The Project Gutenberg EBook of Calumny Refuted, by Facts from Liberia, by
Wilson Armistead
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
Title: Calumny Refuted, by Facts from Liberia
Presented to the Boston Anti-Slavery Bazaar, U.S., by the
Author of "A Tribute For The Negro."
Author: Wilson Armistead
Release Date: October 15, 2012 [EBook #41069]
Language: English
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CALUMNY REFUTED, BY FACTS ***
Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Martin Pettit and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
file was produced from images generously made available
by The Internet Archive)
CALUMNY REFUTED, BY FACTS FROM LIBERIA;
WITH EXTRACTS FROM THE INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF THE
COLOURED PRESIDENT ROBERTS;
AN ELOQUENT SPEECH OF HILARY TEAGE, A COLOURED SENATOR;
AND
EXTRACTS FROM A DISCOURSE BY H. H. GARNETT, A FUGITIVE SLAVE,
ON THE PAST AND PRESENT CONDITION, AND DESTINY OF THE COLOURED RACE.
PRESENTED
TO THE BOSTON ANTI-SLAVERY BAZAAR, U. S.,
BY THE AUTHOR OF "A TRIBUTE FOR THE NEGRO."
"To injured Afric, liberal reader, turn,
There from her sable sons this maxim learn;--
To no complexion is the charm confined,
In every climate grows the virtuous mind."
"Ab Æthiope virtutem disce, et ne crede colori."
From the Æthiopian learn virtue, and trust not to colour.
LONDON:
CHARLES GILPIN, 5, BISHOPSGATE WITHOUT;
G. W. TAYLOR, PHILADELPHIA; WILLIAM HARNED, ANTI-SLAVERY
OFFICE, NEW YORK.
1848.
LEEDS:
PRINTED BY ANTHONY PICKARD.
NOTICE TO THE READER.
The Reader will please to observe, that the following pages are printed
solely with a view of refuting the calumnious charge of incapability and
inferiority made against the Negro race, and not for the purpose of
vindicating the American Colonization Scheme, concerning which great
diversity of opinion exists.
No one can object to the Colonization of Africa, so long as it is
_perfectly voluntary_ on the part of those who go out as Colonists; in
which case, connected with legitimate commerce and plans of civil and
Christian improvement, great benefit may accrue; and which, _for the
sake of Africa_, is worthy of encouragement. But, to hold up such a
scheme, merely as a mode of expatriating the whole of the African race
from America, merits the strongest disapprobation.
If "the aristocracy of the skin" were laid aside, and the Coloured
population of America were invested with the full rights of citizenship,
and every civil prize, every useful employment, and every honourable
station were thrown open to their exertions, there can be little doubt,
as J. J. Gurney observes, in his Remarks on a Speech of Henry Clay's,
"that the mixture of colours, in the same population, would soon be
found _perfectly harmless_. Every man, white or black, would rest on his
own responsibility; character, like other things, would find its natural
level; light and truth would spread without obstruction; and the North
American Union would afford, to an admiring world, a splendid and
_unsullied_ evidence of the truth of that mighty principle on which her
constitution is founded; viz., that, 'All men are created EQUAL, and are
endowed by the Creator with certain INALIENABLE rights,--LIFE, LIBERTY,
AND THE PURSUIT OF HAPPINESS.'"
W. A.
_Leeds_, _10th Mo._, 1848.
CALUMNY REFUTED, ETC., ETC.
Amidst the numerous attempts to depreciate the character of the Negro,
by exhibiting it as inferior and incapable of improvement, it is
desirable to adduce evidence of an opposite nature, and to show that
circumstances operate no less powerfully on the Sable inhabitants of a
tropical climate, than on the natives of more northern latitudes, in
which opportunities have been employed to remove the ignorance of
uncivilised man, and to invest him with the glorious light of religion
and science. How have they raised the brutal to the rational--the
degraded to the noble--the idolatrous to the Christian character! What
was once the condition of Druidical Britain, when, in the most barbarous
manner, parents sacrificed their offspring to senseless deities? And to
what can her present position amongst the nations be attributed, but to
that expansion of knowledge, human and divine, with which she has been
pre-eminently favoured?
The false philosophy which has imputed to the Negro a constitutional
inferiority, is amply refuted by facts. There is not only abundant
evidence, that the African is susceptible of all the finest feelings of
our nature, but that his intellectual capacity, under circumstances
more favourable than have generally fallen to his lot, will bear a
comparison with that of any other portion of our species.
The capabilities of this calumniated race have been remarkably exhibited
within a few years, on a portion of the Western coast of Africa
colonised by Free Blacks from the United States, most of them formerly
Slaves, including aborigines recaptured from slave-vessels as well as
Negroes from the adjoining districts. From this interesting locality,
recently constituted into the Free Republic of Liberia, overwhelming
evidence might be adduced of the ability, sound judgment, and Christian
character of its Sable inhabitants and legislators. Probably no
government exists founded more nearly on Christian principles; and the
community in general is perhaps as purely moral as any in the world.
Several public schools have been established in the country, and all
parents and guardians are required to send their children to them, or be
subject to a pecuniary fine; so that there is scarcely a child over six
years old that cannot both read and write. The state of religion and
morality amongst the people is progressive. The exertion of the
authorities has been directed to the exclusion of ardent spirits. A
short time ago, one of the colonists assisted in procuring a barrel of
rum, which was landed twelve miles distant from the colony; he was fined
one hundred dollars, deprived of his license as a trader, and considered
no longer eligible to any office in the colony. Such are the stringent
efforts to keep down a vice, which, if once suffered to exist, would no
doubt prove detrimental. Internal improvements keep pace with the
increase of commerce, and the steady revenue which arises therefrom,
enables the authorities to effect various public improvements.
These are remarkable facts. Here we behold a community of Blacks, in
almost a defenceless state, located on the border of a vast country, the
swarming inhabitants of which are enshrouded in ignorance;--a regularly
organised government, which, though still in comparative embryo, is the
germ of what may become a great and powerful nation, the nucleus of a
vast political and religious empire, from which may radiate, far into
the interior of this land of moral and intellectual degradation, the
elevating and ennobling principles of civilization, and the benign and
heavenly influences of Christianity.--Liberia, amidst the gloom of
midnight darkness which envelopes the minds of the millions of Africa's
benighted children, stands as a beacon-light to direct them to the port
of freedom and the haven of everlasting rest.
The present governor of Liberia, J. J. Roberts, under discouraging
circumstances, left Virginia some ten or twelve years ago, and, unaided
by any culture beyond that attainable on the spot, has placed himself
among the most prominent of the citizens of the new Republic. His
correspondence with the commanders of British cruisers on the coast of
Africa, and his state papers, exhibit a superior force of character and
diplomatic ability. The inaugural address, annual messages, and speeches
of this Coloured statesman, before a Coloured Legislature, are highly
interesting and satisfactory.
I was much gratified in reading, a short time ago, a speech delivered in
1846, at Monrovia, the capital of Liberia, by Hilary Teage, a Coloured
senator of the infant Republic. Independent of its embracing a beautiful
exposition of the history, trials, exertions, and aspirations of the
Coloured colonists, it is a continued flow of eloquence, whilst it
breathes throughout a truly Christian spirit. When I read it, I
concluded the speaker must be a "classical scholar," probably a
"graduate in some eastern college." To my surprise, I afterwards
ascertained, he had never even _seen_ a college, his father having been
a Slave in Virginia, which place Hilary Teage left when very young, and
went to Liberia, where he received his education. Here he made rapid
advances in learning, soon overcoming the difficulties of several
languages, both ancient and modern.
The following are extracts from the Inaugural Address of President
Roberts, delivered at the first Meeting of the Legislature of the
Republic, January 3rd, 1848, followed by the speech of Hilary Teage;
which afford striking evidence of the capacity and attainments of
Negroes, whose education and life from early boyhood are thoroughly
African:--
"It is with great pleasure I avail myself of the occasion, now
presented, to express the profound impressions made on me by the
call of my fellow-citizens to the station, and the duties, to which
I am now about to pledge myself. So distinguished a mark of
confidence, proceeding from the deliberate suffrage of my
fellow-citizens, would, under any circumstances, have commanded my
gratitude, as well as filled me with an awful sense of the trust to
be assumed. But I feel particularly gratified at this evidence of
the confidence of my fellow-citizens, inasmuch as it strengthens
the impression on me, that my endeavours to discharge faithfully
the duties which devolved on me as chief Executive officer of the
Commonwealth, during the last six years of our political connection
with the American Colonization Society, have been favourably
estimated. I, nevertheless, meet the responsibilities of this day
with feelings of the deepest solicitude. I feel that the present is
a momentous period in the history of Liberia; and I assure you,
under the various circumstances which give peculiar solemnity to
the crisis, I am sensible that both the honour and the
responsibility allotted to me, are inexpressibly enhanced.
"We have just entered upon a new and important career. To give
effect to all the measures and powers of the government, we have
found it necessary to remodel our Constitution and to erect
ourselves into an independent State; which, in its infancy, is
exposed to numberless hazards and perils, and which can never
attain to maturity, or ripen into firmness, unless it is managed
with affectionate assiduity, and guarded by great abilities;--I
therefore deeply deplore my want of talents, and feel my mind
filled with anxiety and uneasiness, to find myself so unequal to
the duties of the important station to which I am called.--When I
reflect upon the weight and magnitude now belonging to the station,
and the many difficulties which, in the nature of things, must
necessarily attend it, I feel more like retreating from the
responsible position, than attempting to go forward in the
discharge of the duties of my office.
"Indeed, gentlemen of the Legislature, if I had less reliance upon
your co-operation and the indulgence and support of a reflecting
people, and felt less deeply a consciousness of the duty I owe my
country and a conviction of the guidance of an all-wise Providence
in the management of our political affairs, I should be compelled
to shrink from the task. I enter, however, upon the duties assigned
me, relying upon your wisdom and virtue to supply my defects; and
under the full conviction that my fellow-citizens at large, who, on
the most trying occasions, have always manifested a degree of
patriotism, perseverance, and fidelity, that would reflect credit
upon the citizens of any country, will support the government
established by their voluntary consent, and appointed by their own
free choice.
"While I congratulate my fellow-citizens on the dawn of a new and
more perfect government, I would also remind them of the increased
responsibility they too have assumed. Indeed, if there ever was a
period in the annals of Liberia, for popular jealousy to be
awakened, and popular virtue to exert itself, it is the present.
Other eras, I know, have been marked by dangers and difficulties
which 'tried men's souls,' but whatever was their measure,
disappointment and overthrow have generally been their fate. The
patriotism and virtue which distinguish men, of every age, clime,
and colour, who are determined to be free, never forsook that
little band of patriots, the pioneers in this noble enterprise, in
the hour of important trial. At a time when they were almost
without arms, ammunition, discipline, or government--a mere handful
of insulated Christian pilgrims, in pursuit of civil and religious
liberty, surrounded by savage and warlike tribes bent upon their
ruin and total annihilation--with 'a staff and a sling' only, as it
were, they determined, in the name of the 'Lord of Hosts,' to stand
their ground and defend themselves to the last extremity against
their powerful adversary. And need I remind you, fellow-citizens,
how signally Almighty God delivered them, and how he has hitherto
prospered and crowned all our efforts with success.
"These first adventurers, inspired by the love of liberty and equal
rights, supported by industry, and protected by Heaven, became
inured to toil, to hardships, and to war. In spite, however, of
every obstacle, they obtained a settlement, and happily, under God,
succeeded in laying here the foundation of a free government. Their
attention, of course, was then turned to the security of those
rights for which they had encountered so many perils and
inconveniences. For this purpose, a constitution or form of
Government, anomalous, it is true, was adopted."
After giving some explanation of the motives which actuated the
Colonists in assuming the whole responsibilities of the government of
Liberia themselves, President Roberts observes:--
"While we exceedingly lament the want of greater intelligence and
more experience to fit us for the proper, or more perfect
management of our public affairs,--we flatter ourselves that the
adverse circumstances under which we so long laboured in the land
of our birth,[1] and the integrity of our motives, will plead
excuse for our want of abilities; and that in the candour and
charity of an impartial world, our well-meant, however feeble
efforts, will find an apology. I am also persuaded, that no
magnanimous nation will seek to abridge our rights, or withhold
from the Republic those civilities, and 'that comity which marks
the friendly intercourse between civilised and independent
communities'--in consequence of our weakness and present poverty."
The enlightened Negro legislator, after entering into a consideration
and refutation of the charge made against the Colonists, of having acted
prematurely in proclaiming their independence, continues:--
"The time has been, I admit, when men--without being chargeable
with timidity, or with a disposition to undervalue the capacities
of the African race, might have doubted the feasibility of
establishing an independent Christian state on this coast, composed
of, and conducted wholly by Coloured men,--but, fellow-citizens,
that time has passed, and I believe in my soul, that the permanency
of the government of the Republic of Liberia is now fixed upon as
firm a basis as human wisdom is capable of devising. Nor is there
any reason to apprehend that the Divine Disposer of human events,
after having separated us from the house of bondage, and led us
safely through so many dangers, towards the land of liberty and
promise, will leave the work of our political redemption, and
consequent happiness, unfinished; and either permit us to perish in
a wilderness of difficulties, or suffer us to be carried back in
chains to that country of prejudices, from whose oppression He has
mercifully delivered us with his out-stretched arm.
"It must afford the most heartfelt pleasure and satisfaction to
every friend of Liberia, and real lover of liberty, to observe by
what a fortunate train of circumstances and incidents the people of
these colonies have arrived at absolute freedom and independence.
When we look abroad and see by what slow and painful steps, marked
with blood and ills of every kind, other states of the world have
advanced to liberty and independence; we cannot but admire and
praise that all-gracious Providence, who, by His unerring ways,
has, with so few sufferings on our part, compared with other
states, led us to this happy stage in our progress towards those
great and important objects. That it is the will of Heaven that
mankind should be free, is clearly evidenced by the wealth, vigour,
virtue, and consequent happiness of all free states. But the idea
that Providence will establish such governments as he shall deem
most fit for his creatures, and will give them wealth, influence,
and happiness, without their efforts, is palpably absurd. God's
moral government of the earth is always performed by the
intervention of second causes. Therefore, fellow-citizens, while
with pious gratitude we survey the frequent interpositions of
Heaven in our behalf, we ought to remember, that as the disbelief
of an overruling Providence is Atheism, so, an absolute confidence
of having our government relieved from every embarrassment, and its
citizens made respectable and happy by the immediate hand of God,
without our own exertions, is the most culpable presumption. Nor
have we any reason to expect, that He will miraculously make
Liberia a paradise, and deliver us, in a moment of time, from all
the ills and inconveniences consequent upon the peculiar
circumstances under which we are placed, merely to convince us that
He favours our cause and government.
"Sufficient indications of His will are always given, and those who
will not then believe, neither would they believe though one should
rise from the dead to inform them. Who can trace the progress of
these colonies, and mark the incidents of the wars in which they
have been engaged, without seeing evident tokens of Providential
favour. Let us, therefore, inflexibly persevere in exerting our
most strenuous efforts, in an humble and rational dependence on the
great Governor of all the world, and we have the fairest prospects
of surmounting all the difficulties which may be thrown in our way.
That we may expect, and that we shall have difficulties, sore
difficulties yet to contend against, in our progress to maturity,
is certain: and, as the political happiness or wretchedness of
ourselves and our children, and of generations yet unborn, is in
our hands, nay more, the redemption of Africa from the deep
degradation, superstition, and idolatry in which she has so long
been involved, it becomes us to lay our shoulders to the wheel, and
manfully resist every obstacle which may oppose our progress in the
great work which lies before us. The Gospel is yet to be preached
to vast numbers inhabiting this dark continent, and I have the
highest reason to believe, that it was one of the great objects of
the Almighty, in establishing these colonies, that they might be
the means of introducing civilization and religion among the
barbarous nations of this country; and to what work more noble
could our powers be applied, than that of bringing up from
darkness, debasement, and misery, our fellow-men, and shedding
abroad over them the light of science and Christianity. The means
of doing so, fellow-citizens, are within our reach, and if we
neglect, or do not make use of them, what excuse shall we make to
our Creator and final Judge? This is a question of the deepest
concern to us all, and which, in my opinion, will materially affect
our happiness in the world to come. And surely, if ever it has been
incumbent on the people of Liberia to know truth and to follow it,
it is now. Rouse, therefore, fellow-citizens, and do your duty like
men: and be persuaded, that Divine Providence, as heretofore, will
continue to bless all your virtuous efforts.
"But if there be any among us, dead to all sense of honour and love
of their country; deaf to all the calls of liberty, virtue, and
religion; forgetful of the benevolence and magnanimity of those who
have procured this asylum for them, and the future happiness of
their children; if neither the examples nor the success of other
nations, the dictates of reason and of nature, nor the great duties
they owe to their God, themselves, and their posterity, have no
effect upon them;--if neither the injuries they received in the
land whence they came, the prize they are contending for, the
future blessings or curses of their children, the applause or
reproach of all mankind, the approbation or displeasure of the
great Judge, nor the happiness or misery consequent upon their
conduct, in this and a future state, can move them; then, let them
be assured, that they deserve to be Slaves, and are entitled to
nothing but anguish and tribulation. Let them banish, for ever,
from their minds, the hope of obtaining that freedom, reputation,
and happiness, which, as men, they are entitled to. Let them forget
every duty, human and divine, remember not that they have children,
and beware how they call to mind the justice of the Supreme Being:
let them return into Slavery, and hug their chains, and be a
reproach and a by-word among all nations.
"But I am persuaded, that we have none such among us;--that every
citizen will do his duty, and exert himself to the utmost of his
abilities to sustain the honour of his country, promote her
interests, and the interests of his fellow-citizens, and to hand
down unimpaired to future generations, the freedom and independence
we this day enjoy.
"As to myself, I assure you, I have never been indifferent to what
concerns the interests of Liberia--my adopted country; and I am
sensible of no passion which could seduce me, knowingly, from the
path of duty or of justice: the weakness of human nature, and the
limits of my own understanding may, no doubt will, produce errors
of judgment.--I repeat, therefore, that I shall need the indulgence
I have hitherto received at your hands. I shall need, too, the
favour of that Being in whose hands we are, who has led us, as
Israel of old, from our native land, and planted us in a country
abounding in all the necessaries and comforts of life; who has
covered our infancy with his providence, and to whose goodness I
ask you to join with me in supplications, that He will so enlighten
the minds of your servants, guide their councils, and prosper their
measures, that whatsoever they do shall result in your good, and
shall secure to you the peace, friendship, and approbation of all
nations."
Anniversary Speech of Hilary Teage, a Coloured gentleman, (the son of a
Virginian Slave), delivered at Monrovia, in Liberia, December 1st,
1846:--
"Fellow-Citizens:--As far back towards the infancy of our race, as
history and tradition are able to conduct us, we have found the
custom every where prevailing among mankind, to mark, by some
striking exhibition, those events which were important and
interesting, either in their immediate bearing or in their remote
consequences upon the destiny of those among whom they occurred.
These events are epochs in the history of man--they mark the rise
and fall of kingdoms and of dynasties--they record the movements
of the human mind, and the influence of those movements upon the
destinies of the race; and whilst they frequently disclose to us
the sad and sickening spectacle of innocence bending under the
weight of injustice, and of weakness robbed and despoiled by the
hand of an unscrupulous oppression; they occasionally display, as a
theme for admiring contemplation, the sublime spectacle of the
human mind, roused by a concurrence of circumstances, to vigorous
advances in the career of improvement. To trace the operations of
these circumstances from their first appearance, as effects from
the workings of the human passions, until, as a cause, they revert
with combined and concentrated energy upon those minds from which
they at first evolved, would be at once a most interesting and
difficult task; and, let it be borne in mind, requires far higher
ability and more varied talent than he possesses who this day has
the honour to address you.
"The utility of thus marking the progress of time--of recording the
occurrence of events--and of holding up remarkable personages to
the contemplation of mankind, is too obvious to need remark. It
arises from the instincts of mankind--the irrepressible spirit of
emulation--and the ardent longings after immortality; and this
restless passion to perpetuate their existence, which they find it
impossible to suppress, impels them to secure the admiration of
succeeding generations in the performance of deeds, by which,
although dead, they may yet speak. In commemorating events thus
powerful in forming the manners and sentiments of mankind, and in
rousing them to strenuous exertion and to high and sustained
emulation, it is obvious that such, and such only, should be
selected as virtue and humanity would approve; and that, if any of
an opposite character be held up, they should be displayed only as
beacons, or as a towering Pharos throwing a strong but lurid light
to mark the melancholy grave of mad ambition, and to warn the
inexperienced voyager of the existing danger.
"Thanks to the improved and humanised spirit--or, should I not
rather say, the chastened and pacific civilization of the age in
which we live,--that laurels gathered upon the field of mortal
strife, and bedewed with the tears of the Widow and the Orphan, are
regarded now, not with admiration but with horror--that the armed
warrior, reeking with the gore of murdered thousands, who, in the
age that is just passing away, would have been hailed with noisy
acclamation by the senseless crowd, is now regarded only as the
savage commissioner of an unsparing oppression, or at best as the
ghostly executioner of an unpitying justice.--He who would embalm
his name in the grateful remembrance of coming generations--he who
would secure for himself a niche in the temple of undying fame--he
who would hew out for himself a monument of which his country may
boast--he who would entail upon heirs a name which they may be
proud to wear, must seek some other field than that of battle as
the theatre of his exploits.
"Still, we honour the heroes of the age that has passed. No slander
can tarnish their hard-earned fame--no morbid sentimentalism sully
their peerless glory--no mean detraction abate the
disinterestedness of their conduct. They bowed to the spirit of
their age: and, acting up to the light afforded them, they yielded
to the dictates of an honest conscience. While assembled here
to-day, on this festal occasion, to commemorate the event for which
the founders of our infant Republic toiled, and fought, and bled,
we seem to behold the forms of the departed ones mingling in our
assembly: we seem to behold them taking their seats by the side of
their venerable compeers yet spared among us: watching with intense
anxiety the emotions which agitate our bosoms, and marking the
character of the resolves which the occasion is ripening. Rest in
peace, ye venerable shades! And ye, their living
representatives--calm be the evening of your days. We honour you.
And though no sculptured marble transmit your fame, a nobler
monument shall be yours--the happy hearts of unborn millions shall
be the shrine in which your names will be treasured. In your high
example--in your noble disinterestedness--in your entire
subordination of every thought, and act, and scheme, and interest,
to the heaven-born purpose of human regeneration and human
elevation, we hear the language of encouragement.
"Fellow-citizens,--on this occasion, so big with subjects of
profitable meditation--when it is so natural that the mind should
oscillate between the events of the past and the prospects of the
future, we can conceive of nothing more proper than the enquiry,
how we can best execute the solemn trust committed to our hand--how
we may challenge and secure the admiration and the gratitude of a
virtuous and a happy posterity, by transmitting to them the
patrimony received from our fathers, not only in all its original
entireness, but in vastly augmented beauty, order, and strength. In
a word, how we may best conduct ourselves so as to encite them to
high and sustained exertion in the cause of virtue and humanity.
"In order to impress your minds with the propriety of this enquiry,
there is, I trust, no need that I shall remind you of the
peculiarity of our condition. It will suffice that I remark, that,
should you succeed in rearing upon the foundation already
laid,--or, to drop the figure--should you succeed in establishing a
community of virtuous, orderly, intelligent, and industrious
citizens, this very peculiarity must enter largely into every
consideration on the amount of praise to which you shall be held
entitled.
"Let us, then, for a moment look back, that from the events of the
past we may derive hope for the future.
"We have not yet numbered twenty-six years since he who is the
oldest colonist amongst us was the inhabitant--not the citizen--of
a country--and that too the country of his birth--where the
prevailing sentiment is, that he and his race are incapacitated, by
an inherent defect in their mental constitution, to enjoy that
greatest of all blessings, and to exercise that greatest of all
rights, bestowed by a beneficent God upon his rational
creatures--namely, the government of themselves. Acting upon this
opinion--an opinion as false as it is foul--acting upon this
opinion, as upon a self-evident proposition, those who held it
proceeded with a fiendish consistency to deny the rights of
citizens to those whom they had declared incapable of performing
the duties of citizens. It is not necessary, and therefore I will
not disgust you with the hideous picture of that state of things
which followed upon the prevalence of this blasphemous opinion. The
bare mention that such an opinion prevailed, would be sufficient to
call up in the mind, even of those who had never witnessed its
operation, images of the most sickening and revolting character.
Under the iron reign of this crushing sentiment, most of us who are
assembled here to-day, drew our first breath and sighed away the
years of our youth. No hope cheered us: no noble object looming in
the dim and distant future kindled our ambition. Oppression--cold,
cheerless oppression, like the dreary region of an eternal winter,
chilled every noble passion and fettered and paralysed every arm.
And if among the oppressed millions there were found here and there
one in whose bosom the last glimmer of a generous passion was not
yet extinguished--one, who, from the midst of the inglorious
slumberers in the deep degradation around him, would lift his voice
and demand those rights which the God of nature hath bestowed in
equal gift upon all His rational creatures, he was met at once by
those who had at first denied and then enforced, with the stern
reply, that for him and for all his race--LIBERTY and EXPATRIATION
are inseparable.
"Dreadful as the alternative was--fearful as was the experiment now
proposed to be tried, there were hearts equal to the task--hearts
which quailed not at the dangers which loomed and frowned in the
distance, but calm, cool, and fixed in their purpose, prepared to
meet them with the watchword--Give me Liberty or give me Death.
"On the 6th day of February, in the year of Our Lord One Thousand
Eight Hundred and Twenty, the ship Elizabeth cast loose from her
moorings at New York, and on the 8th day of March, of the same
year, the pilgrims first beheld the land of their fathers, the
cloud-capped mountains of Sierra Leone, and cast anchor in that
harbour. A few days afterwards they again weighed anchor, stood to
the south, and debarked upon the low and deadly island of Sherbro.
On the character of those who formed her noble company, I deem it
unnecessary to remark. They are sufficiently commended to our
esteem, as being the first to encounter the difficulties and to
face the dangers of an enterprise, which, we trust, is to wipe away
from us the reproach of ages--to silence the calumny of those who
abuse us, and to restore to Africa her long-lost glory. I need not
detain you with a narrative of their privations and sufferings: nor
will I stop to tell you--though it would be a pleasing task to do
so--with what happy hearts they greeted a reinforcement of pilgrims
who joined them in 1821, by the Nautilus. Passing by intermediate
events, which, did the time allow, it would be interesting to
notice, we hasten to that grand event--that era of our separate
existence, the 25th day of April, in the year of Grace 1822, when
the American flag first threw out its graceful folds to the breeze
on the heights of Mesurado, and the pilgrims, relying upon the
protection of Heaven and the moral grandeur of their cause, took
solemn possession of the land in the name of virtue, humanity, and
religion.
"It would discover an unpardonable apathy, were we to pass on
without pausing a moment to reflect upon the emotions which heaved
the bosoms of the pilgrims, when they stood for the first time
where we now stand. What a prospect spread out before them!! They
stood in the midst of an ancient wilderness, rank and compacted by
the growth of a thousand years, unthinned and unreclaimed by a
single stroke of the woodman's axe. Few and far between might be
found inconsiderable openings, where the ignorant native erected
his rude habitation, or, savage as his patrimonial wilderness,
celebrated his bloody rites, and presented his votive gifts, to
Demons. Already the late proprietors of the soil had manifested
unequivocal symptoms of hostility, and an intention to expel the
strangers, as soon as an opportunity to do so should be presented.
The rainy season, that terrible ordeal of foreign constitutions,
was about setting in; the lurid lightning shot its fiery bolt into
the forest around them; the thunder muttered its angry tones over
their head; and the frail tenements, the best which their
circumstances would afford, to shield them from a scorching sun by
day and drenching rains at night, had not yet been completed. To
suppose that at this time, when all things above and around them
seemed to combine their influences against them, to suppose they
did not perceive the full danger and magnitude of the enterprise
they had embarked in, would be to suppose, not that they were
heroes, but that they had lost the sensibility of men. True courage
is equally remote from blind recklessness and unmanning timidity;
and true heroism does not consist in insensibility to danger. He is
a hero who calmly meets, and fearlessly grapples the dangers which
duty and honour forbid him to decline. The pilgrims rose to a full
perception of all the circumstances of their condition. But when
they looked back to that country from which they had come out, and
remembered the degradations in that house of bondage out of which
they had been so fortunate as to escape, they bethought themselves;
and, recollecting the high satisfaction with which they knew
success would gladden their hearts, the rich inheritance they would
entail upon their children, and the powerful aid it would lend to
the cause of universal humanity, they yielded to the noble
inspiration and girded them to the battle, either for doing or for
suffering.
"Let it not be supposed, because I have laid universal humanity
under a tribute of gratitude to the founders of Liberia, that I
have attached to their humble achievements too important an
influence, in that grand system of agencies which is now at work,
renovating human society, and purifying and enlarging the sources
of its enjoyment. In the system of that Almighty Being, without
whose notice not a sparrow falls to the ground:
'Who sees with equal eye, as God of all,
A hero perish, or a sparrow fall:
Atoms or systems into ruin hurled,
And now a bubble burst, and now a world:'
--In the system of the Almighty One, no action of a mortal being is
unimportant. Every action of every rational creature hath its
assigned place in his system of operations, and is made to bear,
however undesigned by the agent, with force upon the end which His
wisdom and goodness have in view to accomplish.
"On the morning of the 1st day of December, in the year of Our Lord
One Thousand Eight Hundred and Twenty-two; on that morning, just
when the gloom of night was retiring before the advancing light of
day, the portentous cloud which had been some time rising upon the
horizon of Liberia, increasing and gathering blackness as it
advanced, filling all hearts with fearful apprehension, burst upon
the colony with the force of a tornado. The events of that day have
marked it as the most conspicuous in our annals, and it is the
anniversary of that day we are here assembled to celebrate.
"And what, fellow-citizens, are the particular circumstances of
that most eventful day which more than others awaken our
exultation? On which one amongst them all is our attention most
intensely fixed? Is it on that our fathers fought, and fought
bravely, and strewed the ensanguined plain with the dead bodies of
their savage assailants? Is it on the bloody lesson of their
superiority which they taught them in the hoarse thunder of the
murderous cannon? Is it on that greater skill they displayed in the
inglorious art of slaughter and death? I trust not. These trophies
of their valour serve not to awaken exultation, but to call up a
sigh of regret. It was as the possessors of far higher and nobler
virtues they desired to be remembered; as such we tenderly cherish
the remembrance of them; and to exult over the fallen foe would be
to grieve the pure spirit of those by whose arm the savage fell.
Necessity, stern necessity, unsheathed their sword and forced upon
them an alternative from which all the feelings of their heart
turned with instinctive recoil.
"But there is a circumstance connected with the events of that day,
with which our hearts cannot be too deeply impressed, as it will
serve, on each appropriate occasion, as a check upon presumption
and an antidote against despair. Think upon the number of the
assailants, and compare it with the number of the assailed, and
then say whether any scepticism short of downright, unblushing
Atheism, can doubt the interposition, in the events of that day, of
an overruling Providence. Most emphatically does the issue of that
contest declare, 'The battle is not to the strong.' The Lord was a
shield around them, so that when their foes rose up against them,
they stumbled and fell. To the interposition of an ever-gracious
Providence, manifested in no ordinary way, we owe the privileges
and pleasure of this day.
"At this epoch we date the establishment of the colony.
"Having sustained and repulsed every external attack, and
maintained its ground against the combined and concentrated forces
of the country, it had now to commence its onward career. If there
were any, who, because the colonists had repulsed the natives,
supposed they had passed the greatest danger, and overcome the most
formidable obstacles, they gave, in this very supposition, evidence
of a deplorable ignorance of human nature and of human history. It
is from within, that the elements of national overthrow have most
commonly evolved: and the weakness under which nations expire,
generally results from disease of the national heart. Luxury and
ambition, oppression on the one side and insubordination on the
other; these are the fatal elements which, with more than volcanic
force, rend to atoms the fabric of human institutions. A common
danger, a danger equally menacing all, is almost sure to sink
every minor and merely personal consideration, and to be met by a
combination of energy, concentration of effort, and unity of
action: and in proportion as the pressure of the danger is great,
will there be want of scope for those passions which, in a certain
class, possess such fearful and disorganising potency.
"From the period of their landing, up to the moment of which we
have just spoken, all minds had been possessed by an undefined
apprehension of impending danger, and the first and the constant
lesson which their critical position inculcated upon them was,
Union and Subordination. The pressure was now taken off, the angry
cloud had now passed away, the heavens shone bright and clear, the
face of nature was calm and placid, and on every breeze was wafted
the fragrance from the surrounding groves. All breathed freely.
Each one had time to look around him, to contemplate with calmness
and composure the circumstances of his condition, and to select
that particular mode of operation, and line of conduct, which was
most congenial with his disposition. All were free; All were equal.
Here was unbounded scope for the operation of the passions. Will
they, who have been declared incapable of enjoying liberty without
running into the wildest excesses of anarchy--will they, now the
gift is enjoyed in its largest extent, restrain themselves within
the bounds of a rational and virtuous freedom? Will they connect
those two ideas which are at one and the same time the base and the
summit of all just political theories, and which can never be
separated? Will their liberty be tempered by just and wholesome
law? Is it to be expected that a people just set free from the
chains of the most abject oppression and slavery, can be otherwise
than turbulent, insubordinate, and impatient of the least
restraint? Is it among the things to be hoped, that they into whose
minds the idea of political action had not been allowed to enter,
will not, now political power is entrusted to their hands, rush
into the wildest extremes of crude legislation?
"Fellow-Citizens! the voice of twenty-four years this day gives
the answer; and we are assembled to hear it, and let those who
abuse us hear it; let them hear it and be for ever silent, when
they hear that Liberty regulated by Law, and Religion free from
Superstition, form the foundation on which rests the cement which
unites, and the ornament which beautifies, our political and social
edifice.
"Let us now turn from those who preceded us, and ask, What are the
peculiar obligations which rest upon us: what the particular duties
to which we are called? Let us not suppose, that because we are not
called upon to drive the invading native from our door--that
because we can lie down at night without fear--because the savage
war-whoop does not now ring upon the midnight air,--therefore we
have nothing to do. No mistake can be more fatal. Ours is a moral
fight. It is a keener warfare, a sharper conflict.
"For, after indulging to the utmost allowed extent in hyperbolical
expression and figurative declamation, still we are forced to
confess, the work is but just commenced. The nervous arm of our
predecessor marked out the site, and laid the foundation, and
reared the walls, of the edifice. The scaffold is still around it.
It is ours to mount it--to commence where they ended, and to
conduct it on towards a glorious completion. How shall we execute
our trust--how shall we conduct ourselves so as to stand acquitted
before the bar of coming generations, and obtain from them a
favourable and an honorable verdict? By what means shall we secure
and perpetuate our own prosperity, and transmit it an inheritance
to our children? These are questions which seem peculiarly
appropriate to this interesting occasion. And let me congratulate
you, fellow-citizens, that you have the experience of others to
guide you. The art of government is now elevated to the dignity of
a science. The most gifted minds--minds which do honour to human
nature, have long been turned to the subject: and maxims and
propositions which, consecrated by time, had grown into the
strength of axioms--maxims which had obtained universal assent and
universal application--maxims which would have overwhelmed him who
should have doubted them, with more than sacrilegious turpitude and
sent him to atone for his presumption upon the scaffold, or in the
gloomy depths of a dungeon--maxims the legitimate offspring of
ignorance and oppression, have been successfully explored and the
human mind disenthralled. That more than magical phrase, in the
hand of the despot, 'the divine right of kings,' has lost its power
to charm; and frequent examinations into the foundations of society
have at length taught men the interesting truth, that the duties
and rights of magistrate and subject are correlate--that government
is made for the people, and not the people for the government: thus
establishing the eternal truth first enunciated in the Declaration
of American Independence, 'That all men are free and equal.' The
bare utterance of those ever-memorable words, by the immortal
Jefferson, whilst it struck the fetters from the human mind, and
sent it bounding on in a career of improvement, wrested the sceptre
from the tyrant's hand and dissolved his throne beneath him. 'Magna
est veritas et prævalebit.'[2]--Truth threw a strong and steady
light where there was naught but darkness before: man beheld his
dignity and his rights, and prepared to demand the one and sustain
the other. But I return. By what means shall we advance our
prosperity?
"The first requisite, to permanent advancement, if I may so speak,
is order. Order is heaven's first law. It is this which imparts
stability to human institutions, because, while like the laws of
nature it restrains each one in his proper sphere, it leaves all to
operate freely and without disturbance. Here will be no jostling.
When I say order, I mean not to restrict the term to the ordinary
occupations of life; I extend the word to mean, a strict and
conscientious submission to established law. It is said to be the
boast of that form of government under which we live, that no man,
however high in office, can violate with impunity the sacred trust
committed to his hand, and long insult the people by trampling
upon their rights: that the distinguishing excellence of a
republican form of government is, that, under it, oppression can
have no place. This opinion I am not disposed to combat; but as it
is a fact, that a safe and constitutional remedy for all grievances
of this kind is in the hands of the people, this circumstance alone
should dispose every one to submit, for a time, to some
inconvenience rather than apply a rash and violent corrective. I
admit, there are cases in which the minions of office become so
intoxicated with a little brief power--that, forgetting all men are
free and possess certain constitutional privileges, and forgetting
also, that they were elevated to office not to be oppressors but
conservators, their haughty, vexatious, and oppressive conduct,
becomes intolerable. In such cases as these, let the strong
indignation of an outraged public, calmly but firmly expressed,
awaken the dreamer from his vision of greatness, and send him back
to re-enact his dream in his original obscurity.
"Another argument for order and subordination lies in the fact,
that the laws are in the hands of the people. Legislators are not
elevated to office for their private emolument and honour, but for
the nobler purpose of advancing and securing the happiness of their
constituents: and they are bound--by the most solemn
considerations--they are bound, to enact such laws, and such laws
only, as are suited to the genius and circumstances of the people.
If they betray the high trust committed to them, and enact laws
either oppressive or partial, the corrective is equally in the
hands of the people. They have only to apply the constitutional
remedy. Here, then, is no apology for disorder. Order, then, must
be our rule; for without subordination, and prompt and constant and
conscientious obedience to wholesome law, there can be no security
for person nor property. The bands of society would be untwisted,
and the whole fabric exposed to ruin on the first popular outbreak.
Be it, then, fellow-citizens, our first concern to sustain our
officers in the proper discharge of their constitutional duties;
to secure obedience to the laws, and to preserve them from
violation with the same jealousy with which we watch the first
encroachment of power.
"I observe, in the second place, that union among ourselves is
absolutely necessary to prosperity. The idea of prosperity and
stability where disunion reigns, where the elements of discord are
actively at work; the idea of prosperity and stability, in such
circumstances, can only serve to mislead. Can that army, in which
faction triumphs among the soldiers and disunion and jealousy
distract the counsels of the officers, hope to succeed in a
campaign? Where each is afraid of the other, where no one has
confidence in any, where every one regards every other one with
feelings not only of jealousy but of positive hostility, how can
there be any hope to bring an unbroken front to bear with undivided
force upon any single point? I would observe also, that the
complexion of the soldiers' mind will be sure to be tinged by that
of their officers. In every community there will be found some few
to whom the mass will look up with unenquiring deference. Mankind,
generally, are averse to the labour of thinking. This circumstance
separates those who should be very friends, and men file off under
different leaders as fancy or caprice may dictate. Each party
ranges itself under the banner of a leader whom it invests with all
perfection of political sagacity and political integrity. To his
semi-brutal followers his word is law; his decisions an oracle.
Finding in him every attribute of perfection, they abandon the
reins to his hand; yield up the glorious privileges of thinking and
examining, and prepare to follow with a blind and implicit
obedience. This unworthy abandonment of the public interests, this
surrender of a privilege to which every man is born, and which
every man should exercise, is the capital of intriguing politicians
and unprincipled political demagogues. And, let me ask you,
fellow-citizens, what scheme, however mad and absurd, which has
been set on foot by these unprincipled leaders, has not had among
the masses its advocates and adherents? Bad, however, as human
nature is, alluring and fascinating as are the glitter and
privilege of place and power, this confidence has not been always
abused. We could easily point out instances, in which the influence
which this disposition we have been adverting to has given to men,
has been exerted wholly and exclusively for the public good. But we
must take human nature as we find it; and as we find this
disposition every where prevalent, the duty becomes imperative on
all who have influence, to exert it for the public good. The root
of the jealousies and divisions among public men will, generally
speaking, be found planted in the soil of selfishness and ambition:
not in any real and sincere disagreement as to the proper measures
for the public good. This, I admit, is always the avowed, the
ostensible, but, I am bold to say, not the real cause.
"It is envy of place and emolument--it is ambition of power, that
array public men in a hostile attitude, and range their infatuated
followers under their opposing banners. In the infancy of our
political existence, let those amongst us who have credit with the
people and influence over them, beware of so great infatuation. Let
us recollect, that all cannot govern: that from the division and
order into which society naturally resolves itself, all even of
those who are worthy, cannot stand in the foremost ranks. Let us
remember, that we equally serve our country, whether we sit in the
gubernatorial or presidential chair; whether we deliberate in the
Hall of the Legislature or preside in the Sanctuary of Justice;
that we equally serve our country, whether from the shades of
cloistered retirement we send forth wholesome maxims for public
instruction, or in the intercourse of our daily life we set an
attracting example of obedience to the laws; that we equally serve
our country, whether from the sacred desk we inculcate lessons of
celestial wisdom, exhibit the sanctions of a heaven-descended
religion and the thunders of an incensed Jehovah, or in the nursery
of learning unfold the mysteries and display the glories of
science, recall and re-enact the deeds and the achievements of the
past, and call back upon the stage the heroes, the patriots, and
the sages of antiquity, to kindle the ardour, nerve the virtue,
awaken the patriotism, elevate and purify the sentiment, and expand
the mind, of the generous and aspiring youth. Humble as many of
those offices of which I have spoken are esteemed to be,--obscure
and concealed from vulgar gaze and destitute of the trappings of
office and the glitter of fame as most of them actually are, it is,
nevertheless, fellow-citizens, not within the reach of our judgment
to determine which one of them exerts the greatest influence on the
destinies of our race. True dignity, and, I may add, true
usefulness, depend not so much upon the circumstance of office as
upon the faithful discharge of appropriate duties.
'Honour and fame from no condition rise;
Act well your part--there all true honour lies.'
'He who does the best his circumstances allow,
Does well, acts nobly: Angels could do no more.'
"It is the false notion of honour which has unhappily possessed the
minds of men, placing all dignity in the pageantry of state and the
tinsel of office, which produces those collisions, jostlings, and
acrimony of contending factions which sometimes shake the fabric of
society to its very foundations: it is by the maddening influence
of this false notion that men, whose claim to respectful notoriety
is inversely as their desire to be conspicuous, are sometimes urged
to abandon their obscure but appropriate position in the line, and
to rush into the foremost ranks. When men shall have learned
wherein true honour lies--when men shall have formed correct ideas
of true and sober dignity, then we shall see all the ranks of
society united as by a golden chain--then Ephraim shall not envy
Judah, nor Judah vex Ephraim;--then the occupant of the palace and
of the cottage--then the man in lawn and the man in rags will, like
the parts of a well-adjusted machine, act in perfect unison.
Considering, then, the influence which in every community a few
men are found to possess--considering, also, that each one of these
influential men is sure to be followed by a party, we can hardly
appreciate the obligation which rests upon them, to abandon all
jealousies and suspicions--to merge every private and personal
consideration in thoughts for the public good--and to bring a mind
untrammelled, and free from every party predilection, to a solemn
deliberation on the great objects of public utility.
"The education of our youth is the next subject to which I would
direct your attention. 'Knowledge is power'--is an old proverb--but
not the less true because it is old. This is the spring that
regulates the movements of society--this is at once the lever and
the safety-valve of human institutions. Without it society will
either not move at all, or, like an unbalanced, unhelmed ship, move
in a direction and at a rate that must eventually destroy it.
Education corrects vice--cures disorders--abates jealousies--adorns
virtue--commands the winds--triumphs over the waves--scales the
heavens. In a word, education lays all nature under tribute, and
forces her to administer to the comfort and happiness of man. Nor
is this all that education does. It ennobles and elevates the mind,
and urges the soul upward and animates it to deeds of high and
lasting renown. Education opens sources of pure, refined, and
exquisite enjoyment--it unlocks the temple of nature, and admits
the awe-stricken soul, to behold and admire the wondrous work of
God. An ignorant, vicious, idle community, has the elements of
destruction already in its bosom. On the very first application of
a torch they will explode and lay the whole fabric in ruins. A
virtuous, orderly, educated people, have all the elements of
national greatness and national perpetuity.--Would we be happy at
home and respected abroad, we must educate our youth.
"In professing to notice those things which are necessary to our
prosperity--to the advancement of our prosperity, and the
perpetuity of our prosperity, it is natural that you should expect
that agricultural industry will be brought prominently into view.
I think it may be safely affirmed, that the virtue and independence
of a people will be inversely as their attention is wholly given to
commerce--that their virtue and independence is evermore to be
measured by their pursuits of the wholesome and pleasing and
primitive employment of agriculture and husbandry. Go into the
countries of Europe--examine their large manufacturing and
commercial towns and cities. Then visit the rural, agricultural
districts--compare the quiet, tranquillity, order, virtue, plenty
of the latter, with the bustle, confusion, vice, and general
dependence and poverty of the other, and you cannot fail to be
struck, and deeply affected, by the frightful contrast. And
wherefore? Is not commerce called the great civiliser of the world?
Is it not the means by which nations become acquainted and hold
communion with each other? Is it not by this means that the great
and master-minds of one nation commune with kindred minds of other
nations? Is it not the channel through which improvements in art,
in science, in literature, in all that adorns, dignifies, and
ennobles human nature, flow as on the wings of the wind from
country to country? Grant it. It is not my purpose to pronounce a
wholesale anathema upon commerce. I appreciate its high importance
in improving our race. It is excess I would discourage--it is the
wretched deteriorating influence it will exert upon a people, when,
by absorbing their whole attention, it keeps them looking
constantly abroad to the neglect of the improvement of their own
country. It is to this I would call your attention. Again;--Let it
not be forgotten, that if commerce imports improvements, it imports
vices also. It offers the same facility for the transmission of
both. The same vessel that brings us the Book of God brings us also
the Age of Reason--and in one and the same ship, we not
unfrequently find the devoted self-sacrificing missionary, and that
accursed thing which a celebrated orator with characteristic energy
has styled 'liquid fire and distilled damnation!!'
"In the natural, or, more properly, vegetable world, we have
sometimes seen exotics outstripping in rapidity of growth the
natural spontaneous productions of the soil. In this we have not a
very unhappy illustration of the rank growth of imported vices.
These baneful exotics, grafted on the tree of indigenous
corruption, seem to receive and impart unwonted vigour from the
contact: and the result is, a fruit of the most disorganising
potency. An examination into the moral state of towns and
districts, wholly given to commerce and manufactures, will fully
sustain this remark. How, let me ask you, can there be order, where
the very nature of the pursuits which engross all minds demand
ceaseless hurry, bustle, and confusion?--where to stop to breathe
is to be at once outdone, and where he who can move the most
swiftly amid the greatest confusion is thought to be the smartest
man! In respect of virtue,--is it to be thought of, except for the
purpose of holding it up to ridicule, in a place where the vicious
of all countries meet; and where females of every class and
character, far from the watchful eye of parental solicitude, are
huddled together in one promiscuous throng, and dependent for their
daily bread upon the freaks and fancies of unprincipled employers!
Lowell, in America, is, I believe, the only large manufacturing
town where virtue is held in the least esteem. What shall I say of
honesty and integrity? where the lowest, basest arts, are practised
for gain; where all is intrigue and circumvention--where the maxim
prevails, 'all is fair in trade'--where each regards the other as
lawful game--where one can gain only by the loss of the
other--where, in a word, rascality is fair-play, and villainy
systematic;--where, fellow-citizens, let me ask you, where, in such
a community, is there room for honesty? Can the heart fail, in such
circumstances, to become deadened to every feeling of
humanity--steeled against every kindly, generous, and ennobling
impulse? I will not venture to affirm, that the result we have just
now noticed is universal. I admit, with pleasure, there are
honourable exceptions--but I do affirm, that what I have said forms
the general rule.
"But let us turn from these scenes of noise and smoke and deep
depravity, and visit the quiet abode of the farmer and the
husbandman. What tranquillity reigns here, and order, and peace,
and virtue!! Behold the farmer, as he goes forth in the morning to
his daily task;--how firm and elastic his step; how cheerful his
sun-burnt countenance; how active his athletic arm!! Behold how
cheerfully he labours; how the fat valleys around him laugh with
corn; how the spacious plains teem with grain, and the ancient
forests fall beneath his resounding axe!! Follow him, when the
labour of the day is over, follow him to his humble home. See him
surrounded by an affectionate, industrious, frugal wife,
unsophisticated by the vices and dissipations of the fashionable
world, and by a prattling progeny blooming in health, and big with
promise of future usefulness. No cankering cares gnaw his peaceful
bosom; no uncertain speculation disturbs his quiet slumbers; no
revolutions in foreign lands, damming up the channels of trade,
cloud the calm serenity of his brow. Oh! if there be a spot on
earth, where true happiness is to be found, here is that spot.
"But we take a higher and a more extended view of this subject, and
regard it in its bearing on political economy. And my first remark
is, that no nation can be independent which subsists wholly by
commerce. And here let it be observed, once for all, that I use the
word independent in a sense altogether distinct from sovereignty. I
admit that there may be a temporary prosperity; that so long as
peace prevails amongst nations connected by commercial and
diplomatic relations,--so long as each acts in perfect faith, and
maintains in all their entireness and in all their integrity his
treaty stipulations, there may not be felt a want of the
necessaries or even of the luxuries of life. There may, perhaps, be
a large influx of the precious metals. Nothing, however, could be
more fallacious, than to regard this activity as an indication of
independence or permanent prosperity. For I remark, in the second
place, that so uncertain are the operations of trade--so suddenly
are its channels and outlets closed by misunderstandings and
ruptures between rival nations--so liable is it to paralysing
shocks from intriguing cabinets and wily politicians, the
operations of one year scarcely afford any ground for conjecture in
regard to the operations of the next. Let us illustrate our
position by an humble supposition.
"Suppose the surrounding country should suddenly relent, throw wide
its doors, and shake its teeming wealth of gold and ivory and wood
and gums into our lap; and the native African, patient of labour
and of travel, should supply us at the most accommodating rates
with all the coarser food for our consumption;--suppose vessels
should flock (as, under such circumstances, vessels would most
assuredly flock) to our shores, offering us in exchange for the
produce thus liberally poured in upon us, the conveniences,
elegances, and luxuries of foreign countries. Suppose every man
desert his farm, and betake himself to trading as the more easy and
the more speedy road to wealth,--there would certainly be great
activity and great prosperity. But should we be independent? One
more supposition, and the important and interesting problem is
solved. Suppose the paths to the interior are suddenly blocked up
by feuds among the tribes; all ingress cut off and trade suspended.
Where, then, are our supplies? Should we be able to return to our
farms, and draw thence articles of exchange with foreign nations?
By no means. In the mania for trade our farms have been deserted,
and, like the land on which a curse rests, have long laid fallow.
Think you, fellow-citizens, that our trade once gone, we should
again behold the French, the Bremen, the American, and the English
flag floating to the breeze in our harbour. From that hour you
might bid a long adieu to every white face but that of a
missionary. Fellow-Citizens! our prosperity and independence are to
be drawn from the soil. That is the highway to honour, to wealth,
to private and national prosperity.
"Liberians! do not disdain the humble occupation! It commends
itself to our attention, ennobled and sanctified by the example of
our Creator. 'And the Lord God planted a garden eastward in Eden;
and there he put the man whom he had formed. And out of the ground
made the Lord God to grow every tree that is pleasant to the sight,
and good for food.... And the Lord God took the man, and put him
into the garden of Eden, to dress it and to keep it.'[3] Never,
never, until this degenerate age, has this simple, primitive,
patriarchal occupation been despised.
'In ancient times, the sacred plough employed
The kings and awful fathers of mankind:
And some, with whom compared your insect tribes
Are but the beings of a summer's day,
Have held the scale of empire, ruled the storm
Of mighty war; then, with unwearied hand,
Disdaining little delicacies, seized
The plough, and greatly independent lived.'
"Thus sings the author of the Seasons, one of Britain's sweetest
bards.
"The last remark time will allow me to make under this head, is,
that 'Righteousness exalteth a nation; but sin is a reproach to any
people.'[4] All attempts to correct the depravity of man, to stay
the head-long propensity to vice--to abate the madness of ambition,
will be found deplorably inefficient, unless we apply the
restrictions and the tremendous sanctions of religion. A profound
regard and deference for religion, a constant recognition of our
dependence upon God, and of our obligation and accountability to
Him; an ever-present, ever-pressing sense of His universal and
all-controlling providence, this, and only this, can give energy to
the arm of law, cool the raging fever of the passions, and abate
the lofty pretensions of mad ambition. In prosperity, let us bring
out our thank-offering, and present it with cheerful hearts in
orderly, virtuous, and religious conduct. In adversity, let us
consider, confess our sins, and abase ourselves before the throne
of God. In danger, let us go to Him, whose prerogative it is to
deliver; let us go to Him, with the humility and confidence which a
deep conviction that the battle is not to the strong nor the race
to the swift, is calculated to inspire.
"Fellow-Citizens! we stand now on ground never occupied by a people
before. However insignificant we may regard ourselves, the eyes of
Europe and America are upon us, as a germ, destined to burst from
its enclosure in the earth, unfold its petals to the genial air,
rise to the height and swell to the dimensions of the full-grown
tree, or (inglorious fate!) to shrivel, to die, and to be buried in
oblivion. Rise, fellow-citizens, rise to a clear and full
perception of your tremendous responsibilities!! Upon you, rely
upon it, depends in a measure you can hardly conceive, the future
destiny of your race. You, you are to give the answer, whether the
African race is doomed to interminable degradation,--a hideous blot
on the fair face of Creation, a libel upon the dignity of human
nature,--or whether they are incapable to take an honourable rank
amongst the great family of nations! The friends of the colony are
trembling; the enemies of the Coloured man are hoping. Say,
fellow-citizens, will you palsy the hands of your friends and
sicken their hearts, and gladden the souls of your enemies, by a
base refusal to enter upon the career of glory which is now opening
so propitiously before you? The genius of universal emancipation,
bending from her lofty seat, invites you to accept the wreath of
national independence. The voice of your friends, swelling upon the
breeze, cries to you from afar--Raise your standard! assert your
independence!! throw out your banners to the wind!! And will the
descendants of the mighty Pharaohs, that awed the world--will the
sons of him who drove back the serried legions of Rome and laid
siege to the 'eternal city'--will they, the achievements of whose
fathers are yet the wonder and admiration of the world--will they
refuse the proffered boon, and basely cling to the chains of
Slavery and dependence? Never! never!! never!!! Shades of the
mighty dead!--spirits of departed great ones! inspire us, animate
us to the task--nerve us for the battle! Pour into our bosom a
portion of that ardour and patriotism which bore you on to battle,
to victory, and to conquest.
"Shall Liberia live? Yes; in the generous emotions now swelling in
your bosoms--in the high and noble purpose now fixing itself in
your mind, and ripening into the unyieldingness of indomitable
principle, we hear the inspiring response--Liberia shall live
before God, and before the nations of the Earth.
"The night is passing away--the dusky shades are fleeing, and even
now
'Second day stands tiptoe
On the misty mountain top.'"
With all their advantages of education and opulence, I challenge the
abettors of Negro Slavery, who justify their oppressive conduct towards
their fellow-creatures on the ground of their inferiority, to exhibit
half the talent and ability evinced in the eloquent addresses of these
Coloured legislators. Yet these are the men who are described as a
deterioration of our species, who, through vulgar prejudice and popular
insult, combined with political and legislative enactments, hove been
degraded to a level with the brute.
As further evidence of their capabilities, I present the reader with a
few extracts from a Discourse by Henry H. Garnett, (a fugitive Slave),
On the Past and Present Condition, and Destiny of the Coloured Race.
"By an almost common consent, the modern world seems determined to
pilfer Africa of her glory. It is not enough that her children have
been scattered over the globe, clothed in the garments of shame,
humiliated and oppressed; but our enemies weary themselves in
plundering the tombs of our renowned sires, and in obliterating
their worthy deeds, which were inscribed by fame upon the pages of
ancient history.
"The three grand divisions of the earth that were known to the
ancients, were colonised by the three sons of Noah. Shem was the
father of the Asiatics--the Africans descended from Ham--and
Japheth was the progenitor of the Europeans. These men, being the
children of one common father, they were originally of the same
complexion--for we cannot, through the medium of any law of nature
or reason, come to the conclusion that one was black, another was
copper-coloured, and the other was white. Adam was a red man; and
by what law of nature his descendants became dissimilar to him, is
a problem which is yet to be clearly solved. The fact, that the
universal Father has varied the complexions of his children, does
not detract from his mercy, or give us reason to question his
wisdom.
"Moses is the patriarch of sacred history. The same eminent station
is occupied by Herodotus in profane history. To the chronicles of
these two great men we are indebted for all the information we have
in relation to the early condition of man. If they are incorrect,
to what higher authority shall we appeal; and if they are true,
then we acquaint ourselves with the history of our race from that
period
'When yonder spheres sublime
Pealed their first notes to sound the march of time.'
"Ham was the first African. Egypt was settled from an immediate
descendant of Ham,--who, in sacred history, is called Mizraim, and
in uninspired history he is known by the name of Menes. Yet, in the
face of this historical evidence, there are those who affirm, that
the ancient Egyptians were not of the pure African stock. The
gigantic statue of the Sphynx has the peculiar features of the
children of Ham; one of the most celebrated queens of Egypt was
Nitocris, an Ethiopian woman; yet these intellectual
resurrectionists dig through a mountain of such evidence, and
declare that these people were not Negroes.
"We learn from Herodotus, that the ancient Egyptians were black,
and had woolly hair. These people astonished the world with their
arts and sciences, in which they revelled with unbounded
prodigality. They became the masters of the East, and the lords of
the Hebrews. No arm less powerful than Jehovah's, could pluck the
children of Abraham from their hands. The plagues were marshalled
against them, and the pillars of cloud and of fire, and at last the
resistless sea. 'Then the horse and his rider sank like lead in the
mighty waters.'[5] But the kingdom of the Pharaohs was still great.
The most exalted mortal eulogium that could be spoken of Moses,
was, 'that he was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians.'[6]
It was from them that he gathered the materials with which he
reared that grand superstructure, partaking of law, poetry, and
history, which has filled the world with wonder and praise.
Mournful reverses of fortune have passed over that illustrious
people. The star that rose in such matchless splendour above the
eastern horizon has had its setting. But Egypt, Africa's
dark-browed queen, still lives. Her pyramid tombs--her sculptured
columns, dug from the sands to adorn modern architecture--the
remnants of her once impregnable walls--the remains of her
hundred-gated city, rising over the wide-spread ruins, as if to
guard the fame of the race that gave them existence,--all proclaim
what she once was.
"Whatever may be the extent of prejudice against colour, as it is
falsely called and is so generally practised in this country,
Solomon, the most renowned of kings, possessed none of it. Among
the seven hundred wives and the three hundred concubines who filled
his houses, the most favoured queen was the beautiful Sable
daughter of one of the Pharaohs of Egypt.... When he had secured
her, he bowed his great intellect before her, that he might do her
that homage which he paid to no other woman. Solomon was a poet,
and pure love awakened the sweetest melody in his soul. To her
honour and praise he composed that beautiful poem called the
CANTICLES, or SOLOMON'S SONG. For her he wove that gorgeous wreath
which is unsurpassed in its kind, and with his own royal hand
placed it upon her dark brow.
"The interior of Ethiopia has not been explored by modern
adventurers. The antiquarian has made his way into almost every
dominion where relics of former greatness have promised to reward
him for his toil. But this country, as though she had concealed
some precious treasure, meets the traveller on the outskirts of her
dominions, with pestilence and death. Yet, in the Highlands that
have been traversed, many unequivocal traces of former civilization
have been discovered. Very lately, British enterprise has made some
important researches in that region of country, all of which go to
prove, that Homer did not misplace his regard for them, when he
associated them with the gods.
"Numerous other instances might be mentioned that would indicate
the ancient fame of our ancestors:--a fame, which arose from every
virtue and talent that render mortals pre-eminently great,--from
the conquests of love and beauty, from the prowess of their arms,
and their architecture, poetry, mathematics, generosity, and piety.
I will barely allude to the beautiful Cleopatra, who swayed and
captivated the heart of Antony;--to Hannibal, the sworn enemy and
scourge of Rome--the mighty General who crossed the Alps to meet
his foes--the Alps which had never before been crossed by an army,
nor ever since, if we except Napoleon, the ambitious Corsican;--to
Terence, Euclid, Cyprian, Origen, and Augustine.
"In 1620, the very same year in which the Pilgrims landed on the
cold and rocky shores of New England, a Dutch ship, freighted with
souls, touched the banks of James river, where the wretched people
were employed as Slaves in the cultivation of that hateful weed,
tobacco. Wonderful coincidence! The angel of liberty hovered over
New England, and the demon of Slavery unfurled his black flag over
the fields of the 'sunny south.'
"But, latterly, the Slave-trade has been pronounced to be piracy by
almost all of the civilised world. Great Britain has discarded the
chattel principle throughout her dominions. In 1824, Mexico
proclaimed freedom to her Slaves. The Pope of Rome, and the
sovereigns of Turkey and Denmark, and other nations, bow at the
shrine of liberty. But France has laid the richest offering upon
the altar of freedom, that has been presented to God in these
latter days. In achieving her almost bloodless revolution, she
maintained an admirable degree of consistency. The same blast of
the trumpet of Liberty that rang through the halls of the
Tuilleries, and shattered the throne of the Bourbons, also reached
the shores of her remotest colonies, and proclaimed the redemption
of every Slave that moved on French soil. Thus does France remember
the paternal advice of La Fayette, and atone for the murder of
Toussaint. Thanks be to God, the lily is cleansed of the blood that
stained it. The nations of the earth will gaze with delight upon
its democratic purity, wherever it shall be seen, whether in the
grape-grown valleys where it first bloomed, or in the Isles of
Bourbon, Guadaloupe, Martinique, or in Guiana.[7] The Coloured
people of St. Bartholomew's, who were emancipated by a decree of
the king of Sweden last year, have lately sent an address to their
liberator. Hayti, by the heroism of her Age, Toussaint L'Ouverture,
Dessalines, Christophe, and Petion, has driven the demon of Slavery
from that island, and has buried his carcase in the sea.
"Briefly and imperfectly have I noticed the former condition of the
Coloured race. Let us turn for a moment to survey our present
state. The woeful volume of our history, as it now lies open to the
world, is written with tears and bound with blood. As I trace it,
my eyes ache and my heart is filled with grief. No other people
have suffered so much, and none have been more innocent. If I
might apostrophise that bleeding country, I would say, O Africa,
thou hast bled, freely bled, at every pore! Thy sorrow has been
mocked, and thy grief has not been heeded. Thy children are
scattered over the whole earth, and the great nations have been
enriched by them. The wild beasts of thy forests are treated with
more mercy than they. The Libyan lion and the fierce tiger are
caged to gratify the curiosity of men, and the keeper's hands are
not laid heavily upon them. But thy children are tortured, taunted,
and hurried out of life by unprecedented cruelty. Brave men, formed
in the divinest mould, are bartered, sold, and mortgaged. Stripped
of every sacred right, they are scourged if they affirm that they
belong to God. Women, sustaining the dear relation of mothers, are
yoked with the horned cattle, to till the soil, and their
heart-strings are torn to pieces by cruel separations from their
children. Our sisters, ever manifesting the purest kindness,
whether in the wilderness of their father-land, or amid the sorrows
of the middle passage, or in crowded cities, are unprotected from
the lust of tyrants. They have a regard for virtue, and they
possess a sense of honour, but there is no respect paid to these
jewels of noble character. Driven into unwilling concubinage, their
offspring are sold by their Anglo-Saxon fathers. To them, the
marriage institution is but a name, for their despoilers break down
the hymenial altar and scatter its sacred ashes on the winds.
"Our young men are brutalised in intellect, and their manly
energies are chilled by the frosts of Slavery. Sometimes they are
called to witness the agonies of the mothers who bore them,
writhing under the lash, and as if to fill to overflowing the
already full cup of demonism, they are sometimes compelled to apply
the lash with their own hands. Hell itself cannot overmatch a deed
like this--and dark damnation shudders as it sinks into its bosom
and seeks to hide itself from the indignant eye of God."
The writer of the foregoing Discourse was formerly a Slave; his
forefathers, stolen from Africa, lived and died in Slavery; he himself
was born a Slave, and would have remained in that condition until the
present time, had he not been so fortunate as to escape from the galling
yoke of fetters and chains. Such an example of elevated humanity as he
affords, compels the conviction, that out of the countless millions now
doomed to perpetual bondage, many of them, though forcibly degraded to a
level with the brute, are qualified to become ornaments, not only to
their race but to humanity.
The contents of these pages demonstrate the Negro race to be possessed
of intelligent and reflecting minds, capable of occupying a very
different station in life to that which has been generally assigned to
them, and which they now mostly occupy. Although their sufferings in
Slavery have long excited the interest and sympathy of the benevolent,
little has been done to advance their position in society. Almost
insurmountable obstacles exist, tending to counteract that improvement
and elevation of character, to which, under more favourable
circumstances, they are capable of attaining.
It may, perhaps, be fairly questioned, whether any other people could
have endured the privations or the sufferings to which they have been
subjected, without becoming still _more_ degraded in the scale of
humanity. Nothing has been left undone, to cripple their intellects, to
darken their minds, to debase their moral nature, and to obliterate all
traces of their relationship to mankind; yet, how wonderfully they have
sustained the mighty load of oppression, under which they have been
groaning for centuries!
The supporters and advocates of Slavery, in order to justify their
oppressive conduct, allege, either in ignorance or from an affected
philosophy, an inherent defect in the mental constitution of the Negro
race, sufficient to exclude them from the enjoyment of the blessings of
freedom, or the exercise of those rights which are equally bestowed by a
beneficent Creator upon all his rational creatures.
Prejudice and misinformation have, for a long series of years, been
fostered with unremitting assiduity by those interested in upholding the
Slave system, and their corrupt influence has enabled them to gain
possession of the public ear, and to abuse public credulity to an extent
not generally appreciated. They strenuously maintain that the Negro is
only fitted and designed for a servile condition. The contents of these
pages prove to the contrary, and will surely stop the mouths of those
who, from ignorance or something worse, affirm an absolute difference in
specific character between the two races, and hence, justify the
consignment of the Black to a fate which only proves the fingering
barbarism of the White.
But, should the cases here recorded be considered of too isolated a
nature to elucidate a theory of general equality of races, it may be
observed, that they are only a very fractional part of what might have
been adduced. A mass of facts is still in reserve, teeming with
unequivocal evidence, that the Almighty has not left the Negro
destitute or deficient of those talents and capabilities which he has
bestowed upon all his rational creatures, and which, however modified by
circumstances in various cases, leave no section of the human family a
right to boast that it inherits by birth a superiority, which might not,
in the course of events, be manifested and claimed, with equal justice,
by those whom they most despise.
In order more fully to demonstrate the capabilities of the Black races
of Africa, the writer has selected a mass of facts illustrative of the
subject, which he has recently published, entitled "A TRIBUTE FOR THE
NEGRO," in which their moral, intellectual, and religious capabilities
are fully established. This Volume, including many engravings and
portraits of eminent Negroes, embraces upwards of one hundred
biographical sketches and anecdotes of this calumniated race, many of
them not before published, which afford striking evidence that inferior
abilities are not the necessary accompaniment of a Coloured skin, but
demonstrating, on the contrary, that the Negro race are endowed with
every characteristic constituting an identity with the great family of
man, and consequently entitled to those inalienable rights which have
been denied them, "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," any
infringement on which is a daring usurpation of the prerogative of the
Most High!
FOOTNOTES:
[1] America.
[2] "Truth is powerful, and will ultimately prevail."
[3] Gen. ii. 8, 9, 15.
[4] Prov. xiv. 34.
[5] Exod. xv. 1, 10.
[6] Acts vii. 22.
[7] The number of Slaves in the French colonies was almost 300,000.
ANTHONY PICKARD, PRINTER, TOP OF BRIGGATE, LEEDS.
JUST PUBLISHED,
A TRIBUTE FOR THE NEGRO,
BEING
A VINDICATION
OF THE
MORAL, INTELLECTUAL, AND RELIGIOUS CAPABILITIES
OF THE
COLOURED PORTION OF MANKIND,
WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO THE AFRICAN RACE
BY
WILSON ARMISTEAD,
LEEDS.
LONDON:
CHARLES GILPIN, 5, BISHOPSGATE WITHOUT;
AND WILLIAM IRWIN, 39, OLDHAM-STREET, MANCHESTER;
G. W. TAYLOR, PHILADELPHIA;
WILLIAM HARNED, ANTI-SLAVERY OFFICE, NEW YORK.
* * * * *
REMARKS OF THE PRESS,
RESPECTING "A TRIBUTE FOR THE NEGRO."
"We are gratified to announce the publication of a Volume under this
designation; and, especially, that it will emanate from the pen--we may
add, also, from the heart--of a gentleman whose feelings and sympathies,
no less than mental powers, so well fit him for the task of preparing
it. It will be embellished with ten engravings, enriched by an
Introductory Poem by Mr. Bernard Barton, and the profits devoted to the
Anti-Slavery cause."--_The Universe._
"It is scarcely needful to do more than read the Prospectus, to be
convinced that the Volume is likely to be one of no common interest,
both to the Christian and to the Philanthropist. Indeed, it seems to
promise a high treat to the Anti-Slavery public in particular; and, from
the great labour and cost the author has bestowed on it, we trust an
extensive sale awaits it."--_British Friend._
"From our acquaintance with the author of the '_Tribute for the Negro_,'
we feel no hesitation in saying that it will be one of deep research, as
well as of intense interest, being on a subject most intimately
connected with the happiness or misery of a large portion of the human
family."--_The Citizen._
"It is with sincere pleasure we announce the appearance of this
interesting publication. It includes upwards of one hundred biographical
sketches of Africans, or their descendants, besides facts and anecdotes,
testimonies of travellers, missionaries, &c., exhibiting an undoubted
refutation of the unfounded calumnies which have been heaped on the
unfortunate race of Africa. In addition to illustrative engravings, it
will contain the portraits of several distinguished men of Colour. From
the character of the gentleman who has undertaken the pleasing, though
arduous, task, and who contemplates no other reward but that of service
to the deeply-oppressed race of Africa, we may with confidence recommend
his production to the early and earnest attention of our readers,
feeling assured that they will be both cheered and profited by its
perusal. We are glad to perceive that, in addition to the names of many
friends of the Negro, the subscription list is headed by the
Queen."--_Anti-Slavery Reporter._
* * * * *
The Volume contains upwards of 550 Pages, Demy 8vo., and Ten superior
Portraits and Engravings, Price 16s.
May also be had in Morocco, gilt edges, and Proof Plates, at 25s.; the
Morocco Copies include Two additional Engravings.
N.B.--All profits arising from the Sale of "A Tribute for the Negro"
will be devoted on behalf of the oppressed.
End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Calumny Refuted, by Facts from Liberia, by
Wilson Armistead
*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CALUMNY REFUTED, BY FACTS ***
***** This file should be named 41069-8.txt or 41069-8.zip *****
This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
http://www.gutenberg.org/4/1/0/6/41069/
Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Martin Pettit and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
file was produced from images generously made available
by The Internet Archive)
Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
will be renamed.
Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project
Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you
do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is
subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
redistribution.
*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an
individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in
a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check
the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning
the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
copied or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked
to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
that
- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is
owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments
must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License. You must require such a user to return or
destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
Project Gutenberg-tm works.
- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
of receipt of the work.
- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the
Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with
the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy
is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
opportunities to fix the problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists
because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
people in all walks of life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at 809
North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email
contact links and up to date contact information can be found at the
Foundation's web site and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact
For additional contact information:
Dr. Gregory B. Newby
Chief Executive and Director
[email protected]
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To
SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
with anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project
Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily
keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
www.gutenberg.org
This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
