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Vol. 36, by Sir John Lauder, et al, Edited by Donald Crawford
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Title: Publications of the Scottish History Society, Vol. 36
Author: Sir John Lauder
Release Date: July 17, 2004 [eBook #12930]
Language: English
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HISTORY SOCIETY, VOL. 36***
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PUBLICATIONS OF THE SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY, VOLUME XXXVI
LAUDER OF FOUNTAINHALL'S JOURNALS
MAY 1900
[Illustration: LORD FOUNTAINHALL.]
JOURNALS OF SIR JOHN LAUDER LORD FOUNTAINHALL
WITH HIS OBSERVATIONS ON PUBLIC AFFAIRS
AND OTHER MEMORANDA
1665-1676
Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by
DONALD CRAWFORD
Sheriff of Aberdeen, Kincardine, and Banff
[Illustration: SIR JOHN LAUDER, FIRST BARONET.
(Lord Fountainhall's Father.)]
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
JOURNALS:--
I
Journal in France, 1665-1667,
II
1. Notes of Journeys in London. Oxford, and Scotland, 1667-1670,
2. Notes of Journeys in Scotland, 1671-1672,
3. Chronicle of events connected with the Court of Session, 1668-1676,
4. Observations on Public Affairs, 1669-1670,
III
APPENDIX
i. Accounts, 1670-1675,
ii. Catalogue of Books, 1667-1679,
iii. Letter of Lauder to his Son,
PORTRAITS
I. LORD FOUNTAINHALL
II. SIR JOHN LAUDER, first Baronet, Lord Fountainhall's father
III. JANET RAMSAY, first wife of Lord Fountainhall
IV. SIR ANDREW RAMSAY, Lord Abbotshall
All reproduced from pictures in the possession of Lady Anne Dick Lauder.
INTRODUCTION
THE MANUSCRIPTS
There are here printed two manuscripts by Sir John Lauder, Lord
Fountainhall, and portions of another. The first[1] is a kind of journal,
though it was not written up day by day, containing a narrative of his
journey to France and his residence at Orleans and Poictiers, when he was
sent abroad by his father at the age of nineteen to study law in foreign
schools in preparation for the bar. It also includes an account of his
expenses during the whole period of his absence from Scotland. The
second,[2] though a small volume, contains several distinct portions. There
are narratives of visits to London and Oxford on his way home from abroad,
his journey returning to Scotland, and some short expeditions in Scotland
in the immediately following years, observations on public affairs in 1669-
70, and a chronicle of events connected with the Court of Session from 1668
to 1676; also at the other end of the volume some accounts of expenses. The
third[3] may be described as a commonplace book, for the most part written
during the first years of his practice at the bar and his early married
life, but it also contains some notes of travel in Fife, the Lothians, and
the Merse in continuation of those in MS. H., and a list of the books which
he bought and their prices, brought down to a late period of his life.
These manuscripts have been kindly made available to the Scottish History
Society by the owners. The first is in the Library of the University of
Edinburgh. The second is the property of the late Sir William Fraser's
trustees. The third has been lent by Sir Thomas North Dick Lauder,
Fountainhall's descendant and representative.
[1] Referred to as MS. X.
[2] Marked by Fountainhall H.
[3] Marked by Fountainhall K.
It was Lord Fountainhalls practice, during his whole life, to record in
notebooks public events, and his observations upon them, legal decisions,
and private memoranda. He kept several series of notebooks concurrently
with great diligence and method. In all of those which have been preserved
there is more or less matter of value to the student of history. But at his
death his library was sold by public auction. The MSS. were dispersed,
though their existence and value was known to some of his
contemporaries.[4] Some are lost, in particular the series of _Historical
Observes_, 1660-1680, which, judging from the sequel, which has been
preserved and printed by the Bannatyne Club, would have been of great
value. According to tradition the greater part of what has been recovered
was found in a snuff-shop by Mr. Crosby the lawyer, the supposed original
of Scott's Pleydell, and purchased at the sale of his books after his death
by the Faculty of Advocates.[5]
[4] Preface to Forbes's _Journal of the Session_, Edinburgh, 1714.
[5] MS. Genealogical Roll of the Family of Lauder by the late Sir
Thomas Dick Lauder, in possession of Sir T.N. Dick Lauder.
Eight volumes came into the possession of the Faculty of Advocates, and
under their auspices two folio volumes of legal decisions from 1678 to 1712
were published in 1759 and 1761.[6] In 1837 the Bannatyne Club printed _The
Historical Observes_, 1680-1686, a complete MS. in the Advocates' Library,
and in 1848 they printed two volumes of _Historical Notices_, 1661-1688.
These are after 1678 selections from the same MSS. from which the folio of
1759 was compiled, and the additions to the text of the folio are not
numerous, though the historical matter, which was buried among the legal
decisions, is presented in a more convenient form. But from 1661 to 1678
(about half of vol. i.) and especially from 1670 (for the previous entries
occupy only a few pages) the notices are all new and many of them of
considerable interest. In printing these volumes, which I believe are
acknowledged to contain some of the best material for the history of
Scotland at the time, the Bannatyne Club carried out a design which had
been long cherished by the late Sir Thomas Dick Lauder,[7] though he did
not live to see its complete fulfilment, and he was helped in his efforts
by Sir Walter Scott. The story[8] is worth telling more fully than has yet
been done. In the winter of 1813-14 Sir Thomas, then a young man, met Sir
Walter at a dinner-party. Sir Walter expressed his regret 'that something
had not been done towards publishing the curious matter in Lord
Fountainhall's MSS.,'[9] and urged Sir Thomas to undertake the task. In
1815 Sir Thomas wrote to Scott asking about a box in the Advocates' Library
believed to contain MSS. of Fountainhalls. Sir Walter replied as follows:--
[6] See Mr. David Laing's Preface to the _Historical Notices_,
p. xx, Bannatyne Club.
[7] Author of _The Moray Floods, The Wolf of Badenoch_, and other
well-known books.
[8] The original correspondence was bound up by Sir Thomas in a volume
along with Mylne's book (see _infra_), and is in the
possession of Sir T.N. Dick Lauder.
[9] Letter, Sir T.D. Lauder to Sir W. Scott, 22nd May 1822,
_infra_.
'Dear Sir,--I am honoured with your letter, and should have been
particularly happy in an opportunity of being useful in assisting a
compleat edition of Lord Fountainhall's interesting manuscripts. But I
do not know of any in the Advocates' Library but those which you
mention. I think it likely I may have mentioned that a large chest
belonging to the family of another great Scottish lawyer, Sir James
Skene of Curriehill, was in our Library and had never been examined. But
I could only have been led to speak of this from the similarity of the
subject, not from supposing that any of Lord Fountainhall's papers could
possibly be deposited there. I am very glad to hear you are
busying yourself with a task which will throw most important light upon
the history of Scotland, and am, with regard, dear sir, your most obedt.
servant,
'WALTER SCOTT.
'_Edinr., 19 February 1815._'
After a further interchange of letters in 1816 the matter slumbered till
1822 when there appeared a volume entitled _Chronological Notes of Scottish
Affairs from 1680 till 1701, being chiefly taken from the Diary of Lord
Fountainhall_ (Constable, 1822), with a preface by Sir Walter Scott, who
had evidently forgotten his correspondence with Sir Thomas.[10] The volume
in reality contained a selection, comparatively small, from Fountainhall's
notebooks in the Advocates' Library, with copious interpolations by the
author, Robert Mylne (who died in 1747), not distinguished from the
authentic text of the notes, and greatly misrepresenting Fountainhall's
opinions. The next stage in the correspondence may be given in Sir Thomas's
own words:--
[10] The preface and Mylne's interpolations are appended to Mr. Laing's
preface to the _Historical Notices_.
'Having been much astonished to learn, from a perusal of the foregoing
review,[11] that Sir Walter Scott had stolen a march on me, and
published a Manuscript of Lord Fountainhall's, at the very time when he
had reason to believe me engaged in the work, and that by his own
suggestion, and being above all things surprised that he had not thought
it proper to acquaint me with his intention before carrying it into
effect, I sat down and wrote to him the following letter, in which,
being aware how much he who I was addressing was to be considered as a
sort of privileged person in literary matters, I took special care to
give no offence, to write calmly, and to confine myself to such a simple
statement of the facts as might bring a blush into his face without
exciting the smallest angry feeling. I hoped, too, that I might prevail
on him, as some atonement for his sins, to lend a helping hand to bring
forth the real work of Lord Fountainhall in a proper style.'
[11] In Constable's Magazine. See _infra_.
To SIR WALTER SCOTT OF ABBOTSFORD, BARONET.
'_Relugas, near Forres_,
_22nd May 1822_.
'DEAR SIR,--From _Constable's Magazine_ for last month, which has this
moment fallen into my hands, I learn, for the first time, with some
surprise, but with much greater delight than mortification, that you
have condescended to become the Editor of a portion of my Ancestor Lord
Fountainhall's MSS. From this I am led to believe, that the circumstance
of my having been engaged in the work since 1814 must have escaped your
recollection, otherwise I think you would have informed me of _your_
intention or inquired into _mine_. In the winter 1813-14, I had the
happiness of meeting you at the table of our mutual friend, Mr. Pringle
of Yair, where you expressed regret to me that something had not been
done towards publishing the curious matter contained in Lord
Fountainhall's MSS., urging me at the same time to undertake the task.
Having also soon afterwards been pressed to perform this duty by Mr.
Thomas Thomson, Mr. Napier, and several other literary friends, I was
led to begin it, and Lord Meadowbank having presented my petition to the
Dean and Faculty of Advocates, they were so liberal as to permit me to
have the use of the MSS. in succession at Fountainhall, where I then was
on a visit to my Father, and where I transcribed everything fit for my
purpose. Emboldened by the remembrance of what passed in conversation
with you at Mr. Pringle's, I took the liberty of trespassing on you in a
letter dated 18th February 1815, to beg you would inform me whether you
knew of the existence of any of Lord Fountainhall's MSS. besides the
eight Folio volumes I had then examined. You did me the honor to write
me an immediate reply, in which you stated that you knew of no other
MSS. but those I had mentioned, and you conclude by saying, that you
were glad to hear that I was busying myself in a task which would throw
much light on the history of Scotland. In May 1816, whilst engaged here
in arranging and retranscribing the materials I had collected for the
work in the order of a Journal, I met with a little difficulty about the
word FORRES, which the sense of the passage led me to read FORREST,
meaning ETTRICK FORREST. Knowing that you were the best source from
which true information on such subjects was to be drawn, and presuming
upon your former kindness, I again addressed you, 23rd May 1816, begging
to know whether I was right in my conjecture. To this I received a very
polite answer in course of post, in which you express great pleasure in
complying with my request, and are so obliging as to conclude with the
assurance that at any time you will be happy to elucidate my researches
into my ancestors' curious and most valuable Manuscripts with such hints
as your local knowledge may supply.
'Since the period to which I have just alluded, I have continued to
prosecute the work, but only at intervals, having met with frequent
interruptions, among which I may mention an excursion to Italy; and
after having finished about two-thirds of it in my own handwriting, it
is only now that I have been able to complete it, by the aid of an
amanuensis. I do not much wonder that, employed as you are in
administering fresh draughts of enjoyment from the exhaustless spring of
your genius to the ever-increasing thirst of a delighted public, you
should have forgotten my humble labours. But whilst I regret that they
should have been so forgotten, inasmuch as they might have contributed
to aid or lessen yours, I beg to assure you, that every other feeling is
absorbed in that of the satisfaction I am now impressed with in learning
that you have taken Lord Fountainhall under your fostering care, as I am
well aware that, independent of the honor done him and his family by his
name being coupled with that of Sir Walter Scott, there does not now,
and perhaps there never will, exist any individual who could elucidate
him so happily as your high talents and your deep research in the
historical anecdote of your country must enable you to do. I am
naturally very desirous to see your publication, of which I cannot
procure a copy from the booksellers here. I should not otherwise have
intruded on you until I had seen the book, as I am at present ignorant
how far it clashes or agrees with the plan of the work I have prepared.
As business calls me to Edinburgh, I can now have no opportunity of
perusing it before my departure, as I leave this on Tuesday the 28th
instant I observe, however, with great gratification, from a quotation
in the _Magazine_ from your preface, that you hold out hopes of a
farther publication, and I am consequently anxious to avail myself of
being in Edinburgh to have the honor of an interview with you, that I
may avoid any injudicious interference with your undertaking, and rather
go hand in hand with you in promoting it. As I shall be detained on the
road, I shall not be in Edinburgh until the evening of Friday the 31st,
and my present intention is to remain in town only Saturday and Sunday,
unless unavoidable circumstances occur to prevent my leaving it on the
Monday. If you could make it convenient to grant me an audience on
either of the days I have mentioned, viz., on Saturday, or Sunday, the
1st or 2nd of June, you would very much oblige me, and it will be a
further favor if you will have a note lying for me at Mrs. President
Blair's, or at my Agent, Mr. Macbean's, 11 Charlotte Square, stating the
precise time when you can most conveniently receive me, that I may not
be so unfortunate as to call on you unseasonably. With the highest
respect, and with very great regard, I have the honor to be, dear sir,
very truly yours,
THOS. DICK LAUDER.'
To this Sir Walter replied:--
'MY DEAR SIR,--I am sorry you could for a moment think that in printing
rather than publishing Lord Fountainhall's Notes or rather Mr. Milne's,
for that honest gentleman had taken the superfluous trouble to write the
whole book anew, I meant to interfere with your valuable and extensive
projected work. I mentioned in the advertisement that you were engaged
in writing the life of Lord Fountainhall, and therefore declined saying
anything on the subject, and I must add that I always conceived it was
his life you meant to publish and not his works. I am very happy you
entertain the latter intention, for a great deal of historical matter
exists in the manuscript copy of the collection of decisions which has
been omitted by the publishers, whose object was only to collect the law
reports and who appear in the latter volume entirely to have disregarded
all other information. There is also somewhere in the Advocates'
Library, but now mislaid, a very curious letter of Lord Fountainhall on
the Revolution, and so very many other remains of his that I would fain
hope your work will suffer nothing by my anticipation, which I assure
you would never have taken place had I conceived those Notes fell within
your plan. The fact was that the letter on the Revolution was mislaid
and the little Ma[nuscript] having disappeared also, though it was
afterwards recovered, it seemed to me worth while to have it put in a
printed shape for the sake of preservation, and as only one hundred
copies were printed, I hope it will rather excite than gratify curiosity
on the subject of Lord Fountainhall. I expected to see you before I
should have thought of publishing the Letter on the Revolution, and
hoped to whet your almost blunted purpose about doing that and some
other things yourself. I think a selection from the Decisions just on
the contrary principle which was naturally enough adopted by the former
publishers, rejected[12] the law that is and retaining the history,
would be highly interesting. I am sure you are entitled to expect[13] on
all accounts and not interruption from me in a task so honorable, and I
hope you will spare me a day in town to talk the old Judge's affairs
over. The history of the Bass should be a curious one. You are of course
aware of the anecdote of one of your ancestors insisting on having the
"auld craig back again."
'Constable undertook to forward to you a copy of the Notes with my
respects, and it adds to my piggish behaviour that I see he had omitted
it. I will cause him send it by the Ferry Carrier.
'I beg to assure you that I am particularly sensible of the kind and
accomodating view you have taken of this matter, in which I am sensible
I acted very thoughtlessly because it would have been easy to have
written to enquire into your intentions. Indeed I intended to do so, but
the thing had gone out of my head. I leave Edin'r in July, should you
come after the 12 of that month may I hope to see you at Abbotsford,
which would be very agreeable, but if you keep your purpose of being
here in the beginning of June I hope you will calculate on dining here
on Sunday 2d at five o'clock. I will get Sharpe to meet you who knows
more about L'd Fountainhall than any one.--I am with great penitence,
dear Sir Thomas, your very faithful humble servant,
'WALTER SCOTT.'
[12] _sic_ for rejecting.
[13] A word is omitted, perhaps 'assistance.'
'N.B.--The foregoing letter from Sir Walter, written in answer to mine of
the 25th May,[14] sufficiently shows the extent of the dilemma he found
himself thrown into. It is full of strange contradictions. He talks of
"_printing_ rather than _publishing_" a book which was _publickly_
advertised _and publickly_ sold. He assures me that he believed that it was
_Fountainhall's Life_, and not his _works_ I meant to publish, though the
former part of the correspondence between us must have made him fully aware
that it was _the works_ I had in view; and he unwittingly proves to me
immediately afterwards that he had not altogether forgotten that it was
_the works_ I had taken in hand to publish, for he says, "I expected to see
you before I should have thought of publishing the letter on the
Revolution, and hoped to _whet your almost blunted purpose about doing that
and some_ other things yourself." And again afterwards--"it would have been
easy to have written to enquire into your intentions, indeed _I intended to
do so_, but the thing had gone out of my head." Why did you intend to write
to me, Sir Walter, about intentions which you have said you were
unconscious had any existence? But who can dare to be angry with Sir Walter
Scott? Who could be savage enough to be angry with the meanest individual
who could write with so much good nature and bonhommie as he displays in
his letter? Had one particle of angry feeling lurked in my bosom against
him, I should have merited scourging. My answer was as follows....'
[14] _sic_ for 22nd May.
Sir Thomas was unable to accept Sir Walter's invitation, but proposed to
call on him, and received the following reply:--
'My dear Sir Thomas,--I am much mortified at finding that by a
peremptory message from my builder at Abbotsford, who is erecting an
addition to my house, I must set out there to-morrow at twelve. But we
must meet for all that, and I hope you will do me the honour to
breakfast here, though at the unchristian hour of _Nine o'clock_, and if
you come as soon after eight as you will, you will find me ready to
receive you. I mention this because I must be in the court at _Ten_. I
hope this will suit you till time permits a longer interview. I shall
therefore expect you accordingly.--Yours very sincerely,
WALTER SCOTT.
'_Castle Street, Friday_'
'It gives me sincere regret that this unexpected news[15] prevents my
having the pleasure of receiving you on Monday.'
[15] This word doubtful. It is indistinctly written.
Sir Thomas proceeds in his narrative:--
'N.B.--I kept my appointment accurately to the hour and minute, and found
the Great Unknown dashing off long foolscap sheets of what was soon to
interest the eyes, and the minds, and the hearts of the whole reading
world; preparing a literary food for the voracious maw of the many-headed
monster, every mouth of which was gaping wide in expectation of it. He
received me most kindly, though I could not help secretly grudging, more
than I have no doubt he did, every moment of the time he so good-naturedly
sacrificed to me. He repeated in words, and, if possible, in stronger
terms, the apologies contained in his letter. I offered him my Manuscript
and my humble services. He insisted that he would not rob me of the fruits
of my pious labours. "As I know something of publishing," said he, with an
intelligent smile on his countenance, "I shall be able to give you some
assistance and advice as to how to bring the work properly and respectably
out." I thanked him, and ventured to entreat that he would add to the
obligation he was laying me under by giving me a few notes to the proposed
publication. In short, the result of an hour's conversation was that he
undertook to arrange everything about the publication with a bookseller,
and to give me the notes I asked, and, in fact, to do everything in his
power to assist me, and I left him with very great regret that a matter of
business prevented me from accepting of his pressing invitation to
breakfast. Before parting, he wrote for me the ensuing letter to Mr.
Kirkpatrick Sharpe, which I was deprived of an opportunity of delivering by
the shortness of my visit to Edinburgh.'
Sir Thomas soon afterwards completed his transcript, and on 7th June 1823
he wrote:--
'_Relugas, near Forres,
7th June_ 1823.
'MY DEAR SIR WALTER,--Can you pardon me for thus troubling you, in order
to have my curiosity satisfied about our old friend Fountainhall, whose
work I gave you in July last. I hope you received the remainder of the
Manuscript in October from my agent, Mr. Macbean. If you can spare time
to say, in a single line, what is doing about him, you will confer a
great obligation, on yours very faithfully,
T.D. LAUDER.'
Sir Walter replied:--
'MY DEAR SIR,--We have not taken any steps about our venerable friend
and your predecessor, whose manuscript is lying safe in my hands.
Constable has been in London this long time, and is still there, and
Cadell does not seem willingly to embark in any enterprize of
consequence just now. We have set on foot a sort [of] Scottish Roxburgh
Club[16] here for publishing curiosities of Scottish Literature, but
Fountainhall would be a work rather too heavy for our limited funds,
although few can be concerned which would come more legitimately under
the purpose of our association, which is made in order to rescue from
the chance of destruction the documents most essential to the history
and literature of Scotland.
'We are having a meeting on the 4th July, when I will table the subject,
and if we possibly can assist in bringing out the worthy Judge in good
stile, we will be most ready to co-operate with your pious endeavours to
that effect. I should wish to hear from you before that time what you
would wish to be done in the matter respecting the size, number of the
impression, and so forth. Whatever lies in my limited power will be
gladly contributed by, dear sir, your very faithful servant,
'WALTER SCOTT.
_'Castle Street, 18 June 1823.'_
[16] The Bannatyne Club was instituted on 15th February 1823. Its
object was to print works of the history, topography, poetry, and
miscellaneous literature of Scotland in former times. Sir Walter
Scott was president till his death. The Club's last meeting was in
1861, but there were some publications till 1867.
And in answer to further inquiry he again wrote on 10th July 1823:--
'MY DEAR SIR THOMAS,--You are too easily alarmed about the fate of your
ancestors. I did not mean it would not be published--far less that I
would not do all in my power to advance the publication--but only that
the size and probable expense of the work, with the limited sale for
articles of literature only interesting to the Scottish Antiquaries,
rendered the Booksellers less willing to adopt the proposal than they
seemed at first. However I thought it as well to wait until Constable
himself came down from London, as I had only spoken with his partner,
and I have since seen him, and find him well disposed to the
undertaking. I told him I would give with the greatest pleasure any
assistance in my power in the way of historical illustration, and that I
concluded that you, to whom the work unquestionably belongs, would
contribute a life of the venerable Lawyer and some account of his
family. Mr. Thomson has promised to look through the Manuscript and
collate it with that of Mr. Maule, and is of opinion (as I am) that it
would be very desirable to retrench all the mere law questions which are
to be found in the printed folios. Indeed the Editors of those two
volumes had a purpose in view directly opposed to ours, for they wished
to omit historical and domestic anecdotes and give the law cases as
unmixed as possible, while it would be our object doubtless to exclude
the mere law questions in favour of the other. No doubt many of
the law cases are in themselves such singular examples of the state of
manners that it would be a pity not to retain them even although they
may be found in the printed copy because they are there mixed with so
much professional matter that general readers will not easily discover
them.
'The retrenching of the mere law will entirely advantage the general
sale of the work besides greatly reducing the expense, and in either
point of view it will make it a speculation more like to be
advantageous. I think Constable will be disposed to incur the expense of
publishing at his own risque, allowing you one half of the free profits
which the established mode of accounting amongst authors and booksellers
circumcises so closely that the sum netted by the author seldom exceeds
a 3'd or thereabout. But then you have no risque, and that is a great
matter. My experience does not encourage me to bid you expect much
profit upon an undertaking of this nature, in fact on any that I have
myself tried I have been always rather a loser; but still there may be
some, and I am sure the descendant of Lord Fountainhall is best entitled
to such should it arise on his ancestor's work. I think you had better
correspond with Constable, assuring him of my willingness to help in any
thing that can get the book out, and I am sure Mr. Thomson will feel the
same interest I have to leave here to-morrow for four months, but as I
am only at Abbotsford I can do any thing that may be referred to me.
'As for Milne's notes, there are many of them that I think worth
preservation as describing and identifying the individuals of whom
Fountainhall wrote, although his silly party zeal makes him, like all
such partizans of faction, unjust and scurrilous.
'I have only to add that the Manuscript is with Mr. Thomson for the
purpose of collation, and that I am sure Constable will be glad to treat
with you on the subject of publication, and that I will, as I have
always been, be most ready to give any notes or illustrations in my
power, the only way I suppose in which I can be useful to the
publication. The idea of retrenching the law cases, which originates
with Thomson, promises, if you entertain it, to remove the only possible
objection to the publication, namely the great expense. My address for
the next four months is, Abbotsford, by Melrose, and I am always, dear
Sir Thomas, very much your faithful, humble servant,
WALTER SCOTT.
_'Edin'r, 10 July 1823.'_
Again on 27th November 1823:--
'Dear Sir Thomas,--I have sent the Manuscript to Mr. Macbean, Charlotte
Square, as you desire. It is a very curious one and contains many
strange pictures of the times. Our ancestors were sad dogs, and we to be
worse than them, as Horace tells us the Romans were, have a great stride
to make in the paths of iniquity. Men like your ancestor were certainly
rare amongst them. I had a scrap some where about the murder of the
Lauders at Lauder where Fountainhall's ancestor was Baillie at the time.
After this misfortune they are said to have retired to Edinburgh.
Fountainhall's grandfather lived at the Westport. All this is I hope
familiar to you, I say I hope so, for after a good deal of search I have
abandoned hope of finding my memorandum.
'I have seen Constable who promises to send me the sheets as they are
thrown off, and any consideration that I can bestow on them will be a
pleasure to, dear Sir Thomas, your most obedient servant,
WALTER SCOTT.
_'Edin'r, 2d December.'_
The last letter on the subject, written apparently by Mr. Cadell, is as
follows:--
_'Edinburgh, 28 July 1824._
'Dear Sir,--We duly received your much esteemed letter of 16 instant,
and beg to assure you that we are as willing as ever to do what we
stated last year in bringing out your MS. in a creditable way. The
reason, and the only reason of delay, has been the indisposition of Mr.
Constable, who has from last November till about a month ago been unable
to give his time to business.
'Having communicated your letter to him we beg now to state that we
shall take immediate steps for getting the work expedited. The MS. is
still in Mr. Thomson's hands, but we shall see him on the subject
forthwith. It is proposed to print the work in 2 vols. octavo
handsomely, the number 500 copies.--We remain, sir, with much respect,
your most,
ARCH. CONSTABLE & Co.
'Sir Thos. Dick Lauder, Bart.'
'The publication,' as Mr. Laing says in his Preface, 'intended to form two
volumes in octavo, under the title of _Historical Notices of Scottish
Affairs_, had actually proceeded to press to page 304 in 1825, when the
misfortunes of the publisher put a stop to the enterprise. After an
interval of several years the greater portion of Sir Thomas's transcripts
was placed at the disposal of the Bannatyne Club.' The result was the
publication of the _Observes_ and the _Historical Notices_. Mr. Laing adds,
'If at any subsequent time some of his missing MSS. should be discovered,
another volume of Selections, to include his early Journal and extracts
from his smaller notebooks, might not be undeserving the attention of the
Bannatyne Club.' The Journal in France, though never printed, was reviewed
by Mr. Cosmo Innes in 1864 in the _North British Review_, vol. xli. p. 170.
OUTLINE OF FOUNTAINHALL'S LIFE
A short relation of Lord Fountainhall's life is given in Mr. David Laing's
preface to the _Historical Notices_. He was born in 1646. His father was
John Lauder, merchant and bailie of Edinburgh, of the family of Lauder of
that Ilk.[17] He graduated as Master of Arts in the University of Edinburgh
in 1664. He went to France to study in 1665, and returned from abroad in
1667. He was 'admitted' as an advocate in 1668. He was married in 1669 to
Janet, daughter of Sir Andrew Ramsay of Abbotshall,[18] Provost of
Edinburgh, afterwards a Lord of Session. In 1674, along with the leaders of
the bar and the majority of the profession, he was 'debarred' or suspended
from practising by the king's proclamation for asserting the right of
appeal from the decisions of the Court of Session, and was restored in
1676. He was knighted in 1681. In the same year his father, who was then
eighty-six years old, purchased the lands of Woodhead and others in East
Lothian. The conveyance is to John Lauder of Newington in liferent, and Sir
John Lauder, his son, in fee. The lands were erected into a barony, called
Fountainhall. In 1685, he was returned as member of Parliament for the
county of Haddington, which he represented till the Union in 1707. In 1686
his wife, by whom he had a large family, died. In 1687 he married Marion
Anderson, daughter of Anderson of Balram. He was appointed a Lord of
Session in 1689, and a Lord of Justiciary in 1690. He resigned the latter
office in 1709, and died in 1722. His father had been made a baronet in
1681 by James VII. The succession under the patent was to his son by his
third marriage; but in 1690, after the Revolution, a new patent was granted
by William and Mary to Sir John Lauder, senior, and his eldest son and his
heirs. The first patent was reduced in 1692, and in the same year
Fountainhall succeeded on his father's death.
[17] 'Sir John Lauder of Fountainhall is deschended of the Lauders of
that ilk, and his paternall coat is immatriculate and registrate
in the Lyons Book of Herauldrie.'--Unprinted MS. by Lauder, in
possession of Sir T.N. Dick Lauder. A Genealogical Roll in MS., of
the Lauder Family, compiled by Sir T. Dick Lauder, also in the
present baronet's possession, has afforded much useful
information; and for Lauder's family connections, I have also
consulted Mrs. Atholl Forbes's _Curiosities of a Scottish Charter
Chest_, and Mrs. Stewart Smith's _Grange of St. Giles_.
[18] See Appendix III.
The following estimate of his character in Forbes's Preface to the _Journal
of the Session_ (1714), a rare book, is quoted by Mr. Laing, but is too
much in point to be omitted here. 'The publick and private character of
this excellent judge are now so well known that I need say no more of him
than that he signalized himself as a good patriot and true Protestant in
the Parliament of 1686 in defence of the Penal Laws against Popery. This
self-denyed man hath taken no less pains to shun places that were in his
offer than some others have been at to get into preferment. Witness his
refusing to accept a patent in the year 1692 to be the King's Advocate, and
the resigning his place as a Lord of Justiciary after the Union, which Her
Majesty with reluctancy took off his hand. In short, his lordship is (what
I know by experience) as communicative as he is universally learned and
knowing. He hath observed the decisions of the Session from November 1689
till November 1712, which I have seen in Manuscript; but his excessive
modesty can't be prevailed on to make them publick.'
There are no materials for expanding Mr. Laing's sketch of Fountainhall's
life, except in so far as the notes of his travels and his expeditions into
the country, and the accounts, here printed, give some glimpses of his
habits and his domestic economy in his early professional years. He lived
in troubled times, but his own career was prosperous and comparatively
uneventful. The modesty which Professor Forbes truly ascribes to him
disinclined him to take a part, as a good many lawyers did, in public
affairs, except for a short period before the Revolution, as a member of
Parliament; and, together with his prudence and strong conscientiousness,
preserved him from mixing in the political and personal intrigues which
were then so rife in the country. The same modesty is apparent in his
writings in mature life to a tantalising degree. It may not be so
conspicuous in his boyish journal, when he was ready enough to throw down
the gauntlet in a theological discussion; but in the later voluminous MSS.,
when even dry legal disputes are enlivened by graphic and personal touches,
the author himself rarely appears on the scene. We miss the pleasant
details of Clerk of Penicuik's _Memoirs._[19] We learn little of the
author's daily walk and conversation. It does not even appear (so far as I
know) where his house in Edinburgh was. We do not know how often he went to
Fountainhall, or whether he there realised his wish to spend half his time
in the country.[20] We do not know how he occupied himself there, though it
may be gathered that he took much interest in the management of his
property and in country business, and he records with much gratification
his appointment as a justice of the peace. He tells us nothing of his wife,
except how much money she got for housekeeping, and nothing of his
children, except when he records their births or deaths. Nothing of his
personal relations with his distinguished contemporaries at the bar, or
with the men who, as officers of State and Privy Councillors, still
governed Scotland in Edinburgh.
[19] Scottish History Society.
[20] Journal, p. 21.
On the other hand, his opinions on all subjects, on public affairs and
public men, on such questions of speculation or ethical interest as
astrology and witchcraft, often strikingly expressed in language always
racy and sincere, are scattered through the published volumes of his
writings, all printed without note or comment. It may at least be a tribute
to Fountainhall's memory to present a short view of his opinions, and for
that purpose I have not scrupled to quote freely, especially from the
_Historical Observes,_ a delightful book, which deserves a larger public
than the limited circle of its fortunate possessors. Fountainhall's
political opinions were moderate, in an age when moderation was rare. We
are tempted to think, if I am not mistaken, that in that dark period of
Scottish history, every man was a furious partisan, as a Royalist or a
Whig, or as an adherent of one or other of the chiefs who intrigued for
power. But it may be that Lauder's attitude reflects more truly the average
opinions of educated men of the time.
HIS POLITICAL OPINIONS
His political position has perhaps been imperfectly understood by the few
writers who have had occasion to refer to it. Mr. Laing's statement, that
prior to the Revolution 'he appears generally to have acted only with those
who opposed the measure of the Court,' is not, I venture to think, wholly
accurate. It is true that on one occasion, no doubt memorable in his own
life, he incurred the displeasure of the government. When James VII. on
his accession proposed to relax the penal laws against Roman Catholics,
while enforcing them against Presbyterians, Lauder, who had just entered
Parliament, opposed that policy and spoke against it in terms studiously
moderate and respectful to the Crown. The result, however, was that he
became a suspected person. As he records in April 1686, 'My 2 servants
being imprisoned, and I threatened therewith, as also that they would seize
upon my papers, and search if they contained anything offensive to the
party then prevailing, I was necessitat to hide this manuscript, and many
others, and intermit my Historick Remarks till the Revolution in the end of
1688.'
Hence the Revolution was perhaps welcome to him. As an adherent of
character and some position he met with marked favour from the new
sovereigns, who promoted him to the bench, and corrected the injustice
which had been done to him in the matter of the patent of his father's
baronetcy, and also granted him a pension of £100 a year, an addition of
fifty per cent. to his official salary. Shortly afterwards he was offered
the post of Lord Advocate, but declined it, because the condition was
attached that he should not prosecute the persons implicated in the
Massacre of Glencoe.[21] From these facts it has been sometimes inferred
that Lauder was disaffected to the Stewart dynasty, and that his
professional advancement was thereby retarded. In reality his career was
one of steady prosperity. Having already received the honour of knighthood
while still a young man, and being a member of parliament for his county,
he became a judge at the age of forty-three. So far from holding opinions
antagonistic to the reigning house, Lauder was an enthusiastic royalist. He
was indeed a staunch Protestant at a time when religion played a great part
in politics. In his early youth the journal here published shows him as
perhaps a bigoted Protestant. But he was not conscious of any conflict
between his faith and his loyalty till the conflict was forced upon him,
and that was late in the day. In this position he was by no means singular.
Sir George Mackenzie, who as Lord Advocate was so vigorous an instrument of
Charles II.'s policy, refused, like Lauder, to concur in the partial
application of the penal laws, and his refusal led to his temporary
disgrace. Lauder was not even a reformer. He was a man of conservative
temperament, and while his love of justice and good government led him to
criticise in his private journals the glaring defects of administration,
and especially the administration of justice, there is no evidence that he
had even considered how a remedy was to be found. There was indeed no
constitutional means of redress, and all revolutionary methods, from the
stubborn resistance of the Covenanters, to the plots in London, real or
imaginary, but always implicitly believed in by Lauder, and the expeditions
of Monmouth and Argyll, met with Lauder's unqualified disapproval and
condemnation.
[21] It has been said that there is no sufficient evidence of this
honourable incident in Fountainhall's career. But Sir Thomas Dick
Lauder (MS. Genealogical Roll, _supra_) reproduces it in a poem to
the Memory of Sir John Lauder, published in 1743, and attributed
to Blair, the author of 'The Grave,' in which the following lines
occur. He
'Saw guiltless blood poured out with lavish hand,
And vast depopulated tracts of land;
And saw the wicked authors of that ill
Unpunished, nay, caressed and favoured still.
The power to prosecute he would not have,
Obliged such miscreants overlooked to save.'
[Sidenote: H.O. 148]
[Sidenote: H.O. 6]
[Sidenote: Decisions, p. 232.]
I shall cite some passages in illustration. When Charles II. died and James
was proclaimed, Lauder writes that 'peoples greiff was more than their joy,
having lost their dearly loved king'; then after a gentle reference to 'his
only weak syde,' he says, 'he was certainly a prince indued with many
Royall qualities, and of whom the Divine providence had taken a speciall
care by preserving him after Worcester fight in the oak.' ... 'A star
appeared at noon day at his birth; he was a great mathematician, chemist,
and mechanick, and wrought oft in the laboratories himselfe; he had a
natural mildnesse and command over his anger, which never transported him
beyond an innocent puff and spitting, and was soon over, and yet commanded
more deference from his people than if he had expressed it more severely,
so great respect had all to him. His clemencie was admirable, witnesse his
sparing 2 of Oliver Cromwell's sones, tho on of them had usurped his
throne. His firmnesse in religion was evident; for in his banishment he had
great invitations and offers of help to restore him to his croun if he
would turne Papist, but he always refused it. As for his brother James, now
our present King, he is of that martiall courage and conduct, that the
great General Turenne was heard say, if he ware to conquer the world, he
would choise the Duke of York to command his army,' Such were Lander's
loyal sentiments, as set down in a private journal a year before his
servants and clerks were arrested, and the seizure of his papers
threatened. But his Protestantism and his jealousy of Popery were equally
strong. In 1680 he notes that the minister of Wells in Nithsdale had
'turned Roman Catholic: so this is one of the remarkable trophees and
spoils the Papists are beginning to gain upon our religion.' A little
further on he is indignant at ridicule being thrown on the Popish Plot 'Not
only too many among ourselves, but the French, turned the Plot into matter
of sport and laughter: for at Paris they acted in ther comedy, called
Scaramucchio, the English tryall, and busked up a dog in a goune lik Chief
Justice Scrogs.' Again, 'A Papist qua Papist cannot be a faithful subject,'
He had, however, no sympathy with the Covenanters, a name which he does not
use, but he describes them as 'praecise phanaticks.' He did not consider it
unjust to bring them to capital punishment, because they denied the right
of the king to govern, though on grounds of humanity and policy he was
inclined to mercy. In 1682 he observes on the execution of Alexander Home,
a small gentleman of the Merse, who had commanded a party at the
insurrection of Bothwell Bridge, 'tho he came not that lenth,' 'It was
thought ther was blood eneuch shed on that quarrell already ... for they
are like Sampson, they kill and persuade mo at ther death than they did in
ther life.' He couples the Roman Catholics and Presbyterians together as
troublesome citizens. 'These foolish people that assume the name of
Presbyterians have unwarily drunk in these restles principles from the
Jesuites and seminary priests, who have had a hand in all our troubles and
blown the coall.' Apart, however, from the political attitude of the
Covenanters, whom he regarded as disaffected subjects, there is no evidence
that he concerned himself with the controversy as to the Episcopal or
Presbyterian form of Church government, or that he regretted the re-
establishment of Presbytery after the Revolution. He was not interested in
Church matters. In 1683 he writes, 'The Synod of Edinburgh' [which was then
Episcopalian] 'sat down, and not having much else to do, enacted 1'o that
ministers should not sit in the pulpit, but stand all the time they are in
it.'[22]
[22] A devotional diary, for 1700, apparently one of a series,
preserved in the Edinburgh University Library, No. 274, and an
undated letter in the Dick Lauder MSS. about the election of a
'godly, primitive, and evangelicall pastor,' lead me to think that
his views were Calvinistic, and not out of sympathy with the
Presbyterian Establishment of the Revolution.
In the present volume, p. 229, there is a striking example of his sympathy
with the royal prerogative. He says it was believed that the project of
Union was 'mainly set on foot by his Majestie and so much coveted after by
him that he may rid himselfe of the House of Commons, who have been very
heavy on his loines, and the loins of his predecessors.... I confesse the
king has reason to wrest this excessive power out of the Commons their
hand, it being an unspeakable impairment of the soveraintie, but I fear it
prosper not.'
His repugnance to anything savouring of revolutionary methods, combined
with his always candid recognition of merit, appears in his observation
when Sidney was executed.
[Sidenote: H.O. p. 110.]
He was a gallant man, yet had he been so misfortunat as ever to be on the
disloyal side, and seemed to have drunk in with his milk republican
principles.' In December 1684 Baillie of Jerviswood was prosecuted for
being art and part in a treasonable conspiracy in England, along with
Shaftesbury, Russell, and others. Lauder and Sir George Lockhart were
commanded on their allegiance to assist the King's Advocate in the
prosecution. The Court, after deliberating from midnight till three in the
morning, brought in a verdict finding 'his being art and part of the
conspiracy and design to rise in arms, and his concealing the same proven,'
He was hanged and quartered the same day. Fountainhall did not disapprove
of his condemnation. He says, 'he carried all this with much calmness and
composure of mind; only he complained the time they had given him to
prepare for death was too short, and huffed a little that he should be
esteemed guilty of any design against the life of the King or his brother,
of which he purged himself, as he hoped to find mercy, so also he denied
any purpose of subverting the monarchial government, only he had wished
that some grievances in the administration of our affairs might be
rectified and reformed; but seeing he purged not himself of the rest of his
libel, his silence as to these looked like a tacit confession and
acknowledgment thereof.'
[Sidenote: Decisions, i. 366.]
[Sidenote: H.O. 74]
[Sidenote: H.N. 11]
[Sidenote: H.O. 184]
[Sidenote: Decisions, i. 160.]
[Sidenote: H.O. 55.]
A still more striking illustration of Lauder's political views is afforded
by his numerous observations on Argyll, who played so great a part in
public affairs during the period covered by the manuscripts until his
execution in 1685. Argyll was not a sympathetic figure to Lauder, but, as
usual, he does justice to his qualities, and recognises the tragedy of his
fate. On the day of his execution he notes, 'And so ended that great man,
with his family, at that time.' He had a more cordial personal admiration
for a very different statesman, Lauderdale, though he often disapproved of
his policy. At his death he writes, '24 of August, 1682, dyed John
Maitland, Duke of Lauderdale, the learnedest and powerfullest Minister of
State of his age, at Tunbridge Wells. Discontent and age were the
ingredients of his death, if his Dutchesse and Physitians be freed of it;
for she had abused him most grosely, and got all from him she could
expect.... The Duke of York was certainly most ungrate to Lauderdale; for
Lauderdale was the first who adventured in August 1679 to advise the King
to bring home the Duke of York from Flanders.'[23] Argyll he deemed to be
wanting in magnanimity. In 1671 he writes on the subject of a point in a
lawsuit being decided in Argyll's favour, 'This was my Lord President's
doing [Stair], he being my Lord Argyle's great confidant. It was admired by
all that he blushed not to make a reply upon his Father's forfaultor, and
whow he had committed many treasonable crimes before the discharge, and to
see him rather than tyne his cause, suffer his father rather to be
reproached and demeaned as a traitor of new again, by his own advocats,' So
fourteen years later he writes, 'Whatever was in Argile's first
transgression in glossing the Test (which appeared slender), yet God's
wonderfull judgements are visible, pleading a controversie against him and
his family, for the cruall oppression he used, not only to his father's,
but even to his oune creditors. It was remembered that he beat Mistris
Brisbane done his stairs for craving hir annuelrents, tho he would have
bestowed as much money on a staff or some like curiosity.' He was, however,
one of Argyll's counsel when he was prosecuted for taking the Test, with
the explanation 'that he conceived that this Test did not hinder nor bind
him up from endeavouring alterations to the better either in Church or
State.' Argyll, who had escaped, was sentenced to death in his absence,
attainted, and his estates forfeited. Lauder strongly disapproved of the
proceedings. He writes, 'There was a great outcry against the Criminal
Judges, their timorous dishonesty....' These words, 'consistent with my
loyalty, were judged taxative and restrictive, seeing his loyalty might be
below the standard of true loyalty, not five-penny fine, much less eleven-
penny,' ... 'The design was to low him, that he might never be the head of
a Protestant party, and to annex his jurisdiction to the Crown, and to
parcel out his lands; and tho' he was unworthily and unjustly dealt with
here, yet ought he to observe God's secret hand, punishing him for his
cruelty to his own and his father's creditors and vassals, sundry of whom
were starving.' Lauder speaks of 'that fatal Act of the Test.' He had no
favour for it, and he narrates with glee how 'the children of Heriot's
Hospitall, finding that the dog which keiped the yairds of that Hospitall
had a publick charge and office, they ordained him to take the Test, and
offered him the paper, but he, loving a bone rather than it, absolutely
refused it; then they rubbed it over with butter (which they called an
Explication of the Test in imitation of Argile), and he licked of the
butter, but did spite out the paper, for which they hold a jurie on him,
and in derision of the sentence against Argile, they found the dog guilty
of treason, and actually hanged him.'
[23] Sir George Mackenzie also, who criticises Lauderdale's proceedings
very freely, pays a fine tribute to one trait in his character,
'Lauderdale who knew not what it was to dissemble.'--_Memoirs_, p.
182.
[Sidenote: H.O. 166]
[Sidenote: H.0. 196.]
[Sidenote: H.O. 189.]
Although Lauder considered that Argyll had been unjustly condemned in the
matter of the Test, his opinion about the expedition of 1685 was very
different. He did justice to his capacity. He writes, 'Argile had always
the reputation of sense and reason, and if the Whigs at Bothwell Bridge in
1679 had got such a commander as he, it's like the rebellion had been more
durable and sanguinarie' But as soon as the news of Argyll's landing on
the west coast came, this is his note, 'Argile, minding the former
animosities and discontents in the country, thought to have found us all
alike combustible tinder, that he had no more adoe then to hold the match
to us, and we would all blow up in a rebellion; but the tymes are altered,
and the peeple are scalded so severely with the former insurrections, that
they are frighted to adventure on a new on. The Privy Council, though they
despised this invasion, yet by proclamations they called furth the whole
heritors of Scotland,' and so on. 'Some look on this invasion as a small
matter, but beside the expence and trouble it hes put the country to, if we
ponder the fatall consequences of such commotions, we'll change our
opinions: for when the ramparts of government are once broke down, and the
deluge follows, men have no assurances that the water will take a flowing
towards their meadows to fructify them; no, no, just in the contrare.'
Argyll was discovered and apprehended in his flight by a weaver near
Paisley, of whom Lauder says, 'I think the Webster who took him should be
rewarded with a litle heritage (in such a place wher Argile's death will
not be resented), and his chartre should bear the cause, and he should get
a coat of arms as a gentleman, to incouradge others heirafter.' It does not
appear that this suggestion was acted upon.
But while Lauder was a supporter of the existing order of government and
opposed to all revolutionary plans, his journals disclose that in the state
of public affairs he found much matter for criticism and ground for
anxiety. In 1674 he tells of what will happen 'whenever we get a fair and
unpraelimited Parliament, which may be long ere we see it.' In 1683 he
writes sadly: 'Though we change the Governors, yet we find no change in the
arbitrary government. For we are brought to that pass we must depend and
court the Chancelor, Treasurer, and a few other great men and their
servants, else we shall have difficulty to get either justice or despatch
in our actions, or to save ourselves from scaith, or being quarrelled on
patched up, remote and innocent grounds. This arbitrary way Lauderdale
attempted, but did not attain so great a length in it as our statesmen do
now; and they value themselves much in putting the military and
ecclesiastic Laws to strict and vigorous execution, so that, let soldiers
commit as great malversations and oppressions as they please, right is not
to be got against them. Witness John Cheisly of Dalry's usage with Daver
and Clerk, in the Kings troupe, and Sir John Dalrymple's with Claverhouse.'
In the same year he says of James, then Duke of York, and Monmouth, 'We
know not which of their factions struggling in the womb of the State shall
prevail.' He regarded these political evils and dangers as beyond his power
to remedy. It was not till after he had entered Parliament in 1685 that he
made any public utterance on politics. In the last two years of James's
reign the Test Act was enforced against Nonconformist Protestants but not
against Roman Catholics. Lauder, being then in Parliament, considered it
his duty to take a part, and he made one or two very moderate speeches,
which, although expressed with studious respect to the sovereign, were
doubtless highly displeasing to the government.
OPINIONS ON ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES.
INFLUENCE OF STUDIES ABROAD
[Sidenote: H.N. 40.]
In the matter of the administration of justice he writes with much less
reserve in his journals. The system was bad. The jurisdiction of the Privy
Council, who tried a considerable number of causes, was ill-defined. The
judges since the time of Charles I. were removable magistrates, entirely in
the dependence of the Crown. Even the ordinary Lords of Session were not
always trained lawyers--Lauder's father-in-law, for example, Sir Andrew
Ramsay, long Provost of Edinburgh, became a judge with the title of Lord
Abbotshall. There were besides four extraordinary lords who were never
lawyers, and were not bound to attend and hear causes pleaded, but they had
the right to vote. At the Revolution one of the reasons assigned for
declaring the Crown vacant was 'the changing of the nature of the judges'
gifts _ad vitam aut culpam_, and giving them commissions _ad bene placitum_
to dispose them to compliance with arbitary sourses, and turning them out
of their offices when they did not comply.' Thus in 1681, when the Test Act
was passed, five judges were dismissed, four ordinary, including the
President, Stair, and one extraordinary, Argyll, and a new commission
issued. When the Court was so constituted, it could hardly inspire implicit
confidence, and the instances are numerous in which Lauder complains that
injustice has been done, and the principles of the law perverted through
the influence of political and private motives. Even the most eminent of
the judges were not in his opinion clear from this blot. I have quoted one
passage in which Lauder hints at Stair's partiality for Argyll. In another
case in which Argyll was concerned he observes, 'Every on saw that would be
the fate of that action, considering the pershewar's probable intres in the
President.'[24] In 1672 when, as he considered, a well-established rule of
law had been unsettled, he writes, 'This is a miserable and pittiful way
of wenting our wit, by shaking the very foundations of law, and leaving
nothing certain. The true sourse of it all is from the wofull divisions in
the House, especially between the President and the Advocat [Mackenzie],
each of them raking, tho from hell, all that may any way conduce to carry
the causes that they head, _Flectere si neque superos_,' etc. One decision
which excited his warm indignation was given in a suit by Lord Abbotshall
against Francis Kinloch, who held a wadset over the estate of Gilmerton,
which Abbotshall maintained was redeemable. He lost the case. After an
extraordinary account of the way in which the decision was arrived at
Lauder proceeds, 'the Chancelor's [Rothes] faint trinqueting and
tergiversation for fear of displeasing Halton (who agented passionately for
Francis) has abated much of his reputation. The 2d rub in Abbotshall's way
was a largesse and donation of £5000 sterling to be given to Halton and
other persons forth of the town's revenue for their many good services done
to the toune. By this they outshot Sir Androw in his oune bow, turned the
canon upon him, and _justo Dei judicio_ defait him by the toune's public
interest, with which weapone he was want to do miracles and had taught them
the way[25].... This decision for its strangeness surprised all that heard
of it; for scarce even any who once heard the case doubted but it would be
found a clear wodsett, and it opened the mouths of all to cry out upon it
as a direct and dounright subversion of all our rights and properties.'
[24] Lauder was a very young man at the bar when he wrote these
strictures on Stair. They may be compared with and in part
corrected by a passage in Sir G. Mackenzie's _Memoirs_, p. 240,
which also bears on the appointment of incompetent judges.
'Lauderdale by promoting four ignorant persons, who had not been
bred as lawyers, without interruption, and in two years' time, to
be judges in it [the Session], viz., Hatton, Sir Andrew Ramsay,
Mr. Robert Preston, and Pittrichie, he rendered thereby the
Session the object of all men's contempt. And the Advocates being
disobliged by the regulations did endeavour, as far as in them
lay, to discover to the people the errors of those who had opprest
them: and they being now become numerous, and most of them being
idle, though men of excellent parts, wanting rather clients than
wit and learning, that society became the only distributor of
fame, and in effect the fittest instrument for all alterations:
for such as were eminent, did by their authority, and such as were
idle, by well contrived and witty raillery, make what impressions
they pleased upon the people. Nor did any suffer so much as the
Lord Stairs, President of the Session; who, because of his great
affection to Lauderdale, and his compliance with Hatton, suffered
severely, though formerly he had been admired for his sweet temper
and strong parts. And by him our countrymen may learn, that such
as would be esteemed excellent judges must live abstracted from
the court; and I have heard the President himself assert that no
judge should be either member of Council or Exchequer, for these
courts did learn men to be less exact justiciars than was
requisite.'
[25] See Appendix III.
It is not to be inferred from such strictures on the administration of
justice, a matter on which, as an upright lawyer, Lauder was keenly
sensitive, that he was an ill-natured critic of his professional brethren
or of public men. On the contrary, the tone of his observations, though
shrewd and humorous, is kindly and large-minded. He admired Lockhart, who
was his senior at the bar, and whom he perhaps regarded more than any other
man as his professional leader and chief, though he does not escape a
certain amount of genial criticism. His enthusiastic eulogy of Lockhart's
eloquence has been often quoted. In his estimation of Mackenzie it is easy
to see, that while he doubted the wisdom and humanity of his relentless
prosecutions, and while his arrogance comes in for criticism in a lighter
vein, respect for his capacity, learning, and industry was the
predominating element. It is pleasant to see the constant interest that he
took in Bishop Burnet's books and movements, though they do not appear ever
to have met. 'Our Dr. Burnet,' as he calls him. But that only means that he
was a Scotsman, for he describes Ferguson the Plotter in the same way.
There is nowhere a touch of jealousy or envy in those private journals.
The influence of Lander's period of youthful travels, his _Wanderjahre_, on
his future development is seen in various ways. He always kept up his
interest in foreign countries and foreign literature. He bought a great
many books, a list of which year by year is preserved, and he read them.
The law manuscripts, though they embrace a pretty wide field, are confined
to domestic affairs. But in the _Observes_ there are every year notes and
reflections on the events passing in every part of Europe, and especially
France. There is some interest in the following passage, almost the last
sentence in the _Historical Observes_, 'In regard the Duke of Brandenburgh
and States of Holland have not roume in ther countries for all the fugitive
Protestants, they are treating with Pen and other ouners of thesse
countries of Pensylvania, Carolina, etc., to send over colonies ther; so
that the purity of the Gospell decaying heir will in all probability passe
over to America.' The foreign schools of law where he had studied naturally
affected his treatment of legal questions. Until the publication of the
great work of Stair, the common civil law of Scotland was in a
comparatively fluid state, though there were some legal treatises of
authority, such as Craig's _Feudal Law_. Mackenzie's _Criminalls_ was
published in 1676, and is often referred to by Lauder. Many of his
contemporaries at the bar had studied like himself in the foreign schools
of the Roman Civil Law, and in his reports of cases the original sources
are quoted with enviable familiarity and appositeness.
TORTURE, ASTROLOGY, AND WITCHCRAFT
In questions of social ethics, such as torture, and of popular belief, such
as astrology and witchcraft, Lauder was not much in advance of his age. He
frequently mentions the infliction of torture without any comment. When
Spence and Carstairs were tortured with the thummikins, he describes them
as 'ane ingine but lately used with us,' and possibly he had some
misgiving. The subjects of astrology and witchcraft had an attraction for
his inquiring and speculative mind.[26] He believed in the influence of the
heavenly bodies, and more firmly in witchcraft, for which many unhappy
women were every year cruelly put to death. These trials at times evidently
gave him some uneasiness. But usually, with regard to both topics, his
doubts do not go beyond a cautious hint of scepticism tinged with humour.
He was fundamentally a religious man, and where he touches on the great
issues of life, and the relation of man to his Maker, it is in a tone of
deep solemnity. But he loves to discourse in a learned fashion
on the influence of the stars. 'Charles the 2d,' he says, 'fell with few or
no prognosticks or omens praeceeding his death, unlesse we recur to the
comet of 1680, which is remote, or to the strange fisches mentioned, supra
page 72, or the vision of blew bonnets, page 74,[27] but these are all
conjecturall: vide, supra Holwell's prophecies in his Catastrophe Mundi,'
and so on. In 1683 'we were allarumed with ane strange conjunction was to
befall in it of 2 planets, Saturn and Jupiter in Leo.... Our winter was
rather like a spring for mildnes. If it be to be ascrybed to this
conjunction I know not.' In the case of comets there was less room for
scepticism. In December 1680, 'a formidable comet appeared at Edinburgh.'
In discoursing on this comet he remarks that Dr. Bainbridge observed the
comet of 1618 'to be verticall to London, and to passe over it in the
morning, so it gave England and Scotland in their civill wars a sad wype
with its taill. They seldom shine in wain, though they proceed from
exhalations and other natural causes.'
[26] Mr. Andrew Lang has pointed out to me that Lauder's remarks on the
identity of the popular legends in France and Scotland (_Journal_,
p. 83) are a very early instance of this observation, now
recognised to be generally applicable.
[27] P. 74, i.e. of his MS. For the vision of blue bonnets, compare
H.O., p. 142, and Wodrow's _History_, iv. 180.
[Sidenote: H.N. 198.]
[Sidenote: H.N. 146.]
Lauder relates several trials for witchcraft in much detail, and they
evidently gave him some uneasiness. Some of the women commonly confessed
and implicated other persons. In one such case the women, who among other
persons, accused the parish minister, said that the devil sometimes
transformed them 'in bees, in crows, and they flew to such and such remote
places; which was impossible for the devil to doe, to rarefy the substance
of their body into so small a matter ... thir confessions made many
intelligent sober persons stumble much what faith was to be adhibite to
them.' In another case from Haddington a woman confessed and accused five
others and a man. Lauder saw the man examined and tested by pricking. He
says, 'I remained very unclear and dissatisfied with this way of triall,
as most fallacious: and the man could give me no accompt of the principles
of his art, but seemed to be a drunken foolish rogue.' Then, according to
his custom, he cites a learned authority, Martino del Rio, who lays bare
the craft and subtlety of the devil, and mentions that 'he gives not the
nip to witches of quality; and sometimes when they are apprehended he
delets it....' 'The most part of the creatures that are thus deluded by
this grand impostor and ennemy of mankind are of the meanest rank, and are
ather seduced by malice, poverty, ignorance, or covetousness.' But he finds
comfort in the pecuniary circumstances of the Tempter. 'It's the
unspeakable mercy and goodness of our good God that that poor devill has
not the command of money (tho we say he is master of all the mines and hid
treasures of the earth) else he would debauch the greatest part of the
world.'
CONTENTS OF HIS EARLY JOURNALS AND ACCOUNTS
It has already been mentioned that Lauder's later journals, when he came to
chronicle public affairs and legal decisions, though they are full of
graphic detail, contain little that is personal to himself. The manuscripts
here printed, besides giving a picture of a Scottish student's life in
France during the seventeenth century, include a narrative of his visits to
London and Oxford on his return from abroad, his journey by coach and post
from London to Edinburgh, and various expeditions in Fife, the Lothians,
and the Merse, Glasgow, and the Clyde district, places where he had
connections. He travelled on horseback. He kept one horse at this time,
which appears in the Accounts. Considering his evident relish for
travelling, it is remarkable that in his long life he never seems to have
left Scotland after his return in 1667, though many of his more political
brethren at the bar were constantly on the road between Edinburgh and
Whitehall.
He kept his accounts with great care. There were no banks, and his method
was to account for each sum which he received, detailing how it was spent
in dollars, merks, shillings sterling and Scots, pennies, etc. We have both
his accounts during his period of travel, which are included in the first
manuscript, and those during the years 1670 to 1675. From the latter
copious extracts are given, and they are informatory as to the prices of
commodities, and the mode of life of a young lawyer recently married. There
was settled on him by his father in his marriage contract an annuity of
1800 merks (£100), secured on land. His wife's marriage portion was 10,000
merks (about £555), half of it paid up and invested, the remainder bearing
interest at 6 per cent. His 'pension' as one of the assessors of the burgh
was £12 (sterling). His house-rent was £20 (sterling): in one place it is
stated a little higher; and he sublet the attics and basement. The wages of
a woman servant was nearly £2 (sterling). We find the prices of cows, meal,
ale, wine, clothing, places at theatres, etc., the cost of travelling by
coach, posting, fare in sailing packet to London and so on.
[Sidenote: H.O. 137.]
[Sidenote: Genealogical Roll.]
There are many illustrations throughout Lauder's manuscripts of the poverty
of Scotland, relatively not only to the present time but to England. The
official salary of a judge before the Union was £200, and it only reached
that figure during his lifetime. Some time after the Union it was raised to
£500. On the appointment of the Earl of Middleton as joint Secretary of
State for England with Sunderland, in place of Godolphin, Lauder notes,
'This was the Dutchesse of Portsmouth's doing, and some thought Midleton
not wise in changing (tho it be worth £5000 sterling a year, and 3 or 4
years will enrich on), for envy follows greatnesse as naturally as the
shadow does the body, and the English would sooner bear a Mahometan for
ther Secretar than a Scot, only he has now a good English ally, by marrieng
Brudnell Earle of Cardigan's sister.' Thus the salary of a Secretary of
State in England was the same in 1684 as it is now, whereas the salary of a
Scottish judge was only one eighteenth part of its present amount: Lauder
in his will gives a detailed account of his own investments. Sir Thomas
Dick Lauder computes that he left about £11,000 besides the estate of
Fountainhall, which he inherited. He was, however, the son of a wealthy
man. At his marriage before he had any means of his own, 90,000 merks were
settled by his father, who had several other children, on the children of
the marriage (£5000 sterling, representing a sum many times as large in the
present day).
MONEY
Lauder mentions a great variety of coins both in his Journal in France and
in his Accounts after his return home. Some explanation of the principal
coins may be useful. It is necessary to keep in mind that the value of
coins was in a perpetual flux. There were during the century frequent
changes in the value of coins relatively even to those of the same country.
1. _In France._
(1) _Livre_. The livre used by Lauder, and called by him indifferently
'frank,' was the livre tournois,[28] of 20 sous. It was, subject to
exchange, of the same value as the pound Scots,[29] 1s. 8d. sterling, which
greatly simplifies calculations. The £ s. d. French was equal to the
£ s. d. Scots, and one twelfth of the value of the £ s. d. English or
sterling.
[28] The livre parisis contained 25 sous.--Major's _Greater
Britain_ (S.H.S.), p. 32, note.
[29] See pp. 3 and 4 and _passim_.
(2) _Ecu, écu blanc_, or _d'argent_, a silver coin worth 3 livres,[30] or
5s. sterling, thus of the same value as the English crown, and sometimes
called crown by Lauder.
[30] The value varied a little, but it was three livres in 1653.--
_Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et de Belles Lettres_
(1857), Tome 21, 2'me partie, p. 350.
(3) _Ecu d'or_, or _couronne_, golden crown. It was worth about 5 livres 12
sous,[31] equal to 9s. 4d. sterling. (P. 155, 'I receaved some 56 ll. in 10
golden crowns.')
[31] The exact value in 1666 in livres tournois was 5 ll. 11s. 6d.--
_Mémoires, ut supra_, p. 256.
(4) _Pistole_. A Spanish gold coin current in France. Its standard value
was 10 livres tournois, equal to 16s. 8d. That fairly corresponds with a
proclamation in Ireland in 1661 fixing it at 16s. Littré (_Dict._ s.v.),
states the value of the coin a good deal higher, though he gives the
standard as above. But its value gradually increased, like that of other
gold coins, and in later Irish proclamations is much higher.
The British gold coins _Jacobus_ and _Carolus_ were also used by Lauder in
France, and are explained below.
2. _In Scotland and England._[32]
[32] See Cochran Patrick's _Records of the Coinage of Scotland_
(1876); Ruding's _Annals of the Coinage_ (1817); and _Handbook of
the Coins of Great Britain and Ireland_ in the British Museum, by
H.A. Grueber (1899); Burns, _Coinage of Scotland_.
(1) _Jacobus_ (2) _Carolus_. James VI. on his accession to the throne of
England, with a view to the union of the kingdoms, issued a coinage for
both countries, which was in this sense uniform that each Scottish coin was
commensurable and interchangeable with an English coin. The ratio of the
Scots to the English £ s. d., which during centuries was always becoming
lower, was finally fixed at 1 to 12. The English 20s. and Scots 12 l.
pieces of equal value now issued were called the unite. The double crown or
10s. piece was the Scots 6 l. piece, the crown the Scots 3 l. piece, and so
on.
The unite was so called from the leading idea of union, just as the double
crown had the legend, _Henricus Rosas Regna Jacobus_. As Henry VII. united
the Red and White Roses, James was to unite the two kingdoms. It seems
probable that James intended the unite as a 20s. or pound piece to be the
standard and pivot of the coinage of both countries, as the pound or
sovereign has now become. This enlightened policy, though it had lasting
effects, soon broke down in detail. In England the shilling proved too
strong for the unite, and in Scotland the merk maintained its hold. To
prevent the exportation of gold, the value of the unite of 154 grains[33]
was raised to 22s. in 1612, though the king had himself proposed rather to
lower the weight of silver. That caused confusion, 'on account of the
unaptness for tale' of the gold pieces at their enhanced value, and a
lighter 20s. piece of 140 grains was issued in 1619 for England only, known
as the laurel piece, from the wreath round the king's head. In Scotland the
original unite remained, and was sometimes called the 20 merk piece, to
which value it roughly corresponded. It was repeated in the coinage of
Charles I., the last sovereign who coined gold in Scotland prior to the
Revolution. Thus it was the only Scottish 20s. sterling piece. Charles I.'s
unite or double angel (20s. piece) for England was of the same lighter
weight as the laurel. In 1661 the value of the gold coin was again
heightened, the old unite to 23s. 6d., and the lighter English unite to
21s. 4d.
[33] The weights are given in round numbers.
The above information is necessary in order to identify the two gold coins
which Lauder used. He generally calls the larger the Jacobus and the
smaller the Carolus. At p. 80 the one is mentioned as 'the Scotes and
English Jacobuses, which we call 14 pound peices,' and the other as 'the
new Jacobus, which we cal the 20 shiling sterling peice.' At p. 154 he
speaks of '10 Caroluses, or 20 shiling peices,' so that the new Jacobus and
the Carolus are the same. While there was only one weight of Scots gold
piece of the issue value of 20s. sterling, in England during the reigns of
James I., Charles I., and Charles II. there were four: 1, the sovereign of
James I. (172 grains); 2, the unite or double angel of James (154 grains),
the same as in Scotland; 3, the laurel of James, the unite of Charles I.,
and the broad of Charles II. (140 grains); 4, the guinea[34] of Charles
II., first struck in 1663 (131 grains). Now Lauder's larger coin was a
Scots or English Jacobus, therefore it is the unite of James VI.; and his
smaller coin is called both a Carolus and a new Jacobus, therefore it is
the coin of 140 grains. The two pieces are mentioned in a proclamation by
the Privy Council in 1661 heightening certain coins.[35]
[34] Once mentioned by Lauder, p. 220.
[35] This table may be compared with Louis XIII.'s valuation of some of
these coins (p. 80). The Scots piece there mentioned with two
swords, and the legend _Salus_, etc., is no doubt the sword and
sceptre piece of James VI. (1601-4). But the issue value of the
whole piece, not the half piece, was 611. Scots.
£ s. D. Scots. £ s. D. Scots.
formerlie current at now to be current at
The Double Angel [36] 13.06.08 14.04.08
The Single Angel 6.13.04 7.02.04
The Dager Peice 6.13.04 7.02.04
The Scots Ryder 6.13.04 7.02.04
The New Peice[37] 12.00.00 12.16.00
The Halfe 6.00.00 6.08.00
The Quarter 3.00.00 3.04.00
The Rose Noble, Scots
and English. 10.13.04 11.07.04
The Hary Noble 9.06.08 9.19.00
[36] Lauder's Jacobus.
[37] Lauder's Carolus.
(3) _Dollar_. In Lauder's accounts the reader is struck by the prominent
position of the dollar. While debts and obligations were calculated in
pounds Scots or merks, dollars supplied the currency for household and
other payments, just as pounds do at the present day. They were foreign
coins of various denominations and various intrinsic value, but of inferior
fineness to the Scots standard of silver money, which was eleven penny
fine--eleven parts silver to one part alloy. They passed current for more
than their intrinsic value, and the native silver money was withdrawn from
the country. All through the reigns of Charles I. and Charles II. the
subject gave great concern to the Mint, the Parliament, the Privy Council,
and bodies with commercial interests like the Convention of 'Burrowis.' In
1631 the Privy Council issued a proclamation 'considering the greit
skarsitie of His Majestie's proper coynes ... occasioned by the frequent
transport theirof and importing of dollours in place of the same,'
prohibiting the receipt of any dollars for coal or salt after 1st November
next to come. 'That in the mean tyme the maisters and owners of the
coalhewes and saltpans may give tymous advertisement to the strangers
trading with them for coal and salt that they bring no dollours with them
for the pryce of the salt and coal,' and that merchants exporting bestial
or other commodities to England are to 'make return of the pryces' not in
dollars, but either in H.M. proper coin or in the following foreign coins,
the value and weight of which is fixed by the proclamation: Spanish
pistolet, French crown, rose noble, half rose noble, quartisdiskue, single
ryall. The proper method of dealing with the difficulty was matter of great
controversy.
In 1633 George Foulis, master coiner, says in a memorial, 'In the first it
is to be considerit that _the most pairt of the moneys presently in
Scotland is only dollouris_.
'Secondlie, these dollouris are not all alike in wecht, some wheirof are 15
drops wecht, some 14-1/2 and many others lesser in wecht.
'Thirdlie, they are different in fineness, some 10, some 10-1/2, others
baser. The best 15 drop and 10 1/2 fineness will not answer to the King's
money in wecht or fynness to 54s. Scots.'
The best of these dollars was the Rex or Rix Dollar (Reichsthaler, dalle
imporiale). In the reign of Charles I. the baser dollars which gave most
trouble to the authorities were the dog dollars and the cross dollars. In
the reign of Charles II. we hear more of the leg dollar, which approached
the rex dollar in value, and had got a pretty strong footing.
On 14th January 1670, the Privy Council issued a proclamation on the
narrative, 'Forasmuch as there hath been of late imported into this kingdom
great numbers of those dollars commonly called leg dollars Haveing the
impression of a man in armes _with one leg _and a shield ... covering the
other leg ... which does usually pass at the rate of 58s. Scots money, and
seeing that upon tryall of the intrinsick worth and value thereof they are
found to fall short of the foresaid rate, and that in the United Provinces
where the forsaid dollars are coyned, the passe only at the rate of crosse
dollars, Therupon the King's Mtie with advice of his P.Cs. doth declare
that (the rex or bank dollars now passing at 58s. Scotts) the true and just
value at which the forsaids legs dollars ought to passe and be current in
this kingdome is 56s. Scotts money....'
Thus we get the authorised value of these dollars at the period of Lauder's
accounts. The accounts themselves show that the current value varied
indefinitely, and is sometimes different in two consecutive items.[38]
[38] With regard to the etymology of 'leg,' Mr. Hallen in his
introduction to the _Account Book of Sir John Foulis of Ravelston_
(S.H.S.), p. xxxiii, gives some strong and perhaps convincing
reasons in favour of Liége. But the descriptions in the
Proclamation above quoted, and the fact that Lauder sometimes
calls them 'legged,' seem to show that the popular etymology in
Scotland was the man's leg on the coin.
Charles II. struck four merk-pieces at the issue value of 53s. 4d. Scots in
two issues, the first in 1664, the second in 1675-1682. The second, and
only the second issue, came at some later but unknown period to be known to
numismatists as dollars. But I do not think there is any reason to suppose
that Lauder called those pieces dollars. The accounts are in the period of
the first issue, and Lander's dollar was of higher value. Probably his
dollars were all foreign coins, generally rex dollars, as he often calls
them. When they are leg dollars, he appears always so to distinguish them.
(4) _The Merk_, 13s. 4d. Scots, was raised in value by James VI. to 13-
1/2d. sterling, to make it interchangeable with English money. He coined
none after his accession to the throne of England, and probably intended
that no more should be coined. But the merk had too strong a hold in
Scotland, and half merks were struck by Charles I., and various multiples
and parts of merks by Charles II. at the old issue value of 13s. 4d. the
merk. On the other hand, in 1651 Parliament 'cryed up' the 12s. Scots
piece--equal to the English shilling--to one merk; and in 1625 the Britain
crown or 31. Scots piece is officially described as 'known as the five merk
piece,' though its issue value was only five shillings. This illustrates
the confusion and uncertainty of the relative value of coins, of which
parenthetically two other examples may be given. On 20th June 1673 Lauder
notes the receipt of his year's salary as one of the assessors for the
burgh, 'being 150 lb. Scots, which is about 229 merks,' whereas with the
merk at 13s. 4d. (the standard value), 150 lb. is exactly 225 merks. In the
same way he constantly states the same salary indifferently at 1501. Scots
or £12 sterling, whereas 1501. Scots ought to have been equal to £12, 10s.
sterling.
(5) _Shilling_. Lauder applies the name without distinction to the English
shilling, 12s. Scots piece, which at page 80 he calls our shilling, and to
the shilling Scots. The context generally shows which he means.
(6) _Groat_. Lauder's groat is the English groat of four pence, sterling.
The groat Scots of less value had not been coined for a century.
(7) _Penny_. As in the case of the shilling, Lauder uses the name
indifferently for English pence and pennies Scots, but more often English.
Such coins as testoons, placks, bodles, bawbees and turners, do not appear
in his accounts, but some of them are casually mentioned in the text of the
MSS., and are explained in footnotes.
LANGUAGE AND SPELLING
No alteration has been made on the text of the MSS. except the substitution
of capital letters for small ones, where capitals would now be used. In
this matter Lauder's practice is capricious, and it may safely be said that
it was governed by no rule, conscious or unconscious. He spells the pronoun
I with a capital, and usually begins a sentence with one. But names of
persons and places are very often spelt with small letters. The use of
capitals was not yet fixed, as it is now, and the usage of different
languages, such as English, French and German, as it came to be fixed, is
not identical. Some changes in the punctuation have also been made in
transcription for the sake of clearness, but the punctuation, which is
scanty, has not been systematically altered. In the MSS. some single words
have been erased, or rubbed off, at the top and the foot of the page. The
blanks are indicated, and as a rule, but not quite invariably, explained in
footnotes. MSS. X and H are printed entire, with two unimportant omissions,
one in each, which are noted and explained, and as regards MS. H, with the
exception of some detached pages of accounts, and a catalogue of some
books. Of these it was thought that the Appendix contains enough. From MS.
K only extracts are given. The remainder contains more accounts, and a
further catalogue of books, without the prices, and other memoranda and
reflections, now of no interest. The spelling is to a large extent
arbitrary.[39] It is less regular than, for example, the contemporary Acts
of Parliament, but more regular than the letters of some of Lauder's
contemporaries, in high positions.[40] A word is often spelt in different
ways on the same page. There are, however, many constant peculiarities,
some of which may have a linguistic interest, thus 'laugh' 'rough' 'enough'
'through' are spelt with a final _t_. The use of a final but silent _t_ Mr.
Mackay in his introduction to Pitscottie,[41] p. cxl, says is a distinct
mark of Scots of the middle period. 'Voyage,' 'sponge,' and 'large' are
sometimes spelt without the final _e_. 'Knew,' 'slew,' 'blew' are spelt
'know,' 'slow,' 'blow.' 'Inn' is spelt 'innes.' 'See' is always spelt 'sy'
or 'sie,' and 'weigh,' 'wy.' But these are only examples, taken at random.
'One,' 'off,' 'too,' 'thee' are spelt 'on,' 'of,' 'to,' 'the,' a snare to
the unwary reader. 'V' and 'W' are frequently interchanged.
[39] Lauder's French in the Journal in France is full of mistakes,
both of grammar and spelling. He was only learning the language.
[40] Cf. Bishop Dowden's introduction to Lauderdale Correspondence
(S.H.S.), _Miscellany_, vol. i. p. 230.
[41] _Historic and Chronicles of Scotland_, by Robert Lindesay of
Pitscottie (Scottish Text Society, 1899).
Lauder's language is idiomatic, and he uses many Scottish words which were
not common in the written literary language of his time. A few of these
words are now rare and even difficult to trace.[42] Most of them are quite
intelligible to persons who have been accustomed to hear Lowland Scots
spoken, but for the sake of other readers I have been convinced that
occasionally interpretation is not superfluous.
[42] One of them is 'dron,' p. 146. With reference to the words '_7
arbres_,' in the description of the Mail at Tours, p. 20, Mr. A.
Lang has suggested to me that _arbres_ might be a term in the _Jeu
de Mail_. Mr. H.S.C. Everard has kindly sent me the following
quotations from Joseph Lauthier's book on the game (1st ed.,
1717): 'C'est quand deux ou plusieurs jouent à qui poussera plus
loin, et quand l'un est plus fort que l'autre, le plus foible
demande avantage, soit par distance d'arbres, soit par distance de
pas.' 'On finit la Partie en touchant un arbre ou une pierre
marquée qui sert de but.' If certain trees were marked as goals,
that would be a better explanation than the one given in the note.
The thanks of the Society and my own are due to the owners of the MSS. I am
grateful to Sir T.N. Dick Lauder and Sir William Fraser's Trustees (Sir
James Balfour Paul, Lyon King of Arms, and the late Mr. James Craik, W.S.),
for intrusting me with their MSS. for a long time, which made my work much
easier; and more satisfactory. The Society is also indebted to Mr. David
Douglas for the use of his transcript of MS., and for the first suggestion
that the MS. should be printed.
By the kindness of Lady Anne Dick Lauder four portraits in her possession
are reproduced. 1. Lord Fountainhall, in ordinary dress, a different
picture from the one in robes published by the Bannatyne Club. 2. His first
wife, Janet Ramsay, an attractive picture, which suffers in the
photographic reproduction. 3. Sir John Lauder, Fountainhall's father. 4.
Sir Andrew Ramsay, Lord Abbotshall, his father-in-law.
I have received constant assistance and advice from Mr. T. Graves Law,
Librarian of the Signet Library. I have also to thank Sir Arthur Mitchell,
who read some of the proofs, and gave me valuable suggestions, Mr. J.T.
Clark, Keeper of the Advocates' Library, for ready help on many points, Mr.
H.A. Webster, Librarian of Edinburgh University, Mr. W.B. Blaikie, of
Messrs. T. and A. Constable, and Mr. Alex. Mill of the Signet Library, who
in transcription and otherwise has given me efficient and obliging
assistance.
I am particularly grateful to Miss Cornelia Dick Lauder, for the interest
which she has taken in the book, and the help which she has given me in
obtaining the necessary materials for it.
D.C.
EDINBURGH, _March_ 1900.
I
JOURNAL IN FRANCE
1665-1667
I
JOURNAL 1665-1667.
[The first leaves of the Manuscript are wanting. Lauder left Edinburgh on
20th March 1665, travelling by Berwick and Durham, and arrived in London on
1st April. See page 154.]
* * * * *
We saw also the fatall chair of Scotland wheirin our kings for many ages
used to be croune. I fand it remarkable for nothing but its antiquity, it
being thought to have come from Egypt some 3,000 years ago.
I went in the nixt place to the Tower, wheir on our entrin according to
custome I left my sword. Heir first we saw a very strong armory for weapons
of all sorts, as many as could furnish 20,000 men; we saw great field
pieces of ordinance as also granadoes; we saw also many coats of maill, and
among the rest on[43] very conceity all joined like fines of fisches on to
another, which they informed me came as a present from the great Mogull who
comands over 36 kings. The[re] ware hinging their as Trophees several
peices of armour that they had taken from the french in their wars wt them.
Their we saw the huge armour of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster. We came
nixt and saw the honors, wheir we saw the sword and seipter of honor; the
croun was not their, by reason the parliament had use for it at Whitehal.
We saw also a most rich Globe of christal beset wt most precious diamonds.
We came in the 3d place to sie the Lyons, the Leopards, the aigle, and a
long skine of a snake.
[43] One. Lauder's usual spelling.
We arrived London on Saturday 1 of April, we left it on Thursday 6 of
April; about 4 a cloack we took boat, and landed at Gravesend about 10 a
cloack at night, in which space we ware so merry in singing never but some
of us singing and sometymes all, that the rowers protested that they never
carried so merry a company doune the Thames. On the way we was tuise stoopt
by men of war to know whither their ware any seamen in it, that they might
be sent to the fleet: at which we alleadged Captain Blawprine[44] G. Moor
was much troubled, for he was exceeding skipper like. To morrow tymously we
tooke post about 6 a cloack, and reach Dover about one; yet we got not
passage til ij at night. What a distressed brother I was upon the sea neids
not hear be told, since its not to be feared that I'l forget it, yet I
cannot but tell whow[45] Mr. John Kincead and I had a bucket betwixt us
strove ... who should have the bucket first, both being equally ready; and
whow at every vomit and gasp he gave he cried Gods mercy as give he had
bein to expire immediately.
[44] Compare Blawflum (Jamieson), a deception. 'Prine' may be prein,
pin, a thing of little value. Moor is playfully described as
captain or skipper.
[45] How.
About 5 in the morning we landed on France the land of graven images. Heir
we divided into 8 companies: Joseph Marior wt one Mr. Colison went into
Flanders; Mr. Dick Moor and Kinkead went to Deip and so to Roan. Mr.
Strachan, Hamilton, and I stayed in Calais til Monday, 10 of April, and
joined wt the messenger for Paris one Pierre, a sottish fellow, yet one
that entertained us nobly; their went also wt him besides us on Mr. Lance
Normand, Newwarks gouernor and a son of my Lord Arreray or Broll,[46] a
very sharp boy wt his governour Doctor Hall. In our journey we passed
severall brave tounes as Bulloigne, Monstrul, Abewill, Poix, Beauveaus,
wheir is the most magnificent church I had ever then sien. We chanced to
lay a night at a pitty vilage called Birny, wheir my chamber was contigue
to a spatious pleasant wood that abounded wt nightingales, small birds to
look upon; who wt the melodiousnesse of their singing did put sleip quit
from me. The great number we meit of souldiers all the way begat in us
great fears of wooling [robbing],[47] yet it pleased God to bring us most
safely to Paris 14 of April at night. Mr. Strachan led Mr. Ham[ilton] and
me to one Turners, a Scotsman, wheir I lay that night, and wheir I
recountred wt several of our countrimen, as Patrick Mein, Mr. Castellaw,
Mr. Murray, Mr. Sandilands, a man wonderfully civil, Mr. Wilky, Mr. Gibson,
and Mr. Colt. The day following I made my addresse to F. Kinloch, and
brought wt me a letter containing my safe anivall to go in his packet for
Scotland, I not having written any thing since I wrot at my parting from
London. I delivered him also my fathers letter, B.[48] Kinlochs letter, and
Thomas Crafurds, wt the bill of exchange; my fathers is as followeth:
[46] Roger Boyle, 1621-1679, first Baron of Broghill and Earl of
Orrery, M.P. for Edinburgh, 1656-58, member of Cromwell's House of
Lords. He was succeeded by his son Roger, 1646-1710.
[47] 'Robbing' interlined. 'Wooling' may mean 'shearing,' so robbing.
[48] Bailie.
_Edinborough, March_ 15, 1665.
SIR,--The bearer heirof, my sone, inclining to study the french tongue
and the Laws, I have theirfor thought it expedient to direct him to you,
being confident of your favour and caire, intreating[49] ...
recommendation by a few lynes to one Monsieur Alex.[49] ... [pr]ofessor
of the Laws at Poictiers to which place I intend he sould go: as also to
place him their for his diet in the most convenient house but especially
wt on of our profession and Religion. He hes a bill drawen on you wt a
letter of advice and credit; which I hope ye will obey. I have bein
desired by severalls to have direct him to our Mr. Mowat and have bein
profered to cause answer him what money he sould neid for 20 shiling the
Frank: but I inclined rather to send him to you (whilk I hope ye will
not take as trouble) tho I have payed Thomas Crafurd 21 shiling.[50]
What he stands in neid of during his abode I hope ye wil answer him, and
upon your advertisment and eis receipt I sal either advance or pay the
money upon sight. I most without vanity or flattery say hitherto he hes
not bein inclined to any vice or evill way and I hope sall so continue.
I know not positively what may defray his charges in his studies, diet,
and otherwise, but I conceive about 7 or 8 hundred franks a year may do
it; whowever I entreat you let me hear from you what ye think
wil do it and what ye will take for the frank. So being confident of
your cair heirof, and in doing wheirof ye sall very much oblidge him who
is, Sir,--your reall friend,
JOHN LAUDER.
[49] Page torn.
[50] See Introduction, p. xlviii.
The bill of exchange is as followeth:
_Edinburgh, 17 March 1665_, for 400 livres T.L.[51]
Sir,--4 dayes after sight of this my first bill of exchange (my 2 not
being payed) please pay to Mr. John Lauder or his order 400 livres TL
value receaved heir from his father B. John Lauder. Make punctuall
payment and please it to account, as by the advice of your humble
servant,
THOMAS CRAFURD.
For Mr. Francis Kinloch, Merchant in Paris.
[51] See Introduction, p. xlii.
Francis having read thir, out of his kindnese would suffer me to stay no
wheir but in his oune house, wheir I stayed all the space I was at Paris,
attended and entertained as give I had bein a Prince. While I was heir I
communicated my intentions and directions for going straight to Poictiers
to these countrymen fornamed, who ware all unanimously against it, not
sieing what good I could do their since the Colledge was just upon the
point of rising; they conceived theirfor that I might imploy my tyme much
better either in Orleans at Mr. Ogilvyes house, or Saumur at Mr. Dualls;
for in either of these I could have a richer advantage in reference to the
language, both because its beter spoken their [then at] Poictiers, as also
fewer Scotsmen their then in Poictiers. I sould also have for a pistoll[52]
a month a master to give me a lesson on the Instituts once a day, which I
could not so have at that rate at Poictiers. Thus they reasoned, and I fand
Mr. Kinloch to be of the same mind. I considering that it was not expedient
for me to step one step wtout direction from my father, I wrot the
Vednesday following, 19 of Aprill, acquainting him wt it; and that I sould
attend his answer and will at Orleans.
[52] See Introduction, p. xliii.
While I was at Paris I went and saw the new Bridge, and Henry 4 his stately
statue in brasse sent as a present by the King of Denmark. I was also at
the Place Royalle wheir stands Lewis the 13, this king of France
his father, caused to be done by that great statesman in his tym, Cardinall
Mazarin, whom he left tutor to the young king during his minority.
I was also at the Palais Cardinal and that Palais wheir the Lawyers pleads.
The choops[53] their have great resemblance wt those in the hie exchange at
London. I saw also that vast stupendious building, the Louwre, which hath
layd many kings in their graves and yet stands unfinished; give[54] all be
brought to a close that is in their intentions I think the Grand Seigniours
seraglio sall bear no proportion to it. All we saw of it was the
extrinsecks, excepting only the king's comoedy house which the force of
mony unlocked and cost open; which truly was a very pleasant sight, nothing
to be sein their but that which by reason of gilding glittered like gold.
But the thing that most commended it was its rare, curious, and most
conceity machines: their they had the skies, boats, dragons, vildernesses,
the sune itselfe so artificially represented that under night wt candle
light nothing could appear liker them.
[53] Shops.
[54] Give for gif, if.
The day before I left Paris, being according to the French account the 5 of
May, according to the Scots the 25 of Aprill, Mr. Kinloch wt his wife and
daughter Magdalen took Mr. Mein, Mr. Dick,[55] Mr. Moor and me in coach 4
leagues of Paris to Ruell to sie the waterworks their, which wtout controll
be the best of any about Paris, by the way we passed thorow one of the
pleasantest woods or Parks that ever my eyes did sie, called the Park of
Boloigne. We saw Madrid also, but not that in Spaine; the occasion of the
building wheirof was this: Francis, one of the kings of France, became
Spaines prisoner, who demanded ...[56] ransome 8 milions. The french king
payes him 4, and ...[56] promises him upon the word of a king that having
once lifted it in France he sould come in person to Madrid and pay it. Thus
vinning home he caused build a stately house a litle from Paris, which he
named Madrid, and so wrot to the Spaniard that he had bein at Madrid and
payed what he owed, according to that, '_qui nescit dissimulare nescit
regnare_' We saw also Mount Calvary, which the Deluded Papists will have to
be the true representative of that Calvary wheir our Saviour suffered: its
situate at that same distance from Paris that the true's from Jerusalem, of
that same hieght, and so in all the circumstances.
[55] This may be James Dick, who was born in the same year as Lauder,
1646, afterwards Sir J. Dick of Priestfield, Lord Provost of
Edinburgh, and created a baronet.
[56] Page torn.
Thus we come to Ruell, wheir so many gallant sights offered themselfes that
I know not wheir to begin; first the pleasant ponds abounding wt fishes of
divers sorts, as carps, picks, etc., comes to be considred. But the rich
waterworks are the main commendation of the place. It is not to be
forgotten whow finely the fellow that showed us them, and set them on work
by his engines did wet Mr. Dick, and followed him in the litle house (the
Grotto) whethersoever he could stir. The thing that mainly moved my
admiration was the hie ascendance of the water: what secret hidden power
could carry the water clean contrary to its natural inclination which is to
deschend, as every other heavy body, so hy that in some of them a man wt a
speir could not reach its top.
The most wonderfull thing ever I saw is the infinit art that some curious
painter hath showen on a large timber broad, standing in a corner of the
yard: a small distance from it their is a revell put up which makes it
appear the more lively, so that we win no nearer then the revell would let
us. At this distance ye would think ye saw the heavens thorow the wal on
the other syde of it, so wonderously is the blew skie drawen; so that bring
me a man without acquainting him wt the devce he sal constantly affirme he
sies the lift on the other syde of the wall. On the same broad beneath the
skie on the earth, as ye would think, is drawen a woman, walking thorow a
montain in a trodden path, the woman, the mountain, the way, so cunningly
drawen that I almost thought I saw a woman walking on the other syde of the
wall over a hil throw the beaten rod. I constantly asserted also that the
broad was wery inaequall and that it had many utraisings[57] because I
seimed to sie as lively as ever I saw any thing pillars coming furth and
standing out wt a great deal of prominency from that which seimed to be the
skie, that at least I judged it halfe a ell farder out; yet it was but a
mistake; for its certainly knowen that the broad is as smooth and aequall
as can be. We also went out wtout the yeard to the back of the wall, wheir
by the back and sydes of the broad we discerned it to be of such thinnesse
that it could not admit any utcomings, as these pillars seimed to us.
[57] Outraisings, reliefs.
In our coming home from Ruell we went in and saw the king's brother the
Duke of Orleances house, Sainct Low: it hath also a wery pretty yard, wheir
we saw many water-works also, and in the pond several swanes. We saw also
many orange trees, some of which had their ripe fruit, some very green,
some betwixt the 2, according to the natur of the orange tree. The house we
fand wery rich; many brave portraicturs; our kings portraitur is their
better done then ever I saw it in my life. The partition that divides one
roome from another is of strange glasse that showes a man his body in some
of them 5 tymes, so that I saw in one of them 5 John Lauders. After this we
came back to Paris, on the morrow after, being the 6 of May according to
the French account, the 26 of April according to the Scots. I joined wt the
messenger for Orleans severall accompanieng me to my horse, their went 4
Englishes alongs also, one of which was the doctor whom his cometicall face
told to have the clap.
We came to Orleans May 7 at night. I straight directed my course to Mr.
Ogilvyes, which I did that I might get the better accomodation knowing that
the Doctor also intended their. I delivered him the letter I brought him
from F. Kinloch, which was as followeth:
Mr. John Ogilvy.
_Paris, May 6, 1665._
SIR,--Thesse are to accompany the bearer heirof, Mr. John Lauder, whose
father is my wery much honored friend, his mother my neir kinswomen, and
himselfe a very hopful youth inclined to vertue every way. He intends to
stay som tyme wt you, theirfor I do earnestly recommend him to your best
advice and counsell in what may concerne his welfare to assist him
theirin, in all which I recommend him to you againe and againe as give
he were my oune sone, assuring you that what favor or friendship you
sall be pleased to show him, I sall ever acknowledge it as done to my
selfe. He intends to improve his tyme in the study of the Laws, and
having got some knowledge of the french tongue, he intends for Poictiers
some moneths hence. Help him to a master that may come to him once a day
and give him a lesson on the Instituts; and for the language I beseich
you assist him in it. If their be no accommodation for him at your
house, I pray you place him wheir he may be weil used and in good
company. Let him not want what he stands in neid of for monyes or other
necessaries, all which I sall make good to you thankfully upon advice
from you. Thus recommending him to your care as my oune. Kissing your
hand wt madam Ogilvyes, your daughters, and al your families, I rest
your real friend and servant,
FRANCIS KINLOCH.'
At my arrival heir I fand in pension wt him the Mr. of Ogilvy[58] wt his
servant, a very civil lad[59] James Hunter, young Thirlestan[60] wt his man
Patrick Portues: besides them also their ware English, French, and Germans.
The city (called Aurelia ather _a bonitate auroe_, or from Aurelian the
emperor who keipt a station heir) I fand to be as big as Edinborough laying
wt it also the next greatest citty of Scotland. I discovered likewise the
city to abound wt such a wast number of lame folk, both men and women, but
especially women, even many of them of good quality, that I verily beleive
their are more lame women their at Orleans then is in all Scotland or much
of France. Enquiring what the reason of this might be, the general woice
was that it proceeded from the nature of the Aurelian wine, which they
alledge to have such influence on the sperm of man as to produce a creature
imperfect in their legs. Others sayd it was the purity of the air about
Orleans whence the city has the name of Aurelia. But what influence the air
can have in this point is hardly explicable. Monsieur Ogilvy more
rationally informed me that he took it to be a race and generation of
peaple who transmitted it hæreditarly to their posterity, for which I meit
after[6l] a wery strong presumption: I saw a mother lame, not only the
daughters lame, but in the very same faschion that the mother; and this I
saw confirmed seweral tymes.
[58] Apparently David, afterwards third Earl of Airlie. His
grandfather was already dead, and he is afterwards called Lord
Ogilvy in the Journal.
[59] Probably the servant, though the punctuation is as in the text.
[60] Thirlestan, probably Thurston in East Lothian, belonging to the
family of Hunter.
[61] Meit after, i.e. met afterwards.
Just the morrow after my arrival was keipt very solemly by the whole toune
in remembrance and commemoration of the valiant maid of Orleans, who, when
the English had reduced al France excepting only Orleans to their
obedience, and ware so fair for Orleans that they gained to the mids of the
bridge over Loyer, most couragiously animated the citizens and beat them
shamelesslie back: for which when the English got hir in their power they
brunt hir at Roan quick.
The ceremony we saw consisted of a procession partly spiritual or
Ecclesiastick, partly civil or Temporal. To make the spirituall their was
their all that swarm of grassopers which we are fortold sould aschend out
of the bottemlese pit; all these filthy frogs that we are fortold that
beast that false prophet sould cast out of his mouth, I mean that rable of
Religious orders within the body of that Apostolical and Pseud-apostolicall
Church of Rome. Only the Jesuits was wanting; the pride of whose hearts
will not suffer them to go in procession with the meaner orders. In order
went the Capuchines, then the Minimes, which 2 orders tho they both go
under the name of Cordeliers by reason of that cord they wear about their
midle, on whilk cord they have hinging their string of beads, to the end of
their string is hinging a litle brazen crosse, tho also they be both in on
habit, to wit long broun gowns or coats coming doune to their feet, a cap
of that same coming furth long behind just like a Unicornes horne, tho the
go both bar leged only instead of shoes having cloogs of wood (hence when I
saw them in the winter I pitied them for going bar leged; on the other
hand, when I saw them in the summer I pitied them that they ware necessitat
by the first institution of their orders never to quate their gounes which
cannot be but to hot for them; yea, never to suffer any linnen only wooll
to come neirest their skine), notwithstanding of this its easy to
distinguish them by the Clerical Tonsure, you sall never find a capuchin
but wt a very liberall bard: for the Minime he most not have any. Again in
their diet and other such things they differ much: the Minime most renounce
for ever the eating of fleche, their only food is fishes and roots; hence
Erasmus calles them fischy men (homines piscosos). Not so wt the
Capuchines. Their be also many other differences that tyme most discover to
me. Thir 2 orders our Bucanan means when he names _nodosa canabe
cinctos_.[62] To returne to our purpose their came also the Dominicans or
Jacobins, which are but one order having 2 names; then came the Chartereus
or Carthusians: both which go in a long white playding robe. Only the
Jacobins hood is black; the Carthusians is white: then followed the
Franciscans, who now are called Recollects because being al banished France
by reason of their turbulency and intromitting wt the state (of which wery
stamp they seim to have bein in the tyme of our James the 5, when he caused
Buchanan writ his Franciscani against them) by the prævalent faction the
Pope had in France then, they were all recalled, so that France held them
not so weil out as Venice do'es the Jesuits. Then came the Peres de
l'Oratere, who goes allmost in the same very habit wt the Jesuits. Then
cames the Augustines wt their white coat and a black gown above, after them
came the moncks of the order of St. Bennet or the Benedictin friers, who
goes in a white coat indeed, but above it he wears a black cloak to his
heels, wt the Jesuits he wears also a hat as they do. Then came the
chanoins of the Church of Sainct Croix in their white surplices above their
black gounes and their 4 nooked caps. Tyme sould feel me ere I could
nombair over all orders, but thir ware the most principall, each of which
had their oune crosse wt the crucifix carried by one of their order. This
much for the Ecclesiastick procession. After them came the tounes men in
armes; in a knot of whom went a young fellow who represented the Maid of
Orleans, clad in the same very habit, girt wt that sam very sword wt which
the Maid beat the Englishes. This went thorow all the toun.
[62] At line 19 of Buchanan's _Franciscanus_ is this passage:
'O sanctum festumque diem! cum cannabe cinctus
Obrasumque caput duro velante cucullo,' etc.
During my abode heir, about the end of May, I had occasion to sie another
custome of the city. At that tyme of the year the tounes men put upon the
other syde of the bridge a pole as hie as the hiest house in Edenborough:
on the top of it they fasten a bird made of brasse at which they, standing
at the feet of the pole, shoot in order, beginning at the better, wt gunes,
having head peices on their heads, to sie who can ding it doun. I went and
saw them shoot, but no man chanced to shoot it doun that year I was their.
During the tyme I was heir their was so many fests or holy dayes that I
werily think the thrid part of their year is made up of them. The principal
was fest de Dieu, on which, such is the fury of the blinded papists, the
Hugonots are in very great hazard if they come out, for if they kneel not
at the coming by of the Hosty or Sacrament they cannot escape to be torn in
peices; whence I can compare this day to no other but that wheir the Pagans
performed their Baccanalian feasts wheir the mother used to tear hir
childrens. The occasion of the institution of this day they fainge to be
this. The Virgin appeared say they to a certain godly woman (who wt out
doubt hes been phrenetick and brain sick), and made a griveous complaint
that she had 4 dayes in the year for hir, and God had only the Sabath: this
being devulged it was taken as a admonition from God, whence they
instituted this day and ordainned it to be the greatest holy day in the
year. The most part of all the city was hung with tapistry, espescialy the
principall street which goes straight from the one end of the toune to the
other, which also was covered all above in some parts with hingings, in
other wt sheits according to the ability of the persones; for every man was
obliged to hing over against his oune house, yet the protestants ware not,
tho John Ogilvy was also called before the Judges for not doing it; yet
producing a pladoyes[63] in the Hugonets faveurs they had nothing to say
against it; yet they caused the wals of his house to be hung wt publick
hingings that belonged to the toune. For to sy the procession I went wt the
other pensioners to a place wheir when all others went to the knees, to
wit, when the Hosty came by, we might retire out of sight. I retired not so
far as they did, but boldly stood at a little distance that I aen might sy
it the better. This procession was on the 4 of June, a little after
followed Sainct Barnabas day. Then came mid-Summer even, on whiclk the
papists put on bonfires for John Baptists nativity. The day after, called
S. Jeans day, was keiped holy by processions.
[63] Plaidoyer, pleading, legal argument.
On the 1 of July was S. Pierres day, on which I heard a chanoin preach in
S. Croy upon Piters confession, thou art the sone of the living God, very
weill, only he endevored to have Pierre for the cheife of the Apostles
because forsooth in the 10 of Mathew, wheir al the Apostles are named, he
finds Piter formost.
That I might have a full survey of the toune I went up to the steeple of
St. Croy, which truly is on of the hiest steeples I saw abroad; from it I
had a full visy of the toune, which I fand to be of that bigness specified;
then the sight of the country lying about Orleans, nothing can be
pleasanter to the eye. We saw also the forest of Orleans which environs the
northren syde of the city as a halfe moon: in it ar many wild beasts and
particularly boors; one of which, in the tyme of wintage, give it chance to
come out to the wineyards wheir they comit great outrages, the boors or
peasants uses to gather to the number of 2000 or 3000 from all the adiacent
contry wt dogs, axes and poles to kil the boor.
During my abode heir I went also to the Jesuits Colledge and discoursed wt
the praefectus Jesuitarum, who earnestly enquiring of what Religion I was,
for a long tyme I would give him no other answer but that I was religione
christianus. He pressing that he smeled I was a Calvinist, I replied that
we regarded not these names of Calvin, Luther, Zuinglius, yea not their
very persons, but in whow far they hold the truth. After much discourse on
indifferent matters, at our parting he desired me to search the spirits,
etc. I went and saw the Gardens of the Minims, the Jacbins, the
Carthusians, and the Peres de l'Orat.[64]
[64] _Oratoire_.
Many contrasts ha'es bein betwixt J.O. and I. laboring to defend presbytery
and the procedures of the late tymes. During my abode heir 2 moneths I
attended the Sale de dance wt Mr. Schovaut as also Mr. le Berche,
explaining some of the institutions to me. John was my Mr. of language.
A part of the tyme that I was heir was also the Admiral of Holland, Obdams
Sone, who wt the companions carried himselfe marvelously proud. He and they
feed themselfes so up wt the hoop of the victory that they præpared against
the news sould come of the Engleshes being beat a great heap of punchions
of wine wheir wt they intended to make merry, yea as I was informed to make
Loyer run wt win. But when the news came the Hollanders was beat, that his
father was slain,[65] he and his sunk away we know not whither. That
ranconter that happened betuixt him and Sandwichs Viceadmiral of England
sone coming from Italy (which the Mr. of Ogilvy getting wit of from the
Germans came runing to my chamber and told me) is very remarkable. The
first bruit that came to our ears of that battle was that the Englishes had
lost, the Duc of York was slain. When the true news came the Hollanders
sneered at it, boasting that they would equippe a better fleet ere a 4
night. The French added also the pace, vilifieng and extenuating the
victory as much as they could, knowing that it was not their interest nor
concernment that the King of England sould grow to great. It was fought in
the channel eagerly for 3 dayes; and tho at a good distance from Calice,
yet the noice of their canon mad it al to shake.
[65] Admiral Opdam was blown up with his ship in the battle near
Lowestoft, when the Dutch fleet was defeated by the English,
commanded by the Duke of York, 4th June 1665.
Some weeks that I was heir the heat was so great that afternoon (for then
it was greatest) I would not have knowen what to have done. It occasioned
also several tymes great thunders and such lightenings that sometymes ye
would have thought this syde of the heavens sometymes that, sometymes al on
a fire.
During my staying heir I have learned a lesson which may be of use to me in
the rest of our travels, to wit, to beware of keiping familiar company wt
gentlemens servants, for such a man sal never get respect from the
Mrs.[66]; to beware also of discoursing homly with anie servants. We sould
keip both their for at a prudent distance. The Mr. of Ogilvy and I ware
wery great. I know not what for a man he'el prove, but I have heard him
speak wery fat nonsense whiles.
[66] i.e. Masters.
About 20 dayes ere I left Johns house the Mr. of Lour (Earle of Ethie's
sone)[67] wt his governour David Scot, Scotstorvets nephew, came to
Orleans; the Mr. the very day after took the tertian ague or axes....[68]
[67] Apparently David, afterwards third earl. The title was changed
from Ethie to Northesk after the Restoration. The Master was
grandson to the first earl, who died in 1667.
[68] Seven lines erased in MS.
That Globe that stands on the top of S. Croix is spoken to be of so large a
periphæria and circumference that 20 men may sit wt in about a round table.
One day as I was going to my Mr. of Institutes as I was entring in a lane
(about the martroy) I meit in the teeth the priests carrieng the Sacrament
(as they call it) with a crosse to some sick person: my conscience not
suffering me to lift of my hat to it, I turned back as fast as I could and
betook me selfe to another street wheir I thought I might be safe: it
followed me to that same very street, only fortunately I got a trumpket[69]
wheir I sheltred myselfe til it passed by.
[69] Spiral stair.
Theirs a pretty maille their; we saw a better one at Tours one many
accounts; the longitude wheirof we meeted and fand it to be neir 1000
paces, as also that of Orleans is only 2 ranks of tries; in some places of
it 3; all the way ye have 4 ranks of tries all of a equall hight and most
equally sett in that of Tours.
About 10 days before my parting from Orleans at Mademoiselles invitation
the Mr. of Ogilvy and I went wt hir, hir mother and Mr. Gandy ther Tutor,
in their coach (for which I payed satly,[70] that being their policy) to
their country village 9 leagues of, situat in the midest of the forest of
Orleans, much of which is now converted into manured land. This tyme was
the first adventure I made of speaking the language, wheir they ware
pleased all to give me applause testifieng that I spake much for my tyme. I
took coach tymously in the morning before halfe 6 and returned the day
after about 8 at night. By the way we saw 2 places wery weill worth the
sieng, Shynaille and Chasteau neuf: Shynaille[71] for its garden and the
other both for its house and garden. At Synaille a great number of
waterworks; creatures of all shapes most artificially casting furth water:
heir ye may sy a frog sputing to a great hieght, their a Serpent and a man
of marble treading on his neck, the water gliding pleasantly partly out at
his meickle too, partly out at the Serpents mouth: in a 3 part a dog, in a
4, Lions; and all done most livelylie. We regrated that the prettiest
machine of all was broken; wheir was to be sein wtin a little bounds above
300 spouts sending furth water and that in sundry formes. In one place it
would arise uprightly as a spear; in another as a feather; in a trid[72] it
sould rise sydelings and so furth, and when it had left of ye sould not be
able to discern whence the water ishued. The main thing in the house of
Chasteau neuf was the rich furniture and hingings; yet the richest Tapistry
that used to be in that house was at that tyme in Paris; the master of the
house being one of the Kings Counsellers; yet these we saw ware wery rich;
some of them ware of leather stamped marvelously weill wt gold; others in
silver; others wrought but wondrous livelylie. From the house we saw the
extent of the yard, which was a monster to sy, being like a little country
for bigness, and yet in marvelous good order in all things, but especially
in the regularity of its walks, each corresponding so weill to the other;
having also a pretty forrest of tries on every syd of it: the circuit of
this yard will be nothing under 3 miles. I never saw a woman worse glid[73]
then she was (tho otherwise a weelfawored women) that took us thorow the
house. At night we lay at their country village.
[70] i.e. Sautly, saltly.
[71] I cannot find this name in the maps.
[72] Third.
[73] Gleyed, squint-eyed.
On the morning we went and hard the curé say Mass, wheir saw a thing we
had not sien before, to wit in a corner of the Church having 4 or 5 rocks
of tow, some tied wt red snoods, some wt blew. On the sieng of this I was
very sollicitous to know what it might mean. Having made my selfe
understood about it I was told that when any honest women died she might
leive a rock full of tow to be hung up in the church as a symboll that they
ware vertuous thrifty women. This put me in mind of Dorcas whose coats and
thrift the women showed to Paull after she was died. Mass being ended I
went and fell in discours with the Curé. We was not long together when we
fell hot be the ears: first we was on the Jansenists opinion about
Prædestination, which by a bull from the present Pope, Alex'r the 7, had
bein a litle before condemned at Paris; then we fell in one frie wil, then
one other things, as Purgatory, etc.; but I fand him a stubborn fellow, one
woluntary blind. We was in dispute above a hower and all in Latin: in the
tyme gathered about us neir the half of the parish, gazing on me as a fool
and mad man that durst undertake to controlle their curé, every word of
whose mouth, tho they understood it no more nor the stone in the wall did,
they took for ane oracle, which minds me of the miserablenese and
ignorantnese of the peasants of France above all other commonalty of the
world; our beggars leading a better life then the most part of them do.
In our returning amongs the best merriments we had was my French, which
moved us sewerall tymes to laughter; for I stood not on steeping stones to
have assurance that it was right what I was to say, for if a man seek that,
he sall never speak right, since he cannot get assurance at the wery first
but most acquire it by use. 4 leagues from Orleans, we lighted at
Gargeau[74] wt Maddle.[75] Ever after this Mademoiselle and I was wery
great, which I know not whow the Mr. of Ogilvy took, I being of much
shorter standing their in Orleans then he was.
[74] Now Jargeau.
[75] Mademoiselle.
Just the Sabath before my parting from Orleans began the Jesuits Logick and
Ethick theses to be disputed: the Mr. of Ogilvy and I went to hear, who
bleetly[76] stayed at behind all almost; I, as give I had bein a person
interested thrust into the wery first rank wheir at the distributor I
demanded a pair of Theses, who civilly gave me a pair, against which tho I
had not sein them till then, I durst have ventred a extemporary argument,
give I had knowen their ceremonies they used in their disputing and
proponing, which I fand litle differing from our oune mode. The most part
of the impugners ware of the religious orders; some of them very sharply,
some tolerably and some pittifully. The first that began was a Minim
against a Logicall Thes[is] that was thus, _Relatio et Terminus non
distinguuntur_. The fellows argument was that usual one, _quæ separantur
distinguuntur et hæc_, etc.; the Lad answered by a distinction, _quæ
separantur per se verum: per accidens, falsum_; and so they went on. The
lad chanced to transmit a proposition one tyme: the fellow in a drollery
replied, _si tu transmittas ego--revocabo_. Thus have we dwelt enough on
Orleans, its hy tyme for us to leeve it.
[76] Blately, modestly.
On the 2'd day after this dispute, being the 14 of July wt the French and
consequently the 4 wt the Scots, I took boat at Orleans, the Mr. of Ogilvy
wt James his man, as also Danglebern accompanieng me to the boat. I left
Salt[77] Orleans and sett up for Blois. In the boat among others were 3 of
the order of Charité (as they call it) who beginning to sing their
redicoulous matins, perceiving that I concurred not wt them, they
immediatly suspected me for a Hæretick. One of them put me in mind of
honest James Douy not only for his wisage but also for his zeall and ardeur
he showed to have me converted and brought back to the mother church. That
he seimed to me to personate Mr. Douy not only in his wisage but also in
his strickness and bigotry--being oftner in telling of his beads then both
his other 2 companions fat-looged stirrows[78] ware--made me fall into the
abstract notion that thess who resemble in wisage usually agry in nature
and manners, which at that tyme I thought was to be imputed to that
influence which the temperament or crasis 4 _primarum qualitatum_ hath on
the soull to make it partaker of its nature.
[77] Dear, expensive.
[78] Fat-eared fellows. I presume that loog is lug, ear.
Betuixt Orleans and Blois of tounes on the river we saw first Merug,[79]
then Baniency.[80] At night we came to Blois, wheir I was the day after to
wiew the Toune. I fand it situat on a wery steep eminence, in some places
as wearisom to go up as our Kirkheugh. I went and saw the Kings Garden as
they call it; but nowise in any posture; only theirs besydes it a large
gallery on every syde, wheirof I counted 60 windows, and that at a
considerable distance one from another; it hath pillars also for every
window on whelk it stands. I went nixt and saw the Castle whilk stands on a
considerable eminence, only its the fatality theirof not to be parfaited,
which hath happened by the death of the Duke of Orleans, who had undertaken
the perfecting of it and brought it a considerable length. On the upmost
top of that which he hath done stands his portraict in marble. She that
showed in the rooms was a gay oldmouthed wife who in one chamber showed me
wheir one of the Kings was slain, the very place wheir he fell (the Duke of
Guise, author of the Parísien massacre) and the back door at which the
Assasinates entered: in another wheir one of their Kings as also seweral of
the nobility ware keipt prisoners, and the windows at whilk one of ther
queen mothers attempted to escape, but the tow proving to short she fell
and hurt hirself.
[79] Meung, now Meun.
[80] Beaugency.
When I was in the upmost bartizan we had one of the boniest prospects that
could be. About 2 leagues from us in the corner of a forest we saw the
Castle of Chamburgh,[81] a place wery worthy the sieng (as they say) for
the regularity of its bastimens. We saw wtin a league also tuo pretty
houses belonging to Mr. Cuthbert, whom we would have to be a Scot. I went
and saw sewerall Churches heir. I lay not at the Galere, but at the Chass
Royall: part of the company went to the Croix Blanche.
[81] Chambord.
I cannot forget one passage that behappened me heir: bechance to supper I
demanded give he could give me a pullet, he promises me it. My pullet comes
up, and wt it instead of its hinder legs the hinder legs of a good fat
poddock. I know them weill enough because I had sien and eaten of them at
Orleans. I consedering the cheat called up my host and wt the French I
had, demanded him, taking up the leg, what part of the pullet that might
be, he wt a deal of oaths and execrations would have made me believe it was
the legs of a pullet, but his face bewrayed his cause; then I eated civilly
the rest of my pullet and left the legs to him: such damned cheats be all
the French.
Having bein a day at Blois I took boat for Tours in new company againe, of
some Frenchmen, a Almand and a Dutchman; wt whom I had again to do
vindicating my prince as the most just prince in the world in all his
procedures wt the Hollandez. The fellow behaved himselfe wery proudly.
Betuixt Blois and Tours we saw Amboise, which is in estime especially by
reason of its casle. As we was wtin halfe a league of Tours by the
carelesnese of the matelots and a litle pir of wind that rose we fell upon
a fixt mill in the river, so that the boat ran a hazard of being broken to
peices, but we wan of, only 3 or 4 dales in hir covert was torn of.
Arriving at Tours about 3 a cloack we all tooke another boat to carry us
about a league from the city to sie a convent of the Benedictines
(Marmoustier) a very stupendious peice give ended. It hath also a very
beautifull church, many of the pillars of it being of marble, others of
alabastre, and that of sundry coleurs, some red, some white, etc.: whence
on the entry theirs a prohibition hung up interdicting all from engraving
their name or any other thing on the pillars, least of deforming them. One
of the fathers of the order came and did let us sy the relicts of the
church which ware the first relicts I saw neir at hand: I having sien some
at a distance carried in processions at Orleans. Their we saw the heart of
Benedictus, the founder of their order, enclosed in a crystall and besett
wt diamonds most curiously. We of our company, being 6, ware all of the
Religion, whence we had no great respects for the relict; but their ware
som others their that ware papists; who forsooth bit[82] to sit doune on
their knees and kist. At which I could not contein my selfe from laughing.
[82] Were obliged.
Their saw we also a great number of old relicts of one St. Martin. They had
his scull enclosed (give his scull and not of some theife it may be) in a
bowll of beaten silver. In a selver[83] besyde was shank bones, finger
bones and such like wery religiously keipt. He showed us among others also
a very massy silver crosse watered over wt gold very ancient, which he said
was gifted them by a Englishman. I on that enquired whow they might call
him. He could not tell til he cost up his book of memorials of that church;
and then he found that they called him Bruce, on which I assured him that
that was a Scots name indeed of a wery honorable family.
[83] Salver.
Then we returned back to Tours, wheir we went first to sie their mail[84]
(which I counted by ordinar paces of whilk it was 1000.7 arbres).[85] About
the distance of less than halfe a league we saw the Bridge that lays over
the river of Chere, which payes its tribut to the Loier at Langes,[86] a
little beneath Tours. Next we went and saw some of their churches. In their
principal was hinging a iron chaine by way of a trophee. I demanding what
it might mean, I was told it was brought their by the Chevaliers or Knights
of Malta.
[84] English, mall. Originally an alley where a game was played with a
_mail_, a strong, iron-bound club, with long, flexible handle, and
a ball of boxwood.
[85] Arbre (arbour) probably means 'a shaded or covered alley or
walk.'--Murray's _New English Dict_., s.v. 'Arbour.' The history
of the word, with its double derivation from the Anglo-Saxon root
of 'harbour' and the Latin _arbor_, is very curious. See
Introduction, p. 1, note 2.
[86] Langest in Blaeuw's map, now Langeais.
We lodged at the Innes.[87] To-morrow tymously we took boat for Saumur (St.
Louis). Al the way we fand nothing but brave houses and castles standing on
the river, and amongst other that of Monsoreau tuo leagues large from
Saumur, wheir the river of Chattellerault or Vienne, which riseth in the
province of Limosin, tumbleth it selfe into the Loier; this Monsereau is
the limits of 2 provinces; of Torrain, to the east of whilk Tours is the
capital, and of Anjou to the west, in whilk is Saumur, but Angiers is the
capitall. When we was wtin a league of Saumurs they ware telling us of the
monstrous outbreakings the river had made wtin these 12 years upon all the
country adiacent, which made us curious to go sie it. Whence we landed; and
being on the top of the bank we discovered that the river had bein seiking
a new channell in the lands adiacent, and had left a litle young Loier
behind it; the inundations of this river seims so much the stranger to
many, that finding it so shallow generally that we could not go a league
but we had our selfes to row and work of some bed of sand or other, makes
men to wonder whence it sould overflow so. Thir beds randers it wery
dangerous in the winters; yea in our coming doun we saw in 3 or 4 places
wheir boats had bein broken or sunk thir last winter; some part or other of
them appearing above as beacons. In sewerall places it wines so on the land
that it makes considerable islands, yea such as may give some rent by year.
At last we landed at Saumur, but before I leive the,[88] fair Loier, what
sall I say to thy commedation? Surely if anything might afford pleasure to
mans unsatiable appetit it most be the, give they be any vestiges of that
terrestrial paradise extant, then surely they may lively be read in the.
Whow manie leagues together ware their nothing to be sein but beautiful
arbres,[89] pleasant arrangements of tries, the contemplation of which
brought me into a very great love and conceit of a solitary country life,
which brought me also to pass a definitive sentence that give I ware once
at home, God willing, I would allot the one halfe of the year to the
country and the other halfe for the toune. Is it not deservedly, O Loier,
that thou art surnamed the garden of France, but I can stay no longer on
the, for I am posting to Mr. Doul my countrymans house, who accepts us
kindly. His wife was in the country, seing give the pleasures of the samen
might discuss and dissipat the melancholy she was in for the parting of her
sone, whom his father had some dayes before send for England, to wit, for
Oxford, meirly that he might be frie from his mothers corruptions, who
answering him to franckly in mony, the lad began to grow debaucht. Behold
the French women as great foolls as others. On the morrow after she
returned, amongs other expressions, she said, that it gave heer
encouragdement to let hir sone go wt the better will that she saw that I,
as a young man, had left my native country to come travell.
[87] Innes for inn, cf. p. 38 at top.
[88] i.e. thee.
[89] See p. 20, note 3.
I went and saw my Lord Marquis of Douglasse[90] at Mr. Grayes, whom I was
informed to live both wery quietly and discontentedly, mony not being
answered him as it sould be to one of his quality; and this by reason of
discord amongs his curators, multitude wheirof hath oft bein sein to
redound to the damage of Minors. He was wearing his winter cloath suit for
lack of another. He had a very civill man as could be to his governour, Mr.
Crightoune, for whom I had a letter from William Mitchell.
[90] James, second marquis, born 1646, died 1700.
Sabath fornoon we went togither and hard sermon in their church, which is
wtin the Toune; afternoon we took a walk out to a convent which they call
St. Florans. By the way he communicated to me his intentions for leaving
the Marquis, whom he thought wtin some few moneths would return for
Scotland, his affairs demanding his oune presence, as also his resolutions
of going into Italy give it took foot. I demanding him whow a man that came
abroad might improve his tyme to the best advantage, and what was the best
use that might be made of travelling. He freely told me that the first
thing above all was to remember our Creator in the dayes of our youth, to
be serious wt our God: not to suffer ourselfes to grow negligent and slack
in our duty we ow to God, and then to seik after good and learned company
whence we may learn the customes of the country, the nature and temper of
the peaple, and what wast diversity of humours is to be sein in the world.
He told me also a expression that the Protestant Minister at Saumur used to
him, whereby he taxed the most part of strangers as being ignorant of the
end they came abroad for, to wit, that these that came to sie Saumur all
they had to writ doune in their book was that they went and saw such a
church, that they drank good wines, and got good wictuals at the Hornes, a
signe wheir strangers resorts.
The convent we fand to be liker a castle than a Religious house. We saw a
large window, the covert wheirof was stenchells like those that are on the
windows of the Abby at Holyrood House; but very artificially all beat out
of one peice of iron, but not ioined and soudred togither as they used to
be. Saumurs is a pretty little toune wt fields upon all hands most
pleasant.
I, amongs other things, enquired at Mr. Doull what was their manner in
graduating their students their. He told me it was wholly the same wt that
in other places. They give out Theses which the students defended, only
they had a pretty ceremony about the close: each of these to be graduat got
a laurell branch, on the leaves wheirof was every mans name engraven in
golden letters. Item, he said that when he reflected on the attendance that
the Regents in Scotland gave to ther classes, he thought he saw another
Egyptiacall bondage, for wt them they attended only 4 dayes of the weeks,
and in thess no longer than they took account of ther former lesson, and
gave them out a new one, which they send them home to gett.
On a afternoon I was their I made a tour doune throu the suburbs of the
toune to the Convent of Nostre Dame des Ardilliers.[91] On my return Mr.
Doull and Mr. Crightoun demanding of me wheir I had bein, I freely told:
wheirupon they fell to to scorne me, asking what I went to seek their. I
told meerly to walk. They alleadged that John Ogilvy at Orleans bit to have
told me of the place; that it was the most notorious part of France for
uncleanness, and that women that could not gett children at home, coming
their ware sure to have children. To speak the truth the place seimed to me
wery toun like, for their came a woman to me and spered whey I all alone.
[91] The Church of Notre Dame d'Ardiliers, of the sixteenth century,
was enlarged by Richelieu and Madame de Montespan.
The night before my parting from Saumur a young gallant of the toune, to
show his skill, showed the wholle toune some fireworks in a boat on the
river, but they ware wery pittifull, the principall thing we saw being only
some fireballs which they cost up in the air to a considerable hight som
tymes.
Theirs one thing we most not forget in the river. In our coming doune in
sewerall places on the syde of the rivers bank we saw pleasant little
excrescencyes of litle rocks and craigs, which makes exceidingly to the
commendation of the places. In thes craigs are built in houses, which be
the vertue of Antiperistasis is cold in summer and hot in winter, tho their
be some of them they dare not dwell in in winter by reason of the looseness
of the earth then.
Having stayed 2 dayes in Saumur I hired horse for Poictiers, only the
fellow who aught the horse running at my foot. We rode by Nostre Dame and
along the side of Loier as far as Monsereau. Heir I'm sure I was thrie
miles togither under the shade of wast valnut tries on each syde ladened wt
fruit, great abondance of which I meit all the way thorow. At Monsereau I
left Loier, and struck south east be the banks of the river of Chasteleraut
in Turrain, of whilk Tours is the capitall, the most renouned toune of
France for manufacturies of silks of all sorts. We dined at Chinon,
standing on that river 5 great leagues from Saumur. As we ware about a
league from Chinon, I leiving my guid a considerable distance behind me,
thinking that I bit always to keep close be the river syde, I went about a
mile wrong. The fellow thinking I was in the right way he strikes in the
right; I begines to look behind me. I cannot get my eye upon him; stands a
long tym under a shade very pensive. First I saw some sheirers (for in
France it was harvest then, being only the beginning of July wt the Scots)
at their dinner. I imagined that the fellow might have sit doune wt them to
take scare.[92] After waiting a long tyme I began to steep back, and
drawing neir the sheirers I could not discover him, whence a new suspition
entred in my head, because I had given him at Chinon, on his demand, 14
livres of 17 which I was to give him to defray all my charges to Poictiers,
that he had sliped away wt that that he might bear no more of my charges,
being sure enough that he would get his horse when I brought it to
Poictiers. All this tyme I never dreamed I could be out of the way, yet I
spered at the sheirers what might be the way to Richelieu, who told me I
was not in the way. Then I know the fellow bit to be gone that way, whence
I posted after him, and about a league from that place I overtook him
laying halfe sleiping in a great deall of care, the poor fellow wery blaith
to sy me. I demanded what was his thoughts, whether he thought I was a
voler that had run away wt his horse. He said he quaestioned not in the
least my honesty but he began to suspect I might have fallen amongs
robbers.
[92] Share, pot-luck.
Thus we came to Chopigni,[93] a pretty village a league from Richelieu, and
about 5 a cloack we entred Richelieu, a toune that give yeell consider its
bigness it hath not its match in France. For being about a mile in circuit,
besides a wery strong wall, it hath a considerable ditch environing it
having something of the nature of a pond; for it abounds wt all sorts of
fisches. The French calls it une canale. Being entred the toune ye have one
of the prettiest prospects thats imaginable. It hath only one street, but
that consisting of such magnifick stately houses that each house might be a
palace. Ye no sooner enter unto the toune but ye have the clear survey of
the whole wt its 4 ports; which comes to pass by the aequality of the
houses on both sydes of the street, which are ranked in such a straight
line that a Lyncaean or sharpest eye sould not be able to discover the
least inaequality of one houses coming out before another. They are all
reased also to the same hieght, that ye sall not sy one chimly hier then
another: for they are al 3 story hy and built after that same mode window
answering to window; so that ye sall sy a rank of about a hundred windows
in a straight line.
[93] Champigny.
But I hast to the Castle, which is bueatiously environed wt that same
canale on the banks of which are such pleasant arrangements
(palissades)[94] and umbrages of tries making allies to the length of halfe
a mile; in which I fand that same I had observed in the toune: the tries
ranked so aequally that its wonderfull to hear; tho monstrously hy yet all
of them observing such a aequality that ye sould find none arrogating
superiority over his neighbour. We entred the castle by a stately draw
bridge over the canale. Over the first gate stands a marble Lowis the 13,
this present kings father, on horseback: on his right hand stands Mars the
God of Armes; on his left Hercules wt his great truncheon or club.
[94] Interlined, palissades. Rows of trees planted close. Term
derived from fortification. See Littré's _Dict_.
Having past this gat, we entred into the court or close round about whilk
the palace is built. The court is 3 tymes as large as the inner court of
the Abbey.[95] Al around the close stand a wast number of Statues
infinitely weill done: only I fand they had not provided weill for the
curiosity of spectateurs in withholding their names and not causing it to
be engraven at their feet. They informed me they ware the statues of the
bravest old Greeks and Romans: as of Alex'r, Epiminondas, Cæsar, Marcellus,
and the rest. By the wertue of powerful money all the gates of the Castle
unlockt themselves. The first chamber we entred into he called the chamber
de Moyse, getting this denomination from the emblem hinging above the
chimly, wheirin was wondrously weill done the story whow Pharoes daughter
caused hir maid draw the cabinet of bulrushes wheirin Moses was exposed
upon the Nile to hir sitting on the land. This room (the same may be
repeated of the rest) was hung wt rich tapistry and furnished wt wery brave
plenishings, as chairs, looking glasses, tables and beds. For the
præserving of the curtains each bed had _tours de lit_ of linnen sheets,
which, causing to be drawen by, we fand some hung wt rich crimson velvet
hingings; others wt red satin; others wt blew; all layd over so richly wt
lace that we could hardly decerne the stuffe. We fand one bed in a chamber
(which they called one of the kings chambers) hung wt dool, which when
occasion offered they made use of. This minded me of Suintones wife, who
when she was in possession of Brunstone[96] had hir allyes and walks so
appropriated to particular uses that she had hir ally wheirin she walked
when she was in mourning, another when she had one such a goune, and so
furth. But to return, in another chamber we was put to the strait of
exercing our _Liberum Arbitrium_. Many pleasant objects offering themselfes
to our wiew at the same tyme, we was at a pusle wt which of them to begin:
for casting up our eyes to the cieling we fand it cut out most artificially
unto sewerall sorts of creatures. Theirs a lion standing ramping ready as
ye would think to devore you; yonder a horse; yonder a dog at the chass;
and all this so glittering by reason that its covered wt gold that it
would dazell any mans eyes. But calling away your eyes from this we
deschended to the walls of the chamber, wheir ye have standing in one broad
Justice, a martiall like woman wt a sword in hir one hand, and the balance
in the other. On her right stands Verity, a woman painted naked to show
that the truth most be naked since it demands no coverture. On the other
stands Magnanimity, a woman of a bravadoing countenance. In another broad
stands Prudence. In a 3d (la chambre de Lucresse) as a emblem of Chastity
we have the story of Lucretias rapture by Tarquinius Superbus sone: first
ye have him standing at hir chamber door wt his men at his back looking
thorow the lock whither she was their or not; in the same broad[97] ye have
represented the violence he used to hir; then as the epiloge of the tragædy
ye have hir killing herselfe. In another broad ye have to the life don the
story of Judith bringing away the head of Holofernes.
[95] Holyrood.
[96] When the Duke of Lauderdale was under forfeiture the estate of
Brunston, belonging to him, was granted to Swinton of Swinton.--
Sir G. Mackenzie's _Memoirs_, p. 48.
[97] Panel.
In another chamber ye have Lewis the 13 portraicts wt those of all the rest
of the royall family and the most part of the courtiers, counsellers and
statesmen of that tyme, togither wt a embleme of the joy of the city of
Paris at the nativity of this King.
Of this chamber goes a pitty but pretty litle cabinet for Devotion. Their
stands a large crucifix of marble wonderously weill done, round about hings
the 12 Apostles wt the sufferings they ware put to. Their may ye sie the
barbarous Indians knocking Bartholemew, who was spreading the gospell among
them, wt clubs to death; and so of the rest.
In another chamber on the cielery we have panted Thetis dipping hir sone
Achilles in the Ocean to render him immortall. She hath him by the foot,
whence in all his parts he becames immortal and impatible, save only in the
sole of his feet, which ware not dippt. Next ye have him slain by Paris
whiles he is busy on his knees at his devotion in the temple; Paris letting
a dart at him thorow a hole of the door, which wounding him in the sole of
his foot slow him. Nixt ye have Achilles dragging Hectors dead body round
about the walls of Troy. Then ye have Priamus coming begging his sones
body. Ye have also Diomedes and Glaucus frendly renconter wt the exambion
they made of their armes.
In another chamber we found wery delicat weill wrought Tapistry wheirin
ware to be sien, besydes sewerall other stories taken out of Homer, the
funestous and lamentable taking of Troy.
In this same chamber saw we hinging the cardinals oune portraiture to the
full, in his ride robes and his cardinals hat wt a letter in his hand to
tel that he was the Kings secretary: his name is beneath. _Armandus
Richeleus anagrammatized Hercules alter_. Surely the portrait represents a
man of wery grave, wise and reverend aspect. Besydes him hinges the
portraict of his father and mother. His father had bein a souldier; the
cardinal was born in Richeliew.
In another chamber was hinging 3 carts[98] (al done by Sampson), the one
exceeding large of France done by one Sanson, the Kinges Geographer; the
2nd of Italy wt the Iles adiacent of Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, etc.; the
3d of the countryes that lyes on the famous river of Rhein, which runes
thorow Germany, and in the low countries embrasses the sea.
[98] Maps.
At length we came unto a very large gallery, wheir hinges the emblems of al
the things of greatest consequence that happened in France during the tyme
of the Cardinall, as the beseigding of tounes that revolted, and the
stratagemes by whilk some of them were taken. At each end of the gallery
stands a table, but I sal confine my selfe to speak only of the one.
Removing a cover of leather their appeares a considerable large table as
long as etc., the richest beyond controversy of France: it consistes of
precious stones and diamonds, but joined wt such wonderfull artifice that a
man would easily take it for one inteer stone of sewerall colours, the
proportion also of their joinctures, each colour answering to another,
makes much to the commendation of it. Give their be a rid Sardix heir, it
hath direictly of that same very bigness another Sardix answering to it
their; or ye may suppose it to be a blew saphir. In the wery center and
midle of the table is planted about the meikledoom[99] of a truncher[100] a
beautifull green smaradyes; round about it stands a row of blew saphire,
then another of rid diamonds; then followes a joincture of golden
chrysolites, the bigness wheirof renders them wery wonderfull, being
exceeding rare to be found of the halfe of that bigness. Their is not any
coleur which is not to be found amoungs the Stones of that table. They are
joined so marvelously that nothing can be smoother or æequaler. Thus
breifly for the house.
[99] Size.
[100] Trencher.
Of one of the balconies we descryed the garden, which was wery pleasant,
having great resemblance wt that of Chateau Neuf, up and doune it ware
growing Holyhaucks of all colours; but I cannot stay no longer upon the,
for I am hasting to your church, which I find wery rich, as generally all
the churches in France are.
After I had supped I could not but come and wiew the situation and walls
wtout; but fareweil, for the morrow night setts me in Poictiers. On the hy
way as I travelled I mett bothe aples and plumes, which I looked not one as
forbidden fruit, but franckly pulled. As soon as I came wtin sight of
Poictiers I welcomed it heartily as being to be a place of rest to me for a
tyme. Entering into the suburbes of the toune, I easily discovered the
reason of our Buchannans expression, _Pictonum ad scopulos_: for then and
afterwards I discovered it to be environed wt raged rocks and craigs, the
toune it selfe also to be situat on a considerable eminence; and give ye
take in all its circuit it neids not yeeld much to Paris in bigness; only
much of it is filled up wt spatious gardens for the most part belonging to
religious orders, sometymes of men sometymes of women. It hath also wines
that growes within its circumference, as these that grow in the place of
the Scots walk may testify.
Having entred the toune we sought out Mr. Garnier the Apothecaries, for
whom I had a letter from Mr. Doull at Saumurs, who on that accepted us
kindly enough, only they had not such accomodation as I demanded, whence I
took occasion to deliver a letter I brought wt me out of Scotland from
young John Elies to Mr. Daillé, wt whom I entred pensionar about 8 dayes
after I had bein in Poictiers, to wit 28 July 1665.
I cannot bury in silence the moderation of Mr. Garniers wife, so wertous
and sparing a house wife she was that Wine never entred in hir mouth.
Always hir drink was pure water, tho no restraint was laying upon hir to do
it.
As the nature of thir peeple is to be wery frugall, so I fand that they
ware right Athenians loving to tell and to hear news, which may be marked
also in the most part of them that live on the Loier; for I had not bein a
night in Poictiers when all that Street, and in sewerall other places of
the toune, sundry knew that a Scotsman was come to the toune; that he came
from Saumur, that he brought a letter for Mr. Garnier wt whom he quartred.
The first night on my arrivall after I had supped came in my Hosts brother,
a marchand, who amongs others enquired if I might know Mr. Douglas. I
replied, yes; he added that he had left a child behind him, which tho Mr.
Daillé owned for his, yet it had wholly a Scots cry not a French.
The morning after my arrivall they chanced to have sermon in the
Protestants church at Quatre Picket, wheir I fand Colinton,[101] who a
little before had returned from the Rochell, wheir he had bein also on the
Isle of Rhee and that of Oleron. He after dinner took me to Mr. Alex'rs,
wheir I found all our Countrymen convened, only Alex'r Hume was at that
tyme out in the Campaigne some leagues. Their I fand my right reverend good
Sir Mr. Patrick Hume,[102] for whom I had two letters, one from
Pighog,[103] another from John Suty at London, David Hume, for whom I had a
letter from Saumur, Mr. Scot, Ardrosses sone, and Mr. Grahame, Morphees
sone. Shortly after I saw both the 2 Alex'rs, Alexander the professour, to
whom I delivred a letter from young J. Elies and Alex'r Hume: them all one
night I took in to a Hostellery called le Chappeau d'Or and gav them their
supper, which cost me about 17 livres 10 souse.
[101] Probably James Foulis, son of Sir James Foulis, Lord Colinton,
advocate 1669, a lord of Session 1674, with the title of Lord
Reidford.
[102] The friend thus playfully described may be Sir Patrick Hume,
advocate, who often appears as a litigant in Fountainhall's
_Decisions_.
[103] See page 145, note 2.
About 8 dayes after I had bein in Poictiers was keipt be the Jesuits
Ignatius Loyola their founders day, whence in the Jesuits Church their was
preaching a fellow that usualy preaches, extolling their patron above the
wery skies; evicting whow that he utstripped infinitly the founders of all
other orders, let it be St. François, St. Dominick, or be who he will, by
reason that he founded a order to the universal good of Christendome; the
order not being tyed to one place, as other religious are, but much given
to travelling up and doune the world for the conversion of souls, which
truly may be given as a reason whey all that order are usually so
experimented and learned; for their are of them in Americk itselfe. From
all this he concluded that Ignatius was and might deservedly be named the
universall Apostle of the Christian World. He showed also the manner of his
conversion to that manner of life; whow he had bein a soger (he was a
Spaniard by nation) til his 36 or 40 year of age. One tyme in a battell he
had receaved a wound right dangerous, during the cure of this wound one
tyme being some what veary and pained he called for a Story or Romance.
They having none their, some brought a devot book termed the Saints Rest,
not that of Baxters; in which he began to read wt a sort of pleasure, but
wtout any touch. At lenth continuing he began to feel himselfe sensibly
touched, which wrought so that he wholly became a new man; and wt the
permission and confirmation of the Pope then instituted the order.
A litle after followed St. Dominicks day observed by the Jacobins, wheir I
went to hear his panegyrick preached. Their preached a fat-looged[104]
fellow of the order. His text was out of the 36 of Ecclesiasticus, _Vas
auroeum[105] repletum omni lapide proetioso_: all his sermon ran to make
Dominick this vessell. He deduced all that a man might be praised for from
the 3 fold sort of dueties: 1, these we ow to God; 2, these towards our
neighbours; and 3, these towards himselfe. For the vertues that are
relative to God, he numbered them up to 13, and that out of Thomas, whom
they follow in all things; amongs which were piety, sanctité, zeal for
Religion, which broke out to that hieght that he caused sundry of the poor
Albingenses, over the inquisition of whom he was sett, to be brunt; but
this he mentioned _no_. For duties of the 2nd sort he numbered up out of
the same Thomas amongs others thir, Chastité. Of Dominicks chastity he sayd
he was as sure as of one thats new borne. Charité, which was so great one
tyme that having nothing to give to the poor, he would have given himselfe
to a poor widow woman; at which we could not but laugh, tho' his meaning
was that he would have bein content to sell himselfe that the woman might
get the money. He forgot not also his strictness of life and discipline, so
that after his death their was found a cord in wtin his wery flech he
girded him selfe so strait wt it. Heir he recknoned upe his prudence and
magnanimity. Amongs theduties a man owes to himselfe amongs others he
reckned up Temperance; in which he would gladly have us beleiving that St.
Dominick never eated any in his dayes, so great was his abstinence. Then he
came to compare him wt the cælestial powers, which he divided out of
Dionysius pseudareopagita into the Hierarchies receaved in the Romish
Church, of Angels, Archangels, Powere, Dominations, Cherubins, Seraphines,
etc., and then showed his Dominick to excell them all. Many stories he told
us which are to be seen in his legends, but never a word of the zeal he had
when he sat doune and preached to the birds (and seing a frier kissing a
nun he thanked God that their was so much charité left in the world). His
epiloge was that St. Dominick was worth all the Saincts of them. And to
speak the truth, beleiving him he made him on of the perfectest men of the
world, subject to no imperfection. I could discover no difference he made
betuixt him and Christ.
[104] See p. 17, note 2.
[105] _For aureum._
The forme of their preaching is thus. After they are come unto their pulpit
they signe their foorfront and breast with the signe of the cross wt that
in nomine patris, filij, and S.S., as a means to chass away Satan; then
they go to their knees for a wery short space as our bischops do; then
raising they read their text; after which they have a short prayer direct
to Christ and his mother, or even the Sainct, if they be to speak of any,
for their aid and assistance. Then they preach; after which thess that
please to walk may do it. The rest stay out the Vespres.
The forme of the protestant churches differs not much from ours. On the
Sabath morning during the gathering of the congregation they sing a psalme;
the minister coming up by a short sett forme of exhortation, stirring them
up to ioin wt him in prayers, he reads a sett forme of confession of sines
out of their priers ecclesiastiques or Liturgie; which being ended they
singes a psalme, which the minister nominats, reading the first 2 or 3
lines of that to be sung, after which they read no more the line, as we do,
but the peaple follows it out as we do in Glory to the Father, The psalme
being ended, the minister has a conceaved prayer of himselfe adapted for
the most part to what he'es to discourse on. This being ended he reads his
text. Having preached, then reads a prayer out of their Liturgy, then sings
a psalme, and then the blissing.
About a 4 night after I had bein their some 2 chanced to be taken in the
order of the Capuchins, of which order this is strange that the poorest yet
they are numerousest, their being dailly some or other incorporating
themselfes, Their poverty is such that they have nothing to sustein them
but others charité when they come begging, and that every 24 hours. They
having nothing layd up against tomorrow, if their be any day amongs others
wheirin they have gotten litle or nothing, notwtstanding of this they come
al to the Table, tho' nothing to eat. Each man sayes his grace to himselfe,
their they sit looking on one another, poor creatures, as long as give they
had had something to eat. They fast all that day, but if their be any that
cannot fast it out, then he may go doune to the yard and houck out 2, 3
carrots to himselfe, or 'stow some likes some sibows, beets or such like
things, and this is their delicates. If their be any day wheirin they have
gotten more then suffices them all, the superplus they give to the poor.
The convent hath no more rent than will defray their charges in keiping up
their house about their ears. Al this do thir misers under the hopes of
meriting by the samen: yet I would be a Capuchin before any other order I
have sein yet.
To sie the ceremony of their matriculation unto the order I went wt my good
sire, wheir the principal ceremony was that they cast of their cloathes
wheirwt they ware formerly cloathed and receaves the Capuchines broun weid,
as also they get the clerical tonsure, the cord about their west, and the
clogs of wood on their bare feet. A great number of speaches being used in
the intervalls containing as is probable their dueties, but we could not
understand them for the bruit. At the point of each of them all the peaple
cried Amen. Finaly we saw them take all the rest of ther brethren by the
hand, all of them having burning torches in their hands.
After this, on August 14, came about Ste. Radegondes daye, wheiron I saw
sewerall things: first wt Mr. Bouquiet we went doune to the church of Ste.
Radegonde, which stands almost on the bord of the river Sein, which runes
by Poictiers; and their visited hir tomb; but we had a difficulty of accez,
such multitude was their dronning over their prayers, _Sainte Radegonde,
Radegonde, priez pour nous et nos ames_, and this a 100 tymes over, at each
tyme kissing the sepulchre stone which standes reasonable hy.
From this we went to hir Chappell that stands besydes the Church of St.
Croix, to sy the impression that Christ left wt his foot (so sottish is
their delusion) on a hard great stone when he appeared to Ste. Radegonde as
she was praying at that stone. The impression is as deip in the stone as a
mans foot will make in the snow; and its wonderfull to sy whow thir zealots
hath worn the print much deiper in severall parts wt their continuall and
frequent touching of it thorow the iron grate wt which it is covered, and
kissing it on Ste. Radegondes day when the iron grate is removed; according
to that, _gutta cavat lapidem_, etc. All this they do thinking it the least
reverence they can do to the place wheir our Saviours foot was. For
immediatly upon the notification of that by Ste. Radegonde they caused
erect a chappel above the stone, and hath set up Christ upon the right of
the impression wt Capuchin shoes on his feet: and on the left Ste.
Radegonde on hir knees wt hir hands folded praying to him. On the wall
besydes they have this engraven, _Apparuit Dominus Jesus sanctae beatae
Radegundae et dixit ei, tu es speciosa gemma, noverim te praetiosam in
capite meo_ (and wt that they have Christ putting his fingers to his head)
_gemmam_.
Out of this we came to the Church of St. Croix, wheir just as we were
entring ware coming out 2 women leading a young lass about the Age of 18
who appeared evidently to be distracted or possessed by some Dewill, by hir
horrid looks, hir antick gestures, and hir strange gapes: hir they had had
in the Church and had caused hir kneell, they praying before the Altar for
hir to Ste. Radegonde, whom they beleived had the power to cure hir. The
priests knaveries are wery palpable to the world in this point, who usually
by conjurations, magicall exorcismes as their holy water, consecrated oill,
take upon them to dispossess or cure sick persones, but so far from having
any effect, that the Devill rather gets great advantage by it. Having
entred the Church, standing and looking earnestly about to al the corners
of the church, and particularly to the Altar, which was wery fine, wt as
great gravity as at any tyme, a woman of faschion on hir knees (for indeed
all that ware in the Church ware on their knees but my selfe) fixing hir
eyes upon me and observing that I nether had gone to the font for water,
nether kneelled, in a great heat of zeal she told me, _ne venez icy pour
prophaner ce sainct lieu_. I suddenly replied, _Vous estez bien devotieuse,
Madame; mais peut estre Vostre ignorance prophane ce sainct lieu d'avantage
que ma presence_. This being spoken in the audience of severals, and amongs
others of a preist, I conceived it would not be my worst to retire, which I
did.
That same afternoon I went to Mr. Alex'rs to seik Patrick Hume, wheir I
faud them hearing him explaine some paragraphe of the Institutes: wheir Mr.
Alex'r and I falling on some controverted points betuixt us and them, I
using a great deall of liberty citing frome his oune authors as Bellarmine,
etc., I angred him exceedingly. Then Patrick Hume, David, Mr. Grahame and I
went to walk: and particularly to the pierre levé or stone erected a litle
way from the city. The story or fable wheirof is this: once as Ste.
Radegonde was praying the Devil thought to have smoored[106] or crushed her
wt a great meikle stone greater than 2 milstones, which God knows whence he
brought, but she miraculously supported it wt hir head, as the woman heir
carries the courds and whey on their head. Surly she had a gay burden; and
never rested till she came to that place wheir its standing even now. They
talk also that she brought the 5 pillars on which its erected till above a
mans hight in hir lap wt hir. I mocking at this fable, I fell in inquiry
whence it might have come their, but could get no information; only it
seimed probable to me that it might have bein found in the river and
brought their. On the top of this stone I monted, and metted[107] it thorow
the Diametrum and found it 24 foot; then metted it round about and found it
about 60 foot. Coming doune and going beneath it we discovered the place
wheir hir head had bein (_nugae_).
[106] Smothered.
[107] Measured.
We went and saw a stately convent the Benedictines ware building, the
oldest and richest order of France. To them it is that Nostre Dame at
Saumur belongs; to them belongs the brave bastiments we saw at Tours, in
which city as I was on the Loier I told 16 considerable steeples. We saw
the relicts of a old Convent, wheirupon enquiring whow it came to be
demolished, he replied it was in Calvines tyme, who studied his Law in
Poictiers; and then turning preacher he preached in the same very hall
wheir we hear our lessons of Law. His chamber also is to be sein wheir he
studied on the river syde.
I cannot forgett a story of Calvin which Mr. Alex'r told us saying it was
in their Histories, that Calvin once gladly desiring to work a miracle
suborned a fellow to feigne himselfe dead that so he might raise him to
life. Gods hand was so visible upon the fellow that when he went to do it
he verily died and Calvin could not raise him: this was in Poictiers. And
it minded me first that I had read almost the like cited out of Gregorious
Turonensis History by Bellarmine in his treatise _de Christo_ refuting
Arianisine of a Arian bischop who just so suborned one to feinge himselfe
blind that he might cure him, but God really strake him blind. Also it
minded me of a certain Comoedian (who was to play before the Duc of
Florence) who in his part had to act himselfe as dead for a while. He that
he might act himselfe as dead wt the more life and vigeur agitated and
stirred or rather oppressed his spirits so that when he sould have risen he
was found dead in very truth. As also 3ly of a certain Italian painter who
being to draw our Saviour as he was upon the Cross in his greatest torment
and agony (he caused a comoedian whose main talent was to represent sorrow
to the life), he caused one come and sit doune before him and feigne one of
the dolfullest countenances that he could that he might draw Christ of
him; but he tuise sticked it, wt which being angred he drew out a knife and
stobbed the person to the heart; and out of his countenance as he was
wrestling wt the pangs of death he drow Christ on the cross more lively
then ever any had done, boasting that he cared not to dy for his murder
since he had Christ beholden to him for drawing him so livelylie. I
remember also of a passage that Howell in a letter he writes from Geneva
hes, that Calvin having bein banished once by a prævalent faction from the
city again being restored, he sould proudly and blasphemously have applied
to himselfe that saying of David, proper to Christ, the stone which the
builders refused the same is become the head of the corner. But granting
that all thir to be true, as they are not, they ware but personall escapes,
neither make they me to think a white worse of his doctrine. But as to the
point of miracles its notoriously knowen that the Church of Rome abuses the
world wt false miracles more then any: for besydes these fopperies we have
discovered of Ste. Radegonde they have also another. Thus once St. Hilary
(who was bischop of Poictiers about the 6 century, and who hes a church
that bears his name, erected on the wast syde of the toune a little from
the Scotes walk), about a league from the toune (thus reportes _les annales
de Aquitaine_), as he was riding on his mule Christ meit him. His beast, as
soon as it saw our Saviour, fell doune on the knees of it. As a testimony
wheirof that it fell doune they show at this day the _impressa_ both its
knee and its foot hes made miracoulously in the rock, but this is _fort mal
a propos_; since they seem to mak their St. Hilary Balaam; and his mulet
Balaam his ass which payed reverence to God before its mastre. This fable
minded me of the story we have heir at home, that we can show in Leith Wind
craigs the impressa that Wallace made wt his foot when he stood their and
shoot over the steeple of Edenburgh. Yet their all these things are
beleived as they do the bible.
When we was wtout the city we discovered that it would signify litle if it
wanted the convents and religious houses, which ware the only ornaments of
the city. This much for the 14 of August, I had not bein so much out a
fortnight before put it all together.
Heir I most impart a drollery which happened a little before in Poictiers.
Some Flamans had come to the toune and taken up the quarters in a certain
Innes.[108] While they ware supping, the servant that attended them chanced
to let a griveous and horrid fart. The landlady being in the roome and
enquiring give she thought not shame to do so, she franckly replied, _sont
Flamans, madame, sont Flamans, ils n'entendent pas_; thinking that because
they ware strangers that understood not the language, they understood not
also when they hard a fart.
[108] Inn.
O brave consequence, I went one night to the Marché Vieux and saw some
puppy playes, as also rats whom they had learned to play tricks on a
tow.[109]
[109] Rope.
Just besyde that port that leads to Quatre Picket (de St. Lazare) or Paris
is erectcd a monument of stone, something in the fashion of a pyramide. I
enquiring what it meant, they informed me the occasion of it was a man that
lived about 3 or 4 years ago in the house just forganst it, who keiping a
Innes, and receaving strangers or others, used to cut their throats and
butcher them for their money; which trade he drave a considerable tyme
undiscovered. At lenth it coming to light as they carried him to Paris to
receave condigne punishment, they not watching him weill enough he killed
himselfe whence they did execution on his body, and erected that before the
door, _ad æternam rei memoriam._ I think they sould have razed his house
also, yet their is folk dwelling in it prcsently.
I went also and saw the palais wheir the Advocats used to plead but it had
fallen down by meer antiquity about 3 moneths before I came to Poictiers
whence the session had translated themselfes to the Jacobines, whom I went
and saw their. In the falling of the palais it was observable that no harm
redounded to any, and that a certain woman wt a child in hir armes chancing
to be their on day raising out of a desk wheir she was sitting she was
hardly weill gon when a great jest[110] fell (for it fell by degries) and
brok the desk to peices.
[110] Joist.
Their hinges bound upon the wall wt iron chaines the relicts of a dead
hideous crocodile, which, tho' it be infinitly diminished from what it was
(it being some hundred years since it was slain), yet its monstrously great
wt a wast throat. This, they say, was found in one of their prisones, which
I saw also. On a tyme a number of prisoners being put in for some offences,
on the morrow as some came to sie the prisoners not one of them could be
found, it having eaten and devored them every one. Not knowing whow to be
red of this trubulsom beast no man daring attempt to kill it, they profered
one who was condemned to dy for some crime his life give he killed it.
Wheir upon he went to the prison wt a weill charged pistoll as it seimingly
being very hungry was advancing furiously to worry him he shoot in at a
white spot of its breast wheir its not so weill armed wt scalles as
elsewheir and slow it and wan his life.
I enquiring whow that beast might come their it seimed most probable that
it was engendred their _ex putri materia_, as the philosophers speaks, tho
I could hardly weill believe that the sun could giv life to such a
monstrous big creature as it.
We have had occasion to sie severall tymes Madame Biton the tailleurs
daughter, that lives forgainst Mr. Daillés, with whom Madame Daillé telles
me Mr. Hope was great. Truly a gallant, personable woman to be of such mean
extract and of parents wheirof the father is a wery unshappen man; the
mother neids yeeld nothing to Jenny Geddes.
I observing that ye sould never sy any of the religious orders be they
Jesuits or others on the streets but 2 of them togither, I enquired the
reason. First it was that the on might watch the other that so none may fly
from their convents, which they might easily do if they had the liberty of
going out alone. 2dly they do it to evite all scandall and suspicion. They
know the thoughts of the common peeple, that they be litle faworable to
them, the orders being talkt of as the lecherousest peeple that lives. To
exime their thoughts they go tuo and 2; for then if the one be so given he
his a restraint laying on him, to wit, another to sie his actions; but
usually they are both lounes.[111]
[111] Knaves.
They have a way of conserving great lumps of ice all the summer over heir
in low caves: and these to keip their wines cold and fresh from heating
when they bring it to their chamber.
To recknon over all the crys of Poictiers (since they are divers according
to the diverse seasons of the year) would be difficult. Yet theirs one I
cannot forgeet, a poor fellow that goes thorow the toune wt a barrell of
wine on his back; in his on hand a glass full halfe wt win; in his other a
pint stoop; over his arm hinges a servit; and thus marched he crieng his
delicate wine for 5 souse the pot thats our pint; or 4 souse or cheaper it
may be. He lets any man taste it that desires, giving them their loof full.
I did sy one fellow right angry on a tyme: their came about 7 or 8 about
one, every one to taste; giving every one of them some, to neir a
chopin[112] not one of them bought from him; wheiron he sayd he sould sie
better marchands before he gave to so many the nixt tyme.
[112] Half a pint old French, and also old Scots, measure, was equal to
about three times the present imperial measure.
Wood also is a passable commodity heir as in all France, wheir they burn no
thing but wood, which seimes indeed to be wholsomer for dressing of meat
then coall. Every fryday and saturday the peasants brings in multitude of
chariots charged wt wood, some of them drawen wt oxen, mo. wt mules,
without whilk I think France could not subsist they are so steadable to
them. For a chariot weill ladened theyle get 6 or 7 livres, which I
remember Mr. Daillé payed.
They have another use for wood in that country also which we know not: they
make sabots of them, which the peasants serve themselfes wt instead of
shoes; in some account they are better then shoes. They wil not draw nor
take in water as shoes whiles do, they being made of one intier lump of
wood and that whiles meikle enough. Their disadvantage is this none can run
wt them, they being loose and not fastened to our feet, yet some weill used
wt them can also run in them. They buy them for wery litle money.
These also that cannot aspire to ordinar hats (for since we left Berwick we
saw no bonnets as also no plaids) they have straw hats, one of which theyle
buy for 6 souse, and get 3 or 4 moneths wearing out of it.
The weather in France heir is large as inconstant as in Scotland, scarcely
a week goes over wtout considerable raines.
I cannot forgett the conditions that Madame Daillé in sport offered me if I
would wait till hir daughter ware ready, and then take hir to wife, that I
sould pay no pension all the tyme I stayed in their house waiting on hir.
On the 15 of August (being wt the Scots the 5 and observed by them in
remembrance of Gourie conspiracie) came about to be observed _feste de
Nostre Dame_, who hath 4 or 5 fests in the year, as the annuntiation, the
conception, hir purification; and this was hir death and assumption day.
I went and heard the Jesuits preach, a very learned fellow, but turbulent,
spurred and hotbrained; affecting strange gestures in his delivery mor
beseiming a Comoedian then a pulpit man. Truly ever since in seing the
Comoedians act I think I sy him. He having signed himselfe, using the words
_In nomine patris, filij_, etc., and parfaited all the other ceremonies we
mentioned already, he began to preach. The text was out of some part of
Esay, thus, _Et sepulcrum ipsius erat gloriosum_. He branched out his
following discourse unto 2:--1. the Virgines Death; 2. hir assumption. As
to hir death he sayd she neided not have undergoon it but give she liked,
since death is the wages of sin, _mais Nostre Dame estoit affranchie de
toutes sorte de peché, soit originell, soit actuell_. In hir death he fand
3 priviledges she had above all others: first she died most voluntarly,
villingly, and gladly; when to the most of men Death's a king of terrors.
2ndly, she died of no sickness, frie of all pain, languor or angoisse.
3dly, hir body after death was not capable of corruption, since its absurd
to think that that holy body, which carried the Lord of Glory 9 moneths,
layes under the laws of corruption. For thir privelegdes he cited Jean
Damascen and their pope Victor. But it was no wonder she putrified no, for
she was not 3 dayes in the grave (as he related to us) when she was assumed
in great pomp, soul and body, unto heaven, Christ meiting hir at heavens
port and welcoming hir.
He spoke much to establish monstrous merite; laying doune for a principle
that she had not only merited heaven, and indeed the first place their,
being the princess of heaven; but also had supererogated by hir work for
others to make them merit, which works the church had in its treasury to
sell at mister.[113] He made heaven also _a vendre_ (as it is indeed amongs
them), but taking himselfe and finding the expression beastly and
mercenarie he began to speir, but whow is it to sell, is it not for your
_bonnes oeuures_, your penances, repentance, etc. This was part of his
sermon.
[113] Mister, need.
That Strachan that was regent at Aberdeen and turned papist, I was informed
that he was in a society of Jesuits at Naples.
This order ever since it was a order hath bein one of the most pestilent
orders that ever was erected, being ever a republick in a republick wheir
ever they be; which caused Wenice throw them out of hir, and maugre the
pope who armed Spaine against hir for it holds them out unto this day. They
contemne and disdain all the rest of the orders in comparation of
themselfes; they being indeed that great nerve and sinew that holds all the
popes asustataes[114] togither; whence they get nothing but hatred again
from the other religious, who could wt ease generally sy them all hanged,
especially the Peres de l'Oratoire, who are usually all Jansenists, so that
ye sall seldome find these 2 orders setled in one city, tho they be at
Orleans. The Jesuits be the subtilist folk that breathes, which especially
appears when under the praetext of visitting they fly to a sick carkcass,
especially if it be fat, as ravens does to their prey. Their insteed of
confirming and strenthening the poor folk to dy wt the greater alacrity,
they besett them wt all the subtile mines imaginable to wring and suck
money from them, telling them that they most leive a dozen or 2 of serviets
to the poor Cordeliers; as many spoones to the godly Capuchines who are
busie praying for your soul, and so something to all the rest; but to us to
whom ye are so much beholden a goodly portion, which they repeit wery oft
over; but all this tends as one the one hand to demonstrate their
inexplebible greediness, so one the other to distraict the poor miser wt
thoughts of this world and praejudice or defraudation of his air.
[114] Apparently from [Greek: asustatos], meaning 'ill-compacted
forces or elements.'
Some things are very cheap their. We have bought a quarter a 100 of delicat
peirs for a souse, which makes just a groat the hunder. Madame Daillé also
bought very fat geese whiles for 18 souse, whiles 12, whiles 15, whiles for
20; which generally they blood their, reserving it very carefully and makes
a kind of pottages wt it and bread which seimes to them very delicious but
not so to me, tho' not out of the principle that the Apostles, Actes 15,
discharged the gentils to eat blood or things strangled. That which they
call their pottage differ exceidingly from ours, wt which they serve
themselfes instead of our pottage, as also our broth, neither of which they
know. It seems to diffir little from our soups when we make them wt loaves.
Surely I fand it sensibly to be nourishing meat; and it could not be
otherwise, since it consisted of the substance first of the bread, which
wtout doute is wholsomer then ours, since they know not what barme is
their, or at least they know not what use we make of it, to make our bread
firme, yet their bread is as firme wtout it: next the substance of the
flech, which usually they put in of 3 sorts, of lard of mouton, of beef, of
each a little morsell; 3dly of herbes for seasoning, whiles keel, whiles
cocombaes, whiles leeks, whiles minte or others. In my experience I fand it
very loosing, for before I was weill accoustened wt it, if I chanced to sup
any tyme any quantity of the pottage, I was sure of 2 or 3 stools afternoon
wt it.
The French air after the sun setting I learned in my oune experience to be
much more dangerous then ours in Scotland, for being much more thinner and
purer, its consequently more peircing; for even in August their, which is
the hotest and warmest moneth, if at night efter 8 a cloak I had sitten
doune in my linnens and 2 shirtes to read but halfe a hower or a hower
(which I have done in Scotland the mides of vinter and not have gotten
cold) after the day I was sure to feell I had gotten cold; and that by its
ordinary symptomes a peine and throwing in my belly, & 4 or 5 stools; I
played this to my selfe tuize or I observed; ever after if I had liked to
give my selfe physick I had no more ado but to let my selfe get cold.
They let their children suck long heir, usually 2 years; if weak 2 years
and a halfe. Madame Daillé daughter suckt but 6 quatres, they think much to
give 40 or 50 livres to nourses for fostering. Madame Daillé gave 15
crounes in cash and some old cloaths and sick things as they to hir that
nursed her daughter, a peasants wife whom I saw. The gossips and
commers[115] heir give nothing as they do in Scotland, save it may be a
gift to the child.
[115] Godmothers, _commères_.
I have called my selfe to mind of a most curious portrait that we saw in
Richeliew castle, the description wheirof by reason its so marvelously
weill done sall not be amiss tho it comes in heir _postliminio_ to insert.
On the walls theirfor of one of the chambers we saw is drawen at large the
emblem of the deluge or universall floud, in one corner of it I discovered
men wt a great deall of art swiming (for the world is drawen all over
covered wt waters, the catarracts of the heavens are represented open, the
water deschending _guttatim_ so lively that til a man recall himselfe and
wiew it narrowly hel make a scrupule to approach the broad[116] for fear of
being wett), and that wt a bensill[117] their course being directed to a
mountain which they sy at a distance; which is also drawen. Painters skill
heir hes bein such, that a man would almost fancy he hears the dine the
water makes wt their strugling and striking both hands and feet to gaine
that mountaine. Just besydes thies are laying dead folke wt their armes
negligently stretched out, the furious wawes tossing them terribly, as a
man would think, some of them laying on their back, some of them on their
belly, some wheirof nothing is to be sein but their head and their arme
raxed up above their head. Amongs those that are laying wt their face up
may be observed great diversity of countenances, some wt their mouth wide
open and their tongue hinging out, some glooring,[118] some girning,[119]
some who had bein fierce and cruell during their life, leiving legible
characters in their horrible and barbarous countenances. In another part of
the broad is to be sein all sorts of creatures confusedly thorow other,
notwtstanding of that naturell antipathy that is betuixt some of them, as
the sheip and the wolf, the crocodile and Lizard, etc.; ther may we sy the
wawes peele mel swallowing up wolfes and sheip, Lions and buls, and other
sorts of beasts. Remove your eyes to another corner, and their yeel sy
great tries torn up by the roots, and tost heir and their by the waves;
also hie strong wales falling; also rich moveables, as brave cloaths and
others, whiles above and whiles beneath; and go a litle wy farder yeel sie
brave tower which at every puft of wind give a rock, the water busily
undermining its foundation. A little way from that ye have to admiration,
yea, to the moving of pity, draweu women wt their hair all hinging
disorderly about their face, wt their barnes in their armes, many a
mint[120] to get a clift of a craig to save themselfes and the child to,
some of them looking wt frighted countenances to sy give the waves be
drawing neir them. In a nother ye have a man making a great deall of work
to win out, hees drawen hinging by the great tronc of a try. At his back is
drawen another that claps him desperatly hard and fast by the foot, that if
he win out he may be drawen out wt him. Its wonderfull to sy whow weill the
sundry passions of thir 2, the anger of him who hes a grip of the trunck,
and the trembling fear of him who hes his neighbour by the foot are
expressed; and what strugling they make both, the one to shake the other
loose of his gripes, the other to hold sicker, and this all done so weill
that it occasions in the spectateurs as much greife in beholding it as they
seim to have who are painted. Finaly, the painter hath not forgot to draw
the ark it selfe floting on the waters.
[116] Panel.
[117] Strenuous effort.
[118] Staring.
[119] Grinning (like a child crying).
[120] Mint, attempt.
On a night falling in discours wt some 2 or 3 Frenchmen of Magick and
things of that nature, I perceaved it was a thing wery frequent in France,
tho' yet more frequent in Italy. They told me seweral stories of some that
practized sorcery, for the most part preists who are strangely given to
this curiosity. They told of one who lived at Chateleraut, who, when he
pleased to recreat himselfe, would sit doune and sett his charmes a work,
he made severalls, both men and women, go mother naked thorow the toune,
some chanting and singing, others at every gutter they came to taking up
the goupings[121] of filth and besmeiring themselfes wt it. He hath made
some also leip on horseback wt their face to the horse taill, and take it
in their teeth, and in this posture ride thorow all the toune.
[121] Handfuls.
Ware their not a Comoedian at Orleans who used to bring us billets when
their ware any Comoedies to be acted, who offered for a croune to let us sy
what my father and mother was doing at that instant, and that in a glasse,
I made my selfe as wery angry at him, telling him that I desired not to
know it by such means. On that he gott up the laughter, demanding if I
thought he had it be ill means; for his oune part he sayd he never saw the
Dewill.
Not only is it usuall heir to show what folkes are doing tho ther be 1000
miles distant; but their[122] also that will bring any man or woman to ye
if ye like, let them be in the popes Conclave at Rome; but incontrovertably
its the Devill himselfe that appeires in this case. The tricks also of
robbing the bride groomes of their faculty that they can do nothing to the
wives is very ordinar heir; as also that of bewitching gentlewomen in
causing them follow them lasciviously and wt sundry indecent gestures; and
this they effectuat sometymes by a kind of pouder they have and mix in
amongs hir wine; some tymes by getting a litle of hir hair, which they
boill wt pestiferous herbs; whilk act when its parfaited the women who
aught the hair will come strangely, let hir be the modestest woman in
Europe, wheir the thing is doing, and do any thing the persones likes.
[122] their = there are.
Plumes are in wery great abondance heir, and that of many sorts. We have
bein offered the quatrain, thats 26 of plumes, wery like that we call the
whitecorne, tho' not so big, for 2 deniers or a double, thats for 8 penies
the 100; and they sel them cheaper.
Great is the diversity amongs peirs their. Mr. Daillé hath told me that at
least theirs 700 several sorts of peirs that grows in France, al
distinguasble be the tast. We ourselfes have sien great diversity. Theirs a
wery delicious sort of poir they call the _poir de Rosette_, because in
eating it ye seime as give ye ware smelling a rose. They have also among
the best of the peirs _poir de Monsieur_, and _de Madame_. They have the
_poir de piss_, the _poir blanchette_ (which comes wery neir our safron
peer we have at home), and _trompe valet_, a excelent peir, so called
because to look to ye would not think it worth anything, whence the valets
or servants, who comes to seik good peirs to their masters, unless they be
all the better versed, will not readily buy it, whence it cheats them. They
distinguise their peires into _poirs de l'esté de l'automne_, and _de
l'yver_, amongs whilk theirs some thats not eatable til pais or pasque.
In the gazetts or news books (which every friday we get from the
Fullions[123] or Bernardines at their Convent, such correspondence does the
orders of the country keip wt thess at Paris), we heard newes passing at
home. The place they bring it from they terme it Barwick, on the borders of
Scotland. We heard that the 29 of May, our Soverains birth day, was solemly
keipt by the Magistrates of Edinburgh and the wholle toune. At another tyme
we heard of a act of our privy counsill, inhibiting all trafic whatsoever
wt any of the places infected wt the plague. In another we heard of a
breach some pirates made in on our Northren Iles, setting some houses on
fire; on whilk our privy counsell by a act layd on a taxation on the
kingdome, to be employed in the war against the Hollanders, ordaining it to
be lifted wtin the 5 years coming.
[123] Fullions, Feuillants, 'Nom de religieux réformés de l'ordre de
Citeaux, appelés en France feuillants, et en Italie réformés de
St. Bernard... Etym., Notre-Dame de Feuillans, devenue en 1573 le
chef de la congrégation de la plus étroite observation de Citeaux
... en Latin, Beata Maria fuliensis, fulium dicta a nemore
cognomine, aujourd'hui Bastide des Feuillants, Haute Garonne.'--
Littré, _Dict_. s.v.
Tho the French are knowen and celebrated throwghout the world for the
civility, especially to strangers, yet I thought wonderfull to perceive the
inbreed antipathy they carry against the Spaniard. That I have heard it
many a tyme, not only from Mr. Daillé, but from persons of more refined
judgements then his, yea even from religious persones, that they had not no
civility for a Spaniard, that not one of a 1000 of them is welcoome. I
pressing whence this might come to passe that they so courteously receaving
all sortes of strangers, be they Scots, English, Germans, Hollanders, or
Italians, and that they had none of this courtoisie to spare for a
Spaniard, they replied that it came to pass from the contrariety of their
humeurs; that the French ware franck (whence they would derive the name of
their nation), galliard, pleasant, and pliable to all company; the Spaniard
quite contrary retired, austere, rigid, proud. And indeed their are
something of truth in it; for who knows not the pride of the Castilian: if
a Castilian then a Demigod. He thinks himselfe _ex meliore luto natus_ then
the rest of the world is.
Its a fine drollery to sie a Frenchman conterfit the Castilian as he
marches on his streets of Castile wt his castilian bever cockt, his hand in
his syde, his march and paw[124] speaking pride it selfe. Who knows not
also that mortell feud that the Castilian carries to the Portugueze and the
Portuegueze reciprocally to them, and whence this I beseich you if not from
the conceit they have of themselfe. This minds me of a pretty story I have
heard them tell of a Castilian who at Lisbon came into a widows chop to buy
something. She was sitting wt her daughter; the lass observing his habit
crys to her mother, do not sell him nothing, mother, hees a Castilian, the
mother chiding her daughter replied, whow dare you call the honest man a
Castilian; on that tenet they hold that a Castilian cannot be a honest man.
I leive you to ghesse whether the daughters wipe or the mothers was
tartest.
[124] paw = _pas_.
Howell (as I remember) in a letter (its in the first volume, letter 43) he
writes from Lyons, he findes the 2 rivers on which that brave city (for its
situation yeelding to none in Europe, not to London tho' on lovely Thames)
standes on, to wit the Rhosne and the Sosne, to be a pretty embleme of the
diversity thats betuixt the humeurs of thess 2 mighty nations (France and
Spain), who deservedly may be termed the 2 axletrees or poles on which the
Microcosme of Europe turnes. Its theirfor wery much in the concernement of
the rest of Europe to hold their 2 poles at a even balance, lest the one
chancing at lenth to wieght doune the other there be no resisting of him,
and we find ourselfes wise behind the hand.
Looking again on the Rhosne, which runes impetuously and wiolently, it
mindes him of the French galliardness and lightness, or even inconstancy.
Looking again on the Sosne, and finding it glid smoothly and calmly in its
channel, its mindes him (he sayes) of the rigid gravity the Spaniard
affected. And to speak the truth, this pride and selfe conceetedness is
more legible in the Spaniard than in the French, yet if our experience
abuse us not, we have discovered a great tincture of it in the French. That
its not so palpable amongs them as in the Spaniard we impute to that
naturall courtoisie and civility they are given to, that tempers it or
hides it a little, being of the mind that if the Spaniard had a litle grain
of the French pleasantness, the pride for which we tax them sould not be so
apparent.
Yet we discovered a beastly proud principle that we have observed the
French from the hiest to the lowest (let him be never so base or so
ignorant) to carry about wt them, to wit, that they are born to teach all
the rest of the world knowledge and manners. What may be the mater and
nutrix of this proud thought is not difficult to ghess; since wtout doubt
its occasioned by the great confluence of strangers of all sorts (excepting
only the Italian and Spaniard, who think they have to good breeding at home
to come and seik it of the French) who are drawen wt the sweitness of the
country, and the common civility of the inhabitants. Let this we have sayd
of the French pass for a definition of him till we be able to give a
better.
About the beginning of September at Poictiers, we had the newes of a horrid
murder that had bein perpetrat at Paris, on a Judge criminell by tuo
desperat rascalls, who did it to revenge themselfes of him for a sentence
of death he had passed against their brother for some crime he had
committed. His wife also, as she came in to rescue hir husband, they
pistoled. The assassinats ware taken and broken on the wheell. He left 5
million in money behind him, a terrible summe for a single privat man,
speaking much the richness of Paris.
The palais at Poictiers (which with us we call the session) raises the 1
Saturday of September, and sittes doune again at Martimess.
We remember that in our observations at Orleans we marked that the violent
beats heir procures terrible thunders and lightnening, and because they are
several tymes of bad consequence, the thunder lighting sometymes on the
houses, sometymes on the steeples and bells, levelling all to the ground,
that they may evite the danger as much as they can they sett all the bells
of the city on work gin goon.[125]
[125] Ding dong.
A man may speir at me what does the ringing of the bells to the thunder.
Yes wery much; for its known that the thunder is partly occasioned by the
thickness, grossness, impuritude, crassitude of the circumambient air wt
which the thunder feides itselfe as its matter. Now Im sure if we can
dissipate and discusse this thickness of the air which occasiones the
thunder, we are wery fair for extinguishing the thunder itselfe according
to the Axioma, _sublata causa tollitur effectus_, whilk maxime tho it holds
not in thess effect which dependes not on the cause _in esse_ and
_conservari_ but only in _fieri_: as _filius, pater quidem est eius causa;
attamen eo sublato non tollitur filius quia nullo modo dependet filius a
patre sive in esse sive in conservari: solum modo ab eo dependet ut est in
fieri_. Yet my axiome is good in this present demonstration, since the
thunder dependes on this grossenese of the air, not only in its _fieri_,
but even in its _esse_ and _conservari_. But weill yeell say, let it be so,
but what influence has the ringing of the bells to dissipat this
grosseness: even wery much: for the sound and noice certainly is not a
thing immateriall; ergo it most be corporeall: since theirfor wt the
consent of the papists themselfes _duo corpora non possunt se penetrare aut
esse in codem loco nuturaliter_, its consequentiall that the sound of the
bells as it passes thorow the circumambient air to come to our ears and to
pass thorow all the places wheir it extends its noice makes place for it
selfe by making the air yeeld that stands in its way; whence it rarifies
and purifies the air and by consequence disipates the crassities of the
air, which occasions the thunder.
That the noice thats conveyed to our ears is corporeall and material be it
of bels or of canons is beyond controversy, since _sonus_ is _obiectum
sensûs corpori, ut auditus: at objectum rei corporcae oportet esse
corporeum: cum incorporea sub sensibus naturaliter non cadunt_. I adde
_naturaliter_, because I know _super naturaliter in beatificá visione Deus
quodammodo cadet sub sensibus ut glorificatus_, according to that of Jobs
with thir same wery eyes sall I see my Redeimer: yea not only is _sonus
quid materiale_, but further something much more grossely material then the
objects of the rest of the senses, as for instance in the discharging of a
canon being a distance looking on we would think it gives fire long before
it gives the crack, tho in wery truth they be both in the same instant.
The reason then whey we sie the fire before we hear the crack is because
the _species Wisibiles_ that carries the fire to our eyes, tho material are
exceeding spirituall and subtill and are for that soon conveyed to our
sight: when the _Species Audibiles_ being more gross takes a pitty tyme to
peragrate and passe over that distance that is betuixt us and the canon, or
they can rendre them selfes to the organ of our hearing.
But let us returne, we are informed that in Italy, wheir thunders are bothe
more frequent and more dangerous then heir, they are wery carefull not only
to cause ring all their bells, but also to shoot of their greatest cannons
and peices of ordonnances and that to the effect mentioned. I am not
ignorant but the Papists feignes and attributes a kind of wertue to the
ringing of bells for the chassing away of all evill spirits if any place be
hanted or frequented wt them. Yet this reason cannot have roome in our
case, since ther are few so ignorant of the natural causes of thunder as to
impute it to the raging of ill spirits in the air, tho the Mr. of Ogilvy at
Orleans, who very wilfully whiles would maintain things he could not
maintain, would not hear that a natural cause could be given of the
thunder, but would impute it to evill spirits. I do not deny but the Devils
wt Gods permission may occasion thunders and other tempests in the air, but
what I aime at is this, they never occasion it so, but they make use of
natural means; for who is ignorant but the Meteorologists gives and
assignes all the 4 causes of it its efficient, its materiall, its formall
and its finall.
I cannot forget the effect I have sein the thunder produce in the papists.
When they hear a clap coming they all wery religiously signe theyr
forfronts and their breast wt the signe of the cross, in the wertue of
which they are confident that clap can do them no scaith. Some we have sein
run to their beads and their knees and mumble over their prayers, others
away to the church and doune before the Altar and blaither anything that
comes in their cheek. They have no thunders in the winter.
Discoursing of the commodityes of sundry nations transported to France,
their ordinar cxpression is, that they are beholden to Scotland for nothing
but its herrings, which they count a wery grosse fish no wayes royall, as
they speak, thats, not for a kings table. As for linnen, cloath and other
commodities the kingdome affords, we have litle more of them then serves
our oune necessity.
I was 5 moneth in France before I saw a boyled or roasted egge. Their
mouton is neither so great nor so good heir as its at home. The reason of
which may be the litle roome they leive for pasturage in the most parts of
France. They buy a leg heir for 8 souse, whiles 10 souse.
On the 20 of August came about St. Bernard, Abbot of Clarevill,[126] his
day, who founded the order of the Foullions[127] or Bernardines, whence we
went that afternoon to their Convent and heard one of the order preach his
panygyrick, but so constupatly that the auditory seweral tymes had much ado
to keip themselfes from laughting.
[126] Clairvaux.
[127] See p. 47, note.
On the 24 of the samen ditto was keipt the Aposle St. Bartholemewes day:
the morrow, 25, St. Lowis, king of France, his day, a great feste, and in
that city the festivall day of the marchands (for each calling hes its
particular festivall day: as the taylors theirs, the sutors theirs, the
websters thers, and so furth). Every trade as their day comes about makes a
sort of civil procession thorow all the streets of the toune. Instead of
carrieng crosses and crucifixes, according to the custome of the place,
they carry, and that on the shoulders of 4 of the principal of the trade, a
great farle of bread, seiming to differ nothing from the great bunes we use
to bake wt currants all busked wt the fleurs that the seasone of the year
affordes, and give in winter then wt any herbe to be found at the tyme; and
this wt a sort of pomp, 4 or 5 drummers going before and as many pipers
playing; the body of the trade coming behind. To returne, tho this day was
the feste of the marchands, yet I observed they used not the ceremomy
before specified, looking on it as dishonorable and below them.
This day we went to the Jesuits Church and heard one of the learnedest of
the Augustinians preach, but tediously. The nixt feste was the 8 of
Septembre, _Nativité de nostre Dame_. On which I went and heard our
Comoedian the Jesuit preach hir panegyrick and his oune Valedictory Sermon
(for they preach 12 moneth about, and he had ended his tower[128]). He
would have had us beleiving that she was cleansed from the very womb from
that wery sin which all others are born wt, that at the moment of hir
conception she receaved a immense degrie of grace infused in her. If he
ware to draw the Horoscope of all others that are born he would decipher it
thus, thou sal be born to misery, angoiss, trouble and vexation of spirit,
which, on they wery first entering into this walley of tears, because thou
cannot tell it wt they tongue thou sal signify by thy weiping. But if I
ware, sayes he, to cast our charming Ladies Horoscope I would have
ascertained then, that she was born for the exaltation of many, that she
[was] born to bear the only sone of God, etc.
[128] Tour, turn
The sone he brought in as the embleme of Justice ever minding his father of
his bloody death and sufferings, to the effect that he take vengeance for
it even on thess that crucifies him afresh. The mother he brought on the
stage as the embleme of mercy, crying imperiously, _jure matris_, I
inhibite your justice, I explode your rigor, I discharge your severity. Let
mercy alone triumph. Surely if this be not blasphemy I know not whats
blasphemie. To make Christ only Justice fights diamettrally[129] wt the
Aposle John, If any man hath sinned he has a Advocat with the father.
Christ the righteous, he sayes, is not Christ minding his father continualy
of this passion; its true, but whey; to incite God to wrath, sayes he. O
wicked inference, horrid to come out of the mouth of any Christian save
only a Jesuites. Does not the Scripture language cut thy throat, O
prophane, which teaches us that Christ offereth up to his father his
sufferings as a propitiatory sacrifice; and consequently to appaise, not to
irritate.
[129] Diametrically. The word is indistinctly written.
His inference at lenth was thus: since the business is thus then,
Messieurs, Mesdames, mon cher Auditoire, yeel do weill in all occassion to
make your address to the Virgin, to invock hir, yea definitivly I assert
that if any of you have any lawfull request if yeel but pray 30 dayes
togither once every day to the Virgin ye sal wtout faill obtain what you
desire. On whilk decision I suppose a man love infinitly a woman who is
most averse from him, if he follow this rule he sall obtaine hir. But who
sies not except thess that are voluntary blind whow rash, inconsiderat, and
illgrounded thir decisions are, and principally that of invocking the
Virgin, since wtout doubt its a injury to Christ, whom we beleive following
the Scripture to be the only one Mediator betwixt God and Man. Also, I find
Christ calling us to come to him, but never to his mother or to Peter or
Paull.
It will not be a unreasonable drollery whiles to counterfit our Regent, Mr.
James,[130] if it be weill tymed, whow when he would have sein any of his
scollers playing the Rogue he would take them asyde and fall to to admonish
them thus. I think you have forgot ye are _sub ferula_, under the rod, ye
most know that Im your Master not only to instruct you but to chastize you,
and wt a ton[131] do ye ever think for to make a man, Sir; no, I promise
you no. [He killed Kincairnes father by boyling the antimonian cup, which
ought only to seep in.][132] _Inter bonos bene agier_.[133] When any plead
a prate[134] and all denied it, I know the man, yet _neminem nominabo_,
Honest Cicero hes learned me that lesson.
[130] I have not discovered who Mr. James was.
[131] 'Wt a ton' is possibly 'with a tone,' i.e. raising his voice.
[132] Interlined.
[133] _Agier_ for _agere_.
[134] Played a trick.
We cannot forgett also a note of a ministers (called Mr. Rob. Vedderburne)
preaching related me by Robert Scot which happened besyde them. God will
even come over the hil at the back of the kirk their, and cry wt a hy
woice, Angel of the church of Maln[moon]sy, compeir; than Ile answer, Lord,
behold thy servant what hes thou to say to him. Then God wil say, Wheir are
the souls thou hest won by your ministery heir thir 17 years? He no wal
what to answer to this, for, Sirs, I cannot promise God one of your souls:
yet Ile say, behold my own Soul and my crooked Bessies (this was his
daughter), and wil not this be a sad matter. Yet this was not so ill as Mr.
John Elies note of a Minister was, who prayed for the success of the Kings
navy both by sea and be land.
The very beggers in France may teach folk thrift. Ye sall find verie few
women beggers (except some that are ether not working stockings, or very
old and weak) who wants[135] their rock in their bosome, spining very
busily as they walk in the streets.
[135] wants = have not.
The French, notwtstanding all their civility, are horridly and furiously
addicted to the cheating of strangers. If they know a man to be a stranger
or they cause him not pay the double of what they sell it to others for,
theyl rather not sell it at all, which whither it comes from a malitious
humour or a greedy I cannot determine, yet I'm sure they play the fooll in
it, for tho they think a stranger wil readily give them all they demand, or
if he mint to go away that he'el come again; yet they are whiles mistaken.
Many instances we could give of it in our oune experience, al whilk we sall
bury at this tyme, mentioning only one of Patrick Humes, who the vinter he
was at Poictiers, chancing to get the cold, went to buy some sugar candy.
Demanding what they sold the unce of it for, they demanded 18 souse, at
last came to 15, vould not bat a bottle;[136] wheirupon thinking it over
dear he would have none of it, but coming back to Mr. Alex'rs he sent furth
his man, directing him to that same wery chop, who brought him in that for
3 souse which they would not give him under 15. That story may pass in the
company of one that understandes French, of the daughter who was sitting wt
her mother at the fire, wt a great sigh cried, '_O que je foutcrois._ The
mother spearing what sayes thou, she replied readily, _O que je souperois_.
[136] Bate a bodle.
On September 12 arrived heir 2 Englishmen from Orleans, who brought us
large commendations from Mr. Ogilvie their, who desiring to sy the toune, I
took them first up to the steeple of the place, which being both situat on
a eminence and also hy of it selfe gave us a clear survey of the whole
toune. We discovered a great heap of wacuities filled up wt gardens and
wines, and the city seimed to us like a round hill, the top of it and all
the sydes being filled wt houses. And to our wiew it seimed not to have
many mo houses then what we had discovered at Orleans, for their we thought
we saw heir one and their one dispersed. At Orleans we would think they lay
all in a heap (lump).[137] From thence, not desiring but that they sould
find the Scots as civil and obligding as any, we was at the paines to take
them first to the church of Nostre Dame la grande, on the wall of which
that regardes the place standes the statue of the Empereur Constantine, _a
cheval_, wt a sword in his hand. From thence to Ste. Radegondes, wheir we
showed them hir _tombeau_; from that to St. Croix, wheir we showed them the
_empressa_ of Christs foot, of which we spake already; and from that to St.
Peters, which we looked all on as a very large church, being 50 paces
broad.
[137] Interlined.
In the afternoon we went to the Church of St. Hilaire, wheir at a distance
we discovered the Scots walk; so called because when the Englishes ware
beseiging the toune a Regiment of Scotsmen who ware aiding the French got
that syde of the toune to garde and defend, who on some onset behaving
themselfes gallantly the Captain got that great plot of ground which goes
now under that name gifted him by the toune, who after mortified to a
nunnery neir hand, who at present are in possession of it. The church we
fand to smell every way of antiquity.
Heir we saw first that miraculous stone (of which we also brought away some
relicts) which if not touched has no smell, if rubed hard or stricken wt a
key or any other thing, casteth a most pestilentious, intollerable smell,
which we could not indure. We tried the thing and fand it so. The occasion
and cause of this they relate wariously. Some sayes that the stone was a
sepulchre stone, and under it was buried a wicked man that had led a ill
life, whos body the Dewill came on a tyme and carried away; whence the
stone ever stinks in that maner since. Others say that when the Church was
a bigging, the Dewill appeared to one of the maisons, in the signe
[shape][138] of a mulet and troubled him; wheirupon the maison complained
to St. Hilaire the Bischop, who watched the nixt day wt the maison, and the
Dewill appearing in that shape he caused take him and yoke him in a cart to
draw stones to the bigging of the church. They gott him to draw patiently
that great stone which we saw and which stinks so, but he got away and
would draw no more.
[138] Interlined.
Nixt we saw St. Hilaires _berceau_, wheirin they report he lay, a great
long peice of wood hollowed (for it wil hold a man and I had the curiosité
to lay in it a while) halfe filled wt straw that they may lay the softer.
To this the blinded papists attributes the vertue of recovering madmen or
those that are besydes themselfes to their right wites, if they lay in it 9
dayes and 9 nights wt their handes bound, a priest saying a masse for them
once every day. And indeed according to the beleife of this place it hath
bein oft verified. The fellow that hes a care of thess that are brought
hither told us of a Mademoisselle who was extraordinarly distracted and who
was fully recovered by this means. Another of a gentleman who had gone mad
for love to a gentlewoman whom he could not obtaine, and who being brought
their in that tyme recovered his right wits as weill as ever he had them in
his dayes. Its commonly called the _berceau de fols_; so that heir in their
flitting they cannot anger or affront one another worse then to cast up
that they most be rockt in St. Hilaires cradle, since its none but fools or
madmen that are used so.
The greatest man in the province of Poictou is the governour, who in all
things representes the king their, save only that he hath not the power to
pardon offenders or guilty persones. Tho a man of wast estat, to wit of
300,000 livres a year, yet he keips sick a low saile[139] that he wil not
spend the thrid of his rent a year, only a pitty garde or 7 or 8 persons on
foot going before his coach; and 4 or 5 lacquais behind; yea he sells vin,
which heir is thought no disparadgement to no peir of France, since theirs
a certain tym of the year that the King himselfe professes to sell win, and
for that effect he causes at the Louwre hing out a bunch of ivy, the symbol
of vin to be sold.
[139] Lives so quietly.
The King also playes notably weill on the drum, especially the keetle
drumes, thinking it no disparagdement when he was a boy to go thorow Paris
whils playing on the drum, whiles sounding the trumpet, that his subjects
may sie whow weill hes wersed in all these warlike, brave, martiall
excercises. The invention of the keetle drume we have from the Germans who
makes great use of it.
The father of this present King also, Lowis the 13, could exactly frame and
make a gun, and much more a pistol, with all the appartenances of it, as
also canons wt all other sort of Artillerie; for he was a great engineer.
There are amongs the French nobility some great deall richer then any
subject of our Kings; for the greatest subject of the King of Englands is
the Duc of Ormond, or the Earle of Northumberland, nether of which tho hath
above 30,000 pounds sterling, which make some 300,000 livres in french
money, which is ordinar for a peir in France. The last of which, to wit, my
Lord Northumberland, by reason of that great power and influence he hath in
the north of England, his oune country, the parliament of England of old
hath found it not a miss to discharge him the ever going their, and that
for the avoiding and eviting of insurrectiones which, if he ware amongs
them, he could at his pleasure raise. Surely this restraint neids not be
tedious to him since he is confined in a beautiful prison, to wit, London;
yea he may go thorow all the world save only Northumberland, he may come to
Scotland whilkes benorth Northumberland be sea.[140] It may be it might be
telling Scotland that by sick another act they layd a constrainct on that
house of Huntly, the Cock of the north. If so, the French Jesuits sould not
have such raison to boast (as we have heard them), and the papists sould
not have so great footing in the north as they have.
[140] I have not traced the authority for this statement.
We most not forgett the drolleries we have had wt our host Mr. Daillé when
I would have heard him at the _gardé robe_, to sport my selfe whiles, I
would have come up upon him or he had bein weill begun and prayed him to
make hast by reason I was exceedingly straitned when they would have bein
no such thing, wheiron he would have raisen of the stooll or he had bein
halfe done and up wt his breecks, it may be whiles wt something in them.
In our soups, which we got once every day, and which we have descryved
already, such was Madames frugality that the one halfe of it she usually
made of whiter bread, and that was turned to my syde of the board, the
other halfe or a better part she made of the braner, like our rye loaves,
and that was for hir and hir husband.
The bread ordinarly used heir they bake it in the forme of our great
cheeses, some of them 12 pence, others 10 souse, others for 8. Thess for 10
souse are as big again as our 6 penie loaves, and some of them as fine.
There comes no vine out of France to forreine country, save that which they
brimstone a litle, other wise it could not keip on the sea, but it would
spoil. Its true the wine works much of it out againe, yet this makes that
wine much more unwholsome and heady then that we drink in the country wheir
it growes at hand. We have very strick laws against the adulterating of
wines, and I have heard the English confess that they wished they had the
like, yet the most do this for keiping of it; yea their hardly wine in any
cabaret of Paris that is otherwise.
Hearing a bel of some convent ringing and ronging on a tyme in that same
very faschion that we beginne our great or last bel to the preaching, I
demanding what it meint, they told me it was for some person that was
expiring, and that they cailed it _l'agonie_. That the custome was that any
who ware at the point of death and neir departing they cause send to any
religious house they please, not forgetting money, to ring a Agonie that
all that hears, knowing what it means, to wit, that a brother or sister is
departing, may help them wt their prayers, since then they may be
steadable, which surely seimes to be wery laudable, and it nay be not amiss
that it ware in custome wt us. The Church of England hath it, and on the
ringing any peaple that are weill disposed they assemble themselfes in the
Church to pray. In France also they ring upon the death of any person to
show the hearers, called _le trespas_, that some persone is dead. The same
they have in England, wt which we was beguiled that night we lay at Anick,
for about 2 howers of the morning the toune bel ronging on the death of one
Richard Charleton, I taking it to be the 5 howers bel we rose in hast, on
wt our cloaths, and so got no more sleip that night.
Their was nothing we could render Mr. Daillé pensive and melancholick so
soon wt as to fall in discourse of Mr. Douglas. He hes told me his mind of
him severall tymes, that he ever had a evill opinion of him; that he never
heard him pray in his tyme; all 16 month he was wt him, he was not 3 or 4
tymes at Quatre Piquet [the church],[141] and when he went it was to mock;
that he was a violent, passionate man; that he spak disdainefully of all
persones; that he took the place of all the other Scotsmen, that he had no
religion, wt a 100 sick like.
[141] Interlined.
Its in wery great use heir for the bridegroomes to give rich gifts to the
brides, especially amongs thess of condition; as a purse wt a 100 pistols
in it, and this she may dispose on as she pleaseth to put hir selfe bravely
in the faschion against hir marriage. We have heard of a conseillers sone
in Poictiers who gave in a burse 10000 livres in gold. Yet I am of the mind
that he would not have bein content if she had wared all this on hir
marriage cloaths and other things concerning it, as on bracelets and rings.
The parents also of the parties usually gives the new married folk gifts as
rich plenishing, silver work, and sicklike.
In parties appealls heir from a inferior to a superior, if it appear that
they ware justly condemned, and that they have wrongously and rashly
appealed, they condeime them unto a fine called heir Amende, which the
Judge temperes according to the ability of the persones and nature of the
businesse: the fine its converted ether to the use of the poor or the
repairing of the palais.
The Jurisdiction of thess they call Consuls in France is to decide
controversies arising betuixt marchand and marchand. Their power is such
that their sentence is wtout appeall, and they may ordaine him whom they
find in the wrong to execute the samen wtin the space of 24 howers, which
give they feill to do they may incarcerate them. Thus J. Ogilvie at
Orleans.
Even the wery papists heir punisheth greivously the sine of blasphemy and
horrid swearing. Mr. Daillé saw him selfe at Bordeaux a procureurs clerk
for his incorrigibleness in his horrid swearing after many reproofes get
his tongue boored thorow wt a hot iron.
The present bischop of Poictiers is a reasonable, learned man, they say. On
a tyme a preist came to gett collation from him, the bischop, according to
the custome, demanding of him if he know Latin, if he had learned his
Rhetorick, read his philosophy, studied the scooll Divinity and the Canon
Law, etc., the preist replied _quau copois_,[142], which in the Dialect of
bas Poictou (which differes from that they speak in Gascoigne, from that in
Limosin, from that in Bretagne, tho all 4 be but bastard French) signifies
_une peu_. The bischop thought it a very doulld[143] answer, and that he
bit to be but a ignorant fellow. He begines to try him on some of them, but
try him wheir he will he findes him better wersed then himselfe. Thus he
dismissed him wt a ample commendation; and severall preists, efter hearing
of this, when he demanded if they had studied sick and sick things, they
ware sure to reply _cacopois_. He never examined them further, crying, go
your wayes, go your wayes, they that answers _cacopois_ are weill
qualified.
[142] Perhaps _quelque peu_.
[143] Stupid, from doule, a fool.
We have sein sewerall English Books translated in French, as the Practise
of Piety, the late kings [Greek: eikon basilikae], Sidneyes Arcadia, wt
others.
We have sein the plume whilk they dry and make the plumdamy[144] of.
[144] Dried plum, prune.
The habit of the Carmelites is just opposite to that of the Jacobines,[145]
who goe wt a long white robe beneath and a black above. The Carmes wt a
black beneath and a white above. The Augustines are all in black, the
Fullions all in white.
[145] Jacobins, Dominicans, so called from the church of St. Jacques in
Paris, granted to the order, near which they built their convent.
The convent gave its name to the club of the Jacobins at the
French Revolution, which had its quarters there.
Its very rare to sy any of the women religious, they are so keipt up, yet
on a tyme as I was standing wt some others heir in the mouth of a litle
lane their came furth 2 nunnes, in the name of the rest, wt a litle box
demanding our charity. Each of us gave them something: the one of them was
not a lass of 20 years.
Mr. Daillé loves fisch dearly, and generally, I observe, that amongs 10
Frenchmen their sall be 9 that wil præfer fisch to flech, and thinks the
one much more delicat to the pallate then the other. The fisch they make
greatest cont of are that they call the sardine, which seimes to be our
sandell, and which we saw first at Saumur, and that they call _le solle_,
which differs not from our fluck[146] but seimes to be the same. The French
termes it _le perdrix de la mer_, the patridge of the sea, because as the
pertridge is the most delicious of birds, so it of fisches. Mr. Daillé and
his wife perceaving that we cared not for any sort of fisches, after they
would not have fisches once in the moneth.
[146] Flounder.
We cannot forget a story or 2 we have heard of Capuchines. On a tyme as a
Capuchin, as he was travelling to a certain village a little about a dayes
journy from Poictiers, he rencontred a gentlemen who was going to the same
place, whence they went on thegither. On their way they came to a little
brook, over which their was no dry passage, and which would take a man mid
leg. The Capuchin could easily overcome this difficulty for, being bare
legged, he had no more ado but to truce up his gowen and pass over; the
gentleman could not wt such ease, whence the Capucyn offers to carry him
over on his back. When he was in the mides of the burn the Capucyn demanded
him if he had any mony on him. The man, thinking to gratify the Capucyn,
replied that he had as much as would bear both their charges. Wheiron the
Capucyn replied, If so, then, Sir, I can carry you no further, for by the
institution of our order I can carry no mony, and wt that he did let him
fall wt a plasch in the mides of the burn. _Quoeritur_, whither he would
have spleeted[147] on the regular obedience of their order if he carried
the man having mony on him wholly throw the water.
[147] Split, spleeted on, departed from.
At another tyme a Capucyn travelling all alone fand a pistoll laying on the
way. On which arose a conflict betuixt the flesch and the spirit, that same
man as a Capuchin and as another man. On the one hand he reasoned that for
him to take it up it would be a mortell sine; on the other hand, that to
leive it was a folly, since their was nobody their to testify against him.
Yet he left it, and as he was a litle way from it the flesch prevailed, he
returned and took it up, but be a miracle it turned to a serpent in his
hand and bit him.
Enquiring on a tyme at Madame Daillé and others whow the murders perpetrate
by that fellow that lived at the port St. Lazare came to be discovered, I
was informed that after he had committed these villanies on marchands and
others for the space of 10 years and above, the house began to be hanted wt
apparitions and spirits, whence be thought it was tyme for him to quatte
it, so that he sould it for litle thing, and retired to the country
himselfe. He that had bought the house amongs others reformations he was
making on it, he was causing lay a underseller wt stone, whilk while they
are digging to do, they find dead bodies, which breeds suspicion of the
truthe, wheirupon they apprehend him who, after a fainte deniall, confesses
it; and as they are carrieing him to Paris to receave condigne punishment,
they not garding him weell, some sayes he put handes in himselfe, others
that his complices in the crime, fearing that he might discover them, to
prevent it they layd wait for him and made him away by the way, for dead
folk speaks none.
On the 22 of Septembre 1665 parted from this for Paris 4 of our society,
Mr. Patrick, David and Alex'r Humes, wt Colinton. We 3 that ware left
behind hired horses and put them the lenth of Bonnévette, 3 leagues from
Poictiers (it was built by admiral Chabot[148] in Francis the firsts time,
and he is designed in the story Admirall de Bonnivette). By this we bothe
gratified our commorades and stanched our oune curiosity we had to sie that
house. It's its fatality to stand unfinished; by reason of whilk together
wt its lack of furniture it infinitly comes short of Richelieu. It may be
it may yeeld nothing to it in its bastiments, for its all built of a brave
stone, veill cut, which gives a lustre to the exterior. Yet we discovered
the building many wayes irregular, as in its chimlies, 4 on the one side
and but 3 on the other. That same irregularity was to found in the vindows.
In that which theirs up of it theirs roome to lodge a king and his palace.
Al the chambres are dismantled, wtout plenishing save only one in which we
fand som wery weill done pictures, as the present Kings wt the Queens,
Cardinal Mazarin's (who was a Sicilian, a hatmakers sone) and others. The
thing we most noticed heir was a magnifick stair or trumpket most curiously
done, and wt a great deall of artifice, wt great steps of cut stone, the
lenth of which I measured and fand 20 foot. I saw also a very pretty
spatious hall, which made us notice it, and particularly Colinton, who told
me that Colinton hous had not a hall that was worth, whence he would take
the pattern of that. We fand it thre score 12 foot long, and iust the halfe
of it broad, thats to say 36. Above the chimly of the roome are written in
a large broad the 10 commandements.
[148] Philippe de Chabot, amiral de Brion. Guillaume Gouffier, amiral
da Bonnivet, was another of Francis I's admirals.
Heir we bade adieu to our commorads, they forward to Micbo that night, 2
leagues beyond Bonnevette, to morrow being to dine at Richelieu and lay at
Loudun; we back to Poictiers.
Its like that we on their intreaties had gone forward to Richelieu if we
had bein weill monted; but seing us all 3 so ill monted it minded us of
that profane, debaucht beschop Lesly, who the last tyme the bischops ware
in Scotland (when Spootswood was Archbischop) was bischop of the Isles. He
on a tyme riding with the King from Stirveling to Edinburgh he was wery ill
monted, so that he did nothing but curse wtin him selfe all the way. A
gentleman of the company coming up to him, and seing him wt a wery
discontented, ill looking countenance demanded, Whow is it, whow goes it wt
you, my Lord? He answered, Was not the Dewill a fooll man, was he not a
fooll? The other demanding wheirin, he replied, If he had but sett Job on
the horse I am on, he had cursed God to his face. Let any man read his
thoughts from that.
The richness of France is not much to be wondred at, since to lay asyde the
great cities wt their trafficks, as Tours in silkes. Bordeaux wt Holland
wares of all sorts, Marseilles wt all that the Levant affordes, etc., their
is not such a pitty city in France which hath not its propre traffick as
Partenay[149] in its stuffes, Chatteleraut in its oil of olives, its
plumdamies and other commodities which, by its river of Vienne, it impartes
to all places that standes on the Loier.
[149] A town in Poitou.
In France heir they know not that distinction our Civil Law makes betuixt
Tutors and Curators, for they call all curators, of which tho they have a
distinction, which agries weill wt the Civil Law, for these that are given
to on wtin the age of 14 they call _curateurs au persones et biens_, which
are really the Justinianean tutors who are given _principaliter ad tuendam
personam pupilli_ and _consequenter tantum res_; thes that [are] given to
them that are past their 14, but wtin their 25, they call _curateurs du
causes_, consequentialy to that, _quod curatores certoe rei vel causoe dari
possunt_, and wtout the auctority of thir the minors can do nothing, which
tends any wayes to. the deteriorating their estat, as selling, woodsetting
or any wayes alienating.
What concernes the consent of parents in the marriage of their children,
the French law ordaines that a man wtin the age of 28, a woman wtin 25 sall
not have the power of disposing themselfes in marriage wtout the consent of
their parents. If they be past this age, and their parents wil not yet
dispose of them, then and in that case at the instance of the Judge, and
his auctority interveening they may marry tho their parents oppose.
When the friends of a pupil or minor meits to choose him a curator, by the
law of France they are responsible to the pupill if ether the party nominat
be unfitting, or behave himself fraudulently and do damnage, and be found
to be not _solvendo_.
At Bourges in Berry theirs no church of the religion, since, notwtstanding
its a considerable toune, their are none of the religion their, but one
family, consisting of a old woman and hir 2 daughters, both whores; the one
of them on hir deathbed turned Catholick when Mr. Grahame was their.
Its a very pleasant place they say, situate on a river just like the Clin
heir; they call it the Endre.
Heir taught the renouned Cuiacius,[150] whom they call their yet[151] but a
drunken fellow. His daughter was the arrantest whore in Bourges. Its not
above 4 or 5 years since she died, whence I coniecture she might be comed
to good years or she died.
[150] Jacques Cujas, eminent jurist, 1522-1590.
[151] i.e. 'still speak of there as.'
This university is famous for many others learned men, as Douell,[152]
Hotoman,[153] Duarene,[154] Vulteius, etc.
[152] Possibly Douat, author of _Une centaines d'anagrammes_.
Paris, 1647.
[153] Francois Hotman, celebrated jurist, 1524-1590.
[154] Francois Duaren, jurist, 1509-1559.
The posterity of the poor Waldenses are to be sein stil in Piedmont,
Merindol, and the rest of Savoy, as also of the Albigenses in Carcasson,
Beziers and other places of Narbon. They are never 10 years in quietness
and eas wtout some persecution stirred against, whence they are so stript
of all their goods and being that they are necessitate to implore almes of
the protestant churches of France. About 12 years ago a contribution was
gathered for them, which amounted to neir 400,000 livres, which was not
ill.
The principall trafick of Geneva is in all goldsmiths work. The best
_montres_ of France are made their, so that in all places of France they
demand Geneva _montres_, and strangers if they come to Geneva they buy
usually 3 or 4 to distribute amongs their friends when their are at home.
In the mor southren provences of France to my admiration I fand they had
and eated upright[155] cheries 2 tymes of the year, end of May and
beginning of June, a little after which they are ordinar wt ourselfes, and
also again in Octobre. On a day at the beginning of that moneth at dinner
Mr. Daillé profered to make me eat of novelties, wheiron he demanded me
what fruits I eated in the beginning of the year. I replied I had eaten
asparagus, cherries and strawberries. You sall eat of cherries yet, said
he, and wt that we got a plate full of parfait cherries, tho they had not
so natural a tast as the others, by reason of the cold season, and the want
of warmness which the others enioy. They had bein but gathered that same
day; they are a sort of bigaro;[156] when the others are ripe they are not
yet flourished.
[155] Perhaps standard. Compare 'upright bur,' Jamieson's _Dict_.
[156] Bigarade is a bitter orange. This may mean a bitter cherry.
The most usuall names that women are baptized wt heir be Elizabeth,
Radegonde, Susanne, Marguerite and Madleine. The familiar denomination they
give the Elizabeths is babie, thus they call J. Ogilvies daughter at
Orleans; that for Marguerite is Gotton, thus they call Madame Daillé and
hir litle daughter. Thess of the religion, usually gives ther daughters
names out of the bible, as Sarah, Rachel, Leah, etc. They have also a way
of deducing women names out of the mens, as from Charles, Charlotte, from
Lowis, Lowisse, from Paul, Pauline, from Jean, Jeane. Thir be much more
frequent amongs the baser sort then the gentility, just as it is wt the
names of Bessie, Barbary, Alison and others wt us.
A camel or Dromedary would be as much gazed on in France for strangers as
they would be in Scotland. In Italy they have some, but few, for they are
properly Asiatick wares, doing as much service to the Persian, Arabian and
others Oriental nations acknowledging the great Tartar chain as the silly,
dul asse and the strong, robust mule does to the French. The camel,
according to report indeniable, because a tall, hy beast it most couch and
lay doune on its forward feet to receave its burden, which if it find to
heavy it wil not stir til they ease it of some of it; if it find it
portable it recoveres its feet immediatly.
There comes severall Jewes to France, especially as professing physick, in
which usually they are profondly skilled. Mr. Daillé know on that turned
protestant at Loudun. Another, a very learned man, who turned Catholik at
Montpeliers, who a year after observing a great nombre of peaple that lived
very devotly and honestly, that ioined not wt the Church of Rome, having
informed himself of the protestants beleife, he became of the Religion,
publishing a manifesto or Apology wheirin he professes the main thing whey
he quites the Catholick religion for is because he can never liberate their
tennet wheirby they teach that we most really and carnally eat our God in
the Sacrament, from uniustice, absurdity and implication.[157]
[157] Implication perhaps means confusion of ideas.
The Laws of Spaine, as also of Portugal, strikes wery sore against Jewes
that will not turne Christians, to wit, to burning them quick, which hath
bein practicate sewerall tymes. On the other hand a Jew thats Christian if
at Constantinople he is wery fair to be brunt also. Whence may be read
Gods heavy judgement following that cursed nation. Yet Holland, that sink
of all religions, permits them their synagogues and the publick excercise
of their religion. They rigorously observe their sabath, our Saturdy, so
that they make ready no meat on that day. If the wind sould blow of their
hat they almost judge it a sin and a breach of the sabath to follow it and
take it up. Their was a Jew wt us in the 1662 year of God that professed at
least to turne Christian, and communicated in the Abby Church.
We may deservedly say, _omnia sunt venalia Gallis_, for what art their not
but its to be sold publickly. Not so much as rosted aples ready drest,
_chastans_,[158] _poirs_, rosted geese cut unto its percels, but they are
crieng publicklie, and really I looked upon it as a wery good custome, for
he that ether cannot or wil not buy a whole goose he'el buy it may be a
leg.
[158] Chestnuts.
The prices of their meats waries according to the tymes of the year. The
ordinars of some we have already mentioned; for a capon they wil get whiles
20 sous, whiles but 14 or 12.
Theirs a fellow also that goes wt a barrel of vinegar on his back, crieng
it thorow the toune; another in that same posture fresch oil, others
moustard, others wt a maille[159] to cleave wood, also poor women wt their
asses loadened wt 2 barrels of water crying, _Il y a l'eau fresche_. At
Paris its fellows that carryes 2 buckets tied to a ordinar punchion
gir,[160] wtin which they march crieng _de l'eau_, which seimed a litle
strange to us at first, we not crying it so at home. Also theirs to be
heard women wt a great web of linnen on their shoulder, a el[161] wand in
their hand, crieng their fine _toile_. Theirs also poor fellows that goes
up and doune wt their hurle barrows in which they carrie their sharping
stone to sharp axes or gullies to any bodie that employes him.
[159] Mell, mallet, beetle.
[160] Hoop.
[161] An el.
Their came a Charlatan or Mountebanck to Poictiers the Septembre we was
their, whose foolies we went whiles to sie. The most part of the French
Charletanes and Drogists when they come to a toune to gain that he get them
themselfes[162] a better name, and that they may let the peaple sie that
they are not cheaters as the world termes them, they go to all the
Phisitians, Apothecaries and Chiurgions of the toune and proferes to drink
any poison that they like to mix him, since he hath a antidote against any
poison whatsoever.
[162] The meaning is, with the object of getting for themselves.
A mountebank at Montpeliers having made this overture, the potingers[163]
most unnaturally and wickedly made him a poisonable potion stuffed wt
sulfre, quick silver, a vicked thing they cal _l'eau forte_, and diverse
others burning corrasive ingredients to drink. He being confident in his
antidote, he would drink it and apply his antidote in the view of all the
peaple upon the stage. He had not weill drunk it when by the strenth of the
ingredients he sunk all most dead upon the scalfold or stage; he suddenly
made his recourse to his antidote which he had in his hand; but all would
not do, or halfe a hower it bereaved him of his life.
[163] Apothecaries.
Their are also some of them that by litle and litle assuesses themselfes to
the drinking of poison, so that at lenth by a habit they are able to take a
considerable draught wt out doing themselfes harme. Historians reportes
this also to have bein practicate by Mithridates, King of Persia
[Parthia].[164]
[164] Interlined.
Upon the founding of the Jesuits Colledge at la Fleche on made thir 2 very
quick lines:
Arcum dola dedit patribus Gallique sagittam,
Quis funem autem quem meruere dabit.[165]
[165] _Dola_ is a mistake for _dona_. The pentameter does
not scan. It might be emended, _Dic mihi quis funem_.
In many places of Germany their growes very good wines, in some none at
all. The Rhenish wine which growes on the renouned Rhein, on which standes
so many brave tounes, is weill enough knowen. They sometymes sell their
wine by the weight as the livre or pound, etc., which may seime as strange
as the cherries 2 tymes a year in France. Thus they ar necessitate to do in
the winter, when it freizes so that they most break it wt great mattocks
and axes, and sell it in the faschion we have named.
Adultery, especially in the women, is wery vigorously punished in many
places of France. In Poictou, as Mr. Daillé informed, they ignominously
drag them after the taile of a mule thorow the streits, the hangman
convoying them, then they sett them in the most publick part of the toune
bound be a stake, wt their hands behind their backs, to be a obiect of
mockery ther to all that pleases.
They that commits any pitty roobery or theifte are whipt thorow the toune
and stigmatized wt a hote iron marked wt the _flower de lis_ on the cheik
or the shoulder. If any be taken after in that fault having the mark,
theirs no mercy for them under hanging.
Every province almost hath its sundry manner of torturing persones
suspected for murder or even great crimes to extort from them a confession
of the truth. At Paris the hangman takes a serviet, or whiles a wool cloath
(which I remember Cleark in his Martyrologie discovering the Spanish
Inquisition also mentioned), which he thrustes doune the throat of him as
far as his wery heart, keiping to himselfe a grip of one end of the cloath,
then zest wt violence pules furth the cloath al ful of blood, which cannot
be but accompanied wt paine. Thus does the _burreau_ ay til he confesses.
In Poictou the manner is wt bords of timber whilk they fasten as close as
possibly can be both to the outsyde and insyde of his leg, then in betuixt
the leg and the timber they caw in great wedges[166] from the knee doune to
the wery foot, and that both in the outsyde and insyde, which so crusheth
the leg that it makes it as thin and as broad as the loafe[167] of a mans
hand. The blood ishues furth in great abondance. At Bourdeaux, the capital
of Guienne, they have a boat full of oil, sulfre, pitch, resets, and other
like combustible things, which they cause him draw on and hold it above a
fire til his leg is almost all brunt to the bone, the sinews shrunk, his
thigh also al stretched wt the flame.
[166] The torture of the boot was apparently new to Lauder, but from
his later MSS., it appears to have been in use in Scotland.
[167] Loof, palm.
On a tyme we went to sie the charlatan at the Marcher Vieux, who took
occasion to show the spectators some vipers he had in a box wt scalves[168]
in it, as also to refute that tradition delivered by so many, of the young
vipers killing their mother in raving[l69] her belly to win furth, and
that wt the horrid peine she suffers in the bringing furth her young she
dies, which also I have heard Mr. Douglas--preaching out of the last of the
Acts about that Viper that in the Ile of Malta (wheir they are a great more
dangerous then any wheir else) cleave to Pauls hand--affirme at least as a
thing reported by naturalists, the etymon of the Greek word [Greek:
hechidnae] seiming to make for this opinion, since it comes [Greek: apo ton
echein taen odunaen][170] _a habendo dolorem_. Yet he hath demonstrated the
falshood of that opinion: for he showed a black viper also spooted wt
yellow about the lenth of a mans armes, about the grossenesse of a great
inkhorne wholly shappen like a ell[171] save only its head wt its tongue,
which was iust like a fork wt 2 teeth, wheir its poison mainly resydes,
that had brought furth 2 young ones that same very day, which he showed us
wt some life in them just like 2 blew, long wormes that are wrinkled; and
notwtstanding the mother was on life and no apparence of any rupture in hir
belly. To let us sie whow litle he cared for it he took hir and wrapt it
that she might not reach him wt hir head, and put it in his mouth and held
it a litle space wt his lipes; which tho the common peaple looked on as a
great attempt, yet surely it was nothing, since their is no part of the
Viper poisonnable save only its head and its guts. As for the flech of it,
any man may eat it wtout hazard, for the same very charlatan promised that
ere we left the toune, having decapitated and disbowelled it, he sould eat
the body of it before all that pleased to look on, which he might easily
do. For as litle as he showed himself to care for it, yet he having
irritate and angred it, either by his brizing[172] it in his mouth or by
his unattentive handling of it (for such is the nature of the Viper that
tho its poison be a great deall more subtil, percing and penetrating, and
consequently in some account more dangerous then that of the hideous
coleuure or serpent, yet it wil not readily sting or bit except they be
exasperate, when the others neids no incitations, but wil pershew a man if
they sy him), when he was not taking heid, it snatcht him by the finger, he
hastily shakt it of on the stage and his finger fell a blooding. He was
not ordinarly moved at this accident, telling us that it might endanger the
losse of his finger. He first scarified the flech that was about the wound,
then he caused spread some theriac (one of the rarest contrepoisons, made
mainly of the flech of the Viper) on a cloath which he applied to it. About
a halfe hower after he looked to it in our presenc, and his finger was also
raisen in blay[173] blisters. He said he would blood himselfe above a
hower, to the end to reid himselfe of any blood already poisoned and
infected, lest by that circulation that the blood makes thorow al the body
of a man once of the 24 howers the blood infected sould communicate itselfe
to much. Also he sayd that he had rather bein stung in the leg, the thigh,
or many other parts of the body then the finger, by reason of the great
abondance of nerves their, and the sympathy the rest of the body keips wt
them, which renders the cure more difficile.
[168] Shelves.
[169] Riving, tearing.
[170] Mistake for [Greek: hodunaen]. The etymology is fanciful and
incorrect.
[171] Eel.
[172] Squeezing.
[173] Livid.
This charlatan seimed to be very weill experimented. He had bein at Rome,
which voyage is nothing in France, and thorow the best of France. The stone
thats to be found in the head of the hie[174] toad is very medicinal and of
great use their. They call a toad grappeau; a frog grenouille.
[174] i.e. he.
The papists looks very much on the 7 sone for the curing of the
cruels;[175] severall of the protestants look on it as superstition. They
come out of the fardest nooks of Germany, as also out of Spain itselfe, to
the King of France to be cured of this: who touches wt thir wordes, which
our King æquivalently uses, tho he gives no peice of Gold as our King does,
_c'est le roy qui vous touche, c'est Dieu qui vous guerisse_. He hath a set
tyme of the year for the doing of it. The day before he prepares himself by
fasting and praying that his touche may be the more effectuall. The French
could give me no reason of it but lookt on it as a gift of God.
[175] Cruels, scrofula, king's evil. For the healing powers of the
seventh son, compare Chambers's _Book of Days_, vol. i. p. 167;
_Notes and Queries_, June 12, 1852.
We can not forget a witty answer of a young English nobleman who was going
to travel thorow France and Italie, whom his friends feared exceedingly
that he would change his Religion, because he mocked at Religion. They
thought that King James admonition to him might do much to keip him
constant, wheiron they prayed the King to speak to him. Yes I shall do
that, quoth he. When he came to take his leave of the King, King James
began to admonish him that he would not change his Religion, for amongs
many other inconveniences he would so render himselfe incapable of serving
his King and his country, and of bearing any office theirin. He quickly
replied, I wonder of your Majesty who is so wise a man that ye sould speak
so; for ther is no a man in all France or Italy that wil change wt me tho I
would give him a 100,000 livres aboot.[176] The King was wery weill
satisfied wt this, telling his freinds that he was not feared he would
change, but that he saw he would bring back all the Religion he carried
afield wt him.
[176] To boot.
At the Marcher Vieux beyond our expectation we saw one of the fellows eat
the Viper head and all. The master striped it as a man would do an elle,
and clasped it sicker wtin a inch of its neck. The fellow took the head of
it in his mouth and zest[177] in a instant bit it of its neck and over his
throat wt it, rubing his throat griveously for fear that it stake their. He
had great difficulty of getting it over, and wt the time it had bein in his
mouth his head swalled as big as 2 heads. The master immediatly took a
glasse halfe full of wine, in which he wrang the blood and bowells of the
headlesse body of the Viper and caused him drink it also, breaking the
glasse in which he drank it to peices on the stage, causing sweip all wery
diligently away that it might do no harme. Immediatly on the fellows
drinking of it he had ready a cup of contrepoison, which he caused him
drink, then giving him a great weighty cloak about his shoulders he sent
him to keip him selfe warme before a great fire. The reason of which was to
contrepoise the cold nature of this poison as of all that poison thats to
be found in living creatures, which killeth us by extinguishing our natural
radical heat, which being chockt and consumed the soul can no more execute
its offices in the body but most depart.
[177] Just.
In the more Meridional provinces of France, as Provence, Languedoc, etc.,
they have besydes the other ordinar Serpents also Scorpions, which,
according as we may sie them painted, are just like a litle lobster, or
rather the French _rivier Escrivises_. They carry their sting in their
taile as the Viper does in its mouth. Tho it be more dangerous then any,
yet it carries about wt it contrepoison, for one stung wt it hath no more
ado, but to take that same that stung him, or any other if he can light on
it, and bruise out its substance on the place wheir he is stung, and theirs
no hazard. The potingers also extracts a oile which hath the same virtue.
Its not amisse to point as it ware wt the finger at that drollery of the
priest who preaching upon the gifts that the 3 wise men gave to Christ,
alleadged the first gave _d'or, myrrthe_, the 2d _argent_. He could never
find, tho he repeated it 20 tymes over, what the 3d gave wt the rest of its
circumstances. As also of the soger that made good cheir to his Landlord;
and of Grillet the Deviner who notwtstanding of his ignorance yet fortune
favorized.
The Frenchwomen thought strange to hear that our women theyle keip the
house a moneth after they are lighter, when they come abroad on 8 dayes,
and they are very weak that keips it a fortnight.
Be the Lawes of France a slave, let him be a Turk, slave to a Venitien or
Spaniard, etc. (such enemies they pretend themselfes to be to servitude,
tho their be legible enough marks of it amongs them as in their _gens de
main mort_,[178] etc.), no sooner sets he his foot on French ground but
_ipso facto_ he is frie. Yet al strangers are not in the same condition
their, nether brook they the same priveledges, for some they call
Regnicolls,[179] others Aubiens[180] (_suivans les loix du Royaume_,
bastards). The principal difference they make betuixt them is this, that if
a Regnicoll such as the Scots are, chance to dy in France they have the
power of making a testament and disposing of their goods as they please
which they have their, whither they be moveable or immoveable. If they die
not leiving a testament yet its no less secure, since their friends to the
10 degrie may take possession of them. Its not so wt the Aubiens who have
no such right, but dieng, the King is their heir, unless it may be they be
Aubiens naturalized, who then begin to have the priveledges of the others
and the very natives.
[178] Serfs under the feudal law, whose power of disposing of their
property by will was restricted.
[179] A legal term meaning native or naturalised citizens.
[180] _Aubains_. Foreigners, whose succession fell to the Crown
(_droit d'aubaine_).
The Laws of France [this is the rigor][181] denies children begotten in
Adultery or incest aliments, which tho harsh, condemning the innocent for
the guilty, yet they think it may serve to deterre the parents from sick
illicit commixtions.
[181] Interlined.
The Laws of France, as of the most of Europe (tho not practicate wt us), in
thess case wheirin a man gets a woman wt child, ordains that ether he marry
hir or that he pay hir tocher good, which is very rigorously execute in
France.
We can not forget a Anagram that one hes found in Cornelius Jansenius, to
wit, _Calvini sensus in ore_.
At Rome the Jews have a street assigned to them to live in a part. In
France, especially in Montpeliers, wheir theirs seweralls, they dare not
wear hats of that coleur that others wear, as black or gray, but ether rid
or green or others, that all may know them from Christians.
The King of France amongs other titles he assumes, he calls himselfe Abbot
of St. Hilaire, to wit of that church that bears the name in Poictiers,
whence its amongs the ænigma'es of France that the Abbot of St. Hilaire
hath the right of laying with the Queen of France the 1 night of the
marriage. Wheirupon when this king married the Infanta of Spaine, some of
the French nobility told hir that the Abbot of St. Hilaire had the right of
lying wt the Queen of France the first night, she replied that no Abbot
sould lay wt hir but her prince. They pressing that the laws of France ware
such, she answered she would have that law repealed. They telling hir the
matter she said the Abbot sould be welcome.
The most part of Them that sweips the chimelies in France we discovered to
be litle boyes that come out of Savoy wt a long trie over the shoulders,
crying shrilly thorow the cityes, _je vengeray vos cheminées haut en bas_.
Its strange of thir litle stirrows,[182] let us or the Frenchmen menace
them as we like we can never get them to say, _Vive le Roy de France_, but
instead of it, ay _Vive la Reine de Sauoye_.
[182] Lads, fellows.
We was not a little amazed to sy them on dy making ready amongs other
things to our diet upright poddock stools, which they call _potirons_ or
_champignons_. They'le raise in a night. They grow in humid, moisty places
as also wt us. They frie them in a pan wt butter, vinegar, salt, and spice.
They eated of it greedily vondering that I eated not so heartily of them as
they did; a man seimes iust to be eating of tender collops in eating them.
But my praeiudice hindred me.
To know the way of making their sups is not uunecessar since our curiosity
may cause us make of them at home. Of this we spoke something already.
Further he that hes made ready boiled flech, he hath no more ado but to
take the broth or sodden water wt his flech and pour it above his cut doune
loaves, which we proved to be very nourishing. If a man would make a good
soup wtout flech, he would cut me doune some onions wt a lump of butter
ether fresh or salt, which he sall frie in a pan, then pour in some
vinaigre, then vater, then salt and spice, and let al boil together, then
pour it on your sup, and I promise you a good sup.
We cannot forget what good company we have had some winter nights at the
fire syde, my host in the one noock, Madame in the other, and I in the
mides, in the navel of the fire. He was of Chattelerault, she of Partenay:
they would fallen to and miscalled one anothers country, reckning over al
that might be said against the place wheir the other was born and what
might be sayd for their oune. Whiles we had very great bickering wt good
sport. They made me iudge to decide according to the relevancy of what I
fand ether alledge. I usually held for Madame as the weaker syde.
The most part of the French sauces they make wt vergus.[183] For geese they
use no more but salt and water.
[183] Verjuice.
This consequence may be whiles used: Sy ye this, yes. Then ye are not
blind: hear you that; R, yes. Then ye are not deaf.
We saw a horse ruber wt a blew bonnet in Poictiers almost in the faschion
of our Scotes ones; another we saw not, from our leiving of Berwick, til
our returne to it againe.
To be fully informed of the history of the brave General [Mareschal][184]
Birron,[185] whom they had such difficulty to get headed; as of the
possessed Convent of Religious vomen called _les diablesses de Loudun_; as
of the burning of the preist as sorcerer and his arraigning his iudges
before the tribunal of the Almighty to answer him wtin a few dayes, and all
that sat upon his Azize their dying mad wtin som litle tyme; it wil not be
amisse to informe ourselfe of them from the History of France.
[184] Interlined.
[185] Ch. de Gontant, Duc de Biron, Marshal of France, born 1562, died
1602. A favourite of Henry IV, but executed for treason against
him.
The French, tho the civilest of peaple, yet be seweral experiences we may
find them the most barbarous. Vitnes besyde him who dwellt at Porte St.
Lazare, another who brunt his mother because she would not let him ly wt
hir, and was brunt quick himselfe at the place in Poictiers some 5 years
ago.
The French Law is that if a women be 7 years wtout hearing news of hir
husband that she may marrie againe.
We have marked the German language to have many words common wt our oune,
as bread, drink, land, _Goet_ for our God; _rauber_; feeds,[186]
_inimiticiæ_; march, _limites_; fich; flech; _heer_, sir; our man, _homo_;
_weib_ for wife.
[186] Feeds, _fehde_, feuds.
We have eated puddings heir also that we call sauses, which they make most
usualy of suine.
We cannot passe over in silence the observation the naturalists hath of the
Sow, that it hath its noble parts disposed in the same very sort they are
found in a man, which may furnish us very great matter of humility, as also
lead us to the consideration and sight of our bassesse, that in the
disposall of our noble parts we differ nothing from that beast which we
recknon amongs the filthiest. They make great use of it in France heir. In
travelling we rencontred wery great heards.
Tuo boyes studieing the grammar in the Jesuits Colledge at Poictiers,
disputing before the regent on their Lesson, the on demanded, _Mater cuius
generis est_: the other, knowing that the mother of the proponer had a wery
ill name of a whore, replied wittily, _distinguo; da distinctionem_ then;
replied, _si intelligas de meâ est faeminini; si de tua, est communis_ (in
the same sort does Rosse tel it).
The occasion of the founding that order of the Charterous in France is wery
observable. About the tyme of the wars in the Low Contries their was a man
at Paris that led one of the strictest, godliest and most blameless lifes
that could be, so that he was in great reputation for his holinesse. He
dies, his corps are carried to some church neir hand wheir a preist was to
preach his funeral sermon the nixt day. A great concourse of peaple who
know him al weill are gathered to heir, amongs other, lead by meer
curiosity, comes a Soger (Bruno) who had served in the Low Country wars
against the Spaniard and had led a very dissolute, prophane, godless life.
The preist in his sermon begins to extol the person deceased and amongs
other expressions he had that, that undoubtedly he was in paradis at the
present. Upon this the dead man lifted himselfe up in his coffin and cried
wt a loud voice, _justo dei iudicio citatus sum_: the peaple, the preist
and al ware so terrified that they ran al out of the kirk, yet considering
that he was a godly man and that it would be a sin to leive his corps
unburied they meit the nixt day. They ware not weill meet, when he cried
again, _iusto dei indicio indicatus sum_; when they came again the 3d tyme,
at which he cried, _justo dei iudicio condemnatus sum_. This seimed wery
strange to all, yet it produced no such effects in any as in our Soger, who
was present al the tymes: it occasioned enexpressible disquietment of
spirit, and he fell a raisoning, If such a man who was knowen to be of so
blamlesse a conversation, who was so observant of al his dueties to God be
dammed, hath not obtained mercy, oh what wil word of[187] the who hath lead
so vicious a life, thinks thou that thou will be able to reach the height
that that man wan to, no. At last considering that company and the tongue
ware great occasions to sin he resolves to institute a order who sould have
converse wt none and whom all discourse should be prohibited save onlie
when they meet one another, thir 2 words _Memento Mori_. For this effect he
fel in scrutiny of a place wheir they might be friest from company, and
pitched upon a rocky, desolate, unhabited place not far from Grenoble
(about 3 leagues), wheir they founded their first Convent, which bears the
name of Chartrouse, and is to be sein at this day. Notwtstanding that their
first institution bears that they stay far from the converse of men, yet
(which also may be observed in the primitive Monachisme) they are creeping
into the most frequented cities. Vitness their spatious Convent, neir halfe
a mile about, at Paris.
[187] What will become of thee. Compare German, _werden,
geworden_.
These of the Religion at Poictiers from St. Michel to Paise[188] they have
no preaching the Sabath afternoone.
[188] Pasch, Easter.
Its not leasum for a man or woman of the Religion to marry wt a Papist;
which if they do, they most come and make a publick confession of the fault
and of the scandal they have given by such a marriage before the whole
church. Experience hes learned them to use it wery sparingly and meekly,
for when they would have put it in execution on som they have lost them,
they choosing rather to turne papists then do it. We are not so strick in
this point as they are; for wt us _licet sed non expedit cum non omne quod
liceat honestum sit_.
Out of the same fear of loosing them they use wery sparingly the dart of
excommunication except against such as lives al the more scandoulously. The
protestants in speaking of their Religion before papists they dare not
terme it otherwise then _pretendue Reformée_.
We have eaten panches[189] heir, which we finding drest in a different sort
from ours but better, we informed ourselfe of it thus: they keip them not
intier as we do, but cuts them into peices as big as a man wil take in his
mouth at once, then puts them in a frying pan wt a considerable lump of
butter, having fryed them a good space, they put in vineger, a litle salt
and some spice; this is all.
[189] Tripe.
Their goosing irons they heat them not in the fire as we do; but hath a
pretty device. They make the body of the iron a great deall thicker then
ours, which is boss,[190] and which opens at the hand, which boss they fil
wt charcoall, which heats the bottom of the iron, which besydes that its
very cleanly, they can not burn themselfes so readily, since the hands not
hot.
[190] Hollow.
They dry not out their linnens before the fire as we do: they have a broad
thing iust like a babret[191] on which we bak the cakes, only its of brass
very clear, its stands on 4 right hight feet. They take a choffer whiles of
brass oftner lame,[192] filled wt charcoall, which they sett beneath the
thing, on which they dry out their cloaths wery neitly.
[191] Babret or bawbret or baikbred, kneading trough.
[192] Earthenware.
We think fit to subioine heir a ridle or 2. Your father got a child; your
mother bore the same child and it was nether brother nor sister to you:
yourselfe. A man married a woman which was so his wife, his daughter and
his sister. A man got his mother wt child of a lasse, which by that means
was both his sister and his daughter, whom he afterwards not knowing
married.
France thinkes it a good policy to height[193] the gold and silver of
stranger nations, by that thinking to draw the money of al other nations to
themselfes. This gives occasion to that book we have sein called
_Declaration du Roy et nouveau reglement sur le faict des Monnoyes tant de
France que estrangeres, donné par Lowis 13, an_ 1636. This book at least
hath 500 several peices gold and silver currant in France. It specifies
what each of them vieghs and what the King ordaines them to passe for.
First he showes us a great nombre of French peices of gold wt their shapes
what they carry on both sydes: then the gold of Navarre that passes: then
the Spanish and of Flanders, as the ducat and pistoles: then of Portugal,
as St. Estienne: then the English Rosenoble passing for 10 livres 10 souse:
the noble Henry of England for 9 liv. 10 souse: English Angelot for 7
livres: the Scotes and English Jacobuses, which we call 14 pound peices, as
also the Holland Ridres for 13 liv: that Scots peice thats wt 2 swords
thorow other, crouned the whol is 13, the halfe one 6 liv. 10 souse (it
hath, _salus populi est suprema lex)_: the new Jacobus, which we cal the 20
shiling sterling peice, 12 fra: then Flandres gold. The Scotes croune of
gold, which hath on the one syde_ Maria D.G. Regina Scotorum_, passes for 4
livres 5 souse.[194] Then he hath the Popes money, which hath Peter and
Paul on the one syde and the Keyes, the mitre and 3 flies on the other,
some of it coined at Avignon, some at Rome. Then the gold of Bologne,
Milan, Venise, Florence, Parma, Avoye, Dombes, Orange, Besançon, Ferrare,
Lucque, Sienne, Genes, Savoye, Geneve, wt that about the syde, _lux oritur
post tenebras_: Lorraine, Liege, Spinola, Mets, Frise, Gueldres, Hongry,
L'empyre, Salbourg, Prusse, Provinces Unies wt this, _concordiâ res parvae
crescunt_, Ferrare and then of Turquie, which is the best gold of them al,
its so fine it wil ply like wax: the armes wtin consistes of a number of
caracters iust like the Hebrew. Thus for the Gold. As to mony it hath al
the several realles of the Spaniard, as of al the Dolles or Dollers of the
Empire wt the silver of al their neighbouring nations. Our shiling[195] is
ordained to passe for 11 souse.
[193] Enhance the price of.
[194] For a comparison of these values, see Introduction, p. xliii.
[195] Here the shilling sterling.
Goropius Becanus in hes _Origines Antwerpianae_ would wery gladly have the
world beleive that the Cimbrick or Low Dutch is the first language of the
world, that which was spoken in Paradise; finally that the Hebrew is but a
compond ishue of it because the Hebrew seimes to borrow some phrases and
words of it when in the interim[196] it borrows of none. This he layes
doune for a fondement and as in confesso, which we stiffly and on good
ground denieng, al his arguments wil be found to split on the sophisme
_petitionis principii_.
[196] When in fact. So again p. 85.
The ground upon which the Phrygians vendicats their langage for the
anciennest is not worth refuting, to wit that these 2 Children that
Psammeticus King of Egypt caused expose so that they never hard the woice
of man: the first thing ever they cried was _bec_, which in the Phrygian
language, as also in old Low Dutch (so that we have to do wt Goropius heir
also, who thinks this to make mutch to his cause) signifies bread, is not
worth refuting, since they might ether light on that word by chance, or
they had learned it from the baying of the sheip wt whom they had
conversed.
To abstract from the Antiquitie of tongues, the most eloquent language at
present is the French, which gets such acceptance every wheir and relishes
so weill in eaches pallat that its almost universal. This it ounes to its
_beauxs esprits_, who hath reformed it in such a faschion that it miskeens
the garbe it had 50 or 60 years ago, witnesse _l'Historie du Serre_
(_francion_),[197] Montaign'es Essayes and du Barta'es Weeks,[198] who wt
others have written marvelously weill in the language of their tyme, but at
present is found no ways smooth nor agriable. We have sein the works of Du
Bartas, which, tho in langage at present ancient, is marvelously weill
exprest, large better than his translator Joseph Sylvester hath done.
Amongs his works their was one which I fancied exceidingly, _La Lepanthe de
Jacques 6, Roy d'Ecosse_, which he tornes in French, containing a narration
of that bloody wictory the Christians gained over the Turk, Octobre 1571,
the year before the massacre at Paris, on the Lepanto, which Howel in his
History of Venise describes at large. He speaks wt infinite respect of our
King, calling him among other stiles _Phoenix Ecossois_.
[197] _Francion_ interlined. _Histoire Comique de
Francion_, 1623-67. Sorel mentioned again p. 104. For de Serre,
see same page. I thought at first that here Serre might be Sieur,
but it is distinctly written, therefore perhaps _Francion_ is
interlined by mistake. The reference is to an early writer, De
Serres died in 1598. Sorel's _Francion_ was published in 1623.
[198] G. de Saluste, sieur du Bartas, 1544-1590, religious poet. His
_Divine Weeks_ were translated by Joshua Sylvester.
To returne to our French language, not wtout ground do we estime it the
Elegantest tongue. We have bein whiles amazed to sy [hear][199] whow
copiously and richly the poor peasants in their meiting on another would
expresse themselfes and compliment, their wery language bearing them to it;
so that a man might have sein more civility in their expressions (as to
their gesture its usually not wery seimly) then may be fund inthe first
compliments on a rencontre betuixt 2 Scotes Gentlemen tolerably weil breed.
Further in these that be ordinar gentlewomen only, theirs more breeding to
be sein then in some of our Contesses in Scotland. For their frinesse[200]
ennemy to a retired sullen nature they are commended be all; none wt whom
a person may move easily and sooner make his acquaintance then wt them, and
yet as they say wery difficult to board; the Englishwomen being plat
contrary. They wil dance wt him, theyle laugh and sport wt him, and use al
innocent freedome imaginable, and this rather wt strangers then their
oune....[201]
[199] Interlined.
[200] Freeness.
[201] Four lines erased in MS.
This much precisely for the French mony (only its not to be forgotten that
no goldsmith dare melt any propre French mony under the pain of hanging),
their langage, and their women: of the men we touched something already in
a comparison of them wt the Spaniard. I have caused Madame Daillé some
vinter nights sit doune and tell me tales, which I fand of the same very
stuffe wt our oune, beginning wt that usually _Il y avoit un Roy et une
Reine_, etc., only instead of our red dracons and giants they have
lougarous or war-woophs.[202] She told me on a tyme the tale or conte of
daupht Jock wt his _sotteries_, iust as we have it in Scotland. We have
laughten no litle at some.
[202] Loups-garou or were-wolves,
We saw the greatest aple we ever saw, which we had the curiosity to
measure, to measure about and fand it 18 large inches. The gourds are
monstrous great heir: we have sein them greater then any cannon bullet ever
we saw. We have eaten cormes[203] heir, which is a very poor fruit, tho the
peasants makes a drink of it they call cormet. In Octobre is the tyme of
their roots, as Riphets, tho they eat of them al summer throw, neips and
passeneips.[204]
[203] Sorb apples.
[204] Parsnips.
Let us mark the reason whey the Pope permits bordel houses at Rome, and
then let us sie who can liberat it from clashing immediatly wt the Aposles
rule, Romans 3, v. 8. O. sayes the Pope, the toleration of stues in this
place is the occasion of wery much good, and cuts short the occasion of
wery mutch evil, for if men, especially the Italian, who, besydes his
natural genius to Venery, is poussed by the heat of the country had not
vomen at their command to stanch them, its to be feared that they would
betake themselfes to Sodomy (for which stands the Apology of the
Archbischop of Casa at this day), Adultery, and sick like illicit
commixtions, since even notwtstanding of this licence we grant to hinder
them from the other, (for _ex duabus malis minus est eligendum_), we sie
some stil perpetrating the other. O brave, but since we sould not do evil
that good sould come theirof, either let us say this praetext to be false
and vicket, or the Aposles rule to be erroneous. Nixt if ye do it on so
good a account, whence comes it that the whores most buy their licence by a
100,000 livres a year they pay to your exchequer, whey have they not simply
their liberty since its a act, as ye say, of so good consequence?
The ancient inhabitants of Rome at that tyme when it became of Pagan
Christian seimes to me much viser then our reformers under Knox when we
past from Papisme to Protestantisme. They did not demolish the Heathen Idol
temples, as we furiously did Christian, but converted them to Christian
temples, amongs others witness the stately temple dedicat to the goddess
Fortune, much respected by the Romans, at present a church. Yea the
Italians boasts that they have cheated, robbed the Devil in converting that
hous which was consecrat for his service unto the service of the true God.
But all that heirs of our act laughts at it as madness.
Theirs a Scots Colledge at Rome.
I find that conclusion the Duke of Burgundy tried on a peasant, whom he
fand in a deip sleip in the fields as he returned from the hunting on a
tyme, wery good. On a tyme we fel a discoursing of those that are given to
riseng in their sleip and do things, whiles more exactly then give they
ware waking. I cannot forget on drollery. 2 gentlemen fell to lodge to
gither at one innes, the one began to plead for a bed by himselfe, since
the other would find him a wery ill bedfellow, for he was so much given to
hunting, that in the night he used to rise and cry up and doune the chambre
hobois, hobois, as on his dog; the other thought Il'e sy if I can put you
from that, wheiron he feigned he was iust of that temper in rising thorow
his sleip, and that he was so much given to his horses that he thought he
was dressing and speaking to them. Since it was so[205] they lay both
together; about midnight the one rises in his sleip begines to cry on his
doges; the other had brought a good whip to the bed wt him, makes himselfe
to rise as throw his sleip, fals to and whipes the other throw the house
like a companion,[206] whiles crying, Up, brouny; whiles, Sie the iade it
wil no stir. The other wakened son enough, crying for mercy, for he was not
a horse; the other, after he had whipt him soundly, made himselfe to waken,
wheiron the other fel a railing on him; the other excused himselfe wery
fairly, since he thought he was whiping his horses. In the interim the
other never rose to cry on his doges again.
[205] Interlined.
[206] Low fellow.
France in such abondance produces win, that seweral years if ye'el bring 2
punchions to the field as great as ye like, live them the on and they'le
let you carry as many graps wt you as the other wil hold.
They have in France the _chat sauuage_; the otter, which is excellent
furring; the Regnard, the Wolfe. In the mountaines of Dauphiné theirs both
_ours_ and _sangliers_, bear and boor.
Their doges are generally not so good as ours. Yet their a toune in
Bretagne which is garded by its dogs, which all the day ower they have
chaned, under night they loose, who compasses the toune al the night ower,
so that if either horse or man approach the city, they are in hazard to be
torn in peices.
The wolfes are so destructive to the sheip heir that if a man kill a wolfe
and take its head and its taille and carry it thorow the country willages
and little borrowes, the peasants as a reward will give him som egges, some
cheese, some milk, some wooll, according as they have it. They have also
many stratagemes to take the wolfe. Amongs others this: they dig a wery dip
pit, wheir they know a wolfe hantes; they cover it with faill,[207] fastens
a goose some wery quick, which by its crying attracks the wolfe who coming
to prey on the goose, zest[208] plumpes he in their, and they fell him
their on the morning.
[207] Turf.
[208] Just.
We have sein that witty satyre that Howel has about the end of his Venitian
History in French. The French Ministers of the Religion are exceedingly
given to publish their sermons, in that like to the English. Vitnesse
Daille'es sermons; Jean Sauvage, Ministre at Bergerac, betuixt Limosin
(wheir they eat so much bread when they can get it) and Perigord, dedicated
to Mr. de la Force, living at present their, Mareschal de France, father of
Mareschal Turaines lady: wt diverses others we have sein. We have sein a
catechisme of Mr. Drelincourt which we fancied exceedingly.
The halfe of France wt its revenues belongs to the Ecclesiasticks, yea, the
bueatifullest and the goodliest places. To confine our selfes wtin
Poictiers, the rents of whosse convents, men and women togither, wil make
above six 100 thousand livers a years, besydes what the bischop hath, to
wit, 80,000 livres a year. The Benedictines, a wery rich order as we have
marked, have 30,000 livres in rent; the Feuillans[209] 20,000; besydes what
the Jacobins, Cordeliers, Minims, thess de la Charité, Capucyns, Augustins,
the Chanoines of Ste. Croix, St. Radegonde, St. Peter, the cathedral of
Poictiers, Notre Dame la grande, St. Hilaires, wt other men and al the
women religious, have, being put togither wil make good my proposition.
[209 1] See p. 47, *note.
We had almost forgot the Jesuits, who, above 50 years ago, entred Poictiers
wt their staffes in their hand, not a 100 livres amongs them all, since
have wt their crafty dealings so augmented their Convent that they have
40,000 livres standing rent. Whow they come be this is not uneasy to
dewine, we toucht it a litle already. If any fat carcasse be on his
deathbed, they are sure to be their, undermine him wt all the slights
imaginable, wring donations in their faveurs from them, of which we know
and have heard seweral exemples: vitness the Abby at Bourdeaux, whom they
undermined, and he subtilly getting a grip of his testaments tore it and so
revocked his will. Also that testament so agitate by the Jesuits and the
sone of the deceased who was debauched before the Duke of Parme, the
Jesuits relaying on thesse words that the fathers Jesuits sould be his
heirs, providing that they gave his sone _ce qu'ils voudront_, what they
would: the Duk turning them against the Jesuits exponed them, that what
they would have themselfes that that sould be given to his sone.
Diverse others we have heard. The lawes of France wil hardly permit the
father to disinherit his sone, unless he can prove him guilty of some hy
ingratitude and disobedience against him, or that he hath attempted
something against the life of his father; that he is debaucht he cannot.
The custome among the great ones of the most part of the world is that they
cause any other of quality that comes to sy them be conveyed thorow their
stables to sy their horses, as also causeth them sy their doges, their
haucks, ther gardens. Particularly in Spaine the custome is such, that they
take special heed what horse or what dog ye praise most, and if ye
change[210] to say, O their is a brave horse, the horse wil be as soon at
your lodging in a gift as your selfe wil be.
[210] Chance.
We happened to discourse on night of fools and madmen, of their several
sortes, of the occasions, as love, study, vin, hypocondriack, melancholly,
etc. They told me of one at Marseilles who beleifed himselfe to be the
greatest King of the world, that all the shipes of the harbour, together wt
their waires, ware his; of another who really beleifeth himselfe to be made
of glasse, cryed horridly if any but approach him for fear they sould break
him. His friends, at the advice of some Doctor, took a great sand glasse
and brook it on tyme on his head as he was raging in that fit: seeing the
peices of glasse falling doune at his feet he cryed more hideously then
ever, that he was broken to peices, that his head was broken. After he had
calmed a litle they desyred his to consider that the glasse was broken, but
that he was not broken; and consequently that he was not glasse. On this
remonstrance he came to himselfe, and confessed he was not glasse. The same
was practicat on a nother who beleived himselfe to be lame.
We cannot forgett a story that happened at the bedlam at Paris. 2 gentlemen
out of curiosity coming to sie the madmen, the Keeper of the Hospital be
reason of some businesse he had could not go alongs wt them, whence he
ordains one of the fools that was besyde to go alongs wt them, and show
them al the madmen wt the occasions and nature of their madnese. The fool
carried them thorow them all, showing that their was on mad for love, their
another wt to much study, a third besottedly fool wt drunkness, a 4th
Hypocondriack, and so wt all the rest marvelous pertinently. At last as
they ware going out he sayd: Gentlemen, I beleife ye wondred at the folly
of many ye have sein; but theirs a fool (pointing at him) whom ye'el admire
more then them all, that poor fellow beleifes him selfe to be the beloved
Aposle St. John, but to let you sie that he is not St. John, and whow false
his beleife is, I that am St. Piter (for he chiefly held himselfe to be St.
Peter) who keips the gates of heaven never opend the door to let him in
yet. The gentlemen thought wery strange to find him so deiply fooll when
they reflected whow pertinently he had discoursed to them before and not
discovered the least foly. They ware informed that he was once a doctor in
the colledge of Sorbonne, and that to much study had reduced him to that.
It would appear he hes studied to profundly Peters primacy above the rest
of the Aposles.
The Protestant Churches throw Poictou keip a solemne fast 28 of Octobre, wt
the Papists St. Simons day. The occasion was to deprecate Gods wrath which
he showed he had conceived by reason he threathned them in sewerall places
wt Scarcity of his word and removing of his candlestick, since sewerall
temples ware throwen doune, as that at Partenay, etc. For that effect they
sent 4 of the Religion, the eminentest amongs them in the Province to the
King wt a supplication. We had 3 preachings. We eated no flech that day for
fear of giving occasion to the Papists to mock: we suped on a soup, fried
egges, roosted chaistains, and apples wt peirs.
Sewerall schollers have made paction wt the Dewil, under the Proviso he
would render them wery learned, which hath bein discovered. One at Tholouse
gave his promise to the Dewil, which having confessed, they resolve to
procede iudicially against him. Since the Dewil loves not iustic, they send
a messenger to the place wheir they made the pact to cite him to compeir
and answer. He not compairing they declaire him contumacious; and as they
procede to condemn him as guilty, behold a horrid bruit about the hous and
the obligation the lad had given him droops of the rigging[211] amongs the
mids of the auditors. We fand the story called _funeste resemblance_ not
il of the scholler in Lipswick University, who having killed on of his
companions was put to flie, wheiron after a long peregrinatione he came to
Coloigne, wheir to his misfortune was a young man whom he resembled so neir
that theirs no man but he would take on for the other. This young man had
ravished just at that same tyme a gentlewoman of great condition: now the
Lawes of Germany, as also of France, permits to pershue a _Ravisseiur_, tho
the women consent, if her parents contradict, criminelly for his life. On
this our scholler Proclus is slain in the streets for him; together with
what followes.
[211] Rooftree.
Thorow all Languedoc and Provence the olive tries is as common as the
walnuts in Poictou: oranges thorow much of France and in seweral places
China oranges. Lentils, the seeds rise and mile[212] growes abondantly
towards Saumer: the Papists finds them wery delicate in caresme or Lent.
Its wonderful to sie what some few degries laying neerer the sun fertilizes
a country.
[212] Mil, millet.
France is a country that produceth abondantly all that the heart of man can
desire, only they are obligded to fetch their spices (tho they furnish
other countries wt saffran which growes in seweral places of Poictou,
costes 15 livres the pound at the cheapest) from Arabia, their sugar from
America and the Barbado Islands: yet wtout ether of the tuo they could live
wery weill.
A man may live 10 years in France or he sy a French man drink their oune
Kings health. Amongs on another they make not a boast to call him[213]
_bougre, coquin, frippon_, etc. I have sein them in mockery drink to the
King of Frances coachhorses health.
[213] _i. e_. think nothing of calling him.
The plumdamy, heir prunecuite,[214] they dry so in a furnace.
[214] Prune, dried plum.
About the end of Octobre the peasants brings in their fruits to Poictiers
to sel, especially their Apples, and that in loadened chariots. The beggar
wifes and stirrows[215] ware sure to be their, piking them furth in
neiwfulles[216] on all sydes. I hav sein the peasents and them fall be
ears thegither, the lads wt great apples would have given him sick a slap
on the face that the cowll[217] would have bein almost like to greet; yet
wt his rung[218] he would have given them a sicker neck herring[219] over
the shoulders. I am sure that the halfe of them was stollen from many of
them or they got them sold.
[215] Lads, boys.
[216] Handfuls.
[217] Fellow. See Jamieson's _Dict_, s.v. 'Coulie.'
[218] Staff.
[219] 'A smart wipe.' I have not traced the expression 'neck herring.'
When we have had occasion to tel the Frenchman what our Adwocats would get
at a consultation, 10,20 crounes, whiles they could not but look on it as a
abuse, and think that our Justice was wery badly regulate and constitute.
Thorow France a Adwocat dare take no more than a _quartescus_[220] for a
consultation, but for that he multiplies them; for a psisitians advice as
much. Surely if it be enquired whose ablest to do it, France by 20 degries
might be more prodigal this way then we are; but their are wiser. Theris
above 200 Adwocats at Poictiers. Of these that gets not employment they
say, he never lost a cause, whey, because he never plaid one. Also, that
theirs not good intelligence betuixt the Jugde and him, whey, because they
do not speak togither.
[220] Quart d'ecu, a silver coin, quarter of an écu. See
Introduction, p. xlii. The cardecue was a common coin in Scotland.
As to the privilege of primogeniture in France its thus, that the eldest
carries away 2 parts of thrie: as, for instance, the father is a man of
15,000 livres a year, the eldest hath 10,000, the other 5000 goes amongs
the cadets.
Al the Capital tounes of provinces of France are frie from Taille.[221]
[221] A tax on persons not noble or ecclesiastic or exempted.
The wood cannot be but wholesomer to dresse meat wt then our coall: also
they impute the oftner contagions that happens in Brittain to the smook of
our coall, which grossens and thickens et,[222] by consequence infectes the
air, their wood smooking wery little.
[222] For 'it.'
The French cryes out against the wanity of our King who most be served by
his subjects on their knees, since that the knees sould be keipt to God
alone; as also their King more absolute then [he] tho not served so. Yea
some have bein so impudent as to impute (count)[223] the murder of our late
King (which 1000 tymes hath bein casten up to me) as a iust iudgement of
God on them for their pride. I cannot forget whow satyrically they have
told this, saying that the peaple of great Britain keip their Kings at
their beck, at their pleasure not only to bereave them of their croune but
also of their life. I endewored to show them that they understood not
things aright, that the same had bein practicat in France on Henry the 4t:
the cases are not indeed alike, since our King was brought to a Schaffold,
the other slain be a Assasin, Ravelliak, and regretted. To make the case
iump the better, I remitted them to ther History to sie wt what publick
consent Henry 3d was slain be Clement the Jacobine, yet heir their was no
iudiciall procedure as against our King. Whence I had recourse to
Chilperick, whom the peaple, tho legittime heir, first deposed then cowed
him, and thrust him in a Monastry surrogating Pepin his brother in his
roome. This wexed them, they could never answer this sufficiently.
[223] Interlined.
Sewerall tymes in France persones have suffered because they had discovered
some plot or conspiracy against the King or estat and could not prove it.
The Law is the same wt us, tho it seimes to carry injustice. On all hands I
am in danger: if I do not reveale it I am aequally guilty of the treason as
the actors are; if I rewealle it, I am immediatly made prisoner, tortured
to show all I know of it, put to prove what I say, in which if I failly I
lose my life. What can a man do when he have no proofes? He most tho'
reveall it and consequently lose his life; since after the truth sal appear
and he sal be held be all to have died gloriously as a weill wisher to his
country.
Its was strange of Cardinal Richelieu who know[224] all things that past
thorow France as if he had bein present, and 2 of the most intimate sould
not have spoken ill of him at Poictiers but he sould have knowen it or 4
dayes at Paris. Some imputed it to a familiar spirit he had, others to his
spies he had every wheir. He was _toute en toute_ in France in his tyme.
[224] Lauder's way of spelling knew. Compare p. 98, slow for slew.
The French mock at our sweit sauses and sugared sallades. Their salt is a
great deall better and more sawory then ours is. That which we parfait be
the fire, which cannot but in some measure consume the strenth of its
savorinesse, the sun denieng us it, they parfait be the sun. In Bearn or
Navarre they make it be the fire as we do; but they make more cont of that
which comes from the Rochel, which the Hollanders, Dans, and others carries
in abondance then of their. On the place wheir they make it its sold for a
sous marky[225] la livre, which costs at Poictiers 20 sous. In 2 heurs tyme
the sun will converte a great ditch full of sea water unto upright salt:
that they showle out, fills it again, and so in 3 moneth, May, Juin, July,
they make more salt then the fire maks in 2 years in Scotland: and wt lesse
cost and lesse pain. That our salt is whitter, its the effect of the fire,
since they could render theirs as white but it sould lose so werie much of
its savory. Their is a ile neir to that of St Christople which hath
montaines of Salt. The sea casts in the water on the dry land and the sun
convertes it immediatly, which beats their so violently that no corn can
grow; it rises but its brunt or it come to the head. The sugar growes
marvelously weill in it.
[225] _Sou marqué_. Copper coin worth fifteen deniers. That
was the value of the _sou parisis_. The _sou tournois_ was worth
twelve deniers.
The day before great fests, as _les Roys_[226] _Toussaints_, etc., their
fellows that wt white surplices and a pigful[227] of holy water wt a spung
in it goes thorow al the Catholick houses be-sprinkling the persons as also
the house, and so sanctifieng them that the Dewil dare not enter their;
passing by the Protestants houses as infected; or rather, as the Angel who
smote the first born of the Egyptians past the Israelits. At _Toussaints_
al are in ther best cloaths.
[226] Epiphany.
[227] Jarful.
Of the fal of our first parents its enquired what might have happened in
the case of the women alone sould have fallen, the man keiping his
integrity: wheither the children would have bein culpable wt the mother, or
innocent wt the father. 2'do if any children had bein born before the fal
they sould have bein exempt from the curse or not. 3'o if our parents fell
the same day they ware created. 4to who would be Cains wife, ether his
mother or a sister.
Upon what the Scripture teaches us, that for the 40 years the Israelites
ware in the wilderness their shoes nor their garments waxed not old, it may
be enquired what they did for cloaths to their childeren that ware born in
the wilderness, also theirs one that was 10 years old, another 20, at their
coming furth out of Egypt, they had cloathes and shoes meit for them at
that age, it may be demanded whow the same cloaths gained[228] them when
they came to be 30 or 40 year old. It seimes to be said that the cloaths
waxt wide as they grew.
[228] Fitted.
It may be demanded also, whither it was really a miracle in passing the rid
sea or give it was only at a low ebbe, since Moses know weill enough both
the sea and the desart, having feid his father-in-laws flocks their about
long tyme.
I demand, if our first parents had keipt their state of innocence whither
they would have procreat their children in that same faschion that man and
woman does now. It seims that they sould have copulated carnally, since
theirs no other raison assignable whey God sould have made distinction of
sex, since these sould have bein in wain: _at Deus et Natura nihil faciunt
frustra_. On the other hand I dare not say they sould have copulate
carnally when I consider the brutality and filthinesse of the act which
does no wayes agree wt the perfection wheirin they ware created. On the
supposition that they had keipt their innocence and begotten children, I
demand whither the children at their coming furth of the bellie sould have
had the vigueur that Adam had when he was created; or whither they bit to
be born litle that could nether speak nor go for the first 6 quarters of a
year as at present. This it seimes absurd to think, since that would have
argued wery much imperfection in the man, which I wil be wery loath to
think him capable of as he was in that state: the other syde seimes as
absurd, since its inconceivable to think whow Ewe could have born a strong,
robuste man of Adams strenth at the age of 30 years in hir womb.
I demand also whither Adam after he had lived many hundred years on earth
sould have died, gone to heaven and left the earth to his posterity, and so
after a long tyme his posterity to theirs. Necessity seimes to say that it
sould have bein so, since that if the fathers had not so made way to their
sons, or some ages the world sould not hold them all, for I suppose all
that hes lived in the world since Adam ware on the world at present, wt
them that are living on it even now, I am inclinable to think that we would
be put to seik some other new world besyde Americk to hold them. To think
on the other hand that he sould have died is as absurd, since its confessed
that the trie of Life was given him as a sacrament and signe he sould not
lay under the strock of death, for as death comes from that contrariety and
discord of the elements of whilk our bodies are composed, so the fruit of
this trie, at least typicaly, had the wertue of maintaining the contrary
elements in a parfait concord and by consequence of vindicating a man from
Death.
I demand in what season of the year the world was created. I find a great
rable of the Scolasticks, as testifies Lerees[229] in his physical
_disputa. de mundo_, teaching that it was in the spring tyme; and that the
sun began his course in the first degree of Aries; that it is from this
that the Astrologians begines their calculations, at Aries as the first
signe of the Zodiack; that it was at this tyme that Christ suffered,
restauring the world at that same season wheirin it fell. But who sies not
the emptinesse of their reasons. Theirs another rank who think it was
created in the Automne, since that Moses mentioned rip apples, which in the
spring tyme are only virtually in their cause. Others wt greater reason
condamne al thir autheurs as temerare and rash, since that Spring in our
Hemispbere is Automne in the other.
[229] Lery or Leri, Jean de, was a traveller and Protestant divine,
but I do not find trace of such a work as this.
About the Bi-location of bodies, I would demand the Popelings, in the case
wheirin a army is made up of one man replicate in 1000 places, whither he
shall have the strenth of one man or 1000: if one be wounded or slain, if
all the rest shal be wounded or slain: also whither he can be hot at Paris
and cold at Edin'r, headed at Paris, hanged at Edin'r, dy at Paris, live in
good health at Edin'r, wt infinite other alleaged by Lerees and others.
When he was at Poictiers a Gentleman accused of seweral murders and
imprisoned escaped in womens cloaths about the gloaming, whom we saw passe
thorow the street, giveng al ground of suspicion by the terror and
amazement he was in; letting a scarf fal in on part, his napkin in another,
his goun taille fell doune in a thrid. Yet none seazed on him. At the port
of the toune he had a horse waiting for him on which he escaped.
A litle after that a Mareschal, or ferrier, or Smith felled on of his boyes
at the Scotes Walk because he demanded money of him, escaped to Lusignan,
wheir he was taken.
Just about the same tyme on a stormy, vindy night a rich Candlemakers
(which office is not so dishonorable heir as wt us, their daughters wil be
going in their satins) booth was broken up, 40 pistols, which he had
receaved in payment just the day before, and which he had left in a box of
the table, stollen. Persones wil do weill then to keip quiet any mony they
have as weill as they can: according the tenor of my fathers letter.
On the day after _Toussaint_ is a feste til noon called _les
Trespassez_[230]. The papists prayes for their dead ancestres, over their
graves mumbling so many paters and so many ave'es.
[230] _Trépassés_, All Souls.
They have a apple in France called _pomme de Calvile_, its all rid thorow
to the wery heart, _pomme blanche_.
In case of fire in a toune the neirest bel, or the bel of that paroiche
wheir it is, ringes.
In Octobre heir, tho reasonably sharp, they have upright[231] Summer
weather, its so fair.
[231] Equivalent to 'downright.'
Our peirs that growes at home are all out as delicious, vitness the
carnock, as any we have eaten in France, tho they grow their in greater
abondance. As to the Apples we most not conteste wt them, since beseids
many brave sorts they have the pipin, which I conceive most be that they
call Reynett, brought unto France from Italy by Queen Blanche, mother of
St. Louis: it was first fund in Africk. The _pomme Minion_ is better then
any of ours: our Marican seimes to be a degenerat sort of it.
The silver hat-strings are much in use at present: they sell them by the
weight. The tabby doublets wt the silk [called wats][232] furring wtin are
also in faschion: wery warm in winter, cost 20 franks. Men and women from
the least to the greatest, yea not the wery keel wifes and fruit wifes, but
they have manchon muffes. A man cannot get a good one under a pistol: some
of a meiner size are sold for 6 or 4 francks. Our best furrings comes out
of Musco'e. Chamois gloves and linnens mad of goats skines, which are found
better in Poictou then in any other province of France, are not in so great
cont[233] wt them as wt us; yet they find them wondrously warm; some
thinkes them strenthning and corroborative of a feeble hand. We have sein
som buy them to lay swallings of their handes. Perruvicks, besydes they are
most faschious, they are destructive both to the body, since they are wery
unwholsome, engendring humeurs; as also to the purse, they being
extravagantly dear thorow all France, especially at Paris, wheir its a wery
mean one a man will get for 4 pistols; and a man can have no fewer then 2
at a tyme, on to change another.
[232] Interlined. Wats, _ouates_.
[233] Estimation.
We have spoken wt some Catolicks that have bein at Geneve. The disciplin is
very strick their yet. A Catholick if a craftsman they suffer him to
excerce his trade 3 moneth: they'le let him stay no longer. If a man swear
their, he'el be layd in prison, lay their 24 howers wtout meat or drink. A
man cannot speak wt a woman on the Street wtout giving scandal. The Sabath
is keipt as we do, nothing to be sold their on it, as thorow France its the
greatest market day of the week, the peasants bringing in al they have to
sell in abondance. Its the resort of al the banished Germans, Italians and
other strangers that would enjoy the excercise of their Religion freely and
purely.
In shaving a man, its impossible for a Frenchman to cut a man; they have
such a net way of baging the flech: also it would do a man good to be
washen wt their water, whiles rose water, whiles smelling of musck: tho
their fingers stinkes whiles, the French dighting their staille[234] wt
their fingers, thinking it prodigality to do it wt paper: yett ther Kings
of old did so, to teach their peaple frugality: hence it is that the
Frenchman wil not eat til he wash: wil not eat wt ye til ye wash: for my
oune part I would not eat wt a Frenchman til he wash.
[234] Foundation, breech.
Fresch egges are wery dear wairs in France. At Paris they are 5 pence a
peice, at Poictiers a shiling a dozen. They fry their egges differently
from us: they break them first in a plate: in the meantym they fry a
considerable lump of butter, then pours in the egges salting and spicing
them. Their hens are not so fertile as ours.
Our speaking of egges mindes me of Christophorus Colomba Lusitanian, a
experienced skiper, first discowrer of the new world, tho he had gotten
some encouradgements and conclusions about it from on Vespucius Americus
Florentin, from whom it gets its denomination of America. Colomba on a tyme
walking on the harbory of Lisbon, a toune knowen for the emporium of the
east, such a boystrous wind blow to him iust of the sea that he could not
get his feet holden; on this he began to reason that the wind could not
come of the Sea, but that of necessity their bit to[235] be land beyond
that sea, tho unknoun, of whilk[236] that wind bit to[235] blow, for the
vapors or exhalations drawen of the sea are not so grosse as thess that
montes of the land: and be consequence cannot produce such boystrous
vindes. This his opinion he imparted to sewerall: at lenth it came to
Ferdinando'es ears, who at the persuasions of Isabella his queen, a woman
of greater spirit and more action then hir husband, equippes Columba a
fleet, wt which after he had born out many stormes he gained his point,
returning wt some few of his shipes that ware left him loadened wt the gold
of the country.
[235] Must.
[236] i.e. though unknown, off which.
The King accepted him wery kindly, as he had reason, but his courtiers out
of that enwious nature of detracting from the merites of others, thinking
that theirs no way of gaining themselfes credit unless they backhit at
others, each most passe their seweral werdict on his attempt, al
concluding that it was nothing, that any man might have done it. The
honest, silly man hears them at this tyme patiently, when they have al done
he calles for a egge: desires them al to try if the could make it stand on
the end of it: they, not knowing his designe, try it all: it goes round
about al the table, not one of them can make it stand so. Then he takes the
egge, brakes the bottome of it, and so it standes upright, they being al
most ashamed, else further he addes, As now after I have let you sie whow
to do it, ye think nothing to make a egge stand upright: tho none of you
could do it before: sikelike after I have found you the gate to the new
world ye think nothing of it tho ye could not have done it yourselfes. They
thought themselfes wery far out.
Horrid and unchristian was the outrages the Spaniards committed on the poor
natives. They slow them like beasts. Further they carried over whole
shipeful of mastives which they hunted the naked Indians with; and I know
not how many millions ware torn this way.
The sogers ware so beastly that they could not refrain from laying and
abusing the Indian women, which gave them the _verole picot_ or French pox,
surely the just iudgement of god, wt a iudgement not knowen to former ages,
punishing men wt shame in this world. The Spaniards brought it from America
to Naples, infected some Napolitan women wt it, whence called _Morbus
Napolitanus_; thir women gave it to some French sogers who brought it unto
France, whence called wt us French pox, now its become universall. Philip
of Spaine who died August 1665 was owergoon wt it, they say.
The Indians calles the Spaniards Veracochié, which in their language
signifies scume of the sea. Out of contempt and because they assaulted them
first from the sea, they curse the sea always that vomited out sick
monstres. Some chances to tel them of heaven and hell: wheiron they have
demanded wheir the Spaniards would go to: they hearing that they would go
to heaven, they sayed they would not go their then, for the Spaniards ware
to bloody and cruell to stay wt.
To informe our selfes fully of the singularites of America and other
things it will be fitting for us to buy _Pancerollas[237] Vetera deperdita_
and his _Nova reperta_, as also Howels[238] Letters, Osburnes[239] advices
to his sone, etc.
[237] Panceroli, Guido, 1523-1599, Italian jurist. The work referred
to is _Kerum memorabilium jam olim deperditarum at contra recens
atque ingeniose inventarum_. Hamburg, 1599.
[238] Howell, James, 1594-1666, Historiographer Royal to Charles II.,
published several series of _Familiar Letters_.
[239] Osborne, Francis, 1589-1659, author. _The Advice to a Son_
was written for his son when at Oxford.
Its a custome in Pictou that if a gentlewomen would have hir galland passe
his gates[240] or any other to a other they have no more ado but to set the
wood on one of the ends of it in the chemly and they wil not readily stay.
[240] Go away.
In France the father of the bride, if on life, accompany'es his daughter to
the church; the worthiest of the company leading hir home, as wt us: yet at
Saumur the bridegrome leds home his oune spouse.
In France they observe that they have usually great rains about Martimess,
which we saw werified. When a great rain hath fallen we have sein al sortes
of peaple, prentises wt others, wt racks and shovles cume furth to cleange
the gutters and make the passage clear that it may not damme before their
doores; for the streets are but narrow at Poictiers and none of the
neitest. Orleans hath wery neit streets, amongs others on that goes from
the end of toune to the other.
A woman laying in child birth they call _commair_.
Our curds and whey (which they make not so oft as we) they call _caill
botte_.[241] Milk is a great delicat in France. I never hard it cried up
and doune the streits, as its wt us, tho they have many cries we have not.
[241] _Caillebotte_, curds,
They report of their sorciers and sorciares victches that they have their
assembles and dances wt the Dewill, especially the evening of _Marde gras_.
They look on the _corbique_ or raven as a bad prognostick of death; the pie
tells that some strangers's to come.
The Jesuites whipes their scollers wery cruelly, yea they whipt on to death
at Poictiers: yet the father could obtaine nothing against them. The
greatest affront that can be done to a woman is to cut the tayle of hir
goune from hir, or even to cast ink in her face, since that a lovely face
is the principal thing that commends a woman, hence as the greatest
reproach a man can be upraided wt is _bougre_ or _j'en foute_; so the
greatest of their railings against a woman is to say, _vous avez eu la robe
coupé au queue_. It hath bein practicat on some.
A man would take good heed that he never desire a woman a drink in company,
for the Frenchwomen take it in very il part, and some hath gotten on the
cheak for it.
They think a man does them honour in making them go before him; so that a
Frenchman wil never readily steep in before any woman of faschion, tho it
be just contraire in our country.
The 11 of November is St. Martins day, a very merry day in France. They
passe it in eating, drinking and singing excesivelie. Every one tasts his
new wine that day, and in tasting it takes to much; their be wery few but
they are full. The Suisses and Alemmands (who drink like fisches, as we
know in Mr. le Baron and his creatures at Orleans, each man each night
could not sleip wt out his broll[242] or pot, which the Frenches their
_L'abbé Flacour_ and _Brittoil_ mockt at) findes only 3 good festes in
France, Mr. St. Martin,[243] Mr. les trois Rois, and Mr. marde gras,
because al drinkes bitch full thess dayes.
[242] I have not found this word elsewhere.
[243] It was customary to speak of saints as Monsieur St. Martin,
Mme. Ste. Catherine, etc. Lauder extends the usage (whether
correctly or not) to Mardi Gras.
On the morrow after opened the Palais, which sits neir 10 moneth togither,
whither we went to sie the faschion. First their massers have not silver
masses as ours have, only litle battons, yea the massers to the parliament
at Paris have no more. Next none most bring nether swords nor spurs wtin
any of the bars: the reason whey swords have bein discharged is because
that judges and conseillers have bein several tymes assasinate on the bench
be desperate persons poussed forward be revenge; whence a man bringing on
wtin the bar wil be made prisoner: yet we had ours the first day.
The judges being sit doune on the bench, the Kings Advocat began a
harangue, reading it of his papers, wery elegantly extolling the lily or
_fleur de lis_ above al other flowers, and then France and its Kings above
all other nations, alleging that the whitnese and brightnese of the lily
denotated the purity and integrity of justice thats don in France. He
ending, the president in his scarlat robes (for they war al so that day wt
their 4 nooked black bonnets lined wt scarlet) began a very weill conceaved
harangue in the commendation of justice and vertu. That being done they
gave their oath wt the Advocats and procureurs or Agents (for they swear
anew every sitting doune of the Palais, when we give but one oath for all
wt us and that at the entry vnto to the office); the judges that they sal
passe no sentence contrare to ther conscience, but that they sal judge
_2dum allegata et probata_; the Advocats that they shal never patronize a
false cause; and if any cause they have taken in hand appeir after to them
false, that they sall immediatly forsake it: that they shal plead the
causes of the widow and orpheling, etc.
The Praesidial of Poitou at Poictiers is the greatest of France: yea it
consistes of mo conseillers or judges (to wit, about 30 wt 2 Kings
Advocats, 2 Kings procureurs), is of greater extent then several
parliaments: their be not so many membres in the parliament of Grenoble,
which is for Dauphiné, etc. The parliament of Dijon for Burguiogne hath not
so great extent.
The song they sing at St. Martins is thus:
'Pour celebrer la St. Martins,
Il nous fault tous chantre et boire
Celuy quy a converty L'eau au Vin
Pour luy que ne doibt on point faire
A[244] le bon vein, bon vein, bon vein,
Chasse de la melancolie
Je te boire[245] Jusque a la lie.'
[244] Probably for Ah!
[245] For _boirai_.
My host after his drinking of his glasse of wine, usually lifting up his
eyes to heaven in admiration, shakt his head (as we remember Charles his
nurse did at the seck),[246] crying, oh but win is a good thing (tho poor
man I never saw him drunk), protesting that he would not live in our
country because he could not drink ordinarly win so cheap.
[246] Sack.
Its a little strange to sie what alteration a sad accident may procure in a
man: befor that scandal he fel under by his wife wt Mr. Douglas, to wit, in
the tyme of Mr. Hope and my cousin Mr. Elies (as he and his wife
confesses), he was one of gailliardest, merriest fellows that one could
find amongs 100, ever since that, tho' he reteans something of his former
gailliardness, taking it by fits, yet he is not like the man he was, as
Madame hath told me. I seeing him mo jalous then a dog of his wife because
she loved so weill to play at the carts and wandring from hir house to hir
commorads, likt better their houses then hir oune. Oh, but she was blith
when he went to the country upon any affair, she minding him of his affairs
at Partenay or elsewheir to have him away; and in the interim from the
morning to 12 howers at even, even whiles at midnight, she would not have
bein wtin a hower.
There ware only 5 or 6 of the women of the Religion that ware players at
carts (as Mr. Dailly reproached sewerall tymes his wife, that she bit be on
of them) all thir, when he was goon, come branking[247] ay to hir house,
collationing togither. The first 3 moneth I was their she used all the
persuasions she could to draw me to be on of their society, or at least to
bear hir halfe in the gaine and the losse (whiles she would loss 2 crounes,
tho she made hir husband beleife she wan), but I would do none of them
(remembering my fathers expresse to beware of play, especially at carts and
wt sick creatures), alleadging always that I knew nothing of the play. They
offered to learn me, for they came seweral tymes a purpose to draw me on,
but I sayd I had other thing ado. I am exceedingly weill satisfied at this
present I did not engage. She hath told me ay, O Mr. Hope have played wt
us: I replied Mr. Hope might do what he pleased. Return Mr Dailly when he
please he could never find his wife wtin: some tymes he would have come
home at 12 howers wheir she expected not: when she would come home and find
him their, oh whow coldly would she welcome him and the least thing would
that day put her out of hir patience, for she had ether in the afternoon
tristed to come again to them, or tristed them to come to hir.
[247] Prancing, tripping.
Thus shortly out of many things, Henry the 4't was a most galliard,
pleasant, and merry prince: his queens Marguerit (as we show else wheir)
was thought to play by him. On a tyme as he was making himselfe merry
dancing a ballat wt some of his nobility, each being obliged to make a
extemporary sonnet as it cam about to him to dance, the our-word[248]
being, _un cucou mene un autre_, it fel the Marquis of Aubigni (who was of
Scots progeny, his goodsire was Robert Stuart Mareschal of France under
François the first; it was this Aubigni who told Henry when he was wounded
by the Jesuists scoller in the mouth, God, sire, hath suffered you to be
stoobed in the mouth, etc.) to dance wt the King in his hand and make his
couplets, which I fand right quick:
[248] Ourword, overword, refrain, like ourcome and ourturn.
'Si toutes les femmes vouloyent
les hommes cuco seroyent;
les Roys comme les autres,
un cuco mene un autre,'
Henry confessed he had win at him in his sonnet.
Follows some enigmes found in a Romance penned by Beroaldus,[249] named _le
voyage des princes fortunez_, wtout the explication, whence Mr Daillé set
me on work to resolve them: resolved sewerall betuixt us.
[249] Beroalde de Verville, François, 1558-1612, philosopher,
mathematician, and author of lighter works. _The Voyage_ was
published in 1610. Paris.
Un pere a douze fils qui lui naissent sans femme,
Ces douze aussi sans femme engendrent des enfants;
Quand un meurt l'autre naist et tous vivent sans ame.
Noires les filles sont, et les males sont blancs.
(The Year.)
Un corp qui n'a point d'ame a une ame mouuante,
N'ayant point de raison il rend raison des temps;
Bien quil n'ait pas de vie une vie agissante
Sans vie se fait vivre marchant sur ses dents.
(A cloack.)
Their follows that of a coffin that none care for, then,
Voulant aller au ciel, si je suis empeschée,
Les ieuz des assistans en larmes couleront;
Si pleurent sans regret ie ne suis pas faschée
Car quaud j'iray au ciel leur larmes cesseront.
(Its rick.)[250]
[250] Reek, smoke.
Le vivant de moy vive sa nurriture amasse
Je recoy les vivans haut et bas se suivans
Lorsque ie suis tué sur les vivans je passe,
Et ie porte les vifs par dessus les vivans.
(A oak wt its fruit feiding swine,
then cut and made in a ship
cairyes men over fisches.)
Bienque ie sois petit i'ay une soeur geante
Qui me rends de grands coups qu'encore je lui rends;
Nous faisons ceste guerre entre nous bien seante.
Car c'est pour la beauté de nos propre parens.
(The hammer and smiths studie.)
Je n'ay sang, os, ny chair, nerfe, muscles ni artere,
Bien que i'en sois produit et n'en tien rien du toute
Propre a bien et a mal je fais effect contraire.
Sans voix parlant apres qu'on ne a trunche la bout.
(A pen.)
Non male, non femelle, ains tout oeill en substance
Sans cesser il produit des enfans differens.
De la mort des ses fils ses fills[251] ont naissance
Et d'icelles mourant d'autres fills sont naisant.
[251] For _filles_.
(The Sun wt the day and night.)
Selon mon naturel ie m'escoule legere.
Mais par fois mon voisin m'estraint de ses liens.
Adonque on me void la mere de ma mere
Et puis fille de ma fille en apres ie deviens.
(Ice reduced to water.)
Ma soeur est comme moy de grande bouche fournis.
Elle l'a contre bas et moy deuer les cieux
I'ayde aux conservateurs d'appetit et de vie--
Et ma soeur (as I friend to the sick, so she) aux coeur devotieux.
(A bel and the Apothecaries morter.)
D'une estoffe solide a point on me fait faire
Pour servir au endroits ou loge la soucy.
Mon maistre me cognoit lui estre necessaire,
Car ie lui garde tout, il me tien chere ausi.
(A key.)
Elle a le poill dedans et dehors est sa graisse
Et si peut elle ainsi au jour failly praevoir
Mesme en plein nuict les autres elle adresse
Faisant voir a plusieurs ce quelle ne peut voir.
(A candle.)
On cognoist au oiseau qui n'a point de plumage
Qui donne a ses petits de son teton le laict.
When it sies we sie not; when we sy it sies not.
(A batt.)
Ouvert de l'un des bouts une queue on me donne
Afin qu'avec le bec je la traine par tout,
Puis conduite au labeur que ma Dame ordonne
Je laisse a chasque pas de ma queue le bout.
(A neidle.)
Trois ames en un corps distinguées d'essence
Ensemble subsistoyent not knowing they ware so many,
Deux enfin ont pris l'air, puis de mesme apparence
En trois corps distinguez chacum les a peu voir.
(A woman wt tuines.)
We saw a book, originally written in Latin by a Spaniard,[252] translated
in French, entituled, Histoire du grand royaume de la Chine situe aux Indes
Orientales, contenant la situation, Antiquité, fertilité, Religion,
ceremonies, sacrifices, Rois, Magistrats Moeurs, us,[253] Loix, et autres
choses memorables du dit Royaume, etc., containing many things wery
remarkable and weill worth the reading. showing how its bounded on al
hands, having the Tartars for its neirest neibhours, whom it descrives
whow it was discovered first by the Portugais, and the Spaniards at Mexico
in Americk.
[252] Gonzalez de Mendoza.
[253] Usages.
To the wondrous fertility of the country, much of it laying to the same
climat wt Italy, the Inhabitants addes great industry: no vagabonds nor
idle persons being suffered amongs them but punished vigorously. They have
no cloath. The meanest of the natives are cloathed in silk: its so rife
their that its to be had almost for nothing.
France also hath some silk wormes wtin it selfe; but besydes the peins they
most be at to feid them wt fresch mulberry leaves, they have no great
abondance of them, whence they draw the most of their silk from Italy wheir
its in great abondance; as Florence, litle republic of Lucques, Messin, as
also from Grenade. Oranges of Chine are knowen for the best of the world.
Cannel[254] (which growes not in France) is in its excellency their.
[254] Cinamon.
In selling and buying all things solid they weight them, even their mony,
which hath no stamp, as in selling selks and other sick things, wheirin
ther cannot be so meikle knavery as in metting them by elles.
Great abondance of silk caddez[255] cotton produced by a trie (not growing
in france, but just as the tries distilles the pick)[256] as of musk, wt
the manner whow they make it.
[255] A kind of cloth.
[256] Pitch.
The realme is found some 1800 leagues in longitude; 3000 in circumference.
Its divided unto 15 great Provinces, each plenished wt wast cities, som of
them taking 2 dayes to compasse them.
Their follows a description of the natural disposition, traits of face,
sorts of cloaths wt the excercises the men and women are addicted to. They
are al Pagans, worshiping plurality of gods, seweral things in their
religion symbolizing wt the Christian, which may be imputed to some seeds
of the Gospel the Aposle Thomas sowed their in going to the Indians, wheir
he was martyred.
Divers good laws they have; one discharging expressely and prohibiting al
natives of going out wtout the Royaume, for fear of bringing in strange
customes, descharging any strangers to enter wtout express licence. The
rights of succession of children to parents are almost the same as wt us.
By infallible records to their admiration they fand that both the art of
artillery, invented as was thought in Germany, and printing, invented, as
is beleived, by Jean de Guttenberg, Allemand, not 200 years ago, ware
amongs them, and of al older standing. Infinite other things we remit to be
sought in the _Histoir_.
We are informed that a lardship of 5000 livres rent wil sell in France for
a 100,000 livres; and by consequence a place of 15,000 livres a year at a
100,000 crounes;[257] the prix being ay 20 years rents. It may wary in many
places of France. Location-conduction[258] of lands, called their ferming,
are wery usuall in France; yea, the most part of Gentlemens houses rises wt
that, having bein first fermier or goodmen[259] (as we calle them) of the
place. The ordinar tyme of the take is 5 or 7 year, not on of a 100, and
yea being wiser then we wt our 19 and doubled 19 year takes.[260] In the
contract they have many fin clauses by whilk the fermier is bound to
meliorat the ground in all points as by planting of hedges and fruit tries,
substituting by ingraftments young ones in the room of old ones decayed;
finaly he is tyed to do all things comme un bon pere de famille feroit.
[257] The crown is hero taken at 3 livres, or 5s. sterling (taking the
livre at 1s. 8d. sterling).
[258] _Locatio conductio_, the Roman contract of letting and
hiring.
[259] According to Jamieson's _Dict_. goodman meant (1) a
proprietor or laird, (2)then a _small_ proprietor, (3)latterly, a
farmer.
[260] Tacks, leases.
We have already exemplified the hatred thats betuixt the Castillan und
Portugaize, we'el only tel another. A Spaniard Bischop was once preaching
on that, Let brotherly love continue, he say'd the French are our brother,
the Italian our brother, Allemand, Scotes, English, etc., our brether; yea,
I durst almost say that the Portugaiz is our brother almost also.
Many other stories I could report heir, as that of the poor man who fand
himselfe marvelously filled wt the smell of meat in a cooks choop happened
at Paris, and how the cook was payed by the gingling the mony, related by
Cleark in his Exemples: that of the gentleman runing a race and giving the
last to the Dewil, and the Dewils depriving the last of his shaddow; tho I
can not conceive how the Dewil can hinder a body to cast a shaddow unless
he perpetually interpose himself betuixt that man and the sun: that of the
English to be married to a Scotsman, whom William Broun was admonishing of
hir duty, that the man was the head of the woman, she quickly replieing
that he bit to be her head, she bit to be the hat on his head above him,
William sayd, that he would take his hat then and fling it amongs his feet:
that of the tooth drawer and the lavement out of the History of
Francion:[261] that of him who playing at the bowls in John Tomsons greine
wt a English Captaine, casting out togither, wrong his nose so sore til it
bled againe; being pershued by the Englishman for the wrong done, and put
to his answers, being demanded of the fact, he replied he had only wipt his
nose a litle straiter than he used to do his oune: that of King James and
the collier, ye sould obey a man in his oune house: that apparition Henry
the 4t saw as he was hunting in his pare at Fontainbleau, crying, _Amendez
vous_: also that daughter of Brossier that feigned the Demoniack so weill
wt its circumstancies, to be found in Du Serres[262] History of Henry the
4t.: that of the Scotsman at Paris who wan so much be a slight promising
the peaple to let them sy a horse wt its taille wheir its head sould be:
that of on Martin Merry, who on a tyme pressing to win in to sie the King,
the great Tresorier of England was at the door, who seing him so pert
demanded him whither he would go; he replied, he would sie the King; the
Thersorer told him he could not sie the King; then, he replied, I know what
I'le do then; the thresorer thinking he was bravado'ing him, demanded him
what can ye do, Sir; he answered, I'le go back the way I came then, My
Lord; he finding the answer wery good, he immediatly went and told the King
what had passed, who commanded Martin to be brought in and fel to and
talked wt him. Also the story of the Baron de la Crasse, place, place,
etc. Also the comoedy intituled Les Visionnaires. Also the reply of a
excellent painter who had children wery deformed, on demanding whow it came
that he drow sick exquisite portraits and had such il made children, ye
neid not wonder at that, sayd he, since I make my portraits in the day and
my children in the night.
[261] See p. 82, note.
[262] Jean de Serres, 1540-1598, author of works on the history of
France and theology.
A man may get his portrait drawen in France, especially at Orleans, for a
Pistoll. J. Ogilvy'es hal is all hung about wt portrait's of Gentlemen, al
Scots, save only one Englishman (whom Lostis[263] alleadged to have the
manliest face of all the company; we on the contrare, that he had the
sheipest), one womans called Richeson, whom my L. Rutherfurd[264] was in
great conceit of; Johns oune portrait is tuise their, his eldest sones as a
litle boy, his daughters, My Lord [Bards],[265] Newbyths,[266] My Lord
Cinhoules[267] brother, wt whom J. Ogilvie came to France as page; Sir
Robert Flecher of Salton, who died the winter before I came to France;
David Ramsay, a brother of the Provests,[268] so like him that I took it
for the Provests at first. Mr. Hayes was the last that was drawen, who
parted from J.'s house to make the tour of France the March before I
arrived, wt divers other pictures. At Mr. Douls house we remarked the same
in his sale;[269] only they ware all Englishmen, save on Sword whose father
was Provest of Aberdeen, and who when King Charles the 1t was at Newcastle
chapt him on his shoulder and impudently told him, he had spent our meikle.
[263] Query, l'hostesse, l'hôtesse, Mme Ogilvy.
[264] Probably Andrew Rutherfurd, first lord, a lieutenant-general in
the French service, created Lord Rutherfurd, 1661. Governor of
Dunkirk, Earl of Teviot, 1663, governor of Tangier, where he was
killed, 1664. His patent as Lord Rutherfurd entitled him to
bequeath the peerage to whom he pleased, and he left it to his
kinsman Sir Thomas Rutherfurd of Hunthill, served heir 1665, died
1668.
[265] Interlined.
[266] Sir John Baird, advocate, 1647, lord of Session (title Newbyth)
1667, superseded 1681, restored 1689, died 1698, aged seventy-
seven.
[267] Kinnoul's.
[268] Sir Andrew Ramsay, afterwards a lord of Session (title
Abbotshall). Lauder married his daughter.
[269] _Salle_, hall.
We most not forget the Capucin, who, gazing on a stage play, had his prick
stowed[270] from him instead of his purse. Also the good sport we have
made wt Spiny when we presented him the rose filled wt snuffe, dewil!
willain! ye most be hooled,[271] ye most, etc. I'm sorry for your case,
etc. Also that we made wt Dowy when on night in our Basseler[272] year at
night after the examination we put out the candles, I skein[273] brist him
til he farted; then he brought Mr. Hew on us, he crieng, Douglas, Doug.;
Lauder L., my hat amang you. Russel lay like a mart[274] in the midst of
the stair; wt many other sports.
[270] Stown, stolen.
[271] Husked, probably gelded.
[272] Bachelor.
[273] Possibly J. Skein (Skene); brist = squeezed.
[274] Carcass of an ox or cow killed about Martinmas for winter
provision.
The Laws of France permits, or at least forgives, a man to slay his wife if
he take hir in the wery act of adultery; but if he slay hir after a litle
interwall, as if he give hir lieve to pray a space, he is punished as a
murderer, since its to be praesumed that that iust fury which the willanous
act of his wife pouses him to, and which excuses his fact (since according
to Solomon even wery Jalousie is the fury of a man) is layd in that
interwal, so that he cannot be excused from murder. Both hath bein
practicat seweral tymes in France.
The punishment of women that beats their good men in Poictiers is that they
are monted on a asse wt their face to the taile, in this posture conveyed
ignominiously thorow all the toune: the hangman accompanieng them.
We most not forget the sport K. James made wt his fool who to chasse away
the axes[275] had flied[276] him, and whow the poor fellow was found dead.
[275] Ague.
[276] Frightened.
The K. of France drawes more then a 100 million a year as revenues out of
France besydes extraordinary taxations.
Theirs a wery observable difference betuixt on thats drunk wt win and on
drunk wt beir, the win perpetually causes to stagger and fall forward; the
beir and alle[277] backward.
[277] Ale.
A women drowen[278] is carried wt the water on her belly, a man on his
back.
[278] Drowned.
Their ware 4 peasants in a French village on a tyme discoursing about the
King. They sayd it was a brave thing to be a King. If I ware King (said the
first) I would rest wt ease all the day on that hy stack wt my vomb up to
the sun: the 2nd, if I ware King I would eat my sup every day swimming wt
bacon: the 3d, I would feid my swine _a cheval_: the 4t, Alas, ye have left
me nothing to choose; ye have chosen all the best things.
Francois the 1t was a King that loved exceedingly to discourse and hear the
minds of al ranks of peaple, as even our James. For that effect he seweral
tymes disguised himselfe and all alone gon to discours wt common peaple. On
a tyme he fand a poor man digging a ditch: he demanded what he wan every
day by his peins. 5 pence at most, quothe he. What family have ye? I have
my wife, 4 bairns and my old mother whom I nourish; but, further, I most
divide my 5 pence into 3 parts every day: by on part I pay my debt, another
I lean, the thrid, nourishes us. Whow can that be, can 10 turners[279]
maintain you a whole day? Sir, 10 I give to my old mother every day as
payment of what she bestowed on me when I was young; 10 I lean[280] to my
children, that when I am old and cannot work they may pay me again; the
other 10 is betuixt my wife and me. The King proponed this to the courtiers
to resolve him, etc.
[279] Turner, a copper coin equal to two pennies Scots or one bodle.
Thus the 5 English pence, which the man got, are equal to 5 sous
or 5 shillings Scots, and so to 60 deniers or 60 pennies Scots, or
30 turners.
[280] Lend.
In France a man wil do weill to take heid what women he medles wt; for if
he get a woman of degre below himself wt child he most ether mary hir or
tocher hir: if his aequal, ether marry hir or be hanged (which few
chooses): if she be far above his condition (especially if a valet engrosse
his masters daughter or sister not married) he is hanged wtout al process
_brevi manu_; the maid is thrust unto a convent to lead repentance their
for hir lifetyme, since she hath prostrat hir honor so basely.
While I was at Poictiers a young fellow got a wanton cocquette, a cream
keiper, wt child. For fear he sould be put to marry hir he quietly went and
enrolled himselfe amongs the sogers whom the King was levieng at Poictiers.
She gets notice of it, causes clap him fast and lay him prisoner. The
Captain came to seik back his soger, since he was under the protection of
the King, but he could not praevaile: they replied, if he war their for
debt they would villingly release him, but since he was criminal they could
not.
A soger may make his testament _quolibet modo_ in France: he may write it
on the sand, the dust as his paper, his sword he may make his pen and his
blood his ink, according to Justin. T. Institut.[281] _de Testam. Militis_.
[281] Justinian, _Inst_., 2. II.
Seweral tymes they have bein 3 moneth wtout a drop of rain in France, in
which cases they make a great deall of Processions to obtain rain, tho they
never do anything.
Some winters it freezes so hard wt us (as Mr. James [P. Ramsay][282] is
Author, to wit, that winter after the visitation in 1646 when the Colledge
was translated to Lighgow),[283] that in a basin of water after ye have
lift your hand out of the water ere ye dip it again it was al covered wt a
thin striphen[284] ice, and the 3d, 4t, etc. tymes.
[282] Interlined. It appears to be a correction. Patrick Ramsay was
'laureated' in 1646.
[283] The plague in Edinburgh, 1645-6, obliged the University to
remove to Linlithgow for a few months.--Waldie's _History of
Linlithgow_.
[284] Striffan, film.
On the 17 of November opened the Law University at Poictiers, at present
the most famous and renouned in France, usually consisting of above tuo 100
scholers, some coming to it from Navarre in the very skirts of Spain,
sewerals from Tholouse, Bordeaux, Angiers, Orleans, Paris, Rouan, yea from
Berry it selfe, tho formerly Bourges was more renouned--their's almost
nothing to be had their now--and tho in all these places their be
Universities.
On its opening Mr. Umeau, our Alex'rs Antagonist, and who that year
explained of the D.,[285] belonging _ad nuptias_, made a harangue of wery
neit Latin, which is the property of this University. His text was out of
the 4't book of the C.T.[286] 5 _de condictio Indeb. l., penultima_, whence
he took occasion to discourse of the Discord amongs the Jurise.[287]
raising 2 _quoest. 1'o, utrum recentiores sunt proeferendi antiquioribus:
2'do, utrum juniores natu maioribus_, wheir he ran out on the advantage of
youth: _Quot video Juvenes candidatos tot mihi videor videre aequissimos
Servios, sublimissimos Papinianos gravissimos Ulpianos, et disertissimos
Cicerones: quod plura[288] stellae indubio[289] sunt jae magnitudines in
Sphaerâ nostra Literariâ._
[285] Digest.
[286] Code, title.
[287] Jurisconsults.
[288] Query, _plures_.
[289] Query, _sindubio_.
The Rector of the University was their, the Mair, the Eschewines, the
President of the Palais, the University of the Physicians, wt a great heap
of al orders, especially Jesuits.
We might easily discover that basenese we are so subiect to in detracting
from what al others do'es but ourselves in that groundless censur of many
things in this harangue which our Alex'r had wt another of his partizans.
Mr. Filleau (very like Edward Edgar) gives a paratitle on the title _pro
socio_: he is on of the merriest carles that can be, but assuredly the
learnest man in that part of France, for the Law. _Pro socio, pro socio_,
quoth he, whats that to say _pro socio_, Trib.[290] speaks false Latin or
non-sense, always wt sick familiar expressions.
[290] Tribonian.
Mr. Roy, whoss father was Doctor before him, explained that year T.C.[291]
_de rescindenda vendit_. Mr. Gaultier, who left Angiers and came to be a
Doctor their, explained the title of the canon L.,[292] _de simoniâ et ne
quid pro spiritualibus exigatur_.
[291] Title of the Code.
[292] Lex.
For Mr. Alex'r its some 17 years since he came to France; he had nothing
imaginable. Seing he could make no fortune unless he turned his coat, he
turned Papist; and tho he had passed his course of Philosophy at Aberden,
yet he began his grammar wt the Jesuits; then studied his philosophy, then
married his wife (who was a bookbinders wife in the toune and had bein a
women of very il report), 50 year old and mor, only for hir gear, and she
took him because he was bony.[293] Studied hard the Law (Pacius,[294] as he
told me, giving him the 1 insight) and about some 5 year ago having given
his trials was choosen _institutaire,_. He is nothing wtout his books, and
if ye chap him on that he hath not latley meditate on, he is very confused.
He is not wery much thought of by the French, he affectats to rigirous a
gravity like a Spaniards, for which seweral (as my host) cannot indure him.
Also his pensioners are not the best treated. We have sein P. and D. Humes
seweral tymes breakfast: they had nothing but a litle crust of bread
betuixt them both, and not a mutching botle of win for my.[295] I never
almost breakfasted but I had the whole loave at my discretion, as much win
as I please, a litle basquet ful of the season fruites, as cherries, pears,
grapes: in winter wt apples. Also by Ps confession he drinks of another
win, better than that his pensionars drinks of. Also if their be on dish
better then another its set doune before him: he chooses and then his
pensionars when its iust contrare wt me.
[293] Bonnie.
[294] Pacius, Julius, 1550-1635, jurist.
[295] Me.
He began his lessons 23 of November. A Frenchman casting up the Rubrics of
the D.,[296] he fand _de edendo_. He showed himselfe wery offended whey
Tribo. had forgot, T.[297] _de Bibendo_ also.
[296] Digest.
[297] Titulus.
We most not forget to buy Gellius and Quintilians Declamations at Paris.
A Coachman was felled dead dressing his horses; 5 masons ware slain at the
Carmelits by the falling of a wal on them.
Mr. Alex'r in salaire hath only 600 livres, the other 4 each a 1000, also
seweral obventions and casualities divided amongs them, of which he gets no
scare, as when any buyes the Doctorat. He is a hasty capped body. Once one
of his servants brook a lossen,[298] he went mad, and amongs other
expressions he had this: these maraudes[299] their break more to me in a
moment then I can win in tuo moneth. They have no discourse at table. He
cars not for his wife. That night the _oubliour_[300] was their and she
would not send another plat[301] he threatned to cast hir and hir family
over the window.
[298] Pane of glass.
[299] Rascals.
[300] _Oublieur_, pronounced _oublieu_, pastrycook's man,
who came round in the evening selling small round cakes,
_oublies_.
[301] Plate.
We on night fel to telling of notes of preachings, as of the Englisman
preaching on that, In came Tobit, and much controverted whither they called
it baty, light feit or watch;[302] and of the minister that sayd, Christ,
honest man, liked not war, sayd to Peter; and of on preaching on that, And
Abram gave up the ghost, sayd that it was wery debated if it was for want
of breath or not, that he durst not determin it. Of a Preist preaching on
the miracle wt whilk Christ feed a multitude wt 5 loaves, it was not so
great a miracle, quoth he, as ye trow, for every on of the loaves was as
meikle as this Kirk: a baxter being at the pulpit fit[303] started up and
demanded wheir they got a oven to bake them in, and a pole to put them in
and take them out. Ye are to curious, quoth the preist, go and bake your
oune bread and medle not wt Christs, they had other ovens in the days then
they have now and other poles to, and do ye not think but Christ could have
lent them a pole. Also on who praying for the King our dread soveraine
Charles by the grace [of God] King of S[cots], etc., supream governour,
instead of under the[304] and they sone Christ, sayd over the. Also of
another who praying for the Illustrious Duke of York, sayd the Lusty Duk.
Also whow a hostesse at Camphire served Mr. R. Macquaire, being their to
dine, wt a great deall of other company, he was desired to seik a blissing,
he began so long winded grace that the meat was all spilt and cold ere he
had done. The wife was wood[305] angry. The nixt day comes, the meat was no
sooner put to the fire but she comes to Mr. R. and bids him say the grace.
Whats your haste Margerit, is the meat ready yet? No, Sir, but its layd to
the fire, and ere ye have ended your grace, it wil be ready. We most not
forget the Swisse, who coming in a cabaret at Poictiers demanding for win,
drank for his oune hand 15 pints, calling for a reckning they gave him up
16 pints. He told they ware cheating him of a pint, for he know weill the
measure of his womb, that it held no more but 15 pints, wheirupon he would
pay no more but for 15. Also of the Preist who bringing our Saviour in the
Sacrament to a young galliard very sick, sayd, behold, Sir, Christ is come
to visit you. The sick party replied, I sie very weil that Christ is their
by the carrier of him, for as he was knowen at his entry unto Jerusalem by
his asse that carried him, so do I know him at present.
[302] The meaning is whether Tobit's dog was to be called a comman cur
(baty), or a greyhound, or a watch-dog. The dog does not appear in
the English version of the Apocrypha, but in the Vulgate.--Tob.
vi. I. Profectus est autem Tobias et canis sequutus est eum, et
mansit ... juxta fluvium Tiberis.--xi. 9. Tunc praecucurrit canis
... et quasi nuncius adveniens, blandimento suae caudae gaudebat.
[303] Foot.
[304] Thee.
[305] Mad.
Wonderful was the temperance and moderation of the ancient Romans, yea
greater then whats to be found amongs Christians even now. They know[306]
no more but on diet a day, and that sober enough. At the first tyme that
some Greeks came to Rome, and the Romans saw them, according to the custome
of their country, eat thrise a day, they condamned them for the greatest
gluttons that could be.
[306 1] Knew, as on p. 91.
That story of the General (Fabritius) Roman is weill knowen: who at his
ennemies brought a wast sum of mony to bribe his fidelity to the
commonwealth, they fand him busy stooving a pot of herbes to his supper,
wheiron he answered them, that a man as he, that could be content wt sick a
disch, could not readily be temted wt all their gold. Also of him who being
choosen Dictator they fetched him from the plough to his dignity, sick was
their industry.
For a long tyme amongs the Romans old age was held such a ignominious thing
that they could not get the scurviest coalsteeler in Rome that would act
the person of a old man, not so much as in Comoedy.
For 500 years, and above, after the building of Rome, it [divorce][307] was
not knowen for a man to put away his wife. The first was one Spcius[308]
Carvilius, who under the praetext of sterility divorced from his wife.
[307] Interlined.
[308] Spurius.
We most buy that infamous book of Miltones against the late King,[309] wt
Claudius Salmasius answer.[310] Surely it shal stand as long as the world
stands for a everstanding memorandum of his impudence and ignorance: its
nothing but a faggot of iniury (calomnies), theirs not on right principle
either moral or politick to be found in it al; its penned by a pedant, a
scoolmaster, on who deserved at the cheapest to be torn in peices by 4
horses. Neither in our judgement, tho he deserves not to be refuted, hath
Salmasius done so weill to the cause.
[309] _Iconoclastes_, 1649.
[310] _Defensio Regia_, by Claude de Saumaise, 1588-1653.
A Parisian Advocat cited some civil Laws of whilk he was not sure: his
Antagonist retorting that their ware not sick a Law nether in the C nor
D,[311] he replied, if it be not their yet it sould be their tho.
[311] Code nor Digest.
About the 12' of December 1665 at Poictiers ware programmes affixed thorow
the toune intimating that the Physitians Colledge would sit doune shortly,
and that their Doyen Deacon, on Renatus Cothereau, a wery learned man in
his lessons, _Podagram hominum terrorem artuum que flagellum medicinali
bettio acriter prosequeretur_; hence it hath[312] this exclamation,
_accurite[313] itaque cives festinate arthici_.
[312] Meaning, probably, 'then follows.'
[313] For _accurrite_.
The same Renatus had a harangue at the beginning wherin he descryved very
pedantically the lamentable effects it produces on the body of man: amongs
his salutations, I observed this, _Themidis nostra Argonauta sacratissime,
fidelissime, æquissime_. They get no auditors to their lessons, whence its
only but for faschions sake that they begin their colledge, of which they
have nothing but the name.
We have observed heir in France that on their shortest day, the 22 of
December, the sun sets not but a hower, almost, after its set to us, to wit
at 4 acloack, and that they have light a quarter almost after 5. Also
looking to their Almanacks I fand that it rose on the shortest day at 7
acloack and some minuts, when it rises not to us but after 8, so that they
have in winter at Juile[314] a hower at morn, as much at even, of sun more
then we have. Their 2 howers we gain of them in the summer, for at our
longest day we have a hower sooner the morning the sun then they have; we
have it at 3 howers, they have it not til 4 wt some minuts. At even also we
have a hower of sun after that he get to them on our longest day, for by
their Almanacks he sets on that day in France, or at least at Poictiers, at
7 acloack wt some minuts, wt us not til after 8.
[314] Yule.
Their is a very considerable difference betuixt the French summers and the
Scots: to wit, in their heat; but surely we could remark none in their
winters. Its true we had no considerable cold before Juile, Nöel (tho their
fel a drift of snow about the end of Octobre, French account), yet we fand
it sickerly when it came, so that I do not remember that I felt it colder
in Scotland then it was for a space togither. Its true it leasts not so
long heir as it does wt us.
Juile is a great feste in France. The Papists are very devote on it, yea so
religious that they go all to Church at midnight to hear Masse, for a
preist hath that day power to say thry masses consecutife, when at another
tyme he can say no more but on at a tyine. I went after dinner and hard the
cordelier at St. Pierre. The rest of our Scotsmen ware so curious as to go
hear Midnight Masses. As for me I had no skil of it it was so cold; and
surely I did not repent it considering the affront that they got, that they
ware forced to render their swords at the command of the Intendant who the
night before was come to toune from the Grand Jour[315] that was then in
Auuergne. This he caused do following the mode of Paris, wheir no man is
suffered to carry a sword that night, both by reason of many quarrels begun
that night, as also of sewerals that take occasion to decide former
quarrels on that night. Surely they had no satisfaction in that Mass.
[315] High Commission sent down by the king to the provinces as a final
Court of Appeal.
During the tyme I was heir I fel in discourse wt the Jesuites, going once
to sy our countryman Pere Broune, who was wery kind to us al, and came and
saw me after.
About the tyme was that poor smith, of whom we made mention before,
execute, who was the first we ever did sie in France. Tho he had receaved
his sentence at Poictiers, yet that could serve til he was taken to Paris
(for the Capital tounes of France are not royal boroughs as our are, having
the power of heading and hanging wtin themselfes), wheir he was condemned
to be broken on the wheel, to be _rouée_, tho according to the custome of
France he know not that he was sentenced til about 2 howers before he was
broken, for by concealing it up til then they keip them from taking wiolent
courses to prevent their death which they would take if they know of it, as
killing themselfes, or means to ecscape, tho otherwise it be very il for
their souls, they having so short tyme to prepare themselfes for death.
They made this poor fellow beleive that he was only condemned to the
galleys, at which he laught, telling that it appeared they knew not he was
a smith, so that he could easily file his chaines and run away. About 12
acloak on that day he was to be execeut he was conveyed to the Palais to
hear his sentence, wheir it was read to him on his knees, the hangman
_bourreau_ at his back wt a tow in his hand. The sentence being read he
puts the tow about his neck wt thir words, _le Roy wous salou, mon amy_, to
show him that its the King that causes him dy. His sentence is read to him
again at the foot of the Palais, as give ye sould say at the coming of the
Parlement close, or Ladies Steeps;[316] and then a third tyme on the
schaffold.
[316] Steps close to St. Giles's Church. See Wilson, _Memorials of
Edinburgh_, 1891, vol. i. p. 260.
Their ware mo then 10,000 spectators at the Marcher Vieux. In the midle of
it their was a little _eschaustaut_[317] erected, on which ware nailed 2
iests after the forme of a St. Androws crosse, upon whilk the poor fellow
was bond on his back, wt his 2 armes and his 2 thigs and legs on the 4
nooks of the crosse, having bein strip naked to his shirt. After he had
prayed a little and the 2 carmes[318] that assisted him, the _bourreau_
made himselfe ready to execute the sentence, which was that he sould get 2
strooks quick and the rest after he was stranguled.
[317] _Echafaud,_ scaffold.
[318] Carmelites.
At Paris in breaking great robbers, for the better exemple they do not
strangle them at all; but after they have broken all their bones to peices
almost, they leave them to dy on the rack.
To return to our poor miserable, the _bourreau_ wt a great baton of iron
began at the armes and brook them wt tuo strooks, then his knees, then a
strook on every thigh, then 2 on the belly, and as many on the stomack; and
after all thir, yea after the 20 strook, he was not fully dead. The
tow[319] brak twice that was ordained to strangle him. In sying what this
cattif suffered made us conclud that it was a cruel death to be broken in
that sort.
[319] Rope.
We cannot forget how coldrif the French women seimed to be in the winter.
The marchands wifes and thorow all the shops every one have their lame
choffer[320] ful of rid charcoal wt their hands in among the mids of it
almost. The beggar wifes going up and doune the streits had them also.
* * * * * [321]
[320] Earthenware chafing dish.
[321] Twenty-two lines erased in MS.
We cannot forget the shift that the poor folk which have no bowets[322]
(which generally are not so good as ours) take when they go out under
night, as I have sein them when I have bein going or coming from Mr.
Alex'rs, and it would have bein so dark that I could not sy my finger
before me. It is they take a peice wood thats brunt only at one end, and
goes thorow the toune waging[323] it from one syde to the other, it casting
a litle light before him. It would almost fly[324] a man in a dark night to
sie it at a distance, and always approaching him, til he keen what it is.
[322] Lanterns.
[323] Wagging.
[324] Frighten.
We cannot but insert a not of a Northren Ministers preaching. His text was
about Piters threefold denial of Christ, and that wt oaths. Beloved, its
wery much controverted amongs the learned what ware the oaths that Piter
swoore, yet the most part condeschends that they ware thir: the 1, God
confound me, if I keen such a man; the 2, Devil ding me in testons;[325]
the third, by Gods wounds, I do not keen him. Mungo Murray of the life gard
was in the kirk, and resolving to make sport came to the Minister after the
kirk was scailed, telling him that he agreed wt him about the 1 [first] 2
oaths that they ware so, but he could not be of his mind about the thrid,
by Gods wounds, for Christ had not yet received any wounds, so that he
could not swear by Gods wounds. The Minister began, Sir, I am very glad
that ye take the freedom to propon your doubts, for its a signe of
attention. As to your difficulty, ye would know that a man when he is
sorest prest he wil swear sorest, so that Peter keipt the greatest oath
last; also ye would know that it was a Profetical oath, as give he sould
have sayd, by the wounds that Christ is to receave.
[325] Teston or testoon, a small silver coin. The last in Scotland were
coined by Mary in 1561, value 5s. Scots.
In the Hylands their was a minister that was to give the Communion to his
Parish wheir it had not bein given 6 or 7 years before. For that effect
they sent to Monross[326] to buy the win, which being come, he and his
elders bit to tast it for fear of poisoning their honest parishioners. Er
ever they wist of themselfes they fand it so good that they licked it out
every drap, and was forced to give the communion in good rid aile.
[326] Montrose.
We most not forget the story of the English Capitaine, who thinking to flie
his Hostesse, he was so frighted himselfe, his man wtout his direction
having bought a great oxes hyde and covered himselfe wt it, that looping
over the stair for hast he brake on of his legs.
Wheir 2 layes in a chamber togither, their are many wayes to flie on
another. We might take a litle cord or a strong threed when the other is
sleiping, bind it to his covering or bed cloaths, then going to our oun bed
wt a end of the string in our hand, making ourselfes to be sleiping, draw
the string to us, and the cloaths wil follow, and he wil be wery ready to
think that its a spirit. Also ty a string to 2, 3 chair feet, and so draw
them up and doune the house. He that knows nothing of it wil impute it to a
ghest.
Any tymes I was angry at the Frenchmen, if so be I was familiar wt them, I
fell to and abuse them in Scots, as logerhead, ye are a sheip, etc. Their
was no way I could anger them worse then to speak in Scots to them.
The consuetuds and rights of nations about hunting and halking throughout
the most part of the Christian world are wondrously degenerated from the
right of nature and nations and the Civil Law following the footsteps of
both. According to thir, all men have æqualy the liberty of chassing of
wild beasts, no sort of folk being excepted, and that not only in their
oune land but also in any others, since vild beasts, wheir ever they be
they are always wild beasts, apparteening to none; for if that the wild
beast is on my ground sould make that it be estimd myne, then leiving my
ground it leives of to be myn, and by entring unto my neibhours it begins
to be his, and so it might change a 100 masters in one day, which is
absurd. We might as weill say that the piot that bigs[327] on my try is
myne.
[327] Magpie that builds.
This liberty is exceedingly impared by the consuetudes at present, so that
nether can we hunt all beasts, the King having excepted dears, harts, etc.,
so that its not lawful for any to chasse or kil under the pein of a fine
500 francks, except only the King and some few others, great peirs, who
have their permission from the King.
Nether is it permitted for all indifferently to hunt, clergymen are
decharged it, Peasants also. Its confessed also by al that Kings may
discharge their subjects the pastime and pleasure of hunting, especially
thess who holds their lands in fief immediatly of the King, which he called
fiefs royalles, whom he may hinder to hunt in their oune ground, ower which
they have ful power otherwise to sel it, woodset it, gift it, or do wt it
what I please: the same power have the inferior seigneurs. Lords in giving
lands to vassals, men who have bein serviceable to them in many occasions
whom they cannot recompence in mony, they give them a tennement of land,
they usualy retain the right of hunting in these lands only to themselfes.
Halking in France is a excercise not permitted to any under a gentleman.
We have sein its not permitted to al to hunt; also its not permitted to
hunt al beasts; also its not permited now to hunt indifferentley in al
places. The Kings keips their parks filled wt wild beasts, wheir its not
leasum for any to hunt but themselfes, as Fontainbleau and St. James Park.
The nobility have also the same right of keiping sick parks; as witnese
upon the rode bothe of England and France we meit wt noblemens incloseurs
wheir would [be] 2 or 300 dears.
Yea, in France its not lawful to shoot wt the gun in another mans ground;
so that if a man take another guning in his ground, he usualy takes the gun
from him and breaks over his shoulders. If he can hinder a man to shoot in
his ground, much more may be hinder him to hunt, since the on is more
praeiudicial to him then the others; for its done wt greater noice, also
does more damnage to the cornes or wines.
What might be the reasons that have moved the Princes to hem in so narrow
bounds the rights of Hunting by the right of nature and civil Law so patant
to all are to be found in Vesembec,[328] paratitlo _de acquir[endo rerum
dominio._ ], For fear that the whole race of beasts sould soon or sin[329]
be totally exstirpated wt the multitude of hunters, if al ware permitted to
hunt. 2do, Least to many (as we sie at present) being to much taken wt the
plaisir of the sport sould forget their businesses of consequence. As to
that obiection, that hunting being from the right of natur, which is
unchangable, it cannot be prohibited by any civil Law, I say hunting is not
from the rights of nature commanding but permitting.
[328] Matthew Wesenbec, Dutch jurist, 1531-1586.
[329] Sooner or later.
Its a custome in France that when a young woman unmarried is condemned to
dy for some offence (unlesse the fault be al the grivevuser) that if the
hangman be unmarried he may sick hir in marriage and get hir hir life that
way: that their hes bein seweral that have refused it and choosen rather to
die. This hes great resemblance wt that custome in England that a man being
sentenced to dy, if a common whore demand him in marriage she wil get him;
it being a charitable work to recal a whore from hir loose and prophan life
by making hir marry. Yet surely both the on custome and the other is but a
corruptel and a mocking at Justice.
The accent the French gives the Latin is so different from ours that
sometymes we would not have understood some of them (for the most part I
understood them weil enought), nor some of them us. Ether we or they most
be right, but I dout not to affirm but that the accent they give it,
straining it to the pronuntiation of their oune language, is not natural,
but a vicious accent, and that we have the natural. My reason is, because
if their be any wayes to know what was the Accent the ancient Romans
prononced the Latin wt it is the Accent that the Italians gives it and
their oune language, which is a degenerated Latin, who be the Romans
posterity; but so be they give it the same very accent that we do: the
French ware never able to answer me this.
As to ther pronuntiation of the Greek I could never keip myselfe from
laughting when they had occasion to read Greek or any Greek sentence, even
their Doctors of Law: vitnesse le Berche at Orleans whom I attended 2
moneths, that Greek that occurres in the 2 T. 1 book of the
instituts,[330] [Greek: ton nomon hoi], he pronunced it [Greek: hi; men
agraphoi], prononced it [Greek: hagraphi; hoi, i; men engraphoi, phi]: as
we observed also in Mr. Filleau at Poictiers, [Greek: dunamenon] esti, he
pronunced the 2 last syllabes damned long. [Car [Greek: son kaphson]
urens.][331] We could give infinite mo instances wheir they prononce it
undoubtedly wrong.
[330] Justinian, _Inst_. i. 2: [Greek: ton nhomon ohi men
heggraphoi, ohi oe hagraphoi].
[331] Interlined. The meaning apparently is that the French pronounced
[Greek: kahnson], a New Testament and Septuagint word for burning
heat, as if it were written [Greek: kaphson].
They do not name their points in writing as we do, that which we cal comma
(following the Greek) they cal it alwayes _Virgula_; our colon, _duo
puncta_; semicolon, _punctum cum virgula_. When we say _nova Linea_ they
say _a capite_, wt sundry others like that.
A woman witness is receaved in France in any causes whither civil or
criminal: only wt this difference that for one man their most be 2 women,
id est, wheir 2 men being ocular witnesses of a murder wil condemne a man,
their most be 4 women, under which their witnes is not admitted.
They have their penny bridiles[332] in France as weil as we in Scotland.
When a servant women marries, her master brings wt him folk to their
wedding as he can get, who casts in into the plat according to their
pleasure. They wil be ready enough to promise on back the halfe of his
again wt the dessein so to engage the rest to give more.
[332] See _Scotland and the Protectorate_, C.H. Firth (S.H.S.),
vol. xxxi. p. 410, note.
About the begining of February 1666 came Comoedians to Poictiers. I went
and saw them severall tymes. The first was called Odip, who resolved the
Sphinx his enigma: was so unfortunat to slay his father by ignorance, marry
his mother, and to conclud al to put out his oune eyes: the fellow acted
his griefe exceeding lifelylie. The farce was _le Marriage du rien_. A fool
fellow in a scoolmasters habit wt a ugly nose, which I was angry at, a
scoop hat, comes on the stage wt his daughter, who proposes to him that she
apprehended furiusly that she might dy a maid and never tast of the
pleasure in marriage. In comes a poet to suit hir, fals out in the
commendation of Poesy; hir father shoots him away, saying that al the Poets
ware fools. In comes a painter who praising his art, whom also he puts
away, saying that the painter ware poor drunken fellows. After came a
Musician, who fell to sing: he called him a cheater. Then came in a
Astronomer, whom he put away because he could not tel whither he would give
him his daughter or not. Then came in a Captain, a floop[333] like fellow
wt his sword about him, making a wery fool reverence, who rodomontades a
space, telling that he had made the Devils tremble; that he was that
Achilles in Homer, that Eneas in Virgil, that Aiax in Ovid, and that al
that historians wrot of brave men was only of him. At last came in one that
called himself nothing, that would assume no title to himselfe. Not finding
anything to obiect against him he accepted of him.
[333] Floop or flup, awkward.
In the comoedy when the King stood very scrupulously on his word, his
sister fel to to convince him that it was a shame to a King to be slave of
his word, which was the great maxim of Cardinal Mazarini, as I was
informed. Having sent to consult the oracle of Delphos, and it not deigning
to answer him, in a rage he cried furth, _flectere si superos nequeo_, etc.
When a person dies in France they are very careful to mark in what posture
after their death their feet are in; for if they be unæqually laying, on of
them drawen up, they strongly beleive that by that the dead calls his or
hir neirest friend let it be wife, father, or brother, on of which wil dy
shortly after.
Its the faschion of the grandees when they die that they are exposed for 3
days after in a chamber hung all in doole[334] in their bed, also of dool,
in the bests cloaths which they wor when they ware in life, so that al may
come to sy them in that space. Their is holy water in the roome. The
Dutchesse of Montamor, whiles I was at Poictiers, was thus exposed.
[334] Mourning.
The bairnes of France have the excercise of the tap, the pery,[335] the
cleking,[336] and (instead of our gouf, which they know not) they have
shinyes.
[335] Peg top.
[336] Clekin or Clackan, a small wooden bat in shape like a racquet.
In France they have apples without any seeds in them; also great
Pavies[337] (which is the best sort of Peach) wtout any stone, which they
informed me the curious does thus: they graft a peach in a old stock, the
bow the end of the imp[338] and causes it to enter in a other rift made in
the stock, leaves it like a halfe moon or bow til they think it hes taken,
and then cut it in 2. That halfe imp that was grafted first wt the head
upmost bears peaches according course of nature wt stones in them, the
other, which growes as give ye would say backwardlies bears wtout any
stones. This has bein practicat. They'le impe[339] any tyme of the year in
France.
[337] Sorte de pêche, dont la chair est ferme, et qui ne quitte pas le
noyau.--Littré, _Dict_.
[338] Shoot.
[339] Graft.
About the mids of February was receaved a new fencing master, whom we saw
give his trials: the Mair made a assaut against him first, then the fencing
masters, then some schollers.
A litle after was the Queen mothers panegyrick or _funebre oraison_ made at
St. Pierre in a prodigious confluence of peeple of al ranks; the Intendant,
the President and the Conseillers, the Mair, the Eschiwines,[340] and the
Maison de Ville assisting; also many of the religious orders. The Cordelier
who preached the Advent before and the caresme after made the harangue. He
deduced hir glory and commendation, lo, from that she was Anne of Austria,
which is the province in which standes Vienne, the Metropolis of Germany;
that she was Philip the 3d of Spaines daughter; next that she was Queen or
wife to Lowis the Just, 13 of that name in France; 3dly, that she was
mother to Lewis the 14't, so hopeful a Prince, after she had bein 23 years
barren. Whence he took occasion to show that tho virginity and coelebat was
wery commendable, yet that it was no wayes so in the succession to crounes.
He had also heir a senselese gasconad which nobody approved of, that St.
Gregoire sould say that as far as Kings are exalted above other men, that
in so far the Kings of France ware above al other Kings. In the 4th place
he fand a large elogium to hir in that she falling widdow she becam Regent
of hir sone and the Realme during his minority. Hir last and principal
commendation was that she was a Princesse most devot and religious.
[340] _Echevins_, municipal magistrates.
We was at comoedy, the farce of which was called _Le cocus imaginaire_.
Their ware some honest women craking[341] togither on a tyme, they came
among other things to speak of Eve and hir transgression: on of them cries
furth very gravely, oh, that I was not their, I wish I had given hir a 12
penie loaf on the condition she had not eaten the apples.
[341] Chatting.
Wery rich stuff has bein heard at the examens in Scotland, some ignorant
folks wt their answers being wery pleasant and merry. Mr. J. Smith,
Minister of the Colledge Kirk, examining a bonnet maker, of whilk theirs a
great number in his parish, he speared at him what was effectual calling;
the fellow, clawing his head, replied, the feeklesest[342] calling I keen,
Sir, is my oune. Kid, minister of the Abby Kirk, spearing at one of my Lord
Catheneses servant women what was the Lords Supper. She, thinking that he
had speared what was for my Lords Supper, answered, Sir, or I came out I
set on the pot and My Ledy hes sent pies to the owen. Mr. Robert Blair,
examining a wery ignorant body, speared at hir, wheirof was ye made, Magie;
the folk neir hand rounded and harked in to hir, of the rib of man. Of the
rib of man, Sir. Weil said, Magy, quoth Mr. Rob, I'm very blaith to sie
that ye answer better then ye did the last examen. Who made man then? The
peaple round about whispered to hir, God. God, Sir. Whirof made he him
then, Magy? The peaple cried to hir then, of dust and clay: which she
mistaking or not hearing weil, insteed of saying of dust and clay, she
said, of curds and whey, Sir. I leive to ghesse whither them that ware
their laught or not. Mr. Robert himselfe, tho a very grave man, could not
refrain from smiling.
[342] Feckless, feeble.
In baptizing about the bairnes names ther hes bein mistakes both on the
Ministers hand and the holder ups. Mr. James Vood was baptizing a man at
St. Androws, and instead that he sould have baptized James, he called it
John. The father, a litle bumbaized at this, after the barne is baptized
and that he hes given it back to the midwife, he stands up and looks the
Minister as griveously in the face and sayes, Sir, what sal I do wt 2
Johns, we have a John at home else, Sir? Whow would ye called then, Robin?
quo' the Minister. James, Sir. James be the name of it then.
Mr. Forbes told me that in the hylands once a mans wife was lighter of a
lasse, the goodman was wery sick so that he could not go to church to
present his oune barne, wheiron he desires one of his freinds or gossips to
go and hold it up for him. He bit to have a Scriptural name for his
daughter, at last he agreed upon Rebecca. The man thought he sould remember
weil enough of it. Just as he is holding up the child he forgets the name.
The Minister speares, whow call ye it. Sir, they call it, they cal it, they
call it, shame fall it, ay hir oune selfe hes forgotten it. Yet I remember
that its a name very lik tobacco. Many did laught wery heartylie at this,
only some present remembered of the name, that it was Rebecca.
Having stayed at Poictiers til the 14 of April French accompte: some 20
dayes before that I was beginning to make many acquantances at Poictiers,
to go in and drink wt them, as wt De Gruché, Ingrande La Figonne, both
Advocats sones, and of the Religion, Mr. de Gay, Borseau, Cotibby, etc.
* * * * * [343]
[343] Twenty-seven lines erased in MS.
I was beginning to fall wery idle, so that if I had stayed longer in
Poictiers, I had alwayes engaged myselfe in more company, and so done the
lesse good, whence I have a sort of satisfaction that I came away.
On the day of my departing I took my leive of Mr. Boutiet, Mlle. Alex'r,
and Mlle. Strachan, Mlle. Chabate and hir mother wt some others, then went
to the Chappeau d'or, wheir we dined, Mr. Alex'r, the Doctor, Sandy, Mr. De
la Porte, Mr. Montozon (for Gorein was not in toune), and I. After having
taken my leive of Madame Daillé (himselfe being at Partenay), I took horse
before the buith door and came to the Daufin in the fauxbourgs, wheir I
leapt of. The most part of the Hugonots going to their Temple, their I took
my leive of Sandy'es wife, Madame Peager, and divers others. I took up to
drink wt me Mr. de la Porte, De Gruché, De Gey, De Gaule, Barantons
brother, etc.
* * * * * [344]
[344] Twenty-two lines erased in MS.
On my vakening on the morning, I fand my head sore with the win I had
drunk. For as sick as I was, on I got the morning wt the rest, and came and
dined at Portpile,[345] a litle toune standing 5 leagues (for the leagues
are long their in comparison of them about Paris) from Chattellerauld, on
the Creuse, which runes also by Blanc in Berry.
[345] Le Port de Pilles, Blaeuw's Atlas.
Having ioined their wt the Messenger of Bordeau, who had about 7 Gascons wt
him, and the Messenger of Angoulesme, who had above 12, we was a body above
24. We took al horseback, and having rode the river, tho wery deip, because
the bridge was broken, I fell in wt the Gascons, and was the rarest stuffe
wt them that could be.[346].... Also a gentleman of Sainctonge ioined wt
us, who was coming to Paris.
[346] Eight lines erased in MS.
We came this night to Faux, a litle village standing upon the Lindre, about
7 leagues from Portpile, wher I played one of the Gascons a pret[347] in
the boat; wheir also I saw a reservoire of fisches. Heir I was wery sick,
so that I suped none, as I had not dined, my Poictiers rant incapacitating
me. Yea, I was distempered al the way after, so that I cost not wery dear
to my Messenger for my diet.
[347] Trick.
Nixt morning be 4 howers, having taken horse and riden the water, I came to
Amboise. My heart began to lift in me for Joy when I came to places I had
sein before, for I being wery sick, I fancied now I was almost at the end
of my journy. Amboise is 5 leagues from Faux. We dined at the Cheval rouge,
in the fauxbourgs, this syde of the Loire. I went and saw the Chasteau,
having taken a French Gentleman of Quercy (of which Cahors is the Capital
toune, and Dordogne the cheife river), and another of Thosose[348] wt me,
whose brother, a boy not above 20 years, had already been at the wars
against the Mores of Barbary, and had bein taken prisoner, and was ransoned
by his father for 300 crounes, and was coming in to Paris to get some
employment in the army: such stirring spirits are the French. The Castle I
fand werie strong. I saw their arsenal, wheirs layes the canon of the fort,
the greatest of them carrieng only 10 pound ball. Their best peices ware
transported during the seige of the Rochel; they have never bein brought
back yet. Theirs in the entry King Dagobert and his Queens statues, wt 2
great sheep done _à l'antique_.
[348] Probably for Tholose, Toulouse.
The most considerable thing we saw was the Harts hornes, hung up in the
corner of a chapelle, of a monstrous bignesse, if they be natural. It was
taken some many 100 years ago in a forest of Lorraine towards Allemagne, wt
a collet,[349] about whilk the flesch was so growen that it covered it,
bearing that it belonged to Cæsar. It bit to be wery old when it was taken.
Also we saw some rib bons of it monstrouslie great. Also, I saw the chamber
wheir Mr. Fouquet[350] was detained prisoner when the King brought him from
Nantes.
[349] Collar.
[350] Nicolas Fouquet, 1615-1680, finance minister of Louis XIV.,
fell out of favour, and was arrested at Nantes, 1661.
From Amboise we came to Blois 10 short leagues, wheir I went straight to
the Castle (my remarks of which are elsewheir) to sie these verses of
Faustus above the 1 gate of the castle, which are as followeth:
Hic ubi natus erat dextro Ludovicus Olympo
Sumpsit honorata regiâ[351] sceptra manu,
Foelix quæ tanti fulsit lux nuntia regis,
Gallia non alio principe digna fuit.
1498.
[351] Regiâ for regia. At best the line does not scan.
Next morning we came to St. Laurens, a pretty litle toune, wheir we dined.
In the afternoone we passed by Clery, a litle village 4 leagues from
Orleans, wheir I subscrived my name in the great book of all passengers
(wheir I did read several Scots names, as Liddell, Douglas, etc.). I payed
a collation, which cost me a croune.
At Orleans we quartered at the Charrue, in the fauxbourgs towards Paris. As
soon as I was arrived I went to J. Ogilvies, wheir I fand Madame,
Mademoiselle hir daughter, hir 2 sones, Mr. le Baron, and another Allemand.
They ware wery kind to me, caused me stay and sup wt them. They began and
told me the depart of my Lord Ogilwie from their house very discontent,
denieng J. Ogilvie, who was then in Germany for Mr. le Barons busines, to
have bein given him as his Governor by my L[ord] his father. They would
wery fain had me subscribing a paper (for they brought a notaire wtout my
knowledg), wherin I sould have attested that I had heard from him that he
was his gouwerneur, which they could not all obtain of me,... They pressed
me so sore, making remonstrances, that I would obligd them infinitly by
subscryving it, also that I could incurre no dommage by it, that I was put
to feigne that I had made a solemme oath not to subscryve anything while I
was in France, which stoopt their mouths.
I went wt Mr le Baron D'Angleberne and Christophle, le Barons valet, after
supper to the lodging, whither my Lord was retired, which was at the back
of the Church Ste. Croix, wheir I plead[352] the dissembler. Just at the
port of the toune I meet James Hunter, who had bein at my quarters to sie
me.
[352] Played.
Being on horseback, tomorrow being a Sundy, ere 3 howers of the morning we
dined at Thoury, a little toune 10 leagues from Orleans; came at night wt
foul weather to Estampes, a ruinous toune, their no being so meikle as a
whole house standing in al the fauxbourgs, and that since the late troubles
raised by Mr le Prince,[353] who defended the toune against the King. Their
is one long street in the toune. We lay at the trois Rois. We went to the
Cordeliers Convent to sie that Barbet[354] rought[355] water dog that taks
the Escrevisses,[356] but we could not sie it.
[353] In 1652 the Prince of Condé's troops held Etampes against
Turenne, Louis XIV.'s general.
[354] A kind of dog with long curly hair.
[355] Rought, rough: as he spells laugh, laught.
[356] _Ecrévisses_, crayfish.
Nixt day, having past by a Hermitage, wheir 2 hermites dwells, and seiks
almes of al that passes, we came and dined at Linas, besydes Montlery, 9
leagues from Estampes,...
At 5 oclock the afternoon we entred Paris by the fauxbourgs St. Jacques,
wheir we passed by the Val de Grace, builded by Queen mother of France,
lately dead, wheir hir heart is keeped; by the colledge of Clermont and the
Sorbonne. We quit our horses in the rue St Jacques, neir the Grande Cerf.
We was not weill of our horses when we was oppressed wt a generation of
Hostlers, taverners, and others that lodges folk, some intreating us to
come wt him, some wt him, all promising us good entertainement and
accommodation. I went wt on Mr. Houlle, a barber, who had bein in England,
because he was neir hand, and would stay but that night. Theyr was a French
Gentleman of Lions and a Spaniard, one of the Queens Attendants: this was
my company. That night they told me of the death of Madame de Touraine, and
of the execution of Mr. del Camp, 2 dayes before my coming, a Maister of a
Academy, and that for false mony, for whilk he had bein pardoned once
before.
Nixt day, whilk was the 20 Aprill 1666, French accompt, I came to Mr
Kinlochs, wheir I am informed that the most part of our countrymen are
already goon for England, and that Thirlestan, Gorenberry, and Sandilands
(whom I saw and gave on his desire my new testament) was to go the day
after. Their I was first acquaint wt Mr. Forbes[357] (Cullodin) and
Archibald Hay (Bara's brother). I changed my quarters that same day and
came to Kinlochs.
[357] Probably Duncan Forbes, 1644-1704, M.P. for Nairn, succeeded his
father about 1688, father of President Forbes.
Within a day or 2 I was acquaint wt our Scots Captains, Captain Caddel, C.
Rutherfurd wt a tree leg--his oune was dong from him at the Seige of
Graveling--and Captain Scot, also on C. White.
I saw the fruit they call grenades[358] at Paris. To look to before its cut
most like a citron: being cut at the top its all ful of litle grains as
like rezer[359] berries in the coulor and bigness, yea almost in the tast,
as can be. It was a pretty sight to sy how prettily the grains ware ranked
wtin the skin.
[358] Pomegranates.
[359] Rezer, rizzer, red currant.
Mr. Kinloch on night coming from a burial of a Hugonet Medecin at Charenton
saw a blind man of the Kings vingt (as they call them, tho they be 15
score) play at the Maille[360] to admiration, wheir upon Mr. Grahme took
occasion to tel severall very wonderful things he know of blind men: amongs
others, of one that could play weill to the gooffe, of another that, take
doune 2 watches, mix their works as much as ye like in a hat or any other
thing, and gave them him, he saw put them up as iust every one wt their
oune vorks as any cknock maker shal do. Its common that they know any sort
of silver by a more parfait touche then ordinar, which God is pleased to
impart unto them in recompence of the want of sight.
[360] See p. 20, note 2.
In the renouned toune of Forfar, one who had many kyn having caused milk
them at his door, left the tub wheirin he had milked them by neglect at his
door. By comes a neigbhours cow, whow being damned thirsty, comes the by
way to the tub and takes a wery hearty draught. In the mean tyme comes he
that ought the milk, and seing the damage that was done him, to the Toune
counsel he goes and makes a very greevous complaint, demandes that he that
owes the cow that had drunk his milk pay him it. The counsel was
exceedingly troubled wt this demand, never in their remembrance having had
the like case throrough their fingers. After much debat on both sydes, a
sutor[361] stands up and showes that he had light upon a medium to take up
the difference. He askes whither it was a standing drink or not that the
cow took when she drank out the milk. They replying whow could she take it
but standing, he replyed that it was a most sure thing in that country,
knowen to them all, that none ever payed for a standing drink. They
following this decision assolzied and cleared cow wt its owner from paying
ought, as having taken only a standing drink.
[361] Cobbler.
Its marked of the Aurelians[362] that they cannot drink standing, but that
tho they have never so litle to drink, they most sit doune. Henry the 4't,
as he was a very mery man, being at Orleans at a tyme, and my Lord maire
and his Eschevins being come to sie him, he would try the truth of this. He
first causes remove all the chaires and stools out of the roome, so that
nothing was left that a man could sit doune on: then caused bring in win,
and drinks to my L. mairs good health, then ordains him to pledge him, who
begins to look about him for a seat; no, nay seat for him, wheir on he
began to suspect the King had done it a purpose, he resolves to give his
Majesty sport. He causes on of his Aldermen to sit doune on his knees and
his hand, so that he may drink of his drink to the King on his back
sitting, which he did, and at which the King did laught no litle.
[362] People of Orleans.
In the tyme of our late stirs one of the name of Gordon, called black
Adam,[363] had broken in on a willage in some part of the north, and had
made such a pillage that he had left nothing that was in the least worth
the carrieng away. One of the women of the willage bewailling her lose wt
her neighbours, demanded whow they called that wicked man that that had
them the scaith. They call him Adam, quoth another, I know no more. Adam,
quoth she. Adam began the world and I think he sal end it to.
[363] Edom o' Gordon.
The Irishes hes a damned respect for St. Phatrick, of whom they say, that
if Christ had no bein Christ, St. Phatrick would have bein Christ, as he
ware the most worthy person after Christ.
In the first part of the Romance termed _Almahide_ or _l'esclave Reyne_,
penned by the renouned Scudery,[364] dedicated to Mademoiselle, the Kings
sister, are brought in the toun of Grenade in a uproar by reason of 2
mighty factions, the Abencerrages, of whilk Abindarrays is the head; and
the Zegris, whose head is Mohavide, betuixt whilk 2 the whole toune is
divided. It comes to a cruel fight in the spatious place of Viwaramble,
notwtstanding what the Mufti wt the Alcoran in his hand could say to
dissuade them, who is descryved wt all the rest of the religious orders.
[364] George de Scudéri, 1601-1667.
Amongs the Abencerrages was eminently conspicous the _bell esclave_ on the
head of Moray Zel, the father of Sultane Queenes party, for fear of whom
the queen suffers no small greife. At last by the mediation of the King
they are brought to peace; only Mohavide subornes a Alfaguy to accuse
criminelly the sclave for being found wt armes in his handes against the
law of the Alcoran: whos harangue is answered and refuted by Moray Zell.
The King, after deip deliberation and a magnanimous harangue of the sclave,
himselfe assolyies him. This reased a curiosity in Roderick de Navarre, a
great Spaniard, prisoner of the Mores at that tyme, having sein the valeur
of the sclave, to know what he might be: whence one Ferdnand, a old slave
of the Sultane queen, begines him his story thus:
In the beginning of the reigne of Muleyhassel, whose sone reigneth at
present, the greatest courtier at the court of Grenade was Morayzell; and
tho their ware many brave Dames, yet none could captivate his heart, so
that long tyme he was called le bel insensible. On a tyme on of his friends
called Almadam came and invited him to a feigned fight of canes he was to
make in the sight of his M'ris Semahis, to which at lenth yeelding, he
beates him, and wines the heart of Semahis, and begines to find his oune
touched. Finaly, after a combat for hir betuixt him and Almadan, in which
he overthrowes Almadan, they are solennly married. About the course of a
year after the beautiful Semahis gave a matchlesse daughter, which they
called Almahide, and who at present is _Sultane reyne_, to the valliant
Morayzel, who caused a learned Arabian cast hir Horoscope, who dressing hir
figure, gave the strange answer, that the stars told him that she sould be
fort sage et fort amoureuse, quelle sera en mesme temps femme et fille,
Vierge et mariée, esclave et Reyne, femme d'un esclave et d'un Roy,
heureuse et malheureuse, Mahometane et Chrestienne, innocente et coupable,
et enfin plus estrange exposée an danger d'estre brulée toute vive. De plus
quelle mourra plus contente qu'elle n'aura vescu, et que parmy les debris
d'un Throne et le bouleversement d'un Royaume, son amour et son innocence
la consoleront elle mesme de la perte d'une courrone que la fortune lui
osterea.
This gave no smal astonishment to Moray Zel, who to evite them the better
resolves to send his daughter far from Grenade, to Algiers in Africk, that
if it comes to pass it may light far from Grenade. This he puts in
execution, shipping in the infant at Tarriffe under the tuition of seweral
slaves, but especialy of Fernand de Solis. Them we leive on the sea a while
to tell another rancontre.
About 3 years before the birth of Almahide, Inez d'Arragon bore a son to
hir Lord dom Pedro de Leon, due de Medine Sidonia, in Andalousy, in Spaine.
The childs Horoscope the father caused to be casten by one of Toledo, who
desired him to have a watchful eye of his sone til he pass 20, otherwise he
may be made slave. To obey this the better Dom Pedro thought it not amisse
to remove his sone from the court and city and send him to a plaisant
country house called the Fountaines, wheir we leive the young Ponce de
Leon, and returnes to our Almahide on the sea.
The Ship is sett upon by pirats corsaires, and they are taken al sclaves
and carried to the ile of Dorigni. Heir they stayed a long tyme, and
Almahide growes to some years, and hir beauty growes wondrously wt her,
which the pirats seing they resolve to carry hir to Constantinople to sell
hir to them that plenishes the Turks seraglio. Whiles they are on their way
they are casten away, none saved but Fernand and the litle Almahide, tho
Fernand know not of it; for some shephards finding hir in a sound[365] on
the shore, they carried hir to the Fountaines iust at hand (for their lot
was such to be casten away their), and sold hir to the Duc and Dutchesse.
Dom Fernand, finding that he was in his oune country, and knowing that the
Ducks house, who was his old freind, was neir he went to visit him, wheir
to his amazement he fand the litle Almahide, who came runing to him and
velcomed him. Heir the Duc choses Fernand to be his sones gouueneur, and
appointes the beautiful Almahide to stay their to bear his sone company.
[365] Swoon.
All this while Morayzel could gett no newes of his daughter, which was no
small greife to him. In the interim the fierce and fair Semahis, his Lady,
wt hir charmes conqueres so many souls to hir beck that being ambitious she
brought Grenade in hazard.
After this is intervoven a lang but pretty description of the house called
Fontaines. Love begines incessantly to grow betuixt them. The only obstacle
was she was still mahometane, which the sclaves had infused in hir. Yet on
a tyme young Ponce mocking merrily at the fopperies of the Alcoran she
tournes Christian. On this their love takes new strenthe: on a tyme he
impartes it to hir; from whom at lenth he getts a promise of hir fidelity
to him. After she turned Christian she got the name of Aminte. Theirs sowen
in a pretty dispute that happened, what might be the prettiest of flowers,
and its generally by Aminte also concluded on the Tulip.
Their fame cannot be long confined at the Fontaines, but its at the Court
of Sewill already; which drawes many galland persons to come sy them, and
amongs others Dom Alvare, who proved to Ponce de Leon a Rivall, who
expressing his affection to the fair Grenadine both in verses and lettres
it occasioned bad intelligence betuixt him and Ponce, so that it comes to a
combat, wheirin Ponce carries away the victory. And it was like to have
occasioned more mischeif had not Fernand, Ponce his governor, writen to the
Duc to fetche away Aminte, who was the occasion of their striv, which the
Duc obeyes, sending a coach for hir to carry hir to Sewil, who having
renewed hir promise of fidelity to Ponce leives him their a very sorry man.
Thus ends the first Book.
* * * * * [366]
[366] Half a page blank. There follows here an essay in French or
notes of a lecture on the study of law, a juvenile performance.
Though inserted in the MS. book it is not part of the Journal. It
has been printed here as it stands.
Il y a deuz methodes pour estudier le droit, ou par la voye du text ou par
celle des quæstions: certes le chemin du text est le plus asserre, plus
solide et moins trompeur. Pour le text comme guides wous vous attacherez a
Vinnèus, ou vous trouwerez cela qu'il est de la scholastick: a Sucidiwen
non paralellé quant est de la practique. A la glosse ou Accurse si vous
souhaitez les cas et les especes des loix: si vous ne tirez pas toute la
satisfaction possible quant est de la text de ceux-cy, feuilletez Bartol,
Cuiace et Azon dans son Summa, de qui autrefois l'on disoit, Qui non habet
Azonem vendat pallium. Si vous voudrez chicaner ou jusque an moindres
points epluscher une loix dans la text vous trouverez vostre conte dans
Antonius Faber.
Ayant leu les Institutes avec ses aydes, vous vous tournerez aux
Paratitlairs. Sur la quelle matiere personne n'entrera en parrallelle avec
Peresius in C. Vesenbecius ne laisse pas faire assez bicn la dessus: vous
pourrez aussi regardez Corvinus. Calvin dans ses Paratitles n'a fait qu'une
honteuse recueill de cela que les autres avoient dit la dessus devant lui,
comme de Cuiace, Vesenbec, etc. Entre les Docteur Francois les parratitles
de Maranus, Antecesseur de Tholose, sont en haute estime, mais puisque nos
sentiments nous sont libres, nous ne voyons pas trop de raison. Vous
n'oublierez pas les Paratitles de Tulden wrayment grand homme: comme ceux
de Zoesig et sur les Digests, et sur le droit canon. Cette Methode
apprendre le droit par le text a receu ses meilleurs et plus brillantes
lumiers des Francois. Seulement vous prendrez icy garde d'une faute de qui
je les accus presque tous, pourtant fort insupportable et bien digne de la
fowette: c'est que ils advancent des choses en controverse comme s'ils
estoient hors du controverses et autant de Principes, et par ainsi
pitieusement abusent la ieunesse. Afin de vous detromper vous passerez dans
l'autre chemin, qui est celui des Quæstions, lequel si vous pourrez marier
heureusement a l'autre, de cette union vous peut redonder dans son temps
une entiere connoissance du droit. Dans ce chemin-cy wous ne manquez pas
des hommes sçavants pour vos præcepteurs. Ici s'offrent Fachinæi
controversiæ, Vasquii controversiæ Illustres: item son traité De
successionibus tam ex testamento quam ab intestato. Item Pacij centuriæ:
qui outre son commentaire ad Institutiones a aussi escrit ad librum 4tum c.
lequel oeuure de Pacius emporte sur tous ses autres. Vous y trowwerez
Merenda. Vous chercherez pour Bronchorstii Quæstiones, qui a aussi escrit
ad T.D. De Regulis Juris. Vous ne manquerez pas d'acheter les disputationes
selecta Treutheri ou ses Theses, avec Hunnius (qui a aussi ecrit 4 libres
variarum resolutionum) in 3 tomes le dessus, et Bachovius cet grand esprit,
de qui Vineus derobe le meilleur de cela qu'il a. Mais sur toute n'oubliez
pas le 4 Tomes de Harpreclitus sur les 4 livres des Institutes, qui vous
donnera une lumiere merveilleuse dans toutes les quæstions; et ou il defail
le lui-mesme, il vous n'envoye aux meilleurs autheurs qui a escrit sur
cette matiere. A la mesme fin vous demanderez pour Mastertius, ou
particulierement pour son sedes illustrium materiarum Juvis civilis, ou il
vous monstre tous les meilleurs Autheurs de la connoissance qui explique
une telle ou une telle loix Voyez Nicolaus de Passeribus De
Reconciliationibus Legum.
While I was at Campheire, towards the end of July 1667, I had occasion to
sie the book writ by our banished ministers at Rotterdam and other places,
and particularly by Mr. Macquaire[367] put ut in the years 1665, intituled
'An Apologetical Relation of the particular sufferings of the faithful
ministers and professors of the Church of Scotland since August 1660,
wherein severall questions useful for the tyme are discussed. The Kings
praerogative over parliament and peaple soberly inquired into; the
lawfulnesse of defensive war cleared; the supreme Magistrats powers in
Church matters examined, Mr. Stellingfleets notion of the divine right of
the formes of government considered; the author of the Seasonable Case
answered: other particulars, such as the hearing of the curates, the
appearing before the hy commission court., etc., canvassed, togither with
the rise, raigne, and ruine of the former Praelats in Scotland, being a
breiff accompt from History of the Goverment of the Church of Scotland from
the beginning, and of the many troubles which Praelats have created to hir
first and last, for satisfaction of Strangers and encouradgement of present
sufferers by a weill wisher to the goud old cause. Then follows some places
of Scripture, as Jeremias 50, ver. 34, Micah 7, ver. 9-10, Isay 51, ver.
22-23.
[367] Robert Macquare wrote a postscript to the _Apologetical
Relation_, etc., which was the work of J. Brown. A reprint in the
_Presbyterian's Armoury_, vol. iii. (1843), is in the British
Museum.
In this book they traduce Spotswood, Archbishop of St. Androws, endeavoring
to make him ridiculous, and empanelling him of falsehood in many places of
his History, using to refute him the auctority of Buchanan, a auctor more
suspected then himselfe.
In their 4 section they prove the Marquis of Argyle most uniustly to have
bein put to death the 27 of May 1661. The ground of his sentence they say
in the 78 page to have bein that he was and had bein an ennemy to the King
and his interests thesse 23 years or more bypast, which in effect (say
they) is as much as give ye would say he had bein an active freind for the
interest of Christ, making Gods interest and the Kings interest point blanc
contrary, so that a freind to the one could not be but a ennemy to the
other.
The thing that more particularly the Parliament adhered to was his
compliance wt the English and sitting in their Parliaments. But that this
was not treason, and consequently not capable to take his life, they labor
to prove by sundry particulars, first that the Lawyers themselfes (who best
of any should know what treason is) complied, yea swore fidelity, to that
government. They instance to his odium Sir John Fletcher, then Kings
Advocate. 2dly, He was not guilty of compliance alon. Many members of
Parliament sitting their to judge him war _conscii criminis_. 3dly, If
compliance was treasonable and capable enough to put him to death, whey
ware they so anxious to find out other grounds against him wheiron they
might walk? 4ly, Whey was never on save this nobleman not so much as
empanelled for this fault, much lesse put to death? Whow came it to passe
that William Purves, who by complying had almost occasioned ruine to many
noblemen, boroughs, and gentlemen, was absolved by a act of Parliament?
Then their was never act of Parliament, nether any municipal Law,
condemning necessesary compliance for life and liberty wt a conqueror, and
for the good of the country conquered, as treasonable. Their was never a
practick or _praejudicium_ in Scotland for it since it was a Kingdome.
Bruce did never so much as quaestion his nobility that in Balliols tyme had
complied wt Edward of England. Nixt the Royalists say conquaest is a just
title to a croune. So Baleus[368] in his _Sacro-sancta Regum Maiestas_,
cap. 17; but so be Cromwell conquered our country, ergo, he was our lawful
governour and had just title to our croune. If so, whow could compliance
and passive obedience to such a on be treason? In this he triumphs so, that
he addes, let al the Royalists answer to this wtout contradicting
themselfes if they can. No definition out of the civil Law can be brought
of treason which wil comprehend necessary compliance; ergo, its no
treasonable. Finally, we sie compliance to be the practise of all conquered
nations, yet upon the alteration of government no body condemned for it.
[368] John Bale, Bishop of Ossory, died 1563.
In the end they appeal to al governours of states, Lawyers, casuists,
politicians, canonists, and Quod-libetists, yea to Royalists themselfes,
whither or no when a nation is broken in 3 or 4 battells, so that they can
do no more, but are oblidged to take laws from the conqueror, wil it be
treason to comply wt the ennemy for life and liberty, and when he is chosen
by the country to go and sit in the conquerors judicatories (which
priveledge _ex gratiâ_ he grants them), to sie the affairs of the Kingdom
regulate, and sie to what wil be best for the good of the country. They
persuade themselfes that all wil say this is no treason. Then subsume they,
but such was Argiles compliance; ergo, for treasonable compliance he could
not be put to death because not guilty of it.
Then ye have a vindication of Mr. James Guthry,[369] execute 1 of June
1661, from the crimes layd to his charge wheirupon his sentence was
founded. They say the crime was that some 10 years before, being challenged
by the King for somthing spok over the pulpit, he declined his cognizance
as a incompetent judge in ecclesiastical spiritual matters, which
declinaturs be a act of Parliament, anno 1584, are discharged under the
pain of hy treason; but this they contend was afterwards abrogated, so that
they conclud him to have died a martyr for the truth against Erastian
abomination.
[369] Covenanting minister (? 1612-1661).
In the 6 section ye have the zeal of that minister, who upon the
Parliaments casting of the Covenant, pulling out a six pence, took
instruments in the hands of the peaple and protested against all courses or
acts in preiudice of the Covenant, for which he was banished. None of the
banisht ministers could ever obtain a extrait of their sentence, which is a
thing no judicatory ever refused. Nixt, because they could not banish them
furder then from Scotland, they forged a bond to which they compelled the
ministers to subscryve, wheirin they promised not to be found wtin any of
his maiesties dominions under the pain of death; which they call cruel and
unreasonable.
Voetius they commend and cite often. Sharpe they call a betrayer of his
bretheren, and a most unnatural sone of his mother church. Then the reasons
whence they refuse to go to the prælats courts are rendred; whey they
refuse collation and presentation of them, which they exclaime against as
popish, foisting in its steed the peaples frie election.
In France they know not moor foul. They have 2 sorts of excellent
partridges. That we call the Lampre elle, wt us esteemed almost poison, wt
them called la Lamprey, is a great delicacy. They are wery big.
Follows some riddles.
* * * * * [370]
[370] Eight lines are omitted, containing four riddles with _double
entendres_ which are grossly indecent without being witty.
Sequitur Ænigmaticum quoddam epitaphium Bononia studiorum ante multa sæcula
marmoreo lapidi insculptum: Ælia Lælia crispis, nec vir nec mulier, nec
androgyna nec puella, nec juvenis nec anus, nec meretrix nec pudica, sed
omnia; sublata neque fame nec ferro nec veneno sed omnibus; nec cælo nec
aquis nec terra sed ubiqe iacet. Lucius Agatho Priscus nec maritus nec
amator nec necessarius neque moerens, neque gaudens neque flens hanc neque
molem nec pyramidem nec sepulchrum sed omnia, scit et nescit quid qui
posuerit, hoc est, sepulchrum intus cadaver non habens, hoc est, cadaver
sepulchrum extra non habens sed cadaver idem est et sepulchrum sibi.
Bacon has write Apothegmes new and old, a litle book.
A English curate said their was 3 things that annoyed man, and they began
all wt a double w, win, women, and tobacco, but whow does tobacco begin wt
a w, wil ye say: tobacco is nothing but a weed, which word begins wt a w.
Another having read his text, sayd he had 3 things to tell them, the first
thing he know and they know it not, and this was that under his gown he had
a pair of ragged breitches; the 2d thing they know and he know it not, and
this was, whither they would give him new ones or no; the thrid thing
nether of us knows, and that is the true meaning of thir words: and thus
out of the pulpit he went.
Repasse Dom Alvare, repasse bien cxactement en ta memoire tous ces que tes
yeux t'out fait voir de beau depuis que la suit de l'age les a rendus
capables de faire une juste discernement des belles et de laides choses, et
apres cette soigneuse recherche ne seras tu pas obliger de prononcer en
faveur D'Aminte, et d'auoüer ingenument quelle est sans contredit la plus
aimable et la plus accomplie personne que Nature ait jamais fait. Quelle
grace n'a tu pas remarquée au ton de sa voix comme en ses paroles et ses
beaux yeux; n'out ils pas beaucoup plus parlé que sa belle bouche? O qu'ils
sont eloquens ces beaux yeux! qu'ils sont doux! qu'il sont pourtant
imperieux, qu'ils ont de charmes et de Maiesté! qu'ils ont de charmes et de
Maieste? qu'ils ont de feu! qu'ils ont de lumiere! et que leur eclat est
brillant et dangereux!
Vous dites tants de choses agreables que vous me fait venir l'eau a la
bouche. Dissimulez aussi bien que vous voulez la mesche est deia eventée.
Il n'y a gueres de fumée sans feu, iamais escritoire ne fut bonne espee, il
vaut mieux tard que iamais. Il ne faut pas lire beaucoup, c'est a dire, il
faut faire choiz des Auteurs et se les rendre familier. L'Histoire a bon
droit est appelle le tesmoin des temps, le flambeau de la verité, la vie de
la memoire, et la maistresse de la vie. L'occasion fait le Larron; for
finding a thing in the way it temptes him to steall, it seing so faire a
occasion. Pain coupé n'a point de maistre, whence a man seing bread cut,
wheirof no man is as yet in possession, he may freely take hold of it as
belonging to none or having no master. Chacune est fol de sa marotte: the
crow thinks hir oune bird fairest. Chaque pais chaque coustume. Toutes
choses ont leur season, qui premier nait premier paiste. The eldest feids
first, insinuating the priveledges of primogeniture, which are great in
France as also with us.
Il faut prendre gard (saye the frenchman) d'une qui pro quo d'une
Apotiquaire (as when in mistake he takes one pig[371] for another, or out
of ignorance gives a binding thing for a laxative) d'une et caetera d'un
Notaire (by which is taxed the knaveries of that calling), d'une dewant une
femme, d'une derriere une mule, et d'un Moin de tout costes: thats to say,
diligently. Of the man that undertakes the voyag to Rome, because of the
great corruptions their, of which few can keip themselfes frie, the
Frenchman sayes: Jamais bon cheval ni meschant homme ne s'amendist pour
aller a Rome. When they would taxe on for being much given to lying, they
say, Il est un menteur comme un arracheur de dents; for the tooth-drawers
wil promise that they sall not so much as touch them almost, that they sal
find no peine, when in the interim the peine wil be very sensible. Of one
much given to study, they say, Il estudie tant que les rats scauroient
manger ses oreilles. Who can approach such a glorious sun wtout being
dazeled.
[371] Earthenware vessel.
The French are generally wery timorous on Sea, whereon he sayes, Je n'aime
pas passer la ou le cheure[372] ne scauroit fermer ses pieds, hold its
feet. The frenchman sayes that he hath heard qu'une grande riviere et un
grand seigneur sont mauvais voisins. Vous serez bien venu comme une singe,
mais point comme une renard. Chou pour chou, craft for craft. Patience
abusé se tourne en fureur. Laughter compelled and bitter, as the Latins
calles it, Risus sardonius, so the French sayes; Le ris d'hosteliers qui ne
passe point le noeud de la gorge, because that hoasts and others of sick
like stuffe laught ordainarly to please their ghests wt out any true
affection to laught. The occasion of the Latin, Risus sardonius, as Erasmus
explaines, is because of a Herbe called in Latin, Apium Risus, in French,
Herbe de Sardagne, because it growes in great abondance in Sardinia, which
no sooner eaten but it looseth and disiointeth al the nerves, so that the
mouth falls wide open iust as give they ware laughting; yea in this posture
they die. Thus the commentator on Du Bartas weeks, que dit un peuple dit un
fol, who sayes a multitude sayes a fool. C'est tousiours plus mal-aisé de
faire mal que bien, its easier to do a thing the right way then the wrong,
as in opening a door. Il n'y a marchand qui gaigne tousjours. _Nemo ubique
potest foelici_,[373] etc., its a good roost that drapes aye.[374] Of him
that out of scarcity tauntes his neihbour wt the same scorne wt which he
scorned him, the Frenchman sayes, il ne vaut rien pour prendre la bal a la
seconde enleuement, at the 2d stot. He is a man of a 1000 crounes a year,
l'un important l'autre, on way or other; its used also in drinking healths.
Of a modest, learned young man, _cui contigit ante diem virtus_, they say,
qu'il demente son menton, he belyes his chin. If one would know another
weill he most try him and sus et sous la peau trinque [land][375] hachis
hach, old French words used by Du Bartas. If ye demand him for a thing he
hath eaten, he'el tel you, il est passé par la ville d'Angoulesme. Of a man
that hath not spirit, they say, il est ni chair ni poisson; l'on moque de
cela a la cour. Entre nous autres Gentils-hommes il n'y a point de
bourgois, as give ye would say, among 10 whites their is not a black.
[372] Chèvre, goat.
[373] For _felici_.
[374] Ferguson's _Scottish Proverbs_, p. 21: It's a good goose
that draps ay.
[375] Interlined.
They put a gentleman and burgoise as opposites; he cannot be a gentleman if
a burgoise; but he may become on and then he ceaseth to be a burgoise. I
urged whither or no a gentlemans sone by becoming a burgoise was not stil
gentleman; they sayd not, for by becoming bourgoise (he is called Roturier)
he seimes to renounce his right of gentleman. Throw Germany they are
thought so incompatible, that if a man can deduce himselfe, tho never so
far fetcht, from gentlemen, he, tho he have no means and be like to starve,
he wil not turne marchand or any other trade.
Une harangue de Gascoigne is on courte et mauvaise, tho they have not the
tongue and cannot manage it weil, yet they have ever manadged the sword
weill, being brave sogers, and consequently horrid Rodomontades and
boasters. Du Bartas tho was a Gascoin.
They call a brothers sone in France neveu; our sones sone petit fils. A
barren women in France they call very disdainfully une mulet: thus they
termed Marguerit, King of Spaines daughter, Emperor Charles the 5 neice,
Henry the 4ts queen, for a tyme, who cucolded him.
We most never forget the 2 catalogues which served Pighoog[376] of so great
use, on of all the fathers, the other of all the Haeresies; also the
dron[377] and false Latin we fand in the Corpus Glossatum, Domine tanta,
etc.; as also our rowing at the boat, Pighogs ...[378] and Piters falling
on his back, his perruvick coming of; also our sports that night we studied
the stars wt Mr. James, his griveous hat, and James of a low stature and
William Ker had almost lost his hat, wt many others to be recalled to
memory.
[376] A nickname for somebody, perhaps a tutor or schoolmaster.
[377] Have not found this word.
[378] Three or four words erased.
If we be demanded at any tyme to sing a song we may begin...[379] we would
look to the company. If they be speaking of any song, we may say we have
heard it song sweitly wt 3, 2 of them harkening and the 3d not opening his
mouth. If we fall to be demanded to tell a story we may begin ...[380] that
of him that called himselfe ...[381] If they be talking of wonders, we may
say that their was a stone at Poictiers, which at every twelve howers it
hard whirled about thrice. Also when togither wt any commorads and fall to
in merrinesse to dance, at any pas in mockery we may say it was worth a 100
crouns.
[379] Nearly a line erased.
[380] Three or four words erased.
[381] Two words erased.
They have 3 proverbs in France: 1, save a thief from the gallowes and he'el
be the readiest man to help you to it; 2, never commit your secrets to a
woman, as to your wife; and 3d, a man sould not bourd[382] wt his masters.
[382] Jest familiarly.
One example sal verify all 3. In the tyme of Charles the great their was on
that had a great wogue of learning and wisdome, to which man the King
concredited his sone the Prince. One of the Princes attendants was taken in
a roobery and condemned to the gibbet: the Prince and his master begged his
life, and so saved him. To try the 2d byword, the master took his pupill
the Prince to the Soan to bath, having bathed, he put him wtin a mil wt
strait orders not to stir from that til he called for him. He comes home to
his wife wt a feigned heady countenance, telling her wt a great deal of
protestations for secrecy, that as he was causing the young Prince for his
healths sake bath, he was perished. Tomorrow he pickt a litle quarrel wt
his wife, before some company: she being angry wt him cost up the secret to
him, so that it was immediatly conveyed to the Kings ears, who in a fury
ordained that he sould be broken on the wheel. The usual executioners could
not be found; yea, no other body that would supply his place, so generally
was the man reverenced be all. The King enraged, offers 50 pistols to him
that wil do the turne. None yet presents themselfes save only the theif he
had saved from the gallowes. The childs gowernour having tried all that he
desired, demanded licence to go bring the Prince safe, which he did to the
admiration, wonder and gladness of all.
He fand it was not good to play wt his superiors, as also he did who once
taking of Charles the 9 beard in France took the boldnesse to sie that the
Kings throat was in his reverence, was hanged immediatly, the King saying
that his throat sould never be in his reverence againe. Also that nobleman
who getting the King wtin that great cage that's to be sein at Chinon yet,
in sporting said that he had the King at his reverence; its true, quoth the
King, but let me out. He was no sooner out but he caused him be shut up in
the cage, and suffered him to dy their for hunger wtout mercy. The story of
K. James his fool may werify this same truth.
The French sayes, _il n'est pas tant la qualité que la quantité de quelque
chose qui fait mal_. Is it possible that the sun hath halfed his privilegde
wt you; that as he communicated heatte to the inferior bodies wtout
enioying any in his oune sphaere, so also can you ...[383] not heats but
dazeles and mortally wounds all that approach you wtout being in the least
touched yourselfe; no, pardon me, if I cannot beleive it.
[383] Word erased.
If I be spaired what sort of folks the French are, we may reply they are
folk wt noses on their faces, and that like St. Paul never speaks but they
open their mouth. Rapier and Miton[384] are French words.
[384] _Mitten_. The French word has also other meanings.
They have many othes in France. Jesus, Maria, and Nostre Dame are lawful
oaths used by the Churchmen themselfes. Jarne[385] Diable is also lawful,
as the Cordelier sayd in his preaching, Jarne Mahomet most also be lawful.
They have a numbre of horrid ones, as ventre Dieu, teste Dieu, mort Dieu,
ou mort blew Jarnec Dieu; cap de bious, a Gascoin oath, and verté chou, a
great oath assuredly.
[385] Corruption of _je renie_.
Qui a bon voisin a bon mastin, he is as steadable to him as a good mastive.
Charité bien reiglée commence a soy mesme. To the same purpose, le peau est
nous plus cher que la chemise. Le chat aime le poisson bien, mais elle
n'aime pas de mouiller ses pates. Ce qui vien de la fluste s'en retourne au
son du tambour, Il woon soon spent; goods lightly gotten lightly slipes
away. When ye would say that he knows not weil sick a man, vous n'avez
iamais mangé un minot[386] de sel avec lui. Dite moy quelle companie vous
avez frequenté, et ie vous diray vos moeurs.
[386] A measure containing half a mine, equal to thirty-nine litres.
A northern minister preaching on that, Esau sold to his brother Jacob his
birthright for a morsel of pottage: base man that he was, quoth he, the
belligod loune, sel his birth-right for a cog of pottage, what would he
have done if it had bein a better dish.
They alleadge that a Frenchman sould have sayd, that if our Saviour had a
brother, the greatest honor he could put upon him would be to make him King
of France.
Anthoine le Bourbon, 1 protestant of the Kings of Navarre, having got a
Capycin and a Minister together, he would have them dispute before him. The
Minister began on the point of the crosse. Theirs a tree, sayd he, of the
one halfe of it ye make a crosse which ye vorship, of the other halfe ye
make a gallows to hang up a theif on. Whey carry ye respect for that peice
ye make a crosse of, and no for that ye make the gibet of, since they are
both of on matter? The Capycin seimed to be wery much pusled wt this. After
a little pause he demands the Minister if he was married. Yes, that I am,
what of it? quoth the M. Whow comes it to passe then, quoth the Capycin,
that ye kisse your wifs mouth and not hir arse, whey have ye more respect
for hir mouth then hir arse, since they are both of on mater? The Minister
thought himselfe out; yea, King Anthony thought shame of him.
Their was a minister of Fyfe of the name of Bruce that had a great
gade[387] of ending promiscuosly his sermons, as, for example, he was
telling on a tyme how the Beaver, being purshued hotly by the hunters, used
to bit of his stones, the silly fellow, forgetting what he had to sy more,
added, to which end, good God, bring us, as if he had sayd to bit of our
stoons. He closed in that same sort once whow Judas hanged himselfe. Once
as he was exhorting the peaple to beware of the Devil, who was a roaring
and ramping lyon, etc., he added, to whom wt the father and the holy ghost
be all honnor and glory for now and ever, amen.
[387] Probably for 'gait,' way.
One being asked whence came the antipathy that we find betuixt some beasts,
as the dog and the hare, the Lizard (Ichneumon) and the crocodile, the
sheip and the wolfe, and he replyed that it began wt the flood of Noah when
they ware all in Ark together, that then the hare stol the dogs shoe from
him, and that theirfor the dog ever when he sies him since runs efter him
to get his shoe again.
The Mythologists gives 2 reasons whey they[388] bloody bat flies under
night, and compairs not on the day: the first is because of his defections
from the birds when they ware in war wt the beasts; the 2d because
beginning to marchandise he played banque route, whence he dare never be
sein in the day for fear that his creditors take him wt caption.
[388] Perhaps 'the.' The 'y' is indistinct, as if it was intended to be
erased.
This minds me of on at Edenborough, who being drouned in debt durst never
pipe[389] out in the day light, but always under night. On a tyme coming by
the fleschstocks of the Landmarket, a cleak[390] claughts a grip of his
cloak, and holds him. He immediatly apprehending that it was some sergent
or messenger that was arresting him, he cryes back as pittyfully, at whose
instance, Sir; at whose, etc.
[389] Peep.
[390] Hook.
A Minister of Bamf (as Mr. Mowat when I was at dinner once their reported
it), being to give the communion, he had caused buy as much win as would
serve for his parishioners. Whil the cup is going about, it falls to be ful
on a strong, sturdy cloun that used not to drink win oft, and who was wery
thristy; he gets the cup to his head; he never rested tel he had whistled
it over. On of the Elders, seing what he had done, in a great anger cryes
out, even the devil go doune wt it, for that might have geined[391] a
dozen.
[391] Gein or gane, sufficed for.
Its reported of Gustavus Adolphus that he was used to say, that for
ennemies he had to do wt a fool (which was Valstein, Duc of Fritland, one
of the Imperialists generals, a cruell man and a foolish man, he thought to
make himself Emperor; wheirupon at the Emperors instigation he was slain by
our countrymen Leslie and Gordon: Butler would not do it), wt a soger
(which was Pappenheim, a brave souldier, slain in that same battell of
Lutzen that Gustavus was slain in), and a preist; which was Tilly who never
wanted his chappelets of his arme, never missed a Messe, and boasted he
never know a women.
Many a brave Scotsman served in thesse wars of Germany (we most remember
what he did to that tyran the Duc of Cleves), amongst others on Colonel
Edmond,[392] a baxters sone of Stirleving.
[392] Colonel Sir William Edmond. See _Scots Brigade in Holland_
(S.H.S.), vol. i. p. 577, where it appears that his father was a
baker in Edinburgh. Colonel Edmond died in 1606.
The Bischop of Munster, a merry man, wil cry whiles, _donnez moy trois
grande verres de vin_, then, _c'est a la santé des mes trois Charles et
Charles Seconds: Charles 2d D'Angleterre, Charles 2d D'Espaigne, et Charles
2d_ [sic] _de Suede_: this is wery remarkable.
Philip, the 2d, Charles the Emperors son, had also a Charles, Prince of
Spain, whom most barbarously he caused strangle, as Peter Mathieu reports
it, tho Strada would dissemble it.
We had several marks of the Spanish gravity in this Prince. When the news
was told him of the great victory of Lepanto, woon over the Turks by his
natural brother, Dom John of Austria (the way whow they made D. Jean know
his quality is worth the knowing), generalissimo of the Christian forces,
he would not appear to be moved wt the least joy, al he sayd was, _Dom Juan
a beaucoup hazardé_. When the news was told him of the dissipation of his
invincible Armado, commanded by the Duc of Medine Sidonia, he would not
seim to be troubled wt it, all he sayd was, _j'ay envoyé une flote pour
combattre des hommes non pas les vagues et les vents_.
They reporte of the Queen of Suede when she was in France that she was wery
curious to sie all the [brave][393] great men of the court, and amongs
others to sy Mr. le Prince[394] who hes no great mine[395] to look to. On a
tyme entering unto the roome wheir she was, some told her it was Mons'r le
Prince. She, having contemplated him disdainfully, cryes out, _Esque la le
prince de qui l'on parle tant_: he gied[396] his hat a litle, and payed hir
wery weil back in her oune coin, _es que la la Reyne qui faict tant parler
d'elle_.
[393] Interlined.
[394] Condé.
[395] Mein.
[396] Turned, cocked.
The young Daufin of France, tho not yet 5 years old, gives great hopes of
proving a brave man. As the King was removing from St. Germains to go to
Fontainebleau, and they had taken doune the plenishing to carry and put up
their, as the Daufin is coming thorough the roomes he begines to misse
their hingers,[397] he spears what was come to them; they told him they
ware carried to F'bleau. Hes not F'bleau, quoth he, furniture for it selfe
of its oune; they replying no, _cela est vilain, cela est honteux, dit-il_.
His answer was told to the King: he did laught and say, _il a raison, il a
raison_.
[397] Hangings, tapestry.
They prove that a woman hes not a soul out of that of the 22 of Genesis,
And all the souls of Abrahams house ware circumcised, but so be its certain
the women ware not circumcised; ergo, they have not souls.
Mr. Thomas Courty, preaching on that, be ye followers of Christ, sayd their
was 4 sort of followers of Christ, the first was them that did not follow
him at all, the 2 them that ran before him, the 3d sort of followers was
them that went cheeky for chow wt him, the 4 was them that ware indeed
behind him, but so far that they never could gett their eye on him.
King James gave one of his daughters to the Count Palatin of the Rhin,
Frederic, who was afterward chosen King of Bohemia in 1619, the States
having declaired the nomination of the Archiduc Ferdinand afterwards
Emperor nulle. This election was the occasion of thesse bloudy wars that
troubled poor Germany from 19 to 48 wherin the peace of Munster was
concluded. The Elector sent to King James desyring his assistance, who
refused it (against his interest), wt this answer, I gave my daughter to
the Palatin on the Rhin, not to the King of Bohemia. The Elector hearing
this replyed, a man that marries the King of Englands daughter whey may not
he be King of Bohemia.
A Frenchman told me that he beleived when the devil tempted our Saviour to
worship him by showing him al the Kingdomes of the earth and the glory of
the samen, that the devil did put his meikle thomb upon Scotland to hide it
from our Saviour for fear that having seen it sick a montanous, barren,
scurvey country, he sould have conceaved a disgoust at all the rest.[398]
[398] Montereul tells the same story. See his _Correspondence_
(S.H.S.), vol. ii. p. 513.
[What follows is written at the end of book, and written the reverse way to
the rest of the MS., the two writings meeting on the same page.]
From Monsieur Kinloch, I have receaved first 100 livres at Paris; a bil for
150 at Orleans, another for 42; as also a third for 100 payed me by one Mr.
Boyetet, marchand their. At Poietiers I have drawen on Francis for a 100
livres, of which I have receaved payment heir from Mr. Augier, marchand. I
drow again for 200, out of which I have payed Mr. Alex'r 155 francks,
whence their rests me about 46. In February 1666 I drow for 300f., out of
which I payed 180 francks to my hoast; I lent 3 pistols to Mr. Alexandre, a
escu to Mr. Grahme.
* * * * *
Claudes answer to the perpetuité of the faith 45_f_.,[399] Du Meulins
Bouelier 30_f_., Hallicarnasseus 10 _f_., Hypocrates 5_f_. les Remarques du
Droict Francois une escus, Fornery Selectionum llibri duo 6_f_., les
bouffoneries des Guicciardin les lois usitees dans les cours des France de
Buguion[400] acheptées dans le cemetiere des SSts Innocents. L'istoire
universelle de Turcelin en 3 tomes 3_ll_., Le Parfaict Capitaine 20_f_.,
les oeuvres de Rabelais en deux tomes 1_l_.
[399] f stands for sou; _l_ for livre.
[400] Buguion, for Bourguignon.
* * * * *
In my voyage of Flanders I changed 2 Jacobuses and a carolus, amonting to
some 30_ll_. To my hoste of Anvers, when I was going to Gand for 2 dayes
and a night 6_11_. 5_f_., to the cocher for Gand 48_f_., for my diner by
the way 9_f_. At Gand for going up on the belfroy 9_f_., to my hoste at the
Cerf 4_ll_. 8_f_., for my place in the waggon coming back 42_f_., for diner
wt that Suisse of Zurick 24_f_., to my hoste of Antwerp for a night 26_f_.,
for my place in the coach for Mardick 3_ll_., for my diner on the way
12_f_., for my supper 14_f_., to the master of the bark for Rotterdam
30_f_., for entry 6_f_., at the ...[401] house 7_ll_., for washing 12_f_.
[401] A word here is illegible. The last part of it seems to be kerers.
In Gold I have at present, 21 December 1665, 8 14 pound peices, 14
Caroluses, 10 of whilk I got from my father before my parting from
Scotland, the other 4 remaines of 8 I exchanged wt Mony at London, besydes
thir I have 3 other peices, which seime to be 10 schiling peices, wt 2
other lesser ones. I have a ring wt a 4 mark peice and a ii schilling
peice. On of the 14 Caroluses is in 2 10 shiling sterling peices. I have
but 13 Caroluses now. I changed on of them coming wt the messenger from
Poictiers. In my voyage thorow Flanders for Holland, I spent 2 Jacobuses,
so that I have no mo but 6 and a Carolus, so that I have no mo but 12; the
Carolus at 10_ll_. 10_f_., the one Jacobus at Gand at 11_ll_. 10_f_., the
other at Antwerp at 13_ll_.[402]
[402] Half a page blank in MS.
A breife account of my expenses from my taking horse at Edenborough, 20
of March til this present 11 of May 1665, according to the Scots
account, and also after.
First before my parture I got from my Father in Gold 10 Caroluses, or 20
shiling peices, 8 Jacobuses,[403] or 14 pound peices, wt 2 5 shil. peices,
and as many 10. In money[404] I got first 50 shilings, then 60 halfe
crounes, thats 30 crounes; and last I had my horse price, for which I got 5
pound and a croune to lift at London. Of my gold I spended none til I was
in France, whence their remained only the silver mentioned to spend. Of
this our journey to London spent 50 shilings, including also the 5 shilings
I payed ut for the baggadge horse at Durham. At London of the silver
resting, to wit, the 31 crounes and 5 pound sterl. I payed 9 pound of
silver for 8 caroluses, whence they had 7 groats[405] of gain for every
peice. This consumed the 30 crounes, a pound sterling and 2 crounes out of
the horses price; so that for defraying my charges from my first arrival at
London, on Saturday, April 1, til monday com 8 dayes, April 10, compleit 10
dayes, I had only the remaining mony wt in 4 pounds. Of which 20 shilings
by that halfe day of posting to Dover was exhausted, comprehending also our
expense for our meat, and in paying the postilion, for betuixt Gravesend
and Rochester burn we payed halfe a croune; from it to Seaton, 14 miles
(the former stage being but 7), 4 shillings; from it to Canterbury, 16
miles, 5 shilings; from Canterbury to Dover, 16 miles, 5 shillings: their
was 17 of the 20 shil. At Dover, as dues we payed 4 shillings to that knave
Tours; our supper at one Buchans was halfe a croune; our fraught throw the
channell was a croune, and to the boat that landed us a shiling.
[403] See Introduction, p. xliii.
[404] i.e. smaller coin than gold; Fr. monnaie. The half-crown, 30s.
Scots, 2s. 6d. sterling, was coined by James VI.
[405] Groat (English), value 4d. No groat Scots had been struck since
1527, value l8d. Scots, or ijd.
We landed at Calice on the Saturday morning, and stayed their til the
Monday afternoone, spending much mony; so that from my arrival to London
and my joining wit the messenger for Paris I spent 3 pound 10 shillings.
Thus is all my silver, so that now I have my recourse to my gold, out of
which I pay the messenger 40 livres to carry me to Paris, giving him 3
Caroluses, which according to the French rate roade 41 livres, 10 souse,
whence 1 got 30 souse againe.[406] At Paris I changed [on]e carolus to pay
Mr. Strachan and Mr. Hamilton, who on the rode in France had payed for me,
as in the drink money, and in paying the messenger halfe a croune.
[406] There seems to be a mistake here. Three Caroluses (20-shilling
pieces) would be worth at their nominal value only 36 livres. But
in France they did not fetch so much in exchange. If they were
worth each 10_ll_. 10s., as the one he exchanged in Flanders (see
p. 148), 30 livres to the messenger instead of 40 would make the
calculation right.
Thir ware all my expenses till I was answered of mony be Francis Kinloch,
so that I find all my expenses betuixt Edinborough and Paris, wheir I
arrived the 14 of April, to amount to 10 pound sterling give I count the
peice I changed at Paris, to 9 only give I exclud it.
All this being spent, on my demand F. advanced me 30 livres, 14 of which
was spent on these books I bought at Paris, wheirof I have set doune the
cataloge; 50 souse for a pair of halfe stockings; for a stamp, a comb, for
helping[407] my whip and my pantons[408] I payed 10 souse; for a pair of
gloves 18 souse; for vashing my cloaths 15 souse; a croune and a halfe
among Mr. Kinloch's servants: theirs ane account of 23 livres out the 30.
For the 7 other I can give no particular account, only it might be spent
when I went in wt commorads, as when we went to drinke Limonade and Tissin,
etc. At my parting from Francis I got 70 livres, which wt the former 30
makes a 100 livres. Of thir 70, 16 I payed to the messenger for Orleans, 4
livres baiting a groat for the carriadge of my valize and box, which
weighted 39 pound weight, and for each pound I payed 2 souse. About a livre
I spent in drinkmony by the way; another I gave to the messenger. Heir of
my 70 livres are 22 gone.
[407] Mending.
[408] Slippers.
Thus I won to Orleans. The fellow that carries my valize to Mr. Ogilvies
gets 10 souse; at a breakfast wt Patrick Portues I was 30 souse. For books
from my coming to Orleans til this present day, 11 of May, according to the
Scots account, I have payed 8 livres; for seing a comedy 10 souse; for to
helpe my hand in writting a croune; for dancing a croune in hand, the other
at the moneths end; for to learn me the language I gave 2 crounes. To the
maister of the law Im to give 11 livres 8 souse; for a supper wheir Mr.
Ogilvy payed out for us 3 livres. This being all ramasht[409] togither it
comes to 62 livres, so that of the 70 only 8 are left. Out of thes 8 I
payed 4 livres 10 souse for a pair of clesps, whence rests only 3 livres 10
souse. I pay 24 souse for one vashing of my linnens, and 20 souse at a four
hours wt James Hunter. Thus ye have ane account of all 100 livres I got
from F. Kinloch til 26 souse. Ut of the mony mentioned I payed also 3
livres 5 souse for a pair of shoes.
[409] Ramashed, ramassé.
About a moneth after I had bein in Orleans Francis sent me a bill for a
hundred and 50 livres on on Boyetet, marchand their. Out of whilk I
immediatly payed Mr. Ogilvy for the moneths pension bypast 55 livres; for
to teach me the language for the moneth to come 6 livres; for 2 washings of
my linnens 40 souse, so that out of my 150 livres are 63 gone, whence
remains 87 only.
Francis, at Mr. Ogilvyes order, payed at Paris 42 livres. which Mr. Ogilvy
was to refound to me: this sal pass as part of payment in the 2d moneths
pension. Out of the 87 remaining I have to pay Mr. Le Berche a pistoll; Mr.
Schovo 6 livres, whence their are only 70. For a pair of stockings 5
livres; for a wast belt 2 livres; for mending my silk stockings 25 souse,
for washing my linnings 17 souse; so that now their remains only 60. Thir
60 livres put wt that 46 livres Francis payed at Paris, and was to be
refounded to me, makes 96 livres, which Madam Ogilvyes extravagant compt
for my 2d moneth, and my 6 dayes above (being) pension wholly exhausted,
for first I payed 85 livres, and then for the drink that I had that night I
took my leave of the gentlemen their a pistoll most shamelessly.
This put me to write for a bil of another 100 livres, of whilk I receaved
payment, paying out of it againe 30 souse to him that carried me from
Orleans to Blois; to my host at Blois I payed 5 livres 10 souse, paying, to
wit, for the victualls I took in wt me for the following day; to the fellow
that carried from Blois to Saumur, 2 dayes journey, a croune; at Tours I
was 36 souse; at Saumur, wheir I was 2 dayes, I was 7 livres 10 souse; to
the fellow whose horse I had, and who bore my charges from Saumurs to
Poictiers, 17 livres; to him who took us throw Richelieu Castle 20 souse;
to the messenger that brought my box a croune; to Madam Garnier for the 8
dayes I was wt hir a pistoll, to hir maid 15 souse; for a pair of linnen
socks 18 souse. Thir be all my considerable expenses til this present day,
July last: all which ramassed wil amount to 53 livres, but in some places I
most have heighted, for give so then I sould have only 47 of my 100
resting, when I have about 50 at present. Out of thir 50 I have payed 12
francks for a Corpus Juris; 4 francks for a Vesenbecius; 20 souse for a
litle institutes, which ramassed makes 17 livres, whence their only
remaines me 33: out of thir for a supper wt Mr. Alexander and all the rest
of our compatriots above 18 livres; whence at this present August 5 rests
with me about 14 livers 10 souse. Out of thir I have payed 18 souse for the
lean[410] of Romances from Mr. Courtois, as Celie and the sundry parts of
Almahide, penned by Scuderie; 50 souse for a pair of showes; 25 souse for
our dinner one Sabath communion wt Colinton and Peter Hoome in the
fauxbourgs; 8 souse for cutting my head; 5 souse on a pair of carts; about
10 souse on paper and ink; for washing 30 souse; so at this present first
of September I have not full 7 livres. I have payed 40 souse or 2 livres
for a pair of gallozes;[411] 5 souse for a quartron of peches; 5 souse to
Charlotte, whence I have little more then 4 livres; 30 souse at a
collation.
[410] Loan.
[411] Braces.
When I was reduced to thir 3 livres, then I was answered of my bill I drow
on Francis Kinloch for a 100 livres. Out of which I payed 15 livres for 2
halfe shirtes, but because we had 3 livres of old mony we shall call it
only 12; 2 livres for 2 gravates; 60 livres to Mr. Daillié, whence I have
about 25 livres. Out of thir 25 I have payed 3 livres to Mr. Rue, wt whom I
began to dance, September 10, 1665; 20 souse at the tennis; 5 or 6 for
lettres ports; 20 souse for a horse hire; 6 or 7 souse I was put to
dispurse that day; 3 livres for washing my linnings; 8 souse sundry wayes;
5 souse on a quartron[412] of dragées[413] or sweityes, which are 20 sos.
the livre; 3 souse on a peice stuffe, 2 sousemarkies[414] to Lowise;[415] 5
souse for ports; 8 souse to the Barber; 10 souse for a bottle of win to my
C.;[416] 4 francks lost at carts; 34 souse at a collation after supper,
when we wan all the fellows oubliés,[417] and made him sing the song; a
escus to Mr. Rue; a escus for dressing my cloaths; une escus for wasching;
[8 frank 5 souse for my supper the night of St. André; 10 souse wt Mad'm
and others at the Croix de Fer].[418] Thus is al that rested me of thesse
200 francks, the first mony I drow at Poictiers gone.
[412] Quarteron, quarter of a livre (pound).
[413] Sugar almonds.
[414] _Sous marqué_. See p. 92, note 1.
[415] _Probably_ a maidservant at M. Daillé's.
[416] 'My C.' has baffled me.
[417] See p. 114, note 6. The meaning here is obscure. I can only
conjecture that the party made a wager of some kind with the
pastrycook's man for his cakes. See p. 114, Note 6.
[418] Erased in MS., but legible.
Then beginning of Novembre I drow 200 livers. Out of which I payed Mr.
Alex're 155_ll_, whence there rests wt me 46 francks, of which I have payed
8 francks 5 souse for my part of that supper we had the night of St.
André; 12 souse wt Mr. D. and others at the Croix de Fer; 8 souse to the
Barbier; 12 souse for a pair of gloves; 21 francks to Mr. Daillie; 15 souse
on Romances; 15 souse to Garniers man; une escus on the 1 day of the new
year as hansel, les estraines to Rue, Biron, and Violet for their musick;
27 souse in collation to my countrymen that same day; 4 sousmarkies the
Sabath I communicated at Quarter Picquet, being the 3 of January 1666; 52
sous markies on Nöels.
When I had about 40 souse, I borrowed a Pistol from R. Scot, After I payed
a croune[419] for the port of my cloack from Paris; 12 souse for win that
night that Grame payed us his Royaute wt Frontignan and Enschovo'es. My
oune Royauté cost me 30 souse on a good fat bresil cook and 8 on wine; 15
souse on a iockleg,[420] my Scots on being stolen from me; 5 souse on a
inkhorn, my Scots on breaking wt a fall; 8 souse to the Barbcr. About the
mids of January 1666, for a pair of shoes, which ware the 4 pair I had made
since my leiving of Scotland, March before, a croune; to Mr. Rue a croune;
to Madame Marie for my last washing 30 souse; at a collation 30 souse.
[419] See Introduction, p. xliii.
[420] Folding-knife. Etym., Jacques de Liege, cutler.
About this tyme I receaved 3 crounes in lain[421] from Alex'r Home that
same night that Mr. Mompommery was headed; 6 souse on a bottle of wine; 7
souse at another tyme; 15 souse at the comoedy; 3 souse for my chair; 18
souse at another comoedy; une escus to Mr. Rue the 20 of February; 20 souse
at a comoedy, called Les Intrigues des Carosses a Cinq Sols, the farce was
La Femme Ruse ou Industrieuse; 15 souse for mending my sword.
[421] Loan.
About the end of February I was payed of a bil of 300_ll_. I had drawen.
Out of which I payed first a 130f. to my host; then lent 3 pistols, halfe a
Pistol and 2 crounes to Mr. Alexander; out of it a croune to Grahme; 30
souse for a peice concerning Monting a Cheval, presented me by the Author
of the samen; 10s. for mending stockings; a croune at a desjeuner wt
Georges Sinclar and other 2 countrymen, coming from Bordeaux going for
Paris; 30 souse to Mr. Rue; 20s. at a collation; a croune for La Perpetuité
de la Foy; 30 souse on a collation in the fauxbourgs wt Mr. Bourseau; 30
souse lost at the fair on China oranges and cordecidron; 20 souse for le
Capychin Escossois;[422] 30s. to Rue; 34 souse at a collation wt him; 40s.
at another wt De Gruches and Ingrande; 40s. for une Voyage de France. That
which remained of these 300_ll_. went away partly on my hoast, partly on my
adieus, which stood me wery dear, and partly in paying the messenger for
Paris (I payed 50_ll_.).
[422] Father Archangel Leslie.
It suffices to know that on my arriving to Paris I was wery light of mony,
whence I borrowed from Mr. Kinloch some 20 crounes, of which I bestowed
some 13_ll_. on books, thus, on some comoedies about 20 souse, on Scarrons
Virgil travestis 20s., on Pacij Centuria[423] 30s., on Robertus rerum
Judicatarum[424] 30s., on the Voyage de la Terre Saincte[425] 30s., on
Laertius[426] 8s., on a new testament 50s., on Du Moulins Bouckler[427]
30s., on Mr. Claudes Answer[428] 45s., whence their remaines me about
47_ll_. Out of which I first payed neir 4_ll_. for a pair of shoes; 20s.
that day I communicated at Charenton to the boatmen, the poor, and my seat;
on day wt Mr. Forbes it cost me in a cabaret a croune, and Scot keipt up a
escu dor, which was 5_ll_. 11 souse.[429] The day after at the bowlls I
lost 4_ll_.; then I payed for Limonade 3_ll_. 20s.; then after 4_ll_. 10s.
which I lost at bowlls; for a point de Flandres 15_ll_. Whence of the
60_ll_. their remains me only 6, to which add 5 I receaved from the
Messenger of Poictiers, and I have just a pistoll this 5 of May 1666, of
which I lent a croune to Mr. Grahme; then payed 50s. for a collation wt
Kinloch, Mowat, and D. Hewes; also 50s. for a part of a collation; I payed
6 francks wt my L. Ogilvy at a collation; 30s. at another tyme wt J.
Ogilvy; 20 souse on a Hallicarnasseus[430] and a Hippocrates; and that out
of 38 livres I receaved from F. Kinloch the 10 of May, so that this day
16th I have now 30 francks. On Les Remarques du droit Francois a croune.
That day I went to Ruell a pistol; on my journey to Fountainbleau 2 crounes
of gold. On the Parfaict Capitaine and the universal history, in 3 tomes,
4_ll_.
[423] Pacius, Julius, [Greek: ENANTIOPhANON], _seu legum
conciliatarum Centuriae_ VII. (1605). Ed. alt. 1610.
[424] Robertus, Annaeus, _R.J._, Lib. iv. 1599; new ed., 1645.
[425] Doubdan, Jean, _Voyage_, etc., 1666.
[426] Diogenes Laertius.
[427] Molinaeus, Petrus, _Bouclier de la Foi_, 1619. Engl. tr.
1624.
[428] Claude, Jean, _Réponse à la Perpétuité de la Foi_, 1665.
[429] _Ecu d'or_. See Introduction, p. xliii.
[430] Dionysius of Halicarnassus.
On the 10 of June I receaved 20 crounes. Out of which I payed first 4_ll_.
for Rablais in 2 tomes; 40s. at collation wt that Frenchman of the Kings
Gard; 30s. the day after wt the Captains; 30s. wt J. Ogilvie; 6_ll_. for
Mornacius observations;[431] 3_ll_. for Guiccardins[432] History, in 2
volumes; 40s. for Gomesii Commentarius in Regulas Cancellariæ and Le
Martyre de la Reyne d'Escosse;[433] 20s. for Bellon[434] Resolutiones
Antinomiarum and Molinoei Sommaire des rentes, usures, etc.; Molineus in
Consuetudines Parisienses 50s.; Connani Commentarius in Jus Civile 40s.;
Mantica de coniectur: ult. voluntatum[435] 60s.; Hottomanus[436] in Instit
30s.; Molinoei consilia 40s.; Menochius de Interdictis 40s.; Valerius
Maximus 10s.; L'histoire du Concile de Trente 5_ll_.; Gellius[437] 10s.;
Cepolla[438] de Servitutibus 50s.; les Memoires et le voyage du Duc du
Rohan 40s.; Profession de foy catholique 12s.; Le Monde D'Avity,[439] in 5
Tomes, 8 crounes; Aubignées History[440] 4_ll_.; Pierre Mathieu his
history, in 2 tomes, 3_ll_.; Du Plessis Memoires, in 2 volumes, 3_ll_. At a
breakfast wt Mr. Fullerton 3_ll_.; at a collation wt Mr. Ogilvy 3_ll_.; 2
crounes given to the box of the Scots Talzors at Paris; 30s. given to sy
the gallery of the Luxembourg; 40s. at a collation wt Mr. Hume and Grame; a
croune on our diner that day that Mr. Geismar went to Charenton wt us;
4_ll_. for Munsteri Cosmographia; Thucydides 40s.; Desseins de Mr. de Laval
30s.; in collation wt that Gascon of the Kings garde (called St. Martin);
Machiavellus 10s.; Justini Historia 5s.; Histoire du Seicle de fer 20s.;
Les oeuvres de du Vair 40s.; Le Sage resolu, in 2 tomes, 40s.; Cardanus de
Subtilitate 60s.; Histoire de Portugal 20s.; Tacitus 20s.; Remarques
politiques from Henry Hamilton for a compend of Philosophy of Marandé[441].
[431] 1 Mornacius, Ant., _Obs. on Codex_. (1654), _on Digest_ (1654).
[432] Guicciardini, Francesco, _Historia di Italia._
[433] Blackwood, Adam, _Le Martyre_, etc.
[434] Bellonus, Joannes, _Antinomiarum Juris Dissolutiones_.
Lugduni, 1551.
[435] Mantica, Fr., _De Conjecturis_, etc., 1580.
[436] Hottomannus, Fr., _Commentarius_, in iv. lib.; _Inst_., 1567.
[437] Aulus Gellius, _Noctes Atticae._
[438] Cepola or Caepolla, Barth, _Tract, de Serv._
[439] Avity, Pierre d', _Les estats, empires, etc., du monde_.
[440] Aubigné, Th. A., _L'histoire universelle._
[441] Marandé, Léonard de. _Abrégé curieux el familier de toute la
philosophie_, 1648 and 1686.
On the 14 of July 1666 I packt up al my books in a box to send them for
Dieppe, and to the end they might not be visited any wheir else, I caused
them be carried to the Douanne of Paris, which is the controoller of all
others, and by which if things be once visited none in France dare efter
offer to visite them. Their it stood me a croune or 3_ll_ to cause remballe
it; 10 souse to cause plomb it wt the King of Frances armes; 30s. for a
passeport. They lightly looked over the uppermost books. Then I caused it
be carried to the Chassemary of Dieeppe.
I gave the porte faix 20s.; 15s. for a Italian grammer; 5s. for Mureti
orationes; 12s. to the Secretary of Sts. Innocents; 40s. for Sleidan; 30s.
for Fabri rationalium Tomus jus;[442] for 4 volumes of de Thoues History
40s.; for Aschames lettres 10s.; for Le cose meravigliose della cita de
Roma 8s.; for Pierii Hieroglyphica 50s.; for Harangues out of al the
Classicks authors 50s.; to Schovo for a moneths dancing ii. _ll_.; 3_ll_.
10s. for a pair of shoes; 3_ll_. for sundry washings.
[442] Primus.
About the 28 of July I receaved some 56_ll_. in 10 golden crounes.[443] Out
of which I have payed for Lucians Dialogues, le Tresor de St. Denis,
Bodinus de specibus Rerum publicarum, Essex's instructions for a Traveller;
24s. for Oudins Italian Grammer; 5_ll_. for Index expurgatorius; 10s. for
exames des esprits in 2 volumes; 30s. for Brerevood of sundry religions;
20s. for a Enchiridion Physicae restitutae for Mr. Fullerton; 20s. for a
book of fortifications, not the Jesuit Fornevers; 3_ll_. for 6 carts, 70
for 3_ll_. 10s. I had payed for 4 volumes of Thou 40s.; heir again for
other 4 I pay 60s.; for Scuderies discours de Rois 15s.; Itinerarium
Hollandicum 15s.; 4_ll_. on a collation to Captaine Rutherford, etc.; 16s.
for my breakfast wt Mr. Samuel Fullerton coming from the bastile; a white
croune and a croune of gold...[444] 30s. for washing; 14s. at collation wt
that Englishman Mr. Waren, his addresse in London was Towards Street, at
Mr. Carbonells; 20s. lost playing under the hats; for Mr. Morus his poeme a
croune; for a new testament a croune; for the State of France and of
Germany, in 4 volumes 5_ll_.; to Mr. Fullerton for his Botero[445] a golden
croune; for a purse at the faire of St. Laurens 20s., and that out of 10
crounes borrowed from Mr. Kinloch, 12 of August; 2 crounes given in drink
monie; 8s. on fancies for the children; 21s. on a collation wt William
Paterson; 7_ll_. for a trunck valise.
[443] This gives the value of the _écu d'or_ at 5_ll_. 10s.
See Introduction, p. xliii.
[444] A few words erased.
[445] Bolero, Giovanni, author of several treatises of political
philosophy and history towards the close of the sixteenth century,
some translated into English.
Then to do my voyage a 100_ll_.; 38 given for my place in the coach to
bruxells; for my diner at Louure 25s.; supper at Senlis 16s.; diner at Pons
16s.; supper at Conwilly 24s.; diner at Marchele peau 10s.; supper at
Peronne 18s.; supper at Cambray 28s.; diner at Valenciennes 24s.; super at
Kivray 20s.; diner at Mons 24s.; super at Bremen 24s.; diner at Hall 24s.;
to the cocher 24s.; to our escort 7_ll_.
At Bruxelles, for taking of my beard 9s.; for seing the Palais 40s.; for 6
dayes to my hostesse 10_ll_.; for my horse to Enguien 3_ll_.; for my diet
their 3_ll_.; for washing, also for mending my shoes, 30s.; for my place in
the bark of Anvers 20s.; for carrieng my things ther 12s.; for the removing
them from bark to bark 18s.; for my diner their 33s.; for seing the
citadelle of Anvers, wt some other smaller things, 18s. Thus goes the
100_ll_.
II
NOTES OF JOURNEYS IN LONDON, OXFORD, AND SCOTLAND, 1667-1672
AND OTHER PAPERS
(1)
NOTES OF JOURNEYS IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND, 1667-1670.
A CONTINUATION OF SOME TRAVELLS. Sie 2 volumes in 4'to relating to the
same subject _alibi_.
The peace[446] was proclaimed at Camphire[447] the 3 of September, stylo
novo, 1667, as also at Flusing: at Middleburg not til the 5, because their
market day: their feu's de joy ware on the 7.
[446] The Peace of Breda between Charles II. and the United Provinces
was signed on 31st July, but the ratifications were not exchanged
for some weeks.
[447] Campvere, now Vere, a town in the island of Walcheren. Tervere
(Der Vere) is the same place.
I left Tervere the 5't, came to Flessinque; wheir we lay by reason of
contrary winds til the 12, on which morning it was at south south east. Our
skiper, a honest fellow, was called Tunis Van Eck. Coming out without the
head,[448] whither by the wind or negligence of the marinels I know not, we
dasht upon it which strake a lake in our ship wery neir my arme long. All
ware wery afraided of drouning; only being neir the toune, a carpenter, a
most lusty fellow, came and stoopt it wery weill; wheirupon we followed the
rest and overtook them ere night, at which tyme the wind turned contrary
upon us to south west, so that the 15 day at night being Thursday we was
come but a litle abone Gravesend; wheirupon I advised Mr. Chiesly that we
should hive of[449] the first boat should come aboard of us to carry us
that night to London, which we did, and arrived ther tho late. Lay at the
Black Bull in Bischopgate Street. Nixt day took a chamber in New Street
neir Covent Garden at halfe a croune the week. Went to the Court, wher
afterwards I fand Mr. Sandilands, Mr. Wallace, Mr. Lauder, C. Rutherfurd
and a brother of his, Mr. John Chrichton, who was then with my Lord
Drummond, Mr. Claude, etc., Henry Hamilton, who was win in to the Kings
garde, P. Wans, Mr. Metellan, Mr. Don, Mr. Kirkwood, Mr. Ker my Lord
Yesters man, D. Burnet, Mr. Johnston, etc.; kissed my Lord Lauderdales,
Yesters, and the Provests hands; saw Sir William Thomsone, Collonel
Bortwick, etc. Mr. Smith who was Mr. Simpsones man came over from Holland.
[448] Headland, or point.
[449] Off, so spelt usually by Lauder.
Having stayed a fourtnight in New Street I came to my aunts,[450] M'ris
Inglishes, house, wheir having stayed some 8 dayes, I took place in the
coach for Oxford the last of September, being a Monday, at Snowhil neir
Hoburne. Payed 10 shillings. Oxford is 47 miles from London. Saw Tyburne,
under which layes the body of Cromwel, Ireton, and some others; saw that
post to which they rode that would have any who ware hanged. I saw also the
Chancellors house,[451] Dunkirke or Portugall, directly against S't James,
a very magnificent building with a great park adjacent.
[450] I have found no particulars about this lady.
[451] Clarendon House, built by Lord Chancellor Hyde, was on the
north side of Piccadilly, facing St. James's Palace. It was called
by the populace Dunkirk, suggesting that Clarendon had got money
from the Dutch for the sale of Dunkirk, and Tangier, the dowry of
the Portuguese princess, Catherine of Braganza, for his share in
her marriage to the king, which was barren. See _Pepys's Diary_,
14 June 1667. A gibbet was set up before the gate 'and these three
words written, three sights to be seen: Dunkirke, Tangier, and a
barren Queen.'
Nixt we came to Oxbridge,[452] a toune 15 miles from London, wheir was
their fair of rattles and other toyes for children. Their was also a market
of horse and of cattell, for the most part come out of Wales. 7 miles
further is Beconsfields, a village wheir we lay all night at King Charles
his head. The host is a Scotsman called Hume; was made prisoner at
Worcester. We was their but[453] that merchands wife that was going to sie
hir child at Abinton (wheir is a braue market cross), M'r Lo, professor of
Musick in Oxford, and I; the other 3 women ware at the Swan. Supper and
breakfast stood me 4 shillings.
[452] Now Uxbridge.
[453] 'We was there but,' _i.e._ There were at our inn only.
Nixt morning being the 1 of October we came to East Wickam,[454] a very
pretty toune; then to West Wickam, being 5 miles; then to Stockam Church, 3
long miles; heir we walked doune a steep hil; then came to Whately;[455]
nixt to Oxford, the whole journey 25 miles. I lodged at the Miter, a wery
civill house. Calling at Exeter Colledge for Mr. Ackland, to whom I had a
letter from Mr. Sprage at Leide,[456] I found he was gone unto his oune
country of Devonshire.
[454] Now High Wycombe.
[455] Now Wheatley.
[456] Leyden.
Nixt morning I went and visited the booksellers shops. At last lighted upon
on[457] almost forgainst Oriel Colledge at the back of Christs Church
['called him Mr. Daves'[458]], who had a most rich and weill furnished shop
worth all the rest. Their I found the Heroe of Lorenzo and Arrianus, also
Tyraeus _de apparitioni_.[459] _et demoniacis_. He had lately sold a Lesly.
[457] One, as usual.
[458] Interlined.
[459] Contracted for _appartionibus_.
After diner came Mr. Lo to me with a young gentleman who stayed at his
house. He took me first thorough Lincolne, Exeter, and Jesus Colledges,
then to their publick schooles, a magnificent building, wheir for all the
arts and sciences their is a scool.
[Illustration]
Heir also is that library so famous, and undoubtedly the greatest of the
World, the Vatican excepted, and that but of late since the augmentation it
got by that of Heidleberg. The forme of it is the rarest thing heir be the
incredible multitude of manuscripts never printed which they have gathered
togither with a world of paines and expence, and gifted to the University.
As their is their the gift of Archbischop Laud consisting of a multitude
(vid. 2400) of manuscripts in all languages, as weill Eastern as Western.
Their be all Sir Kenelme Digbies books, togither with Seldens, about which
their ware a controversy in law. In his last will he gifted his books to
the University, wheiron it was demanded whither Cambridge or Oxford was
meant. Oxford carried it first because he was an alumnus of this
University; nixt, because sundry tymes in his life tyme he had told some
friends that he would leive them to Oxford. All the lower are chained; none
can have the permission to read till he hath given an oath to the
Bibliothecarius that first he shall be faithful to the Universitie; nixt,
that he shall restore what books he receaves and that intier not torn. The
papists gave occasion to this who under the prætext of reading maliciously
tore out any thing that they judged nervously to conclude against
themselfes: otherwise its disadvantageous to strangers who come but for a
short tyme and have the curiosity to sie a book. They have a Catalogue,
not, as others, _ordine alphabetico_, but according to the order they ware
gifted in: if it was money left then their be the names of the books bought
theirwith. Their are the maniest Theologicall books of all other, a great
many in both law, _Corpus Glossatum,--Tractatus Tractatuum_ Venetiis 1584,
_Vasquius_ 2 tomes, etc.
Of[460] one of the ends of the Library goes up a pair of stairs unto a very
fair and spatious gallery whither the students retire to refreshe
themselfes with walking after reading.
[460] Off, as usual.
The walls are all hung with pictures of the most famous men both of their
oune country and abroad, as weell moderne as ancient. Mr. Digby is drawen
lik a old philosopher. The roof is al painted alongs with the armes of the
University, wheir most artificially and couched up[461] in sundry faschions
the name of him who built the gallery, Thomas Bodley. I saw a great many
pretty medals wheirof they had 2 presses full. Their be also J. Cæsars
portrait brought from Rome by a gentleman.
[461] Couched up, disposed, laid on (like embroidery). See Murray's
_New English Dict._, s.v.
A litle below the Library is the Anatomy house, not altogither so weill
furnished as that of Leiden: sundry anatomies of men, women, children, and
embryoes. On man hes a great musket shot just in his breast, yet he did not
dy of it but afterwards was hanged; a mans skin tanned sewed on straw,
seimes like a naked man; the taille of an Indian cow, its white, wery long,
at least in a dozen of sundry peices; the skines of some hideous serpents
and crocodils brought from America and Nilus; a mans scull with 4 litle
hornes in its front, they ware within the skin while he was alive; another
cranium all covered over with fog which they told me was of great use in
medicine; sea horses or sharpes[462] skins; a Indian kings croune made of a
great sort of straw, deckt all with curious feathers to us (some being
naturally red, some grein, etc.) tho not to them--they despise gold because
they have it in abundance; a ring intier put in thorow a 4 nooked peice of
wood, and we cannot tell whow; a stone as big as my hand, folded, taken out
of a mans bladder, another lesse taken out of ones kidneyes. We saw that
the crocodile moved only his upper jaw.
[462] Sharpe, so written, query sharks.
From this we went to a house wheir we drank aromatik, then to New Colledge,
a great building. In the tyme of the plague the king lodged in the on syde
and forrein embassadors on the other. They wer the French for gifting them
a poringer worth 5 pound; but it was just at the tyme his Master declared
war against England so that he went away in a fougue[463]. Went up to their
hall, a pretty roome. Above the chimly is the Bischop that founded it;
under him stands other 2 that ware each of this foundation, afterwards
Bischops; and each of them built a Colledge, n, Marlan[464] and Lincolne.
Saw the Chappel, the richest of Oxford; brave orgues,[465] excellent
pictures, one of the resurrection, done by Angelo the Italian, just above
the altar.
[463] Rage. The sentence is obscure. Apparently the French ambassador
intended to present the college where he was entertained with a
piece of plate, when a rupture between the sovereigns occurred.
[464] Merton, distinctly Marlan in MS. He had written it by the ear.
Apparently it was pronounced Marton. Merton was founded before New
College.
[465] Organs. Just back from France, Lauder uses the French words
_fougue_ and _orgue_.
From this we went to Christs Church, the greatest and richest Colledge of
them all, founded by Henry the 8't, or rather Cardinal Wolsie, who had wast
designes had they not bein chookt. Their belonged to this Colledge by his
gift lands thorough all England so that the students ['fellows'][466] ware
as good as Lairds. The King took this from them and gave them pensions for
it. Heir I went in to the Chappel with Mr. Lo, who is their organist, and
hard their evening prayers, not unlike the Popish: saw the Bischop of
Oxford and Vice Chancelor (for Hyde is Chancelor) of the University.
[466] Interlined.
By the means of that young student Mr. Lo recommended to me saw their
Library, considerable for a private one. They have all the Counsels in 6
brave gilded tomes. They have a flint stone wery big in the one syde
wheirof ye sie your face but it magnifies; a great stone congealed of
water, another of wood.
From that he led me to their kitchin; wheir ware 3 spits full of meat
rosting (sometymes they have 7 when the Colledge is full). Then he took me
up to the dining hall, a large roome with a great many tables all covered
with clean napry. Heir we stayed a while; then the butler did come, from
whom he got a flaggon of beir, some bread, apple tarts and fleck pies,[467]
with which he entertained me wery courteously. Then came in a great many
students, some calling for on thing and some for another. Their are a 102
students in this Colledge besydes Canons and others.
[467] Suet puddings.--Murray's _New English Dict._
At the back of Christs Colledge is Oriel Colledge. Its a great building
built by King Edward the 2'd, even when Ballioll was built. Above the inner
gate stands King Charles the I. on horseback; then towards the broad street
is the University Colledge, the oldest of all thesse in Oxford, founded by
Alfred, a Saxon King, and long efterwards repaired, or rather erected (for
the first buildings be like to fall about ones ears), by Percy of
Northumberland. Over forgainst it is All Souls, wheir is a pretty chappell
with a rare picture of the resurrection.
From that to Queans Colledge, built long ago by on of their queans. Whiles
they ware a laying the foundation they found a great horne (they know not
weill of what beast), which since they have enchassed in silver and propine
to strangers to drink out of. Their chappell is remarkable for its windows;
in them ye have represented all the actions of our Saviour from his birth
to his aschension.
I saw Brazennose Colledge and Marlan[468] Colledge, also Balliols Colledge,
which is not so pittiful and contemptible as many would have it. Before the
utter gate is a pretty pallisade of tries. Within the building is
tolerable; in their dining roome be battered[469] up Theses Moral,
political, and out of all the others sciences. Nixt to it be Trinity
Colledge. It hath 2 courtes: the inner is a new building. Not far from this
are they building the stately Theater of cut stone for their Comoedyes.
[468] See p. 171, note 3.
[469] Pasted.
Nixt day I went to the Physick Garden not far from Marlan Colledge. The
gardener (a German by nation) gave me their printed Catalogue of all the
hearbs, which may be about some 7000 in all. I have also some verses he
gave me made on thesse 2 fellows thats keips centry, as it were, just as ye
come in at the garden door; their menacing face is of timber; all the rest
with their speir is artificially cut out of bush. They have also swans and
such lik curiously cut out of the phileria. I saw the sensitive plant; it
shrinked at my touching it, tho it was then excessively cold. Saw the
tobacco: of the leives dryed they make it as good as that they bring from
Spain, Virginia, Martinigo or elsewheir, if they had enough of it, and the
entertaining of it ware not to costly; hence the Parliament discharges the
planting of it. Saw African Marigolds, the true Aloes trie; all the wals
cloathed with wery big clusters; tall cypruses, Indian figs, etc. The
students can enter when they please.
On the Thursday 3 of October at night went and took my leive of Mr. Lo.
Nixt morning having payed my host 5 shillings in all (which made me admir
the cheapnesse of the place, fire only being dear since the Kings army was
their, who cutted all its woods about) about 10 a cloak bad adieu to Oxford
watered with the lovely Thames tho wery litle their; it receives at that
place the Isis whence Thamesis.
In the coach was D. Willis his cheif man, a pretty physitician himselfe,
going in to his Master, whom the Quean had caused come to London; a
apothecary who also sold all kinds of garden seeds, and for that effect had
bein at Oxford, P. Nicoll had oftnen traffiqued with him; a goldsmith's
son in the Strand and his sister, and an old crabbed gentlewoman, tho she
seimed to be of quality.
When we walked up the hill at Stockam Church he showed me a number of
pretty hearbs growing by the hedges syde. He confessed to me that tho they
had a verie glorious utsyde, yet if we would consider the forme of their
teaching and studieing it was werie defective comparatively to the oversea
Universities. Their publick lessons are not much worth: if a student who is
immatriculat in some on Colledge or other be desirous to be informed in any
science, let it be Philosophie, Medicine or another, then he most apply
himselfe to some fellow of that Colledge, who teaches him for a salarie;
otherwise a student neids never make use of a master but if he please.
Theologie is the only thing that flourishes their.
Came back the same way to London the 5 of October, being Saturday. Nixt day
came Haddow[470] and Bonnymoon to toune. Many a tyme hes he and I wisited
Litle Brittain. We went throw Bedlam (I was in it and saw thosse poor
peaple), then to Moore fields, wheir is a new street wheirin dwells thosse
that ware burnt out in the fire. They pay wery dear for their ground and it
is but to stand til they rebuild their houses again in the city. Then throw
Long lane wheir is their fripperie; besydes it their is a hospitall for
sick persons; then Smithfield East and West. I had almost forgot Aldergate
Street, on of the nicest now in London, ye shall ever find mercats their;
then we go thorow the Moon taverne. To the west of Smithfield is Snowhill,
wheir the coach for Oxford is; then ye come to Hoburn bridge, a very filthy
place, the street is large and long. In it is St. Andrews church wheir I
went and heard Mr. Stellingfleet; the coach for York is at the Black swan
their; above it ye come in to Lincolnes Innes Fields, a brave place weill
built round about, much like the Place Royall at Paris. Heir lodged my Lord
Middleton, heir is the Dukes playhouse, wheir we saw Tom Sydserfes Spanish
Comedie Tarugo'es Wiles, or the Coffee House,[471] acted. In the pit they
payed 30 p., in our place 18s. He could not forget himselfe: was very
satyricall sneering at the Greshamers for their late invention of the
transfusion of blood, as also at our covenant, making the witch of Geneva
to wy[472] it and La Sainte Ligue de France togither.
[470] Sir George Gordon of Haddo, 1637-1720 (see _infra_, p. 177),
afterward Chancellor and Earl of Aberdeen, now returning from
studying law abroad. Advocate, 1668, Lord of Session, 1680,
President, 1681, Chancellor, 1682.
[471] Printed in 1668. T.S. was the son of the Bishop of Galloway. He
became conductor or proprietor of a theatre in the Canongate,
Edinburgh, and published the _Caledonian Mercury_, the first
Scottish newspaper.
[472] Weigh.
After some way ye come to Covent Garden, all which will quickly fall in to
my Lord of Bedford by wertue of an assedation which quicklie is to expire,
having let of old the ground on the condition they should build upon it and
they brooking the ususfruit for such a space of tyme it should finally
returne to him; and this they tell me to be a ordinary contract at
London;[473] then New Street, Suffolk Street, Charron Crosse, St. Martins
Lane. In its Church preaches D. Hardins, a pretty man. Heir is York house,
the New Exchange, etc., then the Strand and Savoye, Temple bar within and
without the Gate, wheir are all their Innes of Court, their lawyers and
many booksellers. Then ye come to Ludgate hil; then to St. Pauls; then to
Cheapsyde Crosse; then in to Broad Street at the back of the Exchange now:
their is also Litle St. Helens and Great St. Helens, Leadinghal; also
Aldgate, wtin the gate or wtout it; which is either wtin the bars or wtout
them called White Chappell; out which way we went to Hackney, a village
some 2 miles of London wheir M'ris Inglish hir son Edward lives; saw Bedlan
Green by the way and the beggars house. Neir Algate goes of the Minorites
leading to Tower-hil and the Tower, then doun to the Hermitage. The Custome
house is in Mark Lane.
[473] An early notice of building leases.
London is in Midlesex; Southwark thats above the Bridge is in Surrey, thats
under it is in Kent.
Having stayed til the 28 of October (about which very tyme my mother was
safely delivered of Walter), Hadow and I took our places in the coach for
York. Their was a squire in Westmorland with his lady and hir sister
returning home to his oune country, also a Atturneys wife who dwelt in the
Bischoprick of Durham in the Coach with us. Had large discourses of the
idlenes and vitiousnese of the citizens wifes at London being wery
cocknies. We will not forget what contest we had with some of them at the
taking of our places.
Having left London, came first to Hygate, 4 miles, my Lord Lauderdales
house, a village adjoining on the croup of a hill; then to Barnet, 10 miles
from London; then to Hatfield wheir we dined, 17 miles, wheir we saw
Hatfield house with brave parcks, all belonging to my Lord of Salisburie. A
litle of this is the greatest hy way in England leading to S't Albanes.
Came at night to Stesinwich,[474] 20 miles of London.
[474] Stevenage.
Nixt day, being Tuesday, and 29 came to Baldoc 5 miles; Begleswith[475] 10
miles; dined their at the Croun, wery bad entertainment; afternoon to
Bugden,[476] 10 miles further, sad way. That night arrived their my Lord
Rothes, my Lord Arley,[477] Sir J. Strachan, and others going to London.
Its some 3 or 4 miles from Huntington; the country is all couered with
willows like to Holland.
[475] Biggleswade.
[476] Now Buckden.
[477] Arley, probably Airlie.
Nixt day Vednesday, 30, baited at a willage called Walsford,[478] 17 miles
of wery bad way. Came at night to Stamford 5 miles furder; within a mile of
the toune we saw on each hand a brave stately house belonging to my Lord of
Exeter, in one of them lived the Duc of Buckinghame. It stands on a river:
whats besouth the bridge is in Northamptonshire, benorth in Lincolne. Its
held amongs the greatest tounes of England after London. Norwich is the
2'd, it hath 50 churches in it: Bristol is a great toune to.
[478] Watlingsford (Blaeuw), now Wansford.
Nixt day, Thursday, 31, leiving Postwitham[479] and Grantham on our right
hand, we entred unto the most pleasant valley of Bever, the best ground for
corn and pasturage thats in all England: saw its castle at a distance,
seimed to be most artificially fortified; it stands in Leister,
Nottinghame, and Lincolneshires. Dined at Lougbirlington,[480] 18 miles: a
long rabble of a toune indeed. Afternoon came to Newwark upon Trent; had
fowll weather with haille. Its in Nottinghame: its commonly called the
line of England, dividing it into 2 halfes south and north (all that live
benorth it are called North country men) by its river of Trent, which
embraces the sea at Hull; yet the halfes are not æqual. We saw the Kings
Castle their, tho demolisht in the last Civill wars.
[479] Postwitham, so written. North Witham and South Witham are near
the route.
[480] Longbennington.
Nixt day, Fryday, 1 of November, left Toxford[481] on the Clay on our left
hand, entred unto Sheerwood Forest, wheir Robin Hood of old hanted. Was of
a incredible extent; now theirs no wood in it; but most excellent hunting:
it was good way. Baited at Barnby in the Moore, 17 miles of Newwark. As we
was heir J. Graham my Lord Middletons man overtook us going post. After
diner past Scrouby and Batry and[482] came late at night to Doncaster, 10
miles further.
[481] Tuxford.
[482] Scrooby and Bawtry.
The 6't day, being Saturday and the 2'd of November, it was a brave
clinking frost in the morning; we clawed it away past Robin Hoods well;
baited at Ferry bridges, arrived at York safely: lay wheir our coach
stayed. Devoted the nixt being Sabath for viewing of the toune; saw that so
much talked of minstrell, and truely not undeservedly, for it is a most
stupendious, magnificent Church as I had sein. Duc Hamilton was come their
then.
Nixt day, being Monday and 4 of November, having bid adieu to our coach
companie and Mr. Thomas Paterson who had come doune all the way with us,
Sir George and I took post for Barrowbridges,[483] 10 miles. Arrived about
11 howers, dined on apple tarts and sider: on immediatly for Northallerton,
12 miles; arrived ere halfe 3; my horse almost jaded: was very unresolved
whither to go any further or not; yet on for Darneton[484] (wheir the good
spurs are made). We are all weill monted with a good guide: we are not 3
miles of[485] the toune when it falls pit dark; a most boystrous night both
for wind and rain, and for the comble of our misery 10 of the worst way on
all the rode; yet out we most it. He led us not the ordinar way but throw
the enclosures, breaking doune the hedges for a passage wheir their was
none. Many a 100 ditch and hedge did we leap, which was strange to sie had
we not bein on horses that ware accustomed with it, yea some ware so
horrible broad that we forced to leap of and lead over our horses. We was
forced to ride close on on another, otherwise we should have losed on
another. When we was within 2 miles of Darnton we came to a great river
called Tees, in Latin by Cambden Tesis, which divides Yorkshire from the
Bischoprick of Durham (for from the time we came to Barnby in the Moore til
this place we ware ever in Yorkshire, which is the greatest in England);
heir we lighted and hollowed on the boatman on the other syde to come and
boat us and our horses over. If he had not bein their we had bein obliged
to ride 2 miles ere we had come to a bridge: over we win, and at last
reaches Darnton, both wet, weary, and hungrie.
[483] Boroughbridge.
[484] Darlington.
[485] Off, as usual.
Nixt day, Tuesday and 5 of November, on by tymes for Durham, 14 miles. My
saddle proved so unmeit for the horse back that it turned perpetually with
me. At last changed horses with the postillon. Came to Ferryhill, 4 miles
to the south of Durham, askes for Isabell Haswal their, is most kindlie
received; comes to Durham be ten a cloak, on of the most strong tounes, and
that naturally, we saw in all England; then for Newcastle, 10 miles. Our
postillon Need of Durham the greatest pimp of England. Neer Newcastle saw
thesse pits of coall that carries its name. Then to Morpeth, 10 miles;
which wearied us so sore that we resolved to post no more, but to hire
horses home the Kelso way; wheirupon the postmaster furnished us horses to
carry us to Ulars,[486] 22 miles; but ere we had reached Whittinghame throw
that most sad and wearisome moore and those griveous rocks and craigs
called Rumsyde Moore we ware so spent that we was able to go no further;
sent back our horses and stayed their all night.
[486] Wooler.
Nixt day, being Thursday 7 November, got horses from that miserable village
to carry us the other 8 miles to Ulars [Wooler[487]]. After we was once up
the braes we meet with wery good way.[488] At Ulars had much difficulty to
find horses for Kelso, 12 miles further. At lenth we found, which brought
us thither about the evening; crossed the Tuede in boate just forgainst
the toune, which beyond compare hes the pleasantest situation of ever any
toune I yet saw in Scotland. Their stands the relicks of a magnifick
Abbasie that hes bein their. Lodged at Charles Pots; fand a sensible decay
of service by that a man hes in England. Having provided horses to carry us
to Edinburgh, 28 miles, we parted nixt morning Fryday 8 November.
[487] Interlined.
[488] i.e. the road was good.
Saw hard by Kelso thesse 2 most pleasant houses that belong to my Lord
Roxborough, the Flowers[489] and the Friers. Throw muiresh, barren ground
we came in sight of Lauder, 10 miles of Kelso, on the west bray, face of
the Lider Water. Over forgainst it stands a pretty house belonging to my
Lord Lauderdale: 4 mile further of excellent way all amongs the mids of
hills stands Ginglekirk[490] wheir we dined; then forward our Sautry[491]
hils of whilk we discovered Edinborough. Passing throw Fallean[492] came to
the Furd within 6 mile of Edinborrough, yet we called first at New
Cranston, Sir J. Fletchers house; but himselfe was in the north marrieing
the Lady Elsick; his sone James and his daughter ware at Ormaston. James as
soon as he heard we was their came to the foord to us, stayed with us all
night; took us up to Cranston with him; wheir was receaved most magnifickly
by him and his sister.
[489] Now Floors.
[490] Now Channelkirk, still locally pronounced Shinglekirk.
[491] Soutra.
[492] Now Fala.
Parted that day, being Saturday and 9 of November 1667, for Edinborough,
whither by Dalkeith I arrived safelie about 4 a Cloak in the afternoon
amongs my friends, from whom I had bein absent some 2 years and 8 moneths.
DEO GRATIAS.
Accompte of my expence at London from September 6 to the 9 of November
1667.
In money from Freiston received 36 lb. 14 s.
from Lindsay by a bill, 19 lb., in all 55 lb. 15 s. sterling.
For a 4 nights diet and chamber maille in New Street 0 17 0, for a suite of
cloaths, 4 yards and 1/2 at 16 s. 3 yards sargeat, 4 s. and 6. so much
taby. the garniture about the sleives, in garters, shoe strings, etc., 1
lb. 16 s. the making, 14 s. with the other appartenances, in all it stood
me some 9 pound 10 s.
For 2 laced bands, 3 0 0
For a laced gravate, 0 12 0
For 4 pair of holland sleives at 8 s the peice, 1 12 0
For 4 pair of laced cuffes to them, 1 1 0
For silk stockings, 0 12 6
For worsted ones, 0 6 0
For Jesmine gloves, 0 2 6
For a fusting wascoat, 0 5 0
For 2 whole shirtes, 0 12 0
For 2 pair drawers, 0 9 0
For 3 pair shoes, 0 3 0
For a cloathbag, 0 8 0
My Oxford woyage and back, 1 0 0
My expence that week, 0 10 0
For books bought their, my catalogue
amounts to, 8 9 0
Given to Mris Inglish and hir maid, 5 0 0
For my place to York, 2 5 0
For my expence thither, 0 11 0
For 6 stages post, 1 10 0
For hired horses from Morpeth to this, 1 0 0
For my expense from York home, whither I
came Saturday 9 November, 0 8 0
Lent to Mr Thomas Paterson, 1 15 0
Summa of all is, 42 9 0
Brought home 7 lb. 10 s.
Repayed by Mr. T. Paterson 1 lb. 15 s.
which in all makes 9 lb. 5.
PETITION OF MR. JOHN LAUDER.
Unto the Right Honourable the Lord President and remanent Lords of Counsel
and Session the humble petition of Mr. John Lauder sheweth, That wheir your
petitioner having applied himselfe to the study of the Civil law both at
home and abroad, and being resolved to emprove the samen and to exerce it
as Advocat, May it theirfor please your Lordships to remit your petitioner
to the Dean of Faculty and Advocats for his tryall in the ordinar way in
order to the office of ane advocat. And your Lordships favourable returne
heirto.
21 January 1668. The Lords having considered this bill and desyre theirof
remits the petitioner to the Dean of Faculty and Advocats to the effect
they may take triall of his knowledge of the Civill law and make report to
the haill Lords their anent.
JOHN GILMOUR, I.P.D.
Remits the supplicant to the private examinators to take tryall of his
qualifications and to report.
ROBERT SINCLAIR.
27 January 1668. The private examinators having taken tryall of the
supplicants qualifications of the Civill law finds him sufficiently
qualified theirin and remits him to his further tryall.
ROBERT DICKSON, GEOR. NICOLSONE.
PAT. HOOME, RODER. MACKEINZIE.
JAMES DAES.
Edemborough, 28 January 1668. Assignes to the supplicant for the subiect of
his publick examination. Tit. D. _de collatione bonorum._
ROBERT SINCLAIR.
Edemborough, 15 February 1668. The body of Advocats being met and having
heard the supplicant sustain his tryal before them upon the befor-assigned
title, did unanimously approve him theirin and recommend him for his lesson
to the Lords favour.
GEORGE MACKENZIE, in absence of D. of F.
22 February 1668. The Lords having considered the Report above written
assignes to the petitioner the day of June nixt (which indeed was the 5h)
to finish his tryall in order to the office of a ordinire advocate, and
recommends the petitioner to the Dean of faculty for to have ane Law
assigned to him to that effect.
JOHN GILMOUR, I.P.D.
Edemborough, 1668. Assignes to the supplicant for the subject of his
publick lesson. _l. diffamari C. de Ingenuis Manumissis_.
ROBERT SINCLAIRE.
I was admitted advocat on the 5 of June 1668.
* * * * * [493]
[493] A page scored out.
In August 1668 I went home with my sister for Glasco. Went by the White
house, the Coudbridge, Corstorphin, held up to the right hand, saw Gogar on
the left, Ingleston, Boghall, Norvells house. Came to Kirkliston, 6 miles
from Edemburgh. Neir it on this syde of the Water is Carlaury; a mile
furder is the Castle of Nidry; both it and Kirkliston toune belongs to my
Lord Vinton, and Newliston on the left hand[494] then came to Lithcow,
Limnuchum[495] 12 miles from Edenburgh. Baited at on Chrightones forgainst
the Palace, which hes bein werie magnificent, is now for the most part
ruinous. Under it stands the Loch, in the midle wheirof is a litle island
with tries. In the midst of the court is a most artificiall font of most
excellent water. Their is ane in the toune: their ... [496] wes neir the
palace. They are a building a tolbuith all of aislaer work.
[494] On margin [Vinsbrugh, Duntarvy, Wrae, Monteith],
[495] Limnuchum, the Latin name. Arthur Johnston, in his _Carmen de
Limnucho_, quoted at length by Sir Robert Sibbald, 'Nobile
Limnuchum est Patio de marmore templum,' etc.-Treatises,
Linlithgow, p. 16.
[496] About two words obliterated.
A mile from this on our left hand we saw Kettelston Stewart, then wheir the
famous city of Camelon stood built by Cruthne Camelon first King of the
Picts--330 years before Christ--alongs the river of Carron whither the sea
also came up, so that yet to this day digging deip they find tackles and
anchores and other appartenances of ships. Its thought that when the sea
gained in Holland and the Netherlands it retired heir; so that now its not
within 3 miles of this place now. Vespasian in the reigne of our Caratacus,
35 years after Christ, took it and sackt it. At last finally ransackt and
ruined by Kenneth the 2d in the year of Christ 834. Neir to this place
stands Dunipace with the 2 artificiall monts before the gate called
Dunnipacis. Heir also is that old building called by some Arthurs Oven, and
relicts of the great Wall of Adrian. But of all this consult Buchanan, lib
10, pag. 16, 17, 18.
Within a mile of Falkirk stands Calendar, the residence of the Earles of
Callendar, a place full of pleasure. We lay at Falkirk 6 miles beyond
Linligligow. Nixt day on for Kilsith, 9 miles furder. Saw Cumbernauld and
that great mosse wheir that fatall battell of Kilsith[497] was fought, 6000
slayn on the place. Past by the Water of Bony wheir John Scots mother
lives. Bayted at Kilsith, saw the old place which was burned by the
Englishs, and the new place, then other 9 miles to Glascow. Passed by
Calder and a Water of the samen name. Saw Mucdock[498] at a distance, my
Lord Montrosse his residence.
[497] Montrose defeated the Covenanters under Baillie at Kilsyth in
1645.
[498] Now Mugdock.
Being arrived at Glasco we lighted at my sisters[499] in the Trone gate:
then saw Old Colin at his house in the Bridge gate; then saw their
Merchants Hall with its garden in the same street; then the 2 Hutchesones
brether ther hospitall in the Tronegate. The eldest brother was a Wrytter.
Then saw their bridge over Clyde, of which a man hes a most fair prospect
both up the river and doune the river of all the trough of Clyde.
[499] Mr. Laing mentions that one of Lauder's stepsisters was married
to Campbell of Blythswood.
Nixt day heard sermon in the Trone church: fornoon, Mr. Robert Stirling;
afternoon, Mr. Milne. After sermon went to their Bromeylaw, wheir is their
key for their boat, and a spring of most rare water.
Nixt day saw their tolbuith, Gallowgate, Saltmarket, Colledge with the
priveledges of the University of Bononia; their great church, on under
another,[500] with the castle, the bischops residence with the Bischops
hospitall and the tradesmen their hospitall, both at the head of the toune,
which comes running doun from a eminence towards the river, supposing the
river to be the edge of this book, in this fashion.
[500] The crypt.
[Illustration]
We went after for the Ranfield, 5 short miles from Glasco, on the south
side of the river. Saw on the way Govan, Renfrew, burgh royal. On the
other syde ware Parket,[501] Scotts-toune Stewart lately married to
Roysaithes daughter, and the Barnes. Ranfield stands most pleasantly with
abondance of planting betuixt the Clyde and the Greiff[502] or Carst,[503]
that comes from Pasley.
[501] Now Partick.
[502] Now Gryfe.
[503] Now Cart.
Went up to Pasley by the Knock: its 2 mile from the Ranfield, a most
pleasant place with a pretty litle toune. In former tymes it belonged to my
Lord Abercorn. Now my Lord Cochrane hath it, who sold to the toune for 4000
merks the right he had of the election of their Magistrates, which he sore
repents now, for since the toune cares not for him. It hes bein a most
magnificent Abbaye, much of it ruined now. Ye enter into the court by a
great pend[504] most curiously built. The wals of the yard may almost passe
for a miracle because of their curious workmanship and extent. The yards
are no wayes keipt in order. My Lord hes enclosed a wast peice of ground
for a park.
[504] Arched passage.
Nixt morning we went for Dumbarton, having crossed the river 5 long miles
from the Ranfield and 10 from Glasco. Saw on the way Rowlan on our right
hand, Bischopton, Brisbane, Erskin belonging to Hamilton of Orbiston, both
on the other syde of the river. Came throught Kirkpatrick, which is the
great mercat toune of the Hyland kyne; saw Castle Pottage; then by
Dunglasse a ruined castle standing on a litle rock in the Clyde belonging
to Sir John Colquhon of Luz[505]; then by the craig called Dunbuc came to
Dumbarton toune, wheir meet with Walter Watsone, provest of Dumbritton.
Stayed at his brothers: went over to the rock, a most impregnable place as
any part of the world can show. Was so fortunat that Major George Grant was
not their. The gunner went alongs with us and shewed us the cannons, some
Scotes peices, some English, some French, some Flemish, one braze[506] of
34 pound bal taken up out of that ship of the invincible armado which was
cast away on the north of Scotland in the 88. Their was 2 also iron peices
carrieing 32 pound ball, a peice casten in King James the 4't his tyme,
carried with him to Floudoun, and taken then and keipt ay to Charles the
I., his tyme. They call them demy canons, some of one lb, some of 8, some
of 14 lb ball, etc. They have excellent springs of water in many places of
the rock: their ammunition house is almost on the top of it. Of it we saw
my Lord Glencairnes house of residence, also Newwark, and under it the bay
wheir Glasco is building their Port Glasco. Neir to Dumbarton stands
Fulwood belonging to the Sempills. The Levin comes in to the Clyde heir.
The provest heir related to me that merrie passage betuixt Thomas
Calderwood and him. Its a most debaucht hole. Came back that night to the
Ranfield.
[505] Now Luss.
[506] Brass.
Nixt day came to Glasco. That night our horses were arrested and pressed
because of the rumor that ther was a randevouz to be at Loudon hill. Saw
old Robert Cambell and young Robert with their wifes, James Cambel, John
Bell with his wyfe, Barbara Cambel, Colin Maclucas, Daniel Broun, Collonel
Meiren, Sergeant Lauder. Went out and saw Blayswoode,[507] Woodsyde and
Montbodo its house wheir stayes my fathers old landlady. Saw his quarry,
his corne milnes, and his wack[508] milnes. If that of Monbodo wer once
irredimeably his he will have above 50 chalders of wictuall lying their all
togither. On the south of the bridge stands the Gorbbells wheir is the
castle of the Gorbels: in it dwels at present Sir James Turner.
[507] Now Blythswood.
[508] For wauk.
We took horse at the Gallogate to go for Hamiltoun 8 miles from Glascow;
saw Wackingshaw, Kelving Water, the Castle of Bothwell, ruinous, belonging
to the Marquis of Douglas on the Clyde. Over on the other syde stands the
Craig of Blantyre, my Lord Blantyres residence: he has another house called
Cardonald near Renfrew. Then ye come to Bothuel toune, on halfe belonging
to the Marquis and the other to the Duc of Hamilton; then ye come to
Bothuel bridge--six pennies of custome a horseman payes; then a mile from
it stands Hamilton, first the nether toune, then the upper. Many of the
gentlemen of Cliddesdail was their that day at the Duc, as Silvertounhil,
Hages, Master of Carmichaell, Hamilton, Torrance, Stewart Hills,
Castlemilk, Rouchsoles, my Lord Lee which[509] standes within 2 mile of
Lanerk. Lanark is 8 from Hamilton. Went and saw the yards:[510] great
abondance of as good wines,[511] peaches, apricoats, figs, walnuts,
chaistins,[512] philberts, etc., in it as in any part of France; excellent
bon Crestien pears, brave palissades of firs, sundry fisch ponds. The wals
are built of brick, which conduces much to the ripening of the fruits:
their be 20 ackers of land within the yeardes. Their's a fair bouling
graine before the Palace gate. Then went to the wood, which is of a wast
bounds; much wood of it is felled: their be many great oakes in it yet:
rode thorough the lenth of it, it is thought to be 5 miles about. Saw great
droves of heart and hinde with the young roes and faunes in companies of
100 and 60 togither.
[509] Which, _i.e._ Lee. Sir James Lockhart Lord Lee's house.
[510] Yards, enclosed gardens, orchards.
[511] Vines.
[512] Chestnuts. Fr., _Châtains_.
Nixt day on for Edenburgh, 24 miles from Hamilton. Rode crost the Clyde at
a furd about 5 miles from Hamilton, came in to the muire way for Glasco:
wery ill way. Came to the Kirk of the Shots; then to Neidle eye wheir ye go
of to Bathcat; then to Swynish Abbey[513]; then to Blaickburne belonging to
the Laird of Binny, 12 miles from Edenburgh. Baited their, then came to
Long Levinstone a mile furder; then to the pile of Levinstone Murray: the
house [Toures][514] was destroyed by the English. Saw on our right hand
Calder, my Lord Torphichens residence; then entered unto that moor,
Drumshorling Moore; then came to Amont Water: rode within a bow shot of
Clifton hall and within halfe a mile of Eleiston; then to Gogar stone and
Gogar toune; then to Corstorphin, and so home, being the 15 of August
1668....[515]
[513] Now Swineabbey.
[514] Interlined.
[515] Nearly half a page blank.
One day in a promenade with Mr. James Pilans past by Wright houses,
Greenhill, Mr. (Doctor) Levinstons, then a litle house belonging to Doctor
Stevinsone; then Merchiston; then to the Barrowmoore wheir Begs famous
house is; then to the Brig-house which belonged to Braid,[516] was given of
by the Farlys in an assithment, liferented even now by the Ladie Braid,
payes her 200 merks a year; then up towards Greenbank to the Buckstone,
wheir is the merches of Braid with Mortinhall and Comistone; saw its
merches with the new Maynes of Colinton belonging to Mr. Harie Hay with
Craiglockart, the Pleughlands, and the Craighouse (now Sir Andro Dicks, of
old a part of the Barronie of Braid); then saw wheir the English armie lay,
also Swanston and Pentland. Then came alongs all the face or brow of the
bray of the Wester hill, which is the meith between Braid and Mortonhall,
till we came to Over libberton, Mr. William Little. Conquised by this mans
goodsire, William Little, provest of Edenburgh, befor K. Ja. went in to
England: a fyn man and stout: as appeared, 1°, that his taking a man out of
the Laird of Innerleith his house at Innerleith, having set sentries at all
the doors, and because they refused to open, tir[517] a hole in the hous
top and fetch him out and laid him in the tolbuith for ryving a bond of
borrowed money fra a burges of the toun; which proceidur the Secreit
Counsell then, tho summar, allowed of. 2°, thair having bein long debats
betuen the toun and the Logans of Restalrig for the passage throw
Restalrig's lands to Leith (the way wheirto then was just by the tower),
and Restalrig having aither refused to let them pas throw his lands or else
would have them to acknowledge him, Prov: Little being with K. Ja. at
Stirling made a griveous complaint of their insolency; wheirupon he said he
cared not tho the highest stone of Restalrig ware as lach as the lachest.
Wheirupon the prov: Will ye bid me doe it, Sir? Wheirupon the K. Doe it if
ye like. Immediatly wtout telling the K. or anie else comes he post to
Edenburgh and causes cast doune the tour that same night. The K. tyme of
supping coming the K. calls for his prov: of Edenburght: no body could
tell. At last some tells that he suddenly was goon to Edenb: this moved the
K. I'll wad, sayd he againe, its to cast doun Restalrig Castle. Go with all
the speid ye can and forbid it. Are anie could come their it was done. K.
Ja: used to call the Huntly the 1 noble man of his kingdome and the provest
of Edenb the 2d.
[516] Dick of Braid.
[517] Strip off part of the roof, and so make a hole.
To returne. From Over liberton saw the byway to St. Catharines Well, a
quarter of a mile from Liberton, Leswaid, and Drodden;[518] then came to
Libberton Kirk; then came neir to Libberton burne, and turned up to
Blackfurd, wheir we saw Braids merches with Libberton moore, now arable
ground, bought lately by the President.[519] Also wt Grange[520] saw
_Sacellum Sancti Marlorati_ Semirogues Chappell.[521] That burne that runes
throw the Brighouse goes by Blackfurd to the Calsay[522] and Powburne, then
to Dudiston Loch, out of which it runes again by West Dudiston milnes and
is the Thiget burne.[523] Braides burne againe runes by Libbertone toune to
Peppermilne, fra that straight to Nidrie by Brunstone and its milnes to the
sea, a mile west of Musleburgh: the Magdalen[524] bridge layes over it
their.
[518] Anciently Dredden, now Dryden.
[519] Sir John Gilmour.
[520] Dick of Grange. See Appendix I., p. 239, note.
[521] The two names seem to denote the same chapel. St. Roque's
Chapel was on the Boroughmuir, half-a-mile west of Grange House.
See Bishop Forbes's _Kalendar of Scottish Saints_ s.v.,
Semirookie: 'Aug. 16, 1327. Under this corruption we find the
popular designation of a chapel dedicated to St. Roque, just
outside the east gate of Dundee.' The other name, distinctly
written, looks like a corruption of St. Mary of Loretto. Besides
the more celebrated shrine at Musselburgh, there is a tradition of
a Loretto chapel near the Lady's Wynd. Possibly Lauder confused it
with St. Roque's Chapel.
[522] Causeway, highroad.
[523] So sometimes spelt, more often Figgate or Fegot. The course of
the two streams is incorrectly described.
[524] So called from a chapel to St. Mary Magdalen.
That nunnerie the walls wheirof are standing at the Cheyns[525] was
destined most by[526] burgesses daughters, as also that whilk was in the
Colledge Yaird called _Monasterium Sanctae Mariae in Campis_.
[525] Cheyns, now Sciennes, convent of St. Catherine of Sienna.
[526] Destined by, meaning 'destined for,' hence, 'occupied by.'
Cheynes holds of the toun: they ware Robisons that possest it of old;
Grange by the Cants; Craigmillar, Prestons, Edmistons, of that Ilk, now
Reth,[527] first of that name being Chancellar Seaton his servand and
carried the purse before him; Shirefhal, Giffards, then bought by the Earl
of Morton, Lord Dalkeith, now it belongs to the Balcleuch; Preistfield
(never kirk lands, tho the name would seime to say so), Hamilton, Tam of
the Cougates[528] father; before them in the Chopmans; as also in the
Cants.
[527] In 1671 the second son of Wauchope of Niddrie married the
daughter and heiress of Raith of Edmonston.
[528] Thomas Hamilton, first Earl of Haddington, favourite of James
VI., who so styled him.
Went on the 20 of September 1668 to Musselburgh to sie the Mid Lothian
Militia, being a regiment 10 companies (_id est_, Lauderdales Collonel, Sir
Jo. Nicolsons of Polton Lieutenant Collonel, Gogars Major, Mortanhalls,
Deans, Halzeards, Calderhalls, Sir Mark Kars[529] of Cockpens, etc.),
muster in a rendezvous in the Links. Saw in going Stainehill, a sweit
place, the Dobies, ware burgesses, now Mr. William Sharps, keiper of the
Kings Signet, about a mile on the west of Mussleburgh Water and bridge and
Mussleburgh on the eist.
[529] Apparently a son of the Earl of Lothian, afterwards a general
of the army.
On the way to the south stands Innerask[530] with its kirk. Hard at the
toune stands Pinkie, built about the year 1612 by Alexander Seton, Erle of
Dumferling, Lord High Chancellar of Scotland. His lady was Maitland, a
daughter of the then Lord Thirlistanes (who had bein King James his
Secretarie and Chancellar), now Erles of Lauderdale: his name and hirs are
in manie places of the house. This Erle of Dunferline that stayes at London
is his sone, hes so morcaged his Estate that my Lord Tueddalle for security
of cautionry for him hes tane possession of Pinkie, Fyvie, Dunferline, with
whatsomever other thing rests of his estate and is like to bruik it. Its a
most magnificent, statelie building [it hes but 20 chalder victual
belonging to it]:[531] much cost hes bein wared theirupon. Their is a brave
building of a well in the court, fine shade of tries that fetches you into
it, excellent lar[ge] gallries and dining roumes. He hes bein mighty
conceity in pretty mottoes and sayings, wheirof the walls and roofs of all
the roumes are filled, stuffed with good moralitie, tho somethat pedantick.
See Spotiswood of him in _Anno_ 1622, page 543. A most sweit garden, the
knot much larger than that at Hamilton and in better order. The rest of the
yeard nether so great nor in so good order nor so well planted with such
varietie as is in Hamilton yeards. The knot heir will be 200 foot square, a
mighty long grein walk. Saw figs at a verie great perfection. Above the
utter gait as ye enter in to the place their is an inscription in golden
letters telling the founder theirof, and assuring them that shall ever
attempt to destroy that fabrick by sword, fyre, demolishment, or other
wayes that the wery stones and beams ut of the wall shall exclaime against
them as destitute of all humanity and common courtesie. 18 plots in the
garden, with a summer houses and sundry pondes.
[530] Now Inveresk.
[531] Interlined.
Saw of[532] the linkes wheir Pinky field was fought on the hill neir
Fawsyde. Heard whow the Laird of Carberrie then not desiring the battell
should be to neir his house had so much influence on the Scots armie as to
cause them leive the advantadge they had of the high ground and draw doune
to the champagne countrey, which was a partiall cause of their rout, as
also that the Englishes had their ships just at the links, who with their
shots of the sea did our forces a great deall of hurt.
[532] _i.e._ off, meaning 'from.'
Saw Walafield belonging to the Paipes. East it on the sea syde the Salt
pans. Above them within the land Tranent; then Prestonpans, wher was B.
Jossies house; then Dauphintoun, once Archibald Wilkies; then Fawsyde,
Ramsayes, on a hill head; then a mile beyond it Elphinston, the Clerk
Registers;[533] then Carberrie, Blaires, they ware Rigs.
[533] Sir Archibald Primrose.
In the coming home saw Whithill, Easter Dudinstone, belonging to Sir Thomas
Thomsone. He that first acquired it was an Advocat in Queen Maries tyme,
who having bein much on hir party and afraid to be forfault, disponed his
whole estate over to a 2d brother of his, out of whosse hands he nor his
posterity (who are living this day in Rowen) could never pick it, so that
this Laird of it is the grandchild of that 2d brother.[534] Its 60 chalder
of wictuallat beir and wheat ever accompted the finest thing about
Edenburgh. Its of great circumference.
[534] I am informed by Mr. William Baird, author of _Annals of
Duddingston and Portobello_, that this story is not authentic.
Saw Brunstone and Nidrie. Came throw Restalrig toune, wheir stands an old
chappel, the buriall place of the Lo: of Balmerinoch: also of old the
parish church of South Leith, so that the minister of South Leith even now
is parsone at this kirk, at least denominat so.
Inchekeith might weill now be called Inche Scott, since Scottistarvet
bought it, who had great designes to have made a good fischer toune
theirupon.
A litle after we went to Halton[535] (the young La:[536] being at London).
Went out by Gorgie Milnes, belonging to one Broune; then by Sauchton hall;
then by Belsmilne to Stanipmilne, Elies, up above which stands Reidhall,
Brands, and Colinton, with Craiglockhart, wheirin the President, S.J.
Gilmor, hes intres tho it belong to Colinton; then to Sauchton belonging to
Mr. David Watsone. On our left hand was Langhermistoune, the portioners of
it Mr. Robert Deans the Advocat and Alexander Beaton the Wryter. On our
left hand Reidheues who are Tailfours, the last of them married a daughter
of Corstorphin, Foster, for this Lo:[537] is Lieutenant General Bailzies
sone, and got it by marrieng the heritrixe. Then came forward to Upper
Gogar belonging to on Douglas, who was a chamberlan for the Earle of
Morton. Kincaid of Wariston hes some intrest in it. Past Gogar Water, that
comes from Halton by Dalmahoy and Adestoun, and comes down to Gogar place.
On our left hand saw Riccarton Craig, Curriehill, Skene of old now
Winrahames; Wariston, Johnstons; Killeith,[538] Scot of Limphoys, and
nearest of all thesse Adeston,[539] bought by a Laird of Halton, who
married on Bellenden of Broughton, to be a provision to hir children (for
she was the Lairds 2d wife), wheiron he sold Cringelty neir Hayston in
Tueddal (which belonged of old to the Laird of Halton), and theirwith
purchessed Adelstoun and gave it to Sir Lues Lauder, who was the sone
procreat betuixt him and that ladie of the house of Bruchton. Sir Lues
married a daughter of Sir Archibald Achesons, who was Secretarie of
Scotland, whom I have sein, and who bore him 2 sones, one evan now a
preacher, married in England, the other in the Kings troup, with some
daughters: on of them knowen to have bein to familiar with Sir William
Fleming. Adelston now is sold to Sir John Gibson. Then saw Dalmahoy house
with its toune at some distance on the croup of the hill.
[535] Now Hatton.
[536] Charles Maitland, afterward Lord Halton, and third Earl of
Lauderdale, on whom and his children the estate was settled on his
marriage to Elizabeth, daughter of Richard Laudcr of Hatton.
[537] _i.e._ the present laird of Corstorphine.
[538] Now Kinleith.
[539] Now Alderston.
On our right hand stands Ratho (that belonged to Duncan, who being the
Kings talzeor conqueshed Bonytoun), now Mr. Alexander Foules; then Ratho
toune, the halfe of it belonging to Halton, the other halfe to Ratho place;
then Ratho kirk, the parish of many of the gentlemen of this country; then
Rathobyres, the on halfe wheirof pertaines to James Fleming; then
Northtoun,[540] a willage or meling[541] belonging to the Laird of Halton;
then came to Halton. Their beside the old Laird,[542] the lady[543]
Richard,[544] Jo.,[545] Charles and their sister Isabell[546] was Jean
Areskin, Balgonies daughter, Elphiston, a daughter of Calderhals, and Mr.
William Sims eldest daughter.
[540] Now Norton.
[541] Maling, Mailing (from 'mail,' rent) either has the ordinary
meaning 'farm,' or perhaps a group of cottars' houses, 'maillers'
or 'meallers,' who were allowed to build on waste land, and hired
themselves out as labourers.--Jamieson, _Dict_., s.v.
[542] Richard Lauder, last of Hatton.
[543] Richard Lauder's daughter, wife of Charles Maitland.
[544] Fourth earl.
[545] Fifth earl.
[546] Afterwards married to Lord Elphinston.
Halton, as I saw their, carries the griffin bearing a sword, on the point
wheirof is a Moors head. The occasion they tell me is that one of the
Lairds went with a brother of Robert the Bruce to the Holyland and slew
many of the Sarazens their, wheiron he added that to his coat. The motto
is, Strike alike. Metellans[547] hes a lion with a star.
[547] Maitlands.
Learned of the old Laird that the Lairds of Calder ware knights of the
order of St John of Jerusalem, after knights of the Rhodes, now of Malta,
and that by vertue theirof they ware superiors of all the Temple lands
(which in Edenburgh may be discerned yet by having Croces on them), as
weill in burgh as in landward throwghout Scotland. Heard him speak of that
Bond of Assurance betuixt the toune of Edenburgh and the Laird of Halton,
the like wheirof few in Scotland hes of the toune of Edenburgh.
This Laird hes bought in a place called the Spittle (_proprie_ the
Hospitall), just over on the other syde of the water, which never
appertained to the Laird of Halton of before. All the ground about it the
Laird is taking just now in to be a park.
In one of the chambers hings King Charles the 2d, King Henry le Grand of
France, fetcht home by the old Laird; the old Earle of Lauderdale with his
ladie, the Lady Reidhouse, now Lady Smeton Richison, the old Laird Mr.
Richard, with some others.
This Laird hes made a verie regular addition to the old dungeon tower. The
garden that lies to the west of the dungeon would have bein better placed
to the southe of the house wheir the bouling greine is, tho I confesse that
by reason of the precipice of the bray hard at hand it would have bein to
narrow. Hes its ponds.
Came back the same way we went.
Nixt day went for Eleiston, 7 miles from Edenburgh (Halton is 6). Went by
Corstorphin, Gogar toune and Stone; saw Gogar place, then Ingleston,
Eistfeild, belonging to James Gray, merchand, then Halzeards, Skein, then
Newliston, Auldliston, toune of Kirkliston, Castle of Nidrie, Baruclan, my
Lord Balmerinochs, Barnebougall, the Clerk Registers,[548] of old the
Moubrayes, Dundas of that Ilk, Leine,[549] Youngs, Craigiehall, bought from
my Lord Kingstone by Mr. Jo. Ferolme, 50 chalder of wictuall for a 100,000
merk, who seiking up some monies from some noblemen to pay it with
occasioned the making the Act of debitor and creditor; then Kilpont, the
Earle of Airths, Mr. Archibald Campbell hes 40,000 merks on it; then
Kirkhill, Stewarts, conquised by Sir Lues Stewart the advocat; his daughter
(a very good woman) is Ladie Glencairne; then Uphall Kirk, which is
Kirkhils parish kirk; then Binnie and Binnie Craigs with Wester Binnie,
which belongeth to Mr. Alexander Dicksone, professor in Hebrew. Crosed the
Water of Amont at Cliftonhall. Beyond Binnie Craigs stands Dechmond,
Hamiltons.
[548] Sir Archibald Primrose, 1616-1679; Clerk Register, 1660;
Justice-General, 1676. (See _infra_, p. 225.) His son Archibald
was the first Earl of Rosebery, cr. 1703.
[549] Leny.
Came to Eleiston,[550] over against it stands Bonytoun, Scots, the Laird of
Halton Mr. Richards ladie was of that family; also Clifton toune,
consisting of many mechanicks, especially wobsters, etc. Stands in
Linthgowshire 5 mile from it:[551] stands most hy and windie in the edge of
Drumshorling Moor.
[550] Now Illieston.
[551] _i. e_. apparently Linlithgow.
Inquiring, if because of its name Eleiston it ever belonged to the Eleis's
of before. Answered, that no: also that the true name of it is not Eleiston
but Hyliston. Belonged to the Earles of Monteith, and was a part of their
barronie of Kilpont. Its some 300 acker of land paying about 6 firlots the
acker; hes held at on rentall thesse 100 years. The gentlemen that last had
it ware Hamiltons, ever Catholicks. K. James, because he had no house to
bait at when he came to hunt in the moor, gave on of them 20,000 merks to
build that house, wheirto he added 4 himselfe.[552] Its stronglic built as
it had neid, being built in so windy a part. We first enter in to a hall.
On our right hand as we enter is a kitchin and a sellar, both wouted.[553]
On the left a fair chamber. Then ye go upstairs and ye have a fine high
hall, and of everie end a chamber hung both with arras hangings. Then in
the 3'd storie ye have a chamber and a larg loft. On the top of a turret
again above ther is a litle chamber wheir their preist stayed when the
Hamiltons had it, who had divers secret passages to convey himselfe away if
pershued. Their was Marion Sandilands, Hilderstons daughter, with Margaret
Scot his 2'd wyfe; item Sir John Scot of Scotstarvets picture. In the
timber of the most part of the windows is cut out the name of the gentleman
that had it, with the year of God when it was built, 1613, 1614. Mr. Jo.
Eleis hes put up his name and his ladies on the gate.
[552] _i. e_. the proprietor added 4000 merks.
[553] Vaulted, _voutés_.
Jo. Bonar hes bought a place just on the other syde of the loch of Lithgow
forgainst the palace, called Bonytoun, which he hes changed and called
Bonarton. Reidop, which belonged to on Drummond a Lord of the Sessionis,
neir Lithgow, my Lord Lithgow hes bought it: its but a small thing. Yea
manie of the Lords of Sessions purchess's at that tyme ware but small,
divars of them no 12 chalder of wictuall. Neir to Binnie I saw Riccarton,
Drummond.
Came home the same way that we went afield.[554]
[554] The passage which follows, enclosed within brackets, is scored
out.
[Illustration: JANET RAMSAY.
(_First Wife of Lord Fountainhall._)]
[I was married 21 January 1669 in the Trone Church at 6 a cloack at
night, being Thursday, by Mr. John Patersone. On the 3d of December 1669
was my sone John born about on afternoone, and was baptized on the
Sonday theirafter, being the 5th of December, in the Grayfriers, by Mr.
David Stirling.
On the 8 day of Aprill 1671, being about halfe are hower past tuo in the
morning, being on Friday night and Saturdsdayes moring,[555] was my wife
delivered of a daughter, who was baptized on the 23 of April, being
Sunday, in the by kirk by Mr. James Lundie, and called Jannet.
[555] Sic.
On the 15 of September 1672, about halfe are hower past 5 in the
morning, being Sundayes night or Mondayes morning, was my wife delivered
of a daughter, who was baptized on the 30 or last day of September,
being Monday, at 5 acloak in the afternoon, in the Tolbooth Church, by
Mr. William Gairnes, and was called Isobell.
See thir marked alibi.]
About the 25 of Aprile 1669 I went over to Fyfe with my father in law.
Landed at Kinghorne, wheir is an old castle ruinous, once belonging to the
Lord of Glammes, who had also a considerable intres within that toune, but
hes non now save the presentation of the minister (who is called Mr.
Gilbert Lyon) onlie. Walked from that to the Links on our foot by the sea
syde: saw Seafield Castle midway who ware Moutray to their names. The
French in Queen Maries dayes made use of it for a strenth. Then came to
Innerteill links, wheir be conies. Then to the Linktoune, divided by the
West burne fra Innerteill lands, wheir dwell neir 300 families, most of
them mechanicks, above 20 sutors masters, 37 wobsters, as many tailzeours:
its set out to them by ruides, each ruid payes a shilling of few duetie.
Saw the Westmilne house, the goodmen wheirof ware Boswels. The milne bes
the toune of Kirkcaldie thirled to it: payes some 16 chalders of wictuall.
Halfe a mile from this is Abbotshall church lands, tuise confirmed by the
Popes: they ware Scots, cadets of the Laird of Balveirie. Payed a
considerable few duety to the Abbots of Dumferling, which is now payed to
the King. He[556] bes lately got in the Scarres and Montholie, 16 chalders
of wictuall. Theirs a garden, bouling grein, tarraswalk, fruite
yard, wild orchard and a most spatious park, with a meadow and a loch,
wheir are a great number of picks, manie wild ducks big theirin. Neir it
lyes the Raith, my Lord Melvills. Balveirie is his also, and Bogie, Bogs
Eye, on the eye of a boog, Veimes.[557] Touch, Thomsone, his father was a
Writer to the Signet, some 10 chalders of wictuall; Bannochie belongs to
Boogie: on Ayton hes a wodset on it.
[556] His father-in-law, Abbotshall.
[557] _i.e._ Bogie belonged to a family of Wemyss.
Saw Grange, a wery sweit place: was Tresaurer of Scottland in Quein Maries
dayes, and Cunyghameheid was his depute, and his sone again was governour
of Edenburgh Castle and was hanged. Slew a 100 Frenchmen once at Masse.
Much planting about it. Is but 28 chalders of wictuall.
Saw Innerteill. It layes low, belonged to on Erskein, was a Lord of the
Session, had a daughter onlie, who married the Laird of Tarbet, then
Colinton. Malcolm of Babedie hes bought it (its 36 chalders of good
wictuall): gave for it 40,000 lb., and bids[558] hir liferent.
[558] _i.e._ bides.
Saw Pittedy, stands on the croup of a hill pleasantly but by; ware
Boswuells. David Dewars father was tennent heir above 30 years. Its 25
chalders of wictuall.
Kirkaldie is the best merchant toune in Fyfe: it had before the Englishes
came in 80 sail of ships belonging to it, now it will not have 30. Then is
Revensbeuch, its my Lord Sinclairs; then the Pathhead or Pittintillun,
belonging to on Watsone in Bruntilland; then the Dysert, wheir are manie
saltpans; the Weimes; Easter Weimes, Easter Buckhaven, Anstruther, Craill,
Fyfenes, St. Androis, the Elie, belonging to Ardrosse.
Went to Balgonie to sie the Chancelar,[559] which is not his, but the Earle
of Levine his children, belonged to the Sibbalds who ware great men and of
much power. Within halfe a mile to it stands Balfour, Beatons to their
name, a cadet of Lundy, married the heretrix of Balgonie in _anno_ 1606,
and tho he changed not his name yet he took the place of his elder brother
Lundie.
[559] Earl of Rothes.
Saw by the way Kinglassie, Ayton, Leslie, wheir a most magnificent house is
a building: it is neir the Lowmonds, and Falkland, and Lochlevin, in the
castle wheirof was Queen Marie keipt. About halfe a mile from it is
Markins,[560] wheir Mr. John Ramsay is minister, who is my goodfathers
cousin german. Neir it stands Brunton, most pleasantly: it belongs to one
Law. Their is much moorish ground in our way.
[560] Now Markinch.
Their was thrie thries[561] (as they called them) in Fyfe, Balveiry Scot,
Ardrosse Scot, Dischingtoune of late, but Scot, and Balgonie Sibbald:
Balmuto, Bosuel, Weimes of that Ilk, and Rossyth Stuart: then Lundie of
that Ilk, Durie of that Ilk, and Colerine, Barclay or else Craighall,
Kinninmont.
[561] This seems only to mean that the three trios of lairds hunted,
not in couples, but in threes.
On the 5 of May we came over from Bruntiland.
Skein in his de V. Signi:[562] _in verbo_ Clan Macduff, tells whow on
William Ramsay was Earle of Fife in King David the 2'ds dayes.
[562] _Verborum significatione_.
Saw in the way to Bruntilland the sands King Alexander the 3'd brak his
neck on.
* * * * *
Mr. Joseph Mede,[563] in one of his letters to Doctor Tuisse,[564] speaking
anent the manner whow the great continent of America and its circumjacent
ilands may probably be supposed to have bein peopled, thinks that the
greatest part of that country (especially Mexico and Peru, who ware found
the only civilized people amongs them, having both a State and a Church
government established among them) was planted by great colonies sent out
of the barborous northern nations laying upon the north frozen sea,
videlicet, the Tartars and others,[565] who entred America by the Straits
of Auvan, and that the most of them hes gone thether since our Saviours
coming in the flesh. After which the devil, finding his kingdom ever more
and more to decay through the spreading of Christianity upon the face of
the wholle earth, which before he keipt inchained in black heathinsme, and
being much afflicted with the great din and noyse of the gospell
which was come to the utmost ends of the then knowen world, so that he was
affraid to lose all his footing hear, he by his oracles and responses
encouraged thesse Barbarians (in this Gods ape[566] who called Abram to the
land of promise) to desert their native countrie and promised them better
habitations in another part (which he might soon do) wheir he might be out
of the dread of the gospell and might securly triumph over them as his bond
slaves.
[563] Mede, Joseph, B.D., 1586-1638.
[564] Twisse, Wm., D.D., 1575-1646.
[565] On the margin: 'Purchas in his Pilgrimage in Mexico reports this
storie also.'
[566]_ i.e._ imitator.
The ground of this conjecture is from some records found in the city of
Mexico of their kingdome and its foundation, bearing that their ancestors
about 400 years ago onlie (who then dwelt far north) ware called out of
that countrie by their God which they called Witzill Putzill, in effect,
the Devil, to go to a far country (this was to Mexico), far more fruitfull
and pleasant than their oune, which he should show them, and wheirof he did
give them marks and that he should go before them. And that accordingly
they sett on for the journey, and that their god went before them in ane
ark, and that they had many stations and marches, and that they ware 40
years by the way, and that at last they came to the promised land, and that
they know it by the marks their god had given them of it. All this in
manifest imitation of God his bringing the children of Israel out of Egypt.
Its reported that the State of Scotland looking ut for a suitable match for
James the 2d, then King, sent over to the Duc of Gelderland (who had 3
daughters) some of the nobility and some bischops for the clergy to demand
any of the 3 they should judge most sutable for the King. The Duc was
content on of the Bischops [it was the Bischop of Rosse][567]--should sie
them and feill them all 3 naked to discern theirby which of them was
strongest and wholesomest like. His report was in favors of the youngest:
his reason was, _Est enim bene crurata culata cunnata aptaque ad
procreandos nobis generosos principes._[568]
[567] Interlined.
[568] The Bishop of Dunkeld (not Ross) was one of three commissioners
sent to choose a bride for the king, first to the Court of France.
Mary of Gueldres was an only daughter-Tytler, _Hist._ iii. 209.
The story is probably apocryphal. But in Russia, when the Tsars
were married, the inspection of the candidates was an established
custom and ceremony for two centuries after the marriage of James
II.
A French gentleman being inamoured with a damoiselle of Lyons, going in to
Italie to travell she gets notice that he had tane huge conceit of a
Venetian, and that he was about to marrie hir. She writs a letter in a
large sheit wheirin was nothing written but Lamasabachthani, withall a
false diamond. He receaving it know not what to make of it, went to a
jeweller to try the stone, who discovered it to be false tho it had ane
excellent luster. After many tossing thoughts he fell upon the knack of it,
videlicet, that it was a heiroglyphick diamant faux, and that it behoved to
be read thus, Tell, false lover, why hast thou forsaken me.
* * * * * [569]
[569] There is here omitted an unpleasant story of a Duc de
Montpensier of a former age, who in ignorance married a lady to
whom he was doubly related by the closest ties of consanguinity.
The same story will be found in Nouvelle 30 of Queen Margaret of
Navarre (the scene being laid in Avignon), and in Horace Walpole's
play _The Mysterious Mother_. Also an anecdote about the terms of
the _tenendas_ clause of a charter said to be in the Tower of
London, which is given in English, and is too gross to print.
For farder demonstrations of the truth of that conspiracy of Gouries (which
some cals in doubt), besydes what is in Spotswood, Mr. William Walker told
that he heard oft from Mr. Andrew Ramsay that the said Earle being
travelling in Italie had a response thus, _Dominus de Gourie erit Rex_.
After which he took a strong fancie he would be King, wheiras it was to be
reid, _Rex erit_, etc. In pershuit wheirof being in on of the Universities
of Germanie and to leive his armes their, in his coat he caused put the
Kings armes, videlicet, the Lyon, with a hand and a dager pointing at the
Lyons breist, and so gifted them. And when he was returning he wrot to all
his freinds and dependents to meit him at Muslebrugh, which they did to the
number of 300 horse or their abouts, with which he came to Edenburgh; and
that he might be the more tane notice of, he caused take his lodging in the
Landmarket,[570] and came up al the streit with this train, and tho the
King was in the Abbey yet he passed by without taking notice of him. He was
likewayes a great receipter and protector of all the discontented factious
persones of that tyme.
[570] Now Lawnmarket.
They say their are blood yet to be sein on the wall of the house in St.
Johnston, wher he and his brothers ware slain, which cannot be washen away.
Sir John Ramsay being then the Kings page killed him (he was a sone of the
Laird of Wyliecleuchs in the Merse), and for his valeur and good service
was made Earle of Huldernesse and got a great part of the lordship of
Dumbar, which was then of the Kings annexed patrimonie, but on this accompt
in anno 1600 ware dissolved by the Parliament. Thesse lands Mr. W. Kellie
afterwards acquired.
In September 1670 I waited upon my father to the Merse to sie the Laird of
Idingtoun.[571] Lighted at St. Germains, so called from are old chappell
dedicat to that saint of old standing their. From that went to Hadingtoun,
saw in the way Elvingston, weill planted, but standing in Gladsmoore: item,
Nunland, Adderstone, and Laurenceland, belonging to Doctor Hendersone.
Above Hadingtone lyes Clerkingtone, Cockburne, Colstoune, Broun, who talk
much of their antiquity and pear[572] they preserve, Yester, and
Leidingtoune: 3 miles of stands the Registers house, Chesters, wheirin Mr.
Patrick Gillespie now dwells. To the eist of Hadington stands the Abbay,
Newmilnes, Stevinsone, and Hermistone, all most pleasant places and weill
planted; as also Morhame and Hailles, past the Almous[573] house within a
mile of Dumbar. Saw on our right hand Spot and the Bourhouscs, ware Happers
now Muires; saw also Fuirstoun belonging to Andrew Whyte, once keiper of
the Tolbuith; then saw Innerwick toune and church standing at a good
distance from the house. Saw Neutonlies, Eistbarnes, Thornetounloch,
Scatteraw, Douglas, and Colbrandspath: past thesse steip braes called the
Pies. Saw Butterdean toune and house acquired by Mr. William Hay, the
Clerk, who also bought Aberlady, now belonging to Sir Androw Fletcher: then
saw Rentoun lying in a wild moir: item, Blacarstoun of on our right hand
also in a wild seat, yet seimed to be reasonably weill busked with
planting: item, Blaickburne in the moir: then Fosterland: then Bouncle,
Preston, and Lintlands, belonging to the Marquise of Douglas and presently
the Lady Stranavers jointer, worth 10,000 merks by year: then Billie,
Renton to his name, and then Billie, Myre; then Edencraw, then came to
Idington, 36 miles from Edenbrugh, ware Idingtons to their name, hes no
evidents of it but since the year 1490. In this same condition are the most
of the gentlemen of the Merse who ly most obnoxious to Englands invasions.
[571] Sir John Lauder senior's third wife was a daughter of Ramsay of
Idington.
[572] The Coalston pear was presented by the Warlock of Gifford to his
daughter, who married Broun of Coalston, telling her that as long
as it was preserved fortune would not desert the family.
[573] Alms.
Saw the Maines, a roome lying betuixt Chirnesyde tour and Idington: ware
Homes. On Patrick Mow, sone to the last Laird of Mow, maried the heritrix
of it, and so hes the land. They tell whow the Earle of Roxbrugh was the
cause of the ruine of the said Laird of Mow. Mow being on a tyme with some
Englishmen took on a match for running upon a dog of my Lord Roxbrughs
head[574] against their dogs, wheiron addressing himselfe to my Lord, he
would not quite his dog unless Mow would give him a bond to pay him 8000
merks incaise he restored him not back the dog haill and sound: which Mow,
thinking their ware no hazard in it, did. The day being come my Lords dog
wins the race; but as soon as it was done my Lord had a man ther readie to
shoot it: who accordingly did so, and fled. Then my Lord seiking the soume
in the bond, and he unwilling to pay it, was at wast charges in defending,
and at last succumbed, and so morgaged his estate to Adam Bell, who after
got it. His ladie was a daughter of West Nisbets, with whom the young man
Patrick was brought up.
[574] Upon the head of a dog of Lord Roxburgh's, _i.e._ backing
the dog.
Saw Chirnesyde toune standing a mile of Idingtoun, belonging to sundry
petty heritors, some of them of halfe mark lands. My Lord Mordington is
superior as also patron of the Kirk: on Lanty is minister their. It will be
more then halfe a mile long. At the end of it neir to Whitater stands the
Nynewells (corruptly called the Nyneholes), from 9 springs of water besyde
it, wheirof on in the fountain is verie great: are Homes to their name. Saw
Blanerne, belonging now to Douglas of Lumbsdean. Saw Eist Nisbet, ware
Chirnesydes, now belongs to the Earle of Levins daughter: item, Blacader,
ware Blacaders (of which name Tullialen is yet), are now Homes who ware a
cadet of Manderstones. At a greater distance saw Manderston, Aytoun,
Wedderburne, Polwart, Reidbraes, a house of Polwerts, Crumstaine, Sandy
Spottiswoods; West Nisbet, a most sweit place, ware Nisbets to their name.
Saw Huttonhall, ware Homes to their name, now belongs to Hilton, which was
a part of Suintons lands. Saw the toune of Hutton belonging to sundry
portioners. Saw Paxtoun and Edringtone, a part of Basses[575] lands, and
given away to a brother, now belongs to my Lord Mordington. Saw Foulden,
the Bastile, Nunlands, Ramsay--his grandsire was parson of Foulden. Saw
Mordington and Nather Mordington. Saw the bound road[576] within my Lords
park. Saw on the English syde of Tuede Ourde the Birkes wheir King Charles
army ly, Norame Castle and Furde; the ladie wheirof inviegled King James
the 4t when he went in to Flouden: they have bein leud women ever since.
Ker of Itall got it by marieng the heritrix. Went to Bervick, wheir they
are building ane Exchange. In the way is Halidoun Hill, wheir on of the
Douglasses was slain; Lammerton, in the Chappell wherof was King James the
3d maried on King Hendrie the 7th of Englands daughter. Their is a great
salmond fisching on Tueid: for the freedome but of one boat on it they pay
100 lb. ster: per annum. We was at a kettle[577] on the water syde. My Lord
Mordington had all the Magdalene field, but he could not get it peaceably
possessed for thesse of Berwick, so that he sold it to Watsone. Holy Iland
is 7 miles from Berwick. My Lords father Sir James Douglas was a sone of
the Marquis of Douglas: he maried the only daughter of the Lord Oliphant.
Idington is 5 miles furder in the Merse then Renton.
[575] Lauder of the Bass.
[576] Probably a road forming the boundary between the liberties of
Berwick and the county.
[577] 'A social party on Tweedside, common during the salmon fishing
season.'--Ogilvie's _Imp. Dict_.
Returned that same way almost and came to Auldhamstocks, 9 miles from
Idington. Saw Auldcambus, then came to Eistbarnes; then for Linton bridges;
within 2 mile of it saw the land of Nyne ware. Saw Gourlaybank; came and
lay at Wauchton, who ware Moubrayes, and a 2d sone of my Lord Hailles
marieing them they became Hepburnes. Quinkerstaines is a peice of old land
of theirs. They got also Lufnes by marieng the heritrix theirof Riccartoun.
But my Lord Hailes rose by 3 forfaulters: of the Earle of March, Dumbar, of
the Creichton, and of Bothuell, Ramsay, the Laird of Balmayne.[578] Gorgie
milne besyde Edenburgh did belong to Balmayne, but by a gift of nonentrie
Otterbune of Reidhall, who was at that tyme Clerk Register, he got it.
[578] As to Ramsay of Balmain being created Earl of Bothwell by James
III., see p. 205.
Saw nixt day Furd, Whitkirk, Craig, Hepburn, Balgone, Semple, Leuchie,
Merjoribanks, Sydserfe, Achesone, Cassilton, Tomtallon, both the Marquis of
Douglasses, and the Basse, 2 mile within the sea, about a short mile in
circumference. Saw the May, belongs to Barnes Cunyghame. Saw Fentontour,
ware Haliburtons and Wisconts, then purchased by the Earle of Gourie, now
my Lord Advocats:[579] saw the Heuch-Home.
[579] Sir John Nisbet.
Nixt day went for Hadington: saw Ethelstanefield.[580] In Hadington saw my
Lord Lawderdales buriall place, werie magnifiek. The Lord Yesters got
Zester by mariage of the only child of my Lord Giffart. He had Beltan by
marieng with a Cunyghame.
[580] Probably Athelstaneford.
In the coming to Edenbrugh saw Eister and Wester Adenstens, that is also
their name; then Tranent, and neir it Windiegoule; then Elphinstone; then
on the cost syde Cockenie, Seaton, Preston, Prestongrange, the Pans,
Landnidrie:[581] up on the brae are Wallyfield, Dauphinton, Carberrie and
Fausyde.
[581] Now Longniddry.
Master Thomas Scot of Abbotshall in King James the 5th tyme was Justice
Clerk. Vide Hopes Collections, page 12, in principio.
The Lairds of Glenbervie are not the oldest Douglasses as some say, but a
cadet of Angus maried the heritrix theirof, they being then Melvils verie
old in that name, and the powerfullest in all the Mearnes. They ware
heritable shireffs their, and on of them being a great oppressor of the
wholle country, manie complaints were made of him to the King. The King
once answering that he cared not tho' they supped him in broth, they
presently went and took him to a hill syde which they yet show, put on a
ketle and boiled him their, and each of them took a soop out of it. It was
in 1417.[582]
[582] This story is told more fully by Sir W. Scott in a note to
Leyden's ballad 'Lord Soulis,' _Border Minstrelsy_, vol. ii. p.
350, ed. 1802. Albany was Regent in 1417.
They tell that amongs the manie Universities that are at Lovain their is
one which of old was institute for poor scollars who had nought wheiron to
maintaine themselfs, but that their diet was verie sober, nothing but bread
and very small bread. At a tyme on of the students in it having a great
stomack, in a rage sayd to his other fellows, If I ware Pope of Rome I
would make the students of this Colledge to fare better then they do. He
came to be Pope, and endowed that Colledge with great revenues, so that its
the richest now in all Lovain.
Of all the histories we have on record of magicians and sorcerers that
seimes to me most strange which is reported of Ascletarion by
Suetonius,[583] in Vita Domitiani, in pagina 82.
[583] _Duodecim Caesares_, Domitian c. 15. The soothsayer's
power of divination was tested by asking what his own fate would
be. He said he would very soon be devoured by dogs. Domitian
desiring to confute such uncanny powers of prediction ordered him
to be killed and securely buried. The funeral pyre was knocked
down by a storm, and dogs devoured the half-burnt remains.
That Touch which George Tomsone hes wes acquired by his father from the
Melvines, who are designed Lairds of Dyserts, who again acquired it in 1472
from on Touch, so then they have bein of that Ilk.
Fingask, now McGill, ware Dundasses of before.
(2)
NOTES OF JOURNEYS IN SCOTLAND, 1671-72. [584]
Having past over to Fyffe about the latter end of August 1671, I went to
Leslie. Saw by the way Finglassie and Kinglassy and Caskieberry, bought by
a Gennan who came heir about 60 or 70 years ago, and professed medicine:
was called Shoneir. His grandchild sold it to the chancellor, who hes also
bought the barrony of Cluny, sometyme belonging to Crighton of St.
Leonards. Saw Touch, neir Markinch. Saw Balbirny, sometyme Sir Alex'r
Clerks, now it pertaines to a tailzeour called Balfour. Saw Balquharge
belonging to Bogie's unkle: then going for Couper, saw[585] Ramsayes
forther,[586] now Pitcairnes by a marriage with the heritrix. Saw the hy
way to Falkland, neir which stands Corston, whosse name is Ramsay: a sone
wheirof was sir John Ramsay in K. James the 3ds dayes, and created by him
Earle of Bothwell. He sent to the grammer scool of Edr. for a gentleman's
sone to wait upon him, and who could writ weill. 2 ware brought him to
choise one, wheirof Jo. Ramsay was the one; the other wrot better, yet the
king made choise of John as having more the mean of a gentleman then the
other, and made him his cubicular. He gave him the lands of Taringzean in
Air, and Karkanders in Galloway, Gorgie and Gorgymilne in Louthian, and
Balmayne in the Mernis. Without licence from him none could wear a sword
within 2 miles of the K.'s palace. He made him also captain of his guards,
vide Buchanan, pag. 444 and 450. Anent his being Earle of Bothwel Buchanan
causes some doubt, because in K. Ja. the 3ds dayes, at pag. 452, he
mentions Adam Hepburne, Earle of Bothwell; but I think he is in a mistake,
for Drummond is formally contrare. The time of his death is controverted:
some say he was killed at Stirling field with K. Ja. the 3'd, others
(amongs whom is Mr. Androw Ramsay in his poems) at Flouden with Ja. the
4't. Whoever on Ja. the 3'ds death the title of honor conferred upon him
was retracted; but he was not legally forfault nather in Parliament nor in
a Justice court, so that the familie of Balmayne might the more easily be
restored againe to that honor. He was the first in Scotland that ever got a
patent of nobility. Buchanan throw the wholle tract of his history makes it
his work to speak ill of all thosse who ware the king's favorites for the
tyme. He sets doune all their vices in folio, but conceals the vertue by
which it most be presumed they rose, and by which they did keip themselfes
on foot. The tyme was their ware 22 landed gentlemen of the name of Ramsay
in Fyffe. Some say Corston was a cadet of Dalhousie and some of
Auchterhouse, of which family I have heard it contended the famous Alex'r
Ramsay in King David's tyme (Buchanan, page 309) was, and not of Dalhousie;
as also the Ramsay that was with Wallace. Of Dalhousie Ramsay, sy page 314.
Skein, in the word Clan-McDuff, tells of W'm Ramsay E. of Fyffe, in K.
Davids time. Its thought Auchterhouse is elder then Dalhousie; but that the
most floorishing family is most ready to arrogat to it selfe as being the
oldest house. Sir Jo. Ramsay that killed Gowry was a sone of Wiliecleuches
in the Mers, and got Estbarnes, and was made E. of Huldernes. He was first
made vicount of Hadingtoun.
[584] MS. K.
[585] It may be that the name of the property is omitted by mistake.
[586] 'Formerly.'
We saw also Rossie ...[587] and its loch, which seemes to be very large;
saw Ramorney, Heriot; saw Scotstarvet, formerly Inglistarvet, on the croup
of a hill; besyde it is the Struther. Then came to Couper by that way wheir
the race is run; then came to Scotscraig-a part of it holds of the See of
St. Androis and some of the E. of Mar--my Lord St. Androis big house, 6
miles from Couper and 4 from St. Androis, and a mile from the north ferry.
It belonged, as also the Kirkton within a mile theirof, to George Lord
Ramsay, father to this E. of Dalhousie, and was sold by him to S.[588] J.
Buchanan, and Abbotshall conquestit[589] in lieu theirof. On the windows
of the house of Scotscraig are the initiall letters of Sir Jo. Buchanan and
Dame Margaret Hartsyde. Arthur Erskin got it from them, whosse creditors
sold it to the Bischop, and got but 8 pence for their pounds of what was
owing them.
[587] Two words torn off.
[588] Sir.
[589] 'Acquired.'
In the returning home to the Linkton, we saw 2 miles from the Craig
Brackmont and Brackmont milne; then Forret, then Moonzie, as also
Kinneuchar:[590] item, Dairsie, of old Leirmonts, now Morisones, with
Bischop Spotswoods chappell he can see build their.[591] On the same water
stand Kemnock[592] (theirs another in Fyffe called Cummock, who is Morton
to his name), ware Sheveses, the successors of Wm. Sheves, archbischop of
St. Androis, who outed Grahame, Kennedie's successor, and ingratiated
himselfe with the nobility because of his skill in Astrology; they are now
Mcgills; Rumgaye, also Migill; and Blebo, now Beaton. Saw Craigball, of old
Kinninmonts, now Hopes, as also Cires. Came at last to Kennoway, belonging
to the Laird of Balfour, and holden by him waird of the chancelor Rothes:
its 12 miles fra Scotscraig. Then came to Dysert moor, wheir we saw the
coal pits burning, which will ever burne so long as it hes any waste, but
will die when it comes to the maine coall for want of air. In Dysert toun,
hard by the church, which is a very old one, is a great cave which they
call the Hermitage, and I imagine the toune hes bein called Desertum from
it, yea, the most of the houses of the toun holds of it, and the parson of
Dysert is designed rector rectoriae de Dysert. Then came to Revenscraig
(alias Ruthvenscraig, of which name they seem to have bein of old), the
lord Sinclars dwelling, and so to the Links, which is 6 miles from
Kennoway, and so 18 from the Bischops house. Scotscraig was no old heritage
to the lord Ramsay, but was acquired lately from Dury of that ilk by him.
Balmayne had once Gorgie and Gorgiemilne, but Otterburne of Reidhall, by a
gift of non-entry, evicted it from them. See of the E. of Bothwell and
house of Balmaine largely alibi.
[590] So pronounced, now Kilconquhar.
[591] This seems obscure, though distinctly written. It may mean, 'ye
can see built there.'
[592] Now Kemback.
The Bells wrongs themselfes in wearing bells in their armes, for certainly
ther name is from France, in which language it signifies fair and
bueatifull, hence it was the surname of one of their Kings, vid. Philip le
Bell, yea, in the old Latine Bellum was that same with _pulchrum_; and war
was called _bellum, ironice, quasi minime bellum, id est, minime pulcrum_.
My Lord Twedale's predecessors have acquired all their fortune by
marriages, so that all the original writs he hes in hes charter kist are
only contracts of marriage. He was a cadet of Erroll, and the 1 heritrix he
married with was one Macfud, and by her he got his land in Twedall; then he
married one of the aires portioners of the Lord Frazer, and got some lands
in the north with hir; then got Yester and many other lands with the only
daughter of the Lord Giffart (tho my Lord Lauderdale sayes he can find by
no record wheir ever he was a Lord). He got also Beltane by marieng the
heritrix theirof, called Cunyghame. And now in this age he hes as much
expectation to raise that way as ever. By his Lady he hes a claime to the
estate of Baccleuch, failzeing of aires of this present Dutches hir body,
tho the King hes somewhat inverted the straight succession heir. By his
eldest sone he hes ane eye to my Lord Lauderdale's estate, providing he
play his game weill, and is in hopes of getting the estate of Erroll
entailled upon his 2'd sone.
In the beginning of August, having gone to eist Louthian, saw Langnidrie;
then a mile from it Reidhouse, the one was a Lord of the session and Tom of
the Cowgate's brother; then Ballincreiff, belonging to my Lord Elibank;
then Congilton, and on the brae above Ethalstanefoord, Byres, from which my
Lord Hadingtone's eldest sone takes his title.
My Lord Madertie's stile is truly Mater Dei, from some cloyster so named in
the tyme of poperie: he should be induced to take some other denomination,
this seeming to[593] blasphemous like.
[593] too.
* * * * *
On the 17 of October 1672 having had occasion to go to Auldcambus with the
provest, we went the first night to Waughton. Saw by the way Preston,
Prestongrange, Seaton, St. Germains, Langnidrie, then Ballincreiff, then
Reidhouse, then Dreme, and above it Byres, then Congilton, and above it
Athelstanefoord and Westfortoun, and on the other hand Sydeserfe. The next
day we parted for the Merse: saw Furd, Tunyghame, Westbarnes, Lochend,
Broxmouth, Broxburne, Newtonlies, Eistbarnes, Spot, Fuirston, Bourhouses,
Innerweik toun, kirk and place, Scarteraw, Thorntoun loch, Dunglas,
Cockburnes path, then past the said path and came to Aulcambus path,
corruptly called the pies. The provost hes a barrony their 4 miles long,
and in the narrowest place at the leist a mile broad, which if it lay neir
Edenborrough, we was counting would afford neir 100,000 mks. of rent per
annum. He hes a great peice of Coldinghame moir in property, and he hes it
all in commonty. His neibhours be Colbrandspeth, Renton, Butterdean, and
the Laird of Lumsdean, now Douglas. The Lo. Renton dealt to have had the
gift of the wholle moir from the king, and said it was only 2 rig lenth of
land. I imagine the first possessors of that place ware Rentons to ther
name, then they ware Forrestor, then Craw, whom the Home cheated out of it
by marieng the Ladie. In the right of the Fosters he laid claime to the
foster-corne to be payed to him by all the vassals and fewars of the
abbacy, now the Lordship of Coldinghame, as being come in place of thesse
who had a gift frae the prior and convent of Coldinghame to be forrester to
all the woods and shaws growing within the lands holden of the said abbacy,
to preserve and hayne the same; and for his paynes was to have a threiv of
straw of each husband-land yeirly with some other dueties, and the Justice
Clerk thought to have gotten the fewars decerned for more then 100 years
that it was owing, but the Los. restricted him to 39 years preceiding his
summons, finding all the years above prescryved. And for the dueties due to
him on that accompt furth of the barrony of Auldcammas he got the property
of a roume lying in the barrony called Fosterland, and when Waughton cutted
his wood of Penmansheills, which is also a part of the barrony, Renton
alledged that the boughs and bark of the tries within the Lo.ship was his
by forsaid gift, and the heritor had nothing but the stock of the tries.
They agried the matter betwen them. Tho he be most exact in lifting his
fies, yet he does nothing that's incumbent to the office of forrester.
On Sunday we went to Coldinghame Kirk, 4 miles from the smith's house at
Haychester. The kirk hes bein a great fabrick. Its said to have bein built
by K. Edgar, _anno_ 1098. Their was their a great abbacy. We saw the
promontory so much taken notice of by the seamen called St. Abbes head
(Sta. Ebba); over forgt[594] it layes Coldinghame Law, Home to his name.
Saw the milne about which my Lord Home (who is the Lo. of erection now) and
Renton are contending. Saw at 2 miles distance Haymouth,[595] and above it
Gunsgrein, then Ayton, all standing on the water of Ei. Saw West Reston,
Home, Eist Reston, Craw, and Henchcheid, Craw; of which name their was a
nest in this place, but the Earle of Dumbar almost extinguished them, and
now his owne memory is extinct and gone: let men then beware of oppression.
Coldinghame stands pleasant, and verifies the byword that the kirkmen
choised ever the warmest nests. Mr. Andro Ballantyne, brother to the
sometyme Lo. Newhall, is heir minister. Auldcambus is in Cockburnspath
parish. It hes a ruinous chappell standing in it dedicat to Ste. Helene,
who was mother to Constantine the great, and found out the holy croce at
Golgotha. Thrie mile from Auldcambus stands Monynet, and 3 miles from it
againe stands Gammelisheills in Lammermuire. Blaikerston stands likewayes
their about, as also Thorniedykes, now Broun, of old French. After some
dayes stay at Auldcambus we came to Dumbar. Nixt day out of Dumbar we came
to Northbervick by Belhaven, Tinynghame, Auldham, Scougall, Tomtallon,
Cassilton. From Northberwick we went to Archerfield (so called because of
the excellent links their fit for shooting at Rovers), my Lo.
Advocat's[596] dwelling. Saw by the way Dirleton, with its castle, ruined
by the English becaus it held out. Then from that came to Saltcoats,
Leidingtone, to their name; then to Lufnes, of old Biccarton; then
Waughtons, now Durhame; then to Abirlady toune and place, once Mr. Wm.
Scot's, now Sir Androw Fletcher's. Theirs a great bay heir. Then saw
Gosford, then Cockeny, the Pans, Wester Pans, wheir Jo. Jousie hes his
house.
[594] For 'forgainst,' 'opposite.
[595] Now Eyemouth.
[596] Sir John Nisbet of Dirleton.
Naper is a french name and runs in it n'a pair, he hath not a peer. The
Giffards of Shirefhall, they say, ware of old Shirefs of Louthian, and from
that their house got its denomination. Tho some alledge their was in old
tymes a Lord Giffard, and that it ended with ane heritrix married in the
house of Yester: yet my Lord Duke of Lauderdale sayes he hes bein at very
much pains to find if it was so, and he could never find any thing to
instruct it.
* * * * *
The Wrichtshouses near Edenburgh, they say, was denominat from this, that
in King James the 2ds dayes the ground about all being a forrest (lochia
sylva is derived from lochs, _insidioe_, in the Greek, _quia insidiantibus
capta est sylva_. Wossius[597] partit. orator, p. 328), and wheirin their
was many robbries and murders committed. K. Ja. gave order to cut it doune.
The Wrichts that ware appointed for this work had their huts and lodges
whither they resorted for their dyet and on other accompts put up in the
very individuall place wheir the house and place of the Wrightshouses is
now situat, and so gave that denomination to the ground theirafter.
[597] Vossius, Gerard. Johannes, Dutch philologist, 1577-1649, author
of _De Quatuor Artibus Popularibus_, etc.
(3)
CHANGES AND ALTERATIONS AND REMARKABLE
EMERGENTS OF AND IN THE SESSION 1668-1676.[598]
[598] MS. H.
On the 5 of June 1668 was I admitted Advocat. At this tyme died my Lord
Carden, and Gosfurd succeided.
In the November theirafter died Mr. Robert Burnet, Advocat.
In May 1669 died Mr. Laurence Oliphant, Advocat.
In July 1669 died William Lylle, Advocat.
In August died William Douglas of Kirknes, who the session before had given
in his trialls in order to his admission to be a Advocat.
In September 1669 died Mr. Alexander Osuald, Advocat.
On the 15 day of September 1669 was I chosen conjunct assessor with Sir
George Lockart to the good toune. Its at large booked on the 13 of May
1670.
On the 9nd of October also 1669 ware we chosen for assessors to the wholle
borrows in their Convention.
On the last of October 1669 died Mr. Laurence Scot of Bevely, one of the
Clerks of Session, and that same night Alexander Monroe, Comisar of
Stirling, was provided theirto.
On the 25 of March 1670 died the Lord Kinglassie, to whosse place was
provyded the Laird of Haltoun.
In April 1670 died John Scot, Keiper of the Minut book, and his place was
continued with his sone Francis.
In May 1670 died John Kello, on of the under clerks, to whom succeided
(after Robert Hamilton had officiat as under clerk the Summer session that
followed, and Mr. Thomas Hay the following sessions till January 1673)
James Hamilton, wryter.
On the 5 of July 1670 Mr. Thomas Nicolsone, Advocat, died frenetick.
In _anno_ 1668 Sir James Keith, Laird of Caddome, having threatned Mr.
David Falconer, Advocat, ane ill turne, and being complained upon, and in
his vindication reflecting upon my Lord Halkerton, he was committed to the
tolbuith and fined.
That same year, Mr. David Thoires having miscaried in a supplication given
in by him to the Lords in behalfe of a client against Doctor Hay, bearing
they were minded to satisfy the Doctors unsatiable covetousnesse to the
oppression of the widow and the fatherles, he was sent to prison, fyned,
and craved them humbly pardon.
In _anno_ 1670, Mr. Alexander Spotswood, plaiding in the Oriminall Court
for Wedderburne, and Mr. Patrick Home, being his antagonist and growing
hot, called Alexander a knave, who replied, I can sooner prove you and your
father knaves, who theirupon was imprisoned; but at last, upon intercession
of freinds, was set at libertie. The Justice Clerk[599] was verie
inexorable in the particular.
[599] Lord Renton.
In June 1670, Douglas of Kelheid, younger, affronted Hew Wallace, Writer to
the Signet, in his oune house; which the Faculty, apprehending themselfes
concerned in, at last caused Kelheid, in presence of them all, crave Hew
and all the Faculty pardon for his offence, and confesse they did him a
great courtesie in accepting that for satisfaction.
On the end of January 1671, Sir John Gilmour, by reason of his infirmity,
having dimitted his place of being President, but strongly having
recommended Gosfoord to be his successor, it was offered to Sir John
Nisbet, King's Advocat (whosse place if he had embraced it was thought Sir
Robert Sinclair would have got), who faintly refusing, thinking theirby to
have bein more woed, he was taken at his word, and our Jock of bread
Scotland[600] would take none of their advices, but would take a way of his
oune, and so did make choise of my Lord Stair, who was looking litle for
it, and who truely came in betuixt tuo, and was so unacceptable to the
former President that its thought he would not have dimitted had he dreamed
the guise should have gone so; and the pitching on him was truely _in
odium tertii_ to keip of Sir Robert Sinclar, whosse journey to Scotland
under the pretence of coming to sie his new maried ladie suffered strange
constructions at Court, and Lauderdale conjectured it was only to give my
Lord Tueddale notice of some things that was then doing to his prejudice;
and its beleived he would not have bein the coy duck to the rest of the
Advocats for their obtempering to the Act of Regulations[60l] had he
forsein that they would have hudibrased[602] him in the manner they did;
hence we said give us all assurance to be Kings Advocat and we shall take
it with the first; and the Lords, when he was plaiding before them in a
particular, entreated him to come within the bar and put on his hat, since
it was but to make him Advocat with 2 or 3 days antidate. He took also with
it,[603] and did not deny it when he was posed on it.
[600] Jock of bread (broad) Scotland, Lauderdale.
[601] The Advocates objected to an article fixing their fees in the
Regulations for the Court of Session, drawn up by a Commission and
ratified by the king. Sinclair, Dean of Faculty, expecting
preferment, instead of championing the bar, was the first to swear
to the Regulations. The Advocates withdrew from practice for two
months, and never forgave the Dean. See p. 222.
[602] A participle coined on the same principle as the modern
'boycotted.' The point of the comparison with the hero of Butler's
satire is not obvious. It seems to mean simply 'made a fool of.'
[603] Took with it, _i. e_. acknowledged it. The expression is
still common in the north-east of Scotland.
In the beginning of May this year died Mr. James Wemes, Advocat, brother to
the Laird of Lathoker.
On the 28 of June 1671 was Sir Thomas Wallace receaved ane Ordinar Lord in
the place vacand throw the promotion of my Lord Stair to be President.
On the 13 of July 1671 died Sir John Home of Renton, Justice Clerk. He was
indeid advanced by Lauderdale, and for his sake componed the more easily
with Sir Robert Murray;[604] yet Lauderdale his kindnes relented much on
this occasion. In _anno_ 1664, being minded to bring in my Lord Tueddale to
be Chancelor, St. Androis entrefaired. Glasgow, thinking he should have a
hand in it as weill as his brother the Primate, he enters in termes with my
Lord Renton. Its commoned[605] that Sir Alex'r may marry the Archbischop's
daughter, who was afterward Ladie Elphinstone, and that he at London may
propose Renton to be Chancelor. My Lord Lauderdale was hudgely dissatisfied
with that, yet having calmed, he told him Renton had not the fortune able
to bear out the rank of a Chancelor. Burnet replied, Renton had a better
fortune then ever Chancelor Hay[606] had. Lauderdale could never be pleased
with him therafter for offering to aspire so hy. He was also at another
disadvantage, my Lord Hume offered to compromit the difference betuen them
to my Lord Lauderdale. Renton shifted it. He was a most peremptor man to
his inferiors or æqualls, but a slavish fearer of any whom he supposed to
be great at Court, on whom he most obsequiously fauned.
[604] Murray was his predecessor. Apparently there was a bargain for
his retirement.
[605] Agreed.
[606] Sir George Hay of Nethercliff, Lord of Session, Chancellor,
1622-1635, Lord Kinnoul.
In the end of July, vid. the 27 day theirof, Mr. Alexander Suinton, one of
the under clerks of Session, dimitted his place, and was admitted ane
advocat _per saltum_ upon a bill. Adam Chrystie, reader of the Minut Book,
succeided instantly in his place of clerk. That same day died Mr. Archibald
Campbell, Advocat, sone to the Shireff of Argile.
About the last of July 1671 came Collonell Lockhart from London, and
brought doune a patent with him in favors of his father Lee to be Justice
Clerk in place of Renton: he being an old man, and not supposed he can
enjoy it long, its talked it is for the behoof of some on or other of his
children, but especially the Collonells selfe. This was our Donna
Olimpias[607] doing.
[607] Duchess of Lauderdale.
On the 14 day of August 1671 died Sir John Gilmor, late President, in his
house of Craigmiller, and was buried the 24 day theirof in Liberton Kirk.
In the beginning of September died my Lord Bellenden, sometime Thesaurer
depute at London.
On the 1 of October 1671 died Alexander,[608] Lord Halkerton, at his oune
house, of the age of 77. He entered to his place in Session by simony, or
rather _committendo crimen ambitus_, for he payed to my Lord Balmanno 7000
merks (a great soume at that tyme when their salaries ware small), to dimit
in his favors, and by my Lord Traquaires moyen, then Threasurer whosse
creature he was, he got the dimission to be accepted by his Majesty. This
was about the 1643. I shall not say of him, as was said of Pope Hildebrand
_alias_ Gregory the 7th, _Intravit ut vulpes, regnavit ut Leo, mortuus est
ut canis_. Only this I shall say, wheir places of justice are bought, whow
can it be otherwayes but justice will be sold. The family is said to be
pretty old, and both their name and stile to be taken from the charge they
had at the tyme our Kings of Scotland resided in the Mernes, whosse
falconers they ware, and their village was hence called the Haukerstoune.
They say my Lord Arbuthnet was at that tyme King's porter, and that he hes
a peice of land yet designed Porterstoune; and that some other their was
landresse, and so had a village called Waschingtoune.
[608] Falconer.
On the 15 of October 1671 died Mr. William Douglas, Advocat, or rather the
poet, since in that he most excelled.
In the end of the preceiding summer Session Adam Cunyghame, sone in law to
James Wallace, Maisser, was received conjunctly to the office of maisserie
with the said James, conforme to ane gift of the said place to them both
conjunctly and to the longest liver of them tua.
Arthur Forbes, having some clame upon the estate of Salton, and pershuing
the Laird of Philorth, now Lord Salton, he was very rigorously and
partially handled by my Lord Newbayth,[609] who heard the cause. It being
againe enrolled in the beginning of November, and my Lord Newbayth falling
to be ordinar in the Utter house, Arthur, out of a just resentiment of the
past wrong and fear of his future carriage, come to my Lords chamber and
boasted (as my Lord Newbayth sayes) in thir words, If you call that action
of Philorth against me I vow to God I'le sie the best blood in your body.
Newbayth having complained, and Arthur being theiron incarcerat and
examined, denied he spoke any such words, and declared he only said, My
Lord, if you continue to do me wrong (as you have done already, as appears
because the Lords redrest me) I'le have the sentiment of the haill 14
Lords on it; and if that be denied, I'le complain to the King. After he had
lyen some 4 or 5 dayes in prison he was set at freedome, having first
acknowledged a wrong and craved my Lord Newbayth pardon in presence of the
haill Lords and Advocats on the 10 of November. Before he did it the
President had a short discourse whow the gentlemans carriage had bein
modest thitherto, and my Lord Newbayth was earnest intercessor for him, and
theirfor they resolved not to make him the first exemple; but they assured
all, of whatsoever rank or quality they be, that they will not tolerat any
to expostulat with them or to give them hard or sharp words in their oune
chambers or any wheir, and that they will not suffer their authority, which
they hold of his Majesty, and to whom they are answerable if they malverse,
to be convelled,[610] but what sanctions their are already to that purpose
they will endevor to sie them peremptorly keipt and execute. Vide Act 68,
Parliament 1537; Act 104, Parliament 1540; Act 173, Parliament 1593; Act 4,
Parliament 1600; and this is consonant to the Common law by which the
killing of one of the Kings great consistory is declared treason, and if so
then the menacing of them must be a haynous crime. Vide L. 5, C. Ad 1.
Juliam Majestatis: item Clarum[611] par. læsæ Maj. num. 5, item
Perezium[612] ad T. c. de L. 3, Majest. num. 3.
[609] Sir John Baird of Newbyth, still pronounced Newbayth.
[610] Torn to pieces.
[611] Clarus, Ant. Sylv., _Commentarius ad Leges_, etc. Paris, 1603.
[612] Perez, Antonio, Spanish Jurist, 1583-1678.
On the 17 of November 1671, Mr. William Bailzie, Advocat, gave in a
complaint on J. Watson of Lammyletham for having abused him, and called him
a base rascall and threatning to draw on him. My Lord Newbayth being
appointed to examine the witnesses, and having reported the Lords, called
him and Mr. William in alone, rebuked him, and commanded him to cary him
selfe more soberly in tyme coming.
On the 23 of November 1671, Sir Androw Ramsay of Abbotshall, Lord Provest
of Edinburgh for the 10't year altogither, was received ane ordinar Lord of
the Session upon his Majestys letter to that effect, in the place vaicand
throw the deceas of Alexander Lord Halkerton, who possest that place of
before.
I find in the records of Sederunt about the year 1553 and afterward on Sir
William Hamilton[613] of Sanquhar Hamilton a Lord and provest of Edinburgh
both at once. I find also that Chancelor Seyton[614] for some years that he
was President Fyvie and some years that he was Chancelor (for he was 10
years altogither provest) was also Provest of Edinburgh; but that was at a
tyme when the Senators of the Colledge of Justice grasped at the haill
power of the toune upon their delinquency and uproar of the 17 of December
1596, for he entred at that tyme when the toune was at their feet, and when
they had the approbation and reprobation of the toune their yearly
election, but whow soon the toune begane to recover strenth and the memory
of that foull slip waxed old they hoised him out; and for fear of the like
inconveniency, and to bolt the door theirafter, they procured ane Act of
Parliament _in Anno_ 1609 (Vid. the 8't Act), declaring that no man shall
in tyme coming be capable of provestrie or magistracy but merchants and
actuall traffiquers duelling within burgh. Its true Sir John Hay (who was
at first toun Clerk of Edinburgh) when he was Clerk Register and a Lord of
the Session, he was made Provest of Edinburgh, but it was not put upon him
out of any favor, but was done by Traquaire, then Tresaurer, of designe to
break him: so that none of thesse instances quadrat with our case; heir a
merchant, one who entred _cum bona gratia_, and who hes maintained himselfe
by his oune parts and moyen in that office by the space of 10 years
altogether, on who toped with the Colledge of Justice for the precedency
and carried it from them, and who feared not to make open war with the
greatest of them; he as the only single instance is made a Lord of the
Session.[615]
[613] Lord of Session (Sanquhar), 1546-61; Provost, 1554.
[614] Alexander Seton, Extraordinary Lord of Session, 1586, Ordinary,
1588, President, 1593, Chancellor, 1605-22, under the successive
titles of Prior of Pluscardine, Lord Urquhart, Lord Fyvie, and
Earl of Dunfermline.
[615] See Appendix III.
On the 14 of December 1671, Richard Maitland of Pitreichy was received ane
ordinar Lord in the place vaicand throw the advancement of my Lord Lee to
be Justice Clerk upon his Majesties letters to that purpose.
On the 5 of January 1672 died Sir John Scougall of Whytkirk, and was buried
in the Grayfriers on the 7 day of January theirafter in great pomp, his
goune being carried before the herse.
On the 4 of March 1672 was Mr. Robert Preston of that Ilk installed in his
place in obedience to his Majesties letter direct to the Lords to that
effect.
On the 16 of February 1672 died John Ramsay, keiper of the Register of
Hornings and Inhibitions, and on George Robertsone was admitted in his
place by my Lord Register.
About the end of March, this same year, died Mr. Alexander Hamilton,
Justice Clerk Depute, to whosse place on Mr. Robert Martin was received by
my Lord Lee. (_Vide infra._)
About the 14 of May 1672 died Charles, Earle of Dumfermeling, Lord Privy
Seall, and ane extraordinar Lord.
Its reported that Mr. Martin hes payed saltly for his place, vid. 500 pound
English money to the Justice Clerk, 500 merks Scots to Mr. William Cheisley
as agenter, and 1000 merks to the widow.
About the 20 of May this yeir died Mr. John Morray, advocat.
Upon the 27 of June 1672, Sir Robert Sinclair fell unto a lamentable
pramunire in this manner. Some merchants in Glasgow being quarrelled by the
manadgers of the Royall Fisching for exporting herrings, that being their
priviledge, their is a bill drawen up for them by Sir Robert, and given in
to the Lords of Secret Counsell, wheirin, among other things, he had this
expression, that the petitioners ware frie natives, members of a royall
borrow, whosse priviledges ought not lightly to be reversed, else
malcontents would thairon take occasion of grudge, and of sowing fears and
jealousies betuixt his Majestie and his people. At the hearing of which my
Lord Commissioner,[616] guessing the author, began to baule and foame, and
scrued up the cryme to such a height as that it deserved emprisonment,
deprivation, and a most severe reprimande. At last the Counsell agried in a
more moderat censure, that he should with close doors (tho my Lord
Commissioner would have had it publick) acknowledge his offence upon his
knees before the wholle Lords, and recant and disclame the forsaid
expression as seditious and not becoming a subject: And theiron, as its
said, ane act was made, that no petition should be presented heirafter but
subscryved ather by the party or the Advocat.
[616] Lauderdale.
Theirs no expression so innocent wheirupon malice will not fasten its
teeth; and truly their hes bein many expressions by far harsher then this
escaped the pens of advocats, and which hes never bein noticed. And yet I
think its _justo Dei judicio_ casten in Sir Roberts lap for his so
dishonourable complying, yea, betraying the priviledges of the Advocats,
and breaking the bond of unity amongs them, and embracing first that brat
of the Regulations. The excuse that he made for so over shoting him selfe
was most dull and pittifull, vid. that they had come to him just after he
had dined, and he had drawen it then, and so was hasted.
On the 24 July 1672, in the Parliament, Sir Colin Campbell was reproved for
disorderly tabling of the Summer Session:[617] the circumstances see
_alibi_. So the Commissioner seimed in a manner set to afront the Advocats.
[617] The proposal to abolish the Summer Session of the Court and add a
month to the winter was made by the Commissioner in his speech,
and argued before him in the Exchequer Chamber, where he decided
against it. The account of the matter given by Mackenzie
(_Memoirs_, 222 _sqq._) is curious and interesting. In favour of
the change it was argued that 'before men could settle at home
after the Winter Session, they were called again to the Summer
Session, so that their projects and designs were interrupted and
ruined, and the months of June and July, which were the only
pleasant months, and the only months wherein gardens and land
could be improved, were spent in the most unwholsome and
unpleasant town of Scotland [Edinburgh].' Sir C. Campbell tried to
revive the question in plain Parliament, but the Commissioner
vetoed it.
In November 1672 died Mr. Andrew Beaton, Advocat, and brother to the Laird
of Balfour.
On the 2d of November 1672, my Lord Newbayth being challenged for passing a
Suspension of a Decreite Absolvitor given by the Admirall, he denied it was
his subscription, and at last his servant, Jeremiah Spence, acknowledged he
had forged the same, for which he got a guiny[618] for procuring, as the
parties thought, his Masters subscription therto; wheirupon, being
imprisoned, the Lords, on the 6 of November, having called for him to their
presence, they did declare him infamous and uncapable of any charge or
imployment about the Session, and seing he had judicially confest it, they
remitted him to the Kings officers for his furder triall. Its thought this
was not the first of many forgeries he hes committed, so that his master
lay under very much obloquy and reproach, which hes bein greatly occasioned
throw his default, only it cannot be denied that my Lord gave to much ear
to the mans recommendations, yea gave very grosse insinuations of his
contentment and favor when his man got money, so that it was confidently
affirmed that his man and he shared the profit that accrued from the
Saterdayes roll, the syde bar, etc., amongs them; and it is now judged the
liklier because my Lord concernes himselfe exceidingly to bring his man of
only with a sweip of a tods taill, wheiras in generosity he should be his
main prosecuter.
[618] Guinea. See Introduction, Money.
In the beginning of November 1672 died William, Earle of Dalhousie, being a
very old man, wheiron my Lord Halton, Thresurer Depute, was made Shireff
principall of Edenboroughshire during his lifetyme in place of the said
Earle; And Mr. Alexander Suinton, advocat, was made his depute and Mr.
Laurence Charteris.
About the same tyme, Mr. John Stewart of Ketleston, on of the Admirall
deputes, died, and Walter Pringle, Advocat, by the mediation of Sir Charles
Bickerstaffe, the other depute, succeided in his place, [and in November
1674, Mr. Patrick Lyon was nominat in place of W. Pringle, deprived].[619]
[619] Interlined.
In the same moneth of November the Earle of Atholl was made Lord Privy
Seall in place of the Earle of Dumfermeling, who died in the May before.
[As also the Earle of Kincardin was made Justice Generall upon the
dimission of the Earle of Atholl. This held not.][620]
[620] The two lines in brackets are scored through. See p. 225.
In England, the great seall at the same tyme was taken from Sir Orlando
Bridgeman, and the Earle of Shaftesbury, formerly Lord Ashley Couper, is
made Hy Chancelor of England. Sir John Duncombe is made under threasurer,
in place of Ashley Couper. The Lord Clifford, lately but Sir Thomas
Clifford, is exalted to be great Treasaurer of England. [He is the 1[621]
Thesaurer since the death of the Earle of Southhampton],[622] and the
Commissioners for the Threasurie are suppressed, and its expected that
they, as the _primum mobile_, will draw us as ane inferior orbe rolling
within theirs after them. The Lord Mainart, brother in law to the Duck of
Lauderdale, is made thesaurer of the Kings house. Sir Robert Howard,
commonly called Sir Positive, is made Secretary to the Treasurer. The Duck
of Monmouth is made Lord Cheiff Justice of all the forrests in England
benorth the Trent. My Lord Lauderdale hes undoubtedly had a great hand in
this extraordinary revolution; for they are on the caballe with him, and
are all his confident privado'es. The old nobility cannot but repute them
selfes slighted when they sie thesse great offices of State conferred upon
[muschroomes][623] upstarts. But this is a part of the absolute power of
kings to raise men from the dunghill and make them their oune companions.
[621] i.e. first.
[622] Interlined.
[623] Interlined.
In the beginning of December 1672 died Mr. George Norvell, advocate, on of
the greatest formalists that was in all the tolbuith. His place as agent
for the Colledge and toune of Edinburgh was by Act of the Toune Counsell
conferred upon Mr. Robert Lauder, portioner of Belhaven, some few days
after.
At the same tyme died Mr. Thomas Buck, advocat.
On the 14 of December 1672 the Faculty made choice of Sir G. Lockhart for
their Dean, Sir Robert Sinclar having of some tyme before showen a
willingnes to demit in regard he discovered many of the faculty displeased
at him for his faint surrender and breaking the unity of the Faculty in the
matter of the Regulations and for sundry other particulars.
On the 2'd of January 1673 died Mr. John Andersone, advocat.
About the beginning of January 1673 James Hamilton was received ane under
clerk in place of Jo. Kello, who died (_ut supra notatum_) in May 1670.
On the 14 of January 1673 the Earle of Atholl was received ane extraordinar
Lord on the Session in place of the Earle of Dumfermeling, who died (_ut
supra dixi_) in May 1672.
In May 1673 died Mr. John Muirhead, advocat.
In June 1673 I was named by the Lords to be on of the advocats for the poor
the yeir enshueing, but upon the mediation of my Lord Abbotshall I was
excused.
On the 19 of July 1673 Forbes of Tolquhon was fined by the Lords in 40 lib.
Scots for opprobrious speaches to Mr. David Thoires, advocat, and calling
him a knave.
On the 5 of Januar 1674 I was appointed on of the privat examinators of
such as offered to enter advocats for that year.
On the 10 of Januar 1674 died Mr. Robert Dicksone, advocat.
In the beginning of this year 1674 died Mr. William Wallace, advocat, and
on of the Shiref Deputes of Edenbrugh shire.
In the beginning of March 1674 died Sir James Lockhart of Lee, Justice
Clerk.
On the 4 of June 1674 Mr. Thomas Murray of Glendoick, advocat, was admitted
and receaved, in obedience to the Kings letters, a Lord of the Session, in
place of Lee deceissed, as he was ane ordinary Lord, for they say Sir
William Lockart the Collonell had his place by way of survivance and
reversion of Justice Clerk.
On the same 4 of June Mr. David Balfour of Forret or Glentarkie was, upon
the Kings letter, receaved ane ordinar Lord in the place vaikand by the
dimission of Sir Androw Ramsay of Abbotshall.
On the 5'th of June 1674 died Sir James Ramsay of Whythill, advocat, and
Mr. James Hamilton, advocat, sone to the Bischop of Galloway.
On the 2'd of June 1674 I was nominat on of the advocats for the poor for
the year enshueing.
About the 10 of June 1674 the Earle of Argile was admitted and receaved ane
extraordinar Lord of the Session upon the Kings letter, in place of the
Earle of Tuedale, turned out, as also the said Earle of Argyle got Tuedales
place as one of the Commissioners of the Tresaury.
And my Lord of Atholl at this same tyme got that place of the Thesaury
which was lying vaikand thesse severall years by the deceas of Sir Robert
Moray.
On the 4 of June 1674, in obedience to a new comission for the Secret
Councell, sent doune by the King, the Councell was of new modelled, 6 of
the former members put out, viz. the Earle of Queinsberry, Earle of
Roxbrugh, Earle of ----[632], Earle of Tuedale, the Lord Yester, and
Generall Major Drummond, and 6 new Councelors assumed in their place, viz.
the Earle of Mar, Earle of Kinghorne, ----[624], Lord Rosse, my Lord
Colinton, and my Lord Craigie.
[624] Blank in MS.
On the 3 of July 1674 the Lords of Session deprived about 49 advocats who
partly adhæred to Sir G. Lockhart and Sir J. Cunyghame, who ware declared
uncapable, conforme to the Kings letter on the 24 of June preceeding, and
partly refused to officiat under the tyes and obligations contained in his
Majesties letter anent appealls, and the Lords of Session their sentences,
that none charge them of injustice.
On the 7 of July 1674 died Mr. James Rosse, advocat.
In October 1674 died Sir Robert Preston of that Ilk, on of the Lords of
Session.
And in the midle of November 1674 James Foulls, Advocat, younger of
Colinton, by the name of Lord Reidfuird, was admitted and receaved a Lord
in his place, in obedience to his Majesties letter, and was the first who
was tryed in the new manner prescribed by his Majesty in July last.
In June 1675 died Collonell Sir William Lockhart of Lee at Paris, wheir he
lay embassador for his Majesty of Great Brittain, and so the Justice
Clerkship waiked, which was immediatly bestowed and conferred on my Lord
Craigie, but his gift bears _ad bene placitum_ only.
In his place as on of the criminall lords succeided my Lord Glendoick.
And at the same tyme my Lord Newbayth, by a letter from his Majesty, being
eased and dispossest of his place in the Criminall Court, the same was
given to my Lord Forret, so that his entrie both heir and on the Session is
not so cleanly.
The Earle of Atholl having at his being chosen Privy Seall oblidged
himselfe to dimit the office of Justice Generall when his Majesty saw cause
to dispose of it, now in June 1675 the Earle of Murray is created Justice
Generall.
In July 1675 died Mr. Robert Winrahame, advocat.
On the 5 of August 1675 Sir Androw Ramsay, Lord Abbotshall, was, upon his
Majesties letter, readmitted and sworne upon the Privy Councell, which and
his other offices he had dimitted to my Lord Commissioner under trust on
the 1 of December 1673.
In the end of September 1675 died Mr. Alexander Spotswood of Crumstaine,
advocat, of 2 dayes sicknes. Item, Mr. Patrick Oliphant, of a few dayes
sicknes, about that same tyme.
In the end of November 1675 died James Chalmers, advocat.
In the beginning of Januarie 1676 died James Hamilton, on of the under
clerks of Session, and his place was bestowed on John Hay, wryter, and
criminall clerk depute under Mr. Robert Martin.
On the 8 and 11 of January 1676 all the outed advocats to the number of 35
ware admitted again to their employments, conforme to his Majesties letter
theranent.
In the end of March 1676 died Mr. William Strachan, advocat, and brother to
the Laird of Glenkindy.
On the 16 of June 1676 was Sir Archbald Primerose, Clerk Register, by a
letter from his Majesty, removed from his place of Register and from the
Session, and a patent sent him to be Justice Generall, and the Earle of
Murray gets a pension of 400 lb. Sterling for it, and his place in Session
was instantly supplyed by a letter from his Majestie in behalfe of Sir
David Falconer of Neuton, Advocat; and the office of Register was conferred
theirafter in February 1678 (neir 2 years vacancy) on Sir Thomas Morray,
Lord Glendoick. See it in my remarks then.
On the 24 of June was a letter red from his Majestie, appointing their
should be only 3 principall Clerks of Session, and that the Lords remove
the rest, appointing them some satisfaction from thesse who stayed in.
Heirupon the Lords voted Messrs. Alexander Gibsone, Thomas Hay, and John
Hay to be the 3 who should only officiat (See the manuscript[625] at
November 1682, page 73), and removed Sir John Gibsone, but prejudice of the
contract betuixt him and his sone of 100 lb. sterling yeirly, Alexander
Monro and Robert Hamilton, and modified them 7000 merks from the other 2,
which Comissar Monro refused unles they gave him a reason of their
depriving him, which was refused till he raised his declarator if he had a
mind to doe it. He within a 4'tnight after accepted it. The letter also
commanded the Advocats consulting togither.
[625] Interlined.
On the 28 of June 1676 was a letter from his Majesty red in the Thresaury
commanding Sir John Nisbet his Advocat to call for Sir George M'cKeinzie in
the concernes of his office, and act by his advice, and establist 100 lb.
Sterling of pension upon him for the same. See the other Manuscript of
Session Occurrents, page 13 and 42.
On the last of June 1676 Mr. John Eleis and Mr. Walter Pringle ware
suspended from being Advocats by the Lords, because they shifted to depone
_super inquirendis_ if their was any combination amongs the late restored
advocats not to consult with thosse who stayed in. See the Sentence _apud
me_.
On the 8 of July 1676 was Mr. John Eleis readmitted because he complyed
with the Lords and deponed. W. Pringle readmitted in June 1677.
On the 20 of July 1676 a new Commission of Secret Councell from his Majesty
was red, wheirin six of the former Councelors ware left out and discarded,
viz. the Duc of Hamilton, Earles of Dumfreis, Morton, and Kincairden, the
Lord Cochrane and Sir Archibald Primrose, late Lord Register.
In the beginning of June 1676 died Mr. James Aikenhead, on of the comisars
of Edinburgh; and in the end of Jully Mr. James Dalrymple was presented by
the Archbischop of St. Andrewes in his place who had got the right of
presenting all the comisars of Edinburgh during the vacancy of that
diocesse in _anno_ 1671, only his gift was caution'd that he sould confer
them gratis, and on qualified persones.
On the 19 of August 1676 died Mr. Laurence Charteris, Advocat, and on of
the Shireff deputes of Edenborough shire, in which office succeided to him
by the gift of deputation from my Lord Halton immediatly Mr. Thomas Skein,
brother to Halzeards, in West Lothian, and afterwards admitted ane Advocat.
On the last of October 1676 died Mr. John Bailzie, advocat.
On the 13 of November 1676 Sir Archibald Primrois, late Register, took his
place in the Criminall Court as Lord Justice Generall, and gave his oath
_de fideli_. See more of it, _alibi_, page 144.
See the continuations of the changes and alterations and remarkable
emergents of and in the Session in another paper book besyde me that
opens by the lenth.
(4)
OBSERVATIONS ON PUBLIC AFFAIRS, 1669-1670[626]
[626] From MS. II.
[In anno 1669 died the Q. mother of England. In anno 1670 died madame our
K's sister mons'r the Duc of Orleans his Ladie she having bein in England
but a litle while before. On the 24 of October 1670 was the church of the
Blackfriars in Glasgow touched with lightning of thunder about seven a
cloak of the morning, and having brok throu the roof it catcht hold upon
its jests and had undoubtedly brunt the church to ashes had it not bein
extiuguished in tyme. They say it brook also on their great church at the
head of the toun.
What follows in thir 9 leives is copied and enlarged alibi.
In anno 1667 the French make ane invasion upon the Spanish Netherlands, and
after he had ransact the country and made himselfe master of divers
tounes][627] as Doway, Lisle, Tournay, etc., a peace was at last concluded
in May 1668, wheirof the articles ware, 1'o to be perpetuall. 2'do so soon
as the peace is published all hostility most cease. 3'do the French to keip
the couquiest of the late campaigne. 4'to that he hold them with their
dependances in soverainetie and the Spaniard to yeald them to him for ever.
5'to that the French King restore la France conté. 6'to the Spaniard most
restore all places tane by him in the war. 7'o that all princes authorize
the treatie and that nothing be retracted of the traitty of the Pyrenees
save what is disposed on by this: To be mutually interchanged, ratified,
and sworne by oath.
[627] The first page, as above, within brackets, is scored out in MS.
Upon the 27 of September 1669 was Candie toune (being the losse of the
wholle Ile to the Venetians) surrendred to the Turks after a long seige
wheir the French got a great overthrow, and their Admirall the Duc de
Beaufort was killed with many other persons of note: and wheir Monsieur
Annand our Master Annands brother behaved himselfe most gallantly, and
since hes bein so hylie complemented for that his service by the Venetian
senat that I beleive never was any stranger more. He is admitted unto all
their counsels and sits upon their Ducks right hand: the Englishs ware so
affrontedly impudent as in their new books first to cal him ane Englishman,
and being challenged for that they designed him after a subject of his Maj.
of Great Brittain, so loath are they to give us our due praise.
In anno 1670 was ane insurrection of the paisants of the country of
Vivarets in Daulphinée in France, upon the occasion of some extraordinarie
tax cruelly exacted. They ware soon dissipat. Their is presently, in
October 1670, a fellow called Ratzin[628] who hes taken up armes in Mosco
agt the Emperor, and hes got of followers neir 100,000 men: he was a
gunner, had a brother, who, being put to death for some crime, he in
revenge of his brothers death hes made this commotion craving nothing lesse
but that thesse who ware the cause of his brother's death (now they are the
greatest men about the Ducks persone) may be delivered up to him.
[628] Rebellion of Stenka Razin against the Tsar Alexis.
It is apprehended by the wiser sort that this Union[629] is mainly set on
foot by his Majestie, and so much coveted after by him, that he may rid
himselfe of the house of Commons who have lyen verie heavy upon his loines
and the loins of his predecessors Kings of England and especially of his
brave father, and who have ever most crossed ther great designes. Now it
being proposed that their should be but on parliament for all Britain, it
will follow that the house of commons constitut no more a house apart, but
that its members sit togither with the Lords in the house of peers: and for
the better effectuating this great point, I hear his Majesty caresses and
complements thesse of the house of commons a great deall more then ever he
was in use to do, and that he converses most familiarly with them, seikes
their company, and that they get accesse when many great persons cannot.
But this is not all, such of them as seimed most active and concerned in
pressing the priviledges and liberties of that house and of the commonalty
of England, his majesty within this short tyme hes nobilitat them, and by
this hes both engadged them to his oune party, and by setting them in a
hyer sphoere weakned the house of commons.
[629] Charles II. having renewed the proposal for the union of the
kingdoms, Commissioners were appointed for England and Scotland,
and sat in London for some months in the autumn of 1670.
I confesse the King hes reason to wrest this excessive power out of the
commons their hand it being a unspeakable impairment of his soverainetie,
but I fear it prosper not. I hear the Earle of Strafford, who was Deputie
of Ireland, was at first but a mean gentleman yet a member of the house of
commons, and on of the most stirring amongst them, which K. Charles
perceiving he created him a nobleman and by that so endeared him to his
intrest that we know he suffered for it.
In the middle of 1669 came his majesties letter to the secret counsell for
indulging some of the outed ministers libertie to return to their oune
kirks if vacant, or to preach at any other vacant churches the S. counsell
should think fit to place them, and that they should not be answerable to
the Bischop of the diocese where they ware, but to the counsell. Then in
the Parl. 1669 was the King's supremacie in a very hy straine established.
This procedure startled all our Bischops extreimly, yet all of them ware so
cunning and such tyme servers as they seimed to applaud it, only Mr. Alex'r
Burnet, Arch B. of Glascow, and the Dean theirof, with some others more
ingenuous then the rest, pens a remonstrance (which also they put their
hands to) to be presented to the King, showing his majesty whow that course
he had tane for uniting distractcd parties and healing our breaches would
prove unsuccesfull, yea was to be feared would produce the just contrare
effect, vid., more dissentions, etc.
Upon this occasion he[630] gets a passe, and if he refused to dimit
voluntarlie then their is a warrand from his Majesty for processing him
criminally: upon that and other heads, he ather judging it not safe to
contend with his m'r, or else not daring bid[631] the touch, dimits in his
Majesties hands and _ex gratia_ his Maj. grants him a pension out of the
fruits of that benefice of 5000 mks. per annum for all the dayes of his
lifetyme.
[630] _i.e._ the Archbishop.
[631] _i.e._ to abide.
Then Lighton, Bischop of Dunblaine, was presented to it, who, after much
nicety, and a journey to London, at last condeschended to take a tryall of
it for a tyme under the name of Commendator Superintendent over the
spirituality of that Bischoprick or some such like name, who took much
paines to take up the differences betuixt the conformists and non-
conformists, and to that purpose, in my Lord commissioners Audience in
August 1670, ware then sundrie freindly conferences betuixt himselfe and
some others adjoined to himself and some of the non-conformist ministers,
upon which nothing then followed. He also in September 1670 took some
moderat men, as Mr. Nairne, Mr. Cook, and others along wt him to his
diocesse, by them to allure the people to frequent their oune parish
churches, but he found them so exasperat wt the loud and scandalous cariage
of the ministry that was planted amongs them on the removall of their
former, that his great paines had not answerable successe.
In anno 1668 was Honieman B. of Orkney shot in the arme, being sitting in
the coach wt Arch. B. Sharp, for whom, it was thought, the pistoll was
levelled. Some sayd it behoved to be some great hater of the Bischops,
others said it might be out of privat splen and not for the privat quarrell
of Religion; others said he was but suborned to do it by the Bychops
themselves, that they might lay the blame on the Presbyterians, and draw
the greater odium on them, and stoop the favor that was intended them of
opening some of their ministers mouths; and the truth is, it did retard
that better almost a year.
In anno 1670, about July theirof, Mr. John Meinzeis, brother to the Laird
of Culteraws, and minister at[632] in Annandale, left his church and
emitted a declaration bearing what stings he suffared in his conscience for
conforming with the present church governement, which he fand to be a
fertile soyle for profanity and errors of all kinds, and theirfor he gives
all to whom thir presents may come to know that he disapproves of the said
governement and of his bypast complyance, and that in tyme coming he will
forsake the ministrie, since he cannot exercise it unlesse he wound his
soull farder by that sinfull compliance. The Bisc. ware verie pressing to
have had him punisht, but his friends got him borne by.
[632] Blank in MS.
In that same year 1670 was that monster of men and reproach of mankind (for
otherwayes I cannot stile him), Major Weir, for most horrible witchcraft,
Incest, Bestiality, and other enorme crymes, at first confest by himselfe
(his conscience being awakned by the terrors of the Almightie), but
afterwards faintly denied by him, brunt. So sad a spectacle he was of
humane frailty that I think no history can parallell the like. We saw him
the fornoon before he died, but he could be drawen to no sense of a
mercifull God, yea sometimes would he scarse confesse their was a God, so
horribly was he lost to himselfe. The thing that aggravated his guilt most
was the pretext and show of godlinesse wt which he had even to that tyme
deceived the world. His sister also was but a very lamentable object, for
she ran on the other extreem and præsumed exceidingly on the mercy of God,
wheiras their ware no great evidences in hir of soull contrition. She was
hanged.
They say their is some difference fallen in betuen my Lo. Lauderdale and my
Lo. Argyle about some desire my Lo. Lauderdale had in relation to the Lady
Balcarras, now Lady Argile, which Argile relished not, and said, I think
your grace would take the ward of my marriage. He answered, I may weill
have that, for I once had the waird of your head, which was true in anno
1663, when the sentence of death and forfaultor was past on him as a
traitor.
In anno 1669 did his majesty in his Royall wisdome compose the differences
betuixt the tua houses of parlia. in Engl., which ware likely to have
occasioned great strife, it being anent their priviledges and liberties
alledged brook[633] in the case of on Master Skinner, a member of the house
of commons. His majesties course was that all memorie of discord betuen his
2 houses that might be found on record should be totallie abolished and
expunged both out of the Registers of Parl., Exchequer, Counsell, and out
of all other monuments, that the ages to come may not so much as know their
was any variance betuixt them. On the 28 of September 1670 was Colonell
Lockhart admitted a secret Counseller, and they say that Lambert is also
made a Counsellor in England.
[633] _i.e._ broken.
The King in 1670 craving of his parliament a subsidie for defraying his
debt, they proposed that ere any new tax could be granted account should be
made of the former subsidies, whow the same ware employed by Mr. Cotteridge
and others, whom the King made use of to that purposc. Sure this was very
grieveous to the King to sie himselfe so controlled in his expence, and
that he could give no gratuity to my Ladie Castlemain (now Dutchesse of
Cleveland, etc.) but that which they behoved to get notice of, behold the
stratagem he makes use of. The Presbyterians at that tyme, hearing of the
Indulgence given to some ministers in Scotland, they offer to the King to
pay all his debt, and advance him a considerable soume besyde, provydeing
the same liberty be granted them. At the nixt sitting doune of parl. his
mai. in a speach showed them whow harshly and uncivilly they had dealt with
him, and, after much plain language, he told them if they would not grant
his reasonable demands he know them that would do it. After they had come
to know his majesties meaning by this,[634] who ware more forward then
they, they passe fra craving any account of the former, they grant him a
new subsidy of a million, they consent their should be a treaty wt Scotland
anent ane union; yet onlie the dint of their fury falls on the
Presbyterians, and they enact very strict statutes against them and against
conventicles, because they had been the pin by which his mai. had scrued
them up to that willingnesse. So we sie its usefull sometymes (as
Matchiavell teaches) for a prince to entertaine and foment tua factions in
his state, and whiles to boast the one with the other.
[634] His majesties meaning by this, _i.e._ 'what H.M. meant by
this imtimation.' As soon as they understood that, 'Who were more
forward than they?'
In October 1667 did at last break out that inveterat hatred of the wholle
people of England against Chancellor Hide, and he is arraigned as guilty
of hy treason by the house of commons, who pressed strongly that his
persone might be secured till such tyme they had verified the crimes they
attached him of. This motion the house of peers wt indignation rejected as
derogatorie of their priviledges, he being a member of their house. While
the 2 houses are thus contending he judges it safest for him to retire till
this storme blow over, and this was also thought to have bein the King's
advice to him, who was very sorrie at their procedor, thinking it a bad
precedent for the house of commons to medle with persones so eminently neir
to himselfe; yet in the breach he durst not stand but was forced to give
them way, so much was Hyde hated in England, so that his Maj., rather then
he will in the least endanger the disturbance of his oune peace and quiet,
resolves now to quite his dearest minions and expose them to the malice of
their ilwillers and haters then stand stoutly to their defence, and so make
himselfe party against his people. So Hide makes his escape to France,
leiving behind him a declaration wherin he refutes all the crimes they lay
to his charge, as his being the author of the marriage of the King wt the
Portugues, knowing she would be barren, and that his daughter's posterity
might so reigne: item his being the occasion of the selling of Dunkerk to
the French king, wheiras if it had bein in the English their possession in
the year 1665, in their war betuixt them and Holland, they could have
annoyed the States considerably theirby. But the truth is the Queen mother
of England was wery instrumentall in that bargaine: item his being the
active cause of the war betuixt England and Holland, of which he purges
himselfe so largely that I think no man can scarse judge him any way
accessor theirto.
That war (wt pardon) was hardly weill manadged on the English syde, and
they committed errors most unpardonable in good policie: as first in that
battell that was given on the 17 June 1665, wheir Admirall Obdan and his
ship ware blowen up, being fired (as was supposed) by the English bullets
levelled at it, they contented themselves with the simple wictorie and
honor of commanding the seas, wheiras if they had followed forth their
victorie and had got betuixt the Holland their shattered fleet and the
coast of Holland and Zealand, it was thought by the most judicious men
that that on battell might have put ane end to the war and have produced
most advantagious conditions for the English: but they verified the knowen
saying, _vincere scit Hannibal sed õ victoriâ uti_. Their pretence indeid
was that they would not pousse their victory farder by hazarding what they
had already won, because the appearand air of the croun, the Duc of York,
was present in person. But whow weak this is let any man judge, unles they
mean that by intercepting the Dutch their way home they might have made
them desperat and so fight like Devils, and that it hes ever bein a good
maxime to make a fleing ennemy a bridge of gold. Whowever the Dutch
concluded that they would have no mo Admirals that ware gentlemen (for
Obdam was so) because they never fought fortunatly with their ennemies when
they had such. But certainly this is nought but a fiction made by a
commonwealth to cast a blur upon nobility, seing thir same very states have
fought most couragiously and advantagiously under the conduct of the
Princes of Orange.
Upon his death De Ruyter was chosen admirall, and van Tromp the younger,
upon a suspicion of being to affectionat to the intrest of the King of
Britain, was disgraced. The nixt (but rather should have bein made the
first) was his Mai:s bad choyse of a false chirking willain, Mr.
Douning,[635] to be his agent to negotiat affaires at the States Generall
in the beginning of that war, who steid of composing things rancored them
worse and made them almost uncurable, judging it good fisching in troubled
waters, wheiras if a moderat and ane honest man had bein made use of in
that business, things would never have come to the height they were at,
since the offers of reparation then made by the Dutch to his Majesty ware
by all indifferent spectators judged most fair and reasonable. The 3^d is
that in the engadgement the following summer, 1666, the King's intelligence
should have bein so bad as to have apprehended at that tyme the joining of
the French fleet wt the Hollander (wheiras their was no such thing, but it
was of purpose done to divide his majesties fleet), and theiron ordering
Prince Rupert with his squade away to attend their uniting; and in his
absence the Dutch taking the advantage, provocked the Duck of Albemarle
(who was a better land sojer then a sea, and who died in 1669) with sixtein
ships to fight their wholle fleit, who more hardily then wisely
encountering them, had undoubtedly bein totally routed and defeat had not
Prince Rupert upon notice come up and releived them. By which conflict it
at last appeared that it was possible for the English to be beat by the
Hollander, which was never beleived before that.
[635] Sir George Downing, 1623(?), 1684, long Resident at the Hague
under the Commonwealth and Charles II. See _Nat. Dict. Biog._
The nixt error they committed was that the following summer, 1667, the King
(for sparing of charges forsooth) was advysed not to set to sea that year,
but to let his fleit lay up in the harbors, which gave cause to that mighty
affront (then which since England was England it never received the like)
given them at Chattan, and wheir the Scots regiment, brought over from
France by the King's order, making braver resistance then all England
beside, ware many of them slain, dying in the bed of honour. As for the
Scots proclaiming war against France, and as for the more naturall way tane
by our King in proclaiming the war then tane by France, I shall elsewheir
speak more at large.
APPENDIX
APPENDIX I
EXTRACTS FROM ACCOUNTS 1670 to 1675
§ 1
On the 8 of July 1670, I receaved 168 lb. in 55 dollars,[636] which
compleited one halfe a year's annuel rent,[637] vid., 900 m., wheirof first
given out to my wife 8 dollars to defray sundrie debts, vid., 5 lb. to
mistris Guthrie for 2 elle and a quarter of borders, 4 lb. 10s. to George
Reidpeth, 7 lb. 4s. for 2 chandellers, 2s. for a pint of win, 3 lb. given
to the wright with some other lesser things; then I gave une dalle
Imperiale a mon serviteur pour acheter les saintes ecritures, 8 pence for a
quaire of paper. Then on the ij of July 1670, I gave my wife 10 dollars for
keiping the familie: 4 dollars given to my wife to buy wooll with. This
makes a 100 merk. Then I gave a dollar to buy covers for the chaires, 8s.
and 8 p. for a pair of shoes, 2 lb. at a collation with Mr. Hamilton, 24s.
at a collation with Mr. Thomas Bell, 5s. for a mutchin of wine.[638] Halfe
a dollar to Walter Cunyghame, 12s. for paper and ink, 10 lb. for 20 leads
of coalls at 10s. the load, 3 dollars given to my wife, a dollar given for
a french croune to my wife, 5 p. for a mutching of win,[638] 24 p. in
Caddells with Mr. Hendersone. Item, 2s. sterling given to my wife. Item, 4
dollars given to hir, a groat to the barber, 5s. sterling for a new board,
a mark in the contribution for the burgh of Dundie, a shiling to the keiper
of my goun, 3 dollars given to my wife, halfe a dollar at a collation in
Cuthbertsones, 18 pence at a collation with Balmayne. Out of the last 3
dollars given to my wife, she bought a chamberpot for 3 shillings, a board
cloath for 3 shillings and 10 p., then I gave hir 2 dollars: this is
another 100 merks, then 20 lb. payed for 40 load of coalls, 10 pence given
in drink money to the cawer,[639] 12 pence at a collation with Colinton, 7
pence at on with Sir George Lauder, 3 lb. at a collation with Mr. Falconer,
12 p. for wine, a dollar to my wife, then 2 dollars given hir for the
familie, so this is the account of the other 9 dollars remaining of the 55
dollars, togither with 5 other dollars pris de l'argent donné a la
nourrice.
[636] The dollar is here equal to 5s. 1d. sterling.
[637] From his father secured on the lands of Carington, settled in his
marriage-contract.
[638] The shilling Scots and penny sterling are here used for the same
value.
[639] 'Cawer,' driver, carter.
Then on the 16 of August 1670, I received from my father 20 dollars, the
accompt wheirof follows:--
Item, payed for my press making and colouring, etc., 9 lb. 10s.
For the glasses footgang, 2s.
For seing the Duke's Berge at Leith, 2 lb. 10s.
Given to my wife, 2 dollars.
Given to the nurse to buy a bible with, one dollar.
With Kilmundie, 10 pence.
For the articles of Regulations, 10 pence.
Then given to my wife, 2 doll. and a shilling.
Then given hir to buy shoes, linnen, and other
things with, 5 dollars.
For 2 quaires of paper, 18 pence.
At Hadoe's man's wedding, a dollar.
For seck with Thomas Robertsone, 10 pence.
For wine with my landlord, 5 pence.
Given for the houses use, 2 dollars.
For a coatch, 2 shillings.
Summa is 19 dollars and a halfe.
Then on the thrid of September 1670, I received my years annuel rent from
Thomas Robertsone, vid., 300 merks, the count wheirof follows:--
Imprimis, given to my wife when she went to Wauchton, 2 dollars.
Given to the barber, halfe a mark.
Given to a poor boy, halfe a mark.
Given in drinkmoney to my goodfather's nurse, a dollar.
Given to Huntar, my goodfather's man, a 6 pence.
A dollar to Jo. Scots nourrice, a dollar.
Given to the woman Margaret, 2 dollars.
Spent on Rhenish wine at Hadingtoun, 30 shilling.
For my breakfast at Lintoun bridges, 22 shiling.
To Idingtoun's men bigging the hay rick, 20 shiling.
To his gairdner, halfe a dollar.
To the kirkbroad, 10 shiling.
To Idington's serving woman, a dollar.
To his hielandman, 15 shilling.
To my goodbrother's man Lambe, a mark.
For the horse meat at Hadingtoun, 10 pence.
To the tailzeor for mending my cloaths, a shilling.
To my father's man Arthur, 45 shilling.
To Wodstone's man Florie, a shilling.
To the kirk broad at Abbotshall, a 6 pence.
For Rhenish in Kirkealdy, 55 shiling.
Then given to my wife for the house, 10 dollars.
For binding Durie's 2'd volume, 2 lb. 2 shil.
This makes one 100 merks of the 300 merks.
Then gave for the acts of the 2'd session of parliament, 10 pence.
Then for a pair of shoes, 1 lb. 19s.
Then for Androw Young's nurse for my selfe, a dollar.
Given then by my wife, halfe a dollar.
Given then for a pint of wine, 20 shiling.
Given to my wife to buy some slips with, a dollar.
Given to Grissell Ramsayes mother for drink furnisht
by hir to us by the space of 10 weeks, 3 dollars.
Payed for wine, 7 pence.
Payed for 2 horse hires to Preston, 3 shilings and 6 pence.
Payed for wine in Daniel Rosses, 3 shilings st.
For a quaire of paper, 9 pence.
For ink, 2 pence.
Given to my wife, 4 shilings s.
Payed for causing intimat the assignation to H.
Sinclar at Binny, 6 shil. st.
Given to my wife, 6 pence.
To the barber, 6 pence.
10 of October given to my wife for the house, 8 dollars.
Given to Pitmedden's nurse, a dollar.
Sent to a poor persone, a mark.
Payed for Heylin's Cosmographie, 22 sh. and 6 pence.
Given to the provest's woman, 6 pence.
Given for paper, 9 pence.
This makes another 100 mks. and 2 dollars more.
Then payed at a collation with Mrs. Wood and Bell, a dollar.
Payed to John Nicoll for a great bible, 17 shillings.
Payed again to Grissel's mother for drink, 2 dollars.
Given to my wife, halfe a dollar.
Given also to my wife, a dollar.
Given for a paper book by my brother for me, 12 p.
Given to my brother William at that tyme, 6 pence.
Given to my wife, 2 shil. 9 pence.
Given to the woman in part of hir fie, a dollar.
Given for 2 quaire of paper etc., 18 pence.
Expended farder on the intimating Hew Sinclar's
assignation, a shilling.
For binding the reschinded acts of parl., halfe a crowne.
At a collation with the Laird of Grange, 33 shiling.
On win with Ja. Lauds, 5 pence.
Given to my wife, a dollar.
Item given to hir, halfe a mark.
Given to the barber, a 6 pence.
Given in Pentherer's, 8 pence.
Given to my wife for my ...[640] a dollar.
Item given to my wife for the house, a dollar.
Given for new wine, a shilling.
Given to my wife, 29 shilling.
Given againe to my wife, a dollar.
Given for the house, a dollar.
Given to my wife, 3 dollars.
[640] Word interlined illegible, like 'manninie.'
This is the account of the wholle 300 mks. all till about a dollar which I
remember not of.
Then towards the end of November I received from my father about 200 mks.
and 3 dollars which with all the former made 1200 mks. wheirof
imprimis.[641]
[641] In the first of these entries the value of the dollar comes out
about 4s. 11d., in the second at 5s.
A dollar and a halfe given to a man for teaching
my wife writing and arithmetick, 4 lb. 8s.
Then a dollar for the serving woman's halfe fie, 3lb.
Item in drinkmoney to the bedell and others, halfe a croun.
Item to my wife, a dollar.
Item at Geo. Lauder's penny wedding, a dollar.
Item to the fidlers, a 6 pence.
Given to my wife, a dollar.
Item, given hir for the use of the house on the 2'd
of December, 10 dollars.
To the barber, 10 pence.
Upon win and at cards, 13 pence.
To my wife, a mark.
For a pair of shoes and gallasches[642] to them, 5s. and 10 p.
To my wife, 6 pence.
Given to my wife to buy to hir nurse a wastcoat
with and shoes, etc., 2 dollars.
At a collation with Rot. Bell in Pentherer's, 34 shiling.
To Mr. Thomas Hay that he might give up the
papers, 2 dolars.
For Broun's Vulgar errors, 6 shilings 6 p.
For the Present State of England, halfe a croun.
For the moral state of it, 2 shilings.
Then given at the kirk door, halfe a dollar.
[642] Overshoes.
This is neir ane account of ane 100 mks. and the 3 dollars.
Then on the 21 of December 1670 was payed to
the nurse as hir fee, 14 dolars.
Item given hir as a pairt of the drinkmony she had
receaved, 9 dollars.
which two soumes make up the other 100 mks.[643]
[643] 23 dollars equal to 100 marks. Taking the mark at 13-1/2d. dollar
equal to 4s. 10-1/4d.
Then I receaved from my father other 200 mks., which made 1400 mks. of all
that I had received from him.
Wheirof first payed to the nurse to compleat hir
drinkmoney, which amounted in all to 18 dollars, 9 dollars.
At a collation with Idington and others, a dollar.
Given to my wife to buy a plaid with, 3 dollars.
Given to my wife to buy lace with to hir apron, a dollar.
Then on the end of December 1670 given to my
wife 4 dollars and a halfe to pay 8 barrell of ale
furnished us at 32s. the barrel, 4 dolars and a halfe.[644]
Item given to my wife, 18 pence.
Item payed for another pair of shoes, 3 shilings 3 pence.
Item for wine with Mr. G. Dickson in Caddell's, 16 pence.
Given to my wife, a dollar.
Payed for wine, 10 pence.
Given to my wife, halfe a dollar.
Then given hir, a dollar.
which makes up on hundred mks.
[644] Dollar equal to about 4s. 9d.
Then on the 2'd of January 1671 being hansell
Monday I gave my wife to give out to people
who expected handsel, 4 dollars.
Then that same day I gave hir for the house, 8 dollars.
Given for the Acts of G. Assembly 1638, 2 shillings.
Given to my brother William, a dollar.
Given to my wife, 2 mark.
Also given to hir, a dollar.
Then given to my wife to pay the waterman with, 30 shils.
Then payed for Goodwin's Antiquities, etc., 7 shilings.
Then given to my wife to buy linnen to make me
shirts with, 2 dollars.
Given at Mr. David Falconer's woman's brithell,[645] a dollar.
Payed for a chopping of win, 10 pence.
For a quaire of paper, 6 pence.
For wine, 6 pence.
At a collation with Idington, 23 shilings.
Given to my wife to buy sugar with, 6 shilings st.
Then given to Dr. Stevinson's nurse, a dollar.
[645] Bridal.
This is the other 100 mks. which makes in all the wholle 200 mks.
Then I receaved my pension, vid., 200 mks. from the toune of Edenburgh: out
of which imprimis:
Given by my wife to Doctor Stevincon's nurse, a dollar.
Given also to my wife, a dollar.
Given to my wife, a dollar.
Payed to John Jack for a pair of broatches to
William Ramsay, 5 lb.
Payed for wine, 15 pence.
Payed for a quaire of paper, 8 pence.
Payed to my man of depursements for me, 14 pence.
Payed for Papon's arrests of Parliament, a dollar.
Given to my wife, a dollar.
Given to my wife, a shilling.
Payed in a contribution for the poor out of money
given me in consultation, 4 lb. Scots.
Payed for a pair of gloves, 30 shil.
Given on the 2d of Febr. to keep the house with, 7 dollars.
Payed for horse hires when I went out and meit
the provest, 6 shilings and 6 pence.
Given to Rot. Lauder's man in Belhaven, a shiling.
Given to my wife, a dollar.
Given to Mr. Andro Wood's man in Dumbar, halfe a dolar.
Given at Waughton to Darling and Pat. Quarrier, a dollar.
Given at Gilmerton to the workmen their, a dollar.
Given for 20 load of coalls furnisht to us, 10 Ib.
This is on 100 mks.
Then given 5 lb. to the nurse for hir child's halfe
quarter, 5 lb.
Then payed on the 15 of Febr. 1671 to my onckle
35 lb. in 12 dollars[646] for 6 bolls of meall, the first
3 bolls being at 5 lb. 12 s. the boll, the other 3
being at 6 lb. the boll, 12 dollars.
Given to my wife, halfe a dolar.
Given to Walt. Cunyghame, halfe a dolar.
Given to my wife, a dollar.
Given to my wife also, a dollar.
Given for the use of the house, 3 dollars.
Spent upon wine, 18 pence.
Given to the macer's man, a mark.
Given to my wife, 2 dollars.
Given to the under keiper of our gounes, a mark.
Given to the barber, a mark.
[646] 1 Dollar equal to 4 s. 10-1/2d.
This is the count of the other 100 mks. of the 200 given me in pension.
Then I received from Wm Binning thesaurer 10 dollars, 4 of them
consultation money, and 6 of them to make the 12 lb. st. or 150 lb.
Scots,[647] of pension to me, out of which:
[647] 150 l. Scots ought to have been equal to £12, 10s. This shows
that the Scots money was not at the time at par with the English.
Imprimis, given at a collation with Mr. Wm Lauder, 30 shils.
Given to the bedell at Leith, 6 pence.
Given to my wife, 2 shilings.
For sweit pouder, 2 shilings.
For wine, 5 pence.
Given to my wife, 6 pence.
Given for wine, 16 pence.
Given to my wife to buy shoes with and lint, a dollar.
Given for the use of the house, a dollar.
Payed for wine in Lieth, 20 shil.
Given at Hew Boyde's contribution, a shiling.
Given to my wife, a dollar.
Given to buy lint with, a dollar.
Given for a drinking glasse, 6 pence.
Given to my wife, a dollar.
Given for the State of England, 2d volume, 3 shilings.
Spent on wine, 18 pence.
Given for the use of the house, a dollar.
This is all the 10 dollars.
Then I receaved on the 17 of March 1671 from my father 300 mks. which made
in all of what I had receaved from him 1700 mks., out of which:
Imprimis, given for the use of the house, a dollar.
Given to my wife to buy lace for a pinner, to buy
holland for napkins and aprons, etc., 5 dollars and a halfe.
Item, for a chopin of win, 10 pence.
Item, given to my wife, 10 pence.
Item, for the use of the house, a dollar.
To my wife to buy lace for apron and napkins, a dolar and a halfe.
Payed at a collation with collonell Ramsay, 42 shiling.
Lent to James Lauder, 2 dollars.
Given for the house, halfe a dolar.
Given to the barber, a shiling.
Payed to the baker conforme to his accompt, 13 lb. 5 s.
Payed for halfe a quarter's fie with the nurse's
child, 5 Ib.
Given to my wife, 2 shilings.
Payed at a collation with Mr. Charles Wardlaw, etc., 29 shil.
Item, to buy figs with, 9 pence.
Item, for Knox his History and Navarri Manuale, 2 dollars.
This is the accompt of one 100 mks.
Then of the rest.
Imprimis, given for the use of the house on the 1 of
Aprile 1671, 7 dollars.
On the 8 of Aprill given to the midwife, 5 dollars.
Given to my wife to buy a litle silver dish with,
which cost hir 33 shiling, a dollar.
Given to my wife for sundry uses, 2 dollars.
Spent upon wine, 24 shiling.
Then given to my wife to buy turkies, etc., 2 dollars.
Then given for ribbans to be garters, etc., 35 shil.
Then on beir in Peter Wats at a morning drink, 5 shil.
Then to Sir John Dalrymple's child's nurse, a dollar.
To Mr. Archbald Camron for taking up[648] the child's name, a dollar.
To the scavinger, 2 shilings.
At the kirk door, a 6 pence.
To the bedells, a dollar.
Given to my wife for sundry uses, 3 lb. 15 shil.
[648] Registering.
This makes 200 mks.
Then given out of the other:
Imprimis, to my wife, a dollar.
At a collation with Patrick Don, 43 shil.
To my wife to pay a quarter for
the nurse hir bairnes fie,[649] 2 dollars.
Item for the houses use, 2 dollars.
For a quaire of paper, 8 pence.
Item given to my wife, 5 pound.
Item given hir for buying meat to the gossips when they visit, 2 dollars.
Given to pay the win and seck gotten out of Painston's, 4 dolars.
Given to buy a coat to the bairne John, a dolar.
Given to buy wool with, 2 dollars.
Given to the poor, a shiling.
Given for wine, 20 shiling.
Given to the house, a dollar.
Given by my wife and me to Sir Androw's nurse, 2 dollars.
Waired on wine, 30 shiling.
Given to my wife, 2 mark.
On win with Mr. Alex'r Hamilton, 10 pence.
Given for paper and ink, 12 pence.
Given for wine, 10 pence.
Given to the woman Margaret, 18 pence.
[649] Wages of nursemaid eight dollars, about £2.
Sie the rest of their accounts alibi. This is the accompt of the said 300
m. very neir. So that their is nothing resting to me to make up a
compleit years rent: vid., from Lambes 1669 to Lambes 1670, but only one
hundred merks, which I allowed to my father in respect he payed a compt of
that value for me to John Scot: as also of his oune moneyes he was pleased
to pay 90 lb. for me which I was addebted to the same John for 23 elle of
cloath tane of for my bed and appertenances, at 4 lb. the elle and did not
at all place it to my accompt.
§2
O Lord, teach me so to be counting my dayes, that I may apply my heart to
thy wisdome.[650]
[650] These words stand as a motto at the head of MS. K.
* * * * *
Sie my counts praeceiding this in a litle black skinned book alibi.
[_Supra_, p. 239.]
On the 25 of May 1671, my father was debitor to me in the soume of 1800
mks., payable out of the lands of Carington, and that as my year's annuity
from Lammas, in the yeir 1670, till Lambes coming in this instant year
1671; all preceidings are payed to me and discharged by me.
Of this 1800 mks., I receaved the formentioned day from him 200 mks., out
of which I payed:
Imprimis, to the Janitor for 4 books, vid., the English laws,
Polidorus Virgilius, Zosimus and aliorum Historiae, and
Vimesius Theses, etc., 16 shil. st.
Given to my wife for sundry uses, 3 dollars.
For wine and seck in the Janitor's, 50 shil.
To my father's skild nurse by myselfe and my wife given, 2 dollars.
For 2 elle and a quarter scarlet ribban fra James Dick, 24 shil.
For this paper book wheiron I write thir compts., 6 pence.
Given to my wife, 6 pence.
For wine in Pentherers, 16 pence.
Given to the poor, a 6 pence.
Given to my wife for the use of the house and other things, 4 dollars.
Given to Joseph for shaving me, a shiling.
Given to my wife for sundry uses, 4 shilings.
On win, 6 pence.
Item, to my wife, 9 pence.
For a quaire of paper, a leather bag, and sundry
small things, 14 pence.
Item, given to my wife for the use of the house, 7 dollars.
This is 100 mks. laking on by halfe a dollar.
Then given to my wife for divers uses, 2 dollars.
For a pair of shoes, 3 shil. and 6 pence.
Upon win at Leith with Mr. Wood, etc., 16 pence.
Since on win and otherwayes, 8 pence.
Item, given since on beir, in Leith, for a velvet
cod,[651] etc., 10 pence.
On the 20 of June, given to my wife for the use of
the house, 7 dolars.
Item, for another pair of shoes, 42 shiling.
Item, for wine, 12 pence.
Item, for tent to my wife, a mark.
Item, for wine to the landlord when I payed him
100 lb., 10 pence.
Item, for sundry other adoes, 45 shiling.
On win. with Doctor Steinson, 13 pence.
Given to my wife to give hir wobster,[652] 3 shilings.
For more tent, a shiling.
Item, a dollar as a part of 6 lb. payed by me of
annuity, a dolar.
Item, on the 1 of July, given to my wife for the use
of the house, 6 dolars.
Item, at a collation with Kilmundy, 40 shil.
Given to my wife, halfe a dollar.
At a collation with Mr. Pat. Lyon, 50 shiling.
Item, on sundrie other uses, a dollar.
This is the accompt of the saids 200 mks.
[651] Pillow.
[652] Weaver.
Then on the 10 of June 1671, I received from the Provest, Sir A. Ramsay,
100 lb. Scots as a termes annuel rent of the principal soume of 5000
mks.,[653] addebted by him to me, vid., from Candlemas 1670 to Lammas 1670.
Which 100 lb. I payed to James Wilsone, my landlord, in part of my house
maill, which was 160 lb.,[654] so that I remaine yet debitor to him on that
accompt in 60 lb., afterwards payed and all discharged.
[653] Unpaid half of his wife's marriage portion. See page xli; 3 per
cent., equal to 6 per cent. per annum.
[654] House rent, £13, 6s. 8d. half-yearly.
Then on the 15 of July, I receaved from my father 400 mks., which made up
600 mks., of the year 1671, received by me, out of which
Imprimis, payed to my landlord to compleit his maill, 60 lb.
Item, to his woman Nans, a dollar.
Item, to William Borthwick, the apothecar, conforme
to his accompt, 36 lb.
Item, to William Mitchell, the Baker, conforme to
his accompt, 26 lb.
Item, to Rot. Mein, for sweteis, glasses, etc., conforme
to his compt., 14 lb.
Item, given to my man when he brought me my 12
lb. sterl. from Wm. Broun, the burrows agent, a dollar.
Item, given to my wife, 2 dollars.
Item, upon win with Guus Grein, 15 pence.
Item, to my wife for the use of the house, on the
22 of July 1671, 9 dollars.
Given to my wife when she went to Innerkeithing
fair, 2 dollars.
Item, given hir to pay the deing[655] of hir hangings, 4 dollars.
Item, on the 4 of August, given to my wife to buy
a goune and petticoat, and furniture, conforme, 100 lb.
[655] Dyeing, I presume.
And because the 400 mks. receaved last from my father did not reach so far
as to compleit it, theirfor I took 10 dollars out of 200 mks. payed me in
July by Wm. Broun, in name and be halfe of the borrows for my pension,
1670, and made up the 100 lb. I gave to my wife theirby.
Item, farder payed out of the said 200 mks. of pension for 25
barrells of aile furnisht to the house from the midst of January
till August, at 32 shil. the barrell, 12 dollars and a halfe.[656]
[656] Here the dollar is equal to 5s. 4d.
This is near ane accompt of one 100 mks. of the 200 m. payed to me in
pension.
Item, given to my wife, 3 dollars.
Payed in R. Gilbert's when I was at Leith with the
Lady Wauchton, a dollar.
Item, payed for the coach hyre, a dollar.
Item, given to my wife to help to buy black lace
for hir goun, 2 dollars.
Item, given hir to buy coalls with from Leith and
elsewhere, 5 dolars.
Item, in Painston's with Sir Andro, 27 shill.
Item, given to my wife when she went to Waughton
to sie hir sone, 2 dollars and a halfe.
Item, in Painston's with Mr. Rot. Lauder and Rot.
Bell for our supper, 38 shill.
For 2 quaire of paper and ink, 18 pence.
For ane 100 plumes, 8 pence.
To Idington's Man when he come from Dundy
with the cloath, 29 shil.
To my man for sundrie depursements for me, 29 shil.
To the woman Marion for buying meall to the house, a shilling.
Item, in Peirson's with Rot. Bell, 27 shill.
Item, for my dinner in Pentherer's with Rot. Bell, etc., 48 shill.
Item, for a coach hyre out of Leith, 30 shiling.
Item, to Grange's man, a shilling.
Item, to my wife, halfe a dollar.
Item, for a mutching of tent, a shilling.
Item, given to the nurse to be compted in her fie, 2 dollars.
Item, given to my wife, a dollar.
This is the full accompt of the said 200 mks.
Then about the 14 of August I receaved from my father 300 mks. which made
with all the former 900 mks. of this year 1671.
Out of which imprimis:
Given to my wife to pay the making of her goune
and other things, 4 dollars.
In Painston's with Mr. Jo. Eleis, 29 shiling.
To my wife, 50 shiling.
For a choping of brandy, 14 pence.
Item for a hat in Broun's, 7 shilings.
Item, to my wife, a dollar.
Item, to Grange's nurse, a dollar.
Item, to the barber Henry Porrock, 6 pence.
Item, to George Gairner, a mark.
Item, to W'm Binning the thesaurer his nurse, a dollar.
Item, to David Colyear, 36 shilling.
Item, on the 5 of September given to my wife for
the use of the house, ij dollars and a halfe.
This is one 100 merks.
Then on the same day given her farder for the
same use, 11 dollars.
Item, given hir, halfe a dollar.
Item, for wax and soap, 7 pence.
Payed to Henry Hope for ports of letters when
I was in Holland, 5 lb. 10s.
For the acts of parlia. in June 1649, 34s.
For 6 dozen of gold strips to the hangings at 7s.[657]
and 6 p. the dozen, 9 dollars.
Upon seck, 5 pence.
[657] Sterling.
This is another 100 mks.
Then given to my wife, a shilling.
For a quaire of paper, 9 pence.
At a collation with Hary Grahame, 36 pence.
To John Scots nurse, a dollar.
On win their, 26 shill.
In the Lady Home's yeards,[658] 6 pence.
Payed for my man's horsehire to Wauchton, 46 shill.
Payed of sundry depursements to my man, 20 shilling.
Given to George Gairner, a shilling.
Given to my wife, 10 dollars.
Item, on win with Walter Pringle, 35 shill.
Item, for a pair of botts, 17 shilings and sixpence.
To Alex'r Todrig's nurse, a dollar.
For a quaire of paper, 9 pence.
For rasing[659] me at 2 severall tymes, 18 pence.
Given at Coldinghame kirk, a 6 pence.
Given to the foot boy their, a 6 pence.
Upon sundrie other uses neir, a dollar.
Item, given to my wife, twa dolars.
[658] Probably means gardens.
[659] Shaving.
This makes neir the other 100 mks.
And in wholle it makes up the 300 mks. receaved from my father on the 14 of
August last.
Then on the 3 of Nov'r. I receaved other 300 mks. from him, which makes
1200 mks. of what I received of my annuity 1671, out of which, etc.,
etc.[660]
[660] This account is omitted as of no interest.
* * * * *
On the 20 of february 1672 I receaved 300 mks. more from my father, which
with the former made 1500 mks. of the 1800 mks. due to me of annuity from
Lammes 1670 till Lambes last in 1671, out of which, etc., etc.
* * * * *
Then on the 17 of Aprill 1672 I farder receaved from my father other 300
mks., which being joined with all the former makes up 1800 mks., which is a
full years annuity owing to me by my father, vid., from Lambes 1670 till
Lambes last in anno 1671: wheiron I retired all my partiall discharges and
gave him a full discharge of that year's annuity and of all preceiding
Lambes 1671.
Out of this last 300 mks.
Imprimis, payed to Margaret Neilsone in part of
2 years fie owing hir (it being 23 lb. Scots by
year)[661] at Whitsonday approching, 34 lb.
So that their yet rests to hir of thesse 2 years fie 12 lb. Scots.
Item, payed to Bailyie Drummond for the cloath of
my wife's black goune, 46 lb.
Item, for Auctores Linguæ Latinæ, vid., Warre,
Isidorus, etc., 40 shiling.
Item, given to my wife, a dollar.
Item, given hir to buy worsted stockings for me, 3 shillings.
Given at a collation with Eleiston, 30 shilling.
Item, for a quaire of paper, 9 pence.
Given to my wife for the use of the house on the
27 of Aprill, 15 dollars.
All which depursements make 200 mks. of the last 300 received from my
father.
[661] Women servants wages, nearly £2 sterling.
Item, for the Covenanters Plea, a shilling.
Given for a new quarter with the nurse
hir bairne, 3 dollars and a halfe.
For the Informations about the Firing of London, 6 pence.
At a collation, 30 pence.
For a quaire of paper, 8 pence.
Given to my wife, a dollar.
At a collation with Wm. Aickman, 26 shil.
Item, given to the nurse in part of hir fie, 4 dollars.
Item, for G. Burnet's letter to Jus populi and for
the Tragi comedy of Marciano, 9 pence.
For a book against the commonly received tennents
of witchcraft, 8 pence.
Given to my wife, tua dollars.
Given to my unckle Andrew in compleit payment
of his meall, 9 dollars.
Given for the Seasonable Case and the Survey of Naphthali, 50 pence.
Given for Milton's Traity anent Marriages, 2 shillings.
Item, upon win, 2 shillings.
Item, for a pair of shoes, 40 pence.
This is the accompt of the haill 300 mks. last received by me from my
father on the 17 of Aprill 1672.
Then on the 1 of June 1672 I receaved from Thomas Robertsone 350 lb. Scots:
200 lb. of it was a years interest of my 5000 mks. he hes in his bond,
vid., from Lambes 1670 till Lambes 1671: the other 150 lb. was my pension
fra the toune of Edr for the year 1672. Given out of the 300 mks.
Imprimis, to my wife, 20 rix dollars.
Item, for Petryes History of the Church, 15 shills. sterl.
This is one 100 merks.[662]
Item, for Taylor's Cases of Conscience or Ductor, etc., 22 shillings.
Item, for Baker's Chronicle of England and Blunt's
Animadversions on it, 20 shillings.
Item, for Plinius 2dus his Epistles cum notis variorum, 6 shillings.
Item, for Cromwell's Proclamations and other Acts
of his Counsell from Septr. 1653 till Decr. 1654, 4 shillings.
For a pair of silk stockings, ij shills: 6 p.
Given to the nurse's husband, a dollar.
Given for Tyrannick love and the Impertinents, tuo comoedies, 40 pence.
Given for Reflections upon the Eloquence of this tyme, 18 pence.
Given for the Mystery of Iniquity unvailled by G.B., 9 pence.
Given for the accompt of the sea fight betuixt E.
and D. in 1665,[663] and are answer of our Commissioners
to England in 1647, 4 pence.
Given for ane answer to Salmasius Def. Regia,. 7 pence.
Item, for my dinner and other charges at Leith,
the race day, 3 shillings stg.
Given for Holland to be a halfe shirt, 5 shillings.
Given to my wife for the house, a dollar.
Given for the life of the Duck D'Espernon, 15 shillings.
This is another 100 mks.
[662] This makes the dollar about 4s. 9-1/2d.
[663] English and Dutch.
Item, given to my wife for the use of the house, 18 dollars.
Item, at Halbert Gledstans woman's marriage, a dollar.
Item, at the comoedy, halfe a dollar.
Item, that night in Rot. Meins for wine, halfe a dollar.
Item, in James Dean's the consecration day, 23 shillings.
Item, payed to Jonet's nurse and hir husband,[664]
For hir fie drink money, bounty and all, 24 dollars.
which absorbed all the 300 mks. received by me from Thomas
Robertsone as my annuel rent and put me to take 21 dollars
out of the money given me in pension.
Hence of the 150 lb. given me in pension I payed
to the said nurse as already is got doune, 21 dolars.
Item, given to my wife, 2 dollars.
Item, given hir for the use of the house on the 1 of August 21 dollars.
[664] Amount torn off.
This is 128 lb. of the 150 receaved by me in pension, so that their remains
with me 23 lb. of that money, out of which 23 lb.
Imprimis on the first of September 1672 given the said haill 23 lb. to my
wife for the use of the house.
Then on the 24 of August I had received from Thomas Robertsone the other
year's interest of my 5000 mks. in his hands (being 300 mks.) vid., from
Lambes 1671 till Lambes immediately bypast in 1672.
Out of which imprimis:
Given to my wife the forsaid 1 of September for
the use of the house, 5 dollars.
[Item lent to Eleiston, 3 dollars.[665]]
repayed.
Item, at a collation with Pat. Waus, a dollar.
Item, on the 16 of September 1672, given to the midwife, 6 dollars.
Payed in annuity from Whitsonday 1671 till Whytsonday
1672 in 3 dollars and a halfe, 10 lb. and a groat.[666]
Item, at a collation, a mark.
For a letter from France, 14 pence.
To my father's man, a mark.
For paper, vid., a quaire, 8 pence.
Item, given to Grissell Ramsay for the use of my house, a dollar.
Item, given at Gosfoord, 20 shiling.
Item, to St Germain's nurse, a dollar.
Item, to Mr. James Fausyde's man, 30 shill.
Item, for win at Cokeny,
[665] Erased in MS.
[666] Apparently the last groat coined in Scotland was the copper
twelvepenny groat of Francis and Mary in 1558. James V. coined a
silver groat in 1525 worth 18d Scots. The groat here is an English
groat, which was worth 4d.
This is more then one 100 mks. of the 300.
Item, given to my wife on the 28 of Septr. 1672,
for providing things to the christning, 22 dollars.
Item, to Doctor Stevinson's nurse, a dollar.
This is 200 mks. of the 300 received from T. Robertsone.
Item, for registration of my daughter's name to Mr.
Archbald Camron, a dollar.
Item, to Thomas Crawfurd, kirk treasurer because
not christned at sermon tyme, a dollar.
To the kirk bedell, 42 shilling.
For a letter from France, 14 pence.
On win in Rot. Meins, a mark.
For a coatch hyre to Ja. Dean's house, a shilling.
For a pair of shoes, 3 shillings.
Given in with a letter to Paris, a shilling.
For a quaire of paper and for ink, 10 pence.
For a mutching of seck with Mr. William Beaton, 9 pence.
Item, on the 13 of October, given to my wife, 9 dollars and a mark.
Item, for win., 10 pence.
Item, given to Pitmedden's man, a mark.
Item, to William Broun's man when he payed me my pension, a dollar.
Item, on the 22 of October, given to my wife, 7 dollars.
Item, on incident charges, a dollar.
This is the 300 mks. of annuel rent received by me from Thomas Robertsone
on the 24 of August last.
Item, on the 22 of October 1672, I receaved from William Broun, agent for
the borrows, 12 pounds sterling, being my pension as their assessor for the
year 1671, of which:
Imprimis, for a pair of shoes, 40 shiling.
Item, in charity to Ja. Hog, 29 pence.
Item, for 4 quare of paper, 30 pence.
Item, for a letter from France, 14 pence.
Item, at a collation in James Halyburton's, 50 shiling.
To Robert Boumaker, a dollar.
On coffee and other things, 16 pence.
Item, given to my wife, two dollars.
Item, given to my wife, dollars 21.
So then their remains of the said 12 lb. st. given me by William Broun only
22 dollars.
With the which 21 dollars given to my wife, she payed first
to Rot. Mein, for confections, wine, etc., to the christening, 28 lb.
Item, to William Mitchell for baken meit at the same tyme, 18 lb.
Item, for sundrie other accompts, 15 lb.
Which is the haill 21 dollars.[667]
[667] This brings out the dollar at about 4s. 10d.
Item, of the 22 dollars remaining to me of the foresaid money given me in
pension,
Imprimis, given to my wife for the use of the house on the 5
of November 1672, 14 dollars.
Item, at a collation or on win in Grissel Ramsay's house, 2 shillings.
Item, for seing the comedy called the Silent Woman, halfe a dollar.
Item, at a collation after it, 14 pence.
Item, on some other charges, 2 shillings.
Item, at a collation, 35 shillings.
Item, given on the 13 of Nov. to my wife for the
use of the house, 6 dollars.
This is all the 12 lb. of pension.
Then at a consultation of the Toune of Edrs, I receaved 23 dollars, of
which:
Imprimis, given to my wife the tyme aforsaid, 2 dollars.
Item, for sundry books, vid.:
Barronius Annals compendized, 2 tomes,. \
Summa conciliorum, Tyrius Maximus, Danaei Antiquitates, |
Benzonis Historia Americae, Demosthenis | 15 shillings
Olynthiaca, | and 6 pence.
Apulei opera omnia, Bucholzeri Chronologia, |
S.G. M'Keinzies Plaidings, /
Item, for myselfe and my wife at the comedy called
Love and Honor, a dollar.
Item, on win after I came home, 18 pence.
Item, given to my wife for the use of the house on
the 20 of November, 16 dollars.
Item, upon win at sundry times, 40 shiling.
This is the haill 23 dollars.
Item,[668] at sundrie consultations, vid., on of George Homes, 4 dollars;
on of Henry Lindsay's for the Laird of Guthry, 4 dollars. Item, from James
Gibsone, 2 dollars; on of Mr. P. Hamilton of Dalserfes, 4 dollars; from Mr.
Alex. Seaton in name of my Lord Winton, 10 dollars. Item, at a consultation
with the toune of Edr., 10 dollars, making in all 34 dolars, wheirof upon
sundry occasions which do not now occurre, I spent 8 dollars long ago. So
then their remains 26 dollars, out of which Imprimis:
[668] Example of counsel's fees.
Given or lent to Margaret Ramsay at the hilhead, 3 dollars.
Given in charity to on Anna Gordon upon hir testificats, a shilling.
Item, at Jo. Meggets relicts brithle, a dollar.
Item, at collations since, a dollar.
Item, upon other affairs, tuo dollars.
For seing the comedy called the Siege of Granada,
2d part, for my selfe, my wife, and Grissell
Ramsay, a dollar and a halfe.
Item, to the bassin at the church door, halfe a dollar.
Item, given to my wife, a dollar.
Given to G. Patersone, the wright, his woman or
nurse, a dollar.
Item, at a collation with Charl. Oliphant about Touch, 24 pence.
Item, at the comoedy, being the first part of Granada's
seige, for my selfe, my wife, Rachel, and
Grissell Ramsayes, 2 dollars.
Item, given to my wife for the use of the house, 8 dollars.
Item, for the acts of parlia., session 1672, etc., 30 shiling.
Item, for binding Hadington's Praitiques, 42 shilling.
For a quaire of paper, 6 pence.
Item, upon other uses, 40 shilling.
Item, to my wife, 2 dollars.
This is the accompt of the haill 26 dollars.
Item, receaved at 2 sundry consultations 6 dollars, out of which:
Imprimis, given to my wife, 2 dollars.
Item, on win at Aberdour, a mark.
Item, for sieng the house and yairds of Dunybirsell, a mark.
To G. Kirkcaldie's servante, a dollar.
To my wife, halfe a croun.
For the New art of wying vanity against Mr. G.
Sinclar, 15 pence.
Item, to my wife for the use of the house on the
last of Decr. 1672, 8 dollars.
Which was out of other money I had besyde me, which 8 dollars with what I
gave formerly makes up 14 dollars and 3 shillings sterl. of the money due
to hir for the moneth of January 1673.
Item, again to my wife, a dollar and 4 merks.
Item, given hir, 2 merks.
As also given to hir, two dollars.
Item, given to hir again, a dollar.
Item, given hir, thrie dollars and 2 shillings.
Item, given hir, 2 dollars.
Then on the 19 of february 1673, I receaved from Rot. Govan, gairdner, 20
lb. in payment of his tack duety for all termes preceiding Martinmas 1672,
out of which Imprimis:
Payed for my selfe and Mr. John Wood for seing
the comoedy called Sir Martin Mar-all, a dollar.
Item, to my wife, 3 dollars.
Given in with the trades bill, a dollar.
Item, at a collation, l6 pence.
Item, given to my wife, a dollar.
Item, waired upon sundrie things, 40 shil.
This is the accompt of the 20 lb.
Then upon the 5't day of March 1673 I receaved from my father 400 merks,
the first monie I lifted furth of the annuity payable to me from Lambes
1671 till Lambes 1672 last bypast: all preceiding Lambes 1671 being payed
to me by my father as I have already marked, out of which:
Imprimis, given to my wife, 23 dollars.
to pay hir ale compt which was 9 dollars: hir baxter compt,
5 dollars, hir wobster, 2 dollars; hir coalman, 3 dollars. Hir
nurse for the bairne Jonets quarter, 4 dollars.[669]
Item, given my wife for the use of the house during
this moneth of March, 10 dollars.
Item, for a pair of gloves, halfe a dollar.
Item, at a collation and on other uses, 3 shilings.
Item, spent upon the race day, 3 shillings.
Item, at a collation, 26 shiling.
Item, sent to Calderwood's man's wedding, a dollar.
Item, at a collation in Heriot's yards, 18 pence.
Item, for seck with A. Todrigde, ij pence.
To the Lady Pitmedden's nurse, a dollar.
Item, in Ja. Haliburton's, tua merks.
Item, to a poor woman, a mark.
Item, for a quair of paper, 6 pence.
Item, to the barber, 6 pence.
Item, to the kirk basin, 6 pence.
Item, given to my wife, a dollar and a halfe.
Item, given hir, tua dollars and 2 mark.
Item, spent in Ja. Haliburton's, 2 marks.
Given to my wife, tua dollars.
Given to the barber, a 6 pence.
Given for a timber comb, 8 pence.
Given on other uses, 8 pence.
Item, in the taverne, 20 pence.
Item, to my wife,. 20 pence.
Item, on the 1 of April given to my wife for the
use of the house that moneth, 12 dollars.
Upon win at sundry tymes, 40 shilling.
Item, to the barber, 6 pence.
Upon other uses, 9 pence.
Item to the kirk deacon for a year's contribution 2 dollars.
[669] Wages of a nurse sixteen dollars, or about £4 yearly, double the
wages of an ordinary woman servant.
[Sidenote: [This money is repayed me.][670]]
[Item, payed out for my Lord Provest's use and by his vreits[670] a hundred
merks and 8 dollars to Marie Hamilton in pairt of payment of the right she
had upon Popill][671] which being joyned with the former makes up exactly
the haill 400 mks. receaved by me from my father on the 5't of March last.
[Sidenote: [Which money is yet owing me.][671]]
[670] Writs.
[671] Erased in MS.
Then out of 4 dollars receaved in a consultation, I gave first
To the maid at Dudingstone, a mark.
To the kirk broad their, a mark.
Item, to Rot. Craw, a shilling.
Item, for confections at Bervick, 2 shillings.
Item, to Idington's man, a mark.
Item, at Pople for shoing the horse, item at Auldcambus
for brandy to the Dutchmen, a shilling.
Item, to a barber at Hadinton, 6 pence.
Item, given to my wife, 31 shiling.
Item, to the kirk broads, a shilling.
Item, given to my wife, 2 shillings.
Item, spent at Leith and else wheir, 50 shilling.
In the beginning of May 1673, my father and I having made our accompts he
was debitor to me in the soume of 1400 merks as resting of 1800 mks. of my
annuity from Lambes 1671 till Lambes 1672 (for on the 5 of March last I got
from him 400 mks. of the 1800, hence rested only 1400 mks. of that years
annuity) and I was found resting to him the soume of 40 pounds sterling or
720 merks[672] as tuo years maill of my dwelling-house[673] videlizet-from
Witsonday 1671 (at which I entered to it) till Whitsonday nixt approaching
1673, which being deducted and retained by my father in his oun hand, of
the 1400 mks. their remained 680 merks; wheirof I receaved at the said tyme
from my father 380 merks in money, wheirupon their rested to me behind of
my annuity preceiding Lambes 1672 just 300 mks: and I gave my father a
discharge of the said 720 mks. of house maill, and of the said 380 mks.
receaved by me in money, making togithir ij00 mks, which with the
preceiding 400 mks. gotten by me on the 5 of March last makes up 1500 merks
in all.
[672] This is normal. £1 equal to eighteen marks.
[673] His house rent was £20 a year.
Out of this 380 mks. receaved from my father on the 8 of May 1673,
Imprimis, given to my wife for paying hir meal and
hir children's quarters, etc., 6 dollars.
Item, for 2 quaire of paper, 18 pence.
Item, for my decreit and charging Rot. Johnston, 18 pence.
Item, on other uses, tua shillings.
Item, on win with Mr. Pat. Hamilton, a shilling.
Given to my wife on the 10 of May for the use of
the house, ij dollars.
Which making up 18 dollars and more compleit the 80 merks,
so their remains 300 mks. behind, out of which imprimis:
In Haliburton's with Sam. Cheisley, 40 shiling.
Item, to the kirk broad at Dudiston, 6 pence.
Item, to the barber, halfe a mark.
Item, in Masterton's with G. Gibson, 31 shilling.
Item, to Will. Sutherland, a mark.
For G. Burnet's reply and conferences, 3 shillings.
To Mr. Mathew Ramsay's nurse, a dollar.
For a pint of win their, 24 shilings.
For copieng a paper, 40 shiling.
Item, for mum and walnuts, 9 pence.
Item, at the kirk door, 6 pence.
Item, for win and sugar, 7 pence.
Given to my wife for furniture to my cloaths and
hir oune goune, 5 dollars.
Item, in Haliburton's for mum, 22 shiling.
Item, upon seck, 9 shiling.
Item, in James Haliburton's, 18 pence.
Item, given to my wife, a dollar.
Item, at the kirk door and on other uses, 13 pence.
Item, to Jo. Steinsone, gairdner, 14 pence.
Item, to my wife to be given to hir washer and other uses, 2 dollars.
Item, to Lancelot Ker for copieng a book to me first, a dollar.
Item, given to my wife, 6 dollars.
Upon other use I remember not, 2 dolars.
This is on 100 mks.
Item, on coffee, the poor and other uses, 3 shillings.
Item, given to my wife to pay hir servants fies on
the 31 of May 1673, ij dollars.
[Lent to Mr. Jo. W.][674] repayed me [3 dollars.][674]
Item, upon mum, 12 pence.
Item, for the provests last act, to Jo. Trotter in his
Improbation, 30 shilling.
For a quaire of paper, 9 pence.
Given to my wife on the 4 of June, 1673, 5 dollars.
In James Haliburton's, 14 pence.
Payed for 2 pair of shoes, 6 shillings and a groat.
On a quaire of paper and other uses, a mark.
[674] Erased in MS.
This is near another 100 merks.
Item, given to my wife on the 9 day of June 1673, 6 dollars.
To Joseph the barber, a shilling.
Item, in Ja. Haliburton's, 18 pence.
Item, for a timber chair, 18 pence.
Item, on Leith on the race day, 3 shillings.
Item, at the kirk door, 6 pence.
For the post of a letter from my goodbrother, 14 pence.
Item, in Maistertons with young Idington when he went away, 32 shiling.
At dinner in Haliburton's, 20 pence.
Item, to the barber, 6 pence.
Item, upon other uses, 6 pence.
Item, to my father's woman who keips the child
George, given by myself and my wife, 2 dollars.
Item, given to my wife, a dollar.
Payed to the coallman, 10 lb.[675]
Item, upon paper and ink, 10 pence.
Item, in Ja. Haliburtons, 10 pence.
Item, given to my wife for buying a scarfe, hood, 10 pence.
fan, gloves, shoes, linnen for bands, etc., 7 dollars.
[675] This is one of the few instances in which an item of
expenditure is stated in pounds.
This is another 100 merks. And which compleits the haill 380 merks receaved
from my father on the 8 of may 1673.
Upon the 20 of June 1673 I receaved from William Binning a years salarie as
tounes assessor which he was owing me for the year 1671 wheirin he was
tresurer, being 150 lb. Scots, which is about 229 merks, out of which:
Imprimis, for a pair of net leather shoes, 3 shillings.
Item, in Painston's with Mr. Todridge, 48 shill.
Item, given to my wife partly to pay Margaret
Neilsons fie and partly for other uses, 3 dollars.
For a triple letter its post for Rome, 15 pence.
Item, for seing the play called the Spanish Curate, halfe a dollar.
Item, for cherries to Kate Chancellor their, halfe a dollar.
Item, theirafter in Aikman's, 14 pence.
Item, at the kirk door, halfe a mark.
Item, spent when I was at Liberton kirk, 2 shillings.
Item, for Thomas the Rymer's Prophecies, 4 pence.
For the Lords answer in Fairlies case, a dollar.
Item, given to my wife to compleit Margaret Neilsons
fie during the haill tyme of hir service
besides what was payed hir formerly, 6 dollars and a mark.
Given to my wife for sundry uses, 10 dollars.
To my sone John's nurse, 10 merks.
Item, to buy paper etc. to him who copied me
Mckeinzies Criminals, 29 shiling.
Item, payed at sundrie tymes in the taverne, 30 pence.
Item, for a dozen of silver spoons wying tuo onces
the peice in all 24 onces at 5 shillings and 6 pence
per once, making each spoon to be ellevin shillings
sterling,[676] 47 lb.
for I gave them in exchange 6 old silver spoons, which fell
short of 6 new ons in 10 shillings sterl. upon the want of
weight, and the accompt of the workmanship, so they stood
me in all as I said before 47 pounds Scots.
Item, payed to the ailman for are accompt of aill furnished, 24 lb.
[676] Price of silver.
This makes near the 150 lb. receaved from Bailzie Binnie.
Item, in the end of June 1673 1 receaved from William Broun, agent for the
borrows, in their name and behalfe, my pension of 12 lb. sterl., being for
the year praeceiding Whitsonday 1673; out of which:
Imprimis, given to my man when he brought it to me, a dollar.
Item, to the barber, a 6 pence.
To the kirk broad, halfe a mark.
Item, on coffee, 3 pence.
Item, for Reusneri Symbola Imperatoria to the
Janitor, 18 pence.
Item, to him for the particular carts[677] of Lothian,
Fyffe, Orknay and Shetland, Murray, Cathanes,
and Sutherland, at 10 p. the peice, 3 pound.
Item, at Pitmeddens woman's marriage, given by
my selfe and my wife, 2 dollars and a shil.
Item, on halfe a dozen of acornie[678] spoons, 2 shillings.
Item, payed to Adam Scot for a mulct in being
absent from a meiting of the advocats, 28 shiling.
Item, payed to Edward Gilespie for my seat maill[679]
from Whitsonday 1672 to Whitsonday 1673, 12 lb.
Item, to the copier of Mckeinzies Criminalls, a mark.
Item, to the barber, halfe a mark.
To the kirk basin, halfe a mark.
Given to my wife, a mark.
Item, on brandee, 3 shilling.
Given to M'ris Mawer in charity, 29 shiling.
Item, payed in Pat Steills, a mark.
Item, on the 15 of July 1673 given to my wife, 10 rix dollars.
Upon win in Rot. Bell's house, 2 shillings.
Item, at the Presidents man's penny brithell, a dollar and a 6 pence.
In H. Gourlay's with D. Stevinson, 38 shiling.
[Given to my wife to buy me a pair of worsted
stockings, 4 shillings.][680]
Item to the barber, a 6 pence.
Item, Tom Gairdner for bringing cheerries from Abbotshall, a shiling.
To the kirk broad, 6 pence.
Item, for mounting my suit of cloaths with callico,
buttons, pockets, etc., 3 dollars.
Item, to the taylor for making them, a dollar.
Item, to Walter Cunyghame for keiping our gounes, a dollar.
Item, upon cherries, 6 pence.
Item, in Painstons, a shilling.
Item, to the copier of Mckeinzies Criminalls, 2 mark.
Item, for seing the Maidens tragaedy for my selfe
and Mr. William Ramsay,[681] a dollar.
At the kirk door, 6 pence.
To the barber, halfe a mark.
In Aickmans after the comedy, a mark.
In Ja. Haliburtons, a mark.
Item, at a collation also their, 28 shiling.
Item, at collations theirafter, 7 shillings st.
Upon the 1 of August 1673 given to my wife for
the use of the house that moneth, 18 dollars and a halfe.
[677] Price of maps.
[678] This word, distinctly written, looks at first like acomie, but
is no doubt the word acornie (French, _acorné_, horned), which
Jamieson defines as a substantive, meaning 'apparently a drinking
vessel with ears or handles.' He quotes from _Depredations on the
Clan Campbell_, p. 80: '_Item_, a silver cup with silver acornie,
and horn spoons and trenchers.' It seems more probable that the
word in both passages is an adjective, applicable to spoons, and
descriptive of the pattern.
[679] Seat rent in church.
[680] Erased in MS.
[681] Price of theatre.
Which makes up the full 12 lb. sterling received by me from the borrows.
The nixt money I brok was some given me in consultation this summer
session, or in payment ather by the gairdner or Rot. Johnston, who had the
loft,[682] Mr. Jo. Wood or other, making in all as I have every particular
set doune in writing beside me about 280 merks and upwards, out of which
Imprimis the said 1 of August
given farder to my wife for the use of the house, 4 dolars.
Item, to Samuel Colvill for his Grand Impostor discovered, 3 dollars.
Item, to him who brought home my session goune, a mark.
To Rot. Meins man when he brought me the confections
the nixt day after the tounes cherry
feast to the exchequer, 15 pence.
For the new help to discourse, 20 pence.
To the barber, halfe a mark.
To the kirk basin, halfe a mark.
For 2 quaire of paper, 14 pence.
For 4 quaire of great paper for copieng the statutes
of the toune of Edr. theiron, 32 shilling.
To Grange[683] his man, a mark.
To the barber, 6 pence.
To the kirk bason, 6 pence.
To Will Sutherland, a mark.
Given to my wife, a shilling.
Upon win with Rot. Hamilton the clerk, a mark.
For Evelins Publick employment against Mckeinzies Solitude, 9 pence.
Spent in Arthur Somervells, a mark.
Spent in Ja. Haliburtons on night, 2 mark.
For carieng a book to Hamilton, 6 pence.
To the barber, 6 pence.
For a quaire of paper, 9 pence.
To the kirk basin, 6 pence.
For a double letter from my good-brother Sir Androw R., 28 shilings.
To my nurse when she came to sie me on the 20 of August 1673, a dollar.
Item, given to my man, a mark.
Item, upon sundry other uses not weill remembred
by me because small, 29 shil.
To the barber, 6 pence.
Upon seck with Mr. Innes my Lo. Lyons clerk for Granges armes, 13 pence.
Upon pears and plumes, 5 pence.
To the kirk bason, 6 pence.
Item, upon seck, 8 pence.
Item, in Mary Peirs's with Stow and John Joussie, 27 shiling.
[682] Parts of his house sublet.
[683] William Dick of Grange, son of William Dick, a younger son of Sir
William Dick of Braid. His grand-daughter and heiress, Isobel
Dick, was married to Sir Andrew Lauder, Fountainhall's grandson
and successor.
[After this portion of the MS. only selections have been made.]
For the Gentleman's calling, a shilling.
For the Guide to Gentlewomen, 2 mark.
For the colledge of fools, 4 pence.
Item, for a letter from Sir Androw R. from Paris, 14 pence.
For Donning's Vindication of England against the Hollanders, 16 pence.
For le tombeau des controverses, 7 pence.
For 4 comoedies, viz. Love in a Nunnery, Marriage
a la mode, Epsom Wells, and Mcbeth's tragedie at
16 p. the peice, 5 shils. and a groat.
Upon morning drinks for sundry dayes, 6 pence.
To Joseph Chamberlayne for trimming my hair, 6 pence.
To Thomas Broun for Howell's Familiar letters, 5 shilings stg.
For every man his oun doctor, 2 shillings.
For the journall of the war with Holland in 1672, 2 shillings.
For the Mercury Gallant, 2 shillings.
For the Rehearsall transprosd, 18 pence.
For the Transproser rehears't, 18 pence.
On morning drinks and other uses, a mark.
For Stubs Non justification of the present war with Holland, 4 marks.
For the Present State of Holland, 34 shiling.
For halfe a mutskin of malaga with Pat. Wause, 6 pence.
To Samuell Borthwick for letting blood of my wife, 3 mark.
To Ja. Borthwick's other prentise that was with him, a mark.
For a mutskin of sack in Ja. Deans at the Cannogate foot, 14 pence.
I had receaved from Thomas Robertsone thesaurer to the good toune on the 21
of August 1673 first 12 Ib. sterling for a years pension due to me by the
toune from Lambes 1672 till Lambes 1673: as also I got at the same tyme ane
years annuel rent of the principall soume of 5000 merks he is owing me by
bond being from Lambes 1672 till Lambes last 1673, which was only 263
merks, because he retained 37 mks. and a halfe or 25 Ib. Scots of the
ordinar annuelrent of 6 per cent. for 3 quarters of a year, vid., from
Mertinmas 1672 till Lambes last 1673, conforme to the act of parlia. made
in 1672,[684] and first out of the said 12 lb. sterling (being 220/219
merks) of pension given:
[684] See note, p. 273.
Imprimis to Granges man when he brought over the
apples and pears, a mark.
Item, on the 10 of October 1673 to my wife to buy
hir great chimley with over and above hir old one,
which she gave them in, 8 dollars.
In Guynes with Mr. Wood, Mr. C. Lumsdean, and others, 20 pence.
For taking out the extract of Granges blazoning,
first to the Lyon himselfe, [10 merks.][685]
this is repayed me.
Then to Mr. Rot. Innes his clerk, [6 merks.][685]
this also.
To Wil. Sutherland when he went to Grange with
his patent of his bearing, a mark.
At dinner in Ja. Haliburtons with Mr. Gray the
converted papist, 22 shiling.
At Jo. Mitchells with Mr. Pollock the merchand
and Mr. Gilbert, 52 shiling.
To J. Mitchell's man who lighted me home, 3 pence.
Given to Wm Sim for copieng to me the compend
of the Statutes of Edenbrugh being. 6 rix dollars.
just 5 quaire of paper, which 6 rix dollars makes just 3 pence
the sheit; its only a shilling lesse.
[685] Erased in MS.
Item for a mutsking of sack with Mr. Garshoires, a shilling.
In Mr. Rot. Lauder's when we saw his wife, a dollar.
To my man Androw Bell to buy a bible and a knife
with to himselfe, a rix dolar.
On the 10 of Nov'r, the day the comissioner came
in, spent with Mr. Thomas Patersone, 52 shiling.
On the ij of Nov'r given to my wife more then hir
monethes silver to perfit the price of hir black
fringes to hir goune, which stood hir 36 lb., tua dollars.
For Temple's Observations, 35 shiling.
To the parsone of Dyserts woman when she brought
over the ham, a mark.
At Mr. David Dinmuires woman's brithell, a dollar and a groat.
For Quean Margaret of France hir Memorialls, 16 pence.
For a black muff to my wife, ij shillings.
For buttons to my shag coat, 29 shiling.
For the kings letter to the parl. of Scotland, 2 pence.
Casten in at my servant John Nasmith's wedding
on the 5 of Dec'r, 5 rix dolars.
Item, to the music, a mark.
Given to my wife to cast in, 3 rix dolars.
Given in charity to on Christian Cranston, a dollar.
Item, given to my wife, a dollar.
Item, on the 8 of Dec'r given hir, 5 dollars.
Item, in this money their was a dollar of ill money.
The nixt money I brok upon was 52 dollars (wheirof 31 of them ware
legs[686]), which I had receaved at sundrie tymes from severall parties in
consultation money, conforme to a particular accompt of their receipt
besyde me.
[686] See Introduction, Money.
Out of which payed Imprimis to Mr. Ja. Hendersone for Ja. Sinclar of Roslin
in the begining of Dec'r 1673 to compleit the payment of the bill drawen by
Sir Androw Ramsay upon me of 789 lb. 4 shillings Scots money conforme to
Roslin's receipt of the haill bill. 185 mks.
in 42 legged dollars,[687] so that their remains behind of that
consultation money receaved by me before December 1673 about
9 rix dollars and some more, out of which
For Loydes Warning to a careles world from T. Broun, 15 pence.
For seing Marriage a la mode acted, for my selfe
and Mr. J. Wood, a leg dollar.
For M.A. Antoninus his Meditations on himselfe, 30 pence.
The nixt money I made use of was 32 lb. Scots in ij rix dollars[688]
receaved by me from George Patersone the wright for his house maill before
Whitsonday last 1673, the other aught lb. of the 40 lb. being allowed to
him in ane accompt of work.
[687] This works out at about 4s. 10 3/4 d. for each leg dollar.
[688] Dollar 58 2/11d.
To on Lilias Darling in charity, 12 pence.
Given to my wife on the 3 of Januar 1674, 6 merks.
Payed in Ja. Haliburtons with Mr. Gabriell Semple, 21 shiling.
Item, on the 5 of January 1674 to give in hansell
being hansell Monday, 21 marks.
Item, with Mr. Robert Lauder, clerk at Dumfries, 25 shiling.
To Mr. Peirsone for writing the Observes out of the
old books of parl. secret councell and sederunt, 4 merks.
To criple Robin, a 6 pence.
To him who copied Mckeinzies Criminalls 1 tome in
compleat payment to him, 2 merks.
Item, for a book anent the education of young
gentlemen, 33 shiling.
In Sandy Bryson's, 9 pence.
To the contribution for the prisoners amongs the
Turks, a mark.
To Will Sutherland, 7 pence.
Given to Walter Cunyghame for keiping our gounes, a dollar.
Given to my wife on the 23 of february 1674, the 50 mk.
in ij dollars and a halfe.
For Lucas speech, the votes and adresses of the
house of commons and the relation of the engagements
of the fleets in 1673, 14 pence.
To Thomas Broun for Parkers Reprooff to the
Rehearsall transp., 6 shillings stg.
To him for the Rehearsall transprosed. 2d part, 28 shilling.
On mum with Mr. R. Forrest, 21 pence.
Upon sweities, 4 pence.
On win at Rot. Gilbert's bairnes christning, 24 pence.
For Fergusone against Parker about Grace and
morall vertue, 32 shilings.
For the Art of complaisance, 16 shil.
For the Articles of Peace, 2 shil.
Item, with Mr. Rot. Wemyss, 12 shiling.
To the Kirk Deacon for a yeirs contribution in
March 1674, 2 rix dollars.
Spent with Mr. William Ramsay, 5 pence.
For the Proclamations against duells, and that
about the E. of Loudon's annuity, and upon
sundrie other uses, a mark.
With Muire of Park, 9 pence.
Given to hir, my wife, to give to Arthur Temple ane
English croun which belonged to Mr. John Wood.
To my wife to buy a petticoat of cesunt[689] taffety, 4 dollars.
For Gudelinus and Zoesius deffendis, 29 pence.
Upon win with Mr. Mathew Ramsay, a mark.
Given to my wife on the 13 of April 1674, 13 Ib. 10 sh.
[689] Query, 'seasoned.'
To my wife to help to buy hir cow, for which she gave 20 Ib. Scots,[690]
and which 13 Ib. 10s. Scots just compleited and exhausted the 450, 13 Ib.
10 shil. merks receaved by me from my father on the 20 of februar last
1674. As for the other 6 Ib. 10 shillings that rested to perfit the price
of the cow, I gave that out of the other money I had besyde me.
[690] Price of a cow.
A dollar and a halfe that was owing me by Rot. Craw, and was repayed by him
to me, was given to my wife to buy lyning for my new black cloath
breatches.
Payed for 4 limons, 16 pence.
For the pamphlet called the Spirit of the Hat, 6 pence.
In drinkmoney for making my new cloaths, a mark.
Given to my wife, tua dollars.
Given to hir to pay for linnen bed sheits bought by hir, a dollar.
Given in the contribution anent the burnt houses, a dollar.
For the book of rates of the custome house of Rome, 8 pence.
The nixt money I made use of was 6 dollars given me in consultation by the
toune Threasurer of Edr., on the 23 of Aprill 1674, when we consulted with
my Lord Advocat about the rebuilding of brunt and ruinous houses
with stone. Out of which
For a discourse by L'Estrange upon the Fischery, 6 pence.
Of boull maill, 6 pence.
For my dinner on sunday with Mr. Wm. Patersone in Guines, 2 shillings.
Au commencement du mois de May j'avois cent marks d'argent en vingt et
trois thalers Imperiaux deposez chez moi par Monsieur Le Bois quand il
alloit hors cette ville-cy, a fin les lui rendre a son retour [je les
rendu.][691] De cette monnoye je pris premierement.
[691] Interlined.
For a sword belt, 22 pence.
To Jo. Nasmith for morning drinks, etc., 15 pence.
Of boull maill, 6 pence.
In W. Cunyghames at the Linktoun of Abbotshall, a groat.
To my Lord Abbotshall, and given by him to Tom Gairdner, 6 pence.
For a quart of win in Mr. George Ogilbies of Kirkcaldy, 40 pence.
To David Colyear, a groat.[692]
With Mr. Lundy, Minister at Dysert, and others, 33 shill.
To the beggers, 3 pence.
To Tom Gairdner, a groat.
To George Gairdner, 6 pence.
For 2 oranges, a groat.
For Lentuli Dubia Decisa, a dollar.
To the beggers at sundry tymes, 6 pence.
With Androw Young, halfe a mark.
With Rot. Campbell, apothecar., 6 pence.
To Hary Wood, Mr. W.R.'s man, 20 pence.
With Mr. Wm. Ramsay in James Haliburtons, 12 pence.
For my part of the dinner on Sunday at the West Kirk, 16 pence.
For a horne comb, 6 pence.
For Andrews morning drinks 19 dayes and some other things, 25 pence.
To Comisar Aikenhead's masons, a shilling.
[692] See note, p. 255.
Woila comment je depencay
ces cent marks pour quelles
je demeure debtour an
Monsieur Le Bois.[693]
[693] In margin: Cette monnoye lui est payé comment il apparoistra cy
dessous.
Then on the 13 of June 1674 my father and I compted, and we found I had
receaved all my annuities due præceeding Martinmas 1672, and that the last
money I got was 450 merks on the 20 of february last 1674, and which
compleited that quarter of my annuity which ran from Lambes 1672 till the
Martinmas theirafter; then we considered that I was owing him ane years
rent and maill of my house, viz. 20 pounds sterling from Whitsonday 1673
till Whitsonday last past in 1674 (all the former years maill being payed
to him, as is marked supra). Then we proposed the deduction of on of 6 of
the annuel rents imposed by the act of parliament made in 1672[694] for the
space of a year, viz., from Mertinmas 1672 till Mertinmas 1673, which tuo
particulars of the maill and the retention being deducted, viz., 20 lb.
sterling for a years maill being 240 lb. Scots or 360 merks being allowed
my father and 150 merks being retained by him as the deduction due off 900
merks, which is the halfe years annuity from Mertinmas 1672 till Whitsonday
1673, which tuo particulars makes 510 merks of my 900 merks; wheirupon
their rested to be given me of the said 900 merks 390 merks, which soume I
only receaved the forsaid 13 day of June in money and gave my father a
discharge of the haill 900 merks due to me by him as half a years annuity
from Mertinmas 1672 till Whitsonday 1673, bearing alwayes that deduction
was given him conforme to the act 1672, and in regard he seimed unwilling
to give me any discharge in writing of my house maill to be in my custody,
he shewed me in his minute book of receipt that he had marked he had such a
day got payed him by me 240 lb. Scots as a year maill of my house fra
Whitsonday 1673 till Whitsonday 1674, as also in another place wheir he hes
written doun the receipt from me of 480 lb. Scots as being 2 years maill of
my house, viz. from Whitsonday 1671, which was my entry, till Whitsonday
1673; and which memorandum is all I have for a discharge to show my
payment: only he affirmed their was no hazard in regard he was to name me
on of his executors with the rest of my brothers. But in regard
thesse 3 years I had possest I had never given him in any accompt of my
debursements on the said house, in glasse windows, broads or others, he
ordered me to give him in the compt theirof that he might pay it me.
[694] In granting a supply of 864,000 lbs. Scots to Charles II.,
assessed on the land rent according to the valuations, the
Parliament, 'considering it just that personall estates of money
should beir some proportion of the burden,' enacted 'that every
debtor owing money in the kingdom' should for one year, in payment
of their annual-rents (interest) for that year 'have reduction in
their own hands of one sixt pairt thereof,' and pay only the other
five parts. The legal rate of interest was six per cent.
To my wife, a dollar.
Given also to hir on the 18 of June 1674 to buy a
suite of french stripped hangings with, which
stood 10 pounds sterling in pairt of payment of
the same, 6 lb. sterling, 6 lb. sterl. or 110 mks.
At the well besyde Comiston, 24 pence.
For my horse hyre to Bervick, ij shill. ster.
To Mr. Duncan Forbes for doubling[695] my Lord Hadington's
reduction of Athelstanford, halfe a dollar.
Given to Comisar Monro for reading the bill about
the minister of Athelstanford's pershuit, a dollar.
For the post of a letter from S.A.R. of Waughton, 10 pence.
To Ja. Broun's lad for brushing my hat, 40 pennies.
Given in with Knocks bill to the Lo.s of Thesaury
for seing Skelmurlyes signator, a dollar.
To the woman who keiped my niece Mary Campbell, a dollar.
For raising and signeting the summonds of reduction
in my Lord Abotshall's name, against the
minister of Athelstanford, a dollar and a halfe.
Spent with James Carnegie, 21 pence.
With Mr. Wm. Morray and others, 20 pence.
For black mourning gloves, 28 pence.
Given to my wife, a dollar.
Given hir to pay the harne[696] with which she lined
hir hangings and for threid and cords to them, 6 rix dollars.
With Walter Pringle, a mark.
For a triple letter from S.A.R., 15 pence.
With Ja. Inglis and others, 4 pence.
With Mr. John Eleis, 16 pence.
[695] Copying.
[696] Coarse cloth.
Item, on the 10 of Julie 1674, payé a Monsieur Le Bois
treize thalers Imperiales in compleit payment de ces cent
marks, this being joyned to the dix thalers payé à lui in
the beginning of June last, 13 dollars.
Given to David Coilzear when he went out to the
Rendevous of the Eist Lothian militia regiment
to defray his charge their, halfe a croun.
At a collation with Sir David Falconer when I informed
him anent the reduction against the
minister of Athelstaneford, 4 lb. 4 shilling.
Given to my wife to pay for 40 load of coalls at
10 p. the load, and for other uses, 8 dollars.
For Ziegleri dissertationes de læsione ultra dimid.
de jure clavium, etc., 32 pence.
To Comisar Monro for calling and marking the
reduction against the minister of Athelstainfurd
on the 22 of July 1674, a dollar.
Item, the same day given to him for reading a bill
desiring our reduction might be considered and
tane in presently and to stop the said minister's
report in the menu tyme, a dollar.
Item, on the 23 of July 1674, given by my wife and
my selfe, at Mary Scot, my fathers serving woman,
hir pennie wedding, 2 dollars.
Item, to the fidlers, 6 pence.
The nixt money I spent was some 7 dollars given me in 3 sundrie
consultations as is marked besyde me in a paper apart.
With Merchinston at Dairymilnes, 2 shilings.
For the Empresse of Morocco, 18 pence.
For Shutles[697] Observations upon the said farce revised
against Dryden, 18 pence.
At Arthur Somervells, 10 pence.
Le 29 de Juillet 1674, je empruntée de Monsieur
le Bois cent marques en vingt et trois thalers
Imperiaux de quoy premierement.
[697] Settle's. See p. 288.
Donneé to William Stevinson, merchand, for compleiting
to him the price of my French hangings
which my wife bought from him at 10 lb. sterling,
and wheirof he receaved 6 lb. st. before on the
18 of June, as is marked. I say payed to him, 4 lb. sterling.
For my dinner on a sunday, 15 pence.
Spent at the fountaine, 20 pence.
Item, spent at Tom Hayes and elsewheir by my selfe, 16 pence.
On the 15 of August given to my wife to pay of hir
women Jonet Nicolsones fee when she went
away from hir, 6 dolars.
For Sir David Lindsayes poems, 7 pence.
For the Baron D'Isola his Buckler of state and justice, 28 pence.
For the Interest of the United Provinces being a
defence of the Zeelander choice rather to be
under England then France, 20 pence.
Item, given in of the change of that 300 lb. sent
me in from Patrick Lesly of my Lord Abbotshalls
rents, 2 pence.
To the penny wedding at Gogar, 29 pence.
On 3 botles of botle ale, 9 pence.
On the 31 of August 1674 given to Joan Chalmers
the midwife when my wife was brought to bed
of hir 4 child and 2'd sone, 6 rix dollars.
To David Coilzear for to put tuo shoes on the horse, a mark.
5 Septembre 1674 donnée et payé à Henry le Bois
an nom et sur le epistre de Monsieur Jean Du
Bois, son frere dix thalers Imperiaux et dequoy
ledit Hendry on'a donné une quitance, 10 rix dollars.
On the 17 of September 1674 payed to Mr. Archbald
Camron for registrating my sone Androws
name with some of the witnesses, a dollar.
On the 18 of Septr. payed for a new razor, 2 shillings.
Payed to Thomas Wilsone kirk thresurer because
my sone was not baptised the tyme of sermon, a rix dollar.
Payed for a collation I gave to S.G. Lockhart,
W. Murray, W. Pringle, etc., 8 lb. ij shill. Scots.
Item, payed to Edward Gilespie for a years maill
of my seat in the church, viz., from Whitsonday
1673 till Whitsonday last, and got his discharge
of it, 12 lb. Scots.
The nixt money I made use of was 287 merks I receaved on the 28 of
September 1674 from Thomas Robertsone, being a years annuel rent of the
principall summe of 5000 mks. owing by the said Thomas to me by bond, viz.,
from Lambes 1673 till Lambes last 1674 (which interest is indeed at 6 per
cent. 300 merks), but in regard by the act of parliament 1672 their was
deduction of on of 6 to be allowed for the quarter from Lambes to Martinmas
1673, theirfor 13 merks was abated of the full annuel rent upon
the said accompt, and I receaved only the forsaid 287 mks. and discharged
him of a years annuel rent including the deduction _per expressum_.
Item, on the 29 of September 1674, payed to John
Cheisley of Dalry, younger, in presence of his
brother James 29 lb. Scots in 10 rix dollars for
the maill of the 2 chambers I possest from him
in Brunsfield,[698] by the space of 4 moneths in the
last summer, 29 lb. Scots in 10 rix dollars.
Item, spent that 6 of October 1674, that I quite
Edenbrugh on the kings proclamation of banishment
against the debarred advocats, 29 pence.
[698] Summer quarters.
In October 1674 my wife counted with George Patersone, wright, who had
possest the low roume[699] of our house from Whitsonday 1673 till
Whitsonday last 1674, and thairupon was owing me 40 lb. Scots of maill, and
receaved in from him onlie 24 lb. Scots, the other 16 lb. being allowed him
for a compt of work furnished by him to us, and wheiron shee gave him up my
discharge to him of the wholle 40 lb. as a years maill of the said house.
This 24 lb. Scots was waired out and employed upon my house.
[699] Part of house sublet at 40 l. Scots.
On the 20 of January 1675 I receaved from my father 400 merks Scots, which
compleited all my annuityes due by him to me by vertue of my contract of
marriage preceeding Candlemas 1674, and I gave him a discharge accordingly:
for on the 13 of June last 1674 I discharged all preceiding Whitsonday 1673
(having only received from Mertinmas 1672 till Whitsonday 1673 for that
halfe years annuitie instead of 900 merks only 750 merks because of the
retention of on per cent.[700] by the act of parliament) and receaved then
100 mks. in part of payment of the halfe years annuity betuen Whitsonday
and Martinmas 1673.
[700] One per cent., i.e. on the capital sum of 30,000 merks for
which his father had given him a bond, bearing interest at the
legal rate of 6 per cent., equal to 1800 merks per annum. See
Note, p. 273.
On a butridge[701] to my hat, etc., 4 pence.
[701] A form of spelling buttress. See Murray's _New English
Dictionary_, s.v. Compare Jamieson, s. vv. Rig and Butt. It may
mean the lace or band tying up the fold of a cocked hat.
Item, on the 25 of Januar 1675 when I returned back to
Hadinton[702] I took with me 13 dollars, which keip't me till the 8 of
Februar theirafter. The particulars whow I spent and gave out the same is
in a compt apart beside me. On the forsaid 25 day of Januar I left behind
with my wife the remanent of the 400 merks I had receaved from my father,
taking of the foresaid 20 dollars, viz., 300 merks and 3 rix dollars. Of
which money on the 8 of february I find she hath debursed first a hundred
merks, item, fyve dollars more, so their is now only resting of the money I
left with hir about 190 merks.
[702] He had retired to Haddington when 'debarred.'
Out of the forsaid 100 merks and 5 dollars, I find shee had payed 38 lb.
Scots to Patrick Ramsay for 5 moneth and a halfes ale, furnished by him.
Item, on accounts in the creams[703] to John Nasmith, to the Baxters for
win, etc., above 20 lb. Scots. And the rest is given out upon other
necessar uses.
[703] Krames, the shops round St. Giles Church.
For S.G. Mck's[704] Observations on the act of p. 1621,
anent Bankrupts, 16 pence.
For binding the book of Cragie's collections and
some other papers, 4 shills. stg.
For fourbishing my sword and giving it a new
Scabbord, 4 shils. st.
For a candebec hat, 8 shils. st.
For 6 quarters of ribban to it, 9 pence.
On oranges, 6 pence.
For the share of my dinner in Leith, the race day, a dollar.
Item, for my part of the supper in Caddells when
the advocats all met togither, 4 lb. Scots.
[704] Sir George Mackenzie.
On the 16 of March 1675 I receaved from James Sutherland, thresaurer of the
good toune of Ed'r. 12 lb. sterling as a years pension or salary owing to
me by the good toune as their assessor, from Lambes 1673 till Lambes last
1674, wheirof and all years preceiding I gave him a discharge.
For the articles of war, 3 pence.
For halfe a pound of sweit pouder, 2 shils, sterl.
On the 20 of March 1675 I receaved from Andrew Young in name of my Lord
Abbotshall, 600 mks. Scots (their was 4 rix dollars of it ill money which
my Lord took in and promised to give me other 4 instead of them) wheirupon
I discharged the said A.Y. and Lord Abbotshall of the said summe of 600
merks in payment and satisfaction to me in the first place of 89 lb. 17s.
and 2 p. owing to me by the said L. Abotshall, as being payed out by me at
his direction and order in Aprill 1673 (sie it marked their) to Mary
Hamilton for 1200 merks, and hir papers being in Mr. John Sinclar minister
at Ormiston his hands, he alledged their was 89 lb. 17s. and 2 p. owing him
and would not give them up till he ware payed, wheirupon I at my Lord A's
and hir order gave his sone Mr. James 100 merks and 8 rix dollars and
retired them: item, for the remanent of the 600 mks. I accepted it in
satisfaction and partiall payment and contentation to me of the bygane
annuelrents (in so far as it would extend) of the principall summe of 5000
mks, yet resting by the said Lord Abbots: of 10,000 mks. of tocher
contained in my contract of marriage and which annuelrents ware all resting
owing to me from the terme of Lambes 1670, so that it will in compting pay
me a yeir and a halfes annuelrent, viz., from the said Lambes 1670 till
Candlemas 1672, and about 10 lb. Scots more in part of payment of the
termes annuelrent from Candlemas to Lambes 1672: so that I may reckon that
their is more then 3 years annuelrent of that principall summe of 5000
merks owing me, compting to the midle of this present moneth of March.
With Mr. W'm. Murray and Blackbarrony, 16 pence.
For my fraught to Bruntiland, 8 pence.
For my supper and breakfast at James Angus's their, 37 shill.
For 2 horses from thence to the Linkton, 16 pence.
To Jo. Nasmith to carry him over from Fyffe to Ed'r with, a mark.
To William Cunyghame's wife the tyme I staid at his house, 5 shills. st.
Item, for 8 elles of drogat at 16 pence per elle, 2 dollars.
In Jo. Blacks with Mr. A. M'cGill and Alexander Gay, 20 pence.
Item, on the 24 or 25 of March last spent by my
wife over and above the 48 lb. Scots, 8 rix dollars.
I left with hir to pay out all hir compts she or I ware owing,
and to bring over the plenishing, so that we ware owing nothing to any
person preceeding that tyme.
All which expenses being cast up they just make up and amount to 300 merks
and 19 rix dollars, to which adde the 4 rix dollars of the wholle 600 mks.
that ware not payed, their is spent 400 mks., and their rests behind 200
mks.
Out of which Imprimis:
On the 4 of May 1674 when I went to Ed'r., and
stayed their till the 14 of May, during all that
tyme spent according to the accompt of it particularly
set doune in another paper besyde me, 10 dollars.
Item, payed for a cow,[705] 34 lb. Scots.
Donné a ma femme et emprunté d'elle de Rot. Craw, a dollar.
Item, spent with Mr. Alex'r. McGil and Captain
Crawfurd in Kirkcaldy, 3 lb. ij shil. Scots.
Item, payed to the woman Mary[2] for hir years fie
when she went away on the 24 of May 1675, 8 rix dollars.
For seing the lionness and other beasts at Kirkcaldy, 12 pence.
Donné a ma femme, 29 pence.
Item, given hir more to pay the other woman's
fee,[706] 3 dollars and a halfe.
[705] Price of a cow.
[706] Apparently his maidservants.
Receaved from John Broun, elder, wool seller, 40 lb. Scots on the 12 of
June 1675, and that for a years maill of the low chamber and sellar possest
by him from me, viz., from Witsonday 1674 till Whitsonday last 1675, and
wheirof I gave him a discharge.
For 2 proclamations, 3 pence.
To Henry Mensen for cutting my hair, 30 shil.
For a quarter's payment with my man[707] begun on the
22 of June 1675 to the Master and doctor of Kirkcaldy
scooll for learning him to wryte better, to
read Latin, etc., 32 shilings Scots.
On the 19 of July 1675 given a la servante
Joannette Smith qui alloit avecque mon fils 100 merks
ainez a Londres par mer pour leur d'espences and 9 shill.
du voiage, six livres sterling, ings sterling.
Donné a la dite servante pour ellememe, a dollar.
To Mr. Tennent, skipper of the ship pour leur
fraughts,[708] 35 shillings sterling.
Spent at Kirkcaldy on Rhenish with Rot. Fothringhame
that day, 44 shilings.
Payed for fraught from Kingborne, 8 pence.
Spent with Sir Ja. Stainfeild and Sam. Moncreiff, 39 pence.
For the 3'd tome of Alciats Commentar on the Digests, 48 pence.
For the Governement of the tongue, 12 pence.
For botle aill, 4 pence.
For a solen goose, 29 pence.
Upon a mutskin of seck with Raploch and Camnetham, 10 pence.
For 4 fraughts from Leith to Kingb., 16 pence.
[707] His clerk.
[708] Cost of passage to London.
In the beginning of July 1675, their being a convention of the burrows to
meet at Glasgow, and I finding their was tuo years pension then owing by
them to me as their assessor, I gave W'm. Broun their agent alongs with him
a discharge of the said 2 years pension under trust and upon this
consideration that if neid ware he might make use of it for facilitating
the passing of his accompts as to that article. In the said meiting and
convention they ordered and warranded him to pay all the arrears of my said
pension. At his returne back I still suffered the said discharge to remaine
in his custody, and in regard I was owing to Thomas Broun, stationer, 84
lb. Scots or 7 lb. sterling for the price and binding of Prosperi Farinacij
Jurisconsulti opera omnia, 9 volumes in folio which I had bought from him,
... I assigned the said Thomas Broun over with his oune consent to William
Broun for the said summe of 7 lb. sterling, wheiron Thomas B. gave me on
the 23 of July a discharge of the price of the said books, and William B.
became oblidged to pay him the said summe, and he was to be allowed it in
the foirend of the accompt betuixt him and me.
Upon sweities to be tane to my brother George at Idington, a mark.
For a horse hyre from Hadington to Idington, a dollar.
To obtaine the copie of the king's letter reponing
S.A.R.[709] to the Secret Councell, 6 pence.
[709] Sir A. Ramsay.
Then on the ij of August 1675 I was repayed the 2 rix dollars I had given
out in the end of July last pour Monsieur Le Bois presse[710] which I gave
a ma femme.
[710] Query for pressé.
Item, on the 13 of August 1675 Monsieur de la Cloche m'a repayé les douze
thalers Imperiaux qu'il a empruntée de moy (as vous verrez ci devant on the
28 of fevrier 1674) and I gave them to my wife.
The rest of my accompts of depursements given out by me since the 14 of
August 1675 are to be found in another book like unto this.
APPENDIX II
A CATALOGUE OF MY BOOKS I BOUGHT SINCE 1667
Since my returne to Scotland from travelling, which was on the 9 of
November 1667, I have got or bought the following books. As for the books I
had ather before my parture or which I acquired and bought in forraine
parts, I have a full and perfit Catalogue of them in my litle black-skinned
book, and now I have two large Catalogues of them all.
Imprimis,
Brossoei Remissiones ad Corpus Glossatum,
from Rot Broun, 10 shilings sterl.
Vinnius ad Peckium de re nautica, 4 shil's st.
Loccenius de Jure maritimo, 2 shi's st.
Corpus Juris Civ. van Leuven, in 2 folios gifted
me by Bailzie Calderwood.
Mathematicall Magick, given me by my unckle Andrew Lauder.
S.G. M'ckeinzies Solitude præferred, etc., given me by my father.
4 volumina Mascardi de probationibus, bound in
2 folios, from Thomas Broune, ij dollars.
Montholon's plaidoiz, 18 pence.
Received from Mr. James Ainsley,
De in Consilia and Jason in Codicem, for which I gave him in
exchange,
Melchioris Cani Loci Theologici,
Gaspar Pencerus de Divinationibus,
Elliot's method of the French tongue,
Manasseh ben Israel de termino vitæ,
Bayri enchiridion,
Densingius de Peste,
Bodechevi poemata, and
Jacobi Hantini angelus custos, in all 8 old books in 8'ro and 12.
Guillim's Herauldry illuminat, got from Sir A. Ramsay, my brother
in law. Receaved also from him,
Bacon upon the union of Scotland and England.
Receaved in Alex'r Hamilton's in the Linkton of Abotshall,
Henricii Institutiones Medicæ.
Heylin's Cosmographie, best edition, 22 shil's st. and 6 pence.
For a great Bible of Andrew Hart's edition, 16 shil. stg. & 4 pence.
For Broun's Vulgar errors, 6 shils. 6 pence.
Present state of England, 1 vol., 30 pence.
Morall state of England, 24 pence.
Acts of the Generall Assembly, 1643, received from Bailzie Calderwood.
The reschinded acts of parliament, 1646, 1647, 1648, with other papers
theirto relating receaved from Collonell Ramsay, which with the rest
of thesse acts which I had beside me, made up a compleit volume of the
haill reschinded parliaments from 1640 till 1650 (except only the acts
of the parl. held in June 1640, which I have since that tyme purchast
a part and the acts of the parliament held in 1650 which I can no
wheir come by), all which reschinded acts togither with thesse of the
parliament 1633, which are not reschinded, I caused bind togither in
on book and payed for the binding 30 pence.
The Acts of the Generall Assembly, 1638, 24 pence.
Papon's arrests of parliament, a dollar.
Corpus Glossatum Canonicum, 2 tomes in folio, of the
[I have now got the 3d as is marked infra, so that
I have it now entire[711]] 3, wheirof it consists,
for which I gave 3 dollars.
and Henricij Institutiones Medicinæ, to on Mr. Chrystie.
[711] Interlined.
Receaved from Mr. Alex'r Seaton of Pitmedden,
Criminalia Angeli de Aretino,
Albertus de Gandino and Hippolytus de Marsiliis super eadem
materia, all in on volume in the gothick letter;
for which I gave him in exchange Alstedii encyclopaedia.
Present state of England, 2d vol., 3 sh's st.
Midleton and Rothesses acts of parliament in 1661, 1662
and 1663 received from Mr. C. Wardlaw.
Knox's Cronicle of Scotland, 8 shils. st.
Navarri manuale confessariorum, 26 pence.
A collection of the English laws, a dollar.
Polyd. Virgilij Historia Angliæ, a dollar.
Zosimus, Procopius, Agathias, etc., their Histories
in on volume, a dollar.
Wimesii theses and other miscellanies in with it, a shilling.
Thir 5 or six last books I bought from J. Nicoll,
Janitor of the Colledge, in May 1671.
Receaved from the provest S.A. Ramsay,
S. Colvill's mock poem of the whigs, 1 volume, a Reflection on
Monsieur Arnauld's book against Claud.
The English act of parliament laying are imposition upon all law suits.
Patavius his accompt of tymes.
See infra I got Ramsey's astrologie.
3 Tomes in 8'ro of Bellarmines.
Controversies in religion, from the Janitor, a dollar.
The cause of the contempt of the Clergie and
ane answer to it, 18 pence.
S.G. Mckeinzie's morall gallantry, 2 shils.
Acts of parliament in June 1649, 34 pence.
Doolitle on the Lord's supper, a mark.
St. Augustines confessions, 3 shils. st.
His de Civitate Dei, 4 shils. st.
Plinii panegyricus in Trajanum, a mark.
The act about the taxation imposed in the convention 1665, 4 pence.
The Clergie's vindication from Ignorance to
Poverty. Item, some Observations on the
Answer made to the Contempt of the Clergie,
bought on the 1 of febr. 1672, both stood me, 30 pence.
A Collection of English proverbs, 2 mark.
Indian Emperor, a comedy, 20 pence.
Cromwell's acts of parliament in 1656, 3 shils. st.
Dryden's Annus Mirabilis, 8 pence.
Auctores linguæ Latinæ, 40 pence.
Warro, Festus, Marcellus, Isidorus, etc.
Covenanters plea against absolvers, a shilling.
The Informations anent the firing of London in 1666, 6 pence.
Gilbert Burnet's letter to the author of Jus Populi, 3 pence.
Marciano, a comoedy, 6 pence.
A Treatise against the common received tenents
anent Witchcraft, 8 pence.
For the Seasonable case and a survey of Naphtali, 4 shils. st.
For Milton's traittee anent Marriages and their
nullities, 20 pence.
For Baker's Cronicle of England, last edition,
and Blunt's animadversions theiron,
both stood me, 21 shillings sterling.
Taylor's cases of Conscience, or
Ductor Dubitintium, 22 shilings sterling.
Petrie's Church Historie, 15 shili's sterl.
Plinius 2'di Epistolæ cum notis variorum, 6 shill's ster.
Cromwell's proclamations and acts of councell
from 1653 til 1654, 4 shil's st.
Tryrannick love and the Impertinents, 2 Comoedies, 40 pence.
Reflections on the eloquence of this tyme, 18 pence.
The mysterie of Iniquitie unvailled by G. Burnet, 9 pence.
Ane Answer to Salmasius his defensio Regia by
Peter English, 7 pence.
A Relation of the fight in 1665 betwixt the Dutch
and English and ane answer of our comissioners
to England in 1647; both of them, 4 pence.
Argentræi Commentarii ad consuetudines Brittaniæ, 9 shil's st.
Peleus his Quæstiones illustres and arrests of
parliament, 6 shill's sterling.
The History and Life of the Duke D'Espernon, 15 shi's ster.
4 volumes of English pamphlets, most of them
upon the late troubles in Britain, 15 shils. sterling.
For the English Liturgie or book of common prayer, 5 shillings.
Mr. G. Sinclares Hydrostaticks, given me by Mr.
James Fawsyde in Cokenie,
Baronius annalls compendized in two tomes, 3 shills. st.
Summa Conciliorum et Pontificum per Carranzam 2 shil. st.
Maximi Tyrii sermones, a shilling.
Benzonis Historia novi orbis seu Americæ, a shilling.
Dansæi Antiquitates mundi Antediluviani, a shilling.
Demosthenes orationes olynthicæ Græce et Latine, 6 pence.
Bucholzeri Index cronologicus, 3 shil's st.
Apulei Madaurensis opera omnia, 6 pence.
S.G. Mckeinzie's plaidings, 3 shil's st.
Acts of the session of parlia' held in 1652, 27 pence.
The New art of wying vanity against Mr. George Sinclars 15 pence.
Hydrostaticks bought in Dec'r 1657.
The Tempest, a Comoedie, 16 pence.
The Dutch Usurpation, 6 pence.
The Interest of England in the present war with Holland, 5 pence.
The Dutch Remonstrance against the 2 De Wittes, 4 pence.
The Lives of Arminius and Episcopius, 18 pence.
The Way of exercising the French Infantrie, 3 pence.
Moonshine or ane Answer to Doctor Wild's
Poetica Licentia, 6 pence.
Windiciae libertatis evangelii, 4 pence.
The persecutions of the reformed churches of France, 4 pence.
Rushworth's Collections, 23 shil's ster.
The Civill wars of Great Britian till 1600, 4 mark.
Charron upon Wisdome, 5 shill's 10 pence.
Manchester al mondo, a mark.
G. Burnet's Reply and 4 Conferences against the
answerer, 3 shil. st.
Walwood's maritime laws, given me by the provest Sir A. Ramsay.
My Lord Foord's practiques, given me by the aird of Idingtoun.
Thomas the Rymer's Prophecies, 4 pence.
Reusneri Symbola Imperatoria, 18 pence.
6 particular carts of shires in Scotland, 5 shil. st.
For the Grand Impostor discovered, payed to
Samuel Colvill, 3 dollars.
Roma Restituta gifted me by Mr. Thomas Bell.
Thir which follow ware all bought from Thomas
Broun in August 1673.
A new help to discourse, 20 pence.
Evelin for publick employment against S.G. Mckeinzie, 9 pence.
The Gentleman's calling, a shilling.
[The Guide to all Gentlewomen, 2 marks.[712]]
The Colledge of foolls, 3 pence.
Douning's Vindication against the Hollanders, 16 pence.
Le Tombeau des controverses, 7 pence.
4 Comoedies, viz.: Love in a Nunnery, Marriage
a la mode, Epsom-Wells and Mcbeth's
tragedy, at 16 pence the peice, 5 shilings and a groat.
[712] Erased in MS.
Upon the 9 of September 1673 I bought from
Thomas Broun thir 8 following,
Imprimis,
Howell's Letters, 5 shillings st.
Every man his oune Doctor, 2 shillings.
The Mercury Gallant, 2 shillings.
The Journall of the French their war with
Holland in 1672, 2 shilings.
The Rehearsall transprosed, 18 pence.
The Transproser rehears't, 18 pence.
Stub's Justification of the Dutch war, 4 mark.
The Present State of Holland, 34 shillings.
Temple's Observations on the Dutch, 35 shilings.
Memoires of Q. Margret of France, 16 pence.
Loydes warning to a carles world, 15 pence.
M.A. Antoninus Meditations upon himselfe, 30 pence.
For Gregory Grey beard, 30 pence.
For the Education of Gentry, 33 shiling.
For Lucas Speach, the Comons their addresses,
and the relation of the ingadgements of the
fleets 1673, 14 pence.
For Parker's reprooff to the Rehearsall
transprosed, 6 shillings sterling.
For the Rehearsall transprosed, 2d part, 28 shiling.
For Ferguson against Parker about Grace and
Morall vertue, 32 shilings.
For the Art of Complaisance, 16 pence.
For Gudelinus & Zoesius de Feudis, 29 pence.
For the pamphlet against the Quakers called the
Spirit of the Hat, 6 pence.
A Discourse on the fischerie, 6 pence.
The Book of rates used in the sin custome house
of Rome, 9 pence.
Les Exceptions et defences de Droit.
Formulaire des Advocats, both thir receaved
from G.T.[713] of Touch.
[713] Thomson. See p. 196.
Cyriaci Lentuli Dubia decisa, a dollar.
Ziegleri dissertationes de læsione ultra dimidium,
de juribus clavium.
Commerciorum monopoliorum, etc.
Epicteti Enchiridion et tabula cebetis, 32 pence.
For the Notes and Observations on the Empresse
of Morocco revised, 18 pence.
in behalfe of Sir Elcanah Setle.
For Sir David Lindsaye's poems, 7 pence.
For the Baron D'Isola's buckler of state and justice, 28 pence.
For the Interest of the United Provinces and a
defence of the Zelanders choyce to submit
rather to England, 20 pence.
For the Empresse of Mororco, a farce, 18 pence.
The Honest Lawyer, a comedy, and the office of
general remembrance, got them from Idington
in Nov'r. 1674.
The Acts of the Assembly, 1648.
Ægidius Bard in his Methodus Juris Civilis,
from Edington.
Les Effects pernicieux des meschans favoris par Balthazar Gerbier.
Glanvil's way to Happines, 10 pence.
The Bischop of Sarisburies animadversions on an
Arminian book intitled God's love to mankind.
Joannis a Sande decisiones Frisicæ, given me by Pitmedden.
The Statute Law of England from Magna Carta to
the year 1640. Collected by Ferdinando Pulton.
The first part of Litleton's Instituts of the Law
of England, with S. Edw. Coke's commentarie,
both receaved from Mr. James Lauder,
shireff clerk of Hadington.
S.G. Mckeinzie's Observations on the Statute of
Parliament 1621 against Banckrupts, etc., 16 pence.
For binding the book of Craigie's collections and
sundry other papers, 4 shil. s. et.
The English Physitians freindly pill.
Metamorphosis Anglorum, being ane accompt of
the state affairs in England from Cromvell's death till 1660.
Memoires de Philippe de Comines in French,
j'ay les aussi en Latin chez moy.
The Ladies calling, given me by my father.
Wossii Elementa Rhetorica, 2 pence.
Reginæ palatium eloquentiæ a patribus Jesuitis
compositum constructum, ij shillings sterligs.
For the 3d tome of Alciat's commentar upon the
Digests, 4 shillings sterling.
Payed to Thomas Broun conforme to his discharge
for Prosperi Favinacii Jurisconsulti opera omnia,
in 9 volumes in folio, 84 lb. Scots, or 7 lb. sterling.
and which books I have gifted to the Libraire of
Edenbrugh in June 1675, and upon every on of the
volumes, as also in their publisht Register of gifts,
bestowed on the bibliotheque il a pleu a Messieurs
les Regens de cette université de me donner le
tesmoignage qui s'en suit dequoy je ne suis pas
aucunement digne.
Vir summa laude præditus
Magister Joannes Lauderus.
(Joannis prætoris urbani filius de Academia cum primis meriti cuius
Quæsturam agens temporibus difficillimis ejusdem res reditus que Anglorum
injuria periclitantes fide sua ac diligentia vendicavit conservavit
ordinavit amplificavit posteris que florentes tradidit.)
Juris civilis haud vulgariter peritus ejusdemque in causis publice agendis
consultus, civitatis hujus amplæ assessor, postquam Academiam suis studiis
ornaverat hune librum cum octo fratribus Bibliothecæ donavit. Anno Domini
1675.
Upon the forsaid bargain with Thomas Broun anent Favinacius (because he had
great benefit) he gave me in
Protegredivibus or the art of wheedling and insinuation, worth 2 and
6 pence or 3 shillings sterling.
Item, Despauter's grammer worth, 12 pence.
For the Governement of the tongue, by the author
of the Gentleman's calling, 12 pence.
The Causes of the decay of Christian Piety, by
the same author.
Item, his Wholle duety of man.
Item, his Art of contentment 12 pence.
New jests or witty Reparties.
Joannes Voet de Jure Militari, 18 pence.
The thrid tome of the Corpus Canonicum
Glossatum, containing the 6'tus Decretalium
Clementines et extravagantes communes, 8 shillings sterling.
and which 3'd volume I still before wanted,
having only the 2 first tomes of it.
For Joannis Tesmari exercitationes Rhetoricae, 4 marks.
De Prades Histoire de France from Pharamond
till 1669 in 3 small 8'vos with pictures, 2 dollars.
Hermannus Vulteius de Feudis, 4 shill. 8. ster.
[Sidenote: I have now got the rest of his works, which see infra folio 7't
after this.]
Nicolai Abbatis Siculi Panor mi tani, his great glosse upon the
Decretales Gregorii from the 25't title of the 2'd book, viz., de
exceptionibus to the end of the haill 5 books of the Decretales, so
that I want the volume before containing his glosse on the 1 book of
the Decretals and the 2'd till the said 25 title, and the volume after
myne upon the 6'tus Decretalium Clementines et extravagants; his
wholle glosse consisting of 3 great folios; for he hes written nothing
on the Decretum Gratiani: this broken tome m'a été donné par
Pitmedden.
Upon a review I made of my wholle library in Octobre 1675 I found sundrie
books ware nather in this catalogue which containes all them I bought or
acquired since my returne to Scotland from my travells, nor yet in that
other Catalogue and list in the litle black-skinned book containing all
them I had bought or got formerly ather at home or abroad: and theirfor I
gathered their names togither so many of them as I could remember on and
wrot them upon 4 or 5 sydes of paper and shewed[714] it in at the end of my
Inventar and Catalogue in the forsaid black-skinned writ book; ubi illud
vide.
[714] Sewed. Sew is still pronounced like 'shoe' in Lowland Scots.
Receaved from Pitmedden,
Dynus ad Regulas Juris Canonici et Decius ad Regulas Juris Civilis, in
exchange for my Ludovicus Gomez Commentarij ad Regulas Cancellariae
Apostolicae et utriusque signaturae [of which I have bought another in
October 1679.][715]
[715] Interlined.
Ratio reconcinnandi juris civil, 8 pence.
On the 1 of Novembre 1675 bought from on William Broun, a dragist,
the following books, being in number 23,
Imprimis, Stoboei Sententiae Groecolat: 5 shillings and 6 pence.
Ammirati politica ad Tacitum, 40 pence.
Cypriani Censura Belgica, 56 pence.
Autumni Censura Gallica, 29 pence.
Bouritij Judex Advocatus et Captivus, 42 pence.
Mynsingeri Observationes, 29 pence.
Gudelinus de jure novissimo, 20 pence.
Cujacij Observationum libri 28, 24 pence.
Oldendorpij Classes Actionum, 24 pence.
Rolandini Ars Notariatus, etc., 22 pence.
Tuldeni Jurisprudent. extemporat. 22 pence.
Aegidij Bossij Criminalia, 22 pence.
Mindanus[716] de Continentia Causarum, 12 pence.
Costatij adversaria ad digesta, 29 pence.
Keckermauni Rhetorica, 20 pence.
Dieterici Institutiones Rhetorica, 9 pence.
Carpentarij Introductio Rhetorica, 6 pence.
Faber de Variis nummariorium debitorum solutionibus, 9 pence.
Herculanus de probanda negativa, 9 pence.
Epistolae Synesij Episcopi Gr. Lat., 6 pence.
Bouritij Satyricon in Saeculi mores, 6 pence.
Virtus vindicata seu satyra, 6 pence.
[23][717] Rhodolphinus de absoluta principis potestate, 6 pence.
[716] Mindanus, Petrus Friderus.
[717] Interlined.
From His[718] shop bought,
[718] i.e. Broun's.
Blunts Academy of Eloquence or his Rhetorick, 15 pence.
Clarks formulae Oratoriae, 15 pence.
Item from the said William Broun on the 6 of November 1675,
Imprimis, Matthias Stephani de officio judicis, 42 pence.
Benevenutus stracca de mercatura, etc., 29 pence.
Langij loci communes seu Anthologia, 42 pence.
Spankemij dubia Evangelica, 2 tomes,. 7 lib. 10s.
Mindanus de Mandatis, 18 pence.
Macrobij Saturnalia et alia opera, 10 pence.
Bertrandus de jurisperitorum vitis, 24 pence.
Farnabij judex Rhetoricus, 13 pence.
Cypriani Regneri Censura Belgica juris canonici, 3 shills. sterl.
For Platonis opera omnia 3 tomes, 6 shills. sterl.
For a book containing some sermons of Mr.
William Struthers anent true happines; item
a defensative against the poyson of supposed
prophecies, Peters complaint, etc., 2 merks.
The first three parts of the famed romance Cleopatra.
11 or 12 litle paper books all wrytten with my oune hand
on miscellany subjects anno 1675 besydes many things
then wryt be me in other books and papers.
Reiffenbergij Orationes politicae, etc., 15 pence.
Memoires of the reigne of Lowis the 14 of France.
Doctorum aliquot virorum vivae effigies
ad numerum 38, 3 shillings sterl.
Luciani opera quae extant omnia gifted me by my client
Mr. Patrick Hamilton of Dalserf. I had some of his
Dialogues by themselfes in a book apart of before.
For a treatise of maritime affairs, 5 shillings and 6 pence.
The case of the bankers and their creditors stated
and examined, 2 shills. sterl.
Shaftesbury and Buckinghames Speeches in October and
November 1675 with the letter to a friend about the
test against dissenters from the Church, 3 shill. and 6 pence.
For Robertj Baillij opus historicum, 4 shillings and 6 pence.
For Le Grands Man without passion or wise stoick, 28 pence.
For William Pens lnglands interest discovered
with honor to the prince, 12 pence.
For a treatise of human reason, 8 pence.
For observations upon it, 8 pence.
Vide Hobs infra in 1680.
Gassendi Exercitationes adversus Aristoteleos, item de
vita et moribus Epicuri, item L'Aunoy de varia
Aristotelis fortuna in Academia Parisiensi, all
bound togither, stood me, 3 shills. sterl.
Kirkwoods Grammatica Latina, 8 pence.
Mitchells Answer to Barclay the Quakers angrie pamphlet, 11 pence.
Chevreau's Mirror of fortune, 28 pence.
John Bona's Guide to Aeternity, 20 pence.
A Rebuke to informers and a plea for nonconformists
and their meitings, a shilling.
A. Couleys poemes and works, 13 shil. ster.
Boyls Seraphick love, 18 pence.
Item, his Excellency of theology above Naturall Philosophy, 30 pence.
His Considerationes concerning the stile of the
Scriptures, 24 pence.
Thir four last bought at London by my brother Colin in May 1676.
The Naked Truth, 2 shillings ster.
The Answer to it, 2 shillings ster.
Vide in the other leiff another answer to it.
Additiones Joannis Baptistae hodierna ad Petri Surdi Decisiones
Mantuanas, gifted me in June 1676 by Mr. William Hendersone
bibliothecar in the Colledge of Edenbrugh.
Lesly Bischop of Rosse de rebus gestis Scotorum, 10 shillings sterling.
The Conference betuixt Archbischop Laud and Fischer the Jesuite
gifted me by the Lord Abotshall.
Ane book of stiles in Octavo.
Fullers History of the Holy War, 7 shillings sterling.
Caves primitive Christianity, 5 shills. and 6 pence.
Dutchesse of Mazarina Memoires, 12 pence.
Durhame on the 10 commands, 2 shillings.
Skinners Lexicon Ætymologicum Auglicanæ
linguæ, etc., 17 shillings sterling.
Le Notaire parfait, 12 pence.
Pierre Matthieu's 1st tome de L'Histoire de
France, I having the 2nd tome long before, 8 pence.
Plethonis et aliorum tractatus de vita et morte, 8 pence.
Judge Standfords plees del couronne and King's
prærogative, 8 pence.
For all the Acts of the Generall Assemblies from
1639 till 1648, 3 shillings st.
For Regiam Majestatem in Latin with Skeens
learned annotationes, 5 shills. ster.
For Mangilius de Evictionibus, 5 shills. st.
For Gildas Britannicus Epistola, 12 pence.
For Mr. Hugh Binnings wholle works in 4
volumes, being a practicall catechisme and sermons, a dollar.
For Drydens Notes on the Empresse of Morocco.
I have Setles answers and revieu of them
_supra,_ 15 pence.
For the Siege of Granada in 2 parts, a comedy of
Drydens, 3 shills. sterl.
For the Libertin, a comædie, 15 pence.
Menagij Amoenitates juris, 16 pence.
Scipionis Gentilis parerga origines de jure
publico, cum Coleri parergis, 16 pence.
For the rules of Civility, 15 pence.
For Hugo Grotius his Annotata Critica ad Vetus
et novum testamentum in 6 volumes, 20 dollars.
in folio from Thomas Broun in December
1676 (Vide infra. I gift them in Januar 1683).
For Herberts Life of Henry the 8th of England, 40 pence.
For Senecæ Tragoediæ cum notis Faruabij, 12 pence.
Lord Bacons History of Henry the 7 of England gifted me by
the Lord Abotshall. As also gifted to me by him on the 2d
of March 1677 Euclids Geometry with Mr. Jo. Dees learned
præface; and item gifted Ramseys Astrologia restaurata et
munda with a vindication of it and rules for electing the
tymes for all manner of works; item gifted me Lex Talionis
being another answer made by Mr. Gunning or Mr. Fell
to The Naked Truth, which see in the praeceeding leiff.
For Daillees Right use of the Fathers, 4 shillings sterling.
Baxters Grotian Religion discovered, 6 pence.
Les Diverses leçons de Pierre Mexie et D'Antoine du Verdier.
The pacquet of advices to the meu of Shaftsbury
in answer to his letter to a friend, supra, 9 pence.
Lukins cheiff interest of man, 6 pence.
Mr. Smirk or Divine a la mode, being a reply to the
animadversions on the Naked Truth mention'd in this
and in the former leiff, 2 mark.
Adam and Eve or the State of innocence, ane opera of Drydens, 18 pence.
For The Plain Dealer, a comedy, 18 pence.
The Toune Fop or Sir Timothy, etc., 18 pence.
Received in June 1677 from Mr. James Lauder in name of Mistris Ker in
Hadington.
Francisci Connani Commentarius Juris Civilis in two volumes in folio. I
had the first tome already, having bought it at Parise. Farder
received from hir.
Hottomanni partitiones juris et juris consultus
and some other of his small tracts.
Item, Lanfranci Balbi Decisionum et Observationum centuriae 5.
The life of Pomponius Atticus, etc., 30 pence.
A Guide to heaven from the world, 6 pence.
For The 2'd pacquet of Advices to the men of
Shaftsburie, 2 shills. sterl.
For Madame Fickle a comoedy, 18 pence.
For Johnstons History of King James the 6'th minority, 12 pence.
Midletons Appendix to the Scots Church Historie, etc., 2 shills: sterl.
Burnets Memoires of the 2 Dukes of Hamilton
from 1625 18 shillings sterling.
Doctor Hamonds Annotations on the New Testament, 18 lib. Scot.
Steelingfleets Origines Sacrae, 7 shills. sterl.
Glanvills Philosophicall Essayes, 4 shills. 6 pence.
The Art of Speaking, 30 pence.
Thir last 5 I bought from Thomas Broun on the 15 of September 1677.
Sir George McKeinzies Criminalls, 4 Lb. Scots.
The following books to the number of 13.
15 I receaved from my Lord Abotshall in October 1677, because he had
doubles of them as we inventar'd his books, some of them I had myselfe
already.
Imprimis, a Latin and French bible in folio.
2. The Review of the councell of Trent.
3. Bacon's resuscitatio 2'd part.
[4. Swinnock's Christian Man's calling.][719]
given back to the Librarie.
5. Rosinus Romanae Antiquitates.
6. Goodwyns Moyses and Aaron.
[7. Ja. Colvill's Grand Impostor discovered.][719]
having another I gave this to Mr. Alexr. Drummond
8. Sympson's compend of the ten persecutions.
9. Brinsley's Ludus literarius.
10. Hooll's grammatica Latino Anglica.
11. Acts of parliament in 1669.
12. Milton's Paradise Lost
13. Hudibras mock poem.
14. Caesars commentaries in English.
15. Arcandam upon the constellations.
16. Adam out of Eden on planting.
[719] Erased in MS.
A mesme temps je empruntée l'usage de ces sept livres suivans de lui pour
les rendre quand il les demandoit.
Imprimis Rutherfuird's Lex Rex.
2. Wiseman's law of laws, etc.
3. The accomplish't Atturney.
4. Natalis comitis mythologiae.
5. Stephanus praeparative to his apologie for Herodote.
6. Imagines mortis et medicina animae.
7. Dom Huarto's triall of wits.
The 3 following French books ware about that same tyme gifted me by Rot.
Keith of Craig.
Imprimis, Mr. Wicquefort's Memoires touchant ambassadeurs et les
ministres publiques.
2. Histoire de la Reyne Christine de Suede.
3. Lettre sur la campaigne en Flandre, 1677.
For the art to make love, 12 pence.
For the countermine against the presb., 3 shils. stg.
From John Nicol bought on the 18 Dec'ris 1677
the 6 following books.
Bodinus de daemonomania majorum, 2 marks.
Hall's Cases of Conscience, 14 pence.
Walker against Socinianisme, 12 pence.
Juvenalis et Persius cum notis Farnab., 10 pence.
Sylvestri summa summarum, 2 dollars.
Scapulæ Lexicon Græco-Latinum, 2 dollars.
Drusius de tribus-sectis Judeorum, 20 pence.
Item, the book of fortune, 20 pence.
Vincent on Christ's Appearance at the Day of Judgement, ij pence.
Antonii Mornacii observationes ad pandectas et
ad Codicem, in 3 tomes in folio, at 22 shillings
sterl. the tome, 40 lb. Scots.
Gerardus Joan: Wossius de Historicis Latinis, 4 lb. Scots.
Christophori Sandii animadversiones in istum
Vosii librum, 12 pence.
For Divi Thomæ Aquinatis summa Theologica, 16 shillings stering.
For Wallis Due correction of Hobs geometrie, 8 pence.
Lipsius Notes on Tacitus, 4 pence.
Dominici Baudii epistolæ et orationes, 34 pence.
Elberti Leonini consilia, a dollar.
About the 19 of Aprill 1678, receaved from Abotshall a manuscript
containing a most elegant summary and collection of sundry remarkable
things from the 7 tomes of St. Augustins works.
A meme temps je emprunté de lui les livres suivans: 2 manuscripts in Latin
de Decimis, contra Erastianos, Independentes, de politia civili et
ecclesiastica, de controversiis theologicis, etc., of Mr. Andrew Ramsayes:
but now I have given him thir back:
Rosse's Pansebeia or view of all Religions.
Grotii de imperio summarum potestatum circa sacra.
Florus Historie cum Lucii Ampelii memoriali.
Catonis Disticha et Mimi Publiani by Hoole.
Bought the 15 of Aprill 1678 from Mr. Charles Lumsdean thir six books,
Imprimis,
Andrew Willet's Hexapla upon Exodus and Leviticus.
2 volumes in folio, 12 shillings sterling.
vide infra in 1679 and Aprill 1684. 6 shillings
sterling each volume.
Jermynes commentarie and meditations on the
book of Proverbs, 6 shils. stg.
Rosse's arcana microcosmi with a refutation of
Bacon, Harvey, Broun, etc., 12 pence.
The right of dominion, property, liberty, 10 pence.
Mr. R. Baillie's antidote agt Arminianisme, 4 pence.
Heraclitus Christianus, or the man of sorrow 12 pence.
Lo. Hatton on Status and acts of parlia', 12 pence.
Kirkwodi compendium Rhetorircæ, 2 pence.
Godolphin upon legacies, last wills and devises, 6 shills. ster.
Salernitana schola de conservanda bona
valetudine, 2 shillings and 6 pence.
Juvenalls Satyrca Englished by Stapylton, 2 mark and a halfe.
The Fulfilling of the Scriptures.
From Abotshall: ...[720] [Greek: kaina kai palaia]: Things new and old, or
a storehouse of similes, sentences, allegories, etc., by John Spencer.
[720] Word undeciphered.
Item, receaved Drummond's History of the lives of the 5 James's,
Kings of Scotland, with memorialls of state.
Item, Wilson's art of Rhetorique and art of Logick.
Item, l'Estat de l'Eglise by Jean de Hainault and Jean Crespin, they
being 4 books in number which at this tyme j'ay recu de Abotshall.
Fur a manuscript containing some law dictats of the professors at
Poictiers and Bourge en Berry annis 1611 and 1612, 12 pence.
For Masuerii practica forensis with Montis Albani
exceptiones, 12 pence.
Quintini Hedui Analecta juris ad Titul. Decretal
de verborum significatione, 12 pence.
For Jacobi de Voragine legenda aurea seu Vitæ
sanctorum, ij pence.
Ecloga Oxonio-Cantabrigiensis; being a Catalogue
of all the manuscripts in thesse 2 universities, ij pence.
Mr. D. Dickson's Therapeutica sacra.
The Christian education of children, 36 pence.
Gifted me by Mr. Wm. Henderson:
Bibliothecar of Ed'r, H. Cardani arcana politica seu de prudentia civili.
Gotten from Mr. Wm. Dundas Wisseinbachii
Manuale de verborum signifcatione, item, Nota nomico-philologica in
passionem Christi.
Annibal Trabrotus his enarrationes ad Cuiacij paratitla
in libros tres prinres Codicis, a mark.
For A.S. Boetius de Consolatione philosophiæ
et disciplina scholastica, 6 pence.
Gifted to me by Mr. John Craig of Ramorney, advocat, on the
16 of November 1678, Davila's Historie of the civill wars
of France.
Leidington's practiques and some other papers bound togither by me
at this time.
Tbe Christians Patterne or A Kempis Imitation
of Christ, 12 pence.
For tuo volumes of Panormitans commentary upon the
decretales, which compleits what I had of him before.
Item, for Giuidonis Papae decisiones parlamenti
Grationapolitanæ and Lipsius de constantia,
in all 4 books, 6 shillings sterling.
For Lucas de Penna ad tres posteriores libros codicis, 40 pence.
For Joannis Amos Comenii janua linguarum in
Greek; Latin and English, 18 pence.
I have another in Latin, French, and Dutch.
Poemata Niniani Patersoni gifted me by the said Mr. Ninian the author.
Code Lowis ou ordannances pour les matieres criminelles.
Georgii Macropedii methodus de conscribendis
epistolis, etc., 6 pence.
Jer. Taylor's liberty of prophecieng.
Lubbertus contra Socinum de Christo mediatore.
Aurengzebe and the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus
Vespasian, 2 comedies.
The Life of K. Charles the I. the pseudomartyr.
Ane Accompt of the Scots greevances anno 1674.
Mother Gregs Jests.
Raphaell Holinsched's Chronicle of England from
William the Conqueror till 1587, 9 shillings sterl.
An Abridgement and written collection drawen furth of the Register
of the commission for plantation of kirks and valuation of teynds,
from 1661 till November 1673.
Catalogus Librorum D. Jacobi Narnij, gifted by him to the Colledge
of Edenbrugh.
For Mr. Dods and Cleavers commentary on the
wholle proverbs of Solomon, 4 shills. stg.
For Mr. Cleaver's Commentar on some of the chapters of the Proverbs,
more amply then in the præceeding commentary, their
being only 5 chapters explained in this volume, viz., the 1, 2, 15,
16, and 17 chapters theirof, enriched with many discourses and
doctrines from thesse chapters, not in the former commentarie.
Gullielmi Cocci revelatio revelata, or expositio
Apocalypse[Greek: o]s, 12 pence.
Ludovici Cælii Rhodigini Antiqutæ lectiones, Parisiis 1517.
The Apology for and vindication of the persecuted ministers in
Scotland, gifted me by Abotshall.
For the Differences of the tymes, written by Mr.
David Foster, minister at Lauder, a mark.
Erasmi Chiliades Adagiorum in folio, gifted me by
Mr. John Wood's brother, Mr. Wood having lost some
books lent by me to him, as Harprecht, etc.
Cartwright's commentar upon the Proverbs in
Latin, 3 shillings and 6 pence.
Rudimenta Rhetorica Ro'ti Brunii, 8 pence.
Academie Francoise pour l'institution des Moeurs, in 8vo, 6 pence.
On the 10 of June 1679 bought 7 old books, some of them but pamphlets,
viz., une recueill des gazettes nouvelles et relations de l'annee
1640, Cujacii ad tres postremos libros Codicis, des ordonnances de
Lowis 13 en assemblée de notables, directions for health, naturall and
artificiall, Resolution de Question prouvant qu'il est permis a sujets
a resister la cruauté de leur Prince, a discourse touching the
distractions of the tymes and the Causes theirof, the canons and
constitutions made by the Quakers: for which I payed, 30 pence.
The fyre upon the altar, or divine meditations
and essayes, 28 pence.
The Lively Oracles, or use of the holy scriptures, 30 pence.
Atcheson's militarie garden.
A Picktooth for the pope, Item, the apple of his left eye, item the
greevances of the Scots ministers in 1633, etc.
Regii Sanguinis clamor per Morum contra Miltonum Anglicum, 6 pence.
Botero des gouvernements des estats in Italian and French, 8 pence.
Mr. Traps commentar ou the Proverbs, Ecclesiastes
and Song of Solomon, 3 lb. 7 shill.
Bought on the ij of September 1679 from Mistris
Forrest in Fyffe the ten following books.
1. Erasmi concio de misericordia Domini
and other tracts, 10 pence.
2. Erasmi encomion Moriæ et de Lingua
and other tracts, a mark.
3. Bezæ Responsio ad Castellionem de
versione Novi testamenti, 10 pence.
4. Flores Doctorum pene Omnium per Thomam Hibernicum, 18 pence.
5. Sylva locorum communiuni per
Ludovicum Granatensem, 30 pence.
6. Poetarum omnium flores, a mark.
7. Refutatio Cujusdam libelli de Jure
magistratuum per Beccariam, 8 pence.
8. Chrysostomes Homilies and morals on the Ephesians, 24 pence.
9. Virgil in English verse by John Ogilbie, 24 pence.
10. Simon Patrick's Reflections on the
devotions of the Roman Church, 24 pence.
Having in September 1679 casten up the accompt of the wholle manuscript
books I have besyde me, I find they are 94 in number of which see more in
my other more full Catalogues of my books.
APPENDIX III
SIR ANDREW RAMSAY, LORD ABBOTSHALL
_Letter by John Lauder, Lord Fountainhall, to his Son_[721]
[721] MS. in possession of Sir T.N. Dick Lauder.
The following letter from Fountainhall to his son, probably his eldest son
and successor, John, is a characteristic specimen of his later style. It
holds up to the young man as an example the character and career of his
maternal grandfather, Sir Andrew Ramsay, Lord Abbotshall.
[Illustration: SIR ANDREW RAMSAY, LORD ABBOTSHALL]
_'Appryll 3d, 1691._
Sone,--The letters I formerly sent you, tho replenished with the best
advyces that ather my reading or my experience and observatione or my
paternall affection affoorded, and in thesse important affaires they
handled, yet I conceive they might be the less effectuall that they had
no other authority to back them but my own. Theirfor I am resolved a
litle to trye another method, and so put thesse useful precepts in the
mouths of some of your ancestors as if they wer allowed for some tyme to
arryse from the dead and speak to those descended of them; and I shall
set befor you some of their vertues and illustrious actions for ane
pattern worthy your imitation, seeing there cannot be ane better
direction in the stearing the compass of our lyves then by reading the
lyves of good men, espccially wheir wee are nearly related to them, and
in the using of this prosopopoea I have no less examples to follow then
the prince of orators Cicero and the great Seneca who to give the
greater weight and authority to the moral precepts they delyvered to the
people of Rome they conjure up the ghosts of Scipio, Laelius, Cato,
Appius and thesse other worthies, and bringe them upon the Stage,
teaching their own posterity the principles of vertue which is observed
to have left a far greater impression, and have proselyted and convinced
the mynds of the hearers more than what the greatest philosophers
delyvered only as their own sentiments and opinions. And because it is
not usuall to wryte the lyves of men whyle[722] they be dead, Theirfor I
will begin with your maternall lyne and sett befor you some of the most
eminent transactions wheirin that excellent Gentleman, Sir Andrew
Ramsay, your grandfather, was most concerned in, with the severall
vertues and good qualities that made him so famous and considerable,
which ought to be ane spurr and incitement to all good and vertuous
actions, and to non so much as to his oun grand-chyld. And because it
layes ane great tye and obligation wheir on is descended of ane race
that never did anything that was base and unwurthy of a Gentleman,
Theirfor I will also shortly as I can give you ane account of his
pedegrie and descent befor I come to descrybe his oun personall merit
and actions. For tho the poet sayes true, _Et genus et proavos et quae
non fecimus ipsi, vix ea nostra voco_, yet to be of ane honourable
descent of good people as it raises the expectation of the wurld that
they will not beley their kynd as Horace sayes, _Fortes creantur
fortibus_, so they turn contemptibly hatefull when they degenerat and by
their vices blacken and sully the glory and honour their ancestors had
gained, and they turn a disgrace to the family and relations they are
come of. Bot to begin: Sr Andrew was the 3d sone of Mr. Andrew Ramsay,
minister of Edr., and Mary Frazer. He being a sone of the Laird of
Balmaynes, and shee a daughter of the Laird of Dores, and it being fitt
that a man should know his oun genealogie that wheir ane of them has
been signalized for vertue it may be ane motive to provock our
imitation, and if they have att any tymes been led out of the way of
vertue that it may serve for ane beacon and scar-crow to the descendants
to hold of thesse rocks and shelves wheir they may see the bones of
their friends as the memento of Lots wyfe to beware of thesse fatall
errors. And tho a man should know the history of his oun nation and not
be _domi talpa_, yet there is no part of that history so usefull as that
of his genealogie, and therfor I would give you some account of that
family of Balmayn and of some remarkable things have happened therin.
The first of them was John Ramsay, sone to the Laird of Corstoun in
Fyfe, who being ane handsome young boy was made choyse of to attend Ki:
Ja: 3d att the Grammar School. Their was pains taken for another
Gentleman's sone, who had been bred in the high-school of Edr. and both
read and wrote better, yet the young King thinking John had more the
mean of ane Gentleman preferred him, tho choyses of such princes being
lyke Rhehoboams, not so much founded upon merits as fancy and ane
similitude of humor, and I have observed friendship and acquaintance
contracted betwixt boyes att schooll to be very durable, and so it
proved here, for K.J. 3d made him on of his Cubiculars and then Captain
of his guards, with this extravagant priveledge that non should wear a
sword within two myles of the Kings palace without his speciall warrand
and licence, which created him much envy and hatred, that for supporting
him against the same, he first knighted him and then gave him the lands
of Kirkcanders in Galloway, Terinean in Carrick, Gorgie in Lothian, and
Balmayn in the Mernes. All which lands his posterity hath sold or wer
evicted from them by recognitions, except Balmayn. And tho wee doe not
find him taxed as on of the bad counsellors that made ane discord
betuixt the said K. James and his nobles, att least not so much as
Cochran, who from being his Master Mason he had made E. of Marr, and
other mean people about him whom he had advanced, yet it was impossible
for him to be in so much favour with his prince without drawing the
emulation and envy of great and auntient families, who thought non
should come between them and their Soveraigne. For you will find from
our Chronicles that this King was on of the worst of all the James's and
came to ane fatall end by his variance with the Nobility, whom he
studyed to humble as factious and tumultuary, bot they thought
themselves slighted and disobleidged by his making use of mean men in
all offices about him. Bot to return to Sr. John Ramsay. It shewes the
Kings great affection to him att Lundie bridge when Archbald E. of
Angus, called bell the cat (the reason wheirof you know), and the other
barons seazed upon Cochran and the bad Counsellors and hanged them over
the bridge, and some of them apprehending Ramsay for that same end, the
King grasped him in his armes and plead with them to spare him as more
innocent than the rest, which was yealded to by the Kings intercession.
Bot after this he created him E. of Bothwell, ane title that hes been
funest and unluckie to all the three possessors of it, viz., the Ramsay,
Hepburn, and Stewart, and which the Ramsay bruiked shorter then any of
the other two. For after the killing of the King in Bannock-burn myln
when he had fled out of the battell, the parliament did annull that
title of honour, and from that tyme they have only been designed Lairds
of Balmayn. Some say he was killed with his master in that feild, bot I
have two unansreable arguments agst it. The on is that in severall of
K.J. the 4ths parliats. I find him on of the Commissioners as now but
joyned two or three in ane deputation. Neither had thesse offices att
that tyme such splendour and greatness annexed to them as now, and by
this it appears the K.J. the 4th durst not resent his fathers death, yet
he took speciall nottice of those freinds who had faithfully adhered to
him. Instance the iron belt and bitter repartee he gave the Lord Gray.
The second is, That Mr. Andrew Ramsay his great grand-chyld, in his
Latine epitaph made on him, printed amongst his Epigrams, affirmes that
he was killed att the battell of Floudan with K.J. 4th, which, if true,
he has out-lived J. the 3d 25 years. I find the said Sr. John Ramsay's
sone hath lived till about the year 1567. For in the Sederunt books that
year there is ane gift of tutory dative mentioned, making Sr Robert
Carnagie of Kinnaird tutor to Wm. Ramsay of Balinayne, left ane minor by
the death of his fayr., and this Sr Robt. did afterwards bestow
Katharine Carnagie his daughter upon the said Wm. Ramsay. The present
Earles of Southesk are lineally descended of the said Sr Robt. bot wer
not nobilitat for 30 years after that. Of this Wm. Ramsay and the said
Katharine Mr. Andrew Ramsay was their second sone, and being educat in
literature, wes sent abroad by his parents to the famous protestant
University of Saumur in France, where he gave such eminent specimens of
his great knowledge that in 1600 he was created professor of theologie
yr. And I have seen that printed Latine oration he had att his
inauguration, and tho the Scots wer soouner preserved in France than any
other strangers, yet it behooved to be extraordinary merits that
adjudged the divinity chair to him befor so many candidats and rivals of
their own nation. Bot being desirous to improve the talents heaven had
bestowed on him in his oun countrey, he returned home, and about the
year 1608 married that vertuous Gentlewoman, Mary Frazer, daughter to
the Laird of Dores, and wes by Sr. Alexr. Arbuthnot of that ilk her
uncle by the mother called to his Church of Arbuthnot in the Mernes, bot
he being ane star of ane greater magnitude than to be consigned to so
obscure ane place he wes, in 1613,[723] invited to the toun of Edr. to
be on of their ministers, which he accepted, and continued their till
1649 that he was laid asyde by that prevailling remonstrator faction in
the church, because he wold not dissown the engadgement undertaken by
James Duke of Hamilton the year befor for procuring K. Ch. the first's
liberty, and so continued solaceing himself with that _murus ahæneus_ of
a good conscience till he resigned up his blessed soule into the hands
of his merciful creator in the end of that year 1659, having, lyke Moses
of[724] Mount-pisga, seen the designes and inclinations of this Island
to bring back their banished King which he had much promoted by his
prayers; and so this good man, lyke ane sheaff of rype corn, was
gathered into his masters barn in the 86 year of his age, a man who for
his singular piety and vast reading was the phenix of his tyme as his
manuscripts yet extant can prove, so that his memory is yet sweet and
fragrant, but especially to those who are descended of him who are more
particularly oblidged to imitat his goodness, vertue and learning. Bot
befor I leave Balmaynes family I shall only tell on passage because its
remarkable of David Ramsay of Balmayn, the said Mr. Andrews nephew.
Their is ane sheett of paper in form of ane testament wheron their is no
word written bot only this, Lord, remember the promise thou hes made to
thy servant David Ramsay such ane day of such ane moneth and such ane
year, and then he adds, Let my posterity keep this among their
principall evidents and subscrybes underneath it his name, and which
paper is yet extant and keeped by Sr. Charles the present Laird, bot
what the revelation was I could never learn. Now to give you but on word
of the maternall descent, they wer aunciently Thanes of Collie, and were
come of the great Frazer, who was named by the parliat. on of the
governors of Scotland be-north Tay with the Cummings till the
controversie should be decyded betuixt the Bruce and the Ballioll in
1270.
Of thir parents was my Lord Abbotshall born in May 1619, being their 3d
sone, and from his very infancy promised good fruit by the airlie
blossomes of ane sharp and peircing witt, and his two elder brothers
having been bred schollars, providence ordered him to be educat ane
merchand, bot by his oun industry in reading and his good converse he
supplied that defect in his education, and haveing been elected youngest
Bailzie of Edr. in thesse troublesome tymes of the English invading and
subdueing our nation in 1652, he behaved so well that Provost Archbald
Tod comeing to dye in 1654, he was not only recommended by him bot was
lykewayes by the toun counsell judged fittest to succeed him; a step
which few or non hes made to ryse from the lowest to the cheiff place of
Magistracy in the burgh without passing throw the intermediat offices,
and which station he keeped till Michaelmass 1658. Dureing which tyme
the toun haveing many aflaires to negotiat att London with Oliver the
protector, and those whose estates wer sequestrat haveing addresses to
give in ather to have the sequestration taken of or are part allocat for
their aliment, they all unanimously agreed to employ provost Ramsay as
the fittest, which he discharged with great dexterity to all their
satisfactions; which made some reflect upon him as complying too much
with the usurper, bot when a nation is broke and under the foott of ane
enemy, it has alwayes been esteemed prudence and policy to get the best
termes they can for the good of their countrey, and to make the yoke of
the slavery lye alse easy upon our necks as may be: and the toun was so
sensible of his wise and equall administration that they after tryall of
severall others brought him in again to be provost in 1662, which he
keeped for eleven years together more then what any had ever done befor
hira, Chancellour Seton haveing continued for 10 years. When he entered
upon this second part of his government he found the toun at the brink
of ruine by the cruell dissentions then sprung up betuixt the merchands
and trades about their priviledges, bot he lyke ane skilfull Chirurgeon
bound up and healled their wounds; and being lykewayes sunck under the
burthen of debt he procured such gifts and impositions from his Mat'ie
upon all sorts of Liquors that he in a short tyme brought doun their
debt from eleven hundredth thousand merks to seven hundredth thousand:
and being thrcatened by the Lord Lauderdale to erect the citadels of
Leith in a burgh Royall, which wold have broke the trade of Edr., for
preventing therof he purchased the same and annexed it to the toun, and
finding that Sr. Wm. Thomson their Clerk by his influence upon the
deacons of trades nominated and elected the Magistrats att his pleasure,
he in 1665 caused the toun Counsell of Edr. depryve him, and
notwithstanding all the pains he took by brybery of the then Statsmen
and other wayes to reenter to his place, yet he was never able to
effectuat it, and then he procured Mr. Wm. Ramsay his second sone to be
made conjunct Clerk of Edr. Bot his death att Newcastell some few years
after made the designe of this profitable place abortive.
Our Statsmen being att that tyme under great animosities and prejudices
against on another, Lauderdale, Hamilton, and Rothes drawing three
severall factions, Abbotshall, who could make a very judicious choyce,
did strike in with Lauderdale, and upon his bottome reared up the
fabrick of his enshueing greatnes. For by his favour he was both
maintained in the provestrie of Edr., and advanced to the Session privy-
Counsell and Excheqr. This could not but draw upon him the Vatinian
hatred of the opposite parties. For they saw so long as Sr Andrew
governed the toun of Edr. they could not expect non of those large
donatives and gratifications which Lauderdale was yearly getting,
besydes the citizens longed to have ane share in the government of the
toun which they saw inhaunced and monopolized by Sr Andrew and his
creatures, so that it was no wonder after so longe ane sun-shyne of
prosperity their should come ane storm, that being alse usuall as after
a longe tract of fair weather to expect foull, and envy and malice are
alse naturall concomitants of greatnes and merite as the shaddow is of
the body, and it was never found that good offices done to are society
was ever otherwayes rewarded than by ingratitude. Themistocles,
Coriolanus and the old worthies of Rome and Greece are sufficient proofs
of this. And for compassing their end Sr James Rocheid Clerk, Sr
Ffrancis Kinloch, who aspyred att the provistrie, and sevll. other
burgers wer hounded out to accuse him in the parliat. held in 1673, and
money was largely contributed and given to the Dutches of Lauderdale,
and shee considering that his power was now so farr diminished in Edr.
that he wold not be able for to drop those golden shoures that formerly
he did, shee prevailled with the Duke her husband to wheedle Myn Lord
Abbotshall into ane dimission of all his offices. For Plautus
observes[725] in _Trinummus_ holds alwayes true that great men expect
that favours most be laid so many ply thick on upon another that rain
may not win through, which goes very wittily in his oun language,
_beneficia aliis benefactis legito ne perpluant_. It is true the Duke
designed no more by this dimission bot to ward of the present blow, and
promised to keep all those offices for his oun behoof till the speat and
humour of the people agst him wer spent and runne out, bot the Dutchess
and others about him did so violent him that he was not so good as his
word. They insinuating to him that it was not safe to trust a man of
sense and parts whom he had so highly enraged and disobleidged, and that
the bringing him back to power was but the putting him in a capacity to
revenge himself, and the truth is that has ever been the practice of the
inconsiderat mad world to runne doun any man when he is falling, as
Juvenal observes in the case of Sejanus, who brings in the mobile who
had adored him the day befor with Hosannas crying with displayed gorge,
_dum jacet in ripa, calcemus Cæsaris hostem_, and it is very fitt that
divyne providence tryst us with such dispensations. For if wee had
alwayes prosperous gales that is so inebriating are potion that lyke the
herb mentioned by Homer, it's ready both to cause us forgett our selves
and our dewty to God, and I speak it from my oun knowledge that
Abbotshall was rauch bettered by thir traverses of fortune, for it both
gave him ane ryse and opportunity with more leasure and tyme to examine
what he had done in the hurry of publick busines, and to repent and
amend our errors is in Seneca's _Moralls_ the next best to the being
innocent and not haveing committed thesse faults att all: the French
proverb being of eternall truth that the shorter ane folly be it is the
better; and tho' that physicall rule a _privatione ad habitium non datur
regressus_ be also true in politicks as in physicks that a man divested
of his offices seldome ever recovers his former greatnes, yet Lauderdale
being ashamed of the injustice with which he had treated Abbotshall, he
made him many large promises of reparation, but ther was never any more
performed bot the reponeing him again to his office as ane privy-
Counsellor to teach us how litle the favour and assureances of great men
are to be regarded, being lyke thesse deceiving brooks wherin you shall
not find ane drope of watter in the drougth of summer, and to teach us
to look up to God and to despyse the lubricity of this world and all its
allurements, which is _modo mater statim noverca_, and being blind,
foollish, and arrogant, renders all who greedily embrace her alse
foollish as herself, and instead of ane substance deludes us with ane
empty shaddow of are Junonian cloud, and playes with men as so many
tinnise-balls. I have oft blamed Abbotshall for his high manner of
doeing bussines relyeing too much upon the strength of his oun judgement
which, tho' very pregnant, yet in his oun concernes might be more
impartially judged by other by-standers. I have wisht him, with the
Marquesse Paulet, that he might have more of the complying willow and
lesse of the sturdy oak, bot he oft acknowledged God's care of him in
not suffering him to lose himself in ane false flattering world; and if
it had been lawfull for him to have taken satisfaction in the calamities
of others he had the pleasure in his lyfe to see Kincardyne, Dirltoun,
Carringtoun, Lauderdale, and his other enemies turned out of their
places more ignominiously than he. Thus wearied with troubles and the
death of many of his children come to age, he devotly payed the last
debt to nature in January 1688, being the 69 year of his age. This is
all I can get at present proposed to you for one pattern and example,
the sheat being able to hold no more.'
[722] _i.e._ until.
[723] Mr. Andrew Ramsay, Minister of the old Kirk in Edinr., was
Professor of Divinity and Rector of the University of Edinr. for six
years successively preceeding the 8th March 1626, att which time he
gave up both offices.--Note in MS.
[724] _i.e._ off, from.
[725] _i.e._ Plautus's observation.
Abbotshall was a man of great force of character. He was much respected by
Lauder, who, on his marriage with his daughter, was probably a good deal
indebted to him for his first start in professional life. For example, it
was no doubt by his influence that he was very early appointed one of the
Assessors to the town of Edinburgh along with Sir George Lockhart and soon
afterwards to the whole of the Burghs. To the facts of his life as narrated
in the letter it may be added that in the course of his career he acquired
extensive estates. Besides Abbotshall in Fife, he became the owner, among
other lands, of Waughton in East Lothian, a place often mentioned by
Lauder, where his brother-in-law, Sir Andrew Ramsay, junior, resided. The
eulogy in the letter is somewhat deficient in light and shade, more so than
some other passages in which Lauder mentions his father-in-law (see
Introduction, p. xxxvi). A good deal about Abbotshall may be read in Sir
George Mackenzie's Memoirs, the following extract from which (p. 246) will
help to supply the _chiaroscuro_.
'Sir Andrew Ramsay had, by obtaining 5000ll sterling to the Duke of
Lauderdale for the Citadel of Leith, and other 5000ll to him for the new
impositions granted to the town by the King upon ale and wine,
insinuated himself very far into the favour of his Grace; and by his
favour had, for ten successive years, continu'd himself Provost of
Edinburgh, and consequently Preses of the Burghs; by which, and by
having the first vote of Parliament, he was very serviceable to
Lauderdale; who in requital of that favour obtained 200 ll sterling per
annum settled upon the Provost of Edinburgh, and caused the king give
him 4000ll sterling for his comprising of the Bass, a rock barren and
useless. Thus they were kind to one another upon his Majesty's expenses.
In this office of Provost he had governed most tyrannically for ten
years, applying the Coramon Good to himself and friends, and inventing
new though unnecessary employments within the town, to oblige those who
depended upon him. But at last the citizens, weary of his yoke, resolved
to turn him out at Michaelmas 1672.'
The attempt failed at that time.
INDEX
Abbotshall, 207;
church lands of, 195.
---- lord. _See_ Ramsay, sir Andrew.
Abercorn, lord, 184.
Aberlady, 200, 210.
Accounts, extracts of, 239.
Acheson, 203.
---- sir Archibald, 191.
Ackland, Mr., 169.
Addestone, 191, 192, 200.
Adenstans easter and wester, 203.
Administration of justice, xxxiv.
Adrian's wall, 182.
Adultery, punishment of, in France, 69-70, 110.
Advocates, fees of, in France, 90, 214 and _n_.
---- suspension of, xxii-xxiii, 224-226, 277;
meeting of, in Cadell's, 278.
Aickman, William, 253.
Aikenhead, James, death of, 226.
Ainsley, James, 283.
Airth, earl of, 193.
Albemarle, the duke of, his engagement with the Dutch fleet, 236.
Albigenses, persecutions of, 66.
Alexander III. killed near Bruntilland, 197.
Alexander ..., professor of law at Poictiers, 3, 128, 153, 157, 188;
turns papist, 113.
Alfred, king, founder of university college, Oxford, 172.
Amboise, 19;
arsenal of, 129.
America, theory of the peopling of, 197.
Amont water, 193.
Anagram of Cornelius Jansenius, 75.
Anderson, John, advocate, death of, 222.
---- Marion, wife of Fountainhall, xxiii.
Anecdotes of the blind, 132;
of a thirsty cow, 133;
of preachers, etc., 52, 114-115, 120, 126-128, 142, 148, 149, 151;
of the king of Spain, 150;
the queen of Sweden, etc., 151;
of a faithless Frenchman, 199;
of the earl of Cowrie, 199.
Angleberne, le baron d', 17, 130-131.
Angus, Archibald, earl of, 302.
---- James, 279.
Annand, M., distinguishes himself at the siege of Candy, 229.
Anne of Austria, funeral oration on, 126;
her heart preserved in the Val de Grace, 131.
_Apologetical Relation_, 139 and _n_.
Appeals, law of, in France, 60.
Arbuthnot, lord, 216.
---- sir Alexander, of that ilk, 303.
Archerfield, 210.
Ardrosse of Elie, 196.
Argyll, Archibald, ninth earl of, xxx-xxxiii, xxxv, 139, 223, 232.
Arley, lord, 176 and _n_.
Arthur's Oven, 182.
Ascletarion, a magician, 204 and _n_.
Astrology, xxxix.
Athelstanford, 274.
Atholl, earle of, lord privy seal, 221, 223-225.
Aubigné, the marquis d', 103.
Augier, M., 153.
Augustines, order of, 10, 61, 86;
Augustinian sermon on the virgin Mary, 52-53.
Auldcambus, 202, 208-210.
Auldham, 210.
Auldhamstocks, 202.
Auldliston, 193.
Ayton of Bannochie, 196.
Baccleuch, estate of, 208.
Baillie of Jerviswood, trial of, xxx.
---- lt-general, 191.
---- John, advocate, death of, 227.
---- William, advocate, rebuked by lord Newbyth, 217.
Baird, sir John, of Newbyth, 109, 216 and _n_, 220, 224.
Balbirny, 205.
Balcarres, lady, 232.
Bale's _Sarro-Sancto Regum Maiestas,_ 140.
Balfour, laird of, 207.
---- of Balbirny, 205.
---- sir David, of Forret, 223, 224.
Balgonie, 196, 203.
Ballantyne, Andro, minister at Coldinghame, 210.
Ballincreiff, 208.
Balliol college, Oxford, 173.
Balmanno, lord, 215.
Balmayne, 205, 302.
---- laird of. _See_ Ramsay.
Balmerinoch, lord, 190, 193.
Balquharge, 205.
Balveirie, Fife, 196.
Banished ministers' manifesto, 139 and _n._, 142.
Bannatyne club, institution of the, xviii.
Bannochie, 196.
Barclay ----, 197.
Barnbougall, 193.
Barnes. _See_ Cunningham.
Bartholomew, St., 52.
Baruclan, 193.
Bass, the, xvi, 203, 309.
Beaton, Alexander, 191.
---- Andrew, advocate, death of, 220.
---- William, 256.
---- of Blebo, 207.
Beatons of Balfour, 196.
Beaufort, the duc de, kilted at the siege of Candy, 229.
Beaugency, 18.
Beconsfields, 168.
Bedlam, 174.
Bedlan Green, 175.
Bell, Adam, 201.
---- Androw, 269.
---- John, 185.
---- Robert, 243, 251, 265.
---- Thomas, 239, 287.
---- family, origin of the name, 208.
Bellenden, lord, 215.
---- of Broughton, 191.
Bell-ringing during thunder, 49-51;
for the last agonies, 59.
Bels milne, 191.
Beltan, 203, 205.
Benedictine friars, 10,
convent of, at Marmoustier, 19;
convent at Poictiers, 36;
wealth of the order, 86.
Bernard, St., abbot of Clareville, 52.
Bernardines. _See_ Fullions.
Beroalde de Verville, Francois, 103 and _n._
Bever castle, 176.
Biccarton of Lufnes, 210.
Bickerstaffe, sir Charles, 221.
Binnie, 193.
---- laird of, 186.
---- bailzie, 264.
Binning, William, 245, 251, 263.
Biron, duc de, 77 and n.
Biton, madame, 39.
Blacader of that ilk, 201.
Blacarstoun, 200.
Black. Jo., 279.
Blackbarrony, laird of, 279.
Blackford burn, Edinburgh, 188.
Blackfriars church in Glasgow struck by lightning, 228.
Blaickburne, 200.
Blaikerston, 210.
Blair of Carberrie, 190.
Blair, rev. Robert, anecdote of, 127.
Blanerne, 201.
Blantyre, lord, 185.
Blasphemy, punishment of, 60.
Blind men, anecdotes of, 132.
Blois, 17,
description of, 18,
castle of, 130.
Blythswood, 185.
Bodley, Thomas, 170.
Bogie, 196, 205.
---- of Bannochie, 196.
Bonar, Jo., of Bonytoun, 194.
Bonnévette, 63.
Bonnymoon ----, 174.
Bonytoun, 192-194.
Books, catalogues of, 153, 157, 160-162, 283-299.
Bordeaux, 64;
torture practised in, 70.
Borseau, M., 128, 160.
Borthwick, James, 268.
---- Samuell, 268.
---- William, apothccar, 250.
---- col., 168.
Boswel of Balmuto, 197.
---- of Pittedy, 196.
---- of Westmilne, 195.
Bothwell ----, 203.
---- Adam Hepburne, earle of, 205.
---- earls of. _See_ Ramsay.
---- castle of, 185.
Boumaker, Robert, 256.
Bouquiet, Mr., 34.
Bourges, 65;
university of, 66.
Bourhouses, 200.
Boyde, Hew, 246.
Boyelet, Mr., merchant at Orleans, 153.
Brackmont, 207.
Braid burn, Edinburgh, 188.
Brandenburgh, duke of, xxxvii.
Brazennose college, Oxford, 173.
Bread, price of, 59.
Breda, peace of, 167 and _n_.
Bridal gifts, 60.
Bridgeman, sir Orlando, 221.
Brisbane, Mrs., xxxi.
Brothels in Rome, defence of, 83.
Broun of Colston, 200 and _n_.
---- of Gorgie, 191.
---- of Thorniedykes, 210.
---- père, 118.
---- Daniel, 185.
---- John, 280.
---- Thomas, 267, 269, 270, 281, 283, 287, 289, 291, 293.
---- William, 108, 250, 256, 257, 264, 281, 290, 291.
Brace, rev. Mr., of Fife, anecdote of, 148.
Brimstone, 26 and _n_, 188, 190.
Bruntilland. _See_ Burntisland.
Brunton, 197.
Bryson, Sandy, 270.
Buchanan, George, 139; his _Frantiscanus_, 10 and _n_;
criticism of his _History_, 205, 206.
---- sir John, 206, 207.
Buck, Thomas, advocate, death of, 222.
Burgundy, duke of, 84.
Burnet, Alexander, archbishop of Glasgow, xxxvii;
his remonstrance with Charles II., 230.
---- D., 168.
---- Robert, advocate, death of, 212.
Burntisland, 197, 279.
Butterdean, 200.
---- laird of. _See_ Hay, William.
Byres, 208, 209.
CADDEL, captain, 132.
Calder, 186.
---- lairds of, 192.
Calderhall, laird of, 189, 192.
Calderwood, Thomas, 185.
---- bailzie, 283, 284.
Callender, earl of, 183.
Calvin, John, tradition of, 36.
Camelon, king of the Picts, 182.
Camnetham, laird of, 281.
Campbell of Blythswood, 183 _n_.
---- Archibald, 193.
---- ---- advocate, death of, 215.
---- Barbara, 185.
---- sir Colin, 220 and _n_.
---- James, 185.
---- Mary, 274.
---- Robert, 185.
---- ---- apothecar, 272.
Camron, Archbald, 247, 256, 276.
Candie, tounc of, taken by the Turks, 228.
Cants of Grange, 188.
---- of Priestfield, 188.
Capuchins, order of, 9, 10, 33, 86;
anecdotes of, 62, 148.
Carberrie, 203.
---- laird of, his influence on the battle of Pinkie, 190.
Carden, lord, death of, 212.
Carington, laird of, 308.
---- lands of, 239 _n_, 248.
Carmelites, order of, 61.
Carmichael, master of, 185.
Carnegie, Katharine, 303.
---- James, 274.
---- sir Robert, of Kinnaird, 303.
Carthusians, 10.
Caskieberry, 205.
---- laird of. _See_ Shoneir.
Cassilton, 203, 210.
Castellaw, Mr., 3.
Castlemilk, 185.
Catechism of M. Drelincourt, 86.
Catherine, St., of Sienna, convent of, 188 _n_.
Ceres (Cires), 207.
Chabate, Mile., 128.
Chabot, Philippe de, 63 and _n_.
Chained books at Oxford, 170.
Chalmers, James, advocate, death of, 225.
---- Joan, 276.
Chamberlayne, Joseph, barber, 267.
Chambord castle, 18.
Champigny, 25.
Chancellor, Kate, 263.
Chapman of Priestfield, 188.
Charles IX., anecdote of, 147.
Charles I., murder of, 91.
Charles II., his object in desiring the union of England and
Scotland, 229-230;
letter from, for indulging outed
ministers; establishment of his supremacy, 230;
settles the disputes between the houses of parliament, 232;
his debts paid by parliament, 233;
grant of money to, by parliament, 273 _n_;
eulogy on, xxvii.
Charleton, Richard, 59.
Charteris, Laurence, advocate, 221;
death of, 226.
Chartreuse, founding of the order of, 78-79.
Chatelerault, 64.
Cheisly, John, of Dairy, xxxiv, 277.
---- Sam., 261.
---- William, 219.
Cherries, 66, 69: cherry feast to the exchequer, 266.
Chilperick, treatment of, 91.
Chimney-sweeps from Savoy, 75.
China, fertility of, 105-106.
Chinon, 24.
Chirnesyde, 201.
Christ church, Oxford, 171.
Christina, queen of Sweden, anecdote of, 151.
Chrystie, Mr., 284.
---- Adam, clerk of session, 215.
Civil law of France, 64-65.
Clan Macduff, 197, 206.
Clarendon house, 168 and _n_.
Clarke's _Examples_ 108.
Classics, pronunciation of the, 123.
Clerical anecdotes, 52, 114, 115, 120, 126-128, 142, 148.
Clerk, sir Alex., of Balbirny, 205.
Clery, 130.
Cleveland, dutchesse of, 233.
Clifford, lord, treasurer of England, 222.
Clifton hall, 186, 193.
---- toune, 193.
Climate of France, 117.
Cluny, barony of, 205.
Coal pits of Dysert, 207.
Coalston pear, the, 200 and _n_.
Cochrane, lord, 184, 226.
Cockburne of Clerkingtone, 200.
Cockenie, 203, 211.
Coinage, heightening of gold and silver coinage of foreign nations, 80.
_See also_ Money.
Colbrandspath, 200.
---- laird of, 209.
Coldinghame abbey, 209.
---- kirk, 210.
---- moor, 209.
Colerine, 197.
Colison, Mr., 2.
Colquhoun, sir John, of Luz, 184.
Colt, Mr., 3.
Columbus, anecdote of, 97.
Colvill, Samuel, 266, 287.
Colyear, David, 251, 272, 275, 276.
Comedies played at Poictiers, 124, 127
Comets, appearance of, xxxix.
Comiston well, 274.
Congilton, 208.
Conspiracy laws, hardships of, 91.
Constantine the emperor, statue of, 56.
Consultation fees, 257, 258, 260.
Convent of Marmoustier, 18-20;
of the Bernardines, 47;
at St. Florans, 22;
of Notre Dame d'Ardiliers, 23 and _n_.
Conventicles, laws against, 233.
Convention of burrows at Glasgow, 281.
Cook, Mr., 231.
Cooking in France, 76, 79.
Cordeliers, order of, 9, 86.
Coronation stone, 1.
Cothereau, Renatus, 117.
Cotibby, M., 128.
Cotteridge, Mr., 233.
Court of session, constitution of, xxxiv-xxxv;
court of session documents, 212-227.
Courty, rev. Thomas, anecdote of, 151.
Covenanters, xxviii, xxix.
Covent Garden, 175.
Craig, 203.
---- of Riccarton, 191.
---- John, of Ramorney, advocate, 297.
Craighall, 197, 207.
Craighouse, 187.
Craigie, lord, 224.
Craigiehall, 193.
Craiglockhart, 191.
Cranston, Christian, 269.
Craw, 209.
---- Rot., 260, 271, 280.
---- of Eist Reston, 210.
---- of Henchcheid, 210.
Crawfurd, captain, 280.
---- Thomas, 3, 4, 256.
Creichton, ----, 22, 23, 203.
---- John, 168.
---- of St. Leonards, 205.
Crime in Poictiers, 95.
Cringelty, in Tweeddale, 191.
Crocodile story, 38.
Crosby, Mr., x.
Crumstaine, 202.
Cujas, Jacques, 65 and _n_.
Cunyghame, ----, 208.
---- Adam, 216.
---- sir J., 224.
---- W., 272.
---- Walter, 239, 265, 270.
---- William, 279.
---- of Barnes, 203.
Curators in French civil law, 64-65.
Curriehill, 191.
Customs and Laws of France, 74-75.
Cuthbert, Mr., 18.
Daillé, Mr., 29, 30, 40, 58-60, 66, 101-102, 128, 158, 159.
---- madame, 41, 43. 63, 67, 83, 102, 128.
Dairsie, 207.
Dalhousie, William, earle of, death of, 221.
Dalkeith, lord, 188.
Dalmahoy, 192.
Dalrymple, sir David, lord Hailes, 202, 203.
Dalrymple, James, 226.
---- sir John, xxxiv, 247.
Darling, Lilias, 270.
Daulphinée, insurrection in, 229.
Dauphintoun, 190, 203.
Daves, Mr., bookseller in Oxford, 169.
Dean, James, 255, 256, 268.
Deans, Robert, advocate, 191.
Death, customs connected with, in France, 125.
Dechmond, 193.
Del Camp, M., execution of, 132.
Devil, the, being annoyed by the din of the gospel,
favours the peopling of America from Christian lands, 197;
his opinion of Scotland, 152 and _n_.
Devils of Loudun, 77.
Dewar, David, 196.
Dick of Braid, 186.
---- of Grange, 188, 242.
---- sir Andro, 187.
---- James, 5 and _n_, 6, 248.
---- William, of Grange, 266 and _n_, 267, 268.
Dickson, Alexander, of Binnie, 193.
---- G., 243.
---- Robert, advocate, death of, 223.
Digbie, sir Kenelm, 169, 170.
Dinmuire, David, 269.
Dirleton castle, 210.
Divorce in Rome, 116.
Dobies of Stainehill, 189.
Dog of Heriot's hospital hanged for refusing the test, xxxii.
Dogs as guardians of a town, 85.
Domenick, St., sermon on, 31.
Dominicans, 10.
Don, Mr., 168.
---- Patrick, 247.
Donibristle house, 258.
Douell, ----, 4, 21, 23, 66 and _n_.
Douglas, marquis of, 22, 185, 200.
---- of Gogar, 191.
---- of Kelheid, 213.
---- of Lumbsdean, 201, 209.
---- sir James, 202.
---- William, of Kirknes, death of, 212.
---- ---- advocate and poet, death of, 216.
---- Mr., 59, 102.
Douy, James, 17.
Downing, sir George, 235 and _n_.
Drelincourt's _Catechism_, 86.
Drodden. _See_ Dryden.
Drummond of Reidop, 194.
---- of Riccarton, 194.
---- Alex., 295.
Drummond, generall-major, 224.
---- bailyie, 253.
Drumshorling moore, 186, 194.
Dryden (Drodden), 187.
Duaren, François, 66 and _n_.
Du Bartas's _Divine Weeks_, 82 and _n_.
Dudinstone, Edinburgh, 190.
Dumbarton castle, 184.
Dumfries, earle of, 226.
Dunbar, earle of, oppressor of the Craws, 210.
---- lordship of, 200.
Duncan of Ratho, 192.
Duncombe, sir John, 222.
Dundas, Wm., 297.
---- of that ilk, 193.
Dundasses of Fingask, 204.
Dunfermline, 189.
---- Alex., earle of. _See_ Seton.
---- Charles, earle of, death of, 219, 223.
Dunkirk, sale of, 234.
Dunybirsell. _See_ Donibristle.
Durhame of Lufnes, 210.
Durie of that ilk, 197, 207.
Du Serre's _Histoire_, 82 and _n_, 108 and _n_.
Dutch fleet, defeat of, 234-236.
---- language, antiquity of, 81.
Dysert salt pans, 196;
coal pits, 207.
East Lothian militia, 275.
Ecclesiastical revenues of France, 86.
Edencraw, 201.
Edgar, Edward, 113.
Edinburgh's bond of assurance with the laird of Halton, 192;
dissensions among the trades of, 305.
---- university, removal of, to Linlithgow, 112 and _n_;
gift of books to the library from Lauder, 289.
Edmiston of that ilk, 188.
Edmond, colonel sir William, 150 and _n_.
Edringtone, 202.
Eggs, price of, 97.
Eistbarnes, 200.
Eistfeild, 193.
---- laird of. _See_ Gray, James.
Eleis, John, 29, 1O2, 194, 251, 274.
---- ---- advocate, suspension of, 226.
Eleiston. _See_ Illieston.
Elibank, lord, 208.
Elphinston, 190, 200, 203
---- lady, 215.
---- lord, 192 _n_.
Elsick, lady, 179.
Errol, estate of, 208.
Erskin, Arthur, 207.
---- Jean, 192.
---- of Innerteill, 196.
Estampes, 131 and _n_.
Ethelstanefield, 203 and _n_.
Ethie, earl of, 14 and _n_.
Excommunication, moderate use of, 79.
Execution of a criminal in France, 119.
Expenses, notes of, 153-163;
expenditure in London, 180.
Eyemouth (Haymouth), 210.
Fabritius, general, anecdote of, 116.
Falconer, Alexander, lord Halkerton, death of, 215-217.
---- sir David, of Newton, advocate, 213, 225, 275.
---- Mr., 240.
Farlies of Braid, 186.
Fast kept by protestant churches of Poictiers, 88.
Faustus, verses of, at Blois, 130.
Fawsyde, near Tranent, 190, 203.
---- James, 286.
Fentontour, 203.
Ferolme, Jo., of Craigiehall, 193.
Fête de Dieu, 11.
Fife, earl of. _See_ Ramsay.
Figgate burn, near Edinburgh, 188.
Filleau, M., 113, 124.
Finglassie, 205.
Fireworks at Saumur, 23.
Fish as French food, 61.
Fleming, James, 192.
---- sir William, 191.
Fletcher, sir Androw, of Abirlady, 200, 210.
---- James, 179.
---- sir John, king's advocate, 140, 179.
---- sir Robert, of Salton, 109.
Floors castle, 179.
Forbes of Tolquhon fined for opprobrious speech, 223.
---- Arthur, threatens a judge, 216-217.
---- Duncan, 274.
---- ---- of Culloden, 132 and _n_, 160.
Forfar anecdote, 133.
Forrest, Mrs., 299.
---- R., 270.
Forrestor, 209.
Forret, 207.
---- lord. _See_ Balfour, David.
Foster of Corstorphine, 191.
Fosterland, 200, 209.
Fothringhame, Robt., 281.
Foulden, 202.
Foulis, Alexander, of Ratho, 192.
Foulis, George, master-coiner, xlvi.
---- James, of Colinton, lord Reidfurd, 30 and _n_,
63, 64, 158, 196, 224, 240.
Fouquet, Nicolas, 130 and _n_.
Francion's _Histoire_, 82 and _n_, 108.
Francis I., anecdote of, 111.
Franciscans, 10.
Frazer, Mary, 301.
Frederic, king of Bohemia, 151.
French of Thorniedykes, 210.
---- language, elegance of the, 82.
---- people, barbarity of, 77;
addicted to cheating strangers, 55.
Fruits of France, 46, 66, 67, 83, 89, 95, 126, 132;
of Scotland, 186.
Fuirstoun, 200, 209.
Fullerton, Samuel, 161, 162, 163.
Fullions or Bernardines, 47 and _n_, 52, 61, 86.
Funeral oration on the queen mother, at St. Pierre, 126.
Furd, 209.
Fyvie, 189.
Gairdner, George, 251, 252, 272.
---- Tom, 265, 272.
Gairnes, rev. William, 195.
Game laws, 121-122.
Games of children in France, 125.
Gammelisheills, 210.
Gandy, Mr., 14.
Garnier, Mr., apothecary at Poictiers, 29.
---- madame, 157.
Garshoire, Mr., 269.
Gaule, M. de, 128.
Gaultier, Mr., 113.
Gay, M. de, 128.
---- Alexander, 279.
Geismar, Mr., 161.
Gelderland, duke of, 198.
Geneva, rules for catholics in, 96;
watches of, 66.
German language, 77.
Gibsone, Alexander, principal clerk of session, 225.
---- G., 262.
---- James, 258.
---- sir John, of Adelston, 192, 226.
---- Mr., 3.
Giffard, lord, 203, 208, 211.
Giffards of Shirefhal, 188, 211.
Gilbert, Robert, 250, 270.
Gilespie, Edward, 265, 276.
---- Patrick, 200.
Gilmerton estate, xxxvi.
Gilmour, sir John, of Liberton, 181, 188, 191;
resigns the presidentship of the court of session, 213;
death of, 215.
Glammes, lord of, 195.
Glasgow, 183;
Glasgow merchants and the exportation of herrings, 219;
Blackfriars church struck by lightning, 228.
Gledstan, Halbert, 255.
Glenbervie, lairds of, 203.
Glencairne, ladie, 193.
Glencoe, massacre of, xxvi and _n_.
Glendoick, lord. _See_ Murray.
Gogar, 191.
---- laird of, 189.
Gordon, Adam, of Edom, 134.
---- Anna, 258.
---- sir George, of Haddo, 174 _n_, 175, 177.
Gorenberry, 132.
Gorgie in Lothian, 191, 203, 205, 207, 302.
Goropius Becanus, his _Origines Antwerpianz_, 81.
Gosford, 211.
---- lord, 212, 213.
Gouffier, Guillaume, admiral, 63 _n_.
Gourlay, H., 265.
Gourlaybank, 202.
Govan, Robt., 259.
Gowrie, earl of, 203.
---- conspiracy anecdote, 199.
Grahame, Mr., 30, 35, 132, 153, 160, 161.
---- Hary, 252.
Grange, Fife, 196.
---- laird of. _See_ Dick, William.
Grant, major George, 184.
Gray, lord, 303.
---- James, of Eistfeild, 193.
---- Mr., a converted papist, 268.
Gruché, de, 128, 160.
Guise, duke of, 18.
Gunsgrein, 210, 250.
Gustavus Adolphus, anecdote of, 150.
Guthry, rev. James, 141.
---- laird of, 258.
---- Mrs., 239.
Haddington, Thomas Hamilton, earl of, 188 and _n_, 208, 274.
---- abbey of, 200.
Hailes, lord. _See_ Dalrymple, sir David.
Haliburton, James, 256, 260, 262, 263, 265.
Haliburtons of Fentontour, 203.
Halidoun hill, 202.
Halkerton, lord. _See_ Falconer, Alexander.
Hall, Dr., 2.
Halzeards, 193.
Hamilton, Alexander, 247, 283.
---- ---- justice clerk depute, death of, 219.
---- Henry, 162, 168.
---- James, duke of, 177, 185, 226, 304, 306.
---- ---- 212.
---- ---- advocate, death of, 223.
---- ---- clerk of session, death of, 222, 225.
---- Marie, 260.
---- Mary, 279.
---- Patrick, of Dalserf, 258, 261, 292.
---- Robert, 212, 226, 266.
---- Thomas. _See_ Haddington, earl of.
---- sir William, a lord of session and lord provost of Edinburgh, 218.
---- of Dechmond, 193.
---- of Eleiston, 194.
---- of Orbiston, 184.
---- Mr., 2, 3, 239.
Happers of Bourhouses, 200.
Hardins, D., 175.
Hartsyde, dame Margaret, 207.
Haswal, Isabell, 178.
Hatfield house, 176.
Hatton, 191.
---- house, 192-193.
Haukerstone, 216.
Hay, Archibald, 132.
---- sir George, of Nethercliff, 215 and _n_.
---- Harie, 187.
---- sir John, provost of Edinburgh, 218.
---- John, principal clerk of session, 225.
---- Thomas, 212, 225, 243, 275.
---- William, of Butterdean, 200, 209.
---- Dr., 213.
Haychester, 210.
Haymouth. _See_ Eyemouth.
Helene, Ste., chapel dedicated to, at Auldcambus, 210.
Hendersone, James, 269.
---- William, bibliothecar in the colledge of Edenbrugh, 292, 297.
---- of Laurenceland, 200.
---- Mr., 239.
Henry III. of France, 91.
Henry IV. of France, 4, 91, 103, 108;
anecdote of, 133.
Hepburn, 203.
---- Adam. _See_ Bothwell, earl of.
Hepburnes of Wauchton, 202.
Heriot of Ramorney, 206.
Heriot's hospital, dog of, hanged for refusing the test, xxxii.
Hermistone, 200.
Herrings, exportation of, 219.
Heuch-Home, 203.
Hewes, D., 160.
Hilary, St., legend of, 37;
tradition relating to St. Hilaire and the devil, 56;
miracles wrought by the cradle of, 56.
Hilton of Huttonhall, 202.
Hog, Ja., 256.
Holland a 'sink of all religions,' 68;
treatment of Jews in, 68.
Home. _See_ Hume.
Honieman, Andrew, bishop of Orkney, 231.
Hope, Henry, 252.
---- Mr., 39, 102.
Hopes of Craighall, 207.
Hotman, François, 66 and _n_.
Houlle, a barber, 132.
Household expenditure, 239-282.
Howard, sir Robert, 223.
Howel's _History of Venice_, 82, 85;
his _Familiar Letters_, 99 and _n_.
Hume or Home, Alexander, xxix, 30, 63, 159.
---- David, 30, 35, 63, 113.
---- George, 258.
---- sir John, of Renton, justice clerk, 210, 213;
death of, 214, 215.
---- lady, 252.
---- sir Patrick, 30 and _n_, 35, 55, 113, 213.
---- Peter, 158.
---- of Coldinghame Law, 210.
---- of the Maines, 201.
---- of Nynewells, 201.
---- of West Reston, 210.
---- tavern keeper, 168.
Humes of Blacader, 201.
---- of Huttonhall, 202.
Hunter, James, 8, 17, 131, 156.
Huntley, the cock of the north, 58.
Husband-beaters, punishment of, 110.
Huttonhall, 202.
---- laird of. _See_ Hilton: Humes.
Hyde, sir Edward, lord chancellor, 168 _n_, 172;
hatred of, in England, 233;
he escapes to France, 234.
Idington, 201.
---- laird of. _See_ Ramsay.
Illieston (Eleiston), near Edinburgh, 186, 193, 194.
Inchekeith, 190-191.
Ingleston, 193.
Inglish, Edwards, 175.
Inglish, James, 274.
---- Mrs., 168, 175, 180.
Innerask, 189.
Innerleith, laird of, 187.
Innerteill, 195, 196.
Innerwick, 200.
Innes, Robert, 267, 268.
Jacobins, order of, 10, 61 and _n_, 86.
James II., ceremonies connected with the marriage of, 198 and _n_.
James III., marriage of, 202;
bestows favours on John Ramsay, 302;
death of, 206, 303.
James IV., 303;
at Norham castle, 202;
killed at Flouden, 206.
James V. and the Franciscans, 10.
James VII., xxviii, xxxi, xxxiv, 13 and _n_, 115, 235.
Jesuits, order of, 9, 42;
college of, at Poictiers, 77;
lines on their college at La Flèche, 69;
wealth of the order, and how obtained, 86;
their cruelty, 99.
Jews, treatment of, in Spain, Portugal, and Holland, 67-68;
laws against, in Rome and France, 75.
'Jock of bread Scotland,' 213 and _n_.
John of Austria, his victory over the Turks at Lepanto, 150.
---- of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, armour of, 1.
Johnston of Warriston, 191.
---- Robt., 261.
---- Mr., 168.
Jossie, B., 190.
Jousie, Jo., 211, 267.
Kar. _See_ Ker.
Karkanders, 205.
Keith, sir James, of Caddome, committed to the Tolbuith and fined, 213.
---- Robert, of Craig, 295.
Kellie, W., 200.
Kello, John, 212, 222.
Kelso abbey, 179.
Kemnock, 207 and _n_.
Kennoway, 207.
Ker, Lancelot, 262.
---- sir Mark, of Cockpen, 189.
---- William, 146.
---- of Itall, 202.
---- Mr., 168.
Kid, rev. Mr., of the abbey kirk, anecdote of, 127.
Kilmundie, laird of, 240, 249.
Kilpont, 193, 194.
Kilsyth, battle of, 183 and _n_.
Kincaid of Wariston, 191.
---- John, 2.
Kincardin, earle of, 221, 226, 308.
King's evil, curing of, 72 and _n_.
Kinghorne, 195, 281.
---- earle of, 224.
Kinglassy, 205.
---- lord, death of, 212.
Kingstone, lord, 193.
Kinleith (Killeith), 191.
Kinloch, sir Francis, 306.
---- Francis, merchant in Paris, xxxvi, 5, 132, 153, 156, 158-161;
Lauder's letter of introduction to, 3;
letter from, to John Ogilvy, 7.
---- Magdalen, 5.
Kinneuchar, 207 and _n_.
Kinninmont, 197.
Kinninmonts of Craighall, 207.
Kinnoul, lord, 109.
Kirkcaldie, 196.
---- G., 258.
Kirkcanders, lands of, 302.
Kirkhill, 193.
Kirkwood, Mr., 168.
La Figonne, Ingrande, 128, 160.
La Fleche, jesuit college at, 69.
Lambert ----, 233.
Lame people, large numbers of, in Orleans, 8.
Lammerton, 202.
Lanark, 186.
Land, price of, in France, 107.
Langeais, 20.
Langhermistoune, 191.
Langnidrie, 203 and _n_, 208.
Language, antiquity of, 81.
Lanty, Mr., minister of Chirnesyde, 201.
Latin and Greek, pronunciation of, 123.
Laud, archbishop, his gift of MSS. to the Oxford university library, 169.
Lauder, Andrew, 283.
---- Colin, 292.
---- Elizabeth, 191 _n_.
---- George, 242.
---- sir George, 240.
---- James, 246, 289.
---- John, of Newington, father of Fountainhall, xxii, xxiii;
letter of introduction from, to Francis Kinloch, 3.
---- sir John, lord Fountainhall, outline of his life, xxii-xxv;
his political opinions, xxv-xxxiv;
on the administration of justice, xxxiv-xxxviii;
account of his MSS., ix-x;
correspondence between sir Walter Scott and sir T.D. Lauder
on the proposed publication of his MSS., xi-xxii;
his early journals and accounts, xl-xlii;
language and spelling of his MSS., xlix;
sets out on his travels, I;
lands in France, 2;
in Paris, 3;
at Orleans, 7;
enters into theological and logical discussions, 16;
at Blois, 17;
visits the convent at Marmoustier, 18;
at Saumur, 20-23;
at Richelieu, 25-29;
arrives at Poictiers, 29;
angers the French by abusing them in Scots, 121;
leaves Poictiers, 128;
at Amboise, 129;
arrives in Paris, 131;
his essay on the study of law, 137 and _n_;
visits the colleges and physick garden, 169-173;
returns to London, 174;
his journey north, 175-I76;
at York, 177;
reaches Edinburgh, 179;
note of his expenses in London, 180;
at Glasgow, 183, 185;
at Hamilton, 185;
returns home, 186;
excursions in the neighbourhood of Edinburgh, 187-194;
his marriage; birth of his son John, and his
daughters Jannet and Isobell, 195;
his tour through Fife, 195-197;
in Haddingtonshire and Berwickshire, 200-204, 208-211;
notes of journeys in Scotland in 1671-72, 205-207;
notes of his expenditure, 153-163;
arrives at London, 167;
at Oxford, 169;
admitted advocate, xxii, 181-182, 212;
his marriage, xxii-xxiii, 195;
appointed advocate for the poor, 223;
his fees for consultations, 257-258;
appointed assessor of Edinburgh, 212, 308;
assessor for the convention of royal burrows, 281;
his gift of books to the library of the university of Edinburgh, 289;
letter from, to his son, on sir Andrew Ramsay, lord
Abbots-hall, 300-308;
catalogue of his books, 153, 157, 160-162, 283-299.
---- sir Lues, 191.
---- Richard, of Hatton, 191 and _n_, 192 and _n_, 193, 212.
---- Robert, 222, 245, 251, 269, 270.
---- sir Thomas Dick, his correspondence with sir Walter Scott
on the publishing of Fountainhall's MSS., xi-xxii.
---- William, 242, 245.
---- of the Bass, 202 _n_.
---- sergeant, 185.
---- Mr., 168.
Lauders, murder of, xxi.
Lauderdale, 179.
Lauderdale, John, earl of, 192.
---- ---- duke of, xxxi and _n_, xxxv, _n_, 26 _n_,
168, 189, 203, 213-215, 219-222, 232, 303, 306-308.
---- duchess of, 215, 306, 307.
---- Richard, earl of, 192.
---- colonel, 189.
Lauds, Ja., 242.
Laurenceland, 200.
---- laird of. _See_ Henderson.
Law of Brunton, 197.
Law, essay on the study of, 137 and _n_.
Laws and customs of France, 64-65, 74, 77, 87.
Lawyers' fees in France, 90.
Le Berche, Mr., 13, 123-124, 157.
Leidingtoune, 200.
Leighton, Robert, archbishop of Dunblane, afterwards of Glasgow, 214, 231.
Leirmonts of Dairsie, 207.
Leith citadel, purchase of, 305, 308.
Leny (Leine), near Edinburgh, 193.
_Lepanthe (le) de Jacques VI_., 82.
Lery, Jean de, 94 and _n_.
Leslie, Fife, 197, 205.
Lesly, bishop of the Isles, anecdote of, 64.
---- Patrick, 276.
Leuchie, 203.
Levine, earl of, 196, 201.
Levinston, Dr., 186.
Liberton, 187, 188.
Lindsay, Henry, 258.
Linktoune, Kirkcaldy, 195.
Linlithgow palace, 182 and _n_.
Lintlands, 200.
Linton bridges, 202.
Lithgow, lord, 194.
Little, William, provost of Edinburgh, 187.
---- ---- of Over Libberton, 187.
Lo ----, professor of music in Oxford 168, 172, 173.
Lochlevin castle, 197.
Lockhart, sir George, xxx, xxxvii, 212, 222, 224, 276, 308.
---- sir James, of Lee, lord justice clerk, 185 and _n_, 218, 219;
death of, 223.
---- colonel sir William, of Lee, 215, 223, 233.
death of, 224.
Logans of Restalrig, 187.
Loire, inundations of the, 20-21.
London tower, 1.
Loudun, the devils of, 77.
Louis XIII., statue of, in Paris, 5;
statue and portraits of, at Richelieu castle, 25-27;
a gunmaker, 57;
heightens the gold and silver of foreign nations, 80.
Louis XIV., as a drummer, 57.
Lovain, universities of, 204.
Loyola, Ignatius, sermon on, 30-31.
Lufnes, 203, 210.
Lumsdean, Charles, 268, 296.
Lundie, rev. James, 195.
---- of that ilk, 196-197.
Lundy, Mr., minister at Dysert, 272.
Lylle, William, advocate, death of, 212.
Lyon, rev. Gilbert, 195.
---- Patrick, 221, 249.
Macbean, Mr., xv, xviii, xxi.
Macduff clan, 197, 206.
Macfud ----, 208.
M'Gill, Alex., 279, 280.
---- of Fingask, 204.
---- of Rumgaye, 207.
M'Gills of Kemnock, 207.
Mackenzie, sir George, lord advocate, xxvii, xxxvi, xxxviii, 181, 226.
---- Roderick, 181.
Maclucas, Colin, 185.
Macquare, Robert, 115, 139 and _n_.
Madertie, lord, 208.
Madmen, anecdotes of, 87.
Madrid, near Paris, 5.
Magdalen bridge, near Musselburgh, 188 and _n_.
Maid of Orleans, festival of, 9-11.
Mainart, lord, 222.
Maitland, Charles, lord Halton, 191 _n_, 192 _n_, 208, 221, 227.
---- Richard, of Pitreichy, 218.
---- family, 192.
Malcolm of Babedie, 196.
Maps, price of, 264, 287.
Mar, earle of, 224, 302.
March, earle of, 203.
Marior, Joseph, 2.
Marjoribanks, 203.
Markinch (Markins), 197.
Marmoustier, convent at, 18.
Marriage ceremonies, 99
marriages of protestants in France, 79
marriage laws of France, 65, 77.
Marseilles, 64.
Martin, St., celebration of, 100, 101;
relics of, 19.
---- Robert, justice clerk-depute, 219, 225.
Mary, St., of Loretto, 188 _n_.
---- Magdalen, St., nunnery of, at the Sciennes, 188.
Masterton ----, 262, 263.
Maule, Mr., xix.
Mawer, Mrs., 265.
May island, 203.
Mazarin, cardinal, 5, 63.
Meadowbank, lord, xiii.
Mede, Joseph, theory of, on the peopling of America, 197.
Megget, Jo., 258.
Mein, Mr., 5.
---- Patrick, 3.
---- Robert, 250, 256, 257.
Meinzeis, rev. John, 231.
Meiren, col., 185.
Melvill, lord, 196.
---- family, 203.
Melvines of Touch, 204.
Mendoza's _Histoire ... de la Chine_, 105.
Mensen, Henry, 280
Merton college, Oxford, 171 and _n_, 173.
Metellan, Mr., 168.
Meung, 18.
Mexico, founding of the kingdom of, 198.
Middleton, earl of, xli, 174.
Midlothian militia, 189.
Migill. See M'Gill.
Milne, rev. Mr., 183.
Milton's _Iconoclastes_, 116.
Minimes, order of, 9, 10, 86.
Miracles performed at the cradle of St. Hilaire, 56.
Mitchell, Jo., 268.
---- William, 22, 250, 257.
Mompommery, Mr., 159.
_Monasterium Sancte Mariæ in Campis_, 188.
Moncreiff, Sam, 281.
Money, comparative values of, xlii-xlviii, 81, 92 and _n_,
154, 239, 242, 243 and _n_, 245 and _n_, 257 and _n_,
269.
Monmouth, the duck of, 222.
Monro, Alexander, 212, 226.
Monsoreau, 20, 24.
Montaigne's _Essayes_, 82.
Monteith, earles of, 194.
Montozon, M., 128.
Montrosse, lord, 183.
Monynet, 210.
Moonzie, 207.
Moor, Mr., 5.
---- G., 2.
---- Dick, 2.
Moorefields, 174.
Moray. _See_ Murray.
Mordington, 202.
---- lord, 201, 202.
Morisons of Dairsie, 207.
Morton, earl of, 188, 226.
Morton of Cummock, 207.
Mortonhall, laird of, 189.
Moubrayes of Barnbougall, 193.
---- of Wauchton, 202.
Mount Calvary, near Paris, 6.
Mountebanks, 68-74.
Moutray of Seafield castle, 195.
Mow, laird of, 201.
---- Patrick, of the Maines, 201.
Mowat, Mr., 3, 160.
Muire of Park, 271.
Muires of Bourhouses, 200.
Muirhead, John, advocate, death of, 223.
Munster, bishop of, anecdote of the, 150.
Murder of a judge in Paris, 49.
discovery of murders at St. Lazare, 63.
Murray, earle of, created justice-generall, 225.
pensioned, 225.
---- John, advocate, death of, 219.
---- Mungo, 120.
---- sir Robert, 214 and _n_.
---- death of, 224.
---- sir Thomas, of Glendoick, lord of session, 223-224.
---- Wm., 274, 276, 279.
---- of Levinstone, 186.
---- Mr., 3.
Musselburgh, 188, 189.
Mylne, Robert, annotator of Lauder's MSS., xi, xii, xv, xx.
Myre of Billie, 201.
Nairne, Mr., 231.
Napier, origin of the name of, 211.
Nasmith, John, 269, 272, 278, 279.
Neilsone, Margaret, 253, 263.
Newbyth, lord. _See_ Baird, sir John.
New college, Oxford, 171.
New Cranston, 179.
Newliston, 193.
Newmilnes, 200.
Newtonlies, 200, 209.
Neidle Eye, near Bathgate, 186.
Nicol, John, 242, 284, 295.
---- P., 174.
Nicolson, sir John, of Polton, 189.
---- Jonet, 276.
---- Thomas, advocate, death of, 212.
Nidrie, 190.
---- castle, 193.
Nisbet, sir John, of Dirleton, 203 _n_, 210, 213, 226, 308.
---- of West Nisbet, 202.
Norame castle, 202.
Normand, Lance, 2.
Northtoun (Norton), 192.
Northumberland, earl of, 58.
Norvell, George, advocate, death of, 222.
Nunlands, 200, 202.
Nynewells, 201.
Oaths of France, 147.
Ogilvy, lord, 8 and _n_, 14, 16, 17, 130, 160.
---- John, 4, 7, 11, 13, 23, 60, 109, 130, 157, 158, 161;
letter to, from Francis Kinloch, introducing Lauder, 7.
Oliphant, lord, 202.
---- Laurence, advocate, death of, 212.
---- Patrick, death of, 225.
Olive trees, abundance of, in France, 89.
Opdam, admiral, 13 and _n_;
defeat of, 234-235.
Orange trees, 89.
Oriel college, Oxford, 172.
Orleans, 8;
festival of the maid of, 9-11;
the fête de Dieu at, 11;
drinking customs of, 133.
---- duke of, statue of, at Blois, 18.
Ormond, duke of, 58.
Orrery, lord, 2 and _n_.
Osborne's _Advice to a Son_, 99 and _n_.
Oswald, Alex., advocate, death of, 212.
Otterburne of Reidhall, 203, 207.
Oxbridge. _See_ Uxbridge.
Oxford and its library, 169-170;
its colleges, 171-173.
Painston ----, 251, 263, 265.
Paipes of Walafield, 190.
Paisley (Pasley) town and abbey, 184.
Pancerolli's _Vetera Deperdita_, 99 and _n_.
Papists, effects of thunder on, 51.
Parma, the duke of, and the Jesuits, 86.
Partenay, 64.
Passive obedience, 140.
Paterson, George, 258, 270, 277.
---- rev. John, 195.
---- Thomas, 177, 180, 269.
---- William, 163, 272.
Pathhead or Pittintillun, 196.
Patrick, St., Irish respect for, 134.
Paxtoun, 202.
Peager, madame, 128.
Peirs, Mary, 267.
Penmansheills, 209.
Penny weddings, 124, 242, 265, 275, 276.
Pentherer ----, 251.
Peppermilne, near Edinburgh, 188.
Péres de l'oratoire, 10, 13, 42.
Petition to the court of session, 181.
Philip II. of Spain, anecdotes of, 150.
Phrygian language, antiquity of, 81.
Physick garden, Oxford, 173.
Pies, the, near Cockburnspath, 200.
Pilans, James, 186.
Pinkie, battle of, 190.
---- house, near Musselburgh, 189.
Pitcairne ----, 205.
Pitmedden. See Seton.
Pittedy, Fife, 196.
Pleughlands, Edinburgh, 187.
Poictiers, 29;
street cries of, 40, 68;
anecdote of the bishop of, 60-61;
Jesuit college at, 77;
lawyers in, 90;
crime in, 95.
Poictou, governor of the province of, 57;
the practice of torture in, 70.
Pollock, Mr., 269.
Popish plot, xxviii.
Porrock, Henry, 251.
Port de Pilles, 129.
Porterstoune, 216.
Portraiture in France, 109.
Portsmouth, dutchesse of, xli.
Portues, Patrick, 8, 156.
Preistfield, 188.
Preston of Bouncle, 200.
---- sir Robert, of that ilk, xxxv _n_, 219, 224.
Prestons of Craigmillar, 188.
Primogeniture, law of, in France, 90, 143.
Primrose, sir Archibald, of Elphinston, 190, 193 and _n_, 225-227.
Pringle, Mr., of Yair, xiii.
---- Walter, advocate, 221, 252, 275, 276;
suspension of, 226.
Productiveness of France, 89.
Protestants, marriages of, in France, 79.
Proverbs, 143-144, 146, 148.
Psammeticus, king of Egypt, and the origin of language, 81.
Puddock stools, cooking of, 76.
Purves, William, 140.
Quarrier, Pat, 245.
Queen's college, Oxford, 172.
Queinsberry, earle of, 224.
Quinkerstaines, 202.
Radegonde, Ste., 34;
legend of, 35;
tomb of, 56.
Raith, the, Kirkcalcly, 196.
---- of Edmonston, 188 and _n_.
Ramsay, sir Andrew, lord Abbotshall, lord provost of Edinburgh, xxii,
xxxiv-xxxvi, 109 _n_, 195, 249, 251, 267, 269, 272, 274, 279,
281, 284, 287, 293-298;
made a lord of session, 217;
a member of the privy council, 225;
letter from Lauder on the character and career of, 300;
extract on, from sir George Mackenzie's Memoirs, 308-309.
Ramsay, sir Andrew, of Wauchton, 283, 308.
---- lady Wauchton, 250.
---- Andrew, professor of theology at Saumur and afterwards
rector of Edinburgh university, 199, 206, 301, 303-304 and _n_.
---- sir Charles, of Balmayn, 304.
---- David, 109.
---- ---- of Balmayn, 304.
---- George, lord, 206.
---- Grissell, 241, 255, 257, 258.
---- sir James, of Whythill, advocate, death of, 223.
---- Janet, wife of lord Fountainhall, xxii.
---- sir John, of Balmayn, afterwards earl of Bothwell, 200, 203-207.
---- John, keiper of the register of homings, death of, 219.
---- ---- minister of Markinch, 197.
---- Margaret, 258.
---- Mathew, 262, 271.
---- Patrick, 112 and _n_, 278.
---- William, earle of Fife, 197, 206.
---- ---- of Balmayne, 303.
---- ---- 244, 265, 271, 272, 306.
---- of Balmayne, 239.
---- of Corston, 205, 206.
---- of Fawsyde, 100.
---- of Idington, 200 and _n_, 241, 243, 287.
---- of Nunlands, 202.
---- colonel, 246.
---- 205.
Ramsays in Fife, 206.
Raploch, laird of, 281.
Ratho, 192.
Razin, Stenka, rebellion of, 229.
Reidbraes, 202.
Reidfuird, lord. _See_ Foulis, James, of Colinton.
Reidhall, 191.
Reidhouse, 208.
Reidop, 194.
Reidpeth, George, 239.
Relics at the convent of Marmoustier, 19-20.
Renton, 200, 209.
---- lord. _See_ Hume, sir John.
---- of Billie, 201.
Rentons' claim on Coldingham, 209-210.
Restalrig castle, 187;
chapel, 190.
Revenscraig, 207.
Revensheuch, 196.
Revenues of the king of France, 110.
Riccarton, 191, 194.
Richelieu town and castle, description of, 25-27, 44, 157.
---- cardinal, 28, 91.
Richison, lady Smeton, 193.
Riddles, 80, 103-105.
Rigs of Carberrie, 190.
Robertson, George, keiper of the register of hornings, 219.
---- Thomas, treasurer of Edinburgh, 240, 255, 256, 268, 276.
Robison of the Cheynes (Sciennes), 188.
Rocheid, sir James, 306.
Roman catholics, penal laws against, xxvi, xxvii;
troublesome citizens, xxix.
Rome, brothels of, 83;
Scots college at, 84;
customs of, 116.
Ross, bishop of, his mission on behalf of James II., 198 and _n_.
---- lord, 224.
---- Daniel, 241.
---- James, advocate, death of, 224.
Rothes, earl of, xxxvi, 176, 196 _n_, 207, 306.
Rouchsoles, 185.
Roxbrugh, earle of, 179, 201, 224.
Roy, Mr., 113.
Rue, Mr., 159.
Ruell waterworks, 5, 6.
Rumgaye, 207.
Rupert, prince, 236.
Rutherfurd, lord, 109 and _n_.
---- C., 132, 168.
---- capt., 162.
_Sacellum Sancti Marlorati_, 188 and _n_.
St. Abbes Head, 210.
St. Catharine's well, 187.
St. Florans, convent at, 22.
St. Germains, 200.
St. Hilaire, abbot of, 75;
church of, 56.
St. Roque, chapel of, 188 _n_.
Saints' days, 12.
Salmasius' _Defensio Regio_, 116.
Salmon fishing on the Tweed, 202.
Salt, 92.
Salton, estate of, 216.
Sandilands, Mr., 3, 132, 168.
---- Marion, 194.
Sandwich, vice-admiral, 13.
Sanquhar, lord. _See_ Hamilton, sir William.
Sanson's maps of France, etc., 28.
Sauces and salads, 92.
Sauchton, 191.
Saumur, 20-22;
system of graduation at, 23.
Scatteraw, 200.
Scholars' compact with the devil, 88.
Scholastic speculations, 92-94.
Schovo, Mr., 13, 157, 162.
Sciennes, nunnery at, 188 and _n_.
Scorpions, 74.
Scots' walk at the church of St. Hilaire, 56.
Scotscraig, 206, 207.
Scotstarvet, 206.
Scott, Adam, 265.
---- David, 14.
---- Francis, 212.
---- sir John, of Scotstarvet, 190, 191, 194.
---- John, 183, 212, 248, 252.
---- Laurence, of Bevely, clerk of session, death of, 212.
---- Margaret, 194.
---- Mary, 275.
---- Robert, 54, 159.
---- Thomas, of Abbotshall, 195, 203.
---- sir Walter, his correspondence with sir Thomas Dick Lauder
on the proposed publication of Fountain-hall's MSS., xi-xxii.
---- Wm., of Abirlady, 210.
---- of Ardrosse, 197.
---- of Balveiry, 197.
---- of Bonytoun, 193.
---- of Dischingtoune, 197.
---- of Limphoys, 191.
---- captain, 132.
---- Mr., 30.
Scougall, 210.
---- sir John, of Whytkirk, death of, 219.
Scudéri's _Almahide_, account of, 134-137.
Seafield castle, 195.
Seat rent, 265, 276.
Sempills of Fulwood, 185.
Semple, 203.
---- Gabriell, 270.
Senators of the college of justice, their usurpation of power over the town
of Edinburgh, 218.
Sermons on Ignatius Loyola, 30;
on St. Domenick, 31;
on the virgin Mary, 41, 52-53;
anecdotes of sermons, 115.
Seton, Alexander, chancellor, and provost of Edinburgh, 189, 218
and _n_, 305.
---- ---- of Pitmedden, 258, 284, 290.
Shaftesbury, earle of, high chancelor of England, 221.
Sharp, James, archbishop of St. Andrews, 141, 214, 231.
---- William, of Stainehill, 189.
Sherwood forest, 177.
Sheves, William, of Kemnock, archbishop of St. Andrews, 207.
Shirefhal, 188.
Shoneir of Caskieberry, 205.
Shynaille, 15 and _n_.
Sibbalds of Balgonie, 196, 197.
Silver, price of, 264.
Silvertonhil, 185.
Sim, William, 192, 268.
Sinclair, lord, 196.
---- George, 159.
---- Hew, 241, 242.
---- Ja., of Roslin, 269.
---- John, minister at Ormiston, 279.
---- sir Robert, 213, 214 and _n_, 219-220, 222.
---- Robert, 181, 182.
Skene (Skein), J., 110 and _n_.
---- sir James, of Curriehill, xi, 191.
---- Thomas, advocate, 227.
---- of Halzeards, 193.
Smith, rev. J., anecdote of, 127.
---- Joannette, 280.
Somervell, Arthur, 266, 275.
Somnambulism, a cure for, 84.
Sorcery, xxxviii, 45-46, 99, 204 and _n_.
Southampton, earle of, 222.
Southesk, carles of, 303.
Spaniards, antipathy of the French to, 47-48;
Spanish cruelty in the New-World, 98.
Spanish Netherlands invaded by the French, 228.
Spence, Jeremiah, forges a decreet, 220-221.
Spittle, 192.
Spot, 200, 209.
Spotswood, Alexander, 213.
---- ---- of Crumstaine, advocate, 202;
death of, 225.
---- John, archbishop of St. Andrews, 139, 207.
Sprage, Mr., 169.
Spurius Carvilius, 116.
Stainehill, near Edinburgh, 189.
Stainfeild, sir Ja., 281.
Stair, lord, president of the court of session, xxxi, xxxv and _n_,
xxxvi _n_, 213, 214.
Stanipmilne, 191.
Steill, Pat, 265.
Stevinson, Haddington, 200.
---- D., 265.
---- Jo., 262.
---- William, 275.
---- Dr., 186, 249.
Stewart, John, of Ketleston, death of, 221.
---- sir Lues, advocate, of Kirkhill, 193.
---- Robert, marshal of France, 103.
---- of Rossyth, 197.
Stillingfleet, Mr., 174.
Stirling, rev. David, 195.
---- rev. Robert, 183.
Strachan ---- regent at Aberdeen, 42.
---- sir J., 176.
---- William, advocate, death of, 225.
---- Mr., 2, 3.
---- Mlle, 128.
Strafford, earle of, 230.
Stranaver, lady, 201.
Street cries, 40, 68, 99.
Sutherland, James, treasurer of Edinburgh, 278.
---- Will., 262, 266, 268, 270.
Suty, John, 30.
Swearing, punishment of, 60.
Swine, 77.
Swinton, Alexander, advocate, 215, 221.
---- of Brunston, 26 and _n_.
Sword ----, provost of Aberdeen, 109.
Swynish abbey, 186.
Sydserfe, 203.
---- Tom, his _Tarugoes Wiles_, 174-175 and _n_.
Tailfours of Reidheues, 191.
Tantallon (Tomtallon), 203, 210.
Tarbet, laird of, 196.
Taringzean, 205.
Temple, Arthur, 271.
---- lands in Edinburgh, 192.
Tennent, skipper, 281.
Terinean, in Carrick, 302.
Test act, xxxii-xxxv.
Thanes of Collie, 304.
Theft, punishment of, 70.
Thiget burn. See Figgate burn.
Thirlestan, 8 and _n_, 132.
Thoires, David, advocate, 223;
sent to prison and fined, 213.
Thomson, George, of Touch, 196, 204, 288.
---- Thomas, xiii, xix-xx.
---- sir Thomas, 190.
Thomsone, sir William, 168, 305.
Thornetounloch, 200.
Thorniedykes, 210.
Thunder, bell-ringing during, 49-51.
Toad, medicinal stone in head of, 72.
Tobit's dog, 114 and _n_.
Tod, Archibald, provost of Edinburgh, 305.
Todrig, Alex., 252, 260, 263.
'Tom of the Cowgate.' _See_ Haddington, earl of.
Torrance ----, 185.
Torture, infliction of, xxxviii, 70, 83.
Touch, 204, 205.
---- laird of. _See_ Thomson, George.
Touraine, madame de, death of, 132.
Tours, 19, 20, 24, 64.
Trade processions in France, 52.
Traditions and fables, 36-37.
Traquair, lord, 216, 218.
Trinity college, Oxford, 173.
Trotter, Jo., 262.
Turner ----, 3.
---- sir James, 185.
Tweddale, earle of, 189, 214, 223, 224;
his predecessors, 208.
Tyninghame, 209, 210.
Umeau, M., his speech at the opening of the law university of
Poictiers, 112.
Union of England and Scotland, 229 and _n_.
University college, Oxford, 172.
Uphall kirk, 193.
Uxbridge, 168.
Van Eck, Tunis, 167.
Van Tromp, 235.
Vipers exhibited by mountebanks, 71, 73.
Voetius ----, 141.
Vulteius ----, 66.
Waldenses, persecutions of, 66.
Walker, William, 199.
Wallace, Hew, W.S., 213.
---- James, macer, 216.
---- sir Thomas, 214.
---- William, tradition of, 37.
---- ---- advocate, death of, 223.
---- Mr., 168.
Wallyfield, near Musselburgh, 190, 203.
Wardlaw, Charles, 246, 284.
Waren, Mr., 163.
Waschingtoune, 216.
Wat, Peter, 247.
Water, vendors of, 68.
Waterworks at Ruell, 5,6;
at Shynaille, 15.
Watson, David, of Sauchton, 191.
---- J., of Lammyletham, 217.
---- Walter, provost of Dumbarton, 184.
---- of Pathhead or Pittintillun, 196.
---- ---- 202.
Wauchope of Niddrie, 188 _n_.
Wauchton, 202, 209.
_See also_ Hepburn: Ramsay.
---- of Lufness, 210.
Wause, Pat., 168, 255, 267.
Wedderburne, Rob., sermon by, 54.
Weir, major, execution of, 232.
Wemes, James, advocate, death of, 214.
Wemyss, Rot., 271.
---- (Veimes) of Bogie, 196.
---- of that ilk, 197.
Wesenbec, Matthew, 122.
Westmilne house, Kirkcaldy, 195.
White, C, 132.
Whithill, Easter Dudinstone, 190.
Whitkirk, 203.
Whyte, Andrew, of Fuirstoun, 200.
Wild animals of France, 85.
Wilkie, Archibald, of Dauphintoun, 190.
Wilky, Mr., 3.
Willis, D., physitian, 173.
Wilson, James, 249.
---- Thomas, 276.
Windiegoule, near Tranent, 203.
Wine, adulteration of, 59.
Wines of Germany, 69;
of France, 85.
Winrahame, Robert, advocate, death of, 225.
---- of Currichill, 191.
Winton, lord, 182, 258.
Witchcraft, xxxviii-xl.
Wolsie, cardinal, 171.
Wolves in France, 85.
Wood, Andro, 245.
---- Hary, 272.
---- rev. James, anecdote of, 127.
---- John, 259, 266, 271, 298.
Woodhead, lands of, xxiii.
Wrightshouses, Edinburgh, 186;
origin of, 211.
Yester, 208.
---- lord, 168, 203, 224.
York, duke of. _See_ James VII.
---- town and minster, 177.
Young, Androw, 241, 272, 279.
---- of Leny, 193.
Printed by T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to Her Majesty at the Edinburgh
University Press.
REPORT OF THE THIRTEENTH ANNUAL MEETING OF THE SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY
THE THIRTEENTH ANNUAL MEETING OF THE SOCIETY was held on TUESDAY, November
21, 1899, in Dowell's Rooms, George Street, Edinburgh,--Emeritus Professor
MASSON in the chair.
The HON. SECRETARY read the Report of the Council, as follows:--
During the past year the Society has lost twenty members, ten by death and
ten by resignation. When the vacancies are filled up there will remain
seventy names on the list of candidates for admission. In addition to the
400 individual members of the Society there are now 64 Public Libraries
subscribing for the Society's publications.
The Council particularly desire to express their regret at the death of the
Rev. Dr. Alexander Mitchell, formerly Professor of Ecclesiastical History
at St. Andrews University, and of the Rev. A.W. Cornelius Hallen. From the
foundation of the Society, Dr. Mitchell had been a corresponding member of
the Council. He took a great interest in the Society's work, and, in
conjunction with the Rev. Dr. Christie, edited for us two volumes of _The
Records of the Commissions of the General Assembly of the Years_ 1646-
49. Mr. Hallen was also an active member of the Council for many years, and
edited _The Account Book of Sir John Foulis of Ravelston_.
The Society's publications belonging to the issue of the past year, viz.,
Mr. Ferguson's first volume of _Papers Illustrating the History of the
Scots Brigade_, and Mr. Firth's volume on _Scotland and the
Protectorate_, have been for some months in the hands of members. But
members for this year, 1898-99, are to be congratulated on their good
fortune in receiving, in addition to the ordinary issue of the Society, two
other volumes as a gift. It will be remembered that at our last Annual
Meeting Mr. Balfour Paul announced on behalf of the trustees of the late
Sir William Fraser, K.C.B., that, acting on the terms of the trust, they
were prepared to print and present to members on the roll for the year
1898-99, at least one, and perhaps two volumes of documents having the
special object of illustrating the family history of Scotland. The work
then suggested, and subsequently determined upon, was the Macfarlane
Genealogical Collections relating to families in Scotland, MSS. in the
Advocates' Library, now passing through the press in two volumes, under the
editorial care of Mr. J.T. Clark, the Keeper of the Library. The whole of
the first volume and the greater part of the second are already in type.
The Council, who very highly appreciate this welcome donation, desire to
convey to the trustees the cordial thanks of the Society for their share in
the presentation.
The following are the publications assigned to the coming year, 1899-1900:
(1.) The second volume of the _Scots Brigade_ which is already
printed, bound, and ready for issue.
(2.) _The Journal of a Foreign Tour in 1665 and 1666_, and portions of
other Journals, by Sir John Lauder, Lord Fountainhall, edited by Mr. Donald
Crawford, Sheriff of Aberdeen, Kincardine and Banff. The greater part of
this book also is in type.
(3.) _Dispatches of the Papal Envoys to Queen Mary during her reign in
Scotland_, edited by the Rev. J. Hungerford Pollen, S.J. The editor
expects to send his manuscripts to the printer in January next.
Several new works have been proposed and provisionally accepted by the
Council. Dr. J.H. Wallace-James offers a collection of Charters and
Documents of the Grey Friars of Haddington and of the Cistercian Nunnery of
Haddington. They will be the more welcome, as the desire has been
frequently expressed that the Society should deal more fully with the
period preceding the Reformation.
Mr. Firth has suggested the publication of certain unedited or imperfectly
edited papers concerning the _Negotiations for the Union of England and
Scotland in_ 1651-1653, and Mr. C. Sandford Terry of Aberdeen has kindly
consented to edit them.
The three retiring members of Council are Dr. Hume Brown, Mr. G.W.
Prothero, and Mr. Balfour Paul. The Council propose that Mr. Prothero
should be removed to the list of corresponding members, that Dr. Hume Brown
and Mr. Balfour Paul be re-elected, and that Mr. John Scott, C.B., be
appointed to the Council in the place of Mr. Prothero.
The Accounts of the Hon. Treasurer show that there was a balance in
November 1898 of £172, 12s. 9d., and that the income for the year 1898-99
was £521, 15s. 5d. The expenditure for this same year was £438, 14s. 1d.,
leaving a balance in favour of the Society of £255, 14s. 1d.
The CHAIRMAN, in moving the adoption of the Report, which, he said, was
very satisfactory, said that in the first place they had kept their
promises and arrangements in the past year, and, in the second place,
they had a very good bill of fare for the current year, even if there
were nothing additional to their programme as already published. The
books that had been announced as forthcoming were just the kind of books
that it was proper the Society should produce. But, in addition, they
would see there was forthcoming a very important publication which had
come to them out of the ordinary run. The late Sir William Fraser, in
addition to his other important bequests, which would for the future
affect the literature of Scottish history, gave power to his trustees
that they might, if they saw occasion, employ a certain portion of his
funds on some specific publications of the nature of those materials in
which he had been spending his life. The result had been that the
trustees, chiefly he believed by the advice of their Lyon King of Arms,
Mr. Balfour Paul, had offered as a gift to this Society those very
important genealogical documents, the Macfarlane documents, which had
been lying in the Advocates' Library, and to which a great many people
at various times had been referring, to such an extent that he believed
Mr. Clark, the librarian of the Advocates' Library, had been almost
incommoded by the number of such applications. Henceforth this would not
be the case, as the Macfarlane genealogical documents were to be
published under the editorship of Mr. Clark. That was a windfall for
which he had no doubt all the members of the Society would be thankful,
and when he moved the adoption of the report he meant specially to
propose their adoption of a hearty vote of thanks to the trustees of Sir
William Fraser.
Professor MASSON then alluded to the proposal of Mr. C. Stanford Terry
to produce the silent records relating to the union of Scotland with
England in the years 1651 to 1653. That was a portion of Scottish
history that had been almost forgotten, but a very important and
interesting portion of Scottish history it was. In 1651, after the
battle of Dunbar, and after Cromwell's occupation of Scotland, and after
he had gone back to England and had left Monk in charge in Scotland,
with about eight thousand Englishmen in Scotland, distributed in
garrisons here and there, it occurred to the Long Parliament of England,
then masters of affairs in Great Britain, that there ought to be an
incorporating union of Scotland with the English Commonwealth. That
proposal came before the Long Parliament in October 1651. It was agreed
upon, by way of declaration, that it might be very desirable, and a
committee of eight members of the Long Parliament was appointed to
negotiate in the matter. They came to Scotland, and there was a kind of
convention, a _quasi_ Scottish Parliament, held at Dalkeith, where
the matter was discussed. Of course, it was a very serious matter,
giving rise to various feelings. To part with the old Scottish
nationality was a prospect that had to be faced with regret. To this
Parliament the Commissioners proposed what was called the Tender, or an
offer of incorporating union. The variety of elements in Scotland--
Royalists, Presbyterians, Independents--in the main said that they must
yield, although they were reluctant. Even those who were most in
sympathy with the English Commonwealth politically shrank for a while,
and they tried whether the Long Parliament might not accept a kind of
compromise, whether Scotland might not be erected into a little
independent Republic allied to the English Commonwealth or Republic. But
at last all these feelings gave way, and the English Commissioners were
able to report before the end of the year, or in January--what we should
now call 1652, but then called 1651--that twenty of the Scottish shires
out of thirty-five had accepted the Tender, and that almost all the
burghs had accepted it, Edinburgh and Aberdeen and all the chief burghs
--Glasgow being the sole outstanding one. At last, however, Glasgow, on
thinking over the thing, agreed, and the consequence was that in April
1652 the Act incorporating Scotland with the English Commonwealth passed
the first and second readings in the Long Parliament. From April 1652
Scotland was, they might say, united with England, and in the
Protectorate Parliaments, in Cromwell's first and second Parliaments,
there were thirty members from Scotland sitting at Westminster with the
English members, and so through the protectorate of his son Richard, and
it was not till the Restoration that there came the rebound. Then the
order universally was: 'As you were,' and a period of Scottish history
was sponged out, so much so that they had forgotten it, and many of them
rather regretted it. At all events, it was a very important period of
Scottish history, and the proposed publication will give us flashes of
light into the feelings and the state of the country between 1652 and
1660.
Proceeding, Professor MASSON said the Society had kept strictly to their
announcements, and they had already contributed a great many
publications, which, at all events, had proved, and were proving, new
materials for the history of Scotland, giving new conceptions of that
history. They would observe in the first place how the publications had
been dotted in respect of dates, some of them comparatively recent,
others going far back. They would observe, in the second place, that the
documents had been of almost all kinds--all those kinds that were of
historical value; all those that really pertained to the history of
Scotland--that was to say, the history of that little community which,
with a small population, they named Scotland. There were various
theories and conceptions of history. The main and common and the capital
conception of the day was to give the story of the succession of events
of all kinds. In that respect Scottish history, though the history of a
small nation, would compete in interest with the history of any nation
that had ever been. Small, but the variety, the intensity of the life,
the changes, the vicissitudes, the picturesque incidents, no history
could compete for that kind of interest with the history of that little
torrent that had flowed through such a rocky, narrow bed. Crimes or
illegalities got easily into books, and this was a little unfortunate,
because people dwelt on such crimes and illegalities as constituting
history. But they did not. No more would the digest of the trials of
their Police Courts and of their chief Courts. They figured, of course,
in history, but there ought to be a caution against allowing too great a
proportion of those records of crimes and illegalities to affect their
views. Then there was a notion of history very much in favour with their
scholars at present, that it should consist merely of a narrative of the
actions of the Government and the formation of institutions--what they
should call constitutional history. There had been a school of
historical writers of late who would almost confine history to that
record--nothing else was proper history, and the consequence was that
the constitution of history was in the publication of documents and in
the changes in the manner of government. That was an essential and a
very important part of history, but by itself it would be a very dreich
kind of history. History was the authentic record of whatever happened
in the world, and Scottish history of whatever had happened in the
Scottish world. If he had been told that on a certain date King James
V., the Red Fox, rode over Cramond Bridge with five horsemen, one of
them on a white horse, they might say what use was it to him to know
that, but he did want to know it and have that picture in his mind. It
was a piece of history, and any one who was bereft of interest in that
sort of thing--however little use it might be turned to--was bereft of
the historical faculty. Then there was a conception of history that it
should consist in pictures of the generation, of the people, how they
were housed, how they were fed, and so on. That was a capital notion.
But he was not sure that there were not certain overdoings of that
notion. In the first place, they would observe that they must take a
succession of generations in order to accomplish that descriptive
history of the state of Scotland at one time, then at another, then at a
third, and so on. A description at one time would not apply to the
society of Scotland at another.
'Quhan Alysander, oure Kyng, was deid,
Quhan Scotland led in luve and le,
Awa' wes sons of ail and brede,
Of wyne and wax, of gamyn and glee.'
That was to say, it was a tradition before that time that there was
abundance and even luxury in Scotland. There had been a tendency in
history of late to dwell on the poverty and squalor of Scotland in
comparison with other countries--all that should be produced, and made
perfectly conceivable--and then also to dwell on the records of kirk-
sessions and presbyteries, showing the state of morality in Scotland.
All that it was desirable should be produced in abundance if they were
not wrongly construed--but they were apt to be. A notion had arisen what
a comical country Scotland must have been with its Shorter Catechism,
and its presbytery records, and its miserable food, and so on. That was
a wrong notion, and ought to be dismissed, because if they thought of it
the life of a community consisted in how it felt, how it acted. In those
days of poverty and squalor of external surroundings there were as good
men, as brave men, and as good women as there were in Scotland now. And
at all events, if there was anything in Scotland now, any power in the
world, it had sprung from these progenitors. They must have some
corrective for an exaggeration of that notion, which was very natural.
One was biography. They would be surprised if they were to know how many
biographies there might be along the course of Scottish history, say
from the Reformation. If they fastened on a single individual, and told
the story of his life, they not only told the story of his community in
a very interesting manner, but they got straight to some of those faults
which they were apt to be impressed by if they gazed vaguely at the
community. Dr. Hume Brown had written an admirable summary of the
history of Scotland, but he had contributed to the history of Scotland
in another way by his two biographies of Buchanan and Knox, and
especially by his biography of Buchanan. Another corrective was
literature. There had been no sufficient perception of how literature
might illustrate history; and why should it not if their aim was to
recover the past mind of Scotland? Every song, every fiction--was not
that a transmitted piece of the very mind that they wanted to
investigate? Here was matter already at their hand. Then, in a similar
way, if a noble thought, if a fine feeling, was in any way expressed in
verse or in prose, that came out of some moment or moments in the mind
of some individual, and it must have corresponded and been in sympathy
with the community in which it was expressed. Nothing noble had come out
of any man at any one time, but that man, in the way of expression of
literature, must have had a constituency of people who felt as he felt.
Unfortunately there was a long gap in what we called the finer history
of Scotland from the time of the Reformation to Allan Ramsay--in
literature of certain kinds. There were muses in those days, but they
were muses of ecclesiastical and political controversy--very grim muses,
but still they were muses. But from Allan Ramsay's time to this, to
study the history of the literature was to know more of the history of
the country than we would otherwise. David Hume, Adam Smith, Burns,
Scott--all these men were born and bred in Scotland so poor and so
squalid that we should say we would not belong to it now. Nobody was
asking us to belong to it. But these men, their roots were in a soil
capable of sustaining their genius and of pouring into their works those
things in the way of thought and feeling that delighted us now, and that
were our pride throughout the world.
Mr. D.W. KEMP seconded the adoption of the Report, which was agreed to.
The vacancies in the Council were filled by the re-election of Dr. Hume
Brown and Mr. Balfour Paul, and the election of Mr. John Scott, C.B., in
room of Mr. G.W. Prothero.
In reply to Mr. James Bruce, W.S., Dr. LAW said that the death of Dr.
Mitchell had caused some delay in the preparation of the third volume of
the Records of the General Assembly, but it had already been transcribed
for the printer.
A vote of thanks to Professor Masson concluded the proceedings.
ABSTRACT OF THE HONORARY TREASURER'S ACCOUNTS
_For Year to 31st October 1899._
I. CHARGE.
I. Balance in Bank from last year, £172 12 9
II. Subscriptions, viz.--
(1) 400 subscriptions for 1898-99,
at £1, 1s., £420 0 0
2 in arrear for 1897-98, and 6
in advance for 1899-1900, 8 8 0
1 in advance for 1900-1, and
1 for 1901-2, 2 2 0
----------
£430 10 0
Less 4 in arrear for 1898-99, 4 4 0
---------- 426 6 0
(2) 64 Libraries at £1, 1s., £67 4 0
2 in advance for 1899-1900, 2 2 0
----------
£69 6 0
Less 1 in advance for 1898-99, 1 1 0
---------- 68 5 0
(3) Copies of previous issues sold to New
Members, 23 12 6
III. Interest on Deposit Receipt, 3 11 11
----------
Sum of Charge, £694 8 2
==========
II. DISCHARGE.
I. _Incidental Expenses_--
Printing Cards, Circulars, and
Reports, £7 18 6
---------
Carry forward, £7 18 6
* * * * *
Brought forward, £7 18 6
Stationery, Receipt and Cheque
Books,..... 3 13 0
Making-up and delivering copies, 28 12 6
Postages of Secretary and
Treasurer, .... 3 9 7
Clerical Work and Charges on
Cheques, ... 5 13 6
Hire of room for meeting, 1 1 0
---------- £50 8 1
II. _Montereul Correspondence, Vol. II._,--
Composition, Printing, and
Paper,..... £139 9 0
Proofs, Corrections, and Delete
Matter, ... 20 8 0
Binding,..... 17 0 0
Indexing, ... 4 5 0
----------
£181 2 0
Less paid to account, Oct. 1898, 145 3 0
---------- 35 19 0
III. _The Scots Brigade, Vol. I._--
Composition, etc., ... £133 8 0
Proofs and Corrections,.. 29 14 0
Binding,..... 17 11 0
Indexing Vol. i., ... 5 5 0
---------- 185 18 0
IV. _The Scots Brigade, Vol. II._--
Indexing,...... £5 5 0
V. _Scotland and the Protectorate_--
Composition, etc., ... 105 6 6
Proofs, Corrections, and Delete
Matter, ... 18 3 0
Illustrations, ... 16 7 6
Binding,..... 17 11 0
Indexing,.... 3 16 0
---------- 161 4 0
--------
Carry forward, ... £438 14 1
* * * * *
Brought forward, £438 14 1
VI. _Balance to next account_--
Sum due by the Bank of Scotland
on 31st October 1899--
(1) On Deposit Receipt, £200 0 0
(2) On Current Account, 55 14 1
-------- 255 14 1
---------
Sum of Discharge, £694 8 2
=========
EDINBURGH, _23rd November_ 1899.--Having examined the Accounts of the
Hon. Treasurer of the Scottish History Society for the year to 31st October
1899, of which the foregoing is an abstract, and compared the same with the
vouchers, we beg to report that we find the said Account to be correct, the
sum due by the Bank at the close thereof being £255, 14s. 1d.
WM. TRAQUAIR DICKSON, _Auditor._
RALPH RICHARDSON, _Auditor._
Scottish History Society.
SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY
* * * * *
THE EXECUTIVE.
_President._
THE EARL OF ROSEBERY, K.G., K.T., LL.D.
_Chairman of Council._
DAVID MASSON, LL.D., Historiographer Royal for Scotland.
_Council._
JOHN SCOTT, C.B.
Sir J. BALFOUR PAUL, Knt., Lyon King of Arms.
P. HUME BROWN, M.A., LL.D.
Rev. JOHN HUTCHISON, D.D.
D. HAY FLEMING, LL.D.
Right Rev. JOHN DOWDEN, D.D., Bishop of Edinburgh.
J. MAITLAND THOMSON, Advocate, Keeper of the Historical
Department, H.M. Register House.
W.K. DICKSON, Advocate.
DAVID PATRICK, LL.D.
Sir ARTHUR MITCHELL, K.C.B., M.D., LL.D.
ÆNEAS J.G. MACKAY, Q.C., LL.D., Sheriff of Fife and Kinross.
Sir JOHN COWAN, Bart.
_Corresponding Members of the Council._
C.H. FIRTH, Oxford; SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, D.C.L., LL.D.;
Rev. W.D. MACRAY, Oxford; G.W. PROTHERO, Litt. D.
_Hon. Treasurer._
J.T. CLARK, Keeper of the Advocates' Library.
_Hon. Secretary._
T.G. LAW, LL.D., Librarian, Signet Library.
RULES
1. The object of the Society is the discovery and printing, under selected
editorship, of unpublished documents illustrative of the civil, religious,
and social history of Scotland. The Society will also undertake, in
exceptional cases, to issue translations of printed works of a similar
nature, which have not hitherto been accessible in English.
2. The number of Members of the Society shall be limited to 400.
3. The affairs of the Society shall be managed by a Council, consisting of
a Chairman, Treasurer, Secretary, and twelve elected Members, five to make
a quorum. Three of the twelve elected Members shall retire annually by
ballot, but they shall be eligible for re-election.
4. The Annual Subscription to the Society shall be One Guinea. The
publications of the Society shall not be delivered to any Member whose
Subscription is in arrear, and no Member shall be permitted to receive more
than one copy of the Society's publications.
5. The Society will undertake the issue of its own publications, _i.e._
without the intervention of a publisher or any other paid agent.
6. The Society will issue yearly two octavo volumes of about 320 pages
each.
7. An Annual General Meeting of the Society shall be held at the end of
October, or at an approximate date to be determined by the Council.
8. Two stated Meetings of the Council shall be held each year, one on the
last Tuesday of May, the other on the Tuesday preceding the day upon which
the Annual General Meeting shall be held. The Secretary, on the request of
three Members of the Council, shall call a special meeting of the Council.
9. Editors shall receive 20 copies of each volume they edit for the
Society.
10. The owners of Manuscripts published by the Society will also be
presented with a certain number of copies.
11. The Annual Balance-Sheet, Rules, and List of Members shall be printed.
12. No alteration shall be made in these Rules except at a General Meeting
of the Society. A fortnight's notice of any alteration to be proposed shall
he given to the Members of the Council.
PUBLICATIONS OF THE SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY
_For the year 1886-1887._
1. BISHOP POCOCKE'S TOURS IN SCOTLAND, 1747-1760. Edited by D.W. KEMP.
(Oct. 1887.)
2. DIARY OF AND GENERAL EXPENDITURE BOOK OF WILLIAM CUNNINGHAM OF
CRAIGENDS, 1673-1680. Edited by the Rev. JAMES DODDS, D.D. (Oct. 1887.)
_For the year 1887-1888._
3. PANURGI PHILO-CABALLI SCOTI GRAMEIDOS LIBRI SEX.--THE GRAMEID: an heroic
poem descriptive of the Campaign of Viscount Dundee in 1689, by JAMES
PHILIP of Almerieclose. Translated and Edited by the Rev. A.D. MURDOCH.
(Oct. 1888.)
4. THE REGISTER OF THE KIRK-SESSION OF ST. ANDREWS. Part i. 1559-1582.
Edited by D. HAY FLEMING. (Feb. 1889.)
_For the year 1888-1889._
5. DIARY OF THE REV. JOHN MILL, Minister of Dunrossness, Sandwick, and
Cunningsburgh, in Shetland, 1740-1803. Edited by GILBERT GOUDIE, F.S.A.
Scot. (June 1889.)
6. NARRATIVE OF MR. JAMES NIMMO, A COVENANTER, 1654-1709. Edited by W.G.
SCOTT-MONCRIEFF, Advocate. (June 1889.)
7. THE REGISTER OF THE KIRK-SESSION OF ST. ANDREWS. Part ii. 1583-1600.
Edited by D. HAY FLEMING. (Aug. 1890.)
_For the year 1889-1890._
8. A LIST OF PERSONS CONCERNED IN THE REBELLION (1745). With a Preface by
the EARL OF ROSEBERY, and Annotations by the Rev. WALTER MACLEOD. (Sept.
1890.)
_Presented to the Society by the Earl of Rosebery_.
9. GLAMIS PAPERS: The 'BOOK OF RECORD,' a Diary written by PATRICK, FIRST
EARL OF STRATHMORE, and other documents relating to Glamis Castle (1684-
89). Edited by A.H. MILLAR, F.S.A. Scot. (Sept. 1890.)
10. JOHN MAJOR'S HISTORY OF GREATER BRITAIN (1521). Translated and edited
by ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE, with a Life of the author by ÆNEAS J.G. MACKAY,
Advocate. (Feb. 1892.)
_For the year 1890-1891._
11. THE RECORDS OF THE COMMISSIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLIES. 1646-47.
Edited by the Rev. Professor MITCHELL, D.D., and the Rev. JAMES CHRISTIE,
D.D., with an Introduction by the former. (May 1892.)
12. COURT-BOOK OF THE BARONY OF URIE, 1604-1747. Edited by the Rev. D.G.
BARRON, from a MS. in possession of Mr. R. BARCLAY of Dorking. (Oct. 1892.)
_For the year 1891-1892._
13. MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF SIR JOHN CLERK OF PENICUIK, Baronet, Baron of
the Exchequer, Commissioner of the Union, etc. Extracted by himself from
his own Journals, 1676-1755. Edited from the original MS. in Penicuik House
by JOHN M. GRAY, F.S.A. Scot. (Dec. 1892.)
14. DIARY OF COL. THE HON. JOHN ERSKINE OF CARNOCK, 1683-1687. From a MS.
in possession of HENRY DAVID ERSKINE, Esq., of Cardross. Edited by the Rev.
WALTER MACLEOD. (Dec. 1893.)
_For the year 1892-1893._
15. MISCELLANY OF THE SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY, First Volume--
THE LIBRARY OF JAMES VI., 1573-83. Edited by G.F. WARNER.
DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATING CATHOLIC POLICY, 1596-98. T.G. LAW.
LETTERS OF SIR THOMAS HOPE, 1627-46. Rev. R. PAUL.
CIVIL WAR PAPERS, 1643-50. H.F. MORLAND SIMPSON.
LAUDERDALE CORRESPONDENCE, 1660-77. Right Rev. JOHN DOWDEN, D.D.
TURNBULL'S DIARY, 1657-1704. Rev. R. PAUL.
MASTERTON PAPERS, 1660-1719. V.A. NOËL PATON.
ACCOMPT OF EXPENSES IN EDINBURGH, 1715. A.H. MILLAR.
REBELLION PAPERS, 1715 and 1745. H. PATON. (Dec. 1893.)
16. ACCOUNT BOOK OF SIR JOHN FOULIS OF RAVELSTON (1671-1707).
Edited by the Rev. A.W. CORNELIUS HALLEN. (June 1894.)
_For the year 1893-1894._
17. LETTERS AND PAPERS ILLUSTRATING THE RELATIONS BETWEEN CHARLES II. AND
SCOTLAND IN 1650. Edited, with Notes and Introduction, by SAMUEL RAWSON
GARDINER, LL.D., etc. (July 1894.)
18. SCOTLAND AND THE COMMONWEALTH. LETTERS AND PAPERS RELATING TO THE
MILITARY GOVERNMENT OF SCOTLAND, Aug. 1651--Dec. 1653. Edited, with
Introduction and Notes, by C.H. FIRTH, M.A. (Oct. 1895.)
_For the year 1894-1895._
19. THE JACOBITE ATTEMPT OF 1719. LETTERS OF JAMES, SECOND DUKE OF ORMONDE,
RELATING TO CARDINAL ALBERONI'S PROJECT FOR THE INVASION OF GREAT BRITAIN.
Edited by W.K. DICKSON, Advocate. (Dec. 1895.)
20, 21. THE LYON IN MOURNING, OR A COLLECTION OF SPEECHES, LETTERS,
JOURNALS, ETC., RELATIVE TO THE AFFAIRS OF PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD STUART, by
the Rev. ROBERT FORBES, A.M., Bishop of Ross and Caithness. 1746-1775.
Edited from his Manuscript by HENRY PATON, M.A. Vols. i. and ii. (Oct.
1895.) _For the year_ 1895-1896.
22. THE LYON IN MOURNING. Vol. III. (Oct. 1896.)
23. SUPPLEMENT TO THE LYON IN MOURNING.--ITINERARY OF PRINCE CHARLES
EDWARD. With a Map. Compiled by W.B. BLAIKIE. (April 1897.)
24. EXTRACTS FROM THE PRESBYTERY RECORDS OF INVERNESS AND DINGWALL FROM
1638 TO 1688. Edited by WILLIAM MACKAY. (Oct. 1896.)
25. RECORDS OF THE COMMISSIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLIES (continued) for
the years 1648 and 1649. Edited by the Rev. Professor MITCHELL, D.D., and
Rev. JAMES CHRISTIE, D.D. (Dec. 1896.)
_For the year_ 1896-1897.
26. WARISTON'S DIARY AND OTHER PAPERS--JOHNSTON OF WARISTON'S DIARY, 1639.
Edited by G.M. PAUL. THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND, 1651-52. C.R.A. HOWDEN. THE
EARL OF MAR'S LEGACIES, 1722, 1726. Hon. S. ERSKINE. LETTERS BY MRS. GRANT
OF LAGGAN. J.R.N. MACPHAIL. (Dec. 1896.)
_Presented to the Society by Messrs. T. and A. Constable._
27. MEMORIALS OF JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON, SOMETIME SECRETARY TO PRINCE
CHARLES EDWARD, 1740-1747. Edited by R. FITZROY BELL, Advocate. (May 1898.)
28. THE COMPT BUIK OF DAVID WEDDERBURNE, MERCHANT OF DUNDEE, 1587-1630.
With the Shipping Lists of the Port of Dundee, 1580-1618. Edited by A.H.
MILLAR. (May 1898.)
_For the year_ 1897-1898.
29. THE DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE OF JEAN DE MONTEREUL AND THE BROTHERS DE
BELLIÈVRE, FRENCH AMBASSADORS IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND, 1645-1648. Edited,
with Translation and Notes, by J.G. FOTHERINGHAM. Vol. I. (June 1898.)
30. THE SAME. Vol. II. (Jan. 1899.)
_For the year_ 1898-1899.
31. SCOTLAND AND THE PROTECTORATE. LETTERS AND PAPERS RELATING TO THE
MILITARY GOVERNMENT OF SCOTLAND, FROM JANUARY 1654 TO JUNE 1659. Edited by
C.H. FIRTH, M.A. (March 1899.)
32. PAPERS ILLUSTRATING THE HISTORY OF THE SCOTS BRIGADE IN THE SERVICE OF
THE UNITED NETHERLANDS, 1572-1782. Edited by JAMES FERGUSON. Vol. I. 1572-
1697. (Jan. 1899.)
33, 34. MACFARLANE'S GENEALOGICAL COLLECTIONS CONCERNING FAMILIES IN
SCOTLAND; MSS. in the Advocates' Library. 2 vols. Edited by J.T. CLARK,
Keeper of the Library. (To be ready shortly.)
_Presented to the Society by the Trustees of the late Sir William Fraser,
K.C.B._
_For the year_ 1899-1900.
35. PAPERS ON THE SCOTS BRIGADE. Vol. II. 1698-1782. Edited by JAMES
FERGUSON. (Nov. 1899.)
36. JOURNAL OF A FOREIGN TOUR IN 1665 AND 1666, AND PORTIONS OF OTHER
JOURNALS, BY SIR JOHN LAUDER, LORD FOUNTAINHALL. Edited by DONALD CRAWFORD,
Sheriff of Aberdeen, Kincardine, and Banff. (May 1900.)
37. DISPATCHES OF PAPAL ENVOYS TO QUEEN MARY DURING HER REIGN IN SCOTLAND.
Edited by the Rev. J. HUNGERFORD POLLEN, S.J.
_In preparation._
PAPERS ON THE SCOTS BRIGADE. Vol. III.
THE DIARY OF ANDREW HAY OF STONE, NEAR BIGGAR, AFTERWARDS OF CRAIGNETHAN
CASTLE, 1659-60. Edited by A.G. REID from a manuscript in his possession.
MACFARLANE'S TOPOGRAPHICAL COLLECTIONS. Edited by J.T. CLARK.
A TRANSLATION OF THE STATUTA ECCLESIÆ SCOTICANÆ, 1225-1556, by DAVID
PATRICK, LL.D.
SIR THOMAS CRAIG'S DE UNIONE REGNORUM BRITANNIÆ. Edited, with an English
Translation, by DAVID MASSON, LL.D., Historiographer Royal.
RECORDS OF THE COMMISSIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLIES (_continued_),
for the years 1650-53.
REGISTER OF THE CONSULTATIONS OF THE MINISTERS OF EDINBURGH, AND SOME OTHER
BRETHREN OF THE MINISTRY FROM DIVERS PARTS OF THE LAND, MEETING FROM TIME
TO TIME, SINCE THE INTERRUPTION OF THE ASSEMBLY 1653, WITH OTHER PAPERS OF
PUBLIC CONCERNMENT, 1653-1660.
PAPERS RELATING TO THE REBELLIONS OF 1715 AND 1745, with other documents
from the Municipal Archives of the City of Perth.
A SELECTION OF THE FORFEITED ESTATES PAPERS PRESERVED IN H.M. GENERAL
REGISTER HOUSE AND ELSEWHERE. Edited by A.H. MILLAR.
A TRANSLATION OF THE HISTORIA ABBATUM DE KYNLOS OF FERRERIUS. By ARCHIBALD
CONSTABLE, LL.D.
DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE AFFAIRS OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC PARTY IN SCOTLAND,
from the year of the Armada to the Union of the Crowns. Edited by THOMAS
GRAVES LAW, LLD.
THE LOYALL DISSUASIVE. Memorial to the Laird of Cluny in Badenoch. Written
in 1703, by Sir ÆNEAS MACPHERSON. Edited by the Rev. A.D. MURDOCH.
CHARTERS AND DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE GREY FRIARS AND THE CISTERCIAN
NUNNERY OF HADDINGTON. Edited by J.G. WALLACE-JAMES, M.B.
NEGOTIATIONS FOR THE UNION OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND IN 1651-53. Edited by C.
SANDFORD TERRY, M.A.
***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PUBLICATIONS OF THE SCOTTISH HISTORY
SOCIETY, VOL. 36***
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