The Project Gutenberg eBook of Anthropology
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.
Title: Anthropology
Author: Franz Boas
Release date: July 15, 2024 [eBook #74049]
Language: English
Original publication: New York: The Columbia University Press, 1908
Credits: Carol Brown, Super Queer Historian and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANTHROPOLOGY ***
ANTHROPOLOGY
A LECTURE DELIVERED AT COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
IN THE SERIES ON SCIENCE, PHILOSOPHY AND ART
DECEMBER 18, 1907
ANTHROPOLOGY
BY
FRANZ BOAS
PROFESSOR OF ANTHROPOLOGY
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
New York
THE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS
1908
COPYRIGHT, 1908,
By THE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS.
Set up, and published February, 1908.
ANTHROPOLOGY
In attempting to set forth briefly the principal results of
anthropological research, I find my task beset with many difficulties.
If the clear enunciation of the aims and methods of physical or
biological science is not an easy matter, difficulties many times
greater are encountered in an attempt to explain the present
position of investigation dealing with mankind from the biological,
geographical, and psychological points of view,--subjects that seem to
lack in unity, and that present a number of most divergent aspects.
Owing to the apparent heterogeneity of method, it seems necessary to
explain the aims that unify the many lines of anthropological research.
I can then proceed to describe what little has been attained, and how
we hope to make further progress.
We do not discuss the anatomical, physiological, and mental
characteristics of man considered as an individual; but we are
interested in the diversity of these traits in groups of men found in
different geographical areas and in different social classes. It is our
task to inquire into the causes that have brought about the observed
differentiation, and to investigate the sequence of events that have
led to the establishment of the multifarious forms of human life. In
other words, we are interested in anatomical and mental characteristics
in so far as they are peculiar to groups of men living under the same
biological, geographical, and social environment, and as determined
by their past. Thus we are concerned with the effects of the climate
and products of a country upon human life, with the influence of
heat and of cold upon the bodily frame, with modifications in the
life of communities brought about by geographical isolation, and with
those due to the sufficiency or insufficiency of food-supply. No less
interesting to us are the phenomena of dependence of human life upon
those social conditions that find expression in the customary mode of
nutrition and occupation; in the effects of contact between neighboring
groups of people; in modifications brought about by migrations; and
in the forms of life as influenced by the density of population. To
understand these modifications, we require a knowledge of individual
anatomy, physiology, and psychology, because the establishment of a
characteristic social group can be brought about only by a parallel
development which occurs in all the individuals exposed to similar
influences.
Thus it appears that the genesis of the types of man, considered
from an anatomical, physiological, and psychological point of view,
is the chief object of anthropological research. When our problem is
formulated in this manner, we recognize at once that a separation of
anthropological methods from the methods of biology and psychology is
impossible, and that certain problems of anthropology can be approached
only from the point of view of these sciences. It might perhaps
even be said that the investigation of the types of man is a purely
biological problem, and that the only questions involved are such as
can be treated by the application of those biological methods which are
gradually clearing up the genesis of the types of animals and plants.
A similar claim may be made in regard to the psychological problems.
If there are any laws determining the growth and development of the
human mind, they can be only laws that act in the individual, and
consequently they must be determined by the application of individual
psychology.
Thus an examination of our problems suggests that the whole group
of anthropological phenomena may be evanescent, that they may be at
bottom biological and psychological problems, and that the whole field
of anthropology belongs either to the one or to the other of these
sciences.
Nevertheless, anthropological phenomena possess a very genuine interest
and unity. This is largely due to the fact that everything that
concerns our own species is of special interest to us. The feeling
of solidarity of mankind, but more particularly of the individual
with his people and with the class of society to which he belongs,
which finds in our day its strongest expression in the strife of the
nations, has brought it about that the minute differences between the
physical organization of different races, types, and social groups,
have arrested attention much more vigorously than similar differences
in the rest of the animal kingdom have done; and points of view have
early become important that until recent times have received little
attention on the part of biologists, or that have not yet claimed their
attention. The distribution of distinct psychological types in man has
proved an even more fascinating study, the investigation of which has
led to problems that the inductive psychology of modern times is not
yet ready to attack.
This centralization of interest in the manifestations of life in social
units has determined the course of development of anthropology.
* * * * *
Anthropological research leads us to two fundamental questions: Why
are the tribes and nations of the world different, and how have the
present differences developed? The first question, if it can be solved
adequately, will always lead us to biological and psychological laws
that act on man as an individual, in which we see the single event
mirrored in one broad generalization. But even if we should have
succeeded in reducing to a series of laws the multiplicity of events
which manifest themselves in the development of new types and in the
growth of new mental activities, a strong interest will remain in the
actual developments which have occurred among the various peoples of
the world.
This is true not only of anthropology, but also of biology and
genetic psychology, and of other sciences describing the sequence of
events in the universe; and the intense modern interest in evolution
expresses the recognition of the importance of what might be called the
historical view-point.
In this sense, anthropology is the science that endeavors to
reconstruct the early history of mankind, and that tries, wherever
possible, to express in the form of laws ever-recurring modes of
historical happenings. Since written history covers a brief span of
time, and relates in fragmentary records the fates of a few only of the
multitude of peoples of the earth, the anthropologist must endeavor by
methods of his own to clear up the darkness of past ages and of remote
parts of the world.
While, from this theoretical point of view, anthropology must devote
itself to the investigation of human types and human activities
and thought the world over, its actual field of work is much more
restricted. Biology and psychology on the one hand, and history,
economics, sociology, and philology on the other, have taken up
anthropological problems, each from its own point of view, and each
in connection with its own subject of investigation. As a matter of
fact, the field of work as theoretically outlined would require such a
vast variety of training, that no single person could possibly hope to
master it. The special task that is actually assigned at the present
time to the anthropologist is the investigation of the primitive
tribes of the world that have no written history, that of prehistoric
remains and of the types of man inhabiting the world at present and
in past times. It will be recognized that this limitation of the
field of work of the anthropologist is more or less accidental, and
originated because other sciences occupied part of the ground before
the development of modern anthropology.
It implies, however, also a point of view fundamentally distinct from
that of history in the narrow sense of the term. In history we are,
on the whole, concerned with events only that have had an influence
upon the development of our own civilization; in anthropology the
life of every people of the world is equally important. Therefore, in
a wider sense, it is impossible to exclude any part of mankind from
the considerations of anthropology. The results of studies carried on
by the historian and by the sinologist must not be neglected by the
anthropologist in his endeavors to investigate the history of mankind
and its controlling forces. It will thus be seen that anthropology
differs from history, and resembles the natural sciences in its
endeavor to disregard the subjective values of historical happenings;
that it tries to consider them objectively, simply as a sequence of
events, regardless of their influence upon the course of our own
civilization.
In the vastness of the outlook over the unwritten history of past ages,
the individual is merged entirely in the social unit of which he forms
a part, and we see in the dim distance of time and space only the
movements of peoples, the emergence of new types of man, the gradual
development of new forms of civilization, and a constant repetition of
processes of integration and disintegration of peoples and cultures.
Prehistoric remains, characteristics of bodily form, traits of
language, industrial and economic achievements, peculiar customs and
beliefs, are the only evidence that we can use,--evidence that was
little regarded by history until the anthropological standpoint began
to develop. Thus it happens that although the anthropologist may not
be able, owing to the specialization of the methods of inquiry, to
investigate problems like those dealing with the modern history of
Europe and China, the historian and the sinologist will be able to view
their problems from an anthropological standpoint. With the increase
of our knowledge of the peoples of the world, specialization must
increase, and anthropology will become more and more _a method_ that
may be applied by a great number of sciences, rather than a science by
itself.
* * * * *
We shall next take up a consideration of the results of the biological
and psychological researches carried on by anthropologists. It is
somewhat remarkable that these two large branches of investigation
have remained quite separate, and that the results of the one throw
little light upon the problems of the other. Biological anthropology
has concerned itself chiefly with the classification of races,
their relations to their predecessors and ultimately to the higher
animals; and little progress has been made in the clearing-up of the
genealogical relations of distinct types. Diligent search has revealed
a number of lower forms which lived during the early quaternary and
the late tertiary periods that help a little in bridging the wide gap
between man and animal; but we are still entirely in the dark regarding
the origin of the fundamental races and of the types of man. Since
observations in different geographical areas showed at an early time
the differentiation of local types, which it was difficult to define
in words, anthropology was the first of the biological sciences to
have recourse to metrical methods; and the whole modern development
of biometry takes its origin in the application of methods developed
by anthropologists, and by means of which fine distinctions between
closely related types can be discovered. Originally the metrical
methods of anthropologists were used for purely taxonomic ends, for
the description of distinct types; and for years chief attention has
been paid to the classification of the types of man according to their
similarities, and to speculation on their relationships; but, owing to
the influence of Francis Galton and his successors, we are gradually
outgrowing this condition, and we see that more and more problems
relating to the influence of social and geographical environment,
of heredity, of race mixture and selection, are made the subject of
study. This development has been closely associated with the growth of
biometric methods applied to zoology and botany.
One of the important facts that has been recognized by a study of
the morphology of the races is that man must be considered as a
domesticated animal, and that even those tribes which are industrially
the most primitive are somewhat removed from the anatomical conditions
characterizing the wild animals. It appears, however, that the degree
of domestication has strongly increased with the growing complexity
of industrial organization; and most of the races of the present day
are anatomically in the same condition as those types of domesticated
animals which are highly modified by regular feeding and by disuse of a
considerable portion of the muscular system, without, however, having
been subjected to any considerable artificial selection. This seems to
be one of the causes of the high degree of variability of the races of
man.
While it is not yet possible to express definite views in regard to
the relationship of the races of man, a few facts stand out boldly.
We recognize that the two extreme types of mankind are represented,
on the one hand by the Negro race, on the other hand by the Mongoloid
race. The former of these includes the races of Africa and many of
those inhabiting the large islands surrounding Australia; the other
includes the people of eastern Asia and of America. The other strongly
divergent types of man can most readily be classed with these two
fundamental types, and may perhaps be considered as mutants which
developed at an early period. Thus we find affiliated with the Negro
race two divergent types, nevertheless apparently closely related to
it,--the dwarfish South African, who is perhaps intimately related to
the many isolated dwarfish tribes of other parts of Africa and southern
Asia; and the Australian. The Mongoloid type, on the other hand, has
also a considerable number of affiliated types, which may perhaps
represent mutants of this type. Here belong the Malay of southeastern
Asia, the Ainu of northern Japan, and perhaps the European. If we base
our conception of the division of mankind on this broad outline, it
would appear that two large divisions were established at an early
geological period,--the race of the Indian Ocean, which represents all
the Negroid types; and the race of the Pacific Ocean, which represents
the Mongoloid and affiliated types. The enormous increase in the number
of Europeans during the last two or three thousand years, and their
rapid spread over the surface of the globe, disturb the clearness
of this view; but we must remember that the white race represented
originally only a very small part of mankind, and occupied only a small
portion of the inhabited world.
What relation the two principal types may have had to the predecessor
of mankind which is represented by the early quaternary race of Europe
is unknown.
The history of the spread of these large races over the continents
remains also, to a great extent, obscure. It seems likely, however,
that the race of the Pacific Ocean immigrated into America at a very
early time, and that after the retreat of the ice-sheet it swept back
into northern Asia and re-established itself in the whole northern part
of the Old World, which had been uninhabited for long periods. Much of
this, however, remains hypothesis, which may be confirmed or disproved
by further studies.
While the divergence of the types of man suggests that the tendency to
form mutants has been ever-present, it would seem that the varieties
which have survived up to the present time have been exceedingly
stable, within the limits of their characteristic ranges of variation.
The human remains found in Europe, which undoubtedly date back many
thousands of years, and the remains of ancient Egypt, both of which
may be compared with the types represented in the modern population
of those countries, are much like the modern forms, and apparently
no change of type has occurred in these districts for thousands of
years. The same stability of race types manifests itself in cases of
mixture. It would seem that among the human races there is a strong
tendency for hybrids to revert to either parental type without forming
an intermediate race. Thus we find that in western Asia the low-headed
Semitic type and the high-headed Armenian type persist, although an
intermingling of these people has been going on for thousands of years.
Nevertheless an influence of environment must be recognized. It may
be observed, for instance, in the development of the European after
his immigration into America. It may be recognized in the minute
but noticeable differences of types in various parts of Europe and
in different occupations, in the acceleration of growth of children
of well-to-do classes, and in the stunting and retarding effect of
mal-nutrition. Whether, however, these effects can be considered as
permanent, is a question that is still entirely open.
Our investigations of the permanence and relationships of human types
have also shown that it is exceedingly difficult, if not impossible, to
find what might be called a pure type, and the endeavors to find pure
races through a mixture of which the present variable types may have
originated must be given up. We have recognized that the transitions
between types are so gradual, and in so many different directions, that
the establishment of any one of the series as a primary type would be
quite arbitrary. All the nations of modern times, and those of Europe
not less than those of other continents, are equally mixed; and the
racial purity on which European nations like to pride themselves does
not exist.
In still other directions have the investigations of anthropology
rudely shattered some of our cherished illusions. It has been tacitly
assumed and loudly proclaimed that one of the effects of advance in
civilization has been the improvement of the physical organization
of the human body, and particularly of the central nervous system.
At the present time we are not so apt to accept this assumption as
proved. No progressive development of the nervous system in regard to
complexity of connections or in regard to size has so far been proved.
A critical examination of the facts leaves the desire to feel ourselves
as superiors to our fellow-beings as almost the sole support of this
contention. The question involved is, of course, a very important one,
and forms an aspect of the general question of the transmission of
acquired characters; but our present attitude can only be one for a
demand for further investigation.
A word should also be said about the question of the difference of
mental ability in different races. Here also the evidence given by
anthropology does not sustain the claim of superiority of any race
over the others. All the arguments that have been brought forward to
prove the superiority of the white race over all others can readily
be explained by other anthropological considerations. There _are_
differences in form and size of the brains of different races, but
the variability within each race is so great that the small average
differences between distinct racial types are almost insignificant
as compared to the total range of racial variability; and if we base
our inferences entirely on the results of anatomical study, it would
seem that there is no reason to believe that the bulk of the people
constituting two distinct races might not be approximately on the same
level. Nevertheless it seems reasonable to assume that the differences
in form of the body must be accompanied by differences in function,
and we may suppose that there may be certain peculiarities in the
general mental tendencies of each race, only we must guard against the
inference that divergence from the European type is synonymous with
inferiority.
* * * * *
The history of development of the mental side of anthropology has
been quite different from the growth of physical anthropology. While
in the latter branch of our science the _differences_ between human
types were the first to attract attention, it was the _similarity_
in cultural types found in remote regions which first impressed
itself upon ethnologists. A comparison of the descriptions of the
customs of primitive peoples the world over brought out analogies
in ever-increasing number. These were early correlated with general
impressions regarding the degrees of civilization; and thus it
happened that one of the most difficult and complex problems of
ethnology--namely, the question of the general typical evolution of the
history of civilization of mankind--was the first to receive attention.
I cannot pass this subject by without mentioning the deep impression
made by men like Tylor and Bachofen, Morgan and Spencer, who were among
the first to present the data of anthropology as illustrating the
history of civilization.
The development of this side of anthropology was stimulated by the
work of Darwin and his successors, and its fundamental ideas can be
understood only as an application of the theory of biological evolution
to mental phenomena. The conception that the manifestations of ethnic
life represent a series, which from simple beginnings has progressed
to the complex type of modern civilization, has been the underlying
thought of this aspect of anthropological science.
The arguments in support of the theory that the development of
civilization has followed a similar course everywhere, and that among
primitive tribes we may still recognize the stages through which our
own civilization has passed, are largely based on the similarities of
types of culture found in distinct races the world over, but also on
the occurrence of peculiar customs in our own civilization, which can
be understood only as survivals of older customs, that had a deeper
significance at an earlier time, and which are still found in full
vigor among primitive people.
It is necessary to point out at least a few of the aspects of this
general problem, in order to make clear the significance of the
evolutionary theory of human civilization.
The social organization of primitive tribes shows similar traits in
many different parts of the world. Instead of counting descent in the
way we do, many tribes consider the child as a member only of its
mother’s family, and count blood-relationship only in the maternal
line; so that cousins on the mother’s side are considered as near
relatives, while cousins on the father’s side are considered as only
distantly related. Other tribes have a strict paternal organization,
so that the child belongs only to the father’s family, not to the
mother’s, while still others follow the same principles that we adhere
to, reckoning relationships in both directions. Connected with these
customs is the selection of the domicile of the newly married couple,
who sometimes reside with the wife’s tribe or family, sometimes with
the man’s tribe or family. When the couple take up their residence
with the social group to which the wife belongs, it is often found
that the man is treated as a stranger until his first child is born.
These phenomena have been made the subject of thorough studies, and the
observation has been made that apparently the customs of residence and
of descent are closely associated. As a result of these inquiries the
conclusion has been drawn that everywhere maternal institutions precede
paternal institutions, and that the social organization of mankind was
such that originally perhaps no distinct family organization existed;
that later on maternal institutions developed, which in turn were
followed by paternal institutions, and again by the system of counting
blood-relationship equally in maternal and paternal lines.
Similar results were obtained by the study of human inventions. It has
been observed that apes and monkeys sometimes use stones for defence,
and in a way the artificial shelters of animals indicate the beginnings
of invention. In this sense we may seek for the origin of implements
and utensils among animals. In the earliest times when human remains
appear on the surface of the earth, we find man using simple stone
implements which are formed by rough chipping, but the multiplicity
of forms of implements increases quite rapidly. Since many implements
may have been made of perishable materials, we are not able to tell
whether at a very early time the implements and utensils used were
really confined to the few stone objects that may now be recovered;
but certainly the implements were few, and, comparatively speaking,
simple. From this time on, the uses of fire, and of tools for cutting
and striking, for scraping and perforating, have increased in number
and complexity, and a gradual development may be traced from the
simple tools of primitive man to the complex machinery of our times.
The inventive genius of all races and of unnumbered individuals has
contributed to the state of industrial perfection in which we find
ourselves. On the whole, inventions, once made, have been kept with
great tenacity, and, owing to incessant additions, the available
resources of mankind have constantly been increased and multiplied.
Researches on art have led to similar results. Investigators have
endeavored to show, that, since the cave-dwellers of France drew
the outlines of the reindeer and mammoth on bone and antler, man
has tried to reproduce in pictographic design the animals of the
region in which he lived. In the artistic productions of many people,
designs have been found which are readily associated with pictographic
presentations, which, however, have lost their realism of form, and
have become more and more conventional; so that in many cases a purely
decorative motive has been interpreted as developed from a realistic
pictograph, gradually breaking up under the stress of esthetic motives.
The islands of the Pacific Ocean, New Guinea, South America, Central
America, prehistoric Europe, have furnished examples for this line of
development, which therefore was recognized as one of the important
tendencies of the evolution of human decorative art, which was
described as beginning with realism, and as leading through symbolic
conventionalism to purely esthetic motives.
Religion has furnished another example of typical evolution in human
thought. At an early time man began to think and ponder about the
phenomena of nature. Everything appeared to him in an anthropomorphic
form of thought; and thus the first primitive concepts regarding the
world came into being, in which the stone, the mountain, the heavenly
orbs, were viewed as animate anthropomorphic beings endowed with
will-power, and willing to help man or threatening to endanger him. The
observation of the activities of man’s own body and of his mind led
to the formulation of the idea of a soul independent from the body;
and with increasing knowledge and with increasing philosophic thought,
religion and science grew out of these simple beginnings.
The sameness of all these phenomena in different parts of the world
has been considered as proof not only of the fundamental unity of the
mind of all the races of man, but also of the truth of the theory of
evolution of civilization; and thus a grand structure has been reared,
in which we see our present civilization as the necessary outcome of
the activities of all the races of man, that have risen in one grand
procession, from the simplest beginnings of culture, through periods of
barbarism, to the stage of civilization that they now occupy. The march
has not been equally rapid; for some are still lagging behind, while
others have forged forward, and occupy the first places in the general
advance.
While this evolutionary aspect has occupied the centre of attention for
a long time, another view of the field of the phenomena of ethnology
was defended by Bastian,--a view which makes its influence felt ever
more deeply as time goes on. The sameness of the forms of thought found
in regions wide apart appeared to Bastian as a proof of the unity of
the human mind, but it also suggested to him that the forms of thought
follow certain definite types, no matter in what surroundings man may
live, and what may be his social and historical relations. In the
varieties of thought found among peoples of distant areas he saw the
influence of geographical and social environment upon these fundamental
forms of thought, which were called by him elementary ideas. Bastian’s
theory of the permanence of forms of thought is related to Dilthey’s
conception of the limitation of possible types of philosophy; and
the similarity of the line of thoughts of these two men appears
also clearly in Bastian’s constant references to the theories of
philosophers as compared to the views held by primitive man. From
Bastian’s view-point the question of a single or multiple type of
evolution of civilization appeared irrelevant. The important phenomenon
in his mind was the fundamental sameness of forms of human thought in
all forms of culture, no matter whether they were advanced or primitive.
In the views as propounded by him, a certain kind of mysticism may
be recognized, in so far as the elementary ideas are to his mind
intangible entities. No further thought can possibly unravel their
origin, because we ourselves are compelled to think in the forms of
these elementary ideas.
In a way the evolutionists and Bastian represent thus, the former the
historical point of view, the latter a psychological point of view,
in the field of ethnology. More recent discussions have taken up both
threads of investigation, and both views are slowly undergoing a number
of radical changes.
With increasing knowledge of the data of anthropology, the forms of
society, of religion, of art, and the development of invention, do
not seem quite so simple as they appeared to earlier investigators.
Attempts were made to fit the hypothetical typical evolution of mankind
to the historical development of culture in different parts of the
world, so far as it had been reconstructed. Thus an opportunity was
given to examine the correctness of the accepted theory. As soon as
this was done, peculiar difficulties developed, which showed that the
theory was hardly ever applicable to specific cases, and that the
actual development, as it was traced by historical reconstruction,
differed considerably from the theory. From this investigation has
developed an entirely new view regarding the relation of different
races. We begin to recognize that in prehistoric times transmission
of cultural elements has been almost unlimited, and that the
distances over which inventions and ideas have been carried cover
whole continents. As an instance of the rapidity with which cultural
achievements are transmitted, may be mentioned the modern history
of some cultivated plants. Tobacco was introduced into Africa after
the discovery of America, and it took little time for this plant
to spread over the whole continent; so that at the present time it
enters so deeply into the whole culture of the Negro that nobody would
suspect its foreign origin. We find in the same way that the banana
has pervaded almost the whole of South America; and the history of
Indian-corn is another example of the incredible rapidity with which
a useful cultural acquisition may spread over the whole world. The
history of the horse, of cattle, of the European grains, illustrates
that similar conditions prevailed in prehistoric times. These animals
and plants occur over the whole width of the Old World, from the
Atlantic Ocean to the shores of the Pacific. The use of milk was
probably disseminated in a similar way at an early time; so that when
the people of the world enter into our historic knowledge, we find milk
used all over Europe, Africa, and the western part of Asia.
Perhaps the best proof of transmission is contained in the folk-lore
of the tribes of the world. Nothing seems to travel as readily as
fanciful tales. We know of certain complex tales, which cannot possibly
have been invented twice, that are told by the Berber in Morocco, by
the Italians, the Irish, the Russians, in the jungles of India, in the
highlands of Tibet, on the tundras of Siberia, and on the prairies of
North America; so that perhaps the only parts of the world not reached
by them are South Africa, Australia, Polynesia, and South America. The
examples of such transmission are quite numerous, and we begin to see
that the early inter-relation of the races of man was almost worldwide.
It follows from this observation that the culture of any given tribe,
no matter how primitive it may be, can be fully explained only when we
take into consideration its inner growth as well as its relation to the
culture of its near and distant neighbors and the effect that they may
have exerted.
The sameness of a number of fundamental ideas and inventions has
suggested to some investigators the belief that there are old cultural
achievements belonging to a period previous to the general dispersion
of the human race,--a theory that has some points in its favor, though
its correctness cannot be proved.
An important theoretical consideration has also shaken our faith in
the correctness of the evolutionary theory as a whole. It is one of
the essential traits of this theory that, in general, civilization
has developed from simple forms to complex forms, and that extended
fields of human culture have developed under more or less rationalistic
impulses. Of late years we are beginning to recognize that human
culture does not always develop from the simple to the complex, but
that in many aspects two tendencies intercross,--one from the complex
to the simple, the other from the simple to the complex. It is obvious
that the history of industrial development is almost throughout that of
increasing complexity. On the other hand, human activities that do not
depend upon reasoning do not show a similar type of evolution.
It is perhaps easiest to make this clear by the example of language,
which in many respects is one of the most important evidences of the
history of human development. Primitive languages are, on the whole,
complex. Minute differences in point of view are given expression by
means of grammatical forms; and the grammatical categories of Latin,
and still more so those of modern English, seem crude when compared
to the complexity of psychological or logical forms which primitive
languages recognize, but which in our speech are disregarded entirely.
On the whole, the development of languages seems to be such that the
nicer distinctions are eliminated, and that it begins with complex and
ends with simpler forms, although it must be acknowledged that opposite
tendencies are not by any means absent.
Similar observations may be made on the art of primitive man. In music
as well as in decorative design we find a complexity of rhythmic
structure which is unequalled in the popular art of our day. In
music, particularly, this complexity is so great that the art of a
skilled virtuoso is taxed in the attempt to imitate it. If once it
is recognized that simplicity is not always a proof of antiquity, it
will readily be seen that the theory of the evolution of civilization
rests to a certain extent on a logical error. The classification of
the data of anthropology in accordance with their simplicity has been
re-interpreted as an historical sequence, without an adequate attempt
to prove that the simpler antedated the more complex.
Notwithstanding this serious criticism, much of the older theory seems
plausible; but presumably a thorough revision and a more individualized
aspect of the development of civilization in different parts of the
world will become necessary.
The psychological aspect of anthropology, which was first emphasized
by Bastian, is also undergoing rapid development, particularly in so
far as the problem of the origin of elementary ideas is concerned,
the investigation of which Bastian considered as impossible. Here,
again, the study of language promises to point the way in which
many of our problems may find their solution. I have stated before
that the languages of primitive tribes are, on the whole, complex,
and differentiate nicely between categories of thought. It is very
remarkable to find that these categories, which can be discovered
only by an analytical study of the languages, and which are unknown
to the speakers of these languages, although they are constantly
used, coincide with categories of thought which have been discovered
by philosophers. It would be possible to find in the languages of
primitive people grammatical forms corresponding to a variety of
philosophical systems; and in this we may perhaps recognize one of the
most brilliant proofs of the correctness of Bastian’s and Dilthey’s
theory of the existence of a limited number of types of thought.
We infer from these linguistic facts that the categories of thought,
and the forms of action, that we find among a people, do not need to
have been developed by conscious thought, but that they have grown up
owing to the fundamental organization of the human mind. Linguistic
evidence is of such great value, because grammatical categories and
forms have never risen into the consciousness of the speaker, while in
almost all other ethnological phenomena people have come to observe
what they think and what they do. With the moment that activities
and thoughts rise into consciousness they become the subject of
speculation; and for this reason the peoples of the world, primitive
as well as more advanced, are ever ready to give explanations of their
customs and beliefs. The importance of the constant occurrence of such
secondary explanations cannot be overrated. They are ever present.
The investigator who inquires into the history of institutions and
of customs will always receive explanations based on such secondary
interpretation, which, however, do not represent the history of the
custom or belief in question, but only the results of speculation in
regard to it.
I will mention one other psychological point that seems of special
importance in the discussion of the significance of primitive culture
and its relation to more advanced types. In primitive culture certain
activities appear closely connected which in more advanced types
of civilization have no longer any relation. Thus it is one of the
fundamental traits of primitive culture that social organization and
religious belief are inextricably related. To a limited extent this
tendency persists in our own civilization; but, on the whole, there has
been a marked tendency to separate social and political organization,
and religion. The same is true of primitive art and religion; and of
primitive science, social organization, and religion. So far as we are
able to investigate the causes for the peculiar associations between
these varied manifestations of ethnic life and the history of their
gradual disappearance, we find that in the stream of consciousness
of primitive man a sensory stimulus is very liable to release strong
emotions, which are in turn connected with certain groups of ideas.
Thus the emotions common to both establish associations between
groups of ideas that to us appear entirely unrelated. For the same
reason it seems impossible for primitive man to establish those
purely rationalistic associations between sense-impressions and acts
determined by volition which are characteristic of civilized man. A
study of primitive life shows that particularly every customary action
attains a very strong emotional tone, which increases the stability of
the custom. These forces are still acting in our own civilization. In
order to make this clear, I only need to remind you of any of those
actions which we call good manners, for which no satisfactory reason
can be given; which nevertheless have acquired an emotional tone so
strong that a breach of good manners is felt as a grave offence. It
would, for instance, be impossible to give a reason why a gentleman
should not be allowed to keep on his hat indoors, while it is good
form for a lady to do so; and the instantaneous judgment by which
we characterize an offender against these rules as rude, and the
discomfort felt when we unwittingly commit a breach of good manners,
show how deep-seated their emotional values are.
There is no doubt that the further pursuit of the psychological
investigation, which has hardly been begun, will help us to find a more
satisfactory explanation of many anthropological phenomena than those
that we have been able to give heretofore.
* * * * *
You will perceive that anthropology is a science that is only beginning
to find its own bearings, that many of the fundamental questions are
still open to discussion, and that the promising lines of approach are
just opening.
Nevertheless, anthropology has been able to teach certain facts that
are of importance in our common every-day life. Owing to the breadth
of its outlook, anthropology teaches better than any other science
the relativity of the values of civilization. It enables us to free
ourselves from the prejudices of our civilization, and to apply
standards in measuring our achievements that have a greater absolute
truth than those derived from a study of our civilization alone.
The differences between our civilization and another type in which
perhaps less stress is laid upon the rationalistic side of our mental
activities and more upon the emotional side, or in which the outer
manifestations of culture, as expressed in manner and dress, differ
from ours, appear less as differences in _value_ than as differences
in _kind_. This broader outlook may also help us to recognize the
possibility of lines of progress which do not happen to be in accord
with the dominant ideas of our times.
Anthropology may also teach a better understanding of our own
activities. We pride ourselves on following the dictates of reason
and carrying out our carefully weighed convictions. The fact which
is taught by anthropology,--that man the world over _believes_ that
he follows the dictates of reason, no matter how unreasonably he
may act,--and the knowledge of the existence of the tendency of the
human mind to arrive at a conclusion first and to give the reasons
afterwards, will help us to open our eyes; so that we recognize
that our philosophic views and our political convictions are to a
great extent determined by our emotional inclinations, and that the
reasons which we give are not the reasons by which we arrive at our
conclusions, but the explanations which we give for our conclusions.
An important lesson is also taught by the course the general
development of society has taken. Primitive social units were small,
and the members possessed a strong feeling of solidarity among
themselves and of hostility against all aliens. The social units have
been increasing in size through all ages. Greater individual freedom
was allowed to the members of the groups, and the feeling of hostility
against strangers weakened. We are still in the middle of this
development; and the history of mankind shows that any policy which
oversteps the limits of necessary self-protection and seeks advancement
of one nation by a policy disregarding the interests of others is bound
to lose in the long-run, because it represents an older type of thought
that is gradually disappearing.
I cannot leave my subject without saying a word in regard to the
help that anthropological methods may render in the investigation of
problems of public hygiene, of race-mixture, and of eugenics. The safe
methods of biological and psychological anthropometry and anthropology
will help us to remove these questions from the sphere of heated
political discussion and to make them subjects of calm scientific
investigation.
* * * * *
I have tried to outline in this imperfect picture the methods, aims,
and hopes of anthropology. The definite facts that I could lay before
you are few, and even the ground-work of the science appears hardly
laid. Still I hope that the view of our ultimate aims may have
engendered the feeling that we are striving for a goal which is bound
to enlighten mankind, and which will be helpful in gaining a right
attitude in the solution of the problems of life.
Transcriber’s Note
Words may have inconsistent hyphenation in the text. These have been
left unchanged, as were obsolete and alternative spellings. Words and
phrases in italics are surrounded by underscores, _like this_.
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANTHROPOLOGY ***
Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.
Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™
concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following
the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use
of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project
Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may
do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected
by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark
license, especially commercial redistribution.
START: FULL LICENSE
THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person
or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™
electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual
works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting
free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily
comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when
you share it without charge with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country other than the United States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear
prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work
on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed,
performed, viewed, copied or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you
are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws
of the country where you are located before using this eBook.
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works
posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format
other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official
version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
provided that:
• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method
you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has
agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation.”
• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™
License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™
works.
• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
receipt of the work.
• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than
are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right
of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
without further opportunities to fix the problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in
accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or
additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any
Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™
Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.
The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,
Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread
public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state
visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.
Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.
This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
