the
world; it will be a grand day for humanity; it will never have
taken a step so far onward toward perfection, if it can ever
reach that goal, as it will when it adopts the principles of
Socialism. * * * To-day, as the beautiful autumn sun kisses
with balmy breeze the cheek of every free man, I stand here
never to bathe my head in its rays again. I have loved my
fellow men as I have loved myself. I have hated trickery,
dishonesty and injustice. The nineteenth century commits the
crime of killing its best friend. It will live to repent of
it. But, as I have said before, if it will do any good, I
freely give myself up. I trust the time will come when there
will be a better understanding, more intelligence, and above
the mountains of iniquity, wrong and corruption, I hope the
sun of righteousness and truth and justice will come to bathe
in its balmy light an emancipated world. I thank your Honor
for your attention."
[Illustration: A. R. PARSONS.]
A. R. PARSONS.
Parsons made a speech addressed in the main to working men, starting
out with the recital of a poem by George Heinig, entitled "Bread is
Freedom." He continued:
"Your Honor, if there is one distinguishing characteristic
which has made itself prominent in the conduct of this trial
it has been the passion, the heat, and the anger, the violence
both to sentiment and to feeling, of everything connected
with this case. You ask me why sentence of death should not
be pronounced upon me, or, what is tantamount to the same
thing, you ask me why you should give me a new trial in
order that I might establish my innocence and the ends of
justice be subserved. I answer you, your Honor, and say that
this verdict is the verdict of passion, born in passion,
nurtured in passion, and is the sum totality of the organized
passion of the city of Chicago. For this reason I ask your
suspension of the sentence, and a new trial. This is one
among the many reasons which I hope to present to your Honor
before I conclude. Now, your Honor, what is passion? Passion
is the suspension of reason; in a mob upon the streets, in
the broils of the saloon, in the quarrels on the sidewalk,
where men throw aside their reason and resort to feelings of
exasperation, we have passion. There is a suspension of the
elements of judgment, of calmness, of discrimination requisite
to arrive at the truth and the establishment of justice. I
hold, your Honor, that you cannot dispute the proposition
that I make that this trial has been submerged, immersed in
passion from its inception to its close, and even at this
hour, standing here upon the scaffold as I do with the hangman
awaiting me with his halter, there are those who claim to
represent public sentiment in the city, and I now speak of the
capitalistic press--that vile and infamous organ and monopoly
of hired liars, the people's oppressors." Parsons claimed to
have been for thirty years identified with labor interests,
and said: "And in what I say upon this subject relating to
the labor movement or to myself as connected in this trial
or before this bar, I will speak the truth, though my tongue
should be torn from my mouth and my throat cut from ear to
ear, so help me God." The speaker then went into statistics,
claiming that 9,000,000 out of the 12,000,000 voters in the
United States were actual wage workers. He attacked the
citizens' Association as an organization of millionaires, and
claimed that the Court should stand between the accused and
their persecutors. "Where," he asked, "are the ends of justice
observed, and where is truth found in hurrying seven human
beings at the rate of express speed upon a fast train to the
scaffold, and an ignominious death? Why, if your Honor please,
the very method of our extermination, the deep damnation of
its taking off, appeals to your Honor's sense of justice, of
rectitude, and of honor. A judge may also be an unjust man.
Such things have been known. We have in our histories heard
of Lord Jeffreys. It need not follow that because a man is a
judge he is also just. * * * Now, I hold that our execution,
as the matter stands just now, would be judicial murder, and
judicial murder is far worse than lynch law--far worse. But,
your Honor, bear in mind please, this trial was conducted by
a mob, prosecuted by a mob, by the shrieks and the howls of
a mob, an organized powerful mob. The trial is over. Now,
your Honor, you sit there judicially, calmly, quietly, and it
is now for you to look at this thing from the standpoint of
reason and from common sense. * * * Now, the money-makers, the
business men, those people who deal in stocks and bonds, the
speculators and employers, all that class of men known as the
money-making class, they have no conception of this labor
question; they don't understand what it means. To use the
street parlance, with many of them it is a difficult matter
for them to 'catch onto' it, and they are perverse also; they
will have no knowledge of it. They don't want to know anything
about it, and they won't hear anything about it, and they
propose to club, lock up, and if necessary strangle those who
insist on their hearing this question. Now, your Honor, can
you deny that there is such a thing in the world as the labor
question? I am an Anarchist. Now strike! But hear me before
you strike. What is Socialism, briefly stated? It is the
right of the toiler to the free and equal use of the tools of
production, and the right of the producer to their product.
That is Socialism. The history of mankind is one of growth. It
has been evolutionary and revolutionary."
Parsons went into an explanation of the wage question and the
relations of capital and labor, asserting that employers in owning
capital and leaving nothing to the wage slave but the price of his
work, had produced a conflict which would intensify as the power of
the privileged classes over the non-possession of property classes
increased. He continued:
"We were told by the Prosecution that law is on trial; that
government is on trial. That is what the gentlemen on the
other side have stated to the jury. The law is on trial, and
government is on trial. Well, up to the conclusion of this
trial we, the defendants, supposed that we were indicted and
being tried for murder. Now, if the law is on trial, and the
government is on trial, who has placed it upon trial? And I
leave it to the people of America whether the prosecution in
this case have made out a case; and I charge it here now,
frankly, that in order to bring about this conviction the
Prosecution, the representatives of the State, the sworn
officers of the law--those whose duty it is to the people
to obey the law and preserve order--I charge upon them a
willful, a malicious, a purposed violation of every law which
guarantees every right to every American citizen. They have
violated free speech. In the prosecution of this case they
have violated a free press. They have violated the right of
public assembly. Yea, they have even violated and denounced
the right of self-defense. I charge the crime home to them. *
* * My own deliberate opinion concerning this Haymarket affair
is that the death-dealing missile was the work, the deliberate
work of monopoly--the act of those who themselves charge us
with the deed. I am not alone in this view of this matter.
What are the real facts of that Haymarket tragedy? Mayor
Harrison of Chicago has caused to be published his opinion, in
which he says: 'I did not believe that there was any intention
on the part of Spies and those men to have bombs thrown at
the Haymarket.' He knows more about this thing than the jury
that sat in this room, for he knows--I suspect that the Mayor
knows--of some of the methods by which some of this evidence
and testimony might have been manufactured. I don't charge it,
your Honor, but possibly he has had some intimation of it,
and if he has he knows more about this case and the merits of
this case than did the jury who sat here. * * * Before the
trial began, during its prosecution, and since its close,
a Satanic press has shrieked and howled itself wild, like
ravenous hyenas, for the blood of these eight working men.
Now, this subsidized press, in the pay of the monopoly and of
laborers and slavers, commanded this Court and commanded this
jury and this Prosecution to convict us. As a fitting climax
to this damnable conspiracy against our lives and liberty,
what follows? O hide your eye now! hide it! hide it! As a
fitting climax to this damnable conspiracy against our lives
and liberty some of Chicago's millionaires proposed to raise a
purse of $100,000 and present it to the jury for their verdict
of guilty against us. This was done, as everybody knows, in
the last days of the trial, and since the verdict so far as
anybody knows to the contrary, this blood money has been paid
over to that jury. * * * Condemned to death! Perhaps you
think I do not know what for? Or maybe you think the people
do not understand your motives? You are mistaken. I am here,
standing in this spot awaiting your sentence, because I hate
and loathe authority in every form. I am doomed by you to
suffer an ignominious death because I am the outspoken enemy
of coercion, of privilege, of force, of authority. It is for
this you make me suffer. Think you the people are blind, are
asleep, are indifferent? You deceive yourselves. I tell you,
as a man of the people, and I speak for them, that your every
word and act and thoughts are recorded. You are being weighed
in the balance. The people are conscious of your power--your
stolen power. They know you; that while you masquerade as
their servants you are in reality playing the role of master.
The people--the common working people--know full well that all
your wealth, your ease and splendor, have been stolen from
them by the exercise of your authority in the guise of law
and order. I, a working man, stand here and to your face, in
your stronghold of oppression, and denounce to you your crimes
against humanity. It is for this I die, but my death will not
have been in vain. I guess I have finished. I don't know as I
have anything more to say. Your Honor knows all I know about
this case. I have taken your Honor's time up that I might be
able to lay this thing, the whole thing, before you, reserving
nothing; opening my mind and heart, telling you the truth, the
truth, and the whole truth. I am innocent of this offense. I
had no connection with that Haymarket tragedy. I know nothing
of it. I am not responsible for it. I leave the case in the
hands of your Honor."
SENTENCE PRONOUNCED.
Parsons spoke altogether nearly nine hours, and the addresses of all
the prisoners occupied three days. Thousands of people were turned away
during the closing days, and the scene in the courtroom when sentence
was pronounced was peculiarly impressive. At the close of Parsons'
remarks Judge Gary delivered the following remarks, and pronounced the
death sentence:
"I am quite well aware that what you have said, although
addressed to me, has been said to the world; yet nothing
has been said which weakens the force of the proof or the
conclusions therefrom upon which the verdict is based. You
are all men of intelligence, and know that if the verdict
stands, it must be executed. The reasons why it shall stand I
have already sufficiently stated in deciding the motion for
a new trial. I am sorry beyond any power of expression for
your unhappy condition and for the terrible events that have
brought it about. I shall address to you neither reproaches
nor exhortation. What I shall say, shall be said in the faint
hope that a few words from a place where the people of the
State of Illinois have delegated the authority to declare
the penalty of a violation of their laws, and spoken upon an
occasion solemn and awful as this, may come to the knowledge
of and be heeded by the ignorant, deluded and misguided men
who have listened to your counsels and followed your advice. I
say in the faint hope; for if men are persuaded that because
of business differences, whether about labor or anything else,
they may destroy property and assault and beat other men, and
kill the police, if they, in the discharge of their duty,
interfere to preserve the peace, there is little ground to
hope that they will listen to any warning. It is not the least
among the hardships of the peaceable, frugal and laborious
poor to endure the tyranny of mobs, who, with lawless force,
dictate to them, under penalty of peril to limb and life,
where, when and upon what terms they may earn a livelihood for
themselves and their families. Any government that is worthy
of the name will strenuously endeavor to secure to all within
its jurisdiction freedom to follow the lawful avocations and
safety for their property and their persons, while obeying
the law, and the law is common sense. It holds each man
responsible for the natural and probable consequences of his
own acts. It holds that whoever advises murder is himself
guilty of the murder that is committed pursuant to his advice,
and if men band together for a forcible resistance to the
execution of the law and advise murder as a means of making
such resistance effectual, whether such advice be to one man
to murder another, or to a numerous class to murder men of
another class, all who are so banded together are guilty of
any murder that is committed in pursuance of such advice.
The people of this country love their institutions, they
love their homes, they love their property. They will never
consent, that by violence and murder, those institutions shall
be broken down, their homes despoiled, and their property
destroyed. And the people are strong enough to protect and
sustain their institutions and to punish all offenders against
their laws; and those who threaten danger to civil society,
if the law is enforced, are leading to destruction whoever
may attempt to execute such threats. The existing order of
society can be changed only by the will of the majority. Each
man has the full right to entertain and advocate by speech
and print such opinions as suits himself, and the great body
of the people will usually care little what he says. But if
he proposes murder as a means of enforcing he puts his own
life at stake. And no clamor about free speech or the evils to
be cured or the wrongs to be redressed, will shield him from
the consequences of his crime. His liberty is not a license
to destroy. The toleration that he enjoys he must extend to
others, and not arrogantly assume that the great majority are
wrong and may rightfully be coerced by terror, or removed
by dynamite. It only remains that for the crime you have
committed, and of which you have been convicted after a trial
unexampled in the patience with which an outraged people have
extended to you every protection and privilege of the law
which you derided and defied, that the sentence of that law be
now given. In form and detail that sentence will appear upon
the records of the Court. In substance and effect it is that
the defendant Neebe be imprisoned in the State Penitentiary at
Joliet at hard labor for the term of fifteen years. And that
each of the other defendants, between the hours of ten o'clock
in the forenoon and two o'clock in the afternoon of the third
day of December next, in the manner provided by the statute of
this state, be hung by the neck until he is dead. Remove the
prisoners."
Stay of sentence in the case of Neebe was granted until December 3, the
date set for the execution of the other principles; and the counsel
for the condemned Anarchists announced that they should file a bill
of exceptions before the Illinois Supreme Court, and petition for a
supersedeas.
[Illustration: MRS. PARSONS.]
CHAPTER X.
MISCELLANEOUS MATTER. ARBEITER ZEITUNG. MRS. LUCY PARSONS. HER
ARREST IN OHIO. HER ARREST IN CHICAGO. HERR MOST ENDORSING
THE BOMB-THROWING. THE PANIC HE COULD CREATE IN A BIG CITY
IN THIRTY MINUTES WITH 3000 BOMBS IN THE HANDS OF 500
REVOLUTIONISTS.
As the trial progressed many new and sensational developments were
made. Dr. Ernst Schmidt was constituted chairman of the committee
of an organization, taking charge of matters pertaining to raising
money for the defense. F. Bielefeld became business manager of the
_Arbeiter Zeitung_. In all the important cities meetings were held
in the interests of the condemned men. Mrs. Lucy Parsons, wife of
the condemned anarchist, went on a lecturing tour to replenish the
exchequer of the defendants, but public opinion in many places was
against her, and she found it difficult in many places to obtain halls
in which to speak. At Akron, Ohio, she was arrested for holding a
meeting in defiance of the order of the mayor of that city. She has for
years been an active anarchistic agitator, and her proclivities for
public speech-making has brought her often before the public. She was
arrested September 23 for a violation of the ordinance prohibiting the
distribution of circulars on the street of Chicago. In New York, Herr
Most, through his paper, the _Freiheit_, indorsed the bomb-throwing,
saying: "Its work was thorough. Such bombs can be made by anybody,
without much trouble, of an evening. Think of 500 revolutionists
provided, say, each with six of these things, working in concert, so
that, for example, in the wide range of a great cosmopolitan city
within half an hour the fragments were to go flying in various suitable
places, who will gainsay that by this means such a panic could be
created that a comparatively small number of determined men might get
possession of all commanding points in the place in a giffy? Nobody.
The bomb in Chicago was legally justified, and, in a military sense,
excellent. All honor to him who produced and made use of it."
For this, and similar incendiary utterances, Most was arrested and
sentenced to serve a year in Sing Sing prison. He was living with Lena
Fischer, alias Mary Georges, at 198 Allen street, under the name of
West, and when captured was found in hiding under the woman's bed. The
woman was thought to be a sister of Adolph Fischer, one of the condemned
Chicago anarchists, but this was denied.
[Illustration: Niña Stuart van Zandt-Spies]
MISS NIÑA VAN ZANDT,
who has constituted herself the heroine of Anarchistic notoriety by
developing a tender passion for the notorious Spies, is a young lady of
eighteen years of age, with a fine form and a fair share of personal
attractions; neither a pronounced blonde, nor yet a brunette, but
seemingly occupying the middle ground, between. Niña is the daughter
of the superintendent of the great Kirk soap factory of Chicago, and
the heiress apparent to quite a fortune. She is of a dashing romantic
disposition; fond of flowers, birds and dogs. She fell a victim to
the ardent glances of the humorous editor as the sequence of having
made his acquaintance while inserting an advertisement in the _Zeitung_
to recover her lost pug, to whom she was much attached. Through the
efforts of Spies she recovered her pet canine, and while performing
the duty of expressing her gratitude to the editor she was smitten,
and yielded passively to her fate. She became so infatuated in her
attachment and attentions to Spies that in February, 1887, a marriage
license was procured for the purpose of becoming his wife in the jail,
but the sheriff forbade the ceremony as illegal and unprecedented.
It was then determined that the ceremony should take place by proxy.
Spies' brother became the proxy, and the ceremony took place before
Justice Englehardt in the town of Jefferson. Justice Englehardt made
returns of the marriage to the county clerk, who refused to recognize
the return, pronouncing the ceremony illegal. This wife, in name only,
was placed on exhibition in wax in one of the dime museums, when the
cheeky manager was served with an injunction; but this young would-be
wife compromised the matter, it is thought, on condition that part of
the emoluments went into a fund for the benefit of her condemned lord.
MRS. OSCAR NEEBE
died quite suddenly in March, 1887. Neebe, under guard of Jailor Folz,
visited the bedside of his dying wife and by official clemency remained
some time with his children, and everything was done for the condemned
men that could be done in the name of humanity under the circumstances.
CHAPTER XI.
SUPERSEDEAS GRANTED. UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT'S DECISION
SUSTAINING THE ORIGINAL VERDICT. PARSONS' LETTER TO GOVERNOR
OGLESBY. LINGG DEFIANT. THEY REFUSE TO SIGN A PETITION ASKING
FOR EXECUTIVE CLEMENCY. THEIR IMPERTINENT LETTERS TO GOVERNOR
OGLESBY.
THE SUPERSEDEAS GRANTED.
There was no doubt from the beginning that the supersedeas asked for in
behalf of the condemned anarchists would be granted. Capt. W. P. Black
and Hon. Leonard Swett, who had been retained to present the petition
and make the argument for a new trial, met Chief Justice Scott at
Bloomington by appointment, Nov. 25, 1886, and he directed the writ of
error to issue. The only thing of substance which Justice Scott said
at the entering of the order was to call attention to the following
language in Mooney vs. The People, CXI. Illinois, page 388--an opinion
by the full court:
Recognizing to the fullest extent the rule of law that the
jury in their deliberations are judges of the facts and the
weight of the evidence in criminal cases, yet the law has
imposed on the court the solemn and responsible duty to see
to it that no injustice is done by hasty action, passion, or
prejudice, or from any other cause on the part of the jury.
This duty the court may not omit in any case.
[Illustration: RICHARD OGLESBY. _Governor of Illinois._]
It is almost needless to state that the anarchists were well
pleased with their temporary reprieve, and opportunity to have their
able counsel argue for a rehearing of their case. The arguments were
finished March 18, 1887, before the Supreme Court at Ottawa, States
Attorney Grinnell and Attorney General Hunt appearing for the State.
The decision was rendered Wednesday, September 14, before the full
bench of Supreme justices, being read by Judge Magruder, of Chicago. It
will thus be seen that the Supreme Court gave the questions at issue
full and ample consideration during a period of nearly six months. The
courtroom was crowded by an expectant throng, and the announcement of
the decision was foreshadowed by impressive solemnity. In a condensed
review like this it would be manifestly impossible to give a decision
comprising upwards of 60,000 words, and covering every point and detail
of the case. It is sufficient to state that the decision was unanimous
on the part of the justices. Even Justice Mulkey, who was thought to
lean toward a new trial, declared that, after having fully examined the
record and given the questions arising on it his very best thought,
with an earnest and conscientious desire to faithfully discharge
his whole duty, he was fully satisfied that the opinion reached
vindicates the law and does complete justice between the people and the
defendants, fully warranted by the law and evidence.
Chief Justice Sheldon made the following announcement:
"In this case the court orders that the sentence of the
Criminal Court of Cook county on the defendants in the
indictment of August Spies, Michael Schwab, Samuel Fielden,
Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel, and Louis
Lingg, be carried into effect by the sheriff of Cook county on
Friday, November 11 next, between the hours of 10 o'clock in
the forenoon and 4 o'clock in the afternoon of that day."
The formal order for the execution of the anarchists was received
by Sheriff Matson, of Cook county, Monday, September 26. The guards
inside and patrol outside the jail had been doubled upon receipt of
the news that the Supreme Court had sustained the verdict. Monday
night Oscar Neebe was quietly removed from the jail in a carriage and
taken to Joliet by train by Deputy Sheriffs Gleason and Spear, Neebe
being handcuffed securely to the latter officer. Neebe's companions
and outside sympathizers did not know of his removal. Neebe said to a
reporter of the _News_ that he had abandoned all hope. He said he would
rather step upon the gallows with his companions than to go to prison;
related what he had accomplished for employees of Chicago breweries and
the grocery clerks, in getting their hours shortened; was unrepentant
of his part in the conspiracy, and said: "What I have done I would do
again, and the time will come when the blood of the martyrs about to be
sacrificed will cry aloud for vengeance, and that cry will be heard,
aye, and that, too, before many years elapse."
EFFORTS TO SAVE THE ANARCHISTS HAD FAILED.
Upon receipt of the news of the affirmation of the sentence by the
Supreme Court, A. R. Parsons sent to the newspapers an appeal, "To the
American People," in which he maintained his innocence; declared that
his speeches were lawful; condemned the evidence of detectives; refused
executive clemency, concluding in the words of Patrick Henry, "I know
not what course others may take, but as for me, give me liberty or give
me death."
A. R. Parsons's open letter to the American people in which he
justifies his actions, maintains his innocence, and refuses executive
clemency, ran as follows, under date of September 22, 1887:
"TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE--_Fellow Citizens_: As all the
world knows, I have been convicted and sentenced to die for
the crime of murder, the most heinous offense that can be
committed. Under the form of law two courts--viz: the Criminal
and Supreme courts of the State of Illinois--have sentenced
me to death as an accessory before the fact to the murder of
Officer Degan on May 4, 1886. Nevertheless, I am innocent of
the crime charged, and to a candid and unprejudiced world I
submit the proof:
PARSONS MAINTAINS HIS INNOCENCE.
"In the decision affirming the sentence of death upon me the
Supreme Court of the State of Illinois says: 'It is undisputed
that the bomb was thrown that caused the death of Degan. It
is conceded that no one of the defendants threw the bomb with
his own hands. Plaintiffs in error are charged with being
accessories before the fact.' If I did not throw the bomb
myself it becomes necessary to prove that I aided, encouraged,
and advised the person who did throw it. Is that fact proved?
The Supreme Court says it is. The record says it is not. I
appeal to the American people to judge between them.
"The Supreme Court quotes articles from the _Alarm_, the
paper edited by me, and from my speeches running back three
years before the Haymarket tragedy of May 4, 1886. Upon said
articles and speeches the court affirms my sentence of death
as an accessory. The court says, 'The articles in the _Alarm_
were most of them written by the defendant Parsons, and some
of them by the defendant Spies,' and then proceeds to quote
these articles. I refer to the record to prove that of all the
articles quoted only one was shown to have been written by me.
I wrote, of course, a great many articles for my paper, the
_Alarm_, but the record will show that only one of these many
quoted by the Supreme Court to prove my guilt as an accessory
was written by me. This article appeared in the _Alarm_
December 6, 1884, one year and a half before the Haymarket
meeting. As to Mr. Spies, the record will show that during the
three years I was editor of the _Alarm_ he did not write for
the paper half a dozen articles. For proof as to this I appeal
to the record.
"The _Alarm_ was a labor paper, and, as is well known, a labor
paper is conducted as a medium through which working people
can make known their grievances. The _Alarm_ was no exception
to this rule. I not only did not write 'most of the articles,'
but wrote comparatively few of them. This the record will also
show.
"In referring to my Haymarket speech the court says: 'To the
men then listening to him he had addressed the incendiary
appeals that had been appearing in the _Alarm_ for two years.
The court then quotes the incendiary article which I did
write, and which is as follows: 'One dynamite bomb properly
placed will destroy a regiment of soldiers, a weapon easily
made, and carried with perfect safety in the pockets of one's
clothing.'"
SIMPLY A QUOTATION FROM GENERAL SHERIDAN.
"The record will show by referring to the _Alarm_ that this
is a garbled extract taken from a statement made by Gen.
Philip Sheridan in his annual report to Congress. It was
simply a reiteration of General Sheridan's statement that
dynamite was easily made, perfectly safe to handle, and a
very destructive weapon of warfare. The article in full as
it appeared in the _Alarm_ is as follows: 'Dynamite--The
protection of the poor against the armies of the rich--in
submitting his annual report, November 10, 1884, Gen. Philip
Sheridan, commander of the United States army, says: "This
nation is growing so rapidly that there are signs of other
troubles, which I hope will not occur and which will probably
not come upon us if both capital and labor will only be
conservative. Still, it should be remembered, destructive
explosives are easily made, and that banks, United States
sub-treasuries, and large mercantile houses can be readily
demolished and the commerce of entire cities destroyed by an
infuriated people with means carried with perfect safety to
themselves in the pockets of their clothing."'
"The editorial comment upon the above as it appeared in the
_Alarm_ is as follows: 'A hint to the wise is sufficient'.
Of course General Sheridan is too modest to tell us that
himself and army will be powerless in the coming revolution
between the propertied and the propertyless classes. Only in
foreign wars can the usual weapons of warfare be used to any
advantage. One dynamite bomb properly placed will destroy a
regiment of soldiers; a weapon easily made and carried with
perfect safety in the pockets of one's clothing. The First
regiment may as well disband, for if it should ever level
its guns upon the working men of Chicago it can be totally
annihilated.
"Again the court says: 'He (Parsons) had said to them
(referring to the people assembled at the Haymarket)
Saturday, April 24, 1886, just ten days before May 4, in
the _Alarm_ that had appeared: "Working men, to arms! War
to the palace, peace to the cottage, and death to luxurious
idleness! The wage system is the only cause of the world's
misery. It is supported by the rich classes, and to destroy it
they must be either made work or die. One pound of dynamite
is better than a bushel of ballots! Make your demand for
eight hours with weapons in your hands to meet the capitalist
bloodhounds--police and militia--in the proper manner."'
"The record will show that this article was not written by me,
but was published as a news item. By referring to the columns
of the _Alarm_ the following comment appears, attached to the
above article, viz: 'The above hand bill was sent to us from
Indianapolis, Ind., having been posted all over that city last
week. Our correspondent says that the police tore them down
wherever they found them.'
"The court continuing, says: 'At the close of another article
in the same issue he said: "The social war has come, and
whoever is not with us is against us."' Assistant State's
Attorney Walker read this article to the jury, and at its
conclusion stated that it bore my initials and was my article.
It is a matter within the knowledge of every one present that
I interrupted him and called his attention to the fact that
the article did not bear my initials, and that I was not its
author. Mr. Walker corrected his mistake to the jury.
"Now these are the three articles quoted by the Supreme Court
as proof of my guilt as an accessory in a conspiracy to murder
Officer Degan. The record will prove what I say.
HIS SPEECHES WERE ALL RIGHT.
"Now as to my speeches--all of them, with one exception
purporting to be my utterances at the Haymarket, are given
from the excited imaginations and perverted memories of
newspaper reporters. Mr. English, who alone took shorthand
notes and swore to their correctness, reports me as saying.
'It is time to raise a note of warning. There is nothing in
the eight-hour movement to excite the capitalist. Don't you
know that the militia are under arms and a Gatling gun is
ready to mow you down? Was this Germany, or Russia, or Spain?
[A voice: "It looks like it."] Whenever you make a demand
for eight hours' pay or increase of pay the militia and the
deputy sheriffs and the Pinkerton men are called out and you
are shot and clubbed and murdered in the streets. I am not
here for the purpose of exciting anybody, but to speak out, to
tell the facts as they exist even though it shall cost me my
life before morning!' Mr. English continuing, said: 'There is
another part of it (the speech) right here. It behooves you,
as you love your wife and children, if you don't want to see
them perish with hunger, killed, or cut down like dogs on the
street--Americans, in the interest of your liberty and your
independence, to arms; arm yourselves!'
"This, be it remembered, is a garbled extract, and it is a
matter of record that Reporter English testified that he was
instructed by the proprietor of his paper to report only the
inflammatory portions of the speeches made at the meeting.
THE MAYOR HEARD THE SPEECH.
"Mayor Harrison, who was present and heard this speech,
testified before the jury that it was simply 'a violent and
political harangue' and did not call for his interference as
a peace officer. The speech delivered by me at the Haymarket,
and which I repeated before the jury is a matter of record
and undisputed, and I challenge any one to show therein that
I incited any one to acts of violence. The extract reported
by Mr. English, when taken in connection with what preceded
and what followed, cannot be construed by the wildest
imagination as incitement to violence. Extracts from three
other speeches alleged to have been delivered by me were made
more than one year prior to May 4, 1886, are given. Two of
these speeches were reported from the memory of the Pinkerton
detective Johnson. These are the speeches quoted by the court
as proof of my guilt as accessory to the murder of Degan.
Where, then, is the connection between these speeches and the
murder of Degan? I am bold to declare that such connection
is imperceptible to the eye of a fair and unprejudiced mind.
But the honorable body, the Supreme Court of Illinois, has
condemned me to death for speeches I never made, and for
articles I never wrote. In the affirmation of the death
sentence the court has 'assumed,' 'supposed,' 'guessed,'
'surmised,' and 'presumed' that I can and did 'so and so.'
This the record fully proves.
"The court says: 'Spies, Schwab, Parsons and Engel were
responsible for the articles written and published by them, as
above shown; Spies, Schwab, Fielden, Parsons and Engel were
responsible for the speeches made by them respectively, and
there is evidence in the same record tending to show that the
death of Degan occurred during the prosecution of a conspiracy
planned by the members of the international groups who read
these articles and heard these speeches.'
OBJECTS TO THE PINKERTON MEN.
"Now, I defy any one to show from the record the proof
that I wrote more than one of the many articles alleged to
have been written by me. Yet the Supreme Court says that I
wrote and am responsible for all of them. Again--concerning
the alleged speeches--they were reported by the Pinkerton
detective Johnson, who was, as the record shows, employed by
Lyman Gage, president of the First National Bank, as the agent
of the Citizens' Association, an organization composed of the
millionaire employers of Chicago.
"I submit to a candid world if this hired spy would not make
false reports to earn blood-money. Thus, it is for speeches
I did not make, and articles I did not write I am sentenced
to die, because the court 'assumes' that these articles
influenced some unknown and still unidentified person to throw
the bomb that killed Degan. Is this law? Is this justice?
"The Supreme Court, in affirming the sentence of death upon
me, proceeds to give further reasons, as follows: 'Two
circumstances are to be noted. First, it can hardly be said
that Parsons was absent from the Haymarket meeting when he
went to Zepf's Hall. It has already been stated that the
latter place was only a few steps north of the speakers' wagon
and in sight from it. We do not think that the defendant
Parsons could escape his share of the responsibility for
the explosions at the Haymarket because he stepped into a
neighboring saloon and looked at the explosion through a
window. While he was speaking men stood around him with arms
in their hands. Many of these were members of the armed
sections of the international groups. Among them were men who
belonged to the International Rifles, an armed organization in
which he himself was an officer, and with which he had been
drilling in preparation for the events then transpiring.'
"The records of the trial will show that not one of the
foregoing allegations is true. The facts are these: Zepf's
Hall is on the northeast corner of Lake and Desplaines
streets, just one block north of the speakers' wagon. The
court says 'it was only a few steps north of the speakers'
wagon.' The court says further that 'it can hardly be said
that Parsons was absent from the Haymarket meeting when he
was at Zepf's Hall.' If this is correct logic, then I was at
two different places a block apart at the same instant. Truly
the day of miracles has not yet passed. Again, the record
will show that I did not 'step into a neighboring saloon and
look at the explosion through a window.' It will show that
I went to Zepf's Hall, one block distant, and across Lake
street, accompanied by my wife and another lady, and my two
children (a girl of five and a boy of seven years of age),
they having sat upon a wagon about ten feet from the speakers'
wagon throughout my speech; that it looked like rain; that we
had started home and went into Zepf's Hall to wait for the
meeting to adjourn, and walked home in company with a lot of
friends who lived in that direction. Zepf's building is on
the corner and opens on the street with a triangular door six
feet wide. Myself and ladies and children were just inside the
door. Here, while waiting for our friends and looking toward
the meeting, I had a fair view of the explosion. All this the
record will show.
ABOUT THE BOMB.
"It would seem that, according to circumstances, a block is at
one time 'a few steps' or a 'few steps' is more than a block,
as the case may suit. The logical as well as the imaginative
faculties of the Supreme Court are further illustrated in
a most striking manner by the credence of the court to the
'yarn' of a 'reporter,' who testified that Spies had described
to him the 'Czar' bomb, and the men who were to use them as
follows. 'He spoke of a body of tall, strong men in their
organization who could throw bombs weighing five pounds 150
paces. He stated that the bombs in question were to be used in
case of conflict with the police or the militia.'
"The court gives this sort of testimony as proof of the
existence of a conspiracy to murder Degan. Wonderful
credulity. To throw a five-pound bomb 150 paces or yards is to
throw it 450 feet or a quarter of a mile.
"Gulliver, in his travels among the Brobdingnag race, tells
us of the giants he met, and we have also heard of the giants
of Patagonia. But we did not know until now that they were
mere Lilliputians as compared with the 'anarchist Swedes' of
Chicago.
"The court proceeds to say, 'While he (Parsons) was speaking,
men stood around him with arms in their hands.' The record
as quoted by the court shows that only one man flourished
a pistol, not a number of men. Again, the court says,
'Most of the men were members of the armed sections of the
"International groups,"' thus making it appear that many of
these men (when there was only one who was even alleged to
have exhibited a pistol) were armed.
"The court says: 'Among them were men who belonged to the
"International Rifles," an armed organization in which he
himself was an officer, and in which he had been drilling in
preparation for the events then transpiring.'
"Now I Challenge the Supreme Court or any other honorable
gentleman to prove from the record that there ever existed
such an organization as the armed section of the American
group, known as the 'International Rifles.' It cannot be done.
The record shows that some members of the American group did
organize the 'International Rifles,' which never met but
four or five times; was never armed with rifles or any other
weapons, and was disbanded nearly a year before the 4th of
May, 1886.
"The Pinkerton man Johnson says that dynamite bombs were
exhibited 'in the presence of the "International Rifles."' It
will take corroborative testimony before the American people
will credit the statements of such a man engaged for such a
purpose; and it is well known that Supreme courts have decided
that the testimony of detectives should be taken with great
caution.
HE APPEALS TO THE PEOPLE.
"I appeal to the American people, to their love of justice
and fair play. I submit that the record does not show my guilt
of the crime of murder, but on the contrary it proves my
innocence.
"Against me in this trial all the rules of law and evidence
have been reversed in that I have been held as guilty until I
proved my innocence. I have been tried ostensibly for murder,
but in reality for anarchy. I have been proved guilty of
being an anarchist and condemned to die for that reason. The
State's attorney said in his statement before the court and
jury in the beginning of the trial: 'These defendants were
picked out and indicted by the grand jury. They are no more
guilty than the thousands who follow them. They are picked
out because they are leaders. Convict them and our society is
safe,' and in their last appeal to the jury the prosecution
said: 'Anarchy is on trial. Hang these eight men and save our
institutions. These are the leaders. Make examples of them.'
This is a matter of record.
A WORD FOR HIS COMRADES.
"So far as I have had time to examine the records I find the
same fabrication and perversion of testimony against all my
comrades as exists against myself. I therefore again appeal to
to the American people to avert the crime of judicial murder.
And this appeal I have faith will not be in vain.
"My ancestors partook of all the hardships incident to the
establishment of this Republic. They fought, bled, and some
of them died that the Declaration of Independence might live
and the American flag might wave in triumph over those who
claim the 'divine right of kings to rule.' Shall the flag now,
after a century's triumph, trail in the mire of oppression
and protect the perpetration of outrages and oppressions that
would put the older despotisms of Europe to shame?
"Knowing myself innocent of crime I came forward and gave
myself up for trial. I felt that it was my duty to take my
chances with the rest of my comrades. I sought a fair and
impartial trial before a jury of my peers, and knew that
before any fair-minded jury I could with little difficulty be
cleared. I preferred to be tried and take the chances of an
acquittal with my friends to being hunted as a felon. Have I
had a fair trial?
PARSONS REFUSES EXECUTIVE CLEMENCY.
"The lovers of justice and fair play are assiduously engaged
in an effort to thwart the consummation of judicial murder by
a commutation of sentence to prison. I speak for myself alone
when I say that for this I thank them and appreciate their
efforts. But I am an innocent man. I have violated no law;
I have committed no offense against any one's rights. I am
simply the victim of the malice of those whose anger has been
aroused by the growth, strength and independence of the labor
organizations of America. I am a sacrifice to those who say:
'These men may be innocent. No matter. They are anarchists. We
must hang them anyway.'
"My counsel informs me that every effort will be made to
take this case before the highest tribunal in the land, and
that there is strong hope of a hearing there. But I am also
reliably informed that from three to five years will elapse
before the Supreme Court of the United States can hear and
adjudge the case.
"Since surrendering myself to the authorities, I have been
locked up in close confinement twenty-one hours out of every
twenty-four for six days, and from Saturday afternoon till
Monday morning (thirty-eight hours) each week in a noisome
cell, without a ray of sunlight or a breath of pure air. To
be compelled to bear this for five or even three years would
be to suffer a lingering death, and it is only a matter of
serious consideration with me whether I ought to accept the
verdict as it stands rather than die by inches under such
conditions. I am prepared to die. I am ready, if needs be, to
lay down my life for my rights and the rights of my fellow
men. But I object to being killed on false and unproved
accusations. Therefore I cannot countenance or accept the
efforts of those who would endeavor to procure a commutation
of my sentence to an imprisonment in the penitentiary. Neither
do I approve of any further appeals to the courts of law.
I believe them to be all alike--agency of the privileged
classes to perpetuate their power, to oppress and plunder the
toiling masses. As between capital and its legal rights, and
labor and its legal rights, the courts of law must side with
the capitalistic class. To appeal to them is in vain. It is
the appeal of the wage slave to his capitalistic master for
liberty. The answer is curses, blows, imprisonment, and death.
"If I had never been an anarchist before, my experience with
courts and the laws of the governing class would make an
anarchist of me now. What is anarchy? It is a state of society
without any central or governing power. Upon this subject the
court, in its affirmation of the death sentence, defines the
object of the International Working Peoples' Association as
follows:
"'It is designed to bring about a social revolution. Social
revolution means the destruction of the right of private
ownership of property, or of the right of the individual to
own property. It means of the bringing about of a state of
society in which all property should be held in common.'
HE REFERS TO THE SCRIPTURES.
"If this definition is right, then it is very similar to that
advocated by Jesus Christ, for proof of which I refer to the
fourth and fifth chapters of the Acts of the Apostles; also
Matthew xxi., 10 to 14, and Mark xi., 15 to 19.
"No, I am not guilty. I have not been proved guilty. I leave
it to you to decide from the record itself as to my guilt
or innocence. I cannot, therefore, accept a commutation to
imprisonment. I appeal--not for mercy, but for justice. As
for me, the utterance of Patrick Henry is so apropos that I
cannot do better than let him speak:
"'Is life so dear and peace so sweet as to be purchased at
the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I
know not what course others may take, but, as for me, give me
liberty or give me death.'"
A. R. PARSONS,
"Prison Cell 29, Chicago, Ill., Sept. 21, 1887."
THE CASE BEFORE THE FEDERAL SUPREME COURT.
The anarchists were not lacking in funds to secure every chance of
reprieve or commutation, as contributions had poured into their coffers
swelling the sum total over $50,000. Every opportunity was accorded
to the condemned men to place their case in as favorable a light as
possible before the Federal Court. But the flagrant and far-reaching
character of their crime gave little hope to the unbiased that the
judges composing that honorable body would interfere. Following our
readers will find Attorney Grinnell's argument before the United States
Supreme Court. Also General Butler's defense for the impenitent yet
doomed men.
GRINNELL'S ARGUMENT BEFORE THE UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT.
Mr. Grinnell, addressing the court, said that it had not been his
intention to take part in the oral argument, and that he came here
primarily for the purpose of assisting Mr. Hunt by means of his
familiarity with the record in this case. He thought that by the
presentation of the law and the facts yesterday it was clearly shown
that there was no federal question involved, and that the court was
without jurisdiction to grant the writ of error. The assignments of
error in the lower court, and the parts of the record relating to the
jurors Denker and Sanford had been printed and were in the court's
hands. In all the twenty-eight assignments of error there was no
reference directly or indirectly to the constitution of the United
States or any of its amendments. There were some things, he said, which
were here generally conceded, and one of them was that the constitution
itself confers no rights which need be here considered. It is simply a
limitation of the rights of the legislative power in dealing with the
rights of citizens.
THE QUESTION OF JURISDICTION.
The constitution of the State of Illinois contains almost all the
provisions which are embraced in the constitution of the United States.
This court had settled, he believed, the question of jurisdiction as
far as the first ten amendments are concerned, and also, he thought,
under the fourteenth amendment. The only clause of the latter which
could figure here was that "no State shall deprive any person of life,
liberty, or property without due process of law." Whatever affects
liberty and life is made by this clause to affect also property. If
the court has jurisdiction of this case under this provision of the
amendment then every State question relating to property, such as
special assessments, the condemnation of property, etc., might be
brought to this court for review.
The Chief Justice--"Because they take property without valuation by a
jury."
Mr. Grinnell--"Yes, your honor, in some cases they do, especially in
the matter of drainage, where the proceedings may be before a justice
of the peace."
PEREMPTORY CHALLENGES.
Mr. Grinnell said he thought it to be conceded that a State
Legislature had a right to prescribe how many peremptory challenges
should be allowed in the formation of a jury. The common law of
Illinois had been radically changed in this respect, and both
prosecution and defendant now stood on an equal footing. Each defendant
was entitled to twenty peremptory challenges, and as the eight
defendants in this case acted in concert and were all consulted, each
of them had practically 160 peremptory challenges. The State had a
like number. The defendants exhausted all of their 160 peremptory
challenges before a jury was obtained and the State availed itself of
its privilege to the extent of fifty-two challenges. He maintained,
however, that no federal question would be involved even if the State
allowed only one peremptory challenge to one side and 160 to the other.
It was the State's right. In this case there were 931 men called into
the jury box and examined in order to obtain twelve jurors.
JURORS SANFORD AND DENKER.
No objection was raised to any one of the twelve jurors with the single
exception of Sanford. Denker was challenged for cause after a brief
examination; the challenge was overruled and the defense accepted, but
they then proceeded with a further and more elaborate examination of
him, and it is shown by the record that after this second examination
they desired to keep him, that they did keep him, and that they did
make no further exception. When Denker was taken the defense had
left 142 peremptory challenges and they could have used one of these
challenges to get rid of him if they had been very desirous of so
doing. They had forty-three peremptory challenges left after eleven
jurors had been sworn. These forty-three challenges they frittered
away frivolously for the purpose of taking some possible advantage.
Their peremptory challenges were then exhausted, and they had to either
take a juror or show cause why he should be rejected.
The examination of Sanford, the last juror, clearly demonstrated, Mr.
Grinnell said, that the defense were more ready to take him than the
State was. Not a single juror was put upon the defense to exhaust their
peremptory challenges. Whenever a man said that he had talked with a
witness or any one who was present at the Haymarket meeting, or that he
had attended the coroner's inquest he was rejected for cause.
EULOGIZING THE JURY.
Speaking of the jury as a whole, Mr. Grinnell said: "I wish and am
constrained to pay one tribute to that jury. It exemplified American
citizenship in this country more than any jury that was ever looked
upon. It embraced all walks of life. Three of them earned their living
by manual work. They came from all parts of the country and one of them
was born on foreign soil. They were not a class jury. They were honest
citizens with the solemn duty devolving upon them of determining what
should be done with those men. No judge could look in the faces of that
jury without saying: 'They are intelligent; they represent American
citizenship; they are fit to be trusted with the rights of freemen
under our constitution.' There was not a capitalist on that jury. They
were all common-place small dealers and intelligent men."
Mr. Grinnell said he would challenge any one to show that a single
member of that jury was not a competent juror, not only under the jury
law of Illinois, but under the common law. "Congress," he said, "had
recognized the right of States to make their own jury laws."
Section 800 of the Revised Statutes provides that "jurors to serve
in the courts of the United States in each State respectively shall
have the same qualifications and be entitled to the same exemptions
as jurors of the highest court of law in such State may have and be
entitled to at the time when such jurors for service in the courts of
the United State are summoned."
Almost every State in the North, he said, now had its new jury law, and
these laws have been sustained by the highest State courts.
THE SEIZURE OF SPIES' PAPERS.
Proceeding to the question of "unreasonable search and seizure" in
Spies' office, he said it did not strike him as being any part of this
case. He was not here to offer any apologies for his own conduct. He
then recited at some length the circumstances of the bomb-throwing
in the Haymarket, the search of the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ office, the
prying open of Spies' desk, the finding of dynamite and letters there,
the breaking open of Lingg's domicile, and the finding in his trunk
of dynamite bombs precisely like the one thrown. Mr. Grinnell was
interrupted at this point by General Butler, who said he should want to
cross-examine him if it was competent for him to do so.
Mr. Grinnell--"You shall have that privilege, General."
Mr. Grinnell, resuming, said that such seizure was not a thing which
this court could regulate. It had said in the Ker kidnapping case that
it was not for the court to determine how he (the prisoner) got here.
The court simply said: "You are here." The things seized in the search
of these prisoners' premises "were there," and it was for the court to
determine whether they were legally there. The only question was, "Are
these things testimony?" and that was not an inquiry for the court.
SIMPLY EVIDENCE.
Forgery, murder, and other crimes had to be proved, Mr. Grinnell said,
by such evidence. "The pistol found in the hand of the assassin Guiteau
was forcibly taken from him, and his papers, if I remember rightly,
were overhauled. They were 'there' (that is, in the court), and it was
nobody's business how they got there. That the search and seizure in
this case was an unreasonable search and seizure from the point of view
of the defendants I have no doubt."
In conclusion Mr. Grinnell said: "It strikes us from our standpoint
that the foundation of the constitution is less likely to be impaired
by refusing to grant this writ than by granting it."
THE GENERAL'S INDIVIDUALITY.
After a great deal of rambling talk about the composition of the jury,
dissatisfaction with the record, lack of time for preparation, the
sentencing of the prisoners in their absence and that of their counsel,
the injustice done them by "unreasonable search and seizure," etc.,
General Butler said that if all these things could be done the question
was to be debated whether this government would not be a little better
if it were overturned into an anarchy than if it were to be carried on
in this fashion.
"I have no fear," he said, "of being misunderstood upon this question.
I have the individuality of being the only man in the United States
that condemned and executed men for undertaking to overturn the law.
There were thousands of them. And for that act, please your honors,
a price was set on my head as though I were a wolf, and $25,000 was
offered to any man that could capture me, to murder me, by Jefferson
Davis and his associates, and who, if they were here at your bar,
trying to ascertain whether they should have an honest and a fair
trial for their great crimes, and they called upon me--their lives in
danger--I should hold it to be my duty to stand here and do all that I
might to defend them. That is the chivalry of the law, if I understand
it, and if I don't it is of not much consequence, for I am quite easily
and quickly passing away."
INHERENT RIGHTS OF CITIZENS
After some further talk General Butler said he agreed fully that the
first ten amendments to the constitution were limitations of federal
power and not restrictions of the rights of the States. The "privileges
and immunities" however, claimed by these prisoners were privileges
inherent in each one of the citizens of the several States of the
United States, because in vast majority we were British subjects and
had certain privileges and immunities inherited under the common
law and Magna Charta, and among them, and the most thoroughly known
and defined were the trial by jury for all high crimes, exemption
from search and seizure without warrant of law, protection from
self-accusation when a witness, and not to be deprived of life,
liberty, or property without due process of law. We claim that all the
rights, privileges, and immunities that belonged to a British subject
under Magna Charta belong to each citizen of the United States; and
that as new citizens of the United States were made, not citizens of
States, by naturalization, these rights, privileges, and immunities
came to them as citizens of the United States. The effect of the
fourteenth amendment was to guarantee these rights, privileges, and
immunities to the citizens of all the States.
MEANING OF "DUE PROCESS OF LAW."
The words "due process of law" as contained in the fourteenth
amendment, and as used to define one of these guaranteed rights, mean
"by the law of the land," not the law of a county, a province, or a
State, but the law of the country--the whole country. That is the law
of the land, and was so understood by our forefathers as due process of
law. Any other meaning given to "due process of law" as it is used in
the fourteenth amendment would make it simply ridiculous and frivolous,
because any State may enact a "due process of law" according to that
State, by which a man's life may be taken and from which not a single
right or immunity of citizenship can protect him. Any law a State may
make after the passage of this amendment for dealing with the rights of
a citizen of the United States becomes wholly inoperative, because the
"law of the land" must forever remain fixed as at that moment, not to
be changed in regard to its citizens without a change of organic law,
and for some purposes not to be even so changed.
THE CASES OF FIELDEN AND SPIES.
General Butler then proceeded to a consideration of the special and
peculiar questions raised by the cases of Fielden and Spies who are
foreigners. He contended that treaties were the supreme law of the
land, and that these prisoners were entitled, by virtue of treaties
with Germany and Great Britain, to all the rights and privileges of
American citizens at the time such treaties were made. A State had
no power to try these men by one of its own laws which was not the
law of the land at the time the treaties were ratified. He did not
mean, he said, that a foreigner could come into a State, and break its
laws with impunity and that the State could not touch him. But he did
mean that the State could only try him in accordance with the law of
the land--the whole land--at the time the treaty with his government
was made. This, he said, was an important question to every American
citizen, because in return for the concession made by this government
in the treaty with Great Britain the government of that country had
made similar concessions to us. Suppose that a citizen of the United
States should go to Ireland and should make some remarks about the
advantages of a republican form of government, and should be arrested
and tried by the crimes act in violation of the treaty. Would we not
stand up and say that this man must be tried by a fair and impartial
jury? He must be tried as an Englishman would have been tried at the
time the treaty was made, and he cannot be dealt with in a more summary
way under a later law.
GENERAL BUTLER'S ARGUMENT.
If this should happen, General Butler said, he hoped that the English
authorities would not be able to hold up to him a decision of the
United States Supreme Court sustaining the right to try an Englishman
by the local law of a State which was nothing but a swamp and a howling
wilderness at the time the treaty was ratified.
Returning to the rights of States, General Butler said that he was not
prepared to deny that a State might change its organic laws with the
consent of all its citizens, but such change would not bind a citizen
of another State who had not assented to them.
IMPARTIAL JURIES AND NEWSPAPER LIES.
After some desultory remarks about the record and the necessity of
laying it before the court, and another reference to breaking open
safes and desks, General Butler said: "There is no doubt that the
prisoners were entitled to a trial by an impartial jury--a stupid jury,
if you please--because I don't think a man who reads newspapers is any
more competent to try a case--rather worse if he pays any attention
to their lies." As enunciated by chief justices of the Supreme Court
an impartial juror, he said, is one who "stands in freedom of mind,
without bias or prejudice, and is indifferent." The petitioners were
not tried by such a jury and are entitled to protection under the
federal constitution.
"If" he said, "the court is to give me jurors as prejudiced as some of
those in this case I had better go to a land of Hottentots, for they
would not allow me to be stolen and taken back into Illinois." General
Butler's allusion is to the kidnapping of Ker, referred to by counsel on
the other side in defending their search and seizure.
In reply to Mr. Grinnell's statement that the records would show that
the defense were more ready to take the last juror (Sanford) than the
State was, General Butler said that they were compelled to accept
the last juror. Their peremptory challenges were exhausted and they
could do nothing else. Under these circumstances they talked to him
and coaxed him, and tried to get him into a state of mind as favorable
to their side as they could. That was what the parts of the record
referred to by Mr. Grinnell would show, and nothing more.
NO WAIVER OF RIGHTS IN CAPITAL CASES.
General Butler then referred to the assertion of counsel on the other
side that the petitioners had waived some of their rights through not
insisting upon them by exception or objection at the proper time, and
that therefore, they were estopped from asserting these rights now in
this court. He contended, however, that when a man was on trial for
his life there was no such thing as a waiver or estoppal. In capital
offences a prisoner cannot waive wittingly or unwittingly anything
that will affect the issue. In support of this contention he cited
the opinion of Chief Justice Shaw in the case of Dr. Webster. The
prisoners, he maintained, could not now be barred out because they had
not raised sufficiently formal objections.
General Butler then returned again to the "unreasonable searches and
seizures" complained of by the petitioners, and said his associate,
Mr. Tucker, had characterized the proceeding as a "subp[oe]næ duces
tecum." executed by a locksmith. "Why your honors," he exclaimed, "they
searched under a burglary, headed by the State's attorney on his own
admission--no miserable policeman or half-witted constable, but the
State's prosecuting attorney does the burglary, steals the papers, and
says you can't help that. He puts it with a sort of triumph, and yet
we are told that our immunities and privileges are not invaded, and
our remedy is to sue for trespass. What a beautiful remedy! Sue the
State's attorney and be tried by such a jury as the laws of Illinois
would give. Better be in a place not to be named for comfort."
PRISONERS ABSENT WHEN SENTENCED.
As a final reason why the writ should be granted, General Butler urged
that the prisoners had been sentenced to death in their absence, and
without being asked whether they had any reason to give why sentence
of death should not be pronounced upon them. The record, he said, did
not show that they were absent when sentenced, but they could prove it.
The record showed that they were present, but they could prove by half
Chicago that this was a mistake.
In conclusion, General Butler said: "May I, in closing, make one
observation? If men's lives can be taken in this way, as you have seen
exhibited here to-day, better anarchy, better be without law, than with
any such law." General Butler then thanked the court for its indulgence
and took his seat.
UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT'S DECISION NOVEMBER 2, 1887
Is as follows:
The court holds in brief: First, that the first ten amendments to the
constitution are limitations upon federal and not upon State action:
second, that the jury law of Illinois is upon its face valid and
constitutional, and that it is similar in its provisions to the statute
of Utah, which was sustained in this court in the case of Hopt vs.
The Territory of Utah; third, that it does not appear in the record
that upon the evidence the trial court should have declared the juror
Sanford incompetent; fourth, that the objection to the admission of the
Johann Most letter and the cross-examination of Spies, which counsel
for the prisoners maintained virtually compelled them to testify
against themselves, were not objected to in the trial court, and that
therefore no foundation was laid for the exercise of this court's
jurisdiction, and fifth, that the questions raised by General Butler
in the cases of Spies and Fielden upon the basis of their foreign
nationality were neither raised nor decided in the State courts, and
therefore cannot be considered.
The writ of error prayed for was consequently denied.
There was no dissenting opinion.
The above decision of the Supreme Court was received by the condemned
anarchists with coolness amounting to indifference. A. R. Parsons then
handed the copy of a letter sent to Governor Oglesby to the _Daily
News_ for publication, as follows:
"_To His Excellency Richard J. Oglesby, Governor of the State
of Illinois_--DEAR SIR: I am aware that petitions are being
signed by hundreds of thousands of persons addressed to you,
beseeching you to interpose your prerogative and commute the
sentences of myself and comrades from death to imprisonment
in the penitentiary. You are, I am told a good constitutional
lawyer and a sincere man. I therefore beg of you to examine
the record of the trial, and then conscientiously decide
for yourself as to my guilt or innocence. I know that as a
just man you will decide in accordance with the facts, the
truth, and the justice of this case. But I write to reiterate
the declaration made in my published appeal to the people
of America September 21, 1887. I am guilty or I am innocent
of the charge for which I have been condemned to die. If
guilty, then I prefer death rather than to go 'like the
quarry slave at night scourged to his dungeon'. If innocent
then I am entitled to and will accept nothing less than
liberty. The records of the trial made in Judge Gary's court
prove my innocence of the crime of murder. But there exists
a conspiracy to judicially murder myself and imprisoned
companions in the name and by virtue of the authority of the
State. History records every despotic, arbitrary deed of the
people's rulers as having been done in the name of the people,
even to the destruction of the liberties of the people.
"I am a helpless prisoner, completely in the power of the
authorities, but I strongly protest against being taken
from my cell and carried to the penitentiary as a felon.
Therefore, in the name of the people, whose liberty is being
destroyed; in the name of peace and justice, I protest against
the consummation of this judicial murder, this proposed
strangulation of freedom on American soil. I speak for myself,
I know not what course others may pursue, but for myself
I reject the petition for my imprisonment. I am innocent,
and I say to you that under no circumstances will I accept
a commutation to imprisonment. In the name of the American
people I demand my right--my lawful, constitutional, natural,
inalienable right to liberty. Respectfully yours,
"A. R. PARSONS, Prison Cell 29."
On receipt of the decision of the Federal Court not to interfere in
the anarchists case, the doomed men were sullen. Louis Lingg, the
bomb-maker, was blatant and defiant, and said to his attendants, "I
will never die on the scaffold," he continued, "I hate and defy you
all." A week before the execution Lingg said: "I approach my last
moment cheerfully, but I will not go alone." This was significant
language, and no doubt was an allusion to the fact that he intended
to use the bombs, afterwards found in his cell for the purpose of
producing an explosion in the jail that might have resulted in the
death of scores of victims. Lingg, Engel, Fischer and Parsons refused
absolutely and persistently to sign any petition to His Excellency,
Governor Oglesby, for executive clemency in the commutation of their
sentence to imprisonment. The following is a copy of letters from
Lingg, Engel and Fischer to Governor Oglesby. They demand liberty or
death:
COOK COUNTY JAIL, November 1.--An open letter to Mr. R. J.
Oglesby, Governor of the State of Illinois.
Dear Sir: I am aware that petitions are being circulated
and signed by the general public, asking you to commute the
sentence of death which was inflicted upon me by a criminal
court of this State. Anent the action of a sympathizing
and well-meaning portion of the people, I solemnly declare
that it has not my sanction. As a man of honor, as a man
of conscience, and as a man of principle, I cannot accept
mercy. I am _not guilty_ of the charge in the
indictment----of murder. _I am no murderer_, and cannot
apologize for an action of _which I know I am innocent_.
And should I ask "mercy" on account of my principles, which
I honorably believe to be true and noble! _No!_ I am no
hypocrite, and have, therefore, no excuses to offer with
regard to being an anarchist, because the experiences of the
past eighteen months have only strengthened my convictions.
The question is: _Am I responsible for the death of the
policemen at the Haymarket?_ and I say no, unless you assent
that every abolitionist could have been responsible for the
deeds of John Brown. Therefore I could not ask or accept
"mercy" without lowering myself in my self-estimation. If I
cannot obtain _justice_ from the authorities and be restored
to my family, then I prefer that the verdict should be
carried out as it stands. Every informed person must, I
should think, admit that this verdict is solely due to class
hatred, prejudice, the inflaming of public opinion by the
malicious newspaper fraternity, and a desire on the part
of the privileged classes to check the progressive labor
movement. The interested parties, of course, deny this, but
it is nevertheless true, and I am sure that coming ages will
look upon our trial, conviction, and execution as the people
of the nineteenth century regard the barbarities of past
generations--as the outcome of intolerance and prejudice
against advanced ideas. History repeats itself. As the powers
that be have at all times thought that they could stem the
progressive tide by exterminating a few "kickers," so do the
ruling classes of to-day imagine that they can put a stop
to the movement of labor emancipation by hanging a few of
its advocates. Progress in its victorious march has had to
overcome many obstacles which seemed invincible, and many of
its apostles have died the death of martyrs. The obstacles
which bar the road to progress to-day seem to be invincible,
too; but they will be overcome, nevertheless. At all times
when the condition of society had become such, that a large
portion of the people complained of the existing injustice,
the ruling classes have denied the truth of these complaints,
and have said that the discontent of the portion of the
people in question was due only to the "pernicious influence"
of "malicious agitators." To-day, again, some people assert
that the "d----d agitators" are the cause of the immense
dissatisfaction among the working people! Oh, you people who
speak thus, _can_ you not, or _will_ you not, read the signs
of the time? Do you not see that the clouds on the social
firmament are thickening? Are you not, for instance, aware
that the control of industry and the means of transportation,
etc., is constantly concentrating in fewer hands; that the
monopolists, i. e., the sharks among the capitalists, swallow
the little ones among them; that "trusts," "pools," and other
combinations are being formed in order to more thoroughly
and systematically fleece the people; that under the present
system the development of technic and machinery is from year
to year throwing more working men on the wayside; that in some
parts of this great and fertile land a majority of the farmers
are obliged to mortgage their homes in order to satisfy the
greed of monstrous corporations; that, in short, the rich are
constantly growing richer, and the poor poorer? Yes? And do
you not comprehend that all these evils find their origin in
the present institution of society which allows one portion
of the human race to build fortunes upon the misfortunes of
others; to enslave their fellow men? Instead of trying to
remedy these evils, and instead of ascertaining just what the
cause of the widening dissatisfaction is, the ruling classes,
through their mouth-pieces, press, pulpit, etc.--defame and
misrepresent the character, teachings, and motives of the
advocates of social reconstruction, and use the rifle and the
club on them, and, if opportunity is favorable, send them to
the gallows and prisons. Will this do any good? As an answer
I may as well quote the following words with which Benjamin
Franklin closed his satirical essay, "Rules for Reducing
a Great Empire to a Small One," which he dedicated to the
English government in 1776: "Suppose all their (the 'kickers')
complaints to be inverted, and promoted by a few factious
demagogues, whom if you could catch and hang, all would be
quiet. Catch and hang a few accordingly; and the blood of the
martyrs shall work miracles in favor of your purpose" (i. e.,
your own ruin).
So, I say, society may hang a number of disciples of progress
who have disinterestedly served the cause of the sons of toil
which is the cause of humanity, but their blood will work
miracles in bringing about the downfall of modern society, and
in hastening the birth of a new era of civilization. Magna est
veritas et prevalebet!
ADOLPH FISCHER.
A LETTER TO GOVERNOR OGLESBY
Dear Sir--I, George Engel, citizen of the United States and
of Chicago, and condemned to death, learn that thousands of
citizens petition you as the highest executive officer of
the State of Illinois, to commute my sentence from death to
imprisonment. I protest emphatically against this on the
following grounds: I am not aware of having violated any
laws of this country. In my firm belief in the constitution
which the founders of this republic bequeathed to this people
and which remains unaltered, I have exercised the right of
free speech, free press, free thought and free assemblage,
as guaranteed by the constitution, and have criticised the
existing condition of society, and succored my fellow-citizens
with my advice, which I regard as the right of every honest
citizen. The experience which I have had in this country,
during the fifteen years that I have lived here, concerning
the ballot and the administration of our public functionaries
who have become totally corrupt, have eradicated my belief in
the existence of equal rights of poor and rich, and the action
of the public officers, police and militia have produced the
firm belief in me that these conditions cannot last long. In
accordance with this belief I have taught and advised. This I
have done in good faith of the rights which are guaranteed by
the constitution, and, not being conscious of my guilt, the
"powers that be" may _murder_ me, but they cannot _legally
punish_ me. I protest against a commutation of my sentence and
demand either liberty or death. I renounce any kind of mercy.
Respectfully,
GEORGE ENGEL.
AN OPEN LETTER.
To Mr. R. J. Oglesby, Governor of Illinois: Anent the fact
that the progressive and liberty-loving portion of the
American people are endeavoring to prevail upon you to
interpose prerogative in my case, I feel impelled to declare,
with my friend and comrade Parsons, that I demand either
liberty or death. If you are really a servant of the people
according to the constitution of the country, then you will,
by virtue of your office unconditionally release me.
Referring to the general and inalienable rights of men. I
have called upon the disinherited and oppressed masses to
oppose the force of their oppressors--exercised by armed
enforcement of infamous laws, enacted in the interest of
capital--with force, in order to attain a dignified and
manly existence by securing the full returns of their labor.
This--and only this--is the "crime" which was proved against
me, notwithstanding the employment of perjured testimony on
the part of the State. And this crime is guaranteed not only
as a right, but as a duty, by the American constitution, the
representative of which you are supposed to be in the State
of Illinois. But if you are not the representative of the
constitution, like the great majority of officeholders, a
mere tool of the monopolists or a specific political clique,
you will not encroach upon the thirst for blood displayed
by the executioner, because a mere mitigation of the verdict
would be cowardice, and a proof that the ruling classes which
you represent are themselves abashed at the monstrosity of my
condemnation, and consequently, of their own violation of the
most sacred rights of the people.
Your decision in that event will not only judge me, but also
yourself and those whom you represent. Judge then!
Cook County Jail, 30, 10, '87.
LOUIS LINNG.
P. S.--In order to be sure that this letter will come to your
official notice, I will send you the original manuscript as a
registered letter.
L. L.
CHAPTER XII.
FIELDEN PENITENT. HIS LETTER TO THE GOVERNOR. SPIES' LAST
LETTER TO HIS EXCELLENCY. WILLING TO DIE FOR HIS COMRADES.
FIELDEN SUES FOR MERCY.
Fielden's letter is as follows:
CHICAGO, Ill., Nov. 5, 1887.--_The Hon. Richard J. Oglesby,
Governor State of Illinois_--SIR: I Samuel Fielden, a prisoner
under sentence of death, and charged with complicity in the
conspiracy to bring about the Haymarket massacre, pray your
excellency for relief from the death sentence and respectfully
beg your consideration of the following statement of facts:
"I was born in England in humble circumstances, and had little
early education. For some years I devoted my life to religious
work, being an authorized lay preacher in the Methodist
denomination. I came to this country and settled in Chicago.
At all times I was obedient to the law and conducted myself as
a good citizen. I was a teamster and worked hard for my daily
bread. My personal conduct and my domestic life were beyond
reproach.
"Some three years or more ago I was deeply stirred by the
condition of the working classes, and sought to do what I
could for their betterment. I did this honestly, and with no
sinister motive. I never sought any personal advantage out of
the agitation in which I was engaged. I was gifted, as I was
flattered and led to believe, with the faculty of stirring an
audience with my words, and it was said that I was eloquent.
I began delivering addresses to assemblages of the working
classes, and spoke of their wrongs as I saw them. None of my
speeches were prepared nor in any sense studied, and often
they were born in an hour of intense excitement. It is true
that I have said things in such heat that in calmer moments I
should not have said. I made violent speeches. I suggested the
use of force as a means for righting the wrongs which seemed
to me to be apparent.
"I cannot admit that I used all of the words imputed to me by
the State, nor can I pretend to remember the actual phrases I
did utter. I am conscious, however, as I have said, that I was
frequently aroused to a pitch of excitement which made me in a
sense irresponsible. I was intoxicated with the applause of my
hearers, and the more violent my language the more applause I
received. My audience and myself mutually excited each other.
I think, however, it is true that, for sensational or other
purposes, words were put into my mouth and charged to me which
I never uttered; but, whether this be true or not, I say now
that I no longer believe it proper that any class of society
should attempt to right its own wrongs by violence. I can
now see that much that I said under excitement was unwise,
and all this I regret. It is not true, however, that I ever
consciously attempted to incite any man to the commission of
crime. Although I do admit that I belonged to an organization
which was engaged at one time in preparing for a social
revolution, I was not engaged in any conspiracy to manufacture
or throw bombs. I never owned or carried a revolver in my life
and did not fire one at the Haymarket. I had not the slightest
idea that the meeting at the Haymarket would be other than a
peaceable and orderly one, such as I had often addressed in
this city, and was utterly astounded at its bloody outcome,
and have always felt keenly the loss of life and suffering
there occasioned.
"In view of these facts I respectfully submit that, while I
confess with regret the use of extravagant and unjustifiable
words, I am not a murderer. I never had any murderous intent,
and I humbly pray relief from the murderer's doom. That these
statements are true I do again solemnly affirm by every tie
that I hold sacred, and I hope that your excellency will give
a considerate hearing to the merits of my case, and also to
those of my imprisoned companions who have been sentenced with
me.
"I remain, very respectfully,
S. FIELDEN."
The above letter to the Governor by Samuel Fielden was endorsed by
Judge Gary and States Attorney Grinnell.
SPIES' LAST LETTER TO THE GOVERNOR.
"CHICAGO, Ill., Nov. 6.--_Gov. Oglesby, Springfield,
Ill._--SIR: The fact that some of us have appealed to you for
justice--under the pardoning prerogative--while others have
not, should not enter into consideration in the decision of
our case. Some of my friends have asked you for an absolute
pardon. They feel the injustice done them so intensely that
they cannot conciliate the idea of a commutation of sentence
with the consciousness of innocence. The others (among them
myself), while possessed of the same feeling of indignation,
can perhaps more calmly and dispassionately look upon the
matter as it stands. They do not disregard the fact that
through a systematic course of lying, perverting, distorting,
inventing, slandering, the press has succeeded in creating
a sentiment of bitterness and hatred among a great portion
of the populace that one man, no matter how powerful, how
courageous, and just he be, cannot possibly overcome. They
hold that to overcome that sentiment or the influence
thereof would almost be a physiological impossibility. Not
wishing, therefore, to place your excellency in a still more
embarrassing position between the blind fanaticism or a
misinformed public on one hand and justice on the other they
concluded to submit their case to you unconditionally.
WILLING TO DIE FOR HIS COMRADES.
I implore you not to let this difference of action have any
weight with you in determining our fate. During our trial
the desire of the prosecutor to slaughter me, and to let my
co-defendants off with milder punishment was quite apparent
and manifest. It seemed to me then, and a great many of
others, that the persecutors would be satisfied with one
life--namely, mine. Grinnell, in his argument, intimated this
very plainly. I care not to protest my innocence of any crime,
and of the one I am accused of in particular. I have done that
and leave the rest to the judgment of history. But to you I
wish to address myself now as the alleged arch-conspirator
(leaving the fact that I never have belonged to any kind of
a conspiracy out of the question altogether). If a sacrifice
of life there must be, will not my life suffice? The State's
attorney of Cook county asked for no more. Take this, then!
Take my life! I offer it to you so that you may satisfy the
fury of a semi-barbaric mob, and save that of my comrades. I
know that every one of my comrades is as willing to die, and
perhaps more so than I am. It is not for their sake that I
make this offer, but in the name of humanity and progress,
in the interest of a peaceable--if possible--development of
the social forces that are destined to lift our race upon a
higher and better plane of civilization. In the name of the
traditions of our country I beg you to prevent a seven-fold
murder upon men whose only crime is that they are idealists,
that they long for a better future for all. If legal murder
there must be, let one, let mine, suffice.
"A. SPIES."
CHAPTER XIII.
LINGG SUICIDES. DR. BOLTON WITH THE PRISONERS. THEY DECLINE
SPIRITUAL COMFORT. THE LAST NIGHT OF THE DOOMED MEN. PARSONS
SINGS IN HIS CELL. TELEGRAMS FOR PARSONS. HIS LAST LETTER.
LINGG COMMITS SUICIDE.
His Excellency, the Governor of Illinois, took action in the
anarchists' case on November 10, commuting to imprisonment for life
the sentence of Samuel Fielden and Michael Schwab, sending the
death warrant of the remaining four to Sheriff Matson by his son,
Robert Oglesby, who arrived early on the morning of the 11th of
November. Prior to the Governor making known his decision, Louis Lingg
anticipating what his fate would be, and in keeping with his threat,
had by some process unknown to the keepers, secured a fulminating
cap such as is used in exploding dynamite, which he coolly placed in
his mouth, and igniting the fuse which protruded from his mouth a
short distance, calmly awaited the end. A terrific report sounded in
the jail about 9 o'clock on the morning of the day previous to the
day set for the execution. The deputies hastened in the direction of
the sound of the explosion and beheld clouds of bluish-white smoke
curling out from between the bars of the door of Lingg's cell. On
entering the cell Lingg was lying upon his face. On turning him over
he presented a ghastly sight, the entire lower jaw was blown away, and
the features mutilated beyond recognition, only the stump of his tongue
was remaining, which fell back into the larynx and made respiration
difficult. He died in great agony at 2:45 of the same day. He had
eluded the disgrace of the hangman's noose and the ignominy of a public
execution.
During the ensuing night the gallows was erected in the north corridor
of the jail, and tested by heavy bags of sand to make sure that
everything was in working order.
THE CONDEMNED MEN'S LAST NIGHT.
SPIES AND DR. BOLTON.
THE EX-EDITOR OF THE "ARBEITER ZEITUNG" REFUSES THE MINISTER'S SYMPATHY.
[Illustration]
Not long after the death watch had been set the Rev. Dr. Bolton, pastor
of the First Methodist Episcopal church, called upon the prisoners.
The reverend gentleman visited the whole four unfortunates, and his
reception was almost the same in every case.
Spies received him quietly and with a smile. "I have called on you, Mr.
Spies," said the clergyman, "to help you to prepare for the awful end
which is now but a few short hours away."
Spies smiled again, but shook his head slowly. "There is no use praying
for me," he said in a melancholy tone; "I need them not; you should
reserve your prayers for those who need them."
The two men then discussed matters of religion and social economy, and
Spies waxed warm in his defense of the doctrines of socialism as it
looked to him. The conversation was a long and somewhat rambling one,
and finally Mr. Bolton arose, bade Spies adieu, and left him.
When he had gone the latter turned to the two deputies (Quirk and
Josephson) who kept watch over him, and with a short laugh exclaimed:
"Now, what can you do with men like that? One doesn't like to
insult them, and yet one finds it hard to endure their unlooked-for
attentions."
Spies then waxed talkative and aired his opinion freely to his death
watch, Deputy John B. Hartke. Speaking of the anarchists' trial, he
said that its conduct and the finding were without precedence in the
history of this country.
"Why, don't you know," said he, "that when the jury brought in the
verdict they were all so badly frightened that they trembled, and the
judge himself, when he pronounced the sentence, shook like a leaf."
This, he said, looked bad.
"The anarchists had no reason to be afraid, but the judge and the jury
had good reason to be afraid."
"I told him," said Deputy Hartke, "that I had heard that Fischer had
signed a petition to the Governor asking for mercy, and added that I
had heard he had done the same thing."
"That is not true," he responded. "I said in my letter to the Governor
that if one was to be murdered, I was the one. That is the kind of a
document I signed."
"I'll tell you," he continued, "in five or six years from now the
people will see the error of hanging us, if they do not see it sooner."
With this Spies, who had been lying on his back with his hands above
his head, removed them and turned on his side with his face to the wall.
The anarchist editor then lay down on the bed, and with his white
face upturned, talked continuously with Deputy Hartke about mutual
acquaintances and things and events of days gone by. He never referred
to to-morrow, and seemed desirous of keeping the thoughts of his
approaching execution as far as possible from his mind.
Engel grew a little more serious as the night wore on, and when he
came to be more familiar with the death watch (Deputies Bombgarten and
Hastige) he talked with them about the cause for which he was about to
die. He protested his innocence over and over again, and told the story
of the Haymarket riot, and all he knew of it.
The Rev. Mr. Bolton called on Engel as he did on the others, but with
the same unsatisfactory result. The wretched Engel dwelt with bitter
emphasis upon the fact that it was the informer Waller, who afterward
swore his life away, that first informed him of the massacre. "I was
drinking beer and playing cards with my neighbors when Waller called
and taunted me with not being down in the Haymarket fight," said
Engel, as a big lump seemed to rise in his throat, "and he afterward
swore my life away, but I die for a just cause." Engel slept none until
about 1 o'clock, but at that hour, just as the death watch was being
removed, he turned round in his couch and dropped into a light slumber.
FISCHER AND PARSONS.
BOTH REFUSE SPIRITUAL COMFORT AND PARSONS SINGS "ANNIE LAURIE."
Fischer's last night was quietly spent. He talked but little, but was
restless. His death watch, Deputies Healy and Shomberg, said though he
did not sleep much, he appeared to take the terrible ordeal put upon
him with great composure--almost indifference. He, too, coldly repulsed
Dr. Bolton's proffered spiritual aid. Though his sleepless eyes stared
vacantly at the wall of his cell, he talked but little. No sign of
nervousness or fear could be traced on the hard, clear-cut features.
He was evidently prepared to meet his fate unflinchingly and to die
boldly. "Annie Laurie," sung in a fairly good tenor voice, broke the
the silence. It was approaching 12 o'clock. A dread silence overhung
all. All along the anarchists' corridor not a sound was to be heard.
The absence of any noise might be likened to the stillness of the
grave. Criminals were asleep. The indications were that the anarchists
were asleep too.
But hardly so. Parsons was awake, and the spirit of his wakeful hours
urged him to sing "Annie Laurie." Soldiers in a foreign clime have shed
tears at the strains of this song. It is a passport to the emotions
the world wide. And almost within the shadow of the gallows tree,
when life was to be registered by hours, Parsons' striking up this
song seemed certainly suggestive of the fate he felt to be close at
hand. There was in his tone a lonesome melancholy as he sung the first
stanza, then on the second one his voice wavered and finally broke.
He was cast down. The memory of his wife and little ones seemed to
rise before him, a sob, full of pathetic despair served as a period to
his further recitation. Once stopped singing, Parsons was in tears.
He cried within the quietness of his cell, not through fear of his
approaching death, so far as his demeanor indicated. Rather it was due
to recollection busy with scenes of the man's early life. His boyhood
came back to him as he sung that old song. He could not do else than
break down.
When Dr. Bolton called upon Parsons he was received with the same
courtesy which has always distinguished that erudite anarchist. The
condemned man, however, did not seem to take kindly to the proffered
ministrations of the clergyman.
"You are welcome, Dr. Bolton," he said; "pray, what can I do for you?"
The reverend visitor explained his mission, and the old cynical
expression stole over Parsons' face. "Preachers are all Pharisees," he
sneered, "and you know what Jesus Christ's opinion of the Pharisees
was. He called them a generation of vipers, and likened them to whited
sepulchers. I don't desire to have anything to do with either."
Dr. Bolton remonstrated a little, and finally Parsons appeared to be
relenting somewhat.
"Well, well," he said, "I will say that while I do not absolutely
refuse your kind attentions, I will impress on you the fact that I did
not want you."
A desultory conversation ensued, and the missionary, on leaving, told
Parsons that he would pray earnestly for him during the night.
The anarchist's hard gray eye grew moist, and he murmured hoarsely:
"Thank you," but added: "Don't forget, though, I didn't send for you."
SINGING THE MARSEILLAISE.
PARSONS TALKS FREELY TO THE DEATH WATCH AND SINGS FOR THEM.
Parsons slept little but kept heart marvelously well. He chatted
with the guards on the death watch and furnished them each with his
autograph in this form:
"Cook County Jail,
Cell No. 4.
_A. R. Parsons._
Nov. 11, 1887."
With Bailiffs Rooney and Jones he calmly discussed the outlook, touched
without emotion upon his pending death, and dwelt with satisfaction
upon his assurance of his wife's ability to maintain herself. When told
by the guards that Spies was deeply affected by the parting with his
wife and complained that of all the incidents of the unnerving time,
it most deeply moved him; that Fischer, though reckless of himself,
bemoaned the destitution of his young and feeble wife, Parsons feebly
expressed his sympathy for his companions and rejoiced that he left
behind a lion-hearted wife, and children too young to keenly feel
bereavement. Then he commented upon social conditions both here and
abroad.
"I will sing you a song," he said about 1 o'clock, "a song born as a
battle-cry in France, and now accepted as the hymn of revolution the
world over."
In a low voice he then sang a paraphrased translation of "La
Marseillaise," which the guards commended as both inspiring and well
performed.
TELEGRAMS TO PARSONS.
A COUPLE OF CHEERING MISSIVES RECEIVED THIS MORNING.
Following are copies of the two dispatches received by A. R. Parsons a
short time before his execution this morning:
"BOSTON, Nov. 11.--_Albert R. Parsons, Cook County Jail_: Not
good-by, but hail brothers. From the gallows-trap the march
will be taken up. I will listen for the beating of the drum.
JOSEPHINE TILTON."
"ST. LOUIS, Mo., Nov. 11.--_Albert R. Parsons, Prisoner_:
Glorious martyr, in the name of social progress bravely meet
your fate.
C. R. DAVIS."
To the sender of the first telegram Parsons desired that his red-silk
handkerchief be sent.
PARSONS LAST LETTER.
A COPY OF THE DOCUMENT SENT TO A NEW YORK PAPER.
NEW YORK, Nov. 12.--The letter which Parsons wrote yesterday morning
was addressed to a resident of this city, and appears in the _Herald_
to-day, as follows:
"COUNTY JAIL, Nov. 11, 8 o'clock a. m.--_My Dear Comrades_:
The guard has just awakened me. I have washed my face and drank
a cup of coffee. The doctor asked me if I wanted stimulants. I
said no. The dear boys, Engel, Fischer, and Spies, saluted me
with firm voices. Please see Sheriff Matson and take charge of
my papers and letters. Please have my book on "Anarchism: Its
Philosophy and Scientific Basis", put into good shape. There
are millions of Americans who will want to read it. Well, my
dear old comrade, the hour draws near. Cæsar kept me awake
till late last night with the noise, music of hammer and saw
erecting his throne, my scaffold--refinement, civilization.
Matson, the sheriff, tells me he refused to let Cæsar--the
State--secrete my body, and he has just got my wife's address
from me to send her my remains. Magnanimous Cæsar! Good-by.
Hail the social revolution! Salutations to all."
A. R. PARSONS.
CHAPTER XIV.
DESCRIPTION OF THE EXECUTION. THREATENING LETTERS. PITYING
JUSTICE. OUTRAGED LAW VINDICATED. MERCY TO THE GUILTY IS
CRUELTY TO THE INNOCENT. THE UNCHANGED EVERLASTING WILL
GIVE TO EACH MAN HIS RIGHT. ABUSE OF FREE SPEECH. THE MILLS
OF GOD GRIND SLOW BUT EXCEEDING FINE. CAPTAIN BLACK AT THE
ANARCHISTS' FUNERAL.
The following description of the execution is copied from the _Daily
News_:
August Spies, Adolph Fischer, George Engel, and A. R. Parsons, the four
anarchists who were tried a year ago, and found guilty of the murder of
Mathias A. Degan in the Haymarket square on May 4, 1886, were to-day
hanged in the Cook county jail and paid the penalty of their crime with
their lives. The drop fell at 11:53 and the four men died with words of
defiance and scorn upon their lips. Parsons' last word was actually
strangled in his throat by the hangman's noose. Seldom, if ever,
have four men died more gamely and defiantly than the four who were
strangled to-day.
When the word passed around, about 11 o'clock, that the final hour had
indeed arrived, men's faces grew pale and the hum of excitement passed
through the crowd. They were quickly marshaled and marched down in a
line to the gallows corridor.
At 10:55 fully two hundred and fifty newspaper men, local politicians,
and others, among them the twelve jurors to view the bodies after
execution, had passed through the dark passage under the gallows
and began seating themselves. The bailiff said a few words to the
journalists, begging them to make no rush when the drop fell, but to
wait decently and in order.
Parsons was given a cup of coffee a few minutes before the march to the
scaffold was begun.
The rattling of chairs, tables and benches continued for several
minutes, but by 10:05 there began to fall a hush, and conversation
among the crowd sank almost to a whisper. The bare, whitewashed walls
formed a painful contrast with the dark-brown gallows, with its four
noosed ropes hanging ominously near the floor.
[Illustration]
It was exactly 11:50 o'clock when Chief Bailiff Cahill entered the
corridor and stood beneath the gallows. He requested in solemn tones
that the gentlemen present would remove their hats. Instantly every
head was bared. Then the tramp, tramp of many footsteps was heard
resounding from the central corridor, and the crowd in front of the
gallows knew that the condemned men had begun the march of death. The
slow, steady march sounded nearer and nearer. The anarchists were
within a few feet of the scaffold. There was a pause. The condemned
men were about to mount the stairway leading to the last platform from
which they would ever speak. Step by step, steadily they mounted the
stairway, and again there was another slight pause. Every eye was bent
upon the metallic angle around which the four wretched victims were
expected to make their appearance. A moment later their curiosity was
rewarded. With steady, unfaltering step a white-robed figure stepped
out from behind the protecting metallic screen and stood upon the drop.
It was August Spies. It was evident that his hands were firmly bound
behind him underneath his snowy shroud.
He walked with a firm, almost stately tread across the platform and
took his stand under the left-hand noose at the corner of the scaffold
farthest from the side at which he had entered. Very pale was the
expressive face, and a solemn, far-away light shone in his blue eyes.
His tawny hair was brushed back in the usual crisp waves from the big
white forehead. Nothing could be imagined more melancholy, and at
the same time dignified, than the expression which sat upon the face
of August Spies at that moment. The chin was covered with a freshly
budding beard and partially concealed the expression of the firmly-cut
mouth. The lines were a little hardly drawn around the corners,
however, and bespoke great internal tension. He stood directly behind
the still noose, which reached down almost to his breast, and, having
first cast a momentary glance upward at the rope, let his eyes fall
upon the 200 faces that were upturned toward him. Never a muscle did he
move, however; no sign of flinching or fear could be discerned in the
white face--white almost as the shroud which it surmounted.
Spies had scarcely taken his place when he was followed by Fischer.
He, too, was clad in a long white shroud that was gathered in at the
ankles. His tall figure towered several inches over that of Spies, and
as he stationed himself behind his particular noose his face was very
pale, but a faint smile rested upon his lips. Like Spies, the white
robe set off to advantage the rather pleasing features of Fischer,
and as the man stood there waiting for his last moment his pale face
was as calm as if he were asleep. Next came George Engel. There was
a ruddy glow upon the rugged countenance of the old anarchist, and
when he ranged himself alongside Fischer he raised himself to his full
height, while his burly form seemed to expand with the feelings that
were within him. Last came Parsons. His face looked actually handsome,
though it was very pale. When he stepped upon the gallows he turned
partially sideways to the dangling noose and regarded it with a fixed,
stony gaze--one of mingled surprise and curiosity. Then he straightened
himself under the fourth noose, and, as he did so, he turned his big
gray eyes upon the crowd below with such a look of awful reproach
and sadness as could not fail to strike the innermost chord of the
hardest heart there. It was a look never to be forgotten. There was
an expression almost of inspiration on the white, calm face, and the
great, stony eyes seemed to burn into men's hearts and ask: "What have
I done?"
There they stood upon the scaffold, four white-robed figures, with set,
stoical faces, to which it would seem no influence could bring a tremor
of fear.
And now a bailiff approaches, and, seizing Parsons' robe, passed
a leathern strap around his ankles. In a moment they were closely
pinioned together. Engel's legs were next strapped together, and when
the official approached Fischer, the latter straightened up his tall
figure to its full height and placed his ankles close together to
facilitate the operation. Spies was the last, but he was the first
around whose neck the fatal cord was placed. One of the attendant
bailiffs seized the noose in front of Spies and passed it deftly over
the doomed man's head. It caught over his right ear, but Spies, with a
shake of his head, cast it down around his neck, and then the bailiff
tightened it till it touched the warm flesh, and carefully placed the
noose beneath the left ear.
When the officer approached Fischer threw back his head and bared his
long, muscular throat by the movement.
Fischer's neck was very long and the noose nestled snugly around it.
When it was tightened around his windpipe Fischer turned around to
Spies and laughingly whispered something in Spies' ear. But the latter
either did not hear him or else was too much occupied with other
thoughts to pay attention. Engel smiled down at the crowd, and then
turning to Deputy Peters, who guarded him, he smiled gratefully toward
him and whispered something to the officer that seemed to affect him.
It looked at first as if Engel were about to salute his guard with
a kiss, but he evidently satisfied himself with some word of peace.
Parson's face never moved as the noose dropped over his head, but the
same terrible, fixed look was on his face.
And now people were expecting that the speeches for which the four
doomed ones craved twenty minutes each this morning would be delivered,
but to every one's surprise the officer who had adjusted the noose
proceeded to fit on the white cap without delay. It was first placed on
Spies' head, completely hiding his head and face. Just before the cap
was pulled over Fischer's head Deputy Spears turned his eyes up to meet
those of the tall young anarchist. Fischer smiled down on his guard
just as pleasantly as Engel did on his, and he seemed to be whispering
some words of forgiveness, but it may have been otherwise, as not even
the faintest echo reached the men in the corridor below. Engel and
Parsons soon donned their white caps after this, and now the four men
stood upon the scaffold clad from top to toe in pure white.
All was ready now for the signal to let the drop fall. In the little
box at the back of the stage and fastened to the wall the invisible
executioner stood with axe poised, ready to cut the cord that held them
between earth and heaven. The men had not noticed this but they knew
the end was near.
For an instant there was a dead silence, and then a mournful solemn
voice sounded from behind the first right-hand mask, and cut the air
like a wail of sorrow and warning. Spies was speaking from behind his
shroud.
The words seemed to drop into the cold, silent air like pellets of
fire. Here is what he said: "It is not meet that I should speak here,
where my silence is more terrible than my utterances."
Then a deeper, stronger voice came out with a muffled, mysterious
cadence from behind the white pall that hid the face of Fischer. He
only spoke eight words: "This is the happiest moment of my life."
But the next voice that catches up the refrain is a different one. It
is firm, but the melancholy wail was not in it. It was harsh, loud,
exultant. Engel was cheering for anarchy. "Hurrah for anarchy! Hurrah!"
were the last words and the last cheer of George Engel.
But now the weird and ghastly scene was brought to a climax. Parsons
alone remained to speak. Out from behind his mask his voice sounded
more sad, and there was a more dreary, reproachful tone in it than even
in Spies. "May I be allowed to speak? Oh, men of America!" he cried,
"may I be allowed the privilege of speech even at the last moment?
HARKEN TO THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE----"
There was a sudden pause. Parsons never spoke a word more. A sharp,
creaking noise, a crash, a sickening, cracking sound, and Spies,
Parsons, Fischer, and Engel were no more.
When the pulse-beats of all became imperceptible, which was about 12:10
o'clock, the physicians sat down and the bodies swung back and forth,
while the deputies stood above them. There was a continual shifting of
seats after the physicians left the bodies, and nearly all who could
get away wanted to be allowed to do so. The sheriff opened a door at
the west side of the building and a great many of the spectators left.
At 12:20 Spies' body was let down and placed in a coffin, while the
doctor examined him and found that the neck was not broken. He wore a
dark-gray flannel shirt and dark pantaloons, but no coat. His arms were
confined by a strap, as were those of all the others.
Fischer was next cut down. His neck was not broken. He wore a blue
flannel shirt and gray trousers.
Engel came next. He had a blue flannel shirt and wore a collar. His
neck was broken, but the spinal cord was not severed.
Parsons was the last to be taken down. He was clad in a neat black
suit, but had only an undershirt on.
When all the bodies had been arranged in the coffins the physicians
made another examination, and then the lids were placed on the coffins,
and the work was done.
The condemned men directed that their bodies be turned over to their
wives, except Spies, who wanted his body given to his mother. Their
wishes were respected, and Coroner Hertz has directed that the body of
Lingg be given to Mrs. Engel and the Carpenters' Union, in accordance
with Lingg's request, so that they may all be buried together.
Since the conviction and condemnation of the anarchists of Haymarket
notoriety in 1886, the whole world has stood with breathless anxiety
watching for the ultimate, and no other avenue was left open but to
inflict the penalty commensurate with their crime. Officers of the law
frequently received letters threatening to wreak a summary vengeance
upon them providing the sentence was carried out. The condemned
maintained a bold and belligerent attitude, while every means to
intimidate and thwart justice which the machinations of the nefarious
Herr Most could devise, and his minions could hurl life flaming
brands broadcast amid a peace-loving and contented people have been
resorted to. But pitying justice wept with drooping head o'er the stern
necessity which called for the interposition of her iron hand having
discarded the scepter for the rod. When the hand of outraged law and
justice is raised the blow must fall in order to vindicate the majesty
of the law. America has set the foot of the Goddess of Liberty upon the
neck of anarchy and crushed the serpent brood.
AFTER THE EXECUTION.
Two hours after the terrible and disagreeable duty of Sheriff Matson
had been performed, in the name, and for the peace of the State of
Illinois, in the execution of the four condemned anarchists, their
bodies had been delivered to their friends, the gallows had been taken
down and stowed in its accustomed place, and not one vestige of the
awful punishment which had just been inflicted remained to tell that
anything out of the ordinary had transpired.
Every good citizen and right-thinking American will join with me in
extending to their afflicted widows and orphan children sincere and
heart-felt commiseration for the calamity which has befallen them.
While the law inflicts punishment for its violation, it does it for
the public good. Mercy was not to be considered longer in their case.
"Mercy to the guilty is cruelty to the innocent." The great book of law
is prefaced with these words. Justice is the unchanged everlasting will
to give each man his right. The right to free speech had been accorded
to these men, and it had been abused. Under the diabolical teachings
of Herr Most, anarchy promised soon to become the ruling power. But
they have, we trust, ascertained that America is a poor and barren soil
in which to cause anarchy to grow and flourish. They have found that
though the mills of God grind slow, yet they grind exceeding fine.
We shall forever be surprised beyond expression at the words made use
of at the funeral of the anarchists on Sunday, November 13, by Captain
Black, in his oration over the bodies of these outlaws. He was said to
have used the following words:
"For the love of truth they died," said the orator. "They fought for a
cause, believing themselves in the right, and in the years to come they
will be loved and revered."
Captain Black was followed by other speakers who made use of language
very expressive and forcible.
T. J. Morgan followed with a speech in which he dwelt on the last words
of the men before the drop fell. The immense throng at the grave
became excited and frequently interrupted him.
"Let the voice of the people be heard," he cried, in Parson's last
words. When he spoke of the majesty of the law a voice cried: "Throttle
the law!" When he asked: "Shall we be revenged on Bonfield, Grinnell,
Gary, and Oglesby?" voices cried: "Yes, yes! Hang them!" Albert
Currlin, formerly of the _Arbeiter Zeitung_, spoke in German and called
the laboring men cowards for permitting the "five-fold murder."
CHAPTER XV.
A DESCRIPTION OF HERR MOST'S SANCTUM. A DEN WHERE ANARCHY WAS
BEGOTTEN. THE ANARCHIST CHIEF'S MUSEUM OF WEAPONS AND INFERNAL
MACHINES. EASY LESSONS IN THE ART OF ASSASSINATION.
NEW YORK, Nov. 4, 1887.
Since Johann Most's release I had often resolved to visit his
editorial sanctum and see some of his surroundings, but I never had
the opportunity until a few days ago, when I sought William street and
paused a moment before 167. This is the place where undiluted anarchy
presents itself through the medium of the Freiheit, which has succeeded
so well that it has been enlarged to double its former size. On the
ground floor a lager-beer saloon is doing a thriving business, and the
old saying that Teutonic journalism always manifests an inclination to
take up its abode in proximity to a place where honors are paid to King
Gambrinus is borne out in this instance, even when the journalists wage
war on all other monarchs.
Entering the hallway you will notice, as soon as your eyes are able
to penetrate the darkness, a large red banner on the wall bearing the
inscription, "Vive la Commune." A cast-iron letter-box, marked "John
Most," attracts one's attention for a moment, and then we ascend two
flights of narrow, creaky stairs, and step into a large, dilapidated
room, extending over the entire top floor of the building. Here
the _Freiheit_ is written, put into type, and, after being printed
elsewhere, mailed to subscribers. There is hardly a country on the
globe which has not the honor of giving shelter to some anarchist
subscriber. A perfect deluge of revolutionary pamphlets issues from
this forlorn-looking loft.
About a dozen men were engaged in folding and wrapping the latest
number of the _Freiheit_. In order to keep up their spirits at this
hard work a goodly quantity of the favorite German beverage is
consumed, cigars and short pipes emit big clouds of smoke, and a noisy
debate is carried on all the time. Every one of these savage-looking
specimens of humanity strives to assume an air that suggests his merely
waiting for a favorable opportunity to slaughter all monarchs and
capitalists on the face of the earth. There are Germans, Frenchmen,
Russians, Bohemians, and a Dane in the group. Regular employment is a
notion too conservative and utterly foreign to their minds. They are
here folding papers to serve the revolutionary cause, and receive no
other recompense than the consciousness of having performed their duty.
OVERAWING THE VISITORS.
One of the heroes, who evidently desires to overawe us, takes a small
quantity of gun cotton out of his pocket, another produces a sample of
dynamite, and each asserts that the stuff he carries is an excellent
agent to further the grand idea of universal anarchy. All join in a
dispute concerning the most effective methods for blowing up public
institutions, and the folding business is meanwhile neglected. The
anarchist chief, Herr Most, has been conversing with a good-looking
young female anarchist, who came over for the purpose of paying her
respects to the great dynamiter; but now his attention is directed to
his hot-headed disciples.
"Get through your work," he shouts; "you may babble all you want
afterward."
The admonition is heeded only for a few moments. The folders have a
theme demanding urgent action. The sentence of the Chicago anarchists
has excited the wrath and of every anarchist and frenzied cries of
threatened vengeance burst forth from all sides. Herr Most again
commands silence, and his announcement that a mass-meeting would be
held on Sunday, at which both English and German speakers would be
present, is hailed with tumultuous applause. The presence of strangers
seems to be totally ignored for the moment. The anarchists fully
understand that they are at liberty here to run the revolutionary
machine at their own sweet pleasure, so long as the struggle is
confined to the tongue. I conclude to invest 5 cents, and a copy of the
_Freiheit_ is handed to me. The editor reflects upon the propriety of a
national thanksgiving. His language is not choice, but rather painfully
harsh. Here is a goodly specimen:
"Our army of the unemployed, probably, will give thanks that the
capitalists are so very prosperous. Poor, haggard women will give
thanks over their weak tea and dry baker's bread that they have been
allowed to lay up wealth for their employers. Factory children, who
never see anything but the grim shop walls by daylight, will give
thanks that they have been brought into this beautiful world, and
hard-working day laborers lucky enough to have any kind of a job will
give thanks that the cormorants of society have not taken the last
mouthful away from them."
Another article deals with the anti-Chinese movement on the Pacific
coast, and urges the white working men to expel every greedy monopolist
instead of persecuting the poor celestial.
ANARCHISTIC LITERATURE AND WEAPONS.
Before I proceed to inspect the curiously decorated walls my attention
is called to an assortment of anarchistic literature spread on a
large table. The most extraordinary productions of fever-brained
revolutionists from all countries are here exposed for sale. The
works of Herr Most occupy the most conspicuous place, and titles like
"Gottespect und Religrionsenche," "Eigenthumsbestie," and "Elements of
Revolutionary Warfare" embellish the title pages. I open the last book
at haphazard and read:
"The best of all preparations to be used for poisoning is curare.
"By heating a dagger and then tempering it in oil of oleander,
the infliction of a light wound would be sufficient to produce
blood-poisoning and death.
"The cheapest and least expensive way is to apply a mixture of red
phosphorus and gum arabicum to the dagger, cartridge, etc.
"This precious stuff (dynamite), which is able to blast a mass of
solid rock, might also do good service at an assembly of royal
or aristocratic personages, or at an entertainment patronized by
monopolists."
Herr Most, who had eyed me sharply, asked at last: "Would you like to
join our circle, or perhaps it is only a few of your private enemies
you contemplate doing up? All necessary information can be had by
studying my 'Kriegswissencraft.'" The hint was a broad one, and I
thought it the safest plan to spend a dime on the "murder pamphlet,"
thus propitiating the tiger in his den.
The room might be considered at first glance an armory. There are
revolvers of all constructions, daggers, rifles, infernal machines, and
a big saber with a rusty scabbard. I could scarcely repress a laugh
at this relic of the great French revolution, or some equally remote
historic event.
"You make a mistake by laughing," said Most, unsheathing the sword.
"You will observe the blade is as sharp as a razor, and," he added with
a certain pride, "the point is, by way of experiment, coated with a
solution of cyanide of potassium."
The majority of the rifles are breech-loaders, formerly used in the
United States army, and bought by Most in large lots at auction for
retailing among his followers. On a shelf above the editor's desk a
variety of the most dangerous poisons, liquid and solid, are openly
exposed. The anarchist chief remarked, with a grim smile, that he
seriously contemplated breeding cholera and yellow-fever germs for
the purpose of exterminating mankind, rather than suffer the present
condition of society to perpetuate itself.
WALL DECORATIONS.
The walls of the room are almost totally covered with pictures,
portraits, newspaper headings, etc. In crazy-quilt fashion is arranged
Lieske, Shakspere, Hoedel, Rousseau, Karl Marx, Feurbach, Stuart Mill,
Thomas Paine, Richard Wagner, Marat, Hans Sachs, St. Simon, Lassalle,
Proudhon, Anton Kammerer, Stallmacher, the Irish patriots, Brady,
Kelly, Curley, Tynan, Wilson, Gallagher, and Normann, a life-size
picture of Louise Michel, an excellent photograph of prince Krapotkine,
pictures from Puck, Punch, Fleigende Blatter, sketches from George
Eber's "Egypt"--a queer collection indeed.
Herr Most takes especial pride in a gibbet traced in red lines on the
whitewashed wall and bearing portraits of the following persons: The
emperors of Germany, Russia, and Austria, Queen Victoria, President
Grevey, King Humbert, King Christian of Denmark and his premier,
Estrup; the Shah of Persha; the Sultan, the Emperors of China, Japan,
and Brazil, and President Cleveland. As an illustration of the
bitter feeling prevailing between the anarchists and socialists was
a caricature of Alexander Jonas, the socialist politician, playing a
flute to the inspiring tune, "Wait Till the Clouds Roll By."
The German Chancellor, Prince Bismarck, is caricatured a dozen
different ways, and blood-thirsty sentiments are written beneath the
pictures. A large picture presents the famous Rus-conspirators against
Alexander II.; another recalls the trial of Reinsdorf and comrades,
charged with high treason; then follow some scenes from the Paris
commune in 1871, and next to these sanguinary sketches an elegant fan
is suspended, unconscious of its strange surroundings. Anarchistic
papers from every quarter of the world are pasted from ceiling to
floor, and we learn the existence of obscure journals like Ni Dieu, Ni
Maitre, Fackel, Le Cri du Peuple, Alarm, Lucifer, Revolte, La Question
Sociale, the Roumelian periodical Revista Sociale, Il Fascio Operairo,
Der Arme Teufel, and Proletaren. Italians who stray into this nest
have an opportunity of studying a "Programma Socialista, Anarchico,
Revoluzionario del Giuppo Italiano."
Perhaps the master of this queer den will soon view the world once more
through prison bars.
COMYNS RAY.
CHAPTER XVI.
BIOGRAPHY OF HERR MOST. HIS PAST CAREER AND EARLY TRAINING.
HIS IMPRISONMENT IN THE BASTILLE AND RED TOWER FOR PREACHING
HIS GOSPEL OF BLOOD. EXTRACTS FROM HIS INFLAMMATORY
UTTERANCES. WHET YOUR DAGGERS. LET EVERY PRINCE FIND A BRUTUS
BY HIS THRONE.
THE PAST CAREER OF HERR MOST.
That practice has now become obsolete of predicting the future of a
child by consulting the aspect of the planet under which it was born at
the day and hour of birth. At the advent of Herr Most upon this mundane
sphere, who, looking through the horroscope of his future, but could in
the interests of humanity, have wished that the feeble spark of life in
the frail tenement might have become extinguished, or that it had never
existed.
In the city of Augsburg on the River Lech, which is a tributary of the
blue rolling Danube in Bavaria in Germany, in the year 1846, and on the
5th day of February Herr Most first saw the light of day. A long period
of sickness while yet an infant served to render his features hideous
by some malignant disease eating away a portion of his cheek, but his
record goes to prove conclusively that he still retained enough to
render himself obnoxious to every lover of law and order.
Endowed by nature with proclivities to resist all rule and law,
gained from an unloving stepmother much harsh treatment. He became
apprenticed to a book-binder when a mere lad, and the cruel treatment
received at the hands of his employer failed to change the bent of his
inclinations. He had a passion for the stage which he gratified by
striking an attitude and reciting in tragic style with dramatic effect
any occurrence which attracted his attention to the infinite amusement
of boys, and pedestrians on the street would stop to listen to his
native eloquence and behold his crude dramatic gestures. We find him
in Switzerland in 1867, endeavoring to establish anarchy with a zeal
worthy of a better cause. We next find him in Vienna where in one of
his scathing speeches he characterized Liberalism as a swindle; the
priests as deceivers. For this speech he received a jail sentence of
four weeks. Shortly after his release, he was again sentenced to five
years' imprisonment for high treason. However, after having served six
months of the term, through some ministerial change, he was released.
A half an hour later he was again on the platform firing hot shot
and shell into the ranks of the government with all the force of his
burning invective. His ability to sway the masses alarmed the new
government, and they took measures to have him banished. He went to
Chemnitz where he became popular as an agitator, and successful in
establishing his doctrine of anarchy as the gospel of blood, for which
he was incarcerated temporarily in the red tower, a very unpopular
jail. September 3, 1872, while returning from Mayence, where he had
attended a socialistic congress, he was again arrested, and a few
days later was sentenced to eight months in prison. In 1874, for some
expressions used in favor of the commune of Paris, although a member of
Parliament, he was given eighteen months in the German Bastille. At the
expiration of his sentence he became identified with the Berlin _Free
Press_, and for his freedom of speech he was again sentenced to six
months in jail, having served his sentence he crossed out of his native
land to London where he took charge of the new journal, the _Freiheit_,
and while occupying this position he received a pressing invitation
to come to Chicago and take charge of the _Arbeiter Zeitung_, which
he declined, believing as he did that the era of the mad misrule of
anarchy was on the eve of being inaugurated. He visited Paris, and
during his stay directed a speech full of burning hatred against the
German Emperor, for which he was accorded two years in jail. On his
release he hastened to put the channel between him and that hated
country. In 1880 he was again in Switzerland, scattering the seeds of
anarchy, and forging thunderbolts for his enemies, and many of his
publications found their way throughout the length and breadth of
Europe.
In one of his effusions he said:
"Science has put in our possession instruments with which
beasts of society may be removed. Princes, ministers,
statesmen, bishops, prelates and other officials, civil and
clerical, journalists and lawyers, representatives of the
aristocracy and middle classes, must have their heads broken."
When Alexander II. of Russia was murdered, "Triumph! triumph!" he
wrote; "the monster has been executed," etc., and yet this "monster"
(?) was the man who had struck the manacles from the feet of Russia's
serfs; had lifted millions of a degraded people to citizenship. His
outburst on this occasion gained him sixteen months in an English
prison. In December of 1882 he was en route for New York, where he met
with a most enthusiastic reception.
The anarchists have now eleven regular organs in circulation. Five
of these appear in English, five in German, and one in the French
language. A few extracts we herein embody will serve to demonstrate the
savage nature of these agitators. He says:
"If each member of the anarchist party some fine morning would seek
out some hated tyrant and pick a quarrel; if only each man would carry
a private supply of some destructive agency in his pocket and would
either stab, poison, or with powder, lead, or dynamite do to death our
enemies, wherever found, in house, office, bureau, shop, or factory; if
that could only be done in fifty places at the same moment; if fires
could only be started in fifty different places at the same time; if
only special parties detailed for the purpose would cut the telephone
and telegraph wires--must not a general panic result? Would not society
be wild with fright? And would not the rabble as if by magic be
inflamed with revolutionary passion?"
Can anything be more diabolical? But Most's paper, from which I have
quoted, is mild compared with the _Rebell_. This sheet is the organ of
Peukert. At present both papers vie with each other in disseminating
anarchism among the farming population. In 1884 Most said: "To find a
way for getting $100,000,000 would do the cause more good than to dash
the brains out of ten kings. Gold--money--is wanted.
"Lay hold where and when you can," he continues. "The less noise you
make in laying and carrying out your plans the less danger and the
better success. The revolver is good in extreme cases, dynamite in
great movements, but, generally speaking, the dagger and poison are the
best means of propagation. Yes, tremble, ye canaille, ye bloodsuckers,
ye ravishers of maidens, murderers, and hangmen, the day of reckoning
and revenge is near. The fight has begun along the picket line. A
girdle of dynamite encircles the world, not only the _old_ but the
_new_. The bloody band of tyrants are dancing on the surface of a
volcano. There is dynamite in England, France, Germany, Russia, Italy,
Spain, New York, and Canada. It will be hot on the day of action, and
yet the brood will shudder in the sight of death and gnash their teeth.
Set fire to the houses, put poison in all kinds of food, put poisoned
nails on the chairs occupied by our enemies, dig mines and fill them
with explosives, whet your daggers, load your revolvers, cap them, fill
bombs and have them ready. Hurl the priest from the altar; shoot him
down! Let each prince find a Brutus by his throne."
The foregoing language is calculated to tend toward subversion of
law and justice, and is revolutionary and treasonable in its nature,
teachings of this nature from Reinsdorf and Most, are the direct cause
of our Haymarket massacre. The authorities are responsible largely for
the commission of crime which they may prevent even by resorting to
extreme measures in enforcing the law. While we desire peace in all our
borders, yet we believe that transgressors of the law should be made to
feel that "God reigns, and the government at Washington still lives."
CHAPTER XVII.
BIOGRAPHIES OF SPIES AND THE OTHER SEVEN CONDEMNED MEN. THEIR
BIRTHPLACE, EDUCATION AND PRIVATE LIFE. PARSONS' LETTER TO
THE "DAILY NEWS" AFTER THE EXPLOSION, WHILE A FUGITIVE FROM
JUSTICE.
AUGUST SPIES.
August Vincent Theodore Spies was born in Landeck, Hesse in 1855. His
father was a ranger. Spies came to America in 1872, and to Chicago in
1873, where for a number of years he worked as an upholsterer. He first
became interested in socialistic theories in 1875, and two years later
joined the socialistic labor party, and the Lehr und Wehr Verein. He
became connected with the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ in 1880. He succeeded
Paul Grottkau as editor-in-chief in 1884. From that time onward he
was looked up to as one of the ablest and most influential anarchist
leaders. He was educated by a private tutor during his early boyhood
days. He afterward studied at a Polytechnic institute.
ALBERT PARSONS.
Albert R. Parsons was born in Montgomery, Ala., in 1848. His parents
died when he was young, and his rearing fell to the lot of his elder
brother, W. R. Parsons, who was a general in the Confederate army.
In 1855 he removed to Johnson county, Texas, taking Albert with him.
The latter received some schooling at Waco, and subsequently became
a printer on the Galveston _News_. When the war broke out he ran away
from home and became a "powder monkey" in a company of confederate
artillery. Subsequently he served successively under the command of
his brothers, Richard and William H. Parsons. After the war he edited
the _Spectator_, a weekly paper, at Waco. Much to the disgust of his
brothers, he became a Republican, and something of a politician. As
such he held one or two subordinate federal offices at Austin, and at
one time was secretary of the State Senate. Coming to Chicago he worked
for a time in various printing offices, and then became a professional
labor agitator. He was at one time Master Workman of District Assembly
24, Knights of Labor, and president of the Trades Assembly for three
years. In 1879 he was nominated by the Socialistic Labor party as a
candidate for their President of the United States, but declined, as he
was not then thirty-five years old. In 1883, at Pittsburgh, he helped to
frame the platform of the International Working People's Association.
He was put forward by the socialists as a candidate for city clerk
in 1883. He became editor of the _Alarm_, the organ of the "American
group" of anarchists in Chicago in 1884, which position he held up
to the time of the Haymarket riot in May 1886, but on the morning
following the explosion, A. R. Parsons was not found in his accustomed
place as editor of the _Alarm_. He had decamped, but many believed he
was hiding in Chicago, as on the evening of the 7th of May a letter
posted in Chicago at 7:30 was received by the editor of the _Daily
News_, which ran thus:
"_Mr. M. E. Stone, Editor Daily News_:
"DEAR SIR--I want to speak a word through you to my
fellow-workers, just to let them know that I am still in the
land of the living and looking out for their interests.
"And further, give a few hints to some of the fellows who
desire to live on anarchists, that may be for their welfare.
In the first place, I am watching the papers and also the
knowing chaps who give the pointers as to my whereabouts, some
of whom will make good subjects for the coroner's inquest one
of these days should they persist in their present course. To
the public I desire to say that the devil is never so black
as you can paint him. I will in due time turn up and answer
for myself for anything I may have said or done. I have no
regrets for past conduct and no pledges for the future if
there is to be nothing but blood and death for the toilers
of America. Whenever the public decide to use reason and
justice in dealing with the producing class, just at that
time will you see me. But, should the decision be to continue
the present course of death and slavery just so long will I
wage relentless war on all organized force, and all endeavor
to find me will be fruitless. Watching my wife and her kind
friends is of no use. I am dead to them already. I count my
life already sacrificed for daring to stand between tyrants
and slaves.
"To show you how well I am kept posted, I know who was sent
to La Grange for me to-day. I was not there. I know who put
you on the track of Glasgow, and just where to find him. Just
say to that man for me that his day of reckoning will come
soon. I read all the papers to-day, and will see the _Times_,
_Inter-Ocean_, and Hesing later.
"Now, as to what must be done to satisfy the anarchists is to
stop all these demands for blood and show a spirit of reason
and a disposition to put down the oppressors of the people,
and enforce laws against rich thieves as readily as you do
against the poor. Grant every fair demand of labor. Give
those poor creatures enough to satisfy their hunger, and I
will guarantee a quiet period in which all the great questions
of land and wages, and rights can be put in operation without
further bloodshed. But if not, I am already sacrificed as a
martyr for the cause. I have thousands of brethren who will
sell their lives just as dearly as I will mine, and at just as
great cost to our enemies.
"I shall wait as long as I think necessary for the public to
take warning, and then you decide your own fate.
"It must be LIBERTY for the people or DEATH for CAPITALISTS. I
am not choosing more. It is your choice and your last. I love
humanity, and therefore die for it. No one can do more. Every
drop of my blood shall count an avenger, and woe to America
when these are in arms.
"I have not slept, nor shall I sleep until I sleep the sleep
of death, or my fellow men are on the road to LIBERTY."
"A. R. PARSONS."
SAMUEL FIELDEN.
Samuel Fielden was born in Todmorden, Lancashire, England, in 1847, and
spent thirteen years of his boyhood working in a cotton mill. In early
manhood he became a Methodist minister and Sunday-school superintendent
in his native place. In 1868 he came to New York, worked for a few
months in a cotton mill, and in the following year came to Chicago.
For the greater portion of the time since he has worked as a laborer.
He joined the liberal league in 1880, where he met Spies and Parsons.
He became a socialist in 1883, and has spent much time as a traveling
agitator of the International Working People's association.
We feel sure that Samuel Fielden is to-day serving out a life sentence
as the result of forming associations through which he was led to
mingle with agitators anarchistic, whose teachings were treasonable.
Though not endowed by nature with proclivities whose tendencies
were toward violence and bloodshed, yet being full of vanity and of
a vacillating nature was led to make speeches of an incendiary and
revolutionary character which identified him with those responsible for
the result of the fatal bomb, and doomed him to a life of unrequited
toil and of penal servitude.
ADOLPH FISCHER.
Adolph Fischer, who was about thirty years old, came to this country
from Germany when a boy, and learned the printer's trade with his
brother, who was editor of a German weekly at Nashville, Tenn. For
several years Fischer was editor and proprietor of the Little Rock
(Ark.) _Staats Zeitung_. This he sold in 1881, after which he worked
at his trade in St. Louis and Chicago. After coming to Chicago he
became a most rabid anarchist, and often accused Spies and Schwab of
being half-hearted, and of not having the courage to express their
convictions. He, like Engel, believed they were not radical enough.
At one time he, with Engel and Fehling, started _De Anarchist_, a
fire-eating weekly, designed to supplant the _Arbeiter Zeitung_.
He entered with all his possible energy into the spirit of socialism
and anarchy, so much so, that it became his only theme and the source
of happiness to him which he fully expressed in his last words upon
the gallows, viz: "This is the happiest moment of my life." If that
were the case, what an unendurable life were his, and the prospect
of dissolution offered a rest from the self-inflicted torment of
continuing to live.
GEORGE ENGEL.
George Engel was born in Cassel, Germany, in 1836. He received a
common school education and learned the printer's trade. He came to
America in 1873, and a year later to Chicago, where he became a convert
to socialism, and later a rabid anarchist. He founded the famous
"Northwest group" in 1883.
He spoke English very imperfectly, and with great difficulty, he
manifested no desire to make progress in anything except in anarchy.
The sinister expression of his countenance indicated a dogged stubborn
and cruel nature, full of malice and hatred which led him to use this
latest breath in a "hurrah for anarchy" upon the gallows. Such men
behold nothing beautiful in nature, nor anything to admire in well
organized society, under the mad misrule of anarchy controlled by such
an element, society would soon lapse back to the days of primitive
barbarism and superstition.
MICHAEL SCHWAB.
Michael Schwab was born near Mannheim, Germany, in 1853, and was
educated in a convent. For several years he worked at the book-binding
trade in various cities. He came to America in 1879.
He was a co-adjutor with August Spies in connection with the _Arbeiter
Zeitung_. He was a pronounced socialist, though of a milder type than
Spies, Parsons or Fischer. He was vacillating in his nature, and not
calculated for a leader, but capable of being led. Had he chosen for
his companions loyal and patriotic associates, he doubtless would have
become a trusted citizen and a champion of American institutions
instead of a propagator of anarchy which cost him the price of his
liberty.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY.
Oscar W. Neebe was born in New York city on the 12th day of July in the
year 1850. His parents were German, and in order to give their children
an education in German they removed from New York to Germany when
Oscar was but a child. His boyhood and school days were spent in Hesse
Cassel. But at the age of fourteen years he returned to New York and as
he expresses himself, was glad to set foot once more upon the land of
the free, where all men were equal regardless of color or nationality,
for the war had just closed which had stricken the chains and festering
fetters from the limbs of the African slave, which meant the unbarring
of the dungeon of the mind, giving them the right to acquire an
education which before was denied them, and making them heir to the
inalienable rights of citizenship. He says "I saw the sun-browned
soldiers of the federal army returning from the South where they had
fought for liberty and freedom, and learned to love them as brothers
when I heard them say: 'There is now no more slavery.'"
Catching the inspiration of these words of Horace Greely: "Go West
young man," he accordingly came to Chicago at the age of sixteen years,
but returned to New York again where he learned the trade of tinsmith
and cornice-maker. But New York, with all its fascinations, failed to
constitute him contented and happy, and in February, 1877, we find him
again in Chicago where he commenced work for the Adams and Westlake
Manufacturing Company. He states that he was discharged July 1, for
daring to champion the working man, and at times was reduced to poverty
and almost starvation because of his avowed proclivities as an agitator.
He had become identified with the socialistic agitators in 1877, and
the active part and interest manifested by him in the socialists was
largely responsible for his lack of success in obtaining and holding
a situation. In 1878 he obtained a situation as salesman for the
Riversdale Distillery Company, selling their compressed yeast.
His financial embarrassment threw him largely among the agitators of
the Labor party, and in 1886, after the Haymarket riot, he was arrested
and tried for murder or for complicity in the conspiracy which led to
the massacre for which he received a sentence of fifteen years in the
penitentiary.
LOUIS LINGG,
was only twenty-one years old, and was the youngest of the doomed
anarchists. He was born in Baden, Germany, in 1864. He secured a
common school education in Germany. He left his native country when
very young and went to Switzerland where he remained several years. He
came to America in 1885, working at the carpenter trade, at the same
time availing himself of every opportunity for the development of his
anarchistic proclivities, which seemed to be height of his ambition. He
wrote his autobiography after having received the death sentence, which
we decline to publish in consequence of its rabid and treasonable type
of anarchy, sufficient in itself to prove his complicity in the foul
conspiracy. He was one of the most arch plotters of dark and tragic
history.
[Illustration: JNO. BONFIELD.]
CHAPTER XVIII.
BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD OF JOHN BONFIELD, INSPECTOR AND SECRETARY
OF POLICE DEPARTMENT. BIOGRAPHIES OF SHERIFF MATSON, JUDGE
GARY, JUDGE GRINELL. TRIBUTE TO CAPTAIN SCHAACK.
BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD
of John Bonfield, Esq., inspector and secretary of Police Department.
He was born in the year 1836, at Bathurst, New Brunswick. His father
was a thriving farmer, but in order to give his children the advantages
of superior facilities for education, removed to Buffalo, N. Y., in
1842, and in 1844 he came with his family to Chicago.
John Bonfield, after finishing his education, and by his natural
talent and shrewdness having obtained a large stock of general
knowledge from the ordinary pursuits of life in which he had engaged,
became identified with the police force of Chicago in the year 1878
as patrolman. But he was destined to occupy a subordinate position
for only a brief period, as in 1879 he was placed upon the staff of
detectives.
His true nobility of character, noble bearing, and faithful discharge
of his duties won for him the confidence of all, and in 1880 he gained
one more step in the golden ladder of fame, being raised to the rank of
lieutenant. He was next appointed captain of the Third precinct, and in
1885 was made inspector of the entire police force.
Owing to the brave and gallant bearing of Inspector Bonfield in
relation to the faithful discharge of his every duty during his past
career, (thereby winning the confidence of superior officers relative
to his ability,) he was entrusted with the entire command of the
detachment who so bravely on the night of May 4, 1886, turned back the
tide of anarchy which threatened to sweep like a tidal wave over the
fairest heritage upon God's green earth, scattering death and debris
all along its terrible track. Truly if brave deeds and noble acts, and
honesty of purpose, coupled with patriotism are worthy of note, the
name of John Bonfield and the brave officers under his command on that
terrible night of the Haymarket massacre, shall live forever upon the
brightest page of the historian.
[Illustration: C. R. MATSON.]
CANUTE R. MATSON,
was born in Norway in the year 1843. He emigrated with his parents to
America in 1848, and settled in Walworth county, Wisconsin, but removed
in a short time to Dane county, Wisconsin, where in 1858 he entered
Albion Academy, and as a natural sequence of his insatiate thirst for
knowledge he made rapid progress maintaining ever a prominent place
at the head of his class. He was a student in Milton College at the
opening of the war. The inherent patriotism of a noble nature had been
fanned into a flame by the institutions of American freedom, and he
at once offered himself as a sacrifice, if need be, in the defense
of his adopted country, by enlisting in 1861 in the Union army as a
private soldier in Company K, Thirteenth Wisconsin Infantry. In 1862 he
was made commissary sergeant. He was raised to lieutenant of Company
G., in 1864, and was acting regimental quartermaster at the close of
the war in 1865, and received his honorable discharge bearing the
untarnished reputation of a brave soldier and a noble officer.
He afterward obtained a position in the post office where he published
the _Postal Record_, an official paper of the department.
In 1868 he was elected clerk of the Police Court. In 1871 he was
accorded the power to appoint, and also the supervision of the
deputies. In 1875 he was appointed justice of the peace. In 1878 he was
admitted to the bar. He ran for sheriff in 1879 and was only defeated
by a very small majority in favor of his opponent. He served two years
as coroner, being nominated by acclamation when he satisfied all
parties of his intent, and ability to perform the duties of his office
with credit to himself and honor to those by whose effort he had been
placed in so responsible a position.
In 1882 he was again a candidate for the office of sheriff through
the importunities of his friends, and was barely defeated by S. F.
Hanchett, who in selecting a chief deputy made the wise choice of C.
R. Matson, which position he filled to the close of the term, giving
entire satisfaction to all parties with whom he came in contact in
connection with the discharge of his official duties.
He has obtained all the honorable and responsible positions which he
has filled solely upon his merits, and has retained them with the
confidence of the public, by the efficient and impartial manner in
which he has served the people of Cook county.
He was installed in the office of sheriff of Cook county Dec. 6, 1886,
enjoying still the confidence of the people. He is a man of great
heart, broad and deep sympathies, yet unswerving in the administration
of the law as a sacred obligation he owes to the public, and in the
years to come history replete with the sayings and doings of the
great men of to-day will shed a halo of glory forever upon the name of
Canute R. Matson as a brave, true and noble man, and the most prominent
Scandinavian leader of the era in which he lived, having left an
example worthy of emulation by those who shall come after him.
JOSEPH E. GARY,
the presiding judge at the trial of the anarchists, was born at
Potsdam, New York, July 9, 1821, at which place he received a common
school education where he also spent his early boyhood days until
1843, when he went to St. Louis, Mo., and read law, opening his first
law office at Springfield, Mo. But in 1849 he removed to Las Vegas,
N. M., where he learned to write well and speak fluently the Spanish
language. He removed to San Francisco, Cal., where he practiced his
chosen profession until 1856, when he returned to Chicago and formed a
co-partnership with Murray F. Tuley, now Judge Tuley of the bench. He
finally became a law partner with E. and A. Van Buren, which continued
until 1863, when he was elected to the bench. His judicial mind and
clear comprehensive sense of right places him high among his compeers
as a celebrity upon the technicalities of law. He is esteemed by all
who know him.
JULIUS S. GRINNELL,
was born at Massena, St. Lawrence county, New York, in 1842. He is of
French-Welsh extraction, but it is not of his illustrious ancestors
we wish to speak in this sketch. Suffice it to say that the Grinnell
family are among the oldest and best families of the Eastern and New
England States. Julius S. Grinnell graduated in the office of the Hon.
William C. Brown in Ogdensburg, N. Y., in 1868. He came to Chicago in
1870 where he commenced to struggle manfully toward the summit of fame.
His eloquence and oratory, along with the comprehensive grasp of a most
extraordinary mind has made his ascent rapid and sure. His high aims
and lofty aspirations have in early life been rewarded. He can exclaim
"Eureka," as at the age of forty-six years he has been elected to the
bench.
CAPTAIN SCHAACK,
of the Fifth precinct is deserving of great credit, not merely for the
assiduity with which he applied himself to the fatiguing duties of
unraveling the mysteries of anarchy in secret organization, but also
for the tact and shrewdness coupled with the fearless manner in which
he discharged the dangerous duties incident to his office during the
reign of terror which succeeded the Haymarket tragedy. It is a well
known fact that Captain Schaack was one of the most energetic workers,
as well as one of the principal factors in ferreting out and dragging
to justice the dangerous element of socialism and anarchy in the great
conspiracy. Chicago is indebted to Captain Schaack for a large majority
of the evidence which resulted in the conviction, condemnation, and
execution of these lawless men whose object and aim was to sow the
seeds of discord and confusion in the refined and well organized
circles of society. The low-browed class of ignorant men who stood
around their leaders and in discordant voices howled their praise,
were, under this leadership capable of the wildest onset, or the dark
and patient vigil, of him who treasures up in heart of hatred an
imaginary wrong. Every step taken by Captain Schaack and his faithful
band of tried men was full of dangers. Over fifty bombs had been made
and distributed throughout the city. One had fallen with deadly effect,
and any moment another might be expected to scatter death and debris
among the ranks of faithful officers, who when detailed for service
knew not but they were being led as sheep to the slaughter.
In the ages to come when as a record of history this anarchistic
conspiracy of 1886 is referred to, the bold acts of noble daring, the
skill, bravery and self-sacrificing spirit of Captain Schaack in the
suppression of anarchy will be remembered by a grateful people as a
monument to immortalize his name.
CHAPTER XIX.
EULOGY TO THE POLICE. BOLDLY THEY FOUGHT AND WELL. CONTRAST
BETWEEN CAPITAL AND LABOR. THE ANARCHISTS' FATAL DELUSION. THE
UNITED STATES NATIONAL ANTHEM.
EULOGIZING THE POLICE.
What peace-loving citizen of Chicago desiring her commercial prosperity
and the perpetuity of American institutions, with all it means of home
and protection for free-born American citizens to behold our starry
banner still proudly floating from the citadel of the most free country
upon God's green earth, but will with me thank God for the blessings
of peace secured to us by the prompt and steady action of our brave
and noble police on the night of May 4, 1886. When forgetful of their
own personal safety in their devotion to the cause of liberty, over
the prostrate forms of mangled and dying comrades they charged this
treacherous band of alien outlaws, beating down the red hand of anarchy
which was reaching out its tentacles to usurp the birthright of this
nation bequeathed to it by our ancestors and made sacred to every loyal
heart by a baptism of the blood of our sires and grandsires in 1776.
Not one ray of light from one single star upon our grand old flag shall
ever tarnish its glory or dim its radiance in the shadow of the crimson
flag of anarchy.
With reference to that terrible night who will not with me adopt the
following language:
"When can their glory fade?"
It was to us a blood fought victory, and every officer who poured
out his life on that eventful night is deserving of a monument in
the hearts of a grateful people and a prominent place among the
wreath-crowned martyrs in the cause of liberty. Chicago's entire
force who respond so promptly to a call, discharging their duty so
faithfully, are worthy the name of heroes as justly as those who have
spilled rivers of blood upon the ensanguined field of Marathon or
Waterloo.
What matters it now to Officer Degan and his slaughtered comrades that
"boldly they fought and well." Their widowed wives and orphan children
tell the price they paid for the blessings of peace we to-day enjoy.
The maimed and suffering officers we daily behold as the result of that
direful night speak plainly of what it cost them in the protection of
our blood-bought privileges of 1776.
Verily, a monument of marble should be erected to their memory upon the
spot where they fell, bearing the names of that gallant band who so
bravely turned back the incoming tide, whose black and seething waters
threatened to wreck the foundations of our social, civil and national
institutions.
CAPITAL AND LABOR.
Two young men from the same flourishing little town, and bosom friends
graduate from the same school, each with aspirations lofty as the
pinnacle of fame. Each one chooses an art or craft, or profession.
Each man has the same chance to succeed. The avenues of trade and
commerce are open alike to all. One of these young men well knowing
that there is no royal road to wealth and fame, and that his success
depends solely upon his economy and industry, wisely adopts a code of
laws by which his life is to be regulated and governed, and his future
of success or failure determined. He remembers that his preceptor once
remarked to him thus: "Raymond, remember this: If you ever expect
to become wealthy, spend each day less than you earn," and he had
adopted it. He husbanded each week, and month, and year a portion of
his earnings; years pass on and his coffers are filling with that
yellow god which sways the destinies of men and empires. He engages in
manufacturing enterprises or mercantile pursuits, and his happiness is
complete in his palatial home, with a lovely wife and children as a
keystone crowning the arch which spans the dark and turbid stream of
life.
Let us follow the other young man who started in the race at the
same time and under the same auspicious circumstances. He has taken
a different course. He has not been idle but a spendthrift, working
during the week earning money to spend among his boon companions during
Sunday, and is always in debt and trouble as he is spending more than
he earns. He has availed himself of the privilege of rejoicing in the
days of his youth, walking in the ways of his heart and the sight of
his eyes, forgetting that for all these things he will be brought
into judgment, as no law of our physical nature or social standing can
be violated with impunity, there is no appeal from the self-inflicted
punishment of an accusing conscience for extreme prodigality and
reckless expenditure in riotous living. To-night he is standing upon
the corner of the street shivering under the biting blast which is
sifting the early snow of winter amid his prematurely grizzled hair.
He is not at peace with himself or the world. He hates himself for
being poor and others for being rich. At this juncture the elegantly
equipped carriage of his former classmate rolls past. Its owner is
now a millionaire by earnest, honest and persevering endeavor. He
is a homeless pauper and the self-constituted architect of his own
misfortunes, yet he is willing to offer himself as a representative of
the terrible contrast between capital and labor.
THE ANARCHIST'S FATAL DELUSION.
Under the fascination of rose-tinted delusion whose fatal mists
obscure the mental and moral realm of thought, many become criminals,
goaded on by blind infatuation which persevered in becomes a passion
all-absorbing in its nature. In the blindness of their infatuation
they seek to immortalize their names by a bold and base attempt at the
subversion of law and order.
Having by the mad misrule of anarchy rendered themselves amenable to
law, and by crime forfeited not only their liberty but their lives,
they stubbornly refuse to ask for executive clemency, choosing death in
the error of their ways, and in the language of Patrick Henry demanding
unconditional "liberty or death." These anarchists under the delusion
that they were becoming martyrs, courted death, and from the gallows
raised a defiant shout for the perpetuity and progress of anarchy
which they fondly hoped would go ringing down the corridors of time,
increased by tributaries until anarchy as a mighty torrent should
bear away law, order and civilization by the fury of its resistless
force, until bombs, dynamite and treason should triumph. Under the
sophistry and insidious teachings of the nefarious Herr Most, anarchy
developed rapidly in Chicago, and his minions were willing to offer up
wives and children, liberty, even life if necessary, in the interest
of the cause they had espoused. They raised their voice publicly in
denouncing imaginary wrongs and the plaudits of the admiring ignorant
lower classes amounted to an inspiration to them which urged them on
to openly advocate deeds of violence and blood. Herr Most has stated
that the gibbet upon which these anarchist murderers paid the penalty
for their crimes will in the ages to come be looked upon with the same
veneration that the cross is by the Christian.
Now, that the majesty of the law has been maintained in their
execution, their sympathizing followers seek to erect a monument to
perpetuate their memory, the most fitting tablet over their grave
should be, "Here lies anarchy in her shameful tomb." "Oh! Torquemada,
from thy fiery jail," and thou "George Jeffries, from underneath the
altar which seeks with Christian charity to hide thy hated bones," with
the long line of hideous cruel monsters from the dead, come and compare
thy deeds in contrast with thy lesser light and knowledge.
"Come seek thy equals here."
UNITED STATES NATIONAL ANTHEM.
BY W. R. WALLACE.
God of the Free! upon Thy breath
Our Flag is for the Right unrolled,
As broad and brave as when its stars,
First lit the hallowed time of old.
For Duty still its folds shall fly;
For Honor still its glories burn,
Where Truth, Religion, Valor, guard
The patriot's sword and martyr's urn.
No tyrant's impious step is ours;
No lust of power on nations rolled;
Our Flag--for _friends_, a starry sky,
For _traitors_, storm in every fold.
O thus we'll keep our Nation's life,
Nor fear the bolt by despots hurled;
The blood of all the world is here,
And they who strike us, strike the world.
God of the Free! our Nation bless
In its strong manhood as its birth;
And make its life a star of hope
For all the struggling of the Earth.
Then shout beside thine Oak, O North!
O South! wave answer with thy palm;
And in our Union's heritage
Together sing the Nation's Psalm!
THE END.
Transcriber's Notes:
Punctuation was corrected in several places (without notation).
The oe ligature is rendered [oe].
Italics are rendered between underscores e.g. _italics_.
Small Caps are rendered with ALL CAPS.
Inconsistent spellings and hyphenations have been changed to match,
however some other unusual (and possibly erroneous) spellings have been
left as printed.
+-----------------------------------------+
| Changes made by the transcriber |
+-------+----------------+----------------+
| Page | As Printed | Changed to |
+-------+----------------+----------------+
| 3 | Wont | Won't |
| 3 | Snow-Balls | Snowballs |
| 6 | Bastile | Bastille |
| 13 | 18.9 | 1879 |
| 14 | baddits | bandits |
| 15 | eight hour | eight-hour |
| 16 | assaiiants | assailants |
| 17 | blood-hounds | bloodhounds |
| 17 | difiered | differed |
| 17 | working-men | working men |
| 17 | Haymarkst | Haymarket |
| 18 | motly | motley |
| 20 | inflamatory | inflammatory |
| 21 | LING | LINGG |
| 21 | Engle | Engel |
| 22 | anarchist's | anarchists |
| 22 | Grief's | Greif's |
| 24 | Balthasar | Balthazar |
| 25 | court room | courtroom |
| 26 | Zietung | Zeitung |
| 26 | Balthauser | Balthazar |
| 27 | blood-hounds | bloodhounds |
| 30 | Griefs | Greif's |
| 31 | Grief's | Greif's |
| 33 | snow-balls | snowballs |
| 34 | occured | occurred |
| 35 | occured | occurred |
| 37 | sabstance | substance |
| 47 | D d | Did |
| 48 | snow-balls | snowballs |
| 53 | Louis | Louise |
| 54 | court-room | courtroom |
| 59 | buisness | business |
| 64 | forseen | foreseen |
| 65 | connot | cannot |
| 68 | frrom | from |
| 72 | yon | you |
| 74 | Socialiastic | Socialistic |
| 82 | Wou | You |
| 83 | steet | street |
| 84 | seee | see |
| 85 | penality | penalty |
| 88 | to | to be |
| 89 | did | did you |
| 92 | Fidlden | Fielden |
| 93 | restaurent | restaurant |
| 97 | hoping | hopping |
| 97 | rotton | rotten |
| 101 | responsable | responsible |
| 103 | is | is a |
| 106 | mercilesss | merciless |
| 111 | fhe | the |
| 116 | nphold | uphold |
| 117 | occured | occurred |
| 120 | caime | crime |
| 123 | haggared | haggard |
| 123 | stocial | stoical |
| 126 | Schoool | School |
| 128 | kneee | knee |
| 130 | six six | six |
| 131 | primef-actors | prime-actors |
| 131 | survilance | surveillance |
| 131 | Yipsilon | Ypsilon |
| 131 | in in | in |
| 131 | consumation | consummation |
| 132 | Verin | Verein |
| 134 | is | as |
| 135 | machinest | machinist |
| 136 | utterences | utterances |
| 137 | Schuaubelt | Schnaubelt |
| 140 | gread | great |
| 143 | argueing | arguing |
| 145 | occured | occurred |
| 147 | occurance | occurrence |
| 150 | of | or |
| 151 | prætorian | Prætorian |
| 153 | cannibles | cannibals |
| 154 | literateur | litterateur |
| 154 | sevility | servility |
| 155 | There | Their |
| 156 | waived | waved |
| 163 | acklowledge | acknowledge |
| 164 | LaSalle | Lassalle |
| 165 | emmigrants | immigrants |
| 166 | man-mankind | mankind |
| 168 | reciteing | reciting |
| 171 | nor | not |
| 173 | immerced | immersed |
| 174 | persecuters | persecutors |
| 175 | priviledged | privileged |
| 182 | Adolf | Adolph |
| 182 | NINA | NIÑA |
| 182 | Nina | Niña |
| 182 | superintendant | superintendent |
| 183 | emmoluments | emoluments |
| 184 | GOVENOR | GOVERNOR |
| 191 | preverted | perverted |
| 191 | gatling | Gatling |
| 195 | Challenge | challenge |
| 196 | gilt | guilt |
| 199 | appropos | apropos |
| 200 | jurisdidtion | jurisdiction |
| 202 | priviledge | privilege |
| 202 | deirsous | desirous |
| 204 | the the | the |
| 204 | kidnaping | kidnapping |
| 206 | Uuited | United |
| 206 | magna charta | Magna Charta |
| 207 | magna charta | Magna Charta |
| 207 | priviliges | privileges |
| 209 | kidnaping | kidnapping |
| 210 | waved | waived |
| 212 | perogative | prerogative |
| 214 | Engle | Engel |
| 215 | ninteenth | nineteenth |
| 219 | thrist | thirst |
| 221 | which which | which |
| 221 | slighest | slightest |
| 225 | meloncholy | melancholy |
| 226 | desirious | desirous |
| 229 | MARSELLAISE | MARSEILLAISE |
| 229 | murmered | murmured |
| 230 | Marsellaise | Marseillaise |
| 231 | DISCRIPTION | DESCRIPTION |
| 231 | THREATNING | THREATENING |
| 231 | PITTYING | PITYING |
| 231 | Engle | Engel |
| 238 | threatning | threatening |
| 243 | embelish | embellish |
| 243 | curari | curare |
| 246 | BASTILE | BASTILLE |
| 246 | teniment | tenement |
| 247 | procivities | proclivities |
| 248 | bastile | Bastille |
| 250 | ravishers | ravishers of |
| 251 | verein | Verein |
| 252 | Pittsburg | Pittsburgh |
| 255 | indentified | identified |
| 258 | heighth | height |
| 259 | precint | precinct |
| 261 | acclammation | acclamation |
+-------+----------------+----------------+
End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Rise and Fall of Anarchy in America, by
George N. McLean
*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY ***
***** This file should be named 49842-8.txt or 49842-8.zip *****
This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
http://www.gutenberg.org/4/9/8/4/49842/
Produced by David Edwards, Martin Mayer, (The illustrations
were produced from images generously made available by The
Internet Archive) and the Online Distributed Proofreading
Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced from
scanned images of public domain material from the Google
Books project.)
Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will
be renamed.
Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm
concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive
specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this
eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook
for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports,
performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given
away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks
not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the
trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.
START: FULL LICENSE
THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the
person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph
1.E.8.
1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the
Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual
works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting
free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily
comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when
you share it without charge with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country outside the United States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear
prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work
on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed,
performed, viewed, copied or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the
United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you
are located before using this ebook.
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works
posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format
other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official
version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain
Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
provided that
* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has
agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation."
* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm
works.
* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
receipt of the work.
* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than
are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The
Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm
trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
without further opportunities to fix the problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in
accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or
additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any
Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at
www.gutenberg.org Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the
mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its
volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous
locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt
Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to
date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and
official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact
For additional contact information:
Dr. Gregory B. Newby
Chief Executive and Director
[email protected]
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular
state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works.
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.
Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org
This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
