The Project Gutenberg eBook of An historical account of all the voyages round the world, performed by English navigators, vol. 2 of 4
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Title: An historical account of all the voyages round the world, performed by English navigators, vol. 2 of 4
Including those lately undertaken by order of His present Majesty. The whole faithfully extracted from the journals of the voyagers
Editor: David Henry
Release date: February 22, 2026 [eBook #78004]
Language: English
Original publication: London: F. Newbery, 1773
Credits: Raymond Papworth and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF ALL THE VOYAGES ROUND THE WORLD, PERFORMED BY ENGLISH NAVIGATORS, VOL. 2 OF 4 ***
Transcriber’s Note: Italic text is enclosed in _underscores_.
Superscript characters are preceded by ^. Small capital text has been
changed to all capital. Additional notes will be found near the end of
this eBook.
AN
HISTORICAL ACCOUNT
OF ALL THE
VOYAGES ROUND THE WORLD,
PERFORMED BY
ENGLISH NAVIGATORS;
INCLUDING THOSE LATELY UNDERTAKEN
By ORDER of his PRESENT MAJESTY.
THE WHOLE
Faithfully Extracted from the JOURNALS of the
VOYAGERS.
DRAKE, undertaken in 1577-80
CAVENDISH, 1586-88
COWLEY, 1683-86
DAMPIER, 1689-96
COOKE, 1708-11
ROGERS, 1708-11
CLIPPERTON and SHELVOCKE, 1719-22
ANSON, 1740-44
BYRON, 1764-66
WALLIS, 1766-68
CARTERET, 1766-69
COOK, 1768-71
TOGETHER WITH
That of SYDNEY PARKINSON, Draftsman to JOSEPH BANKS, Esq; who
circumnavigated the Globe with Capt. COOK, in his Majesty’s Ship the
ENDEAVOUR.
AND
The Voyage of Mons. BOUGAINVILLE round the World, Performed by Order of
the French King.
Illustrated with Maps, Charts, and Historical Prints.
IN FOUR VOLUMES.
To which is added,
An APPENDIX. Containing the JOURNAL of a VOYAGE to the NORTH POLE, by
the Hon. Commodore PHIPPS, and Captain LUTWIDGE.
─────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
VOLUME THE SECOND.
═════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════
LONDON:
Printed for F. NEWBERY, the Corner of St. Paul’s Church-Yard.
────────────
M DCC LXXIV.
THE
VOYAGES
OF
CAPTAIN COOKE.
The rich cargo of the annual ship from Manilla to Accapulco, has ever
been the object which private adventurers to the South Seas have had in
view, while, on the other hand, the annual ship from Accapulco to
Manilla has been the pursuit of the ships of war. This difference has
arisen from the different constitution of the two ships; for the
galleon, when she sets sail from Manilla, being deep laden with a
variety of bulky goods, (such as Chinese silks and manufactures, vast
quantities of Indian stuffs, callicoes, and chintz, besides the minuter
articles of goldsmiths work, embroidery, &c. wrought at Manilla by the
Chinese,) she has not the conveniency of mounting her lower tier of
guns, but generally carries them in her hold. Her hands too are as few
as are confident with the safe navigation of the ship, that she may be
the less encumbered by the stowage of provisions so that being but
weakly manned, and indifferently provided for defence, she is thereby
more exposed to the attacks of small privateers, and more easy to be
made their prey; and, though she does not contain so great a treasure as
the other, yet she is sufficiently rich to recompense the undertakers,
and to enrich the captors, her cargo being generally estimated at three
millions of dollars.
But the ship from Accapulco making her return chiefly in silver and
gold, and having little or no bulky goods on board, as her cargo lies in
less room, her lower tier is always mounted before she leaves the port,
and her crew is augmented with a supply of sailors, and with one or two
companies of foot, which are intended to reinforce the garrison at
Manilla. Besides, there being many merchants who take their passage to
Manilla on board the galleon, her whole number of hands on her return is
usually little short of 600 fighting men; so that she is more than a
match for such small privateers as are generally sent upon hazardous
expeditions, and a prize only for a royal ship of war; and has therefore
never been attempted by any other.
The voyage we are now about to relate was purposely fitted out with a
view to intercept the Manilla ship at the instance of Dampier, in
concluding of whose character (from reading the accounts written by
himself) we were led into an error, which the present voyage, written by
Captain Cooke, has enabled us to correct. The ill success that attended
the voyage to the South Seas, under the immediate command of Dampier, of
which a brief relation is given in the first volume of this work, was so
far from discouraging that enterprizing officer from pursuing his
favourite project of making prize of the Manilla ship, that, after his
return, when he had wearied the merchants of London with fruitless
solicitations, he repaired to Bristol, where his representations were
better understood, and where they were attended with better effect. By
his solid remonstrances he prevailed upon nineteen of the principal
merchants and gentlemen of that city to unite and form a company, for
the purpose of fitting out two private ships of war, to shew what
advantages might be derived from a well-conducted enterprize against the
Spaniards in the South Seas: and it may, perhaps, be attributed to his
judgment and experience, that they were more properly adapted to the
service on which they were to be sent, and were better provided against
every accident to which they might be exposed, than any privateers that
ever were fitted out before them. Add to this, that their crews were
furnished with better regulations, and subjected to stricter rules, and
under severer penalties, than men listed to go on hazardous adventures
are generally willing to submit to.
Their principal officers were gentlemen of experience, or highly
interested in the success of the voyage; being the first subscribers,
and the chief promoters of the undertaking and these also were assisted
with a second set of officers, equally able and experienced, who, in
case of accidents, were ready to supply the places of those who might be
disabled.
But, besides being awed by penalties from trespassing the articles of
agreement that were signed by every man on board from the highest to the
lowest, they were likewise encouraged by rewards to behave gallantly;
every common sailor who should lose a limb in time of action being
entitled to a douceur of 30l. and so in proportion to officers according
to their respective ranks: yet, notwithstanding all these precautions,
we find them ever ready to mutiny.
The two ships, thus fitted up and regulated, were called the Duke and
Dutchess; the first, of 300 tons, 36 guns, and 183 men, was commanded by
Woodes Rogers; the other, of 270 tons, 30 guns, and 151 men, by Captain
Stephen Courtney.
Captain Rogers, who commanded in chief, was a bold, active man, an
indefatigable officer, one who would not give up his opinion readily to
others, nor be flattered by other people’s giving up their opinion,
without being convinced, to him. He had been, according to Harris, a
large sufferer by the French, and was naturally no great friend to that
nation; but his most singular quality, and that which indeed recommended
him to this command, was a peculiar art he had of maintaining his
authority, and at the same time preserving his influence, over his
seamen; an _art_, or _gift_ rather, in which Captain Dampier was
remarkably deficient.
Captain Courtney was a man of birth, fortune, and of many amiable
qualities; he contributed largely to the expence of the voyage, and took
a share in it to superintend the management, and to interpose and
qualify the differences that might arise in the course of a tedious and
dangerous navigation; being a person of an admirable temper, and
remarkable for moderation in all his decisions, in which almost all men
were ready to acquiesce.
Besides these two gentlemen, who were first in command, Dr. Thomas Dover
(the same, who, about forty years ago, so effectually recommended the
use of quicksilver in a little book, entitled Dr. Dover’s Last Legacy to
his Country, that ladies as well as gentlemen of rank and fortune
bespangled the floors and carpets with quicksilver, and scattered their
diamonds wherever they met to dance, or to play) was second Captain on
board the Duke; and Captain Edward Cooke, our author, was second to
Captain Courtney.
Dover was a considerable contributer to the voyage, but he was of a
rough ungovernable temper, seldom pleased with either measures or men;
but incapable of forming any party to support his own notions, because
no party could ever be brought to approve them.
Captain Cooke was an able and experienced seaman, had been twice taken
prisoner, and twice released by the enemy, and now embarked his All in
this bottom with a view to make one effort more to gain a fortune.
Captain Dampier, who projected the voyage, was made pilot on board the
Duke to direct it. Of him the reader has already heard enough in the
former volume of this work; and from the character of the leaders it is
natural to infer, that they were choice in the appointment of their
inferior officers, and that even the common men were not of the meaner
sort.
The general instructions of the owners were, first, to repair to Ireland
to take in provisions, and then to proceed with all possible expedition
to the South Sea; if luckily they met with any prizes by the way, they
were either to send them home or to America, as should best suit; they
were ordered by all means to keep together, and to act in concert; to
undertake no enterprize of consequence without first deliberating the
matter in a general council of officers in both ships; to be
particularly careful in assisting each other in every circumstance of
necessity; and that in giving relief in times of danger, or in supplying
provisions or water in case of want, they should be as one ship, and
that on no pretence the one should be suffered to want while the other
had any thing to supply; but, as they were to share alike in all
advantages, they should share alike too in all sufferings.
Thus fitted out and thus instructed, and the officers of both ships
being provided with legal commissions to cruise against her Majesty’s
enemies, the French and Spaniards, in the South Seas, on the first of
August, 1708, they unmoored from King road, and on the 4th of the same
month cast anchor at the Cove in Cork, where they continued victualling,
and adjusting their men, changing some and enlisting others, among whom
were many foreigners, till the first of September, when they sailed in
company with the Hastings man of war, having first agreed, in case of
separation, to meet at Madeira, there to take in wine and brandy for the
remainder of the voyage.
[Here it is necessary to apprize the reader, that, as there are two very
authentic accounts of this voyage, one written by Captain Rogers, and
one written by our author, we shall endeavour to reduce them into ONE,
by supplying from Captain Rogers what is wanting in Captain Cooke, and
shall, contrary to the method pursued in Harris, continue the narrative
in the person of Captain Cooke, though sometimes we may be obliged to
use the words of Captain Rogers. And this being premised, we will now
proceed:]
On the 10th of September, says Captain Cooke, we spied a sail, which we
chaced and came up with. She happened to be a Swede, bound for Cadiz;
and though from several circumstances there was reason to suspect that
she had contraband goods on board, yet it being difficult to prove it,
and we being in haste, dismissed her. This caused a mutiny on board the
Duke, headed by the boatswain and three inferior officers, who persuaded
the men not to give her up. Captain Rogers confined the authors of this
disorder, in which there was not one foreigner concerned. He put ten of
the mutineers in irons, a sailor being first soundly whipped for
exciting the rest to join him; others less guilty he punished and
discharged; but the chief officers continued armed, fearing what might
happen, the ship’s company seeming too much to favour the mutineers.
They had afterwards a great deal of trouble with these fellows, who did
more mischief when in irons than before, by stirring up the men to
release them, pretending that they suffered in the cause of the crew,
and therefore the crew ought to rise and release them. This determined
the Captain to make some examples, but not to irritate too much; he
therefore began by removing the boatswain from his office, and
appointing another in his room, without intending anything further. But
on the 14th this intestine storm rose higher than ever; for then a
sailor with the best part of the ship’s company at his heels, went up to
the Captain, and demanded the boatswain out of custody. With this man
the Captain desired to speak alone, and when he came upon the
quarter-deck, the officers seized him, and caused one of his chief
comrades to whip him. Thus by different corrections of the like kind,
the officers on board the Duke broke the combination, and allayed the
tumult. The boatswain they sent home in the Crown galley in irons; the
other prisoners they released upon their humble submission; such among
them as were petty officers they restored to their commands, and all on
board were forbidden to disobey or reproach them: and thus ended an
insurrection, which, had it succeeded, would have put a stop at once to
the farther prosecution of the voyage.
On the 15th, finding ourselves to the southward, and at the same time
somewhat to the eastward of Madeira, we changed our place of rendezvous,
and bore away for the Canaries.
On Saturday the 18th, at five in the morning, we saw a sail right
a-head, to which we gave chace. About 10, we came up with and took her,
being a small Spanish bark bound from Teneriff to Fuertaventura, with
several men and women passengers on board, and laden with sundry sorts
of goods. Next day we bore away for Oratavia-road, where we stood off
and on, and sent away the prize’s boat with one of our owners agents, a
priest, and the master of the prize, to treat about the ransom of her,
and to get wine, provisions, and other necessaries, for the refreshment
of both the ships. About eight next morning, a boat came from the town,
with a letter from the English merchants residing there, wherein they
expostulated with us for making prize of the bark, alledging that there
was a free trade agreed to in these islands between her Majesty of Great
Britain and the Kings of France and Spain, so religiously observed by
the latter, that they had caused an English ship taken there by a French
privateer, to be restored; and farther, representing the danger that
might arise to themselves, living by permission in an enemy’s country,
if the bark was not immediately given up, for which reprisals would be
made on them; as also, that we should be answerable at home for
interrupting the settled commerce. This letter was signed by the Consul
and three capital merchants. Our Captains immediately returned for
answer, that, having no instructions relating to the Spanish vessels
trading among those islands, they could not justify the releasing of the
ship on their bare opinions, without some order or proclamation of her
Majesty, the English being protected there only on anchoring ground, and
the bark being taken in the open seas; that, in case Mr. Vanbrugh, the
owners agent, was not restored, they would carry away all the prisoners
they had; and, if they apprehended any detriment to the factory, they
might ransom the bark, and seek their redress in England. They desired
dispatch, there being no time to lose; and, upon sending back Mr.
Vanbrugh, they would release the prisoners. At night another letter came
in answer to theirs, from the Consul, importing, that the English
men-of-war were civilly received there, and never committed any
hostilities; and that it was strange we should insist on ransoming any
Spaniards, who were never made prisoners in England, or elsewhere; and
the Governor there delivered up to him any English prisoners that were
brought in by Spanish privateers; wherefore he insisted, that those in
our custody should be dismissed, and the bark discharged, accepting a
present of wine in return. With this from the Consul at the city of
Laguna, came another letter from the merchants at Oratavia-port, much to
the same purport, only offering to pay to the value of 450 pieces of
eight, the sum demanded for the bark, in wine, brandy, sugar, oil,
barley, and greens, to prevent incensing the natives against them, not
doubting but that reparation would be made them in England. Our Captains
replied, by threatening to cruise among the islands to avail themselves
for their loss of time, and to cannonade the town of Oratavia, unless
they received instant satisfaction. On the 22d, at four in the morning,
we stood in for the shore, making a clear ship; but, soon after, we saw
a boat coming with our owners agent, and Mr. Cross, one of the English
merchants, bringing five buts of wine, and other refreshments. We lay
off the town, took the goods out of the prize, sold the bark to Mr.
Cross, and put the prisoners on board her. Thus ended this troublesome
business, which being unanimously approved of at a council of officers
of both ships, they proceeded on their voyage; and, seeing a sail to the
westward, gave chace to her, but, night coming on, lost her.
On the 24th we crossed the Tropic of Cancer, and, the Sunday following,
performed the ceremony of dipping the men of both ships who had not
crossed it before; a ceremony that causes a good deal of mirth among the
common men.
On the 30th we passed by Santa Lucia, one of the Cape de Verd islands,
and by eight in the morning came in sight of St. Vincent, and about
eleven came to an anchor in ten fathom water within the rock.
As we knew the island not to be inhabited, we were not a little
surprized to see some people on shore; and, in order to learn who they
were, and what their business was, I armed the pinnace, and went on
shore, when we found them to be Portuguese come from the island of St.
Anthony to catch turtle, who told us we might here wood and water.
This island lies in lat. 16 deg. 55 min. N. and in 25 deg. 36 min. W.
long. from the meridian of London. There are on it Guinea-hens, hogs,
and goats, and about the shore plenty of fish. In the woods there are
spiders as large as little birds, whose webs are not easily broken
through, being woven with a substance nearly as strong as ordinary
thread.
The Cape Verd islands are eleven in number, St. Anthony, St. Vincent,
St. Lucia, St. Nicholas, Sal, Bona Vista, Mayo, St. Jago, Fogo, Romes,
and Brava; and take their general name from a promontory on the African
shore. They belong to the Portuguese, but are not all inhabited.
While we lay at St. Vincent’s, new disturbances arose among the men in
relation to plunder; for here they had an opportunity of trading, and
therefore every man wished to have something to exchange. The effects
taken in the late prize occasioned a general murmur throughout both the
ships; to put an end to which, and to fix the people in a firm
resolution of doing their duty, we determined to settle the matter at
once, by framing such articles, as, without giving our owners any ground
of complaint, might inspire the seamen with courage and constancy, and
make them as willing to obey as their officers were ready to command. It
cost some trouble to adjust the articles; but that was fully
compensated, by their effectually answering the purpose. And now, having
composed all differences, the men again chearfully returned to their
duty, all but two or three of the Duke’s men, who made their escape on
shore among whom was their linguist, who probably had no mind to be left
behind; but, having staid beyond his leave of absence, and paid no
regard to the orders that were sent him to repair on board, it was
thought proper, by way of example, to depart without him. Accordingly on
the 7th of October we unmoored, and, on the 8th, after lying by all
night for our consort, we set sail together for the coast of Brazil. But
on our passage thither some fresh disputes arose among our men and,
after various consultations to accommodate the differences, it was
resolved, that Mr. Page, who was our second mate, should be sent to
serve on board the Duke, and Mr. Ballet to come from the Duke to serve
on board the Dutchess in his room. This was not to be effected without
force, Page refusing to obey the order; and when it was on the point of
being put in execution, he resisted; but, being overpowered, and carried
on board the Duke, he was there charged with mutiny. He desired to go to
the head, for a necessary purpose, before he made his defence, and was
permitted so to do; when he instantly jumped over-board, with the design
of getting back again to the Dutchess, but was taken up, tried, and
punished, which put an end to the disturbance for that time.
On Wednesday the 27th we crossed the Line, and on Sunday the 14th of
November saw land at a great distance, and at noon made Cape Frio, on
the coast of Brasil. On the 18th we anchored before Islo Grande, and on
the 19th moored our ship in ten fathom water. Here one of our men going
from the ship without leave, giving the first Lieutenant foul language,
and threatening soon to be revenged, was put in irons; and his messmates
and confederates demanding his release, or desiring to share in his
punishment, seven voluntarily went into irons.
On the 21st I went on shore in the pinnace with a present to the
Governor, and to acquaint him we were friends. At our first landing they
fired several shot, taking us for French; but afterwards made an
apology, and received us civilly. On the 23d two of the mutineers were
whipped, and put in irons again. On the 24th four of the eight men in
irons were released, on their submission; and two men went on shore,
designing to leave the ship, and, having bargained with a canoe to carry
them to the main, they were by mistake put ashore at a distant part of
the island, where, finding themselves on an uninhabited coast, they
began to relent and, after staying a night in the woods, where they were
terrified with the roaring of wild beasts, they came in sight of the
ship, and made signs of repentance, humbling themselves in the most
suppliant manner, and on their knees, with their hands lifted up,
endeavouring to move compassion. After some time the boat went off, and
brought them on board, where they were confined in irons till the next
day, and then ordered to be flogged and released.
On the 25th two Irish landmen stole away from the Duke, and secreted
themselves in the woods, in like manner as the two seamen had done from
the Dutchess. About four next morning the watch on the quarter-deck
spied a canoe, and hailed her to come on board; but the rowers not
answering, but striving to escape, the Duke’s pinnace pursued the canoe,
fired into her, and mortally wounded one of the Indian rowers. He that
owned and steered the canoe was a Friar, and had a quantity of gold on
board, which, after running the canoe ashore, he had just time to hide
before the Duke’s pinnace reached the land. A Portuguese, who was in the
canoe, and who had no gold to lose, would not follow the Friar; but, on
the contrary, knowing the English to be friends, called the Father back,
who, upon his return, was carried with the wounded Indian on board the
Duke, where the poor man was dressed by the surgeon, but died in a few
hours. The officers in both ships were very sorry for this unfortunate
accident, and entered their protest against it, and caused the man to be
buried on shore in a very solemn manner. The friar, however, who had
lost his gold, was not to be appeased, but threatened to seek for
justice in Portugal or England.
In towing the ship about the easternmost part of the island, we spied
the Duke’s two men waiting for a canoe to carry them over to the main;
and two of our Lieutenants manned the boat, and, landing some men in a
convenient place to get behind them, to prevent their escaping to the
woods, they rowed to the place where the fellows were seen to lurk. When
they found themselves beset, they endeavoured to fly; but, being
intercepted, they were brought on board, put in irons, and sent to their
own ship, where they were afterwards severely punished.
On the 27th the principal officers on board both ships went in their
pinnaces to the town of Angra dos Reys on the main, carrying the ships
music along with them. They were kindly received and entertained by the
Governor and Fathers, who with their servants are the principal
inhabitants, there not being more than 50 or 60 low-built houses in the
place. They have a guard-house, where, at our landing, we were received
by the Governor, with about 20 men under arms, and treated with a
dinner, sweet-meats, and rum. The Governor and Fathers desired we would
go to see their Franciscan monastery and church, that day being a
festival with them, and the people coming from the plantations in the
country to celebrate it. We complied; and, at their request, our music,
consisting of trumpets, hautboys, and violins, played in a gallery
belonging to the church, and assisted in heightening the solemnization,
to the no small satisfaction of the Fathers. After divine service we
likewise joined in procession with them, and accompanied them from the
church in the evening, every one carrying a large wax candle in his
hand, according to the custom of the country on such occasions. The
procession being closed, we were conducted into a great hall, and
treated by the Fathers with an elegant supper of fish, sweet-meats, and
fruits of various sorts in the highest perfection. At our coming away,
they gave us some volleys with their small arms, and we returned the
compliment by a flourish of trumpets, &c.
Fifteen days journey up the country there is said to be a very rich gold
mine and it was not long since the French plundered a bark with 800
weight of gold-dust on board, which it was bringing from the mine. Some
men of credit told me, that the mines here are more profitable than even
Mexico or Peru; but that the Tapoyars, who inhabit the inland plains,
are an unconquerable race of men, taller and stronger than the
Portuguese, and not to be brought to labour. The Brasilian women are
very fruitful, have easy labours, retire to the woods, where they are
delivered alone, and return no more till after a certain time allotted
for purification.
On Tuesday the 30th of November we weighed anchor; but a tornado coming
on, we tacked, and stood under the island till its fury abated. On the
1st of December both ships sailed out of the bay, and pursued their
course to the southward till the 21st, without meeting with any
remarkable occurrence; but on that day a young man fell from the
mizen-top-sail yard, and fractured his skull.
On the 23d we made land, which I supposed to be Falkland’s Island, in
lat. 51 deg. 25 min. S. by estimation.
On the 24th, as we ran along shore, the land looked like some part of
England, having several good bays and valleys, but believe it to be
wholly uninhabited.
On the 5th of January, 1709, we had a violent gale of wind at
north-west, and very bad weather. At two in the afternoon we reefed both
courses, then lowered our fore-yard, and lay by till five, at which time
our waste was filled with water, and we expected the ship to sink every
moment: got down our fore-yard as well as we could, and loosed the
sprit-sail to wear the ship, which at last we accomplished; but in
wearing we thought we should have foundered with the weight of water
that was in her waste. Thus we scudded before the wind, the Duke
following, and at nine shipped a sea in the poop, as we in the cabbin
were going to supper. It beat in all the cabbin-windows and bulk-head,
and hove the first Lieutenant halfway between the decks, with several
muskets and pistols that hung there, darting a sword that was against
the bulk-head of the cabbin through my man’s hammock and rug, which hung
against the bulk-head of the steerage; and, had not the bulk-head of the
great cabbin given way, all we who were there must inevitably have been
drowned before the water could have been discharged. Our yaul was staved
on the deck, and it was a wonder that many were not killed with the
shutters, the bulk-head, and the arms, which were driven with a
prodigious force; but Providence delivered us from this and many other
dangers; only one man or two were hurt, and some bruised; but not one
rag of dry cloaths was left us, our chests, beds, and bedding, being all
soaked in sea-water. Next day the storm abated, and we continued our
course, coasting very far to the south, where we endured much cold, by
which many of our men were greatly affected, insomuch that a third part
of both ships companies fell sick, occasioned, as I suppose, by their
being long wet and cold. We were now in lat. 61 deg. 48 min. S. long.
from Falkland’s Isles 18 deg. 5 min. W.
Monday 17, by a good observation I found that we were got round Cape
Horn, Terra del Fuego, and the Straits of Magellan, and to the northward
of Cape Vileria. On the 19th I reckoned we were to the northward of Port
St. Stephen on the coast of Patagonia in the Great South Sea.
On Monday the 31st, at eight in the morning, made the Island of Juan
Fernandez, where we designed to wood and water. In the afternoon Capt.
Dover went off in the pinnace to get some provisions, and in the evening
saw a fire ashore, which made us conclude there were ships in the road,
as we were assured the island had no inhabitants: we therefore made the
signal for the boat to return, and she accordingly come on board about
twelve at night.
Tuesday Feb. 1, we rowed and towed into the great bay, and came to an
anchor in 50 fathom water. All this day we had a clear ship expecting a
rencounter; but were much disappointed when, instead of a valuable
prize, we discovered only an odd figure of a man, who had been the sole
resident on the island for more than four years. His name was Alexander
Selkirk, a Scotchman, who had been Master of the Cinque-ports, the ship
that accompanied Dampier in his voyage to the South Seas, and was, as
Dampier said, one of the best men in her. Captain Rogers immediately
agreed with him to be his mate. It was this man who made the fire in the
night when he saw our ships, which he judged to be English. During his
stay here, he saw several ships pass by; but only two came to an anchor.
As he went to view them, he found them to be Spaniards, and retired from
them; upon which they shot at him. Had they been French he would have
submitted, but chose to risque his dying alone on the island rather than
fall into the hands of the Spaniards, because he apprehended they would
either murder, or make a slave of him in the mines; for he feared they
would spare no stranger that might be capable of discovering the South
Seas. The Spaniards had landed before he knew what they were, and they
came so near him that he had much ado to escape; for they not only shot
at him, but pursued him to the woods, where he climbed to the top of a
tree, at the foot of which they charged their pieces, and killed several
goats just by, but went off again without discovering him. He told us,
that he was born at Largo, in the county of Fife, and was bred a sailor
from his youth. The reason of his being left here was a difference
between him and his Captain, which, together with the ship’s being
leaky, made him willing rather to stay here, than go along with him at
first, and when he was at last willing to go his Captain would not
receive him. He had been at the island before to wood and water, when
two of the ship’s company were left upon it for six months, till the
ship returned, being chaced thence by two French South Sea ships. He had
with him his cloaths and bedding, with a firelock, some powder, bullets,
and tobacco; a hatchet, a knife, a kettle, a bible, some practical
pieces, and his mathematical instruments and books. He diverted and
provided for himself as well as he could; but for the first eight months
he had much ado to bear up against melancholy, and the terror of being
left alone in such a desolate place. He built two huts in
Piemento-trees, covered them with long grass, and lined them with the
skins of goats which he killed with his gun as he wanted, so long as his
powder lasted, which was but a pound, and that being almost spent, he
got fire by rubbing two sticks of Piemento wood together upon his knee.
In the lesser hut, at some distance from the other, he drest his
victuals, and in the larger he slept, and employed himself in reading,
singing psalms, and praying; so that he said he was a better Christian
while in this solitude than ever he was before, or than, he was afraid,
he should ever be again.
At first he never eat any thing till hunger constrained him, partly for
grief, and partly for want of bread and salt, nor did he go to bed till
he could watch no longer. The Piemento wood, which burnt very clear,
served him both for fire and candle, and refreshed him with its fragrant
smell. He might have had fish enough, but could not eat them for want of
salt, because they occasioned a looseness, except crayfish, which are as
large as lobsters, and very good. These he sometimes boiled, and at
other times broiled, as he did his goat’s-flesh, of which he made good
broth. He kept an account of 500 that he killed while there, and caught
as many more, which he marked in the ear and let go. When his powder
failed he took them by speed of feet, for his way of living and
continual exercise cleared him of all gross humours, so that he ran with
wonderful swiftness through the woods and up the rocks and hills, as we
perceived, when we employed him to catch goats for us. We had a bull-dog
which we sent with several of our nimblest runners to help him to catch
goats; but he distanced and tired both the dog and the men, caught the
goats, and brought them to us on his back. He told us that his agility
in pursuing a goat had once like to have cost him his life. He pursued
it with so much eagerness that he catched hold of it on the brink of a
precipice of which he was not aware, the bushes hiding it from him so
that he fell with the goat down the precipice a great height, and was so
bruised with the fall that he narrowly escaped with his life; and, when
he came to his senses, found the goat dead under him. He lay there about
twenty-four hours, and was scarce able to crawl to his hut, which was
about a mile distant, or to stir abroad again in ten days. He came at
last to relish his meat without salt or bread. He had a constant supply
of good turneps, which had been sown there by Captain Dampier, and have
now overspread some acres of ground. He had good cabbage from the
cabbage-trees that grow wild upon the island, and seasoned his meat with
the fruit of the Piemento-trees, which is the same as Jamaica-pepper,
and smells deliciously. He found also a black-pepper, called Malageta,
which was very good to expel wind and strengthen the stomach. He soon
wore out all his shoes and cloaths by running in the woods; and at last,
being forced to shift without them, his feet became so hard that he ran
every where without difficulty; and it was some time before he could
wear shoes after we found him; for, not being used to any so long, his
feet swelled when he came to wear them again. After he had conquered his
melancholy, he diverted himself sometimes with cutting his name upon the
trees, sometimes with contrivances to vary and increase his stock of
tools, and sometimes in clear evenings in counting the stars. He was at
first much pestered with cats and rats that had bred in great numbers
from some of each species which had got ashore from ships that put in
there to wood and water. The rats gnawed his feet and cloaths while he
slept, which obliged him to cherish the cats with his goat’s flesh, by
which many of them became so tame, that they would be about him in
hundreds, and soon delivered him from the rats. He likewise tamed some
kids; and, to vary his diversions, would now and then sing and teach
them to dance; so that by his natural flow of humour, and the vigour of
his youth, being now but 30 years old, he came at last to conquer all
the inconveniences of his solitude, and to be very easy. When his
cloaths were worn out, he made himself a coat and a cap of goats-skins,
which he stitched together with little thongs of the same that he cut
with his knife. He had no other needle but a nail; and, when his knife
was worn out to the back, he made others of some iron hoops that were
ashore, which he beat thin, and ground upon stones. Having some linnen
cloth by him, he sewed himself some shirts with a nail, and stitched
them with the worsted of his old stockings, which he pulled out on
purpose. He had his last shirt on when we found him on the island. At
his coming on board us, he had so much forgot his language for want of
use, that we could scarce understand him; for he seemed to speak his
words by halves. We offered him a dram; but he would not touch it,
having drank nothing but water since his being there; and it was some
time before he could relish our victuals. He could give us no account of
any other product of the island than what we have mentioned, except some
black plumbs, which are very good, but hard to come at, the trees which
bear them growing on high mountains and rocks.
[Illustration: _Alexander Selkirk Makes his Cats and Kids dance before
Capt^n. Cook and his Company._]
The officers that went first on shore were invited to his retreat; but
the way to it being very rugged and intricate, only a very few of them
had curiosity enough to visit it. He had conceived an irreconcileable
aversion to an officer on board the Cinque Ports, who, he was informed,
was on board the Duke; but, not being a principal in command, he was
prevailed upon to wave that circumstance, and to accompany Captain
Dampier, for whom he had a friendship. He was very useful while the
ships staid at Juan Fernandez, in supplying them with fresh provisions,
and in facilitating the business of taking in wood and water. He said,
he had seen snow and ice in July, which is the middle of winter in that
climate; but the months of September, October, and November, are
inconceiveably pleasant; the air being perfumed with a fragrance that
cherishes and revives the spirits, and has a wonderful effect upon
animals, as well as men, which Selkirk remarked by their playwardness
and plumpness. He particularly directed us to a plant not much unlike
feverfew, of a most grateful and cordial scent, with which we strewed
the tents of the sick, who were thereby much comforted, and their cure
facilitated. We gathered many bundles of it, dried them in the shade,
and sent them on board.
On the 13th of February, a general council of officers was held on board
the Duke, when many necessary regulations were agreed to, for the
maintenance of order, discipline, and secrecy; among which, two
inspectors were appointed from on board the Duke, to take account of all
prizes taken by the Dutchess; and the like number from the Dutchess, to
register such as should be taken by the Duke.
While we continued in this bay the carpenters fitted up the pinnaces,
the frames of which were ready prepared at Bristol, at our first setting
out.
On the 14th the pinnaces were launched, and having each a gun fitted to
her prow, were tried in the bay, to see how they would sail, being
intended to serve as small ships of war, to examine the harbours where
the large ships could not venture to approach the shore. And now, having
all things in readiness, we began to prepare for our departure, all our
sick men being recovered, except two who died, and were buried on the
island.
On the 15th we cleared the bay, and pursued a northerly course till the
24th, when we crossed the Tropic of Capricorn, and shot some Tropic
birds about the size of a partridge, with only a single feather in their
tails, but that very long, and very taper. We had now the sea as smooth
as a pond; and, having little to do, we ordered the men to attend
prayers regularly twice a day; prohibited gaming, to prevent the artful
from taking advantage of the simple; and imposed a penalty against
swearing, by which that vice was almost excluded the ships company.
On Monday the 28th I ordered three of our men to be put in irons, for
cutting the meat in the steep-tub, and hiding it; and on the 2d of
March, Captain Courtney caused them to be whipped and pickled, by way of
example.
On Thursday the 14th of March, Captain Rogers, Captain Dover, and
Captain Dampier, came on board the Dutchess; and concluded, that the
strict observation of Lent having prevented the Spaniards from
trafficking in those seas, the most eligible plan would be to bear away
under an easy sail for Lobos, and there to supply ourselves with boats
to land at Guayaquil; but in the afternoon, saw a sail, gave chace, and
took her. She came from Guayaquil, and was bound for Cheripe to load
flour, and had been out 16 days. The crew were all Indians, except one
Spanish passenger. They had nothing on board but about 50l. in money to
pay for their cargo, and told us, that part of the new town of Guayaquil
had lately been burnt; that the Jesus Maria, formerly a man-of-war, was
coming from Lima to be there rebuilt; that another large ship was
expected from Panama at Payta; and that they had heard nothing of any
English men-of-war or privateers being in those seas.
On the 16th we made the island of Lobos, and in the evening anchored in
the road. It lies in lat. 6 deg. 5 min. S. about 16 leagues from the
continent, is barren, and affords neither wood nor water; but there is
good riding for ships, and harbours proper for repairing and careening.
Here the prize was fitted up, and it was agreed, that I should go out in
her with 35 men, to cruise in company with the Dutchess; and with that
view she was new named, and called _The Beginning Galley_.
On the 26th, at day-break, we saw a ship standing to the southward, and
soon came up with her. She was a bark of 50 tons, bound from Guayaquil
to Truxillo, with timber and cocoa-nuts. It was agreed, that Captain
Courtney should stand in with her in the night; and that I should
continue to cruise till farther orders, which on the 27th I received,
and the same evening came to an anchor by the Duke and Dutchess in
Lobos-road. Next day, the prisoners being examined, reported, that a
ship of 36 brass guns was expected from Lima with the Viceroy of Mexico
and his mother on board; and that they were bound to Panama. Upon this
intelligence it was resolved in full council to cruise in quest of this
ship, and if she escaped to attack Guayaquil.
While the Duke lay at Lobos, the carpenters built a large boat to land
men, in case of an attack; and, having made all necessary preparations,
and the sick men from both ships being put on board the last prize,
which was called the _Increase_, our first Lieutenant was ordered to
command the _Beginning Galley_; and on the 31st of March we left Lobos,
and agreed to cruise six leagues to the windward of the Saddle of Payta,
as the most likely station to succeed in our enterprize.
On the 2d of April we fell in with a large ship, of 400 tons, from
Panama, heavily laden with dry goods, commanded by Captain Morel, and
thought to be one of the largest merchant-ships in all those seas. He
had 50 or 60 blacks on board, besides several passengers.
The next day we took another prize of small value, having only about 90
or 100l. in plate, and a small quantity of timber. She was of 50 tons
burden, commanded by Juan Perezillo Bastillo, who told us that a bishop
was coming by sea from Panama to Lima with 200,000 pieces of eight, and
a considerable quantity of family plate; but no ship appearing in sight
from the 3d to the 9th, it was then upon consultation agreed to call in
the cruisers, and to attempt the conquest of Puna and Guayaquil. This
resolution being taken in council, it was next debated, who should
command in chief on shore; and, after a warm contest, it was at length
agreed, that Captain Rogers and Captain Courtney should each command a
company of seamen, and Captain Dover a party of landmen; that Captain
Dover should give the word of command the first night, and the other two
Captains take their turns.
On Sunday the 10th, Mr. Vanbrugh, the owners agent, was removed from the
council, and Mr. Samuel Hopkins was chosen in his room; the charge
against him was founded on killing the Indian, as already mentioned, and
engaging to vote with Captain Rogers upon all occasions. Captain Dover
likewise charged him with insolence, and with disobeying orders.
On the 12th, the attack of Guayaquil was finally settled, and the whole
fleet set sail for that harbour. Some new regulations were framed, and
fresh encouragement proposed to animate the men to behave resolutely.
The three commanding officers selected each their respective parties,
Captain Dover the marines, and the Captains Rogers and Courtney two
parties of sailors, 75 men in each; Captain Dampier commanded the
artillery, and was to form a body of reserve, to act as occasion should
offer. The whole number employed in this service amounted to 238
effective men. The care of the ships and prizes was at the same time
entrusted to the Captains Cooke and Fry, who, besides a small complement
of sailors, had 226 Indians and blacks on board.
Friday 15. Saw a sail near the shore, and, having little wind, the
Duke’s boat commanded by Captain Fry, and ours by myself, made directly
for her, going off in such haste that neither of us had the swivel guns
we used to carry, nor our full complement of men. The Duke’s boat
nearing her first, she put out Spanish colours, fired a gun, and hoisted
her Spanish flag at the main-top-mast head. The Duke’s boat then lay by
for us to come up. We saw she was French-built, and, by the description
the prisoners had given us, concluded it must be the ship we had been so
long cruising for, which was to carry the Bishop. Our ships being almost
out of sight, and the Spaniards so near the coast, we resolved to lay
her on board on each bow, and accordingly fell to it. The dispute was
hot for a long time, we keeping a constant fire, and the enemy returning
it, who killed two of Captain Fry’s men, besides wounding one of his and
two of mine. One of the killed was Mr. John Rogers, our second
Lieutenant, and brother to Captain Rogers. The Duke’s boat, finding the
enterprize desperate, bore away; and some time after we did the like:
but Captain Fry having put some of his men aboard of us, given us some
powder and shot, and taken in our wounded, I made again to the chace,
resolving to keep her from the shore, and, rather than fail, to clap her
aboard. The Spaniards, perceiving our design, edged off to sea, and we
followed them. Our ships came up apace, and the Dutchess having fired a
shot or two, she struck her colours, and surrendered. The men begged for
good quarter, and we promised them all civility. This ship came from
Panama, and was bound for Lima, to be fitted out for a man of war. There
were 70 blacks, and many passengers, with a considerable quantity of
pearls, on board: the lading consisted of bale goods, and some things
belonging to the Bishop; but they had set him, with his attendants,
ashore at point St. Helena, from whence he was to go by land to
Guayaquil. While the French possessed this vessel, she was called La
Lune d’Or. She was of 270 tons burden, and commanded by Don Joseph de
Arizabella.
Saturday 16. Took a small bark laden with hides, and some flour, and
buried our Lieutenant, being all much concerned for the loss of so good
an officer.
Sunday 17. All things being now in order, our men went aboard the two
barks in order to land, and Captain Fry and I took charge of the ships,
prizes, and prisoners.
Monday 18. At one in the morning, being near the island Santa Clara, our
two barks with the land forces left us.
Tuesday 19. The boats rowed with 45 men towards the island Puna, and
came to a grappling close under the land, out of sight of the look-outs.
We seized the Governor of the island, and sent our carpenter and two or
three hands along the shore, to cut all the bark-logs and canoes in
pieces, for fear they should get away and alarm the town of Guayaquil.
Thursday 21. I sent the Beginning a-head, for fear of danger, who,
seeing a vessel riding close under point Arena, fired two swivel guns at
her; but found nobody on board. She was a new Spanish bark going to load
salt, and had nothing in her but a few jars of water. At five in the
afternoon the transports rowed for the town of Guayaquil, and at eleven
at night were so near as to hear one centinel call to another for fire
to be brought. Perceiving we were discovered, we rowed over to the other
side, and saw a fire made where the centinels talked, and soon after
many lights all over the town. We heard them likewise ring the
alarm-bell, and fire several volleys; and we observed them to light a
fire on the hill to give the town notice of our being come up the river.
Hereupon the boats came to a grappling, when such a hot dispute arose
among some of our chief officers, that they were heard ashore; the
officers differing in their opinions, whether to land immediately, or
stay till morning; however, at last it was agreed, that, since we did
not know the ground, it was best to stay till day-light.
Friday 22. Our forces being all joined, we sent a flag of truce, with
the Captain of the French-built ship, and another prisoner, to the
Corregidor, who asked him our number, which the Captain magnified. The
Corregidor suggested that we were mere boys; but the Captain replied, he
would find we were men, for we had fought him bravely in our open boats,
though he had killed one of the Commander’s brothers, and wounded and
killed others; and therefore advised him to agree for the ransom of the
town.
Saturday 23. The pinnace went up the river after some vessels, and
brought six of them to anchor by our barks; and we also took possession
of two new ships, of about 400 tons each. We then went ashore with a
flag of truce, and the Governor came on board to agree about the ransom
of the town and ships; but this not being then concluded, he promised to
meet the Captain at seven in the evening, but was not so good as his
word.
Sunday 24. The Governor came off again to treat, and our Captains would
have seized him for having forfeited his word; but he alledging that it
was incompatible with his coming with a flag of truce, was set ashore
again, and all things were made ready for the attack. Accordingly the
men landed, and, being commanded to proceed, they went on with so much
bravery, that the Spaniards fired only their first volley and fled, our
people pressing and pursuing them to their cannon, which they soon
deserted, the gunner only, who was an Irishman, standing by them till he
was wounded in four places, of which wounds he soon after died. Our men
then marched in a body through both towns, drove out the enemy, and,
placing three guards in the three churches, set fire to five or six
houses adjoining to the wood, lest the enemy should annoy our guard,
which was within pistol-shot. All this night they kept firing out of the
woods at our centinels, but did them no harm. In the mean time, the
Dutchess’s pinnace, commanded by Lieutenant Connely, went up the river,
landed at every house, took the plate and what else of value they found,
and had some skirmishes with the enemy, in which one of our men was
wounded.
Monday 25. In the night one of our centinels shot another belonging to
us, who was going from his post, and did not answer when challenged
three times; our first Lieutenant’s pistol went off by his side, and
wounded him in the leg; and another of our men was also shot through the
foot by one of our own people: moreover, our surgeon cut off a man’s arm
who had been hurt by one of our grenadoe-shells, which broke in the bark
when fired out of the cohorne. The afternoon was spent in shipping off
provisions from the town, and disposing all things in case of an attack
in the night.
Tuesday 26. A flag of truce came to treat concerning ransoming the town,
which was at last agreed on for 30,000 dollars. We were to have three
hostages, and to stay at Puna till they could raise the money.
Wednesday 27. The hostages came on board; and we took down our Union
flag, and hoisted a flag of truce, firing a gun for a signal that the
Spaniards might come into the town, and that no farther hostilities
should be committed on either side.
Thursday 28. Our barks weighed with the beginning of the ebb, the Duke’s
pinnace making the best of her way down to the ships; and the float,
after going ashore to fetch off the great guns, weighed also, and fell
down the river.
Friday 29. Captain Rogers came aboard, and gave us an account that they
had taken, plundered, and ransomed the town of Guayaquil; that three of
our men had been killed, two by our own people, and one by the
Spaniards, and four wounded; that the inhabitants, whilst treating, had
carried off their money and plate, retiring to the woods, and leaving
their guns, four whereof were taken, with a considerable quantity of
meal, pease, sugar, brandy, and wine, all which was coming down in the
barks. This day Hugh Tidcomb, who was shot by his fellow-centinel, died.
At four in the afternoon, spied a sail standing up the river with the
tide of flood: we sent both ship’s boats after her, and before night
they brought her in. She was a small Spanish bark from Cheripe, having
on board 330 bags of meal, 35 hundred weight of sugar, some onions,
quinces, and pomegranates. This, with the six barks, and two great ships
ransomed by the town of Guayaquil, made fourteen prizes taken in those
seas.
Sunday 30. Captain Rogers went aboard the French-built ship to carry her
up to Puna, in hopes of disposing of her cargo and some of the blacks,
who only served to eat up our provisions; as also to bring down what
water and provisions could be got; Captain Courtney being gone there
before on the same account.
Monday, May 1. A boat came down from the town with part of the ransom,
whereupon most of the prisoners were set on shore.
Thursday 5. Captain Rogers returned with the French-built ship, the
Spaniards having bought none of her cargo; but they had paid 24,000
dollars, part of the 30,000 ransom; upon which, the Governor of Puna,
one of the hostages, was discharged, but the others kept.
Friday 6. In the afternoon the Duke and the prizes joined us, when we
were seven sail in all. A boat came down with about 3000 dollars more,
in money and plate; and the men told us, that the other 3000 dollars
would soon come, and 12,000 more to purchase goods: but this we supposed
to be a trick, to keep us till the men-of-war could come from Lima;
whereupon we made all possible dispatch to get out of the bay, kept
three of the hostages, and sent the prisoners ashore. The Beginning,
being of no other use, since we had better vessels, we sold to the
Spaniards for the value of 50l. in pearl, gold chains, &c. and put the
prisoners aboard, but kept pilots, and a man that could speak English,
the President of Panama’s son, and the hostages. The weather being very
hot, some of our men fell into fevers; and in a few days we had near 100
sick, and among the number Capt. Courtney.
Sunday 8. Sailed with a small breeze at N. W. At noon it began to blow
fresh; but nothing material happened till the 13th, when, believing
ourselves near the longitude of the Gallapagoes, where we designed to
water, fit our ships, and refresh our men, we lay by from six in the
evening till four the next morning, for fear of running by those islands
in the night.
Monday 16. Mr. Hopkins, Lieutenant of the marines, and one of the
doctors of the Duke, died.
Tuesday 17. Saw land, being one of the Gallapagoe islands. Next day the
Duke’s boat went on shore to seek for water, but could find none in any
of them, though Captain Cowley, in his voyage round the world, says
there is good water in one of them; but we missed the place.
The 20th, 21st, and 22d, we spent in plying among the islands, where the
boats found abundance of turtle, large rock-fish, and guanos. These
last-named creatures are larger here than those in other parts of the
West Indies, and are of several colours and sizes. They are eaten by the
seamen, and reckoned good meat, though their deformity made me loath
them.
Thursday 26. Captain Rogers and Captain Dover came aboard the Dutchess,
and, after holding a council, it was resolved to run in for the island
of Plata to water, and so come off again, for fear of meeting with two
French ships, one of 60, and the other of 46 guns, and the Spanish
men-of-war, which, we were told, would be shortly in search of us. Some
days before this we lost Mr. Hatley, who was in one of the prizes, with
five or six white men, four blacks, and an Indian, having on board
little or no provisions or water, and no boat; and we never more heard
of them.
Monday 30. The officers of the Duke came aboard, to consult about the
properest place to careen and water at; and ’twas agreed to go to the
island Gorgona, to see whether any Spanish ships were there, and from
thence to Mangla, where are some Indians, enemies to the Spaniards, who,
it was said, would supply us with swine and fowls, good water, turtle,
plantains, and other refreshments.
Wednesday, June 1. Some of our men were told, that a conspiracy was
forming on board the galleon among the prisoners and blacks. We examined
the Spaniards, who protested they knew nothing of it then put matches
between the fingers of two blacks, making them believe we would burn
them to the bone if they would not confess. They owned there had been a
talk of killing the English among the Indians and blacks, but they
believed it was not in earnest; however, they were dispersed into
several ships to break the combination.
Sunday 5. Saw a sail right-a-head of us, chaced, and at eight in the
evening came up with her, fired a chace-gun, and she struck. The vessel
was of about 80 tons burden, bound from Panama for Guayaquil, was laden
with iron and other merchandize, and had two women, and several
passengers of note on board, one of whom was going Governor to Baldivia,
whose name was Don Juan Cardoso, and who had been not long before taken
on the other side by the Jamaica cruisers.
Monday 6. Made the best of our way for Gorgona; and at three in the
afternoon next day, the Duke with the galleon came to an anchor in that
harbour. Same day saw a sail bearing down towards the island, till
spying the galleon in the offing, she stood to the westward. I went out
in the pinnace well-manned, and at noon took and brought her to an
anchor. She was a bark of 50 tons, called El Soldado, came out of a
small port the night before, and was bound for Guayaquil, to load salt,
brandy, &c. She had in her in gold chains and money to the value of 5 or
6 hundred pounds, designed to purchase her cargo.
Monday 13. Held a full council on board the Duke, and resolved to careen
our ships here as soon as possible. Here we continued till Sunday,
August the 7th; and in the mean time plundered a settlement on the main,
right opposite the island, set most of our prisoners on shore on the
continent, and brought seven beeves, 14 hogs, some poultry, about 50
bushels of Indian wheat, and a few goats on board: at the same time a
black born in Jamaica, who spoke very good English, and had been taken
with some Jamaica-men eight years before, came over to us in a canoe.
Captain Morel, too, formerly commander of the galleon, brought some
money and fruit, and a merchant or two, who bought some of our blacks.
During our stay at this island, Captain Rogers, Captain Courtney,
myself, and some other officers, underwent much fatigue in fitting up
the Marquis, for which ship we were forced to get entirely new masts and
yards, make most of the sails, and a great deal of new cordage. The
smith also made much new work; as did the carpenters, sail-makers,
riggers, and rope-makers, who all came to help us from each ship.
The 6th of August, I received my orders to command the Marquis, carrying
20 guns, 60 white men, and 16 blacks; and, the ships having taken in
their loading from the prizes, and all our business being over at the
island of Gorgona, we weighed anchor at 10 in the morning, and ran to
the north of the island: but the masts of the Marquis being new and
heavy, and a great weight of goods between decks, I found she proved
crank, and sailed dull upon the wind; so that the Duke and Dutchess were
fain to spare a great deal of sail for me to keep up with them.
Friday 12. Held a consultation about sending the Marquis and a bark
laden with bale-goods directly for India, to save provisions and gain
time; but this was opposed by Captain Courtney, and others, in regard to
the Marquis, which being a good vessel, might be of great use in case we
should meet with the Manilla ship, or the men-of-war we supposed were
looking for us.
Thursday, August 18. At six in the morning saw a sail a-head, gave
chace, and the Dutchess soon coming up with her, and firing a few guns,
she struck, being a bark of about 70 tons, bound from Panama to
Troxillo, with merchants goods, passengers, and blacks, on board. The
master told us, he had been detained three months at Panama by an
embargo, which being taken off upon advice that we were going to the
island of Juan Fernandez, he had set sail. Enquiring what ships were out
in quest of us, the prisoners said, they had advice at Panama of five or
six ships being ordered after us, two of them French, of 48 guns each,
and some Spanish, of the like force, and good sailors. They could tell
no other news, than that the whole coast was alarmed.
August 19. The Duke and Dutchess fired some vollies to exercise their
men. Next day we fell in with land about a league to the leeward of
Tacames, ran within a league of the shore, and on the 24th cast anchor
in the bay, from whence the Dutchess sent her pinnace ashore for water,
but could get none. Tacames is a village of only seven houses and a
church, standing in a bay, about seven leagues to the northward of Cape
Francisco. The houses are built of split bamboes, and covered with
Palmeto-leaves, standing on stilts or posts; and, instead of stairs,
they have a piece of timber cut in notches to ascend by. The men employ
themselves in killing wild swine with bows and arrows, and striking fish
with their lances, at both which they are very dexterous. The women have
only a piece of baize tied about their middle, and carry their children
at their backs. They are under the authority of the Spanish priests, and
are not permitted to trade without their licence.
On the 27th. They received a letter of leave, and our boats went ashore
to the houses for cattle; and on the 28th and 29th continued trading and
watering till we had sufficiently supplied the ships. In return for the
civility of these Fathers, I sent as a present to the church at Tacames
four large images, one of which was the Virgin Mary with our Lord and
Saviour in her arms; and I believe Captain Rogers and Captain Courtney
also gave something to adorn their church. On Wednesday the 31st of
August we set sail, the wind being at S. W.
Thursday, Sept. 1. Saw abundance of water-snakes, one of which was
coming up the side of our ship, and our men beat it off. The Spaniards
say, there is no cure for such as are bit by them; and one of our blacks
happened to fall under that misfortune, and died, notwithstanding the
utmost care was taken by our surgeons to recover him.
On Wednesday, Sept. 7. Made one of the Gallapagoe islands. On the 10th,
stood close in for the head-land, sending our boat on shore for water
and turtle. At night our boat came aboard, bringing 13 turtle, some
weighing 200 weight; the other boats got near 50 each; and the
Dutchess’s several land-turtle, but no water. Our men saw several jars,
and some of the wreck and rudder of a vessel, and should have guessed it
to be the prize Captain Hatley lost when here before, but the rudder was
too small for her.
Wednesday 14. The Dutchess, Marquis, and small prize, weighed, ran out,
and lay by for the Duke, which could not get out for want of wind. On
the 15th, set sail in the morning; and, considering the sun was directly
over our heads, the weather was cold, occasioned, as I believe, by the
southerly winds, which are coldest in those parts.
Thursday, Sept. 22. The Marquis kept the pump continually going, having
sprung two leaks, not being well caulked at Gorgona; therefore weared
her on the other tack, and stopt one leak, but could not find the other,
being about the stern. Weared again, and stood to the westward.
Friday 22. At a consultation on board the Duke, it was agreed to steer
to the Islands Marias, for a convenient place to refit, wood, and water;
then to cruise in quest of the Manilla ship, which was large, and of
great value, being reported by the Spaniards to be worth 2,000,000
sterling.
On the 3d of October. Cape Corientes appeared, bearing N. E. 10 leagues;
and on the 4th in the morning we made the islands called Tres Marias, at
the distance of about 16 leagues; but could not fetch them till the 6th,
when we got under the lee of one of them. I lay off with the ship, and
sent the boat ashore for water and turtle; but neither the one nor the
other was to be got, because of the surff.
Before our coming to this place, we discovered the white rock, formerly
mentioned by Dampier, and took it for a ship on the sight of which the
Dutchess let go the bark she had in tow, telling her to make the best of
her way to the middle island; under the lee of which both the Duke and
Dutchess came to an anchor on the 7th and 8th; and I might have been
there as soon, had I not seen the bark six or seven leagues to leeward.
It was fortunate that I came in time to relieve her, otherwise she must
have perished, having neither wood nor water on board, and not being
able to make up against the wind and current to reach the land. I bore
down to her, supplied her wants, and took her in tow till the 20th in
the morning, when the middle island bearing north, distant about seven
leagues, we saw a sail coming from the island before the wind, which
proved the Dutchess, who came in search of us, and was glad to find us
safe; brought us some water and turtle, and told us there was game
enough in the island, if we could bear up to it. Captain Courtney took
us in tow, to help us in the sooner, having cleaned his ship’s bottom
before he set sail to come to our assistance.
On the 11th, I came to an anchor, after much trouble and fatigue in
plying so long against the wind and current. Seven of Captain Rogers’s
best blacks this day left him, and ran away. We continued in this bay
till
Monday the 24th, when a general council was held, at which it was
resolved to cruise off Cape St. Lucas for the Manilla ship, all our
ships being now very well fitted, wooded, watered, and provided with
turtle. Several warm debates happened in council among our chief
officers; and Captain Dover quitted the Duke, and went on board the
Dutchess, by his own free choice. I endeavoured to accommodate these
differences, but to no purpose, which gave several of us great concern.
The islands of Tres Marias, where we anchored, abound with animals of
various kinds, and the shores with fish; among these the sea and land
turtle may be accounted of most use to navigators. Of the sea-turtle
there are various sorts; as the green, which are the sweetest and best;
the hawk’s-bill, which are very good; and the logger-head, which the
sailors never refuse when the others are not to be caught. The method of
taking them is by turning them, and when they are on their backs, they
appear as in the Plate, fig. 1.
[Illustration: Miscellaneous Plate of fish, trees, &c.]
The land-turtle lives constantly ashore, feeds upon grass, moves very
slow, and, when an enemy approaches, covers itself under its shell,
squatting close to the ground, from which it is not easily discernible,
appearing like a bare patch without verdure. The shells of these animals
are so hard, that a man may tread upon them without hurting them. Their
flesh is very good and nourishing. They will live five or six weeks
without food, and appear to be never the worse. They lay round eggs,
about the size of a hen’s, and are very good to eat. Some of the
sea-turtle taken in the bay where we anchored had 200 eggs in them. Our
men lived almost wholly upon turtle, and their eggs, from the time they
went first to the Gallapagoes till their departure for the East Indies,
saving their ship-provisions till their run across the South Seas. For
the land-turtle, see fig. 2.
At these islands our men caught plenty of the fish called old wives.
They have very small mouths, large eyes, a high fin on the back, and
shaped as you see fig. 3. The colour of the body is a deep blue; the
fins of a lighter colour, tipped with yellow. Others are of an
ash-colour on the back, and white under the belly.
The rock-fish we caught in the island of Tres Marias were large, had
great mottled fins, yellow backs, red bellies, and red and black tails.
See fig. 4.
Another fish our men caught was the cavallo, in shape not much unlike
the dolphin, with a large bright eye, black back, white belly, a long
streak from his gills to the middle of his tail, and is about the size
of a mackarel. See fig. 5.
A small fish we found there, about six inches long, was very delicious;
the back of an indigo-blue, a deep yellow streak running from the gills
to the tail, the belly white, and the tail forked. It seems peculiar to
these islands, and wants a name. See fig. 6.
Of the animals, the racoon was the most plentiful. It has a large black
eye, whiskers and nose like a pig, tail and feet like a rat, a brownish
fur on his back, and a white belly. See fig. 7.
Of the venomous creatures, the scorpion is the most noxious; its tail is
jointed with a small sting at the tip; it has two claws like those of
the lobster; and its head and feet have a near resemblance to those of
the same fish. See fig. 8.
Among the singing-birds found in those islands, the cardinal bird was
seen in greatest abundance. It is a very beautiful bird, with scarlet
feathers, and on its head the male has a tuft of the same colour. They
are of the same kind with those we call the Virginia Nightingale; but
the Spaniards call them cardinal birds, from their scarlet feathers. See
fig. 9.
Among the vegetables we found the magney-plant, or silk-grass, of which
the Indians make ropes, sails, sacks, and all their curious netting. It
also yields a liquor of which they make wine, honey, and a good balsam.
The liquor as it comes from the plant is as sweet as sugar; after
standing it becomes a wine, and will intoxicate powerfully. It has thick
juicy leaves, not unlike those of the houseleek, but grows up to a
considerable height in the form represented by fig. 10; And, when it has
stood about six years, the Indians cut out the middle leaves, leaving
the heart of the plant hollow, which of itself fills with the juice, and
is every morning during the season taken out and preserved. Of this
juice the Spaniards make spirits; and it is so universally used in one
shape or other by the Spaniards and Indians in New Spain, that the duty
arising from it in one year is said to have amounted to 110,000 pieces
of eight at the port of Angels alone.
The prickly tree found on those islands is esteemed a great curiosity.
The trunk of it is angular, and covered with prickles; is of a pale
green, and yields a gum which the druggists call euphorbium, which is
said to be powerful in removing pains in the head. It grows about 12
feet high, in the form represented in the plate, fig. 11.
These were the principal peculiarities observable in the animal and
vegetable tribes at the islands of Tres Marias.
On Tuesday, Oct. 2, at two in the afternoon, we weighed, and set sail
for Cape St. Lucas, where we spread ourselves for fear the Manilla ship
should pass by unseen. The Duke cruised about two leagues to the
southward of the Dutchess, the Dutchess in the middle, and the Marquis
two leagues to the northward of her. Place of rendezvous six or seven
leagues in sight of Cape St. Lucas.
Nov. 1. The Marquis sprang two great leaks, and broke the collar of the
fore-stay, which obliged me to wear the ship to fix the stay, and then
hauled up after the other ships, and stopped the leaks.
Tuesday 2. All the officers and men on board the Marquis signed an
instrument, obliging themselves to stand by the articles agreed to by
the companies of the other ships.
Nov. 4. I spoke with Captain Courtney, and changed stations with him, he
having better boats than mine to send ashore for water and turtle; or,
in case of seeing the Manilla ship, to prevent her sending the
passengers ashore with their wealth. The 10th, the Duke and Dutchess
having spoken with each other, changed stations, the Duke going in for
the shore, and the Dutchess off to the outward station.
Nov. 22. Captain Rogers informed me, that the bark and his boat had been
in with the shore, and had spoken with the natives, who seemed very
civil, and had pearl and some grain to dispose of; and that there was
wood and water enough. Nothing material happened till
Dec. 13, when we had a consultation on board the Dutchess, to enquire
into the stock of provisions on board the ships, and found by the
accounts given in, that only three months meat at short allowance, and
two months bread, remained unexpended; and, as there was no appearance
of the Manilla ship, though the usual time of her coming was elapsed, it
was agreed to make all possible dispatch in fitting up the ships, in
order to make the best of our way across the Pacific Ocean, that we
might take the advantage of the trade-winds to carry us to Guam on our
return home. In pursuance of this resolution, I was ordered into
harbour, as the Marquis wanted more considerable repairs than either of
the other two, and the Duke and Dutchess proposed to cruise a few days
longer, while I was getting forward to be in readiness to accompany them
to Europe.
On the 14th, I bore away for Puerto Seguro, and on the 15th entered the
harbour at midnight.
On the 16th proceeded to business, my first orders being to return again
to cruise as soon as possible; but these orders were afterwards
countermanded, it being absolutely necessary that all the ships should
rendezvous together before their final departure from the American
coast.
This place is inhabited by about 200 Indians, living in huts made of
boughs of trees and reeds, built like a bower, with a fire in the
middle, round which they lie and sleep. They all go naked, only the
women have short petticoats made of silk grass, or else of pelicans or
deers skins. The men are straight, and well limbed; live by fishing and
hunting, and value knives, scissars, nails, or iron, beyond gold and
silver. They have long black hair, and are of a dark-brown complexion.
The women are very ordinary, and employ themselves in gathering and
grinding corn, and in making fishing-lines. They are very honest and
very civil. They assisted in fitting up the ships, and took nothing away
but what was given them. Our people at their first coming got some
pearls among them, but I never could see any afterwards. I made signs
for them to bring gold; but they pointed up to the mountains. They use
bows and arrows, and even the boys are so dexterous as to kill birds
flying with them.
Dec 22. Being busy about our repairs, at 10 in the morning heard some
guns firing in the offing: I bent my sails to hasten to the assistance
of my consorts, but the sea-breeze coming on rendered it impossible;
whereupon I ascended an adjacent hill, and saw our ships engage and take
the Manilla ship, which we had been so long expecting.
The account Captain Rogers gives of the engagement is as follows: “At
day-break, says he, we saw the chace upon our weather-bow about a league
from us, the Dutchess a-head of her to leeward, near about half as far.
Towards six in the morning our boat came on board, having kept very near
the chace all night, and received no damage; but told us the Dutchess
passed by her in the night, and she fired two shot at him; but they
returned none. We had no wind, but got out eight of our ship’s oars, and
rowed about an hour, when there sprung up a small breeze. I ordered a
large kettle of chocolate to be made for our ship’s company, having no
spirituous liquors to give them. Then we went to prayers; and before we
had concluded, were disturbed by the enemy’s firing at us. They had
barrels hanging at each yard-arm that looked like powder-barrels, to
deter us from boarding them. About eight o’clock we began to engage her
by ourselves, for the Dutchess being to leeward, and having little wind,
did not come up. The enemy fired her stern chace upon us first, which we
returned with our fore-chace several times, till we came nearer, and
went close on board each other. We gave her several broadsides, plying
our small arms very briskly, which they returned as thick for a while,
but did not ply their great guns with the same alacrity. After some
time, we shot a little a-head of them, lying thwart her hawse, close
aboard; and plied her so warmly, that she soon struck her colours
two-thirds down. By this time the Dutchess came up, and fired about five
guns, with a volley of small shot; but the enemy, having submitted, made
no return. We sent our pinnace on board, and brought the Captain with
the Officers away; and, having examined them, found there came another
ship out from Manilla with them of larger burden, having about 40 brass
guns mounted, and as many patararoes; but they told us they lost her
company about three months ago, and reckoned she was got to Accapulco
before this time, she sailing better than this ship.
This prize was called by the swelling name of Nostra Signiora de la
Incarnacion Desengenio, Sir John Pichberty Commander. She had 20 guns,
20 patararoes, and 193 men on board, whereof nine were killed, ten
wounded, and several blown up with powder. We engaged them about three
glasses, in which time we had only myself and another man wounded. I was
shot through the left cheek; the bullet struck away part of my upper
jaw, and several of my teeth, part of which dropt down upon the deck
where I fell; and the other, an Irish landman, was slightly wounded in
the hip. They did us no great damage in our rigging, but their shot
disabled our mizzen-mast. I was forced to write what I had to say to
prevent the loss of blood, and because of the pain I suffered by
speaking.
On the 23d of December, after putting our ships to rights, we stood in
for the harbour, which was distant about seven leagues to the N. E. Our
surgeons went on board the prize to dress their wounded men. About four
in the afternoon we came to an anchor, and received the compliments of
all on board the Marquis on our sudden and unexpected success, which
gave us no small satisfaction. We found that ship in good condition,
ready to sail, and all the men on board her very brisk, and eager for
action.
At eight in the evening, we held a consultation on the two great points;
first, what should be done with the prisoners and hostages; and next,
how we should act with regard to the other Manilla ship, which we
thought at least there was a great probability of taking.
With respect to the first, we proposed, as the hostages from Guayaquil
were men of honour, and as we had good reason to believe that the
Chevalier Pichberry, being brother to the famous M. du Cass, was the
same, to make the best terms we could with them, and set them at
liberty. Accordingly, we put a part of the goods on board the bark into
the prize, and then offered the remainder with the bark, together with
what remained unpaid of the ransom, for 6000 pieces of eight, and to
take the Chevalier’s bills payable at London for the money. This they
accepted, and gave us an acknowledgement at the same time, that they
thought it a good bargain. When this was settled, we had nothing more to
do than to provide for our own security, and to look after the other
galleon.
I was very desirous of going out with the Dutchess to cruise for her;
but there having been some reflections cast, on account of the
Dutchess’s not engaging our last prize so soon as it was thought she
might have done, Captain Courtney was absolutely bent on going out with
the Marquis; and the officers of both ships voting for this in council,
my proposal was over-ruled, and we were forced to stay in the harbour
against our will. It was, however, agreed, that we should put 10 of our
best hands on board the Dutchess; and on Christmas eve she and the
Marquis sailed.”----We now return to Captain Cooke in the Marquis.
Sunday 25. At eight in the morning, being two leagues off Cape St.
Lucas, we saw a sail distant about seven leagues, which we concluded to
be the ship we were in pursuit of. The Dutchess was two leagues to the
westward, and we both gave chace. At noon the enemy bore south, distant
about five leagues. At 12 at night, the Dutchess got along-side, and
began to engage her. Captain Courtney fought her bravely about four
glasses, and then lay by to secure his masts, and knot his rigging,
which were much wounded and shattered. Our ship not being so good a
sailor as the Dutchess, could not come up.
Monday 26. As soon as it was day, we saw the Spaniard’s flag, and knew
him to be the Admiral of the Manilla. At eight we perceived the Duke
coming out to us. At two in the afternoon we got along-side the enemy;
but the wind shifting, could fetch no nearer than about half musket-shot
to leeward of her. She then fired two shot at us, and we returned a
broad side and vollies of small arms, beginning the combat with three
cheers. When we had fought two glasses, the Dutchess came up under her
stern, and raked her fore and aft, and then fell astern again, we still
continuing hot at her for five glasses: then weared, and stood to the
westward, to fetch nearer up to her; for firing so many guns had laid us
to leeward. The Dutchess went up, and engaged again very briskly for
half an hour, and then stretched a-head of her. We could perceive many
shot in her between wind and water. At five we tacked, and raked her
fore and aft with our starboard broadside, then weared under her stern,
and did the same with our larboard broadside; and firing several vollies
while we loaded our larboard guns again, gave her the other broadside.
By this time it grew dark, and we fell a-stern, to speak with the
Dutchess, and to get more ammunition, having but three rounds of shot
for most of our guns left. At eight I went on board the Dutchess, and
found her much disabled in her masts and rigging, and had seven men
killed and wounded. Capt. Courtney and I agreed to be yard-arm and
yard-arm with the enemy in the morning, he to lie on the bow, and I on
the quarter; and if he boarded, I was to clap him aboard, and enter my
men over him. Being supplied with more ammunition, I returned on board
the Marquis, both of us keeping close under the chace’s quarter, and
firing guns all night, to annoy the enemy, and to give the Duke notice
where we were. Before day the Duke joined us. The chace, mistaking him
for her consort, had made signals all night, and had edged away to meet
him, otherwise the Duke could not have come up, there being but very
little wind, and that contrary.
Then we all three agreed to fall upon the enemy at once, as soon as it
was light; but while we lay athwart her hawse, those guns that missed
the enemy flew through the Duke’s masts and rigging, which obliged him
to change his station, and to draw up along-side close aboard her, where
he kept up a constant fire of round shot, all other shot proving
ineffectual, because of the strength of the ship’s sides, which no other
shot would penetrate; and as none of the Spaniards appeared in sight,
but all kept to close quarters, it was in vain to make use of small
arms, except now and then, when a man appeared to observe our situation,
and to keep an eye upon their ensign. In this manner, the Dutchess lying
upon her hawse, the Duke along her broadside, and the Marquis athwart
her stern, we kept pelting her for four glasses; and, in the mean time,
the Duke received a shot in his main-mast, which much disabled it; and,
in shifting, both he and the Dutchess came back close under the enemy,
and had like to have been all aboard her. The Duke, in endeavouring to
recover his station, received a fire-ball, which lighting upon his
quarter-deck, blew up a chest of arms and cartouch-boxes, all loaded,
and several cartridges of powder in the steerage, by which means Mr.
Vanbrugh, our agent, and two others, were very much burnt; the Dutchess
going to lash to the enemy, was forced to cast off, and get clear, for
fear of being set on fire. The enemy fired at us all three at once, but
slowly, seldom missing our masts and rigging, and sometimes hulling us.
After lying near half an hour along the chace’s side, the Dutchess lay
by to stop her leaks, and secure her fore-mast, being very much
disabled, having 25 men killed and wounded, and the sails and rigging
much shattered. Captain Rogers some time after lay by to secure his
mast. Then I lay athwart the enemy’s hawse till I had fired three
broadsides, some odd guns, and several vollies; then gave another
broadside and some vollies into her stern. The Duke came up again, and
fired several guns, and both fell a-stern the chace, keeping under sail,
and standing to the westward. We knotted some of our rigging, and stopt
our leaks made with twelve pounders. Our main-mast was disabled also,
the sails and rigging much shattered; but the enemy, aiming to disable
my masts, I had the good fortune to have only my second mate, and some
others, blown up with powder. The ship was once set on fire by the
enemy’s stink-pots, but we soon put it out. About eleven I wore the
ship, and designed to have attacked the enemy again; but, seeing the
Duke and Dutchess lying by, the one with a waist in his ensign, and the
other with a Spanish jack, the signals to speak with one another, I
brought to. Captain Courtney came on board of me, and we both went on
board the Duke; where we considered the condition the three ships were
in, their masts and rigging being much damaged in a place where we could
get no recruit; that, if we engaged her again we could propose to do no
more than what we had already done, which was evident did her no great
hurt, because we could perceive few of our shot entered her sides to any
purpose, and our small arms availed less, there being not a man to be
seen above board; that the least thing in the world would bring the
Duke’s main-mast, and likewise the Dutchess’s foremast, by the board,
either of which by its fall might carry away another mast, and lay us a
perfect butt for the enemy, having nothing to command our ships with; so
that by his heavy guns he might either sink or take us; that, if we went
to board him, we should run a great hazard in losing a great many men
with little hope of success, they having above treble the number on
board to oppose us, and there being now, in all our three ships, not
above 120 men fit for boarding, and those but weak, having been very
short of provisions; so that, if we had boarded her, and been forced
off, or left any of our men behind, the enemy by that means would have
known our strength, and then gone into the harbour, and took possession
of the prize in spite of all we could do to prevent it. Besides our
ammunition was very short, having only enough to engage a few glasses
longer. All this being seriously considered, and knowing the difficulty
we should have to get masts, and the time and provisions we must spend
before we could get them fitted, we resolved to forbear attempting her
farther, since our battering her signified little, and we had not
strength enough to board her; therefore, we agreed to keep her company
till night, and then to lose her, and make the best of our way into the
harbour to secure the prize we had already taken. We engaged first and
last about seven hours, during all which time they had on board the Duke
but eleven men wounded, among whom was the Captain for the second time,
who had part of his heel-bone struck out with a splinter, and all under
his ancle cut above half through with the same; on board the Dutchess,
they had eleven killed, and more than that number wounded; and on board
us only two men scorched with gun-powder. The enemy’s was a brave,
lofty, new ship, named the Virginia, and this the first voyage she had
made. Her burden was 900 tons, and her complement of men 450, besides
passengers, 150 of whom were European pirates, who, having now got all
their wealth on board, were resolved to defend it to the last. The
gunner, who had a post at Manilla, was an expert man, and had provided
for her defence with great skill. He had filled up all the space between
the guns with bales to secure the men. We shattered her sails and
rigging very much, shot away her mizzen-yard, and killed two of her men
out of her tops, which was all the damage we could see done, though we
could not place less than 500 shot in her hull. Thus ended our attempt.
These large ships are built at Manilla, of excellent timber that will
not splinter; and their sides are thicker and stronger than those of
ships of the same burden constructed in Europe. Had we been together at
first, and boarded her, we might, perhaps, have taken her; but, after
her netting and close-quarters were fixed, she valued us but little. We
might, indeed, have burnt her, at the expence of one of our ships; but
that was objected to, not only from a principle of humanity, but because
we had goods of great value on board all our ships.
The enemy had heard at Manilla, that there were two ships fitted out at
Bristol to cruise in the South Seas, and that Captain Dampier was to be
their pilot; they had, therefore, provided for their own defence
accordingly. However, to do them justice, they fought gallantly, and,
had the two ships been together, it is more than probable that neither
of them had been taken; but as it happened, had not our unreasonable
squabbles prevented our sailing out together, the chance would have
rather been in our favour: yet this miscarriage, instead of leading to a
reconciliation, served only as a foundation for new disputes.
On the 1st of Jan. 1710, we returned again into port, and determined to
hasten home with all possible dispatch. The first thing of consequence
was to discharge our prisoners, and to provide for their voyage to
Accapulco; and this being dispatched, we applied to the settling of our
own affairs. We spent our time till the 7th in repairing the damage our
ships had received from the enemy, in taking in wood and water for our
voyage to the East-Indies, and in taking an account of the goods and
stores on board the prize: and it was no small satisfaction to find as
much bread on board the prize as with our own stock would serve us, at
short allowance, during our long run to Guam.
About this time a warm contest arose about appointing a Commander of the
Manilla ship, which was looked upon as a trust of no small consequence.
Captain Dover, being an owner, desired he might command in chief on
board her. Captain Rogers and several officers of the council contended,
that, as Captain Dover was wholly unacquainted with the navigating part
of the business, the command should be given to Captain Fry, or myself;
but, as I had already the command of the Marquis, I declined any farther
charge, and voted for Captain Dover; at the same time recommending
Captain Fry and Captain Stretton to act under him; against which Captain
Rogers and his officers entered their protest. However, on the 9th of
January, at a full council, it was carried against them, and voted by a
great majority, that the Captains Fry and Stretton should both act in
equal post in the sole navigating the Batchelor Frigate (for that was
the name now given to the Manilla prize), and in fighting her, if
occasion should require, under Captain Dover, who at the same time was
restrained from interrupting them in their business, but charged to be
careful of what was in the ship, and to see that nothing was acted on
board contrary to the interest of the owners and captors. The matter
being thus qualified, the nominal command given to Captain Dover, and
the executive power vested in the naval officers, Captain Rogers
withdrew his protest, and the council proceeded to the choice of the
inferior officers, appointing Alexander Selkirk master, and Joseph Smith
chief mate: they also agreed to furnish her complement of men, by
selecting 30 from the Duke, 25 from the Dutchess, and 13 from the
Marquis, which, with 36 Lascars taken on board her, formed a tolerable
crew of more than 100 mariners. This business being thus fully settled,
and the island of Guam pitched upon as the place of rendezvous in case
of separation, on the 10th of January we weighed anchor, and ran out at
midnight. At 12 the next day Cape St. Lucas bore north, distant about
five leagues. We steered away for some days S. W. by S. till we got into
the trade-winds, and then our course was uniform.
All the natives of California that we saw during our stay at Puerto
Seguro did not amount to 300. They had large limbs, were very straight
and tall, and of a much darker complexion than any other people that we
had met with in the South Seas. Their hair was long, lank, and black,
and hung down upon their hips. The men were all stark-naked; but the
women had a covering about their waists made of the silk-grass already
mentioned, fringed and knotted. All of them that we saw were old, and
miserably wrinkled; perhaps they concealed from us their maidens, for
reasons that need not be explained. The language of the natives was
guttural, very harsh, and unpleasant. They seemed to covet nothing that
we had, except axes, saws, and knives; and even these they did not
attempt to steal. Their huts were low, and wholly made up of branches of
trees; and seemed rather a kind of temporary coverings than settled
dwellings. While we lay in port they subsisted chiefly on fish; and
though they neither made use of nets or lines, yet they had a method of
striking them with lances that was very dexterous, and at which they
were very expert. They were besides most excellent divers, and instead
of canoes made use of rafts. They were very civil and inoffensive; and
were observed to pay great respect to one among them, whose head was
adorned with feathers very artificially combined, and who probably was
their wizard, or cunning-man. Some of them had strings of pearls, and
party-coloured shells so prettily intermixed, that, though we had
glass-beads, and other showy trinkets, yet they paid no sort of
attention to any of them; but prized their own ornaments above every
thing but cutting instruments. Their arms are bows and arrows, in the
use of which their boys were so expert as to shoot birds flying by way
of amusement. They grew very familiar with us while we staid, and came
frequently to gaze at the men as they cut wood and filled water, but
never offered to assist in any thing like labour. They get fire like
other Indians, by rubbing two sticks together, which kindle almost
instantaneously.
From this harbour we departed but very slenderly provided, having but
little live-stock, and hardly any liquors but what were found in the
prize. As soon as we were out of sight of land, we were all put to short
allowance, officers and men: to the latter four-and-twenty ounces of
flour, four pounds of meat, and two gallons of water, to a mess of five
men in 24 hours. But in a few days, the Batchelor made a signal to give
us some bread, they having found a large quantity concealed, with some
sweet-meats. We had 500 weight for our share, the Duke 1000 weight, and
the Dutchess as much; in return for which we sent back to the prize some
casks of flour, and a barrel of English beef; and the like present was
returned from the other ships. From this time till the 10th of March
nothing remarkable happened.
On that day we made the island Saraua, one of the Ladrones, and the same
evening came in sight of Guam, distant about three leagues. Next day we
came to anchor in the port of Umatta, at about a mile distance from the
houses, in lat. 13 deg. 30 min. N. by estimation; long. from Cape St.
Lucas, 100 deg. 19 min. W. We went in with French and Spanish colours,
that they might not suspect us to be enemies. Several of their boats
came about our ships; but none would venture on board, till being off
the anchoring place, one was sent by the Spanish Governor, desiring to
know who we were, and what we wanted. We presently dispatched our
interpreter with a letter, purporting, that we were subjects of Great
Britain, and driven by necessity to stop at those islands to purchase
provisions and other necessaries; that, if our wants were supplied with
civility, we should pay generously; but, on the contrary, if our request
was denied, we should proceed to act according to the laws of war. To
this letter we received a very obliging answer from the Spanish
Governor, Don Juan Antonio Pimental, and were furnished with hogs, oxen,
rice, maize, poultry, and other necessaries in a more plentiful manner,
and at a cheaper rate, than we could expect. We continued at Guam till
the 21st of March, during which time reciprocal civilities daily passed
between the officers on board and the gentlemen of the island; and we
parted perfectly satisfied with each other’s behaviour. We found the
variation in these parts only half a point to the eastward, though in
our run across the Great South Sea, we had it 12 degrees: the reason I
take to be, the unevenness of the globe, and its unequal mixture of much
matter differing in itself as to the magnetical quality; as having large
and stoney mountains, spacious vallies, deep seas, long-continued
continents, with mighty scattered rocks of load-stone, iron mines, and
other magnetical substances.
The natives of Guam are of a dark complexion, but not so black as the
Indians of California. They are in general the largest and best limbed
men I ever saw, and some of them hairy, and very strong. The women are
straight and tall, and in the neighbourhood of the Spaniards go decently
cloathed; but in the remote parts of the island they go quite naked.
They are said to be man-eaters, and to have no settled way of worship,
but every one pays a kind of adoration to they know not what. The island
is plentifully supplied with cattle, and might be made the garden of the
world, if the Spaniards were not as idle as the Indians; but as nature
spontaneously produces sufficient for sustenance, they avail themselves
but little of cultivation. Of all the works of art for which the Indians
are remarkable, the paroas, or boats, of this island are certainly the
most wonderful, as they exceed in swift sailing every other vessel yet
seen throughout the world. We were assured upon the best authority, that
they will sail 20 leagues an hour; and the Captain of the Spanish guard
said, he would lose his head if they did not perform it.
On Tuesday, March 21, 1710, we were under sail, and steered away W. by
S. with moderate gales from the N. N. E. which continued so for some
weeks; but about the middle of April the blowing weather came on, and
continued till the 27th of that month, during which time most of our
main-shrouds, several of our stays, most of our running-ropes, and the
mizzen-gears, gave way, so that the yard came by the board, and by its
fall wounded the first Lieutenant, so that we feared he never would have
recovered. Most of our sails too were split; but, being supplied with
new shrouds by Captain Rogers, and with other ropes by Captain Courtney,
I bent new sails; but found the ship very leaky. The Duke and Dutchess
too suffered much by the tempestuous weather, and the Batchelor split
her sails; but being otherwise stoutly built and rigged, nothing but
running against a rock could hurt her. I had no conception of meeting
with such boisterous weather so near the Line, which proved as bad as
that we encountered in surrounding Cape Horn, with this difference only,
that the one was intensely cold, and the other intolerably hot. And
being now crossed by variable winds, sometimes lying by, sometimes
scudding before the wind, and unable to pursue our direct course, our
provisions began to fail, and on board of us rats rose to a very high
price. The ships were besides leaky, and our men began to sicken with
excessive labour and hard living. A general council was therefore called
to consider what was best to be done in our present condition, when it
was agreed to make the island of Talao, that of Ternate, or, if neither
of them could be reached, then to put into some part of Mindanao.
On Tuesday, May the 2d, we observed a ring about the sun, and were
apprehensive of more bad weather. In the night we passed by Talao
without seeing it; and Captain Dampier, who had been twice in these seas
before, gave out, that, if we could not reach Ternate, it would be
impossible for us to get refreshment on the coast of New Guinea, which
proved true; yet it was with the greatest difficulty the men could be
prevailed upon to submit to short allowance.
Monday the 8th, having had tempestuous weather, we perceived that a
strong current had set in to the eastward; and to our astonishment we
found the land in sight to be Cape Noba, a promontory at the east end of
Gilolo, bearing S. S. E. distant 15 leagues. Perceiving now that we
could not get to the island of Ternate, nor to that of Mindanao, we
resolved to make the best of our way through the straits of Gilolo: but,
notwithstanding our utmost efforts, we continued sailing among a cluster
of islands, most of them uninhabited, but all capable of producing
spices, during the whole month of May, without being able to avail
ourselves of any of their refreshments. On the 20th of May we came in
sight of the island of Ceram, as we then thought, but afterwards found
it to be the island of Bouro.
On the 25th, we came in sight of a low island right-a-head of us, and
about noon observed an opening, which, when we came near, we found to be
a passage between two little islands that almost joined. They were very
full of green trees, and by the sea-side we beheld many groves of
cocoa-nut, plantain, and other fruit-trees, that exhibited a very
pleasant appearance.
In a capacious bay we likewise took notice of a little town, and saw
several inhabitants passing and re-passing along the shore. We sent in
our boats for provisions and pilots, and the Duke and myself turned up
towards the village, but on sounding found no ground. The natives
informed us, there was a bank opposite a certain land-mark, on which we
might anchor. Abundance of people came off with Indian wheat,
cocoa-nuts, yams, potatoes, papas, poultry, and several beautiful birds,
which they exchanged for knives, scissars, and other toys, being very
civil, and to all appearance honest. They are Mahometans, of a middle
stature, and tawney; but the women are fairer than the men, having very
long, lank, black hair; their mouths, lips, and noses remarkably small.
The women were decently covered; but the men in general were naked.
These islands were named Camhava and Wanshut; but, not answering our
purpose, we agreed to steer for Bonton, where we arrived on Monday the
29th of May; and, the same day, Captain Dampier, Mr. Connely, and Mr.
Vanbrugh, went with a present to the King of Bonton, at the same time
requesting him to supply us with provisions, and to send us a pilot to
carry us to Batavia.
On the 30th, a paroa came from the King with one of his nobles on board,
and a pilot to carry us into harbour. He put on an air of importance,
and asked, How we dared to come to an anchor there, without leave from
the Great King of Bonton? However, he brought each Commander a piece of
his country-cloth, a bottle of arrack, some rice in baskets, as a
present from the King; as also a letter from the officers we had sent on
shore, giving an account, that they had been well received, and that the
town where the King resides was large, walled, fortified, and defended
after the European manner with a number of heavy cannon. Another present
was returned, and five guns fired by every ship at the messenger’s going
off; at which he seemed very well pleased. Our people trafficked with
the natives for poultry, maize, pompions, papas, lemons, Guinea corn,
&c. and gave them in exchange knives, scissars, old cloaths, and old
nails. The people were civil; but our officers making a longer stay than
they intended, we began to suspect that the moors had detained them; for
they are very treacherous. However, we heard from them every day; and at
length the Dutchess’s pinnace came down with Lieutenant Connely, who
told us, they had purchased four last of rice, which cost 600 dollars;
and that Mr. Vanbrugh was detained for the payment of the money. The
next morning it came, and was equally distributed among the four ships,
some great men coming to deliver it, and receive the money.--The town of
Bonton is very populous, and by it runs a fine river, but is barred so
that ships of burden cannot approach it. About 50 islands are tributary
to this King, who gives audience in a chair of state covered with
scarlet-cloth, and is always attended by a guard of nine men, armed,
after the European manner, with muskets and scymitars. He has, besides,
four or five slaves, who sit at his feet, and are ready whenever he
commands to do the most servile offices. The petty Princes and great men
sit on his left hand, and the strangers stand before him.
Wednesday, June the 7th, all the provisions and necessaries which this
town could supply being brought on board, and the officers who went to
wait upon the King, returned, the signal was given to weigh, and at four
in the afternoon we set sail without a pilot, there being none to be had
on this island. Captain Dampier pretended to be acquainted with the
passage, and mentions the same in his book, but now he remembered
nothing of it but the story.
On Friday the 9th, we came in sight of Solayo, lying close to the island
of Celebes, and inhabited by Malayans, who are tributaries to the Dutch.
Between the south-end of Celebes and the island of Solayo, are three
small low islands, and the best passage is between that which lies next
to Solayo, and a little one lying to the northward of it. It is very
dangerous going to the southward of Solayo, the Dutch never daring to
attempt it.
On the 10th we made prize of a country paroa, and brought the master on
board the Dutchess. He was a Malayan belonging to Macassar, bound
thither, came last from Bonton, and undertook to pilot us to Batavia for
a good reward, provided we would promise to keep the matter a secret
from the Dutch, to both which conditions we very readily agreed; and the
man performed what he undertook with great skill and fidelity. We passed
through the straits of Salango, having always from five to seven fathom
water in our passage; then steering to the westward, our pilot’s boat
attended us till we were through the last strait, and then bore away
towards Macassar.
On Tuesday the 20th of June, 1720, according to our reckoning, we came
to an anchor in Batavia road; but with the Dutch it was Wednesday, June
21; for we had lost 18 hours in going round to the westward, and they
had gained six in sailing to the eastward, which made a whole day
difference between our account and theirs. The reason is, that a ship
sailing to the westward, and so following the course of the sun, makes
every day something longer than in any fixed station it would be. Thus
in every 15 degrees she removes to the westward from the meridian from
whence she first set out, she gains an hour; in 90 degrees, six hours;
and in 360, which compose the whole circumference of the globe, she will
find a whole day short in her reckoning, according to the account of the
place she arrives at. The contrary happens to the ship that sails
eastward; for, as she advances against the course of the sun, she loses
so much of every day, which is thereby shortened, and becomes less than
24 hours, by consequence losing an hour in every 15 degrees, and
consequently will be a day before the account of the place she arrives
at. By this it appears, that the ship which sails round the world
westward, loses a whole day, and that which performs the same voyage
eastward gains a day. So we having made the greater part of the
circumference, and the Dutch at Batavia the other part the contrary way,
our loss and their gain made up the twenty-four hours; and thus we came
to differ a day.
When we came to an anchor, the Dutchess fired thirteen guns to salute
the Dutch flag; but it being night, the Commandant did not then answer;
but in the morning sent his boat to make an apology, and then fired gun
for gun with every ship. Soon after this friendly salute taken on both
sides, the Commanders went on shore; and, after waiting upon the
Shebander, were introduced to the Governor, who received us with
civility, examined our commission, and enquired much concerning the
success of our voyage; but, not being King’s ships, would not permit us
to heave down in the States dock at Orerest, but gave us leave to careen
at the island of Hern, which is at no great distance from the other, and
allowed us some Malayan caulkers to assist in stopping our leaks.
As the Marquis was in the worst condition, she was ordered to be laid
down first; but upon examination she was judged unfit to proceed upon
the voyage; and therefore was unladen and put up to sale. We then hove
down the Duke and Dutchess, and found their sheathing much worm eaten;
but otherwise not much damaged: the Batchelor wanted no repairs but in
her rigging. The weather was extremely hot during our stay, at this
city; many of our men and officers fell sick; and I was among the
number. The master of the Duke, the gunner of the Dutchess, and several
of the common men, fell a sacrifice to this unfriendly climate. One
Read, a young man belonging to the Dutchess, venturing to swim, had both
his legs snapt off by a shark, which at the second bite, before we could
get him on board, cut him in two in the middle, and put an end to his
misery. During our stay, though we had the run of the markets, we found
it very difficult to procure salt provisions to lay in a stock to serve
us till we should arrive at the Cape of Good Hope, and therefore were
obliged to purchase live cattle, and to kill and pickle them ourselves.
All manner of traffic, except for provisions, was prohibited with the
natives or inhabitants of the city, upon the severest penalties, to
avoid every occasion of dispute with the East-India Companies of both
nations: and, having settled all our affairs in a very amicable manner,
new rigged our ships, and disposed of the men belonging to the Marquis
among the other ships, we began on the 15th of September to prepare for
sailing, when I was appointed second Captain in the Dutchess, and Mr.
Ballot, master; Capt. Pope, first Lieutenant of the Duke, and Mr.
Selkirk, master; Capt. Dampier, second Captain in the Batchelor, and Mr.
Knolman, master.
On the 20th we repaired on board; but before we were ready to sail, it
was the 14th of October; when, about six in the morning, we weighed
anchor; but in the afternoon the sea-breeze took us, and we were forced
to return.
On the 19th we made sail with a fresh breeze, and at two in the
afternoon came to an anchor off Java-head, when two English gentlemen
came off to us, to demand the release of a man who had concealed
himself, unknown to the officers, on board the Batchelor, and who was
given up without opposition. In the mean time, while the gentlemen were
in conversation with the officers, a party from the ship went off with
their boat to buy fowls, for which they gave in exchange knives, toys,
and other trifles, which the natives value more than money.
On the 23d the gentlemen took their leave; and the party who went off to
truck for fowls having reported that there were buffaloes in abundance
to be had for shooting, another party were sent off to bring some on
board; but they returned without success. They came in sight of whole
herds, but so exceeding wild, that the moment they saw the appearance of
a man, they all took the alarm, and fled to the woods with so much
swiftness that it was impossible to come within musket-shot of them. One
of the party, who had ventured to follow them into the woods, was
surprized by a tyger, who was within less than a hundred yards of him
before he thought proper to make his retreat; and was pursued by the
creature so close, that, had he not reached the water, he must have been
devoured. His companions fired more than twenty shot at the tyger before
he went off, which he did at last, though sorely wounded.
We staid here till the 26th, when we made sail, and about noon Java-head
bore E. by N. distant about seven leagues. From hence to the Cape of
Good Hope we met with nothing remarkable; and, on the 30th of December,
came to an anchor in Table-bay, in seven fathom water. We saluted the
fort with nine guns; and they returned seven. As soon as the ships were
moored, the Captains and principal officers went ashore to pay their
compliments to the Governor, by whom they were honourably received. The
place and people have been so often described already, that we shall not
disgust the reader with useless repetitions.
During our stay here, we employed the time in victualling, watering, and
refitting our ships, for the remaining part of our voyage home. The
Duke, commanded by Captain Rogers, had been leaky ever since her
departure from California; and, notwithstanding all that could be done
both at Batavia and this place, it could not be stopped; but what was
remarkable, in a few days after we left the Cape, it stopt of itself.
Here we had an opportunity of writing to our owners, by means of an
East-India ship just ready to sail when we arrived. In the letter we
acquainted them with our having made prize of a small Manilla ship, and
of our having her in our possession; and also, that we intended to take
the advantage of returning home in company with the Dutch East-India
fleet, who were hourly expected, which would occasion us to tarry till
the latter end of March, when it was imagined they would be ready to
sail.
On February the 22d, the Dutch fleet arrived, being in all 12 sail. We
saluted the Admiral at his coming with seven guns, as did likewise the
fort. There were at this time in the harbour 17 Dutch ships, and six
English. The town was crowded, and many of our men were ill. Mr.
Vanbrugh, the owners chief agent, died, as did Mr. Appleby, mate of the
Duke, and several others. We began to be impatient; and found it
necessary to begin to furnish ourselves with provisions as early as
possible, as every thing began to increase in price as the town began to
fill. The Batavia fleet was soon followed by four ships from Ceylon. Six
came from that island; but near Madagascar met with such a violent
storm, that some were forced to cut away their main-masts, and throw
over some of their lee-guns, having much water at the same time in their
holds. The four came into the Cape much damaged, and believed the other
two had foundered at sea. Several English Indiamen arrived also in the
road; as also a Portuguese ship from Rio de Janeiro on the coast of
Brazil, bound for Mezambique, to take in slaves.
At length, on April the 6th, all the homeward bound ships being ready to
sail, we weighed in the morning, and sailed with a small breeze of wind
at E. S. E. and by noon came to an anchor at Pengun Island, the east end
of the island bearing south-westerly. At three we sailed again, being in
all 25 sail of English and Dutch, all good ships, under the command of
Admiral Peter de Vos. At six the Cape of Good Hope bore S. by. W. half
W. distant about seven leagues; and thus, having taken our departure, we
proceeded on our voyage April the 23d, which being St. George’s day, and
the anniversary of her Majesty of Great Britain, the Duke and Dutchess
saluted each other with drums, trumpets, and other formalities, in
honour of the day; and in the evening the respective Captains gave an
entertainment, of which all the officers on board partook.
August 3, 1711, we made the island of St. Helena, in lat. 16 deg. S. It
lies 1000 miles at least from any land, and is not more than 10 leagues
in length, and about eight in breadth, surrounded with rocks, and
elevated above the sea by towering mountains, that look at a distance
like lofty buildings rising to the clouds. These mountains are covered
with wholesome herbs and plants; and the vallies are so fruitful, that
they yield an increase of whatever is sown in them an hundred-fold. The
Portuguese first discovered this little spot accidentally, as they were
ranging along the coast of Africa, in order to find their way to the
East-Indies. It was then uninhabited; and, according to their custom,
they set some live goats and swine on shore, which multiplied to that
degree, that ever since there have been enough to supply the ships that
touch at that island with seasonable refreshment. The Dutch first
inhabited, and afterwards abandoned it, and removed their settlement to
the Cape of Good Hope. The English then took possession of it; when the
Dutch, who did not think it worth keeping before, returned, fell upon
the English, and drove them out. The Dutch in their turn were expelled
by the English, who have now been long in possession, have erected a
very strong fort for their security, and built a town near the little
bay, where ships generally anchor in their way to and from the East
Indies. It is of infinite use in relieving the sailors from that
dreadful distemper the sea-scurvy; for, as it naturally produces lemons,
oranges, and other fruits, and as greens and roots are planted in
abundance, those who are languishing under the last stage of the scurvy
are frequently recovered by the use of those refreshments without any
other physic. It would be delightful living in this island, were it
larger, or more frequented; but the confinement in so small a place in
the middle of a vast ocean so remote from all communication with the
rest of the world, renders the residence there so lonely, that it has
rather the appearance of living in exile than in a land of freedom. And
indeed, what makes it still more uncomfortable, our own ships find so
much better entertainment at the Cape than can be expected in this
little spot, that many of them store themselves there so plentifully,
and recover their sick men so effectually, as not to be under the
necessity of touching at St. Helena, whereby not only the residence of
the inhabitants is rendered more dull, but their means of subsistence is
very much restrained; for as they have nothing to depend upon but their
traffic with the ships that call to refresh, every one that passes by
without touching is a diminution of their profits: so that in fact the
people have little or no encouragement to continue there, and many of
them make heavy complaints. Indeed, the surrounding sea, that abounding
in fish is a considerable help, and the fertility of the soil, which is
sure to reward the pains of the cultivator, exempt them from famine; but
for cloaths and all other conveniences, their dependance is upon
strangers.
On the first of May we took our departure from this island, and on the
7th made the island of Ascension, which is still uninhabited. As the
springs, which were discovered by Dampier, lie remote from the shore,
very few ships attempt to water, or indeed stop at Ascension; some
indeed, who are in want of fresh provisions, fish here for turtle, of
which there are great plenty all round the coasts.
Nothing remarkable happened in the course of our voyage till May the
27th, when two of our Dutch sailors died, and were decently buried
according to the custom of the sea.
About this time all the flag-ships struck their flags, the Admiral
hoisted a broad pendant, and all the other ships did the same. This was
done with a view to deceive the enemy, that in case any cruisers should
come in sight, they might take us for a squadron of Dutch men-of-war.
On the 12th, a mutiny happened among our men; and two Dutchmen who were
the ringleaders were whipped and put in irons. For some days we had but
little wind, being in the calm latitude, which we reckon from 22 deg. to
28 deg. N.
June the 13th, the Dutch Admiral made the signal for each ship to keep
the Line, and we blacked our ship to make her look the more like a
Dutchman.
On the 15th, in the morning, the Admiral made the signal for all the
English Commanders, and some of the Dutch skippers, to come on board
him, where we were sumptuously entertained at dinner, and the frank
humour of the Dutchmen made the company jolly before we parted.
June 23, a Dutch ship being in distress fired several guns; upon which
the whole fleet shortened sail. Her damage being soon repaired, the
signal was given to continue our course, and we took the Batchelor in
tow, being a heavy sailor, and forced to croud the canvas to keep
company; but, it blowing hard the next day, we were forced to cast her
off.
On the 26th, the Batchelor’s pinnace had her back broke, by the ship’s
running over her; but the men that were in her were all miraculously
saved, by means of the hawser which they were carrying from our ship to
take her in tow. In the evening the King William Indiaman took her in
tow, and next morning cast her off.
On the 28th, being got into the latitude of 51 deg. N. we had thick
foggy weather, with the wind at south, which continued several days, and
all the while the Admiral kept firing two guns every hour, and each ship
in the fleet answered with one. This was done to keep the fleet
together, and it answered the purpose very well; for when the fog
dispersed, and the weather came clear, there was not one ship missing.
The Dutch convoy, however, took care afterwards to be well paid for his
waste of powder.
Nothing remarkable happened till the 12th of July, when the Donnegall
Indiaman lost her fore-top-mast, and made the signal for the fleet to
shorten sail. Being now in near 60 deg. N. latitude, we had no night,
but cold drizzling weather; yet nothing to compare to the cold in the
same latitude in going round Cape Horn southward; for there the cold was
so intense that many of our men sickened; and yet we were here and at
Cape Horn much about the same time of the year, allowing for the
difference of the two climates.
On the 14th, we came in sight of Bera, and spoke with a Danish ship
bound to Dublin, who told us the war still continued, and that he had
spoke a day or two before with a Dutch squadron of 10 men-of-war, and
three victuallers, lying off Shetland to wait for us; so that by keeping
between that and Fair Island, we could not possibly miss seeing them.
Next day we came in sight of them, when all the fleet saluted the
Commodore, and he made the signal for all the Commanders to come aboard
of him for sailing orders. The Captains Courtney and Dover went
accordingly, and were courteously received, and given to understand,
that they might be supplied with whatever provisions they stood in need
of, on paying for the same, he having brought victuallers from Holland
for that purpose. We lay off Shetland some days, and caught ling and cod
in abundance, during which time the Shetlanders came off to us, and
brought fowls and sheep, which we purchased at much cheaper rates than
of our Dutch victuallers.
We were now very sickly, having been more than three months in our
passage from the Cape to this place; and we were besides very peevish
and quarrelsome among ourselves; now that we came near home, jealousies
arose about embezzlements. The agents had been to the Duke to demand the
gold, plate, pearl, and jewels, on board; and they were returned not
very well satisfied with their reception. But, while these disputes were
at their height, orders were given to set sail. In the mean time letters
were dispatched to London and Amsterdam, acquainting the owners with our
progress, and present situation, and desiring their instructions to
regulate our future proceedings. Before we left Shetland we took four
hogsheads of beer on board from the Dutch Commodore, which served us
till we arrived on the 23d in sight of Holland, in the evening of which
day we came to an anchor in the Texel road.
On the 27th, we received a general letter from our owners, dated,
Bristol, June 6th, 1711, in which they acquainted us, that the
East-India Company were incensed against us, and had appointed a secret
committee to inspect their charter as to privileges; and that they were
resolved to take all advantages, in case of the least infringement on
what they pretended to be their exclusive right of trading to the
East-Indies. This letter likewise recommended the greatest caution on
our part with regard to the Dutch East-India Company; for from that
Company as well as from our own, they had reason to fear all possible
obstruction. It was therefore most strictly enjoined, that neither
officer nor sailor should, on any pretence whatever, be suffered to take
any goods on shore; nor were we to allow any stranger to come on board
to purchase the least trifle; for that, if any such thing should be
proved, the whole cargo would be forfeited.
It was a great relief to us, when, on the 5th of August, Mr. Hollidge,
one of our principal owners came on board us; for, though we kept the
strictest watch, it was hardly possible to prevent the sailors from
running things ashore in the night. On this gentleman’s arrival, it was
judged necessary to draw up a short account of our voyage from the
journals of the respective Commanders, and an affidavit was made to the
truth of it. In this memorial we set forth, that we went out as private
men-of-war, and not as trading ships; and that no sort of merchandize
was shipped on board our ships at any of the islands or ports we touched
at in the East Indies, nor any traffic carried on there, other than for
necessaries and provisions for the ships and ships company. To this all
the officers and most of the seamen voluntarily swore and set their
hands. We continued in Holland, without any remarkable event, till the
30th of September, 1711, when we sailed from the Texel, under convoy of
her Majesty’s ships, Essex, Canterbury, Medway, and Dullidge, and
anchored in the Downs on the 2d of October. On the 13th, the Duke and
Dutchess came up to Eriff, where the Batchelor had been moored some time
before: and here all the ships continued till they were unloaded. The
produce of the cargo, and the treasure brought home in these ships, were
supposed to amount to between 3 and 400,000l. for, after all charges of
convoy, agency, law-suits, embezzlements, of which great complaint was
made, and of every kind of thievery practised in such cases, the nett
profits, that were afterwards fairly divided, amounted to 170,000l.
Among the disasters that befel the adventurers in this voyage, that of
losing Mr. Hatley, with his little crew, near the islands of
Gallapagoes, was most to be deplored; yet, though his death was supposed
to be certain, having little or no provisions on board, and still less
water, after the conclusion of the war, he returned home, to the
astonishment of all who knew him. It then appeared, that, when he parted
company with the Duke, having no resource, he made directly for the
main; and, falling in with Cape Passao, his little crew almost famished,
and himself in a miserable weak condition, he formed the resolution,
with the consent of his people, to surrender themselves prisoners to the
enemy: but, unfortunately, the enemy to whom they surrendered were not
the civilized Spaniards, but a mixed breed of Indians and Mulattos, who
bore an implacable hatred to all white men, from a rooted aversion to
the Spanish tyranny. These wretches used their helpless prisoners
barbarously, tied their hands behind them, and lashed them to posts,
where they half-flead them with whips; and most certainly would have
tortured them to death, had it not been for the interposition of their
priest, to whom these half-heathen converts pay great respect. Being, by
the humanity of this good Padre, rescued out of the hands of those
barbarians, and conveyed to a Spanish settlement, Mr. Hatley was
received with kindness, and used with much civility; and, when peace was
declared, was set at liberty, and assisted to return to his country,
where he afterwards engaged in a second expedition to the same seas, and
again fell into the hands of the same enemy.
[Illustration: _M^r Hatley & his Small Crew Cruelly Whip’d by y^e
Savage Indians but are Saved by a Priest._]
We have not yet been able to learn the future proceedings of the
officers who conducted this enterprize. It is more than probable, that,
having enriched themselves by the voyage, they retired and lived
private. We find, indeed, a Mr. Cooke engaged in a succeeding voyage,
but it does not appear that it was the Captain Cooke of whose voyage we
have just given an account. Mr. Hatley, indeed, who fell into the hands
of the Spaniards, was employed as second Captain under Shelvock, and of
him we shall have occasion to speak largely hereafter.
THE
VOYAGE
OF
CAPTAIN CLIPPERTON
ROUND THE WORLD.
Captain John Clipperton (or, as some write, Clippington) was born at
Yarmouth, in the county of Norfolk; and his friends being most of them
sea-fearing people, he was from his infancy bred up a mariner. His
disposition naturally inclining him to ramble, he embraced every
opportunity to embark in new voyages, and there was hardly a corner of
the earth which he had not visited before he was thirty years of age.
When he was made choice of to take the command of the expedition of
which we are now to give an account, he was esteemed, and that perhaps
justly, the most experienced seaman of his time. He had been frequently
in the East and West Indies; had been in the Northern and Mediterranean
Seas, and had once surrounded the whole globe. He was that Clippington,
who, in 1704, with a bark, of only 10 tons, two masts, two square-sails,
two pattararoes, and 21 men, left Captain Dampier on the coast of
Mexico; and, after insulting Rio Leon, where he took two Spanish ships
at anchor, one of which was ransomed for 4000 pieces of eight, and after
visiting the gulph of Salinas, where he cleaned and refitted his little
bark, undertook to sail in her from that coast round half the globe; a
great part of which he performed in a track never before attempted,
pursuing his course in the 18th degree of north latitude, which former
navigators had pursued after each other in the 13th; and, in that
direction, he reached the Philippines in 54 days, without seeing land,
or meeting with any cross accident to interrupt his passage. While he
was embarrassed among those islands, there came off a canoe with a friar
on board, to enquire concerning so uncommon a vessel, the like of which
was never seen before in those seas. He detained the friar till his crew
were furnished with fresh provisions, and then released him.
From the Philippines he steered to Pulo Condore, where he expected to
have met with an English settlement; but, to his great mortification, he
there learnt, that, some time before his arrival, the English had been
all murdered by their Indian guards. Upon this melancholy news, he bore
away for Macao, a port in the possession of the Portuguese, near the
mouth of the river Canton, in China, already frequently mentioned, and
lately made famous by the arrival of some Russian adventurers from
Kampschatka, who, by that navigation, have confirmed the reality of a
north-east passage to the coasts of China. At this port he arrived,
where Shelvock affirms that near half his crew were hanged for pirates,
that the rest escaped, some to one place, and some to another; that
Clipperton himself, being deprived of his little boat, found means to
get on board an English East Indiaman at Canton, and arrived in England
in 1706.
Clipperton was a blunt, rough, free-spoken sailor, had not much the air
of a gentleman, and therefore never affected it; was free and easy among
his seamen; and, though he was passionate, he was soon appeased, and, if
in the wrong, ever ready to acknowledge his error, and to repair any
injury his hasty temper betrayed him to commit. He had a strict regard
to what he thought his duty, and was not to be diverted from the
principles of moderation, which ever inclined him to acts of mercy and
humanity towards those over whom the chance of war gave him the
superiority. Having returned almost destitute from his first voyage
round the world, he settled in the north of Ireland, to which retreat he
was traced, after more than twelve years retirement, and persuaded to
undertake this second voyage, as a means to repair his broken fortune.
The success that had attended the voyage of the Duke and Dutchess to the
South Seas under the command of Captain Rogers, had revived the spirit
of privateering, which, by former miscarriages, had been reduced to a
very low ebb. Dampier, as has already been noticed, was unable, with all
his skill and all his experience, to persuade the London merchants to
engage in a second expedition into those seas, after having failed in
the first, and was obliged to apply to Bristol to raise a new company of
adventurers to second his views; but such is the nature of mankind, that
emulous, not to say envious, of the success of others, they are ever
ready to croud the road that has led to fortune, without considering how
unfit they are to undertake the journey. The owners of the Duke and
Dutchess had been particularly careful to make choice of gentlemen, not
only of ability, to conduct the voyage which proved so successful, but
who also had confidence in, and friendship for, each other; and yet,
with all this care and caution, it was with the greatest difficulty in
the world that they were persuaded to keep together, and to act in
concert. On the contrary, the Commanders in the present expedition, were
gentlemen of opposite tempers, opposite views, and already, before they
set out, engaged in opposite parties; it was therefore very unlikely
that two such Commanders should unite in one common interest, or that
the one should share the danger where the other was to reap the glory.
The event will shew, that the miscarriage of this enterprize was not
more owing to the mistakes in the voyage, than in the wrong setting out.
The impatience of the undertakers was so great, and their confidence of
making themselves rich by the plunder of the Spaniards so certain, that,
unwilling to trust to an eventual rupture between Great Britain and
Spain, they took occasion, from the war that then subsisted between the
Emperor and Spain, to apply to the Imperial Court for a commission to
carry their plan of hostilities into execution. With this view, having
equipped two stout ships, the _Success_ and the _Speedwell_, it was
thought necessary to find out some gentleman who had served on board the
royal navy, that might take upon him the command of the expedition, and
be able to act with propriety in a joint commission, wherein Flemish
soldiers and English sailors were to be united in the same design.
For this difficult task no man was thought more fit than Captain George
Shelvock, who had been bred from his childhood in the royal navy, had
been thirty years in the service, and arrived at the rank of First
Lieutenant of one of his Majesty’s ships of war, which he had borne with
great reputation; was in his person and behaviour a fine gentleman, and
was confessedly a very expert and able seaman. He was, besides, of quick
parts, ready speech, and very winning address, but withal rather too
sensible of his own accomplishments. This gentleman the undertakers
thought themselves happy in having found; and they accordingly not only
invested him with the command, but entrusted to him the grand business
of the commission, and for that purpose he received instructions to
repair to Ostend with the Speedwell, and there, as soon as the
commission was obtained, to take on board the complement of Flemings
that were to give countenance to the undertaking; and to join the
Success in the Downs, which there lay ready under the command of Capt.
Mitchell. On this occasion the names of the ships were changed; the
_Success_ was called the _Prince Eugene_, and the _Speedwell_ the
_Starenberg_, in compliment to the Prince and the Imperial Prime
Minister. Captain Shelvock was, besides, instructed to lay in such a
stock of wines and spirituous liquors, as he should judge sufficient for
the use of both ships in a voyage where such refreshments would be
absolutely necessary, and without which the climate of Cape Horne could
hardly be endured.
In this business, however, the Captain gave some disgust. He was either
too extravagant, too ostentatious, or too remiss; and the voyage which
the owners had so much at heart, was thought already to have suffered by
unnecessary delay. But, what was still worse, the Flemish soldiers, 90
in number, commanded by their own officers, had hardly arrived in the
Downs before they became so insolent, that it was presently discovered,
that the scheme of their acting in concert with English sailors was
utterly impracticable: so that after all this delay and expence, the
commission was returned, the Flemish soldiers discharged, and a new plan
formed, which gave the first occasion to those dissentions that in the
end proved the ruin of the voyage.
Captain Shelvock’s management had much lessened his credit, and his
friends were unable to support his interest. The reason for his
advancement no longer existed; and it was found, that the discipline to
which he had been accustomed on board the royal navy, was not the
discipline to be practised on board privateers. It was necessary,
therefore, as the circumstances of things were changed, war with Spain
declared, and no extraordinary accomplishment required, to look out for
an officer to take the command, who had experience in the business in
which he was to be employed; who knew the western coasts of America, and
was acquainted with the genius of the people with whom he was to
contend, as well as the tempers of those with whom he was to attack.
On this new regulation, the character of Captain Clipperton was called
to mind. He was known to some of the owners, and strongly recommended by
other merchants, as of all men then living the fittest to be entrusted
with the conduct of such an expedition. The owners, who had already
expended more than 15,000l. began to consider their own interest without
respect to persons; and, therefore, they sought out and invested Captain
Clipperton with the chief command, continuing Captain Shelvock Commander
of the Speedwell, and appointing Captain Mitchell second to Captain
Clipperton, and Captain Hatley second Captain to Shelvock. The ships
were restored to their former names, an English commission procured for
the Commanders, and every thing prepared while the ships lay in the
Downs for their immediate departure.
The instructions given to the respective Commanders were, in substance,
the same with those given to the Commanders of the Duke and Dutchess,
strongly recommending unanimity. But this precaution proved wholly
useless. The expedition wore an unfortunate aspect from the beginning.
The ships were obliged to lie three months at Plymouth, waiting for a
wind. Factions were in the mean time formed, in which the crews as well
as the Commanders were involved. Captain Shelvock highly resented the
affront that had been offered in depriving him of the chief command; and
Captain Clipperton, being a boisterous man, having himself strong
passions, and not having art to conceal them, knowing Captain Shelvock’s
prejudices, nothing but dissention and discord prevailed. Every post
brought the owners fresh complaints; and every post carried fresh
reproofs to the Commanders. In this humour the parties continued while
the ships lay at Plymouth. At length,
On the 13th of February, 1719, the Success, of 36 guns, and 180 men,
commanded by Captain Clipperton, and the Speedwell, of 24 guns, and 106
men, of which Captain Shelvock was Commander, sailed with a fair wind;
but, by an unaccountable over-sight, the Speedwell had on board the
whole stock of wine and brandy, and the Success the greatest share of
other stores.
For several days they had fresh gales, squally, with rain, and the
Success was often obliged to shorten sail for the Speedwell. Captain
Shelvock tells us, that he complained to Captain Clipperton of the
crankness of his ship, and desired him to send for his wine and brandy,
that he might strike down some of his guns into the hold, which would
enable him to sail much better than he did: but this, it seems, was
neglected; a proof that Clipperton had no intention to desert the
Speedwell, though it was a slight, which Shelvock could not but resent.
On the 19th, a violent storm arose, which obliged both ships to take in
their top-sails. The gale increasing, the Success made a signal for the
Speedwell to bring to; which Captain Shelvock readily obeyed; and, by
eleven at night, both ships were under bare poles. On the 20th, in the
afternoon, the storm abated, and Captain Clipperton made sail, steering
S. by E. whereas Captain Shelvock, according to his journal, stood
north-west; so that from this day they never saw each other, till they
met in the South Seas by mere accident. Here then properly begins the
history of Captain Clipperton’s voyage round the world. He was now at
sea without liquors, and without his consort. The first place of
rendezvous appointed by them, was the Canary Islands; and, therefore, he
sailed thither, and arrived at Gomera on the 5th of March. Having taken
in some wine and refreshments, for which he had great occasion, he
continued cruising at the Canaries ten days for his consort; but,
missing her here, he continued his voyage to the next place of
rendezvous, at the Cape de Verd or Green islands.
The former islands, called by the ancients the Fortunate Islands, from
their fertility and temperate air, were discovered by the Spaniards in
1402, who named them the Canaries, or the Islands of Dogs, because no
other creatures were found on them. They are eight in number. The Great
Canary is the largest, is far distant from the others, and contains 9000
inhabitants. It is the seat of the Bishop, the Inquisition, and of the
Council Royal. There is a mountain on the Teneriff, called the Pike of
Teneriff, which, according to the common opinion, is the highest in the
world. It may be distinctly seen at sixty leagues distance. It is three
days journey to the top of it, which, except in the months of July and
August, is always covered with snow. Fero is one of the largest, but so
dry, that there is not one drop of fresh water to be found in it, except
in a few places by the sea-side: but Providence has furnished a supply
to remedy that inconvenience; for there grows all over this island a
sort of tree, which is pretty large, and full of leaves, that are always
green, and covered with a little cloud that wets the leaves by its dew,
so that a fine clear water distills from them into little pails, which
the inhabitants set to catch it. This water falls in such quantities,
that it not only abundantly supplies the necessity of the people, but it
is sufficient also to water the cattle. The Canaries in general are very
fertile, and abound with wine that is transported into all parts of the
world. On the right-hand of those islands, about 100 leagues off, the
mariners very often perceived an island named St. Baranora, inhabited,
they say, by Christians; but no man can tell of what denomination they
are, nor what language they speak. The Spaniards have often attempted to
enter it, but could never find the way; which has raised an opinion in
the people, that it is an inchanted island.
On the 21st they saw St. Vincent’s, and the next morning anchored in the
bay. Here they spent ten days cruising in hopes of meeting with their
consort, but in vain; which so disheartened the crew, that Capt.
Clipperton found it difficult to persuade them to continue the voyage
for the Straits of Magellan, without wine or brandy to keep up their
spirits in that uncomfortable navigation. Some are of opinion, that
these islands were called Green Islands from the green Cape of Africa,
over-against which they lie; others, because the sea that surrounds them
is so covered with a green herb, that you can hardly see the water; nor
can ships sail through it, but with a stiff gale of wind. It produces
berries, much like white gooseberries; but without taste. Nobody can
tell how it grows; for there is no ground where it floats upon the
water, and it cannot come from the bottom, the sea being in many places
unfathomable.
On the 1st of April they left St. Vincent’s, and on the 29th of May they
had an observation, and found themselves in lat. 52 deg. 15 min. S.
being then off Cape Virgin Mary, the north point of the entrance of the
Straits of Magellan. The next day they entered the Straits, and sent
their pinnace on shore on the main, to a fresh-water river, which was at
this time frozen up. They saw large flocks of geese and ducks, but very
shy. The surgeon’s mate, by some accident, was left on shore; and next
morning, when brought aboard, was near dead with cold. They anchored at
Queen Elizabeth’s Island, and found great plenty of smallage, which was
of infinite service to those sick of the scurvy. They eat it raw, boiled
it in their soups, and kept the juice of it in bottles. They met with
plenty of wild-fowl and shell-fish, filled their casks with water, and
continued their course. On the 22d they anchored in a fine bay, which,
from its depth, they called No-bottom Bay. The trees were high, loaded
with snow, and exhibited a most astonishing prospect. On the 29th came a
canoe, with four Indians. They were of a middle stature, dark
complection, their faces broad and round, low foreheads, black hair very
lank and short, with no cloathing, except a piece of skin to cover their
middles. What seemed most remarkable, was a circle round their wrists,
of a bright azure. It seems these savages are extremely jealous of their
women; for, notwithstanding all that could be said to them, they would
not permit a woman, who was of their party, to come on board.
Bougainville, and the English voyagers who lately passed the Straits,
make the same observation. Capt. Clipperton ordered them bread and
cheese, and a dram of brandy, though it was very scarce. The former they
eat very heartily, or rather greedily; but the latter they could not be
prevailed upon to taste. They had bows and arrows, and some
fishing-tackle along with them. After about two hours stay, they rowed
ashore, making signs that they would come again. The next day the
pinnace was sent ashore, and returned in the evening with the Indian
canoe laden with muscles, which the Indians had exchanged for bread,
knives, and other trifles. In the beginning of the month of July they
found the weather moderate. These natives were a harmless people: one of
the crew, being left on shore, lived with them two nights and a day, and
was very kindly treated by them; which shews, that, if they are well
used, they are not treacherous. All this time their ship’s company was
very sickly, and scarce a day passed but some one or other died. On July
8 they buried their master-gunner. They caused a strong plank to be
driven at the head of his grave, on which was the following inscription:
“Mr. William Pridham, gunner of the Success, deceased July 7, 1719, in
this Strait, and lies buried here.” On the 20th Capt. Mitchell and
Lieut. Davidson went in the pinnace to Terra del Fuego, in order to make
discovery of the passage that a French tartan is said to have went
through into the South Sea, May 1713, and to see if there was any
anchoring beyond Cape Quad. On the 29th they returned, having found the
passage, but so narrow, that it was judged hazardous to go that way.
They found likewise several good bays to the north-west of Cape Quad to
anchor in. The Indians brought them a seal, which they broiled and
roasted, and said it eat like venison.
August 1, they resolved to prosecute their voyage thro’ the Straits,
which, with much danger and difficulty, they accomplished. Aug. 18, they
arrived in the South-Seas, but so weak, that it was impossible to
undertake any thing immediately; they therefore steered directly for the
island of Juan Fernandez, the third and last place of rendezvous, where
they arrived Sept. 7, and searched diligently in hopes of finding some
token of the Speedwell, but to no manner of purpose. According to his
instructions, Clipperton continued to cruise a full month, and, before
he took his departure, ordered an inscription to be cut on a remarkable
tree fronting the landing place; so that it was impossible for any
ship’s crew to come ashore, and not see it. The inscription thus:
“CAPTAIN JOHN W. MAGEE, 1719.” This William Magee was surgeon on board
the Success, was well-known to Capt. Shelvock, and all the ship’s
company; and therefore his name was made choice of rather than the
Captain’s, for a blind in case the inscription should be read by the
Spaniards. Here the sick were set ashore, and every means used for their
recovery; but the very thoughts of being without any cordial to comfort
them, dejected them excessively. The weather was changeable; abundance
of rain fell; and they had also some hard gales of wind. They took goats
in plenty, which not only served them for the present, but likewise
increased their sea-store, having salted a great number with salt they
found on the island ready-made. They likewise wooded and watered, and
cleaned their ship, ready for action in the South-Seas, where it was now
visible they were to cruise alone; for Clipperton was of opinion the
Speedwell was lost; or at least he gave out so, to pacify his company,
who were continually cursing Capt. Shelvock for running away with their
liquors. One thing remarkable was, the beauty and fertility of this
island, added to the stories they had heard of others; tempted four of
Clipperton’s men, with a view of remaining there, to betake themselves
to the mountains, where two of them were made prisoners by the
goat-hunters, who were forced to fire at them several times before they
would surrender.
October 7, they prepared to sail; and, in the mean time, Captain
Mitchell went on shore, to set up a cross already cut for that purpose,
at the foot of which he buried a bottle, in which was contained a letter
for Captain Shelvock, directing another place of rendezvous, and some
proper signal to know each other by at sea. At eight in the morning,
they weighed from the island of Juan Fernandez, and left their two men
in possession of it, of whom more hereafter.
After leaving this island, Captain Clipperton sailed northward, till he
was in the parallel of Lima, where he intended to act, though he was now
in a very indifferent condition, having lost thirty men since his
passing the Equator; and the remaining crew expressing some uneasiness
in relation to plunder, he caused a paper to be fixed to the main-mast,
which was assented to by the whole ship’s company.
On October 25, they gave chace to a small vessel, and took her. Being
their first prize, she was an ill omen of their future success. She was
a snow of 40 tons, laden with sand and rubbish for manure; had seven
Indians and two negroes on board; and all the captors could find worth
taking, was two jars of eggs, as much treacle, and a couple of pieces of
eight in ready money. The next day, they met with a ship called the St.
Vincent, of 150 tons, laden with wood from Guiaquil, with two friars,
sixteen Indians, and four negroes aboard. On the 30th, they took a large
ship called the Trinity, of 400 tons, taken by Captain Rogers when he
plundered Guiaquil, ten years before. She had a great many passengers on
board, and a cargo of considerable value.
On Nov. 2, they took another prize, of 70 tons, with the Countess of
Laguna and several other passengers on board, a great deal of money, and
upwards of 400 jars of wine and brandy, articles very much wanted.
Captain Clipperton desired the Countess to make her choice, either to
stay on board the prize, or accept of the accommodations they were able
to afford her on board the Success. She chose the former; and the
Captain sent an officer with strict orders to suffer nobody to enter her
cabbin but her own domestics: he likewise appropriated a part of the
wine and brandy found on board the prizes for the use of his seamen, to
whom, no doubt, it was a welcome refreshment.
He had already detached several officers, and above a third part of his
company, to take care of his prizes; and yet was as eager to take more,
as if, instead of a privateer weakly manned, he had commanded a squadron
of ships of war. On the 12th, he discovered at some distance, a
London-built pink, of 200 tons, laden with wood, named the Rosario, the
Master of which being a very cunning fellow, soon saw the error that
Clipperton had committed, and resolved to take advantage of it. He
guessed, by the number of prizes, that many men could not be sent on
board his ship; and, having about a dozen passengers, he directed them,
under the command of a French boatswain, to hide themselves in the hold,
with orders, on his making a certain signal, to seize as many of the
English as came down; assuring them, that he, with the ship’s company,
would be able to manage the rest. As soon as the ship struck, Captain
Clipperton sent Lieutenant Serjeantson, with eight men, to take
possession of her; who, as soon as he came on board, ordered all that
appeared into the great cabin, and placed a centinel at the door of it.
Thinking every thing secure, and not in the least apprehensive of
danger, he with some of his men went into the hold to see what was in
the ship; on which the passengers, who were concealed, sallied out,
knocked most of them down, and the French boatswain, coming behind Mr.
Serjeantson, knocked him down likewise, and then ordered them to be all
bound. The Spaniards in the great cabin secured the centinel; and,
having thus recovered their ship, made instantly for the shore, where
their own company and the prisoners were all in equal danger of
perishing; which the Captain no sooner perceived, than he ordered the
English to be unbound; and, by good fortune, every man escaped upon the
rocks, against which the Spaniard in his eagerness had run his vessel,
and against which she was dashed to pieces. Lieutenant Serjeantson and
his people were secured, and sent prisoners to Lima. The Viceroy of Peru
was no sooner acquainted with this gallant action, than he ordered a new
ship to be built at Guiaquil for the Captain, and taxed the traders
towards the expence of her, intending this as a reward for the service
he had rendered the public, and hoping thereby to encourage others to
behave as nobly. On the arrival of the prisoners at Lima, they were
closely examined and one of them gave a full account of every thing he
knew, particularly of the two men left upon the island of Juan
Fernandez, and of the bottle with a letter in it; upon which, the
Viceroy ordered a small vessel to be fitted out, to fetch both the one
and the other, which was accordingly performed.
It was not till the 20th that Captain Clipperton perceived that his last
prize was retaken; when, considering what was best to be done, he
prudently determined to set his Spanish prisoners at liberty, as well to
save provisions, which, at that time, he could very ill spare, as that
their good usage might be speedily known, and returned to such of his
men as were in the enemy’s power.
Accordingly, on the 27th, they came to an anchor with all their prizes,
at the island of La Plata, and, in his way, took another prize, called
the Cayetan, of 200 tons, having on board 40 negroes, and 30 Spaniards,
most of them passengers. Here the Captain began seriously to consider
how he should make the most of this expedition for his owners, as well
as himself, and his company. He knew that all the coast was alarmed; and
that two men of war, one of fifty, and one of thirty guns, were fitted
out on purpose to take him: he was sensible, that the goods he had on
board were not likely to be ransomed in that part of the world; and that
they would prove mere drugs, if brought into this; and therefore laid
all these things together; and, reflecting on a proposition made by
Captain Woods Rogers, to send a cargo of such prize-goods to Brazil, he
resolved to try the experiment; and, accordingly, he fitted out the bark
in which he took the Countess of Laguna; mounted her with eight guns;
and, putting on board of her thirteen Englishmen, and ten negroes, with
what provisions and other necessaries he could spare, he sent her with a
cargo of European commodities, valued at 10,000 pounds, for Brazil,
under the command of Captain Mitchell, his second in command. As soon as
he was gone, the Captain parted with all his other prizes, presenting
them to the Spanish prisoners, after taking out of them what he thought
valuable, and detaining only the Captain of one of them for his pilot,
and all the negroes; after which he sailed from that island, in order to
cruize in his former station.
December 12, they saw a sail about five in the evening, and, at seven,
took her. She was called the Rosary, and laden with provisions. The
launch and pinnace were all the next day employed in bringing on board
the cargo, and having got out of her as much as they could stow, they
cut her main-mast by the board, lest she should overset, and so let her
go. The prisoners informed them that the men taken by the Rosario were
sent to Lima by land. On the 27th they looked into Guanchaco bay, and
found two ships at anchor. They fired a shot at each, but they made no
return. Sending then their boats aboard, they found them abandoned, and
could discover nothing left, except some bread, and a few jars of water.
They hung out a flag of truce, and fired two guns at half an hour’s
interval, hoping they would have come aboard to ransom their ships. They
were answered from shore; but no boat coming, they waited till next day,
and then set them on fire.
It was now resolved to bear away for refreshment to the Gallapagos
islands, where they might remain unmolested till the alarm of their
being in those seas should be over; and, accordingly, put their design
in execution. On January 9, 1720, they anchored on the north side of the
Duke of York’s island, immediately under the Equinoctial, where they
found good water, and cleaned their ship, which confirms the account
given by Captain Cowley, though Captain Rogers could not find the place.
On the 21st of January they observed a sail, and about eleven at night
came up with her; and, on firing of their first gun, she struck. She was
called the Prince Eugene, and had on board the Marquis de Villa Roche,
and all his family, who were going to Lima.
On February 26th, a Spaniard dying of a wound he had received at the
taking this ship, the Marquis desired he might be buried according to
their ceremonies; which was granted. When the office for the dead had
been performed, and the corpse thrown over-board, with a large bag of
ballast tied at his feet, the Spaniards crying thrice, as their custom
is on such occasion, _Bon Voiage_, i. e. a good voyage, the body, to the
admiration of every one, presently floated, and continued floating as
far as they could see it; which the Marquis concluded to be an ill omen,
and declared that some surprising accident would be the consequence.
On March 8, a priest, who was on board the Prince Eugene, desired leave
to go on shore on the island of Velas; which was granted, on his
promising to persuade the inhabitants to drive some black cattle to the
shore, in order to exchange them for what goods they liked best. On the
16th, he returned with four head of black cattle, some fowls, and fruit,
as a present to the Marquis; but at the same time declared, that the
Governor would not suffer the inhabitants to trade. He said, Captain
Mitchell had been ashore there, and had shot some of their cattle; but
that 200 men appearing under arms, they had forced him to retire. The
next day some letters from the Marquis were intercepted, very little to
his honour, since they tended to stir up the people to surprise, and
secure the boat when it came next ashore to water. Upon this, Captain
Clipperton confined him for some days; yet, on the 20th, he allowed both
the Marquis and his lady to go ashore, leaving their only child as an
hostage.
On April 14, the Marquis, his lady, and the Governor, came aboard; and,
an agreement being made for their ransom, the lady and child were sent
on shore, and the Marquis only remained as an hostage. In this
transaction Clipperton appears to have been outwitted by this nobleman,
who basely broke his word, and provoked the crew for trusting him. On
April 20th, they anchored in the gulph of Amapala; and, not being able
to water there, repaired to the island of Tigers, where they did it with
great ease. On June 4, they sailed to Gorgona on the same errand, and
were well supplied. On the 24th, they made prize a second time of the
St. Vincent, now commanded by Don Clement de Andrado, laden with timber
and cocoa-nuts. On August 11, they anchored, with their prize, at the
island of Lobos de la Mar, where they set up tents on the shore,
scrubbed and cleaned their ship, and where the crew talked over their
affairs, till they began to think them desperate. Sometimes they
reflected on the Captain, for pretending to remain in these seas without
their consort; at other times, they blamed him for giving in to the
Spanish Marquis’s project for ransoming his ship, which, they believed,
would never be performed: and, now-and-then, the ship’s corporal, one
James Roch, a bold, busy, intriguing fellow, threw in some sly
insinuations, that, it they must go through such hardships, it was
better they should do it for their own sakes, than for other peoples;
and one Joseph Maynard, the boatswain’s mate, pushing things still
further, a plot was at last formed for seizing the Captain, the rest of
the officers, and running away with the ship. They likewise agreed,
that, when their design was brought to bear, the officers should be set
on shore on the island of Lobos, and all who afterwards opposed them
shot without mercy. This wicked combination, however, was happily
discovered, the two ringleaders severely punished, and the rest
pardoned; by which wise conduct the conspiracy was suppressed. On the
17th they took a fishing-boat, with a large quantity of salt-fish well
cured; but found the St. Vincent, which they had left at an anchor under
the island of Lobos, driven ashore, and sunk: here they put thirty-eight
Spanish prisoners on board the fishing-boat, and sent them away.
Nov. 1, they entered the bay of Conception, where, missing a prize that
outsailed them, they bore away for Coquimbo, and took a ship laden with
tobacco, sugar, and cloth, in their passage. On the 6th, in the
afternoon, they opened that harbour, where they saw three men-of-war
lying, with their top-sails loose; and these no sooner spied them, than
they cut their cables, and stood after them. The Success hauled close on
a wind, and the prize did the same; upon which the Spanish man-of-war
that sailed best gave chace to the latter, and took her. The other two
ships crouded all the sail they could to come up with the Success, but
she outsailing them, made her escape. In the Spanish prize they lost
their third Lieutenant, Mr. James Milne, and twelve of their best men.
The Captain who took him was the famous Don Blas de Lesso, Governor of
Carthagena, when attacked by Admiral Vernon. Don Blas treated his
prisoner a little roughly at first, being enraged to find he had missed
the English privateer, and only retaken a Spanish prize; and, in the
first transport of his passion, struck Mr. Milne on the head with the
flat of his sword; but, when he came to himself, he sent for him, and,
finding him stripped by his soldiers, generously asked his pardon,
ordered him a new suit of cloaths, and kept him for some time on board
his ship. He afterwards procured his liberty at Lima, paid for his
passage to Panama, where he gave him a jar of brandy, and another of
wine, for his sea-stores, put 200 pieces of eight in his pocket, and
sent him to England. This unlucky accident of losing their prize revived
the ill humours among Clipperton’s men, who did not indeed plot again,
but became exceedingly dejected. On the 16th they saw another sail, and
gave chace, which, after a few guns fired on both sides, bore away,
being a clean ship, and left them; which proved a lucky escape; for this
was likewise a ship of force, fitted out to take Capt. Shelvock, and
commanded by one Fitzgerald, who, knowing this was not Shelvock’s ship,
and doubting what strength she might be of, had no great stomach to
engage her. These repeated disappointments, as they broke the spirits of
his crew, so they had a very bad effect on Capt. Clipperton himself, who
began now to betake himself to drinking; and, as this vice generally
grows upon people under misfortunes, he drank at last to such an excess,
that he was hardly ever quite cool or sober. It was chiefly owing to
this unhappy practice, that he fell into many errors in his future
conduct. They were now in want of provisions, and they resolved to
continue cruising to the north, to seek a supply. In this cruize they
had but indifferent success; and, therefore, on the 27th, they set
ashore their Spanish prisoners, and then determined to go once more to
the Gallapagos, in order to refresh. In their passage to these islands,
they began to suspect some error in their log-line; and, upon measuring,
found it three fathoms too short.
On the 4th of December, they lost their purser; and the same day found
themselves very near the Gallapagos islands, but could find no
anchoring-place, nor any fresh-water, though they had found a fine road
on their first visit, which gave Shelvock occasion to charge Clipperton
with want of skill; they therefore made the best way they could to the
Isle of Cocoas, where they hoped certainly to get some fish, fowl, and
cocoa-nuts, most of their people being very sick and weak. On the 17th
in the morning they came in sight of it, which filled them with
inexpressible joy. On the 18th, all that could be spared went on shore
to build a kind of booth for the reception of their sick, who were all
conveniently lodged. The Captain opened here the last cask of brandy for
the use of the ship’s company, and gave every man a dram a day; and, on
New-Year’s-day, he allowed a gallon of strong beer to every mess; and,
by having here plenty of nourishing food and much ease, the crew began
to recover, and were able to wood and water, though with much
difficulty.
On the 17th of January, 1721, the Captain made the necessary
dispositions for sailing; but, when they came to muster the men, there
were no less than eleven missing, three Englishmen, and eight negroes,
who chose rather to remain in this unfrequented island, than continue
exposed to dangers and fatigues on board, and to their living constantly
at short allowance.
On the 25th, they arrived on the coast of Mexico, where, discovering a
sail, they sent their pinnace to give her chace; to whom she instantly
struck. She proved to be Jesu Maria, commanded by Capt. Shelvock; and
the account he gave was, That he had no more than forty men alive, the
rest being all dead, or dispersed; that he had lost the Speedwell at
Juan Fernandez, where they built a bark out of the wreck; that they had
coasted along Chili and Peru, till they came to Pisco, near Lima where
they took this prize; that they had no regular command among them; that
they had chosen a quartermaster, carrying every thing by a majority of
votes; and that they had quite broken their articles with their owners,
and had shared all among themselves.
On the 27th, Captain Shelvock came aboard, being sent for by Captain
Clipperton and the agent, to give an account of his transactions. The
boat brought Mr. Dod, Lieutenant of marines, having been used very ill
for his attachment to the owners; at least so he asserted, and was
firmly believed by Captain Clipperton, and his officers. The next day
Captain Shelvock sent on board them six chests of pitch and dammer, and
two barrels of tar, with six slabs of copper: Captain Clipperton spared
him twenty-four quarter-deck guns, some great shot, a compass, and a few
other necessaries: his people purchased cloaths, shoes, hats, and other
necessaries; and Mr. Hendric the purser, and Mr. Dod, continued in the
Success, designing never more to sail with Shelvock.
In the beginning of March, both time and place favouring, they
determined to attempt the Manilla ship, before she entered Acapulco.
On the 13th, they again met Captain Shelvock, and, at a general
consultation, agreed to make the attempt jointly. But, previous to the
signing this agreement, it was proposed by Captain Clipperton to form a
joint stock, to bury all former miscarriages in oblivion, and again to
act in concert for the good of the owners. This proposition was rejected
by Captain Shelvock and his people, who did not care to part with what
they possessed; upon which Captain Clipperton and his company,
perceiving there was nothing to be expected from their consort, and that
they were too weak of themselves to effect their purpose, determined to
sail directly to the East-Indies, and instantly put their resolution in
execution, without waiting for or consulting Captain Shelvock.
The run from the coast of Mexico to the island of Guam, they performed
in fifty-three days; and, May the 13th, anchored in the road of
Umatta,--from whence they sent their pinnace ashore, with a flag of
truce, in order to obtain some provisions, which met at first with a
favourable reception, being told that, if they behaved civilly, and paid
honestly, they should be furnished with what the island could afford.
Soon after the launch arrived, and brought on board some cattle, bread,
sugar, greens, palm-wine, and brandy, from the Governor, with a large
quantity of chocolate. In return for which, his health was drank by the
whole ship’s crew, under a salvo of seven guns: this was the last act of
civility that passed between them.
On the 18th of May, their prisoner, the Marquis de Ville Roche, went
ashore, in company with the agent, the first lieutenant and doctor,
having previously agreed with the Governor about his ransom. Our launch
was employed six days in bringing wood, water, and provision aboard;
during which time, the Governor desired he might have some arms and
ammunition in exchange: accordingly Captain Clipperton sent him twelve
fuzees, three jars of powder, sixty round shot, four pair of pistols,
besides cutlasses, long swords, and daggers. The 25th, they received a
letter, in which the Governor demanded the Marquis’s jewels, some
consecrated plate, and two negroes, being Christians, and subjects to
the King of Spain; as also a certificate, under the Captain and officers
hands, that peace was proclaimed, detaining Mr. Godfrey and Mr. Pritty
till all this was performed. The Captain returned for answer, that the
Solidad, the last prize taken on the coast of Chili, declared there was
peace between England and Spain; but, withal, assured the Governor,
that, if he did not, in twenty-four hours, send the ransom with the two
gentlemen, he would demolish the houses upon the shore, burn the ship in
the harbour, and do all the mischief he could at the Philippine islands.
After this declaration, hostilities commenced on both sides. The people
on shore had raised a battery from whence they fired at the pinnace. The
ship ran a-ground between two fires, one from the battery over their
heads, and another from the ship in the harbour. In endeavouring to get
their ship off, they ran foul of the rocks. The enemy fired so warmly
with stones and shot, that they suffered extremely in their hull and
rigging. They had three men wounded, besides the misfortune of losing
Mr. Davidson, their first Lieutenant, who was an honest man, and a good
officer.
[Illustration: _The distrest Situation of the Success between the fire
of the Spanish Fort at Umata & the Ship in the harbour herself at the
Same time Wedged on a Rock_]
In this emergency, the Captain being overcome with liquor, the officers
signed a paper indemnifying Mr. Cook for taking upon him the command.
They cleared away the hold, ready to start their water, to make the ship
lighter; and got their upper and lower deck guns forward, to bring her
by the head, the ship hanging abaft on the rock.
During the last twenty-four hours, they had happily only one man
wounded; but the ship was wretchedly torn and mangled between wind and
water. The 30th, at six in the afternoon, the ship floating, they cut
away the yawl, she being sunk with the shot; the other boats were much
damaged; they hove to their small bower, then cut it away, and the other
two hawsers, and sent their pinnace a-head, to tow the ship off. Just as
they got afloat, the enemy fired so smartly from the new battery, that
their shot raked them through between wind and water, killing one of
their people, and wounding two others. They lost both their bow-anchors
and cables, the stern and kedge anchors, four hawsers, four of their
lower-deck guns, and nineteen barrels of powder, two men killed, and six
wounded, having stood for no less than fifty hours a fair mark for the
enemy to fire at; and, if they had not got clear, it was believed they
would have been sunk before morning. At ten in the forenoon they brought
to, and began to splice their rigging, not a rope of which escaped a
shot. Their carpenters were employed in fixing the masts and yards, and
the rest of their people in fixing the rigging. At six in the afternoon
they took their departure, leaving Mr. Godfrey and Mr. Pritty in the
hands of the enemy. This was certainly one of the worst errors committed
by Clipperton; for he should never have quitted the Marquis, without
having the ransom in his hands.
On the 24th of June, they were in sight of the Bashee Islands; and, on
the last day of the month, they saw the island-shoals of Prata.
On the 1st of July, they fell in with other islands, and passed several
boats that were fishing, though no such islands are laid down in any
chart. They anchored under one of these islands, and dispatched their
pinnace for intelligence; but not being able to learn their course to
Macao, nor to get a pilot, they determined to sail for Amoy; before
which port they arrived on the 5th in the evening, but were afraid to
enter it in the night, and therefore plied off and on till day-light.
They took notice of a great number of snakes in the sea, which were
brought down by the rivers that empty themselves on that coast. In the
evening of the 6th of July, they entered the port, and were well pleased
to find themselves once more in a place where they might hope to obtain
refreshments, and to be able to repair their ship; but they were no
sooner anchored in this port, than they had 10 custom-house officers put
on board them. The first thing these custom-house officers demanded was,
what the ship was reputed to be, and what business she had there.
Captain Clipperton answered, the ship belonged to the King of Great
Britain, and that she put in there by stress of weather, in order to
obtain provisions and necessaries. Next morning, the men mutinied, and
insisted on being immediately paid their prize-money. Mr. Taylor, to
whom we are indebted for this account, interposing, one Edward Boreman
told him, he had best desist, unless he had a mind to have a brace of
balls through his head. Mr. Cook, who commanded in the affair of Guam,
and who succeeded Mr. Davidson as First Lieutenant, now demanded thirty
shares, in right of his office; in which he was supported by the men.
Captain Clipperton, and the rest of the officers, seeing the turn things
were likely to take, were very desirous, that some allowance should be
made to the officers that were taken prisoners, and to Mr. Hendry and
Mr. Dod, who joined them from the Speedwell: but the men would hear of
no such allowances. Whilst these disputes lasted, some took it into
their heads to go ashore, without asking leave; and, when Captain
Clipperton would have corrected them, the whole company declared on
their side, and prevented it. After this, all things fell into
confusion: The men refused to work till they had their prize-money; and,
upon complaint, a guard of soldiers was sent on board, with a peremptory
order from the Mandarin to Captain Clipperton to comply.
On September 16, the distribution was made; and no allowance being
reserved for such as were taken prisoners, the representatives of those
who were dead, or the two gentlemen who had served on board the
Speedwell, the prize-money of a fore-mast-man was 419 dollars. According
to this distribution, the owners share in ready money, wrought silver,
gold, and jewels, amounted to between 6 and 7000l. sterling, which
Captain Clipperton caused to be immediately put on board a Portuguese
East-Indiaman, called the Queen of Angels, Don Francisco la Vero
Commander, which ship was unfortunately burnt at Rio Janeiro, on the
coast of Brasil, June 6, 1722. So that of these effects the owners
received no more, the charges of salvage deducted, than 1800l.
On September 30, they weighed anchor from the bay of Amoy, which lies in
the province of Tonkin, after having paid, under the article of port
charges, the most exorbitant sum of 1700 dollars; and then proceeded to
Macao, in the road of which they anchored, Oct. 4. As soon as Capt.
Clipperton entered the port, he saluted the fortress; which compliment
being returned, he went on shore, and found there the Captain of the
Portuguese man-of-war, who had undertaken to carry what belonged to the
owners to Brasil. The mutinous crew found themselves at a loss here, the
Portuguese Captain declaring absolutely in favour of their Commander;
and, therefore, Captain Cook, and another officer, took passage to
Canton, to consult Mr. Winder, supercargo to an East-Indiaman, and son
to one of the principal proprietors, as to the measures which should be
taken about carrying the Success home; and, upon their return, the ship
was surveyed, condemned, and sold for 4000 dollars: but Capt.
Clipperton, to shew his opinion of her, agreed with the persons who
bought her, for his passage in her to Batavia; a plain indication, that
there was no danger of her foundering at sea. The ship being sold, every
man thought himself at liberty to shift as well as he could, and to use
his best endeavour to save what little was left him. They were, by this
time, satisfied, that Captain Mitchell, his crew, and cargo, were all
gone to the bottom, or else fallen into the hands of the Spaniards;
which was to them pretty much the same thing; and, therefore, what they
had now in possession was all they had to expect. Twenty of them,
however, who had agreed to give six dollars a-piece for a passage in a
Chinese vessel to Canton, were taken by a pirate, and most of them lost
all their effects. After a short stay at Macao, Mr. Taylor, the chief
mate, got safe to Canton in an armed boat, for which he, and the rest of
the English seamen that staid with him, paid 20 dollars a-head: and when
they arrived, they were well received, and promised all imaginable
assistance towards getting home. There were, at this time, several ships
there ready to sail. The Captains of these vessels being solicited by
the factory to take Captain Clipperton’s men on board, they met, and
agreed to carry them to Great Britain for five pounds a man; and
accordingly they all paid their money. Mr. Taylor arrived safely at
Batavia in the month of December, sailed from thence to the Cape of Good
Hope in February, came to St. Helena in March, and, in May 1722, arrived
in London. The rest of the ship’s company returned, some sooner, some
later, as opportunities offered; but, as for Capt. Mitchell, who was
sent to Brasil with a small crew, he was never heard of, and most
probably was destroyed on the island of Velas, where he went ashore for
the sake of getting fresh provisions.
Captain Clipperton sailed in the Success, after she was sold, as a
passenger, from Macao to Batavia; from whence he procured a passage home
in a Dutch East-India ship, and arrived, in the beginning of July, 1722,
at Galway, in Ireland, where he died in less than a week of a broken
heart.
Thus ended the unfortunate voyage of Captain Clipperton; that of Captain
Shelvock remains to be related.
THE
VOYAGE
OF
CAPTAIN SHELVOCK
ROUND THE WORLD.
We have already given an account, in the introduction to the preceding
voyage, of the motives that influenced the owners to undertake it, and
of the difficulties and discouragements that attended the first setting
out. It remains now only to relate the proceedings of Captain Shelvock,
the second in command, who has himself been very circumstantial in
laying before the public the following particulars.
On the 13th of February, 1719, we sailed from Plymouth, in company with
the Success, of 36 guns, Captain John Clipperton, who, in consideration
of his knowledge of the coasts and customs of Chili, Peru, and Mexico,
was to act as chief of the expedition.
On the 15th, I came under his lee, complained of the crankness of my
ship, and desired him to send for his wine and brandy, which he
neglecting, lost his sea stock of liquors; for we never saw any thing of
each other till about two years afterwards.
Thursday 19, a storm arose, and about midnight a sea drove in our
quarter and one of our stern dead lights. For a considerable time we
were under apprehensions of foundering; a succession of prodigious seas
drove over us; and in this melancholy state, the chain pump was the only
means of our deliverance.
February 20, we had no sight of the Success, and at midnight set the
topsails and stood to the north-westward.
This storm so terrified my ship’s company, that no less than 70 of them
were resolved upon bearing away for England, there to make complaint
against the ship. But, on the 23d, perceiving their discontent, I
ordered them all on deck, and used what arguments with them I was master
of, to encourage them to proceed; but all I could say was but to little
purpose. They continued in their resolution to clap the helm a
_weather_; and grew to that height of insolence at last, that I was
obliged to call upon my officers to assist in bringing the mutineers to
reason. For this end most of them appeared armed; and the sight of this
so startled the ringleaders, that they very submissively begged I would
forgive them; as I did, upon promise for the future to behave as became
them. After this, seeing them inclined to be tractable, I ordered them
some brandy, and they drank to our prosperous voyage. But the very next
evening, Simon Hatley, my second Captain, had like to have thrown every
thing into confusion, by telling me upon deck, before most of the ship’s
company, that he had private orders from one of the chief of the
gentlemen adventurers, and Captain Clipperton, to take the charge of the
ship upon himself. I asked him if he had a private commission too? but
to this he returned nothing but expressions of contempt. This
unseamanlike behaviour, immediately after my separation from my consort,
laid me under a necessity of behaving with all possible circumspection,
to prevent our being divided into parties, which would infallibly
frustrate the ends of our expedition.
We had a very tedious passage to our first place of rendezvous, the
Canary Islands; and did not arrive there till the 17th of March, where
having finished our cruise without any thing remarkable, except taking
an open boat with salt and wine, hearing nothing of the Success, on
March the 29th, we took our departure from the island of Ferro, in hopes
of meeting with Captain Clipperton among the islands of Cape de Verd,
and we took our prize along with us. But in our passage, my people began
again to murmur; and one Turner Stevens, my gunner, very gravely made a
proposal to me, in the hearing of all the other officers, to go a
cruizing in the Red Sea; for, said he, there can be no harm in robbing
those Mahometans; but, as for the poor Spaniards, continued he, they are
good Christians, and it would, doubtless, be a sin to injure them. Upon
this, I ordered him under confinement; and the man, after that, having
threatened, in a very outrageous manner, to blow up the ship, I, at his
own request, discharged him as soon as we arrived, together with my
chief mate, who had likewise been guilty of many and great misdemeanors.
On the 14th of April, we made the Isle of May; and, running along shore,
saw a wreck, which we were told was the Vanzittern Indiaman, Captain
Hide, who three weeks before had been cast away. I endeavoured to avail
myself of this accident, to supply the necessaries we stood in need of;
but could procure nothing but two or three sheathing-boards. At this
place I sold our prize for 150 dollars to the Governor; and filled all
our water-casks, and gave my ship a very good heel. Six of my people
having deserted, I applied in vain to the officer on shore to deliver
them up to me; but, threatening the Master of a Portuguese ship to make
reprisals, he brought me off two of them, which happened to be the best.
They fell on their knees, and asked pardon, assuring me the Commander on
shore had seduced them, his design being to fend the bark I sold him on
the Vanzittern’s wreck, where he said they might all make their
fortunes; so I lost the other four.
Finding I could neither hear of the Success, nor get what might be
serviceable to us in this place, and having read in Frezier’s voyage,
that in the island of St. Catherine’s, on the coast of Brasil, in
latitude 27 deg. 30 min. S. every thing might be had that we stood in
need of, I concluded it would be best for me to put in there.
April 20, we sailed from the Isle of May, having wrenched the drum-head
of our capstane in weighing anchor, which took us up the remainder of
the day to repair. We were 55 days in going to St. Catherine’s, during
which little remarkable happened; except that on June the 5th we saw a
ship stemming with us, and spoke with her. I ordered the five-oar’d boat
to be hoisted out, and sent Captain Hatley in her, to enquire after
news, and gave him money to buy us tobacco. The Success, amongst other
things, had got our stock of tobacco, and had made what the seamen call
a west-country famine on board of us. When Hatley returned, he told me
she was a Portuguese from Rio Janeiro, and bound to Fernambuco. Instead
of tobacco, which he said the ship had none to dispose of, he had laid
out my money in china ware, sweet-meats, and the like; and, upon my
expressing my dissatisfaction at his having squandered away my money in
so silly a manner, his answer was, that he had laid out his own in the
same manner. My reply was, I did not like his proceedings.
On Friday, June 19, we made the island of St. Catherine’s; and at ten
the next morning anchored in ten fathom water, the island of Gall
bearing E. N. E. distant two leagues, and the eastermost point of St.
Catherine’s E. and by S. distant four leagues. The first thing I did,
was to send the carpenter on shore, with all the people that could be
useful to him in felling of trees, and sawing them into plank, and to
order the cooper and his crew to trim the casks, and fill them with
water. Those who remained on board, I employed in different services.
Mean while the inhabitants came off to us every day with the product of
the place, which we purchased with salt.
On July 2, we were alarmed, at break of day, by the appearance of a
large ship at anchor four or five miles below the place where we lay. I
sent an officer in the launch, well manned and armed, to see what he
could make of her, and put my ship into the best posture of defence I
could. About noon my launch returned, and brought word that this ship
was the Ruby, formerly an English man-of-war, and now one of M.
Martinet’s squadron; that she came from the South Seas, and was
commanded by M. la Jonquiere; that he, his officers, and seamen, to the
number of 420, were all French; and tho’ in the Spanish service, they
had not the least design to molest us. My Lieutenant became thus
punctually informed, by a direct breach of orders in going aboard, and
his temerity might have cost me very dear; for, had they been enemies, I
should have lost 23 of my best hands; but their return confirmed the
truth of his story: yet it was a great misfortune, that I had not, to
the best of my knowledge, one man of experience or capacity sufficient
to enable him to perform the common duty of an officer.
The next day, the Ruby turned up towards us, and the Captain sent one of
his lieutenants and a priest, to assure me of his friendship, and to
desire I would dine with him, which I did, and met with a very handsome
reception, with offers of what money I would have upon my bills on
London, or in general any thing else his ship afforded. He informed me
that the Spaniards in the South Seas had advice of our two ships, and
that they talked of fitting out some men of war to receive us.
About this time there was a report spread, that Hatley had taken a bribe
of the Master of the Portuguese we met on the 5th of June, or had robbed
him of 80 or 100 moidores, had given ten to his cockswain, and six to
each of his boat’s crew, not to divulge it. I charged him with what had
been said against him; his answer was, He had done nothing he was
ashamed of, or that he could not justify. All I could do was to protest
against him, and I gave the protest to Captain Clipperton in the South
Seas.
July 6, M. la Jonquiere, accompanied by several of his officers and
passengers, came to dine with me; but in the midst of our entertainment,
my boatswain took it into his head to create a disturbance, because he
had not been invited into the cabbin as a guest. He first assaulted
Betagh the Captain of marines, and then Mr. Adams the surgeon. This
outrage, which was supported by a party he had formed, being, by the
help of my officers and the French gentlemen, pretty well quieted, M. la
Jonquiere declared, that, if they persisted in their disobedience, he
would see the ringleaders punished by carrying them home in irons; and
as they grew a little quieter, he expostulated with them, and appealed
to themselves, whether they did not think it monstrous for people to
behave themselves in such a manner.
The next morning I was informed, that the authors of the disturbance
were most of them sorry for what had happened the night before,
attributing the whole blame to the boatswain, and the effect of too much
liquor. I was glad to hear this, and therefore passed it all over with
only threatening how I would manage them, if ever they were guilty of
the like again. I had resolved to punish the boatswain in the severest
manner; but I was prevailed on not to do it, he, in very humble plight,
asking my pardon, and begging I would not use any severity towards him.
He said it was drink that had made him mad, and withal desired I would
give him leave to go home in the French ship. This I willingly agreed
to, he being a very odd sort of a fellow, and always incensing the
people against the number of officers, whom he termed Blood-suckers.
July 15, we saw a great ship plying into the harbour’s mouth; but when
she discovered us, she made the best of her way out again. This
possessed M. la Jonquiere with a notion of her being our consort, and
put him into a hurry to be gone. Accordingly, when night came on, he
weighed, and went to sea the next morning, and at his departure saluted
me with five guns. Three Frenchmen, belonging to me, went away with him;
but I had two Frenchmen, and one Morphew, an Irishman, in lieu of them.
During all this, our carpenter went on but slowly in the woods; and at
last, when we came to case the stern all over with thick plank, we could
find, to my great astonishment, no nails fit for that use. I was now
told, that the first carpenter, and his crew, had sold most of the
stores before the ship came to Plymouth, which was before I commanded
her.
July 25, a large ship came in, called the Wise Solomon, of St. Malo’s,
of 40 guns, and about 160 men, commanded by M. Dumain Girard, and bound
to the coasts of Chili and Peru to trade. She was the same ship we saw
coming in before, and had spoke with the Ruby at sea. This gentleman, I
soon perceived, notwithstanding a little forced civility at his first
arrival, was a designing mercenary man, and full of all the conceit and
vanity ascribed to his nation.
Desiring him to spare me some nails, he readily answered he would; but,
at the same time, gave me to understand that he could not afford them
for less than 32 dollars a hundred, which sum I was fain to give him; I
likewise bought of him 60 cheeses, and 300 weight of butter; so that it
happened well for me, that I had some money from one of the Ruby’s
people. This done, I now thought of making a quick dispatch from this
place, when there came a letter from my ship’s company to me, with
articles annexed to it for the immediate division of prize-money, which
they said they were resolved to insist on, alledging that they knew by
woeful experience how they were used on board the Duke and Dutchess,
that they were never paid one tenth of their due, and that they had been
well informed what a paymaster a certain gentleman would make, if ever
their fortunes should fall into his hands. They were so very importunate
with me to comply with their articles, that both myself, and all my
chief officers, thought it would be best and most adviseable to sign
their papers with them, rather than run the risque of their proceeding,
when they should get out to sea, to acts of piracy. As soon as they had
gained their point, they expressed great satisfaction, and promised to
be always ready to hazard their lives in any undertaking I should think
conducive to the ends we were fitted out for.
August 3, there came in here the St. Francisco Xavier, a Portuguese
man-of-war, of 40 guns, and 300 men, from Lisbon, bound to Macao in
China, commanded by Captain la Riviere, a Frenchman. I made no doubt but
that Captain Hatley’s affair would be reported to this gentleman, and,
therefore, I told Hatley, that I expected he would go and vindicate
himself to the Portuguese Captain, to prevent any disturbances that
might arise on his account. To which he readily replied he would.
Hatley, at his return, told me, the Captain seemed to be angry with him
for thinking he could harbour any ill thought of a gentleman bound on a
voyage, which, to his knowledge, could hardly fail of answering the
largest expectations.
August 6, three of my men deserted, and the mate and his party went up
to the Portuguese plantations in search of them. It being almost
midnight, the inhabitants took the alarm, and planted themselves in
ambuscade to destroy them as they came back. No sooner had they returned
into the boat, than they heard them rushing out of the woods, crying,
“Kill the dogs, kill all the English dogs.” This outcry was instantly
followed by a volley of small arms, which wounded three of my men, two
through the thigh, and another through the arm.
I sent a letter of complaint, by Hatley, to the Captain of the
Portuguese man-of-war in the harbour: but Hatley, at his entrance into
the ship, was furiously assaulted by Emanuel Mansa (the Captain of the
island), crying out, This was the man who had committed so many
insolencies towards them, and that this was he who had burnt one of
their houses, and had made it a common practice to abuse and affront him
with the opprobrious name of cuckold. Upon this exclamation, the ship’s
company sided with Mansa, and fell upon Hatley, and would certainly have
used both him and his boat’s crew very severely, had not the Captain and
his officers, with much difficulty, prevented it; for the Portuguese
seamen were exasperated to that degree, that it is more than likely they
would have murdered him, had they not been timely hindered.
The Captain, in his answer to my letter, expressed his sorrow for what
had happened, said the people were without law, and that it was out of
his power to punish them; that they were wild and lurked in the woods;
and that in seeking revenge, it would only expose my men to butchery. He
asked my pardon for the ill usage my officer had met with on board his
ship; but withal gave me to understand, there could be no greater
provocation to the people of that nation, than that which Hatley was
accused of by Mansa. That his ship’s company had got Hatley amongst them
before he knew any thing of the matter, and that he was obliged to call
his priest to his assistance, before he could get him out of their
hands, and in a very handsome manner touched upon Hatley’s story. I made
no long stay after this disaster, but took our departure from the
northernmost point of St. Catherine’s on the 9th of August; and on the
19th, Mr. La Port, my third Lieutenant, broke his leg.
From the time we left St. Catherine’s, till now, we had for the most
part squally weather. As we advanced to the southward, my people’s
stomachs increased with the sharpness of the air to that degree, that
the allowance which the government gives in the navy was not sufficient
to satisfy their hunger. Some of my officers, in particular Mr. Betagh,
my Captain of marines, who had been formerly a purser of a man-of-war,
and a man whom I had a great regard for, was the champion for an
addition of allowance at my table; for he told me he had orders from the
adventurers to eat with me; and what was my table, if I did not eat
better than the cook? He did not stop here, but urged by his
intemperance, and finding me unwilling to squander away our provisions,
without knowing when or where we might get any more, he at length had
the insolence to tell me publicly, that the voyage should be short with
me, which he often repeated. I should have had reason to fear it, had he
been capable of commanding; but, for his punishment, I excluded him both
from my mess and the great cabbin. Upon this, finding I was in earnest
with him, and fearing some heavier punishment, he sent me a letter,
asking my pardon for what he had done; upon which I again restored him
in a handsomer manner than he afterwards deserved, as will appear by the
sequel.
Between St. Catherine’s and the river of Plate, the whales, grampusses,
and other fish of monstrous bulk, are in such numbers, that I cannot see
why a trade for blubber might not be carried on here. I may venture to
affirm, it is a safer navigation than that carried on to the northward,
and I am apt to believe here is a greater certainty of success in making
up a cargo.
Sept. 19, about midnight I perceived the water to be discoloured all at
once, and upon heaving the lead, we found ourselves in 26 fathom water;
this done, I stood off again to sea, but we did not deepen our water in
the running of five leagues. This seems to be a bank very near the
entrance of the straits of Magellan. I had a fine opportunity of going
through these straits: but Captain Clipperton in his plan pretended, out
of the abundance of his judgment and experience, that the straits of Le
Mair would be the best navigation for us, though he himself passed
through the straits of Magellan. From this I might have conjectured,
that he, who never was fond of having a consort with him, designed to
make use of this as a likely expedient to separate himself; for he was a
man that would do any thing, though ever so dishonest or inhuman;--[a
reflection, however, that carries more of malice than of truth on the
face of it.]
Sept. 13, the fog clearing up, we had a full, but melancholy prospect,
of the most desolate country that can be conceived, seeming no other
than continued ridges and chains of mountains, one within another,
perpetually buried in snow. Towards noon we were becalmed within three
leagues of the mountains called the Three Brothers, so named from their
equal height, near resemblance, and proximity to one another. Till now,
we had not been sensible of any helps or hindrances by currents; but
this afternoon we were hurried with incredible rapidity into the
straits, and just as we had gained somewhat more than the mid-passage,
the northern tide came rushing upon us with a violence equal to that of
the tide which had brought us in, and, to our great astonishment, drove
us out of the straits again at a great and extraordinary rate,
notwithstanding we had a fresh and fair gale with us at N. W. Upon the
shifting of this tide to windward, there arose such a short, and, while
it lasted, so hollow a sea, and so lofty withal, that we alternately
dipped our bowsprit end, and poop lanthorns, into the water. Our ship
laboured in the most alarming manner, and became insensible of the
guidance of her helm; but at midnight the tide shifted, and we put
through the straits without seeing the land on either side, and in the
morning had a very good offing to the southward. We had found it very
cold before we came this length, but now we began to feel the extreme of
it. The bleak westerly winds of themselves would have been sufficiently
piercing, but they were always attended with drifts either of snow or
sleet, which, continually beating on our sails and rigging, cased the
masts and every rope with ice, so that there was no handling them. It
was common with us to be two or three days together lying to under bare
poles, exposed all the while to the assaults of prodigious seas, much
larger than any I had ever observed before. The winds reigning thus
tempestuously, without intermission, in the western board, we had
stretched away into lat. 61 deg. 30 min. S. where we were in continual
dread of falling foul of islands of ice, and where we found the
variation to be 22 deg. 6 min. to the north-eastward.
October 1, as we were furling the main-sail, one William Camell cried
out, that his hands were so benumbed, he could not hold himself; but
before those who were next to him could lay hold of him, he fell into
the sea, and the ship making fresh way, and the sea running high, we
lost sight of him before we could bring to. Indeed, one would imagine it
impossible that any thing could live in so rigid a climate; and, truly,
we saw neither fish nor bird, except one solitary albitross, which
accompanied us for several days, and hovered about us, till Hatley
concluding, in a gloomy fit, that the company of this melancholy bird
brought us ill luck, resolved to destroy him, in hopes we might then
have better weather.
October 22, at eight at night, we carried away our fore-top-mast, and
rigged another next morning. We crept by very slow degrees, after we had
ventured to tack and stand to the northward, in hopes to weather our way
into the Great South Seas; and indeed it may be averred, that from the
time we passed the straits of Le Mair, till we had the first sight of
the coast of Chili, we had been continually distressed by the winds, and
discouraged by bad weather.
Nov. 14, we saw the coast of Chili, distant 10 leagues, lat. by
observation 47 deg. 28 min. S.
Being now arrived on the confines of the Spanish settlements, we found
ourselves under an absolute necessity of contriving some means by which
we might recruit our wood and water. We had but seven buts of water
remaining, and a much less proportion of wood. I thought it would be
best for us to go first to Narborough’s island, and accordingly directed
our course to that place.
Nov. 21, at seven in the morning, we had soundings in 28 fathom water,
of fine grey and black sand. But here we found a wild road, which could
not be deemed safe for us.--[Here Captain Shelvock laments it as a great
misfortune, that he could not reach Juan Fernandez, in latitude 33 deg.
30 min. S. without stopping; though at the same time it is plain, that
he lost more time in searching for a nearer place of refreshment, than
the direct passage to that island would have taken him up. But the
imputation he would throw upon Clipperton is applicable only to himself:
he never intended to act under him; and all his excuses are mere
shifts.]
Surrounded with doubts and apprehensions, says he, lest we should be
obliged to advance too far on these coasts, without a competent stock of
provisions, one Joseph de la Fontaine, a Frenchman, assured me, that, if
I would go to the island of Chiloe, which was at that time a little to
the northward of us, there was no place for our purpose like it in all
the South Seas; that the towns of Chacao and Calibuco, the first on the
island itself, and the second on the continent, were rich places; that
the former was the usual place of residence of the Governor, and that at
the latter there was a wealthy college of Jesuits; and that there were
considerable magazines kept up, which were always well stocked with
provisions of all kinds.
On these considerations I formed a resolution of going to Chiloe; and on
the 30th of November we entered the channel, with an intent to surprize
and attack the towns of Chacao and Calibuco: but, immediately after we
had come to, the windward tide made out with prodigious rapidity, which
instantly caused a great sea; and the wind increasing at the same time,
the channel all about us appeared like one continued breach. In the
midst of this our ship laid a great strain upon her cable, which
unfortunately parted, and we lost our anchor. We passed by two
commodious bays; and, at length, we rounded a point of land out of the
tide’s way, where we were commodiously sheltered from all
inconveniences; and, the next morning, I sent my second Lieutenant to
make a discovery of the towns of Chacao and Calibuco, and, at the same
time, Captain Hatley, to find out a watering-place for us. He soon
returned again, and brought with him an Indian, who gave us hopes of a
sufficient supply of all we wanted, but afterwards came in the evening
to tell us, the country was forbidden to supply us with any thing. The
Lieutenant not being yet returned, this information made me apprehend
the enemy had taken him, and by that means had learned who we were.
December 3, there came to us a Spanish officer, in a piragua rowed by
eight Indians, who was sent by the Governor to be informed who we were.
As soon as we had a sight of the piragua, I hoisted French colours, and,
when the Spaniard came on board, I told him, we were a homeward-bound
French ship called the St. Rose, and that my name was le Janis le
Breton. Under this notion he staid with us all night, and next morning
departed, not seeming to suspect us. I wrote to the Governor by this
gentleman, signifying, that I wanted a supply of provisions to carry me
back to France, desiring him to assist me in what he could; and received
for answer a complaint against the violences of our men, in killing
their sheep, and driving away their cattle, by which I knew that they
had seen my Lieutenant. But I was in despair of ever seeing him, or the
people who were with him, any more. I therefore sent a message to the
Governor, that provisions I wanted, and provisions I must have, and that
very speedily; and that all the forces of Chacao, Calibuco, Carelmapo,
or Castro, should not frighten or deter me from supplying myself. Soon
after, there came a piragua with a message, signifying, that if I would
send an officer to Chacao, he would treat with me. But I gave him for
answer, that I would treat no where but on board my own ship; and
farther, that it was now too late, since I had already dispatched 80 men
to take all they could find.
Soon after the pinnace arrived, which I had so long given over for lost,
with all her crew; but they were so terrified, that I had no hopes of
their being fit for service in any reasonable time. The officer had no
excuse for not returning as soon as he had got a sight of the town, but
that the tide hurried him away at unawares, and that in the fright he
had forgot he had a graplin in the boat to come to with, till the tide
had shifted. I said but little to him; and only made the officer
sensible of his mismanagement, which had been the ruin of the
advantageous views I might have had, in taking either Chacao or
Calibuco.
December 16, we had now our decks full of live cattle, such as European
sheep, hogs, guanicoes, poultry in abundance, and hams, &c. as also a
good quantity of wheat, barley, potatoes, maize, or Indian corn; and, in
short, I computed that I had added four months provisions to what
remained of our English stock, and that without the least hindrance or
molestation from the enemy.
December 17, we began to unmoor, and at noon we weighed, and sailed out
with the wind at W. S. W. The night before we departed, one of our men
made his escape into the woods. It was beyond all dispute that this
fellow would give a full account of us. This, added to the ill conduct
of my Lieutenant, together with the contrary execution of all my orders,
by those officers whom I had hitherto entrusted in affairs of
importance, made me despair of ever having any thing done to purpose;
and on this occasion, I could not forbear reflecting on the
mismanagement of some gentlemen in England, who blindly made use of
their interest to prefer persons to posts for which they were utterly
unfit.
I sailed from Chiloe with a design to go straight to the island of Juan
Fernandez, but was prevented by my people, who were possessed with
notions of vast advantages to be made by going to the port of
Conception. It was our Frenchman, who had been so instrumental in our
Chiloenian attempt, who was the cause of this. Finding his accounts
hitherto tolerably just, they once more listened to him; and every one
of my ship’s company, who could say any thing at this juncture, did not
fail to speak his mind somewhat insolently; particularly William
Morphew, one of the men I had out of the Ruby, and who had been in these
seas several years, took upon him to tell me that it could not signify
much whether we arrived two or three days sooner or later at Juan
Fernandez; that I was a stranger here, but that the Frenchman and
himself were so well acquainted with these seas, that every body hoped I
would be advised and go to Conception, and not put a mere punctilio to
orders in the balance against a certainty of success, if we were so
happy as to arrive at that port in time. Considering now how easily they
might be brought to throw off command, and how little I should be able
to help myself, alone, as I might be said to be, if they came to that
extremity, I complied with them, and resolved to spend two or three days
in going to Conception; and, on December the 23d, we came abreast of the
Teats of Bio Bio, and in the evening arrived in the bay, from whence I
ordered the boats, well manned and armed, to go up in the night to
surprize what ships or vessels might be in the harbour, and to make what
observations they could concerning the place.
About noon, Captain Hatley returned in the pinnace, and informed me he
had taken the Solidad d’Anday, of 150 tons, the only ship in the road or
port, lately come from Baldivia, laden with timber; had no body on board
except the boatswain, an old negroe, and two Indian boys. He took also a
small vessel of about 25 tons, near the island of Quiriquine, which
belonged to a priest who had been gathering fruits, and was now made a
prisoner in her, together with four or five Indians. This vessel we
found very useful, and called her the Mercury, being well built, and
ready upon all occasions to look into port. There was another small
vessel that passed within pistol-shot, but Capt. Hatley never once
offered to follow her, or bring her to. Hatley, truly, said, he did not
mind her, though his boat’s crew all agreed she was full of men. This
vessel was bringing advice of us from Chiloe. I did not fail to
reprimand him for this, but to what effect!
Dec. 26, the priest being very solicitous to ransom his bark, he left my
ship in the morning, and, in my pinnace rowed by Indians, went ashore to
get money for that purpose. At noon, Mr. Brooks, first Lieutenant,
brought down the ship we had taken, and anchored her about half a mile
short of us. The boatswain of her had not been on board above two hours
before he gave me information of a vessel laden with wine, brandy, and
other valuable things, bound to the island of Chiloe, lying at anchor in
the bay of Herradura, about two leagues to the northward of us. Thither
I ordered Mr. Randall, our second Lieutenant, with the boatswain of the
Solidad, and 25 men, to go; with positive orders not to set a foot on
shore, or make any hazardous attempt whatever. But the next evening they
returned with a dismal story, that they went into the bay, and finding
the vessel hauled dry on shore, the officer ordered his people to land,
and bring away what they could out of her; but their career was soon
stopped; for they had no sooner got upon the bank, than they discovered
the enemy rushing out furiously upon them. They all escaped except five,
who were overtaken in shoal water, and they all agreed that those five
were cut to pieces. The Spaniards came down upon them, preceded by 20 or
30 horses a-breast, linked to each other. These were two deep; then came
the enemy, mounted, and lying upon their horses necks, driving the
others before them. They were not once seen to sit upright in their
saddles, except when there was no danger, or to fire their musquets.
This new addition to our misfortunes quite dispirited the greatest part
of my ship’s company. Nothing was now heard but murmuring, and damning
the South Seas, and declaring that, if this was making their fortune,
they had better have staid at home and begged about the streets; but
just as I was expostulating with Mr. Randall, who conducted this
unfortunate undertaking, I was agreeably surprized with the sight of a
large ship, which we saw coming about the northernmost point of the
island of Quiriquine. It was almost dark, and she could not perceive
what we were, so that she stood towards us without fear. As soon as she
approached near enough, I hailed her, to which she returned no answer,
and I fired into her. This was no sooner done, than she came to, and
called for quarter. She was called the St. Fermin, came from Callao,
burthen about 300 tons, and laden with sugar, melasses, rice, coarse
French linnen, and some cloths of Quito, together with a small quantity
of chocolate, and about 5 or 6000 dollars in money and wrought plate. I
sent Mr. Hendry (the agent for prizes) to inspect her lading, and to
order every thing he could find valuable out of her, and the ship’s
company sent their agent likewise. In the afternoon they returned, and
brought all the bales, boxes, chests, portmanteaus, &c. that were in
her; and also all the rice, with a large quantity of sugar, melasses,
and chocolate, and about 7000 weight of good rusk, with all her
eatables, and stores.
Don Francisco Larrayn, her Captain, desired to ransom his ship, to which
I willingly consented, and suffered him to go in his own launch to raise
money for that purpose.
Dec. 30, there came a boat with an officer and a flag of truce, who
brought word that three only of our people in the skirmish at Harradura
were killed, the other two wounded, and in a fair way of recovery, and
that the boat had brought advice of us, as I suspected, from that
island. The officer brought me seven jars of very good wine, a present
from the Governor, and a letter full of civility, but written with a
great deal of craft. He desired to see my commission, and then he would
treat with me according to the laws of arms.
January 1, Captain Betagh went to Conception with a copy of my
commission, the declaration of war, &c. and soon after he returned with
a Flemish jesuit, a Spanish lawyer, and an Englishman and a Scotchman.
The jesuit assured me he was only come to pay his respects to me, and to
do his utmost to promote the affair of the ransom, and bring it to an
immediate conclusion. Therefore the first thing I did, was to shew my
commission to the Englishman, who read it in Spanish. The jesuit then
told me, that the Captains of the St. Fermin and Solidad had resolved to
give me 12,000 dollars for the ransom of both the ships, and the Mercury
included, instead of 16000 dollars which I had insisted on for the St.
Fermin only. To this I positively answered, that all their persuasions,
artifices, and pretences, should never make me agree with them. We had
taken in the St. Fermin, ten large silver candlesticks, each of them
weighing above twenty-five pounds sterling. The holy father, in a
suppliant manner, represented to me that they were a legacy to his
convent, and hoped I would make no dispute of so noble a charity as it
would be to put them into the possession of those for whom they were
designed. I offered to let him have them for their weight in dollars,
which, considering the great price they pay in those parts for the
fashion of wrought plate, was a very advantageous offer. But he said
they never bought any thing for sacred uses; and that, as the workmen
put a great deal of allay into plate, it would be difficult to determine
the different values of the dollars and the candlesticks; so, after a
deal of needless dispute and entreaties, both about this, and the ransom
of the ships, the jesuit and the rest affirming that the Captains of the
St. Fermin, &c. were not able to raise above 12,000 dollars, there was
nothing done.
Two days passing without news from the Governor, I began to be certainly
convinced they had something else in view more than the accommodation of
the ransoms; but on January the 4th, my two wounded men came on board,
and with them brought a letter, importing, that, as he had now sent back
the prisoners, he hoped no difficulty would remain to prevent my sending
on shore all the prisoners belonging to him.
January 6, the morning passed away without any news from the town. I now
began to make preparations for sailing, and in those preparations spent
the greatest part of the day. There being no appearance of any boat
coming off to us, I ordered the St. Fermin to be set on fire. Her cotton
sails being loosed, made a prodigious blaze. I had already set fire to
the Solidad, to quicken their motions; and now, having concluded the
treaty, I immediately got under sail, much chagrined at the loss of so
many days without reaping any advantage. I was afterwards informed,
that, if they had thought I would have destroyed the St. Fermin, they
would have given even 20 or 30,000 dollars to have saved her; for she
was one of the best sailers and the best fitted out ship of any of the
Peruvian traders. I now directed our course to the island of Juan
Fernandez, taking the Mercury with us.
January 8, the sea was all day perfectly red, appearing as if vast
quantities of blood had been thrown into it, and curdled by the water.
This, the Spaniards say, is occasioned by the spawn of prawns, which
must certainly be a mistake. In our passage, the plunder was sold before
the mast, by the ship’s company’s agent, at very extravagant prices. At
the same time the account of every thing being taken, and the value of
the shares calculated, the ship’s company desired me to let them have
their dividend, according to the articles at St. Catherine’s, which
request I could not withstand. The prize-money and plunder amounting to
ten pieces of eight per share, was thereupon distributed; and all the
bales of coarse cloth, bays, linnen, ribbons, lace, silk, and several
other sorts of mercery wares, were equally divided, half to the owners,
and half to the ship’s company.
Jan. 11, at six in the morning, we saw the island of Juan Fernandez, and
from that day till the 15th I kept standing off and on the shore for my
boats, which were a fishing, who not having hitherto discovered any
marks whereby we might conclude that Clipperton had been here, I thought
it proper to render my coming hither serviceable in some respect, and
therefore sent the Mercury on shore to stop her leaks, while the boats
continued catching fish, of which we salted as much as filled five
puncheons. At length, going on shore to make a nicer search, some of my
men accidentally saw the word MAGEE, which was the name of Clipperton’s
surgeon, and CAPT. JOHN cut out under it upon a tree, but no directions
left, as was agreed on by him in his instructions to me. His actions
being thus grosly repugnant to his instructions, it was evident he never
meant I should keep him company, or ever join with him again.--[This
reflection may with great justice be retorted on the writer himself, and
can in no shape affect Clipperton who followed his instructions in the
most scrupulous manner.]--However, being by this confirmed in the
certainty of Clipperton’s arrival, I directly made the best of my way,
and sailed to the northward.
Jan. 21, having a design to look into Copiapo as I went along shore, I
sent Mr. Dodd, second Lieutenant of marines, with eight men, as a
reinforcement to the Mercury’s crew, and the next evening they left us
steering in for the land, whilst I kept a proper offing, to prevent our
being discovered. The next day the officer returned and told me, he had
looked into the port, but could see no shipping there, upon which I made
him sensible of his error, and sent him to the right place, which was
about six leagues to the northward of us, and ordered him to be ready to
look into Caldera by day-light the next morning. They did so, and saw
nothing; but, instead of making use of the land wind to come off to me,
they kept along shore, till the sea breeze came on, and could not come
to me till the morning after, by which means they hindered me almost a
whole day and night’s sailing; and in this vexatious manner were my
orders always executed!
Feb. 5th, I dispatched Mr. Brooks a-head to discover if there were any
shipping at Arica, and next day, I had a sight of the head-land of
Arica, and the island of Guano, with a ship at anchor on the northern
side of it, and saw the Mercury standing out of the bay, by which I
judged the ship was too warm for her, and therefore made all possible
haste to get up to her with our ship. When I came into the port, I found
her already taken, and that the Mercury only went accidentally adrift.
This prize was called the Rosario, of about 100 tons, laden with
cormorants dung, which the Spaniards call guana, and is brought from the
island of Iquique, for the culture of the agi, or cod-pepper, in the
vale of Arica. There was no white face in her but the pilot, whom I sent
to see if her owner would ransom her. At seven o’clock in the morning I
received a letter from the owner, expressing his poverty, and declaring
his readiness to comply to the utmost of his power: and the honest man
was as good as his word.
I agreed upon restoring to him his ship, and six negroes, for 1500
pieces of eight; and he was so punctual and expeditious, that at 10 the
next night he brought the sum agreed on. Soon after the receipt of this,
we took a vessel of about 10 tons, as she was coming into the road, with
a cargo of dried fish and guana, within a mile of the town. The master
of this bark likewise came off upon a balse, which is an odd sort of an
embarkation made of two large seal-skins separately blown up like
bladders, and then made fast and joined together by a frame of wood. On
this he brought off two jars of brandy, and 40 pieces of eight, for his
ransom, which, considering his mean appearance, was as much as I could
have expected. One part of his freight was valuable, which was his dried
fish.
Feb. 9, 1720, I sailed from Arica, and as I went out, the inhabitants
placed themselves round the bay, and made a very good hedge fire after
me for about half an hour. I judged there could not be less than 5 or
600 of them. I shaped my course for the road of Hilo, which we had a
sight of the next day at three in the afternoon, where we saw one large
ship and three small ones at anchor. The great ship immediately hoisted
French colours, and in the end proved to be the Sage Solomon, of 40
guns, commanded by Mons. Dumain, whom I had left at St. Catherine’s, and
who was now resolved to protect the vessels that were with him, and
obstruct my coming in. I at first thought of shewing my resentment, but,
upon second thoughts, I clapped the helm a-weather, and stood out to
sea.
Feb. 12, in the morning, the ship’s company had their moiety of the
money taken at Arica divided amongst them, according to their number of
shares.
Feb. 22, I came a-breast of Callao, the port for Lima, which is the
metropolis of Peru; but there being no great prospect of performing much
here in our present situation, I had nothing to do but to slip away from
hence in the night, by the help of a favourable breeze.
Feb. 26, the officers in the Mercury desired to be relieved, and it
being Capt. Hatley’s turn to go in her, he proposed to me that he might
continue along shore, till we had got the length of Lobos, an island in
about seven degrees of south latitude. I could not but approve of this,
considering the probability there was of his meeting with the Panama
ships; and every body being well pleased, I added to their complement of
men, and gave them a month’s provisions, and mounted two of our
quarter-deck guns on the Mercury, and lent Captain Hatley my pinnace. As
soon as every thing was ready for their departure, Captain Betagh, whose
duty and turn it was to relieve the marine officer in the Mercury, being
unwilling to go on this party, addressed himself to the people, and with
a fearful countenance told them, that he, and the rest who were to go
with him, were sent for a sacrifice, with many other expressions tending
to create a general mutiny. I now imagined no less than that he was
about to act what he had threatened when he told me, it should be a
short voyage with me; and, therefore, I addressed myself to the ship’s
company, desired to know who amongst them were of Betagh’s opinion?
Their answer was with one voice, None. This done, I ordered the Mercury
alongside, and Hatley and Betagh went on board of her; and, putting off
from us, gave three cheers, and stood right in for the land, in the
latitude by observation of 10 deg. 9 min. S.
The very next day they took a small bark laden with rice, chocolate,
wheat, flour, and the like. The day following they took another. On the
fourth day of their absence they became masters of a ship of near 200
tons, worth 150,000 pieces of eight. Flushed with this success, it seems
Betagh prevailed on Hatley, and the greatest part of the people with
them, to lay hold of this opportunity and go to India: but they no
sooner clapped their helm a-weather, than they saw a sail standing
towards them, which, in short, proved to be a Spanish man-of-war, who
caught them, and put an end to their Indian voyage. The English were
treated very indifferently; but Betagh, it seems, who was of their
religion, and of a nation which the Spaniards affect to be fond of, was
made an officer, and used very respectfully. This he certainly deserved
at their hands; for he gave them an account of the whole scheme of our
voyage; and not only informed them of what we had done, but also of what
I designed to do; so that they did not doubt but I myself should be in
their hands very speedily.
Feb. 29, at six in the morning, we saw a sail at anchor in the road of
Guanchaco; at eleven we came up, and anchored along side of her. There
was no body on board of her but two Indian men and a boy. They informed
us, there was a rich ship in the cove of Payta.
March 21, at three in the afternoon, we saw the Pena Oradado, or the
_Hole in the Rock_; and in an hour afterwards, we entered the cove of
Payta with French colours flying. There we found only a small ship at
anchor with her fore-mast out, and her main-top-mast unrigged; but the
taking of this town being considered in the scheme of our voyage as a
matter of great importance, I consulted with my officers concerning the
properest methods of going about it. At two of the clock the next
morning I landed with 46 men, leaving Mr. Coldsea the master, and some
others, to bring the ship nearer in, that we might the more
expeditiously embark the plunder we might get. Being now on shore, I
marched up to the great church without meeting any opposition; and
indeed I found the town entirely deserted by the inhabitants. At
day-light we saw what seemed great bodies of men on the hills, on each
side of us, who, I expected, when they had viewed our strength, would
have paid us a visit; but I found, that as we marched up towards them,
we drove them before us. The remainder of the day was spent in shipping
off what plunder we had got, which consisted of hogs, fowls, brown and
white calavances, beans, Indian corn, wheat, flour, sugar, and as much
cocoa-nut as we were able to stow away, with pans, and other
conveniences for preparing it; so that we were supplied with
breakfast-meat for the whole voyage, and full of provisions of one kind
or other. In the afternoon there came to us a messenger, to know what I
would take for the ransom of the town and ship; to which I answered, I
would have 10,000 pieces of eight, and those to be paid in twenty-four
hours, if they intended to save the town, or ship either. But the
Governor gave me to understand in plain terms, that he neither could nor
would ransom the town, and did not care what I did with it, so that I
spared the churches. Having received this negative answer, and got every
thing serviceable out of the town, I instantly ordered it to be set on
fire; and the houses, being extremely dry, consumed away apace. But no
sooner was Payta in a blaze than those on board made signals for me to
come off, and kept incessantly firing towards the mouth of the harbour.
Upon which I ordered all hands off, and went first on board myself in a
canoe, with three men only; but, before I had got half way, saw a large
ship lying with her fore-top-sail aback, and with a Spanish flag flying
at her fore-top-mast-head. At this prospect, two of my three people were
ready to sink; and when I looked back on the town, I could not forbear
wishing that I had not been so hasty. As the Admiral was coming in with
all his sails spread, Mr. Coldsea, by the assistance of the few on
board, fired at him so smartly, that he stopped the enemy’s career. The
Spaniard apprehending he should have hot work with us, brought his ship
to, that he might put himself into a condition of making a vigorous
attack upon us. This inactivity of the enemy gave me an opportunity of
getting on board, and suffered my men to come off, about 50 in number,
but the Spaniard was within pistol-shot before they had all got into the
ship; upon which, we cut our cable, and our ship falling the wrong way,
I had but just room enough to fill clear of him. Being now close by one
another, his formidable appearance struck an universal damp on every
one’s spirits; and I myself could foresee nothing but that we should be
torn to pieces by him, and longed for an opportunity to try our heels
with him, whilst our masts were standing. I expected every minute that
he would board us, and, upon hearing a shouting amongst them, and seeing
their forecastle full of men, I concluded they had now come to that
resolution; but I presently saw that the occasion of this joy was their
having shot down our ensign-staff; upon which, they, seeing our ensign
trailing in the water, were in hopes we had struck: but I soon
undeceived them, by spreading a new ensign in the mizzen shrouds. Upon
sight of this they lay snug, and held their way close upon our quarter;
at last, designing to do our business at once, they clapped their helm
well a starboard, to bring their whole broadside to point at us; but
their fire had little or no effect. All stood fast with us, and they
muzzled themselves; which gave me time both to get a-head, and to
windward of him, before he could fill his sails again; and now I found,
that, if our masts, which were by this time but slenderly supported,
would bear what sail we had abroad, we should soon steal away from him.
After this he was in a great hurry to get his spritsail-yard fore and
aft, threatening us very hard, and plying us with his fore-chace: but we
soon were out of his reach, and all hands were immediately employed in
repairing our damages. This ship was called the Peregrine, of 56 guns,
with upwards of 450 men on board of her.
During this action, we had not a man killed or wounded, although the
enemy often hulled us, and once, in particular, a shot coming into one
of our ports, dismounted one of our guns between decks, tearing off the
nut of the gun, and breaking itself into a great many pieces, which flew
fore and aft in the midst of a crowd of people, without hurting any one
of them. Our stern was also much shattered, and our rigging much
disabled. Our main-mast was a little wounded, yet stood a long while
with only one good shroud to support it; our fore-mast fared little
better, yet I kept all the canvas, except the main-top-gallant-sail, at
hard bats-end. An unlucky shot took the bow of our launch, as she lay
upon the quarter, and set fire to some cartridges of powder, which were
negligently left in her, and which blew away her moorings, and we lost
her. Seeing a great smoke arise on the quarter, I at first imagined some
accident had happened within board. In short, in about three glasses we
got quite clear of the Admiral, who tacked, and stood in for Payta, and
we shortened sail. A narrower escape from an enemy could not well have
been made, considering the vast difference between us, as to force. The
Spaniard had 56 guns; we, on the contrary, had but 20 mounted: they had
450 men; we, on our part, did not exceed 73; and 11 negroes and two
Indians were included in that number. He had farther this great odds
over us, of being in a settled readiness, whilst we were in the utmost
confusion. As for our small arms, they were wet and useless to us; and,
what is more, in the midst of the engagement, one third of my people,
instead of fighting, were hard at work, to make farther preparation for
an obstinate resistance, if we had been pushed to extremities; and
particularly the carpenter and his crew were busied in making ports for
stern-chace-guns, which, as it happened, we made no use of. Upon the
whole, we had the good fortune to escape this danger, which was the more
to be dreaded, because, as we had set fire to the town, they were
probably exasperated upon the account of the churches, which I never
intended to destroy; and, if I had fallen into their hands, they might
have given us but uncomfortable quarters. At the best, however, it
cannot but be allowed to have been a most unfortunate disaster. The loss
of my boat and anchor was irreparable, and may be said to be the cause
of that scene of trouble which will take up the remainder of this
narrative; for we had now but one anchor, that at Payta being the third
we had lost, and were besides entirely destitute of a boat of any kind.
At five, the same evening, we saw a sail under our lee-bow, which I took
to be the prize we had left to cruise for us near the Saddle of Payta;
and we, therefore, stood to the westward all night, and the next morning
we saw two sail a-stern of us. I tacked, and stood towards them, and in
a little time could see that one of them was standing in for Payta,
while the other kept stemming with us; but the nearer I approached her,
the less I liked her, and could not but think it adviseable to put my
ship about, and crowd sail from her. However, she gained upon us, and
advanced near enough to shew us she was the Brilliant, the Admiral’s
consort. She was a French-built ship, of 36 guns, manned with people of
that nation, and other Europeans. She was handsomely rigged, which is
rare to be seen in those parts, and sailed almost two foot for our one;
so that, notwithstanding we had almost a calm all the heat of the day,
she neared us apace. But, night coming on, I made use of the old
stratagem (I thought it might be new here), of turning a light adrift in
a half tub, instead of a boat, darkening one part of the lanthorn, that
it might the more appear to be a ship’s light, and then immediately
altered my course. As the day broke I handed all my sails, and in full
day-light could perceive nothing of the enemy. This was the ship wherein
Betagh, my late Captain of marines, was so much respected; and by his
advice it was, as I have been told, that the Admiral ordered his consort
to ply up to windward to Lobos, our first place of rendezvous, whilst he
himself came to Payta in search of us. This separation, though intended
as a sure means to catch us, proved to be very fortunately the means of
our preservation.
Being thus closely pursued, I took an offing of thirty leagues from the
shore, and then brought to, to consider what I had best to do. I was
still in the dark, as to my consort; an embargo, as I was told at Payta,
was laid on all shipping to leeward for the term of six months; and our
prize, which I designed to make a fire-ship of, was taken by the
Brilliant; I had but one anchor, and no boat at all; and I was as yet
ignorant of what had become of the Mercury.
In the midst of all this peril and perplexity, I called my officers
together, to let them know, it was my opinion, we had, as we were thus
circumstanced, a much better prospect to the windward than to the
leeward; that on the coast of Chili we should not be in the least
suspected, and should, at the same time, in the most effectual manner,
escape the enemy’s men-of-war; that, after taking in water at Juan
Fernandez, we might cruise out the whole season off the ports of
Conception, Valparaiso, and Coquimbo, where among the shipping we might
be stocked with anchors, cables, boats, and a vessel to make a fire-ship
of, on which I mightily depended. All this being universally approved
of, we got our tacks on board, and stretched away to windward.
My intentions after this were fixed upon the coast of Mexico. There I
proposed to run the height of Tres Marias and California, as the most
likely places to meet with the Success. These two places would have been
commodious; the first for salting of turtle, and the last for wooding
and watering at, and for laying myself in the track of the Manilla ship,
which, if I should have had the fortune to meet with, and, having a
fire-ship with me, I would have tried what I could have done with her.
March 26, having well secured our mast, and bent a new suit of sails, we
stood to the southward, expecting to gain our passage to windward in
about five weeks.
March 31, as they were pumping the ship, the water which came out of the
well, was not only in greater quantity than usual, but was also as black
as ink. This made me judge that some water had got to our powder; and
accordingly going into the powder-room, we heard the water come in like
a little sluice. This had quite spoiled the greatest part of our powder;
so that we only saved the quantity of six barrels. We found upon search
a leak to be on the bow, under the lower cheek of the head, occasioned
by a shot which had been lodged there in our late engagement, and which
falling out by the working of the ship in an head sea, had left room for
a stream of water; but we brought the ship by the stern, and, with great
difficulty, stopped it securely.
May 11, we saw the great island of Juan Fernandez, bearing east half
south. Here I plied on and off till the 21st, but could not get off as
much water as we daily expended.
May 21, a hard gale of wind came out of the sea upon us, and brought in
with it a tumbling swell; so that in a few hours, our cable, which was
never wet before, parted, and inevitable shipwreck appeared before our
eyes. But Providence so far interposed in our behalf, that, if we had
struck but a cable’s length farther to the eastward or westward of the
place where we did strike, we must certainly all have perished. Our
main-mast, fore-mast, and mizzen-top-mast, went all away together; and
happy it was for us that they did so; for, by making them serve by way
of raft, and by the help of those who were ashore before the wind came
on, we were all saved, except one man. In the midst of this surprize,
the first thing I took care of, was my commission; and, remembering the
powder to be uppermost in the bread-room, I got most of it up, with
about seven or eight bags of bread: these we saved, as the ship did not
come to pieces immediately. In a few minutes, however, after she first
struck, she was full of water. We saved, notwithstanding, two or three
compasses, some of our mathematical instruments, and books.
When we first got on shore, we were without any one thing necessary for
our relief; not so much as a seat whereon to rest our harrassed limbs,
except the wet ground, which, as far as we could see, was also like to
be our bed and pillow, and indeed it proved to be so.
In the evening, all the officers came to consult with me, how we should
get some necessaries out of the wreck; and, having by this time lighted
a fire, we wrapt ourselves in what we could get, laid ourselves round
it, and, notwithstanding the badness of the weather, we slept very
soundly; but, the next morning, getting up with the first glimpse of
day-light, we looked at each other like men awakened out of a dream; so
great and so sudden was the melancholy change in our condition, that we
could scarce trust to our senses.
I went immediately among the people to set them about the work we had
resolved upon the night before; but they were so scattered, there was no
getting them together, or we might, probably, have regained all our beef
and pork. This opportunity, however, was lost, by their eagerness to
build huts and tents, in order to settle themselves for good; for, while
they were thus employed, a furious gale of wind came on, which destroyed
all the provisions in the ship, except one cask of beef, and one of
farina de pao, which were washed whole on the strand. I had saved 1100
dollars belonging to the gentlemen adventurers, which were kept in my
chest in the great cabbin; the rest, being in the bottom of the
bread-room for security, could not possibly be come at. I need not say
how disconsolate my reflections were on the sad accident that had
happened. My first thoughts were on the means whereby to preserve our
lives, and on some scheme of œconomy to be observed amongst the people,
in relation to the distribution of such quantities of provisions as
should from time to time be obtained.
I found a very commodious spot of ground about half a mile from the sea,
on which I set up my tent. There was a fine run of water within a
stone’s cast of it on each side, with firing near at hand, and trees
proper for our use. The people settled within call about me, in as good
a manner as they could: and having all secured ourselves against the
inclemency of the weather, we used to pass our time in the evening round
a great fire, roasting craw-fish in the embers.
I now began to think of building such a vessel from the wreck as might
carry us all off at once from this island; and for that purpose
consulted with the carpenter; but was astonished at his answer, ‘he
could not make brick, he said, without straw,’ and walked away from me
in a surly humour. From him I went to the armourer, and asked him what
he could do towards building a small vessel for us; to which he
answered, that he hoped he could do all the iron-work; that he had, with
much labour, got his bellows out of the wreck, and that he did not doubt
but we should find a great many other useful things, when we came to set
about a search for them in good earnest.
June 8, we laid the blocks to build upon, and had the bowsprit ready.
The carpenter for a little while went on with seeming good temper, but
suddenly turning short upon me as I stood by him, he swore a great oath,
he would not strike another stroke, ‘he truly would be no body’s slave,
and thought himself now upon a footing with myself.’ This provoked me to
use him a little roughly with my cane; but afterwards came to an
agreement with him to give a four-pistole piece as soon as the stem and
stern-post were up, and 100 pieces of eight when the bark was finished.
He then went to work on the keel, and in two months time we made a
tolerable show, owing to the diligence and ingenuity of Popplestone, the
armourer, who made us hammers, chissels, files, gimlets, bullet-moulds,
and an instrument to bore our cartouch-boxes. These last we covered with
seals skins, and contrived them so as to be both handy and neat. He,
besides all this, began and finished with his own hands, a large
serviceable boat, which was what we very much stood in need of.
For a few days the people behaved themselves very regularly and
diligently, half of them working one day, and half another. But the time
soon arrived when we fell into such confusion and outrageous disorder,
that it was a miracle we ever got off from this place by any assistance
of our own; for, one afternoon, I missed all the people, and could see
no body but Mr. Adams, our surgeon, Mr. Hendry the agent, my son, and
Mr. Dodd, lieutenant of marines, who, for some reasons best known to
himself, had a mind to act the madman. At night I was informed, they had
assembled together at a great tree, had formed a new regulation and new
articles, had excluded the gentlemen adventurers in England from having
any part of what we should take for the future, and had divested me of
the authority of their Captain, having regulated themselves according to
the discipline of Jamaica. They had chosen Morphew to be their champion
and speaker. This man addressed himself to me, and told me, ‘that, as
the Speedwell was cast away, they were now of consequence at their own
disposal, so that their obligations to the owners and me were of no
validity, the ship being now no more; they therefore, he said, had now
thought fit to frame such articles as would be most conducive to their
own interest; and, if I would sign them, well; if not, they would not
trust themselves under my conduct, as they should always be apprehensive
that I should serve them as Clipperton had served some of his men, who
(they heard) happening to be taken separately, he denied them, and
suffered eight of them to be hanged as pirates before his face.’
In these articles, besides casting off the owners, I found myself
reduced from sixty shares to six; and I at last was at a loss what to do
in this dilemma; but I found myself under an indispensible necessity of
signing the articles, in order to get off from the island, where
otherwise I might have been forcibly left behind.
And now, having very unwillingly satisfied them in all I thought they
could ask, I recommended to them the vessel we had begun, not doubting
but after this they would have used their constant endeavours to finish
her, that they might have an opportunity of putting their project in
execution; and they said they would.
But early the next morning, going down to the beach as usual, and
expecting to find every one employed, I saw none of them, except the
carpenter, and two or three more; for, notwithstanding they were
abettors of the designs that were carrying on, yet the hopes of a little
money from me had made them work pretty diligently, though I cannot say
they fatigued themselves. Upon enquiry, I was informed, that the rest of
the people were again adjourned to the great tree; and it was not long
before I was made acquainted with the result of their meeting; for,
betimes the next morning, they surrounded my tent, while Morphew, and
Stewart, their agent, came in to me, and told me, They came in the name
of all the people to demand every thing belonging to the gentlemen
adventurers out of my possession, and particularly 750 weight in Pinna
or virgin silver, a silver dish weighing 75 ounces, and 250 dollars in
money. I did not easily part with all this: but they desired I would
make no dispute; for, as all this came out of the wreck, they insisted,
the owners could have nothing to do with it, and they were determined to
have it. In short, I was obliged to give it all up, and they shared it
amongst them that very moment, according to their new regulation.
After this, they entirely destroyed what little power they had allowed
me over them; and the meanest of them were taught they were as good as
I. They sometimes denied me a quota of the fish, and wondered I could
not go out to catch it as well as they; at best, they would give my
servant who used to fetch it but the leavings, after they had chosen the
prime: and, to complete their insults, my first lieutenant, who used
sometimes to eat with me, entirely deserted my mess to join Morphew, to
partake of his better fare.
Quite tired out with their incessant mutinies, I became at length so
desperate, that I began to think of preferring the dangers of the sea,
in a small open boat, to what I thought myself exposed to on this place
from my ship’s company. I apprehended, they would never rest till they
had made themselves entirely their own masters, by privately making away
with me; and this made me melancholy and pensive, preparing myself for
the worst that could happen. They perceiving this change in me, grew
suspicious that I was now contriving some means to reduce them; and,
therefore, they determined to get the arms out of my possession. To this
purpose they all came in a body, headed by Brooks and Morphew, who, in
the presence of all the people, used me with insupportable impudence;
and even went so far as to threaten the life of my son, for only telling
Morphew, that every one present had not chosen him for his speaker.
Having gained that point also, they had the pleasure of squandering away
their time, and powder and shot, in firing at cats, or any thing else,
to waste the ammunition.
What I have now related, is the substance of what occurred from May 24
till August 15, when we had sight of a large ship, which put us into a
great hurry, and gave us a considerable alarm. Before she crossed the
bay, I ordered all the fires to be put out, and confined the negroes and
Indians, lest the ship should be becalmed under the land, and any of
them should attempt to swim off to her. However, I was not long in fear,
for she kept away large, and at too great a distance to perceive any
thing distinctly of us.
On this occasion I got most of the people under arms, and was glad to
see so many of them, in some measure, obedient to command. I told them,
I was pleased to see their arms in such good order; to which they
answered impertinently, that it was for their own sakes. But this alarm
was scarce subsided before they became divided among themselves. The
question started was, whether or no the bark should be carried on, or,
whether they should not build two large shallops, and set what was done
of the bark on fire. The workmen, and a considerable majority of the
rest, sided with me in behalf of the bark: but at night the carpenter
sent me word, that, if I did not deliver him the money agreed on at the
beginning, notwithstanding the terms of the payment of it were not yet
fulfilled, I should not see his face again; so I was obliged to treat
this gentleman as he pleased to have me, and raise the money for him.
To complete the number of our divisions and dissentions, there arose a
third party, who were resolved to have nothing to do with the other two,
they purposing to stay on the island. These were to the number of 12,
who accordingly separated themselves from the rest, and never appeared
amongst us, except in the night, when they used to come about our tents,
and the bark we were building, to steal powder, lead, and axes, and in
short, whatever else they could lay their hands on. These, however, I
found means to manage, and took from them all their arms, ammunition,
and the rest of their plunder, and threatened, that, if they were found
within musquet-shot of our tents, they should be treated as enemies.
In a little time these divisions had so far weakened the whole body,
that, by degrees, they began to listen a little to what I said to them;
and I prevailed so far as to get most of them into a working humour. Mr.
Brooks now came with a feigned submission, and desired he might eat with
me again; but this, in the main, abated nothing of his esteem for
Morphew. His dissimulation, however, proved of signal service, as it
contributed to the speedy finishing of the bark. This claimed the
assistance of all our heads and hands; for when we came to plank her
bottom, we had most disheartening difficulties to encounter; for, having
no plank but pieces of the wreck’s deck, we found it so dry and
stubborn, that fire and water had scarce any effect in making it pliable
and fit for use. It rent and split, and flew like glass; so that now I
had sufficient reasons to believe, after all our labour, that we must
patiently wait to be taken off from hence by some Spanish ship, and,
after all our troubles, be led to a prison, to reflect on our
misfortunes past. However, by constant labour, and a variety of
contrivances, we, in the end, patched our bark up in such a manner, than
I dare say the like was never seen, and I may venture to affirm, that
such a bottom never swam on the surface of the sea before.
Sept. 9, the boat, which I have already mentioned to be begun by the
armourer, was launched; and, being now in a fair way of compleating our
bark, there yet remained unconsidered and undetermined, what provisions
we should get to support us in our present voyage. All the stock we had
consisted of but one cask of beef, five or six bushels of farina or
Cassader flour, together with four or five live hogs.
I made several experiments to cure both fish and seal, but found it
impossible. At length, we luckily thought on a method of curing the
conger-eel, by splitting it, and taking out the back bone, then dipping
it in salt-water, and afterwards hanging it up to dry in a great smoke.
As no other fish could be preserved after this manner, the fishermen
were ordered to catch what congers they could. And now several of the
people, who had not yet struck a stroke, began to repent of their folly,
as they grew weary of living on this place, and offered their service to
go a-fishing, every one making some foolish excuse or other, for having
been so long idle. The new boat being sent to try her fortune, returned
at night, and brought in a great parcel of fish of several sorts,
amongst which were 200 conger-eels. This was a good beginning, and every
tent took a proportion of them to cure.
Having this conveniency of a large boat, I desired Mr. Brooks, our only
diver, to try what he could recover from that part of the wreck which
lay under water. He accordingly undertook it, and could find but one
small gun, which he weighed and brought on shore, together with two
pieces of a large church-candlestick, which was a part of the plate
which belonged to the gentlemen adventurers.
Our boat was now daily employed in fishing. The armourer constantly
supplied them with hooks, and there was no want of lines, which were
made of twisted ribbon. In the mean time, those who were ashore, made
twice layed stuff for rigging and other uses. We patched up the canvas
for sails; the cooper completed his casks; and, in a short time, we had
masts an-end tolerably well rigged, and thought we made a comfortable
figure.
And now, having done all we could, when we came to put in water, to try
the tightness of our work, it was followed by an universal outcry, _A
sieve! a sieve!_ I was afraid the people would have despaired, and
desisted from using any farther means: but, in a little time, and by
incessant labour, we repaired the ship’s pumps, and fitted them to our
bark. The next spring-tide we found means to launch her, which fell out
on the 5th of October, by which time we had saved about 2300
conger-eels, weighing, one with another, about one pound each, and made
about 60 gallons of seals oil to fry them in. This, with what I
mentioned before, was all our sea-stock. As she went off the blocks, I
named her the _Recovery_, though I was sadly afraid of hearing ill news
from those afloat in her; but all proved indifferently well; and,
knowing it to be dangerous for her to lie here long, especially having
no other anchor than a great stone, and a slight rope to hold her with,
and that the least puff of wind might have driven and destroyed her upon
the rocks, we got all the water off that day, which we did so much
easier and quicker, because the casks were ready stowed in the hold. She
had two masts, and was of about the burthen, of twenty tons; and, to my
great satisfaction, I found, that one pump, constantly working, kept her
free. The next day, October the 6th, we got every one on board and
embarked, leaving behind us eleven or twelve of those who had deserted
us. They were deaf to all persuasions; and, in short, sent me word,
‘They were not yet prepared for the other world;’ so they, with the like
number of blacks and Indians, remained behind on the island.
This island enjoys a fine wholesome air, insomuch that, out of 70 of us
that were on it for the space of five months and eleven days, not one of
us had an hour’s sickness, notwithstanding we fed on foul diet, without
bread or salt. For my own part, I must acknowledge the bounty of
Providence; for, although I lost much of my flesh, I became one of the
strongest and most active men on the island, from being before very
corpulent, and almost crippled with the gout. On the tops of some of the
mountains of this island, are plains covered with groves of the Italian
laurel. Palm-trees are likewise found in most parts, growing in smooth
joints like a cane, some 30, some 40 feet high. What seamen call
palm-cabbage is the very substance of the head of this tree, which being
cut off, you find inclosed a white and tender young cabbage: but, for
every one we got, we were obliged to cut down a fine lofty tree.
The northern part of this island is very well watered, and the water
keeps well at sea, and is, I dare say, as good as any in the world. Down
the western peak descend two cascades, to appearance, at least 300 feet
perpendicular; which, with the palm-trees that grow up close by the
edges of them, exhibit a very grand and romantic prospect.
We might have found goats enough in the mountains, if we had been able
to follow them; and cats are so numerous, that there is hardly taking a
step without starting one. Those whose stomachs could bear their flesh
for food, found a more substantial relief from hunger by one meal of it,
than from four or five of fish.
The Spaniards, who first flocked this island with goats, have since
endeavoured to destroy these goats by dogs, which are likewise very
numerous; but the goats have many inaccessible places of refuge, where
no dogs can follow them; and they still continue to afford a plentiful
supply to strangers.
While we were here, it was the season for the sea-lionesses to come to
land, to bring forth their young. These have bodies of a monstrous bulk,
being from 10 to 12 feet long, and near as much in circumference. I may
venture to affirm, that, one with another, they would yield each a butt
of train oil. They are so indolent, that, as soon as they have gained
the land, they fall asleep, and in that condition remain a month
together so torpid, that you might fire a pistol at their heads without
disturbing them; but where the sea-lionesses lie, as they do in
companies after they have yeaned, to give suck to their young, there is
always an old lion, of the largest size, incessantly on the watch, and
at the approach of an enemy makes a hideous roaring, threatening death
to him who should be so hardy as to molest his charge; and, in truth,
were they not so unwieldy, they would be a desperate creature to
encounter. We were accustomed to walk amongst them without dread; for
all, but those who were to take care of the young, were lost in the
profoundest slumbers. On the land they ingender, and bring forth their
young, who ingender also before they go off, against the next season; so
quick and suddenly do they increase and propagate.
[Illustration: _A Sea Lion when suddenly disturbd a Lioness asleep by
him & a Seal in a moveing posture_]
The seals here may properly be called sea-wolves, from the resemblance
of their heads to the heads of wolves, differing in that particular from
the seals in the northern hemisphere, where their heads are more like
the dog’s. They are naturally surly, and snarl in an angry manner, on
the approach of any body. Two fins compose their tails, and with the
help of these they get along much faster than the lions.
Every thing one sees or hears in this island is different from what is
elsewhere to be found. The very structure of the island, in all its
parts, appears with a certain savage, irregular beauty, not easy to be
expressed. The several prospects of lofty inaccessible hills in the day,
and the solitariness of the gloomy narrow vallies in the night, added to
the mixed, confused noise of the surge continually beating against the
shore, the tumbling of the waters from an immense precipice, the roaring
of sea-lions and sea-wolves, whose voices are more or less shrill or
hoarse according to their youth or age, compose so wild and horrible a
medley, that the stoutest man must long be accustomed to it, before he
can taste the sweets of refreshing sleep, or wholly divest himself of
terror.
October 6, we set sail, with nothing to subsist on at sea but the
before-mentioned smoked congers, one cask of beef, and four live hogs,
together with three or four bushels of farina. We were upwards of forty
of us crowded together, and lying upon bundles of eels, with no
convenience of keeping the men clean, nor any thing to defend us from
their abominable stench; not a drop of water to be had without sucking
it out of the cask through a pipe, which being used promiscuously,
became intolerably nauseous. The unsavoury morsels we daily ate created
perpetual quarrels amongst us, every one contending for the frying-pan.
All the conveniency we had for firing, was an half tub filled with
earth, which made our cooking so tedious, that we had a continual noise
of frying from morning till night.
Thus we traversed the ocean: happy, however, in the thought of being
once more afloat, and cherishing the hope that something would speedily
fall into our hands. Every day, while the sea-breeze continued, we were
hard put to it, for not having above 16 inches free board, and our bark
tumbling prodigiously, the water continually ran over us; and, having
only a grating deck, and no tarpaulin to cover it, our pumps would but
just keep us free.
October 10, being the fourth day of our new expedition, we fell in with
a large ship, which I could plainly see was Europe built. This struck me
with the dread of her being a man-of-war; however, our case being
desperate, I stood for her, and, before we could get quite up with her,
the enemy discovered the brownness of our canvas, and, suspecting us,
wore ship, and hauled close on a wind to the westward. This done, they
hoisted their colours, fired a gun, and crouded away from us at a great
rate; but, in about two hours it fell calm, and we had recourse to our
oars. In the mean time we over-hauled our arms, which we found to be in
very bad condition, one third of them being without flints, and we had
but three cutlasses; so that we were but ill prepared for boarding,
which was the only means we could have of taking any ship. We had but
one small cannon, which we could not mount, and therefore were obliged
to fire it as it lay along upon the deck; and to supply it we had no
more ammunition than two round shot, a few chain-bolts and bolt-heads,
the clapper of the Speedwell’s bell, and some bags of beach-stones to
serve for partridge. In about four hours we came up with this ship, and
every one seemed as easy in his mind as if actually in possession of
her. But, as we advanced nearer, I saw her guns and patararoes, and a
considerable number of men upon deck, with their arms glittering in the
sun, who called out to us by the name of English Dogs, defying us, in a
scornful way, to come on board of them, and at the same time gave us a
volley of great and small shot, which killed our gunner, and almost
brought our fore-mast by the board. This warm reception staggered a
great many of my men who before seemed the forwardest, insomuch that
they lay upon their oars for some time, in spite of all I could do to
make them keep their way. We recovered ourselves again, and rowed close
up with the enemy, and engaged them till all our small shot was
expended, which obliged us to fall astern to make some slugs. In this
manner we made three attempts, but with no better success.
All the night it was calm, and we were busied in making slugs, and had
provided a large quantity by the next morning, when we came to a final
determination of either carrying the ship, or of submitting to her; and
accordingly, at day-break, I ordered twenty men in our yaul, to lay her
athwart the hawse, whilst I boarded her in the bark. The people in the
boat put off, giving me repeated assurances of their good behaviour;
but, at the very juncture we were coming to action, a gale sprang up,
and she went away from us.
This ship was called the Margarita, and was the same which had been a
privateer belonging to St. Malo’s, and mounted forty guns, all the last
war. In the skirmishes we had with her, we had none killed, except
Gilbert Henderson, our gunner; and only three were wounded, viz. Mr.
Brooks, First Lieutenant, through the thigh, Mr. Coldsea, the Master,
through the groin, and one of the fore-mast-men through the small of his
back. Two of these did very well, and I think there was something
extraordinary in their cure; for the surgeon had nothing to apply to
their wounds, but what he himself had prepared with seals oil, and other
matters he had found on the island. Mr. Coldsea, indeed, lingered in a
miserable manner for nine or ten months; but at length recovered.
Our condition now grew worse and worse; for soon after we had parted
from this ship, a hard gale came on, which lasted four days without
ceasing, during all which time we had not an hour’s hope of living a
minute. We were obliged to scud away under bare poles, with our yaul in
tow; and, having but a short scope of boat-rope, we were, on the descent
of every sea, in the greatest danger of having the bark’s stern beat in
by the violence of the boat’s precipitate fall after us; and, once in
particular, a great hollow sea had like to have thrown her upon our
deck, which would have put an end to our voyage immediately. The
excessive fright of this storm made many of our people form a resolution
of going on shore the very first opportunity.
In this extremity, calling to mind M. Frezier’s account of Iquique, I
mentioned the surprizal of that place to the crew, which being
universally approved of, we directed our course to that island.
It was three weeks before we got this length; and having nothing to ride
the bark with, we were obliged to keep the sea with her, whilst the boat
went in between the rocks, and was received by some Indians on the
strand with a sort of welcome. The men, being landed, went to the
Lieutenant’s house, broke it open, and rummaged the whole village, where
they found a booty more valuable to us at that time than gold and
silver. It consisted of about sixty bushels of wheat-flour, 120 of
calavances and corn, some jerked beef, pork and mutton, some thousand
weight of well-cured fish, a good number of fowls, some rusk, and four
or five days eating of soft bread, together with five or six jars of
Peruvian wine and brandy; and, to crown all, they had the good fortune
to find a large boat near the shore, to bring off the booty with, which
otherwise would have been of little use to us, our own boat being
already sufficiently laden with the men.
Words cannot express the joy that reigned among us when they came on
board: the scene was now changed from famine to plenty; the loaves of
soft bread were distributed to every one, and the jars of wine were
broached; but I took care they should drink but moderately of it, each
man having no more than half a pint to his share: and, after a day or
two’s living on wholesome diet, we wondered how our stomachs had been
able to digest our rank and nauseous eels fried in train-oil, and could
scarcely believe we had lived upon nothing else for a month past.
Mr. Randall, our Second Lieutenant, who commanded in this enterprize,
told me, they did not meet with the least opposition, and that the few
Indians they found seemed to be as glad of this opportunity of pillaging
the Spaniards as we were.
The settlement at Iquique consists of about 60 scattered ill-built
houses, which hardly deserve that name, and a small church. There is not
the least verdure to be seen in or about it, nor does it afford the
least necessary of life, of its own product, not even water, which they
are obliged to fetch in boats from Pisagua, ten leagues to the
northward.
By two Indian prisoners we took here, we were informed, that the
Lieutenant’s boat was then at Pisagua, and that it would not be long
before her return; however, being determined to make some attempt in the
road of le Nasco, in lat. 16 deg. S. and at Pisco, in lat. 13 deg. 45
min. S. we set sail, and the very morning we came off the Sierra or
high-land of le Nasco, two hours before day-light, we fell in with a
large ship. The circumstances of our meeting and engaging her were, in
some measure, the same with those we had with the Margarita. We met with
both at the same time in the morning, and, whilst in pursuit of both,
had the misfortune of being becalmed. We struggled with this last for
six or seven hours, and were at length obliged to leave her, because the
sea-breeze came in so strong, and the sea ran so high, that, had she
been of no force, our slight bark must have been in pieces before a
third part of us could have entered her. This ship was called the St.
Francisco Palacio, of 700 tons, eight guns and ten peteraroes, and was
well manned and provided with small arms.
It happened very unfortunately, that we should thus miss two of the best
equipped ships in the private trade at that time in the South Seas. This
last repulse was made a pretence for much murmuring; many, despairing of
ever being able to take any thing as our condition was, were for
surrendering to the enemy, who was all the night becalmed near us. To
prevent their design, I took care to remove the two boats out of their
power, by ordering two men in each of them, such as I thought I could
trust, and to cast off from us at a little distance, that none might
escape in them. But, notwithstanding the confidence I had in these four,
the two in the best boat ran away with her; and the next day I was
informed, that the First Lieutenant and Morphew had made a party, too
strong for me to oppose, to go away with the boat that was left; but, it
blowing fresh the next night, they were prevented from executing their
design.
The next day we stood into the road of Pisco, as we had designed, where
we discovered what appeared to be a large ship. We bore down to her with
a resolute despair, and laid her athwart the hawse; but, to our great
satisfaction, we met with no resistance, and were received by the
Captain and his Officers with their hats off, in the most submissive
manner asking for quarter. Before we came up, I had ordered our boat to
intercept theirs, which was going on shore. They clapped her on board,
but, not holding fast, they fell astern, and could not fetch up with her
again; so that in this boat was conveyed away every thing that might
have been valuable in the prize. She was a good ship, of about 200 tons,
called the Jesus-Maria, almost laden with pitch, tar, copper, and plank,
but nothing else. The Captain offered 1600 dollars for her ransom, but I
could not give ear to it in the condition which I was then in.
The Spanish Captain informed me, that the Margarita had been arrived
some time at Callao, where she had given a full account of us; that the
Captain of her, and three more, were killed in the action with us, and
that the Priest and several others were wounded; and that she was now
ready to put to sea again, with an addition of ten guns and fifty men,
to cruise for us: and, moreover, that the Flying fish, a frigate of 28
guns, was already out with the same intent. Upon this advice, having
cleared our bark, we gave her to the Spanish Captain, and as soon as the
breeze sprang up, we weighed, and went to sea, and in going out met with
our boat, which I have mentioned to have left us in the night; they
edged towards us, imagining we were Spaniards, by which means we got
them again. The two fellows in her were almost dead, having ate or drank
nothing for three days, and had just been ashore on a small island, to
kill seals to drink their blood. They had no excuse for themselves, but
that they fell asleep, and the faint breezes of the night had wafted us
in the bark away from them.
Pisco being 40 leagues to the windward of Callao, I kept close hauled
till I had gained a two degrees offing, and kept that distance till we
had got well to the northward of Callao, and hauled in again for the
land, a little to the southward of Truxillo, and looked into the roads
of Guanchaco, Malabriga, and Cheripe; but, seeing no ship at those
places, I passed between the island of Lobos de Tierra and the
continent; and, Nov. 25, found ourselves near the Saddle of Payta, where
having made some prisoners, I examined them concerning the condition of
the town, which they answered was very poor at present, there being
neither money nor provisions in it, and shewed me a small bark on the
shore, which Capt. Clipperton had sent in here a little while before
with some of his prisoners, which had given them such an alarm, that
every thing had been again removed into the country. This unwelcome news
did not hinder us from keeping on our way, with our Spanish colours
flying, till we came to the place of anchorage.
No sooner was our anchor down than I sent away Mr. Brooks, with both the
boats, armed with 24 men; no more of them, however, appeared than those
who rowed, and two or three sitters in each, the rest, with their arms,
lying in the bottom of the boat. Thus they advanced towards the town,
without giving the least umbrage to the inhabitants, who were so
thoroughly persuaded of our being Spaniards, that, when the people
landed, they found the children playing on the beach, who were the first
that took the alarm, and ran away at the sight of armed men. In an
instant the whole place was in confusion; the town was deserted, and
nothing left in it but a few bales of coarse cloth, about 500 of dried
tole or dog-fish, two or three pedlars packs, and an inconsiderable
quantity of bread and sweet-meats; so that we unluckily had but little
employment for our boats.
As we lay at an anchor in the ship, we took a boat with about fifty jars
of Peruvian wine and brandy, the master of which told us, he was come by
stealth from Callao, there being orders that none but ships of some
force should stir out. This man was the first who acquainted me with
Captain Hatley’s being taken, and the value of his prizes; and likewise
assured me, that, if Captain Clipperton had landed the first time he was
here, there were 400,000 pieces of eight in it, besides a great quantity
of jesuits bark, and other valuable commodities, of all which he might
easily have made himself master; but he wanted courage. Some of the King
of Spain’s treasure is frequently lodged under the Governor’s care; and,
if he had made an attempt, even the second time, it would have been
worth his while. As for Collan, which is two miles to the northward of
this, situated near the mouth of a little river, it is a mean place,
being entirely inhabited by Indians.
From this place we directed our course for the island of Gorgona, in the
bay of Panama, and in our passage thither built a tank, or wooden
cistern, big enough to hold 10 tons of water, wherewith to supply our
want of casks, as without the help of some such contrivance we should
have but little hopes of being ever able to return home. In our way we
made the island of Plate, Cape St. Francis, and Gorgonella; and on Dec.
2, we came to anchor to the leeward of the northernmost point of
Gorgona, within less than a quarter of a mile of the shore. Here we had
the advantage of filling our water-casks in the boat, the water running
in small streams into the sea, and cut down our wood at high water mark;
so that in less than 48 hours we had done our business here, and hurried
away to sea, for fear of those who might be in quest of us.
Having got out of the track of the enemies ships, we consulted on the
best methods of proceeding, when the majority were for going directly
over to the coasts of Asia. Upon this we changed our ship’s name from
the Jesus Maria to the Happy Return, and applied all our endeavours
towards abandoning these coasts; but the winds and currents were averse
to it; and some of those who opposed our departure, did so much damage
clandestinely to our tank, that the greatest part of our water leaked
out. This, together with continual contrary winds and dead calms, which
detained us till our provisions were much exhausted, rendered us
incapable to undertake so long a run; and therefore, to furnish
ourselves with what we wanted, I proposed a descent on the island of
Quibo, in lat. 7 deg. 40 min. N. where, by Captain Rogers’s account, I
guessed there must be inhabitants who lived in a plentiful manner on the
product of the country.
On January 13, 1721, we anchored between Quibo and the isle of Quivetta,
in a sandy bay, commodious for wooding and watering. The morning after
our arrival, we saw two large piraguas rowing in for the isle of
Quivetta, one of them with Spanish colours flying; and, after a little
debate, whether it would be prudent for us to attack them in our boat or
not, it was resolved, at all hazards, to go after them in our yaul. This
enterprize was commanded by Mr. Brooks, our First Lieutenant, who found
the men on shore, brought away their piraguas, and two prisoners, the
one a Mulatto, and the other a Negro; the rest sought for refuge in the
woods. The Mulatto mortified us very much, by telling us, that a vessel
laden with provisions had passed by very near us in the night; but, to
make amends, promised to conduct us to a place where we might supply
ourselves without any hazard, provided we were not above two or three
days about it. No news could be more welcome to us than this, wherefore
we were very brisk in getting off our wood and water; and, on January
the 19th, we got safe in between Mariato and the island of Sebaco, and
anchored in six fathom water, over against a green field, which is
instruction sufficient, there being but that clear spot hereabouts. Our
guide desired we might be going at least three hours before day-light,
and that then we should be in good time at the plantations. Accordingly
I embarked at two the next morning in our own boat, and ordered the two
lieutenants in the two piraguas, leaving my son and a few men with him,
to take care of the ship. Our guide carried us up some part of the river
St. Martin, and out of that into several branches of very narrow creeks
amongst mangroves, where we had not room to row, which made me suspect
he had no good design in his head; but we landed just at day-break on a
fine savannah, or plain; and, after a march of about three miles, came
to two farm-houses, whose owners had made their escape, except the wife
and children of one house.
The place answered the man’s description, being surrounded by numerous
herds of black cattle, hogs, and plenty of fowls of all sorts; and here
we found some dried beef, plantains, and Indian corn; and, for present
use, were entertained with a wholesome breakfast of hot cake and milk, a
diet we had been long unacquainted with. When it came to be broad day, I
saw our ship close by us, upon which I asked our Mulatto, How he came to
bring us so far about? He answered, There was a river between us, and he
did not know whether it was fordable or not. I therefore sent some to
try, who found it was not above knee deep. Wherefore, to avoid the
trouble of carrying our plunder so far as we had been led, I ordered our
boats to row out of the river St. Martin, and to come to the beach over
against the ship. We had not been long here before the master of the
family we were with, being anxious for their safety, returned, and made
an offer of as many of his black cattle as we should think fit to
require; which offer we kindly received: and he brought us the number we
thought we could save; for, having but little salt, and not being able
to spare water to keep them alive when at sea, our demands were
moderate; and the few we required, as soon as they were carried on
board, were killed. Their flesh we preserved by cutting it into long
slips of the thickness of a finger, and then sprinkling it with so small
a quantity of salt, that we did not use above four or five pounds to a
hundred weight; then letting it lie together two or three hours, we hung
it up to dry in the sun, which perfectly cured it, and that better than
it could have been done by any other way.
Having done all we proposed in coming here, we departed with our decks
full of fowls and hogs, amongst which there was one with its navel, or
something like it, on its back. The Spaniards say, that this, when wild
in the woods, is a terrible animal to meet with, although at full growth
it be but small.
January 25, we made a sail about two leagues to the leeward of us: we
gave her chase till we found she was of European structure; and fearing
she might be one of the enemy’s ships of war, I clapped on a wind, and
in half an hour’s time it fell calm. Soon after, we saw a boat rowing
towards us, which proved to be the Success’s pinnace, commanded by Mr.
Davidson, their first Lieutenant. My first interview with him was
attended by an astonishment equal on both sides; he could hardly believe
that he saw us in so mean and forlorn a condition; and I could scarce
believe that the Success (if in being) had been all this while wandering
up and down these seas.
I entertained him with a rehearsal of the constant run of misfortunes
which had befallen us in the long interval since we separated near the
coast of England, till our present meeting that day; and he, on his
part, entertained me with several remarkable incidents, which had
happened to them in the course of their voyage. Particularly, he told
me, that, about a twelvemonth before, they had taken a new French-built
brigantine, and put their officers and ship’s company’s plunder on board
of her, which they valued at ten thousand pounds sterling; that their
second Captain, Mr. Mitchel, was intrusted with the command of her, and
was ordered to go to some island on the coast of Mexico, and to stay
there till Captain Clipperton should join him with his ship; but that
they never could find the island since, and, therefore, judged that poor
Mitchel, and his men, were either starved, or murdered by the Spaniards
or Indians, or that he had perished with the island, such submersions
being frequent on those coasts. The story of Captain Mitchel, who was a
very worthy man, and an expert sailor, is, in all its circumstances, a
very tragical one. There was always a jealousy between him and his
Captain, who ordered him to a place, and pretended to give him
infallible directions to find it, which never could be found afterwards,
and, ’tis my opinion, never was above water; and the unfortunate
gentleman, without doubt, perished in some obscure, miserable manner, in
quest of a place that was never yet, and perhaps never may be
discovered. In our discourse, I asked Mr. Davidson the value of the
booty they had made, and he assured me it did not exceed 70,000
dollars--but that they had lost great opportunities--that in October,
1720, they were in the bay of Conception, and had the misfortune to
leave three laden ships behind them, and missed a fourth, which was
coming into the bay, and which was so near as to hail and talk to them,
besides being becalmed by them;--that though it was probable their
launch could have taken them all four, yet, through their Captain’s
deafness to advice, they took none of them:--that, moreover, they had
never yet cleaned their bottom, notwithstanding they had had it in their
power to do it; and that this negligence had like to have cost them
dear; for that, in their return from Conception, they looked into
Coquimbo, where they saw five ships at anchor, three of which let slip
after them, and overtook them apace, but by the favour of thick weather,
and a hard gale of wind, they got clear of them; and further, that, off
the port of Callao, they fell in with the Flying-fish frigate, which was
cruising for me in the bark, and which, by unpardonable mismanagement on
the part of Clipperton, got safe from them, although deeply laden with a
valuable cargo designed for Cadiz. I have been since informed of this by
one of my surgeon’s mates, who was taken in the Mercury, and was surgeon
of the Flying-fish at that time.
This was the substance of my discourse with Mr. Davidson, when, in the
mean time, a gale sprung up, which interrupted us, and I bore down to
the Success, and went on board of her. I gave Captain Clipperton, and
Mr. Godfrey, the agent-general, the whole history of my voyage hitherto,
and expected that I should have been treated by them as one belonging to
the same interest, but found I was mistaken; for they were unwilling to
have any thing to do with me since my ship was lost. However, I
conceived, that he could not be so inhuman, as to deny me the supply of
such necessaries as I wanted, and he could conveniently spare. The
answer I had to this was, that I should know more of his mind the next
day. Amongst the rest of the discourse I had with him, he told me he was
just come from the island of Cocos, that his people were sickly, and at
very short allowance. Upon this, I offered my service to pilot him to
Mariato, which was not above thirty leagues distant from us, where he
might have refreshed his people, and supplied himself with what he
would. But this was not accepted, he being resolved to make the best of
his way to the Tres Marias, where, he said, there was turtle enough to
be had; so I left him for that night.
The next morning, as I was going on board of him again, with some of my
officers, he suddenly spread all his canvas, and crouded away from us,
who were in the boat: upon which I returned to our ship again, and made
signals of distress, and fired our gun several times, which was not
regarded by him, till his very officers cried out on his barbarity, and,
at last, he brought to. When I had sailed up with him, (being
exasperated at such inhuman treatment) I sent Mr. Brooks, our First
Lieutenant, to know the reason of his abrupt departure, and to tell him
that we stood in need of several necessaries, which, if he was not
inclined to give, I would purchase of him. Upon these terms he spared me
two of his quarter-deck guns, sixty round shot, some musquet-balls and
flints, and a Spanish chart of the coast of Mexico and part of India and
China, a half-hour and a half-minute glass, a compass, and about 300
weight of salt; but with all the arguments I could use, I could not
prevail on him to spare us the least thing out of his surgeon’s chest
for the relief of Mr. Coldsea, our master, who had been ready to die of
his wounds received in the engagement with the Margarita, for above
three months past. When this was concluded, I again asked him if I could
be of any service to him, and assured him, I had a pretty good ship
under foot, though she made but a poor figure, and believed I could hold
him way, and that he knew our cargo was pretty valuable. To all this he
answered, that, if I had a cargo of gold, he had no business with me,
and that I must take care of myself. Mr. Hendry, the agent, and Mr.
Rainer and Mr. Dodd, Lieutenants of marines, seeing but little prospect
that we should ever get home, and being weary of the work that was
imposed upon them, desired I would let them go on board the Success, for
a passage to England; which I consenting to, they went on board
accordingly, and Clipperton left us to shift for ourselves, near the
island of Cano. Having purchased this supply, I was for going to the
southward into the bay of Panama, to try our fortune there; but the
majority opposed me through fear, and were for going to the Tres Marias,
to salt turtle there, and then stretch over for India. We directed our
course thither; and, a few days after, met with the Success in quest of
Sonsonnate, where they expected to receive the Marquis of Villa Roche’s
ransom. That nobleman had been some time a prisoner with them, and his
wife was now at Guatimala, a city within 30 leagues of that port. We
ranged close under their stern, and asked how Captain Clipperton and the
rest of the gentlemen did, but it was not thought proper to return any
answer; so, without any concern, he steered one way, and we another.
After this, calms, and contrary winds, and unaccountable currents,
reduced us to a very small allowance, which we were obliged to diminish
daily, and should have been in deeper distress than ever, had it not
been for the turtle which we took on the surface of the water. We had a
continual look-out for them, and they were easily known, at a great
distance, by the number of sea-birds that perched on their backs. Upon
sight of these, we used to lay aside the advantages we might have made
of the wind, to embrace the opportunity of prolonging our provisions.
Upon the whole, though we lost some of our way in pursuit of turtle
after this manner, it was not the greatest inconvenience that attended
us; the dressing it made a great consumption of our water, the quantity
of which decreased upon us very suddenly, by the continual use of it in
boiling the turtle with plantain flower. This relapse into a state of
famine, threatening us with speedy and certain perdition, if means were
not used to avert it, made me propose the plundering of some small town
as we coasted along the shore. Guatulco was the nearest to us: but the
very morning we were steering in for this place, at sun-rising we saw a
sail a considerable way to leeward of us. We thought it would be better
to take this ship than to venture on shore, and therefore we bore down
to her, who in the end proved to be the Success. We now met with a
double baulk, both as to our hopes of Guatulco and the ship; for we were
by this accident got so far to the leeward of Guatulco, that it was
needless to beat up so far against the wind for an uncertainty, when we
had a gale, that, had it continued, would have carried us to some better
port.
But the winds were but a few hours propitious, and were succeeded by
perpetual contrary gales, which destroyed all our hopes, and brought us
down to a small earthen plate of calavances, a kind of small bean, for
24 hours, which not being sufficient to keep us alive, we had recourse
to the remainder of our smoked congers, which had for some months been
neglected, and lain soaking and rotting in the bulge water. They were
certainly as disagreeable food as ever men eat.
Under these calamitous circumstances did we meet with the Success a
fourth time, near the port of Angels; and, after having made the
appointed signal, we stood so near to one another, that, to use the sea
phrase, a bisket might have been tossed from ship to ship, but we did
not change a word with each other; for, Captain Clipperton, as I have
since been informed, had ordered all his officers and ship’s company to
take no notice of us: and, though he was so truly sensible of the
difficulties and hazards we had to cope with, if our design was to go
for India, that he said, The child that was born the day before would be
grey-headed with age before we should arrive there (intimating by that
expression, that it was impossible for us to do it), yet,
notwithstanding, he, without any remorse, could see us on the brink of
suffering the greatest severities our ill fortune could load us with,
and not lend us a helping hand to deliver us from the impending ruin.
Thus surrounded on all sides by present want and threatening disasters,
we, on the 12th of March, being off the port of Acapulco, saw a ship
between us and the shore. I bore down to her, till perceiving her to be
a large Europe-built ship, with Spanish colours flying, I concluded she
was the Peregrine, who, as I had been informed, had carried the Prince
of St. Bueno, who had been Viceroy of Peru, to this port in his way to
Spain. With these suspicions, being as yet unwilling to run ourselves so
immediately into the enemy’s clutches, I hauled again on a wind, which
he seeing, he pulled down his Spanish, and hoisted an English ensign,
and made the signal agreed on between Clipperton and me for knowing one
another. Had they been in any other part, I should have been so far from
entertaining any thoughts of such a change in him, that I should have
looked on all his signals as the artifices of the enemy, who might have
acquainted themselves with them by the information of such of our men as
they might have taken prisoners. But now, making no doubt that it was
he, I bore down to him, and being come along his side, he sent Captain
Cook, his second Lieutenant, in his yaul, with an obliging letter to me,
to inform me, he was cruising for the homeward-bound Manilla ship, and
desiring I would assist him in the enterprize, and come on board of him
the next morning, proposing a union of our two ships companies. I was
very well pleased with this offer, and, without hesitation, returned him
word that I would be with him early.
In the mean time, I read over his letter publicly to my people, and
exhorted them seriously to consider of the great benefits that would
accrue to us on all sides from it. Upon which they all expressed the
most resigned willingness to join in the undertaking. But, as Clipperton
had used us so unhandsomely before, they desired I would get some
security for their shares, signed by Captain Clipperton, Mr. Godfrey the
agent, and the rest of their officers. I went on board, and, according
to their request, Capt. Clipperton, and Mr. Godfrey, the owners agent,
immediately drew up an instrument fully worded for the purpose, and they
and all the other officers signed it. This was all my people wanted to
make them easy.
We then proceeded upon our main business; and, after mature
deliberation, it was thought most adviseable, that I should send the
greatest part of my men on board the Success, as soon as we saw the
Manilla ship come out of Acapulco, and leave only a boat’s crew with me
to bring me away, in case I should have occasion to make use of my ship
as a fire-ship, or a smoaker, which we jointly proposed to do, if we
found the enemy too hard for us; and it was determined to board her at
once, as we should otherwise have much the worst of it, on account of
their superior weight of metal, and the better capacity of their ships,
which are built very strong, to bear a cannonading. Clipperton assured
me, he was certain of the time when she would sail from this port, which
the Spaniards say is always within a day or two after Passion-week, of
which we had a fortnight yet to come.
Before I returned to my own ship, I acquainted Captain Clipperton with
our slender stock of provisions, but particularly with our shortness of
water; and he told me he had 80 tons of it on board, and he would spare
me as much of it as I would have, or any thing else his ship afforded.
I had now the pleasure of being restored to my command in as regular a
manner as ever; every one, from the highest to the lowest, expressing
the satisfaction he had in the prospect before us. But, Morphew, that
ringleader of all our disorders, fearing my resentment, thought it was
his best way, to insinuate himself into the favour of the Captain and
Officers of the Success, which he did effectually, by an humble,
submissive, outward deportment, and prevailing presents. In short, he
had his end, and left me; but, the next morning, Mr. Rainer, who acted
with us afterwards as Captain of marines, came on board of us to visit
his old shipmates, and so continued.
Thus we cruised in good order, and with a great deal of hope, until
March 17, when, towards evening, Clipperton, contrary to his usual
custom, stretched a-head of us about two leagues, without lowering so
much as a top-gallant-sail for us to come up with him. I could not but
be a little startled at this, as being quite contrary to his usual
method. However, I kept standing after him, as I thought, in the night,
till we were almost in the breakers on the shore, which of course
obliged us to tack, and stand out to sea again, admiring all the time
that we had had no signal for going about. The next morning we had no
sight of any ship near us, which laid me under the most terrible
apprehensions, considering the bad condition we were in for want of
water, and the vast distance we were at from any place where we could
expect to get a recruit of any, having now no choice left, but either to
beat up 220 leagues against the wind, to go to the Tres Marias, or bear
away a much more considerable distance for the gulph of Amapala, or the
island of Cocos.
But, notwithstanding our distress, I kept our cruising station for him
two or three days. At last it was resolved to bear away to the first
convenient place to water at; and, in truth, it was time, for we were
now 40 odd men, who had but three buts of water for a run of 300 leagues
and upwards, on a coast subject to long calms, variable winds, and
uncertain currents.
It was afterwards told me, that the night Clipperton left us, he
assembled all his officers, and told them it was his intention
immediately to quit the coast. His officers remonstrated to him on the
barbarity of doing this without acquainting Captain Shelvock with his
intention, and sparing us some water. But he put off their serious
expostulations with an inhuman sneer, saying, That, if I should, through
want, be obliged to surrender to the enemy, I should only share the same
fate, that, perhaps, some others had met with before me.
Thus this man, perhaps, through an excess of mean-spiritedness, and
dreading the engagement with a ship that was always known to defend
itself with some obstinacy, neglected as fine an opportunity as most of
our nation have ever had of taking this ship, which, as I was informed,
by some Spaniards from Manilla, when I was in China, came out of
Acapulco about a week after we left the cruize.--[For Capt. Clipperton’s
account of this transaction we refer the reader to the preceding
voyage.]
On March 30, in the evening, we entered the road of Sonsonnate, and, as
the sun set, saw a ship at anchor there. It being a moon-light night, I
sent the first Lieutenant, with some of the best hands, to discover what
this ship might be. On his return he informed me, the ship was a large
one, of one tier of guns at least. I nevertheless continued to ply in
all the night, and prepared for action. At day-light we found they had
hoisted a jar of powder, containing about ten gallons, with lighted
match, at each main and fore yard arm, and at the bowsprit end, with
design to let them fall on our decks if we boarded them. This
contrivance, if it had taken effect, would have soon made an end of both
ships, and of all that were in them. Seeing them so desperate in their
preparations, I expected a warm dispute with them; and, by what I could
see, they were, in all points, superior by much to us in strength.
At eleven in the morning, the sea-breeze came in, and ran us upon them
very fast, whilst our small arms were briskly and effectually employed
to break their powder jars, before we came to board them, which we did
without delay, and, after the exchange of a few shot when on board of
each other, they submitted.
This ship was called the Sacra Familia, of 300 tons, six guns, and 70
men; besides a great number of small arms, with some grenade shells and
shot. She had been, for some time before, arrived from Callao, with wine
and brandy; but had now nothing in her but fifty jars of gunpowder, and
a small parcel of rusk and jerked beef. In short, she could hardly be
said to be worth the trouble we took, and the risques we ran for her:
but she was reputed to be a better sailor, and was visibly better fitted
out than our own; wherefore I changed ships, and we all went on board
our prize, which was equipped in the warlike manner we found her, and
commissioned, on purpose to take us.
A merchant, the escrivan of the ship, being on board, desired we would
sell him the Jesus Maria, which we agreed to, and sent him on shore to
raise the money for that purpose; and at night he came off with another
Spanish gentleman, and brought us a letter of advice from the Governor
on shore, signifying that there was a treaty of peace on foot between
their Britannic and Catholic Majesties, which was what we had not before
heard of. However, I sent to the Governor, signifying that I should be
very glad to see the proclamation and articles; and that thereupon, I
should be ready to obey the commands of my Sovereign; so we came to an
agreement with the Governor to lye in the road till he sent to
Guatimala, 50 leagues distant, for those papers, provided he would
supply us with water and provisions. On the 5th of April, the Governor
sent on board two papers, which, by the best interpretation we could get
of them, did not appear to us to be in the form of proclamations. We
told those who brought the papers aboard, that we were in great want of
an interpreter; upon which they said, there were some Englishmen at
Guatimala, whom they would send for, if we would stay three days for
them, and that they would supply us with water and provisions till that
time; which we agreed to, and they desired we would send our boat on
shore every morning for the supply. Accordingly, on the 7th of April, we
sent our boat on shore with Mr. Brooks, our first Lieutenant, and five
men. This officer, men, and boat, the Governor detained under a flag of
truce, and, at night, sent off a small boat, with two of our men, with a
letter from himself, and another from Mr. Brooks. His letter signified,
that, if we did not deliver up our ship to him, he would declare us
pirates. And Mr. Brooks, by his, informed me, that it was his opinion,
that the Governor was endeavouring to bully me into a surrender, having
spoken very ambiguously of a cessation of arms: notwithstanding which, I
sent the Governor a letter, signifying, that, if we could be secured of
a safe and sure conduct for ourselves and effects to Panama, and from
thence, by the way of Porto Bello, be conveyed to any of our British
plantations, we would come to a farther treaty; which if he intended, he
was desired to signify it by firing two guns as soon as he had received
this advice, and by sending back my officer and men; if not, necessity
would oblige us to sail. At three in the morning (the Governor having
shewn no signal, nor sent any word) we weighed our anchor, yet lay to in
the bay till ten, but then made sail, being forced thereto for want of
water; having, however, no other intent, in case of the certainty of a
peace, than to deliver up the ship we were now in at the first
convenient port, as was signified to the Governor by letter.
Being now got out to sea, we reduced ourselves to a pint of water for 24
hours each man, and directed our course for the gulph of Amapala, which
was about 35 leagues to the E.S.E. of this place, in order to get a
fresh supply. The loss of my officer and boat’s crew, sensibly
diminished the number of white faces, and we should have been so much
weakened by it, that we should never have been able to manage this great
ship, with her heavy cotton sails, if we had not taken with us our negro
prisoners, who proved to be very good sailors. The loss of our boat was
also a very great inconvenience to us; but as I only thought of taking
water enough to carry us to Panama, where we were fully resolved to
surrender, if it was really peace, I imagined we might make shift
without her, and get such a quantity as we might want in two or three
days time.
The winds were favourable, and we arrived there on the tenth following
in the evening. As soon as we had entered the gulph we found ourselves
in the midst of several small islands, one of which was the island of
Tygers, where we expected to find water; but our expectations proved
vain, for, after a hazardous and fruitless search not only on that, but
on some of the greenest of the other isles, there was not the least drop
of fresh water to be found, by us, on any of them.
In this miserable condition, threatened on all sides with inevitable
destruction, unfit for the sea, fearful of trusting ourselves in the
cruel hands of the inhabitants on the shore, quite dispirited by the
continued course of misfortunes which had hitherto been our constant
attendants; but, above all, lamenting this unhappy baulk in not finding
water where we so much expected it, which had reduced us to such
extremities as we had never known before; in short, ready to sink under
the burden of our calamities, we weighed our anchor on the 13th of April
before day-break, and stood out from this gulph. And now having the open
sea before us, I brought my people in general to an obstinate resolution
not to surrender on this part of the coast, let the consequences be ever
so miserable. Upon this unanimous agreement, with not 40 gallons of
water in the ship, and no other liquids to supply the want of it, we
came to so small an allowance as half a pint of water for 24 hours; and
even this allowance was rather too large, there being no place, that we
knew of, where we could get any more, nearer than Quibo, to which
island, about 200 leagues distant from us, we shaped our course, but
having very uncertain winds and weather, we were 13 days at this
allowance. Our sufferings from the extremity of thirst are hardly to be
conceived; some drank their own water to allay the burning heat within
them, but though this moistened their mouths, it increased their misery;
some drank large draughts of sea-water, which was near putting a period
to their lives; while others eat just enough of the calavances moistened
with water to sustain life, and these suffered the least.
At length we were fortunately relieved, by falling in unexpectedly with
the island of Cano, in lat. 9 deg. N. where seeing a run of water, Mr.
Randall, without dreading the dangerous surf, passed through the
breakers, and, to the unspeakable joy of all the company, soon returned
on board with his jars filled; but as he could not bring off more than
60 or 70 gallons, I took care to restrain our people in the use of it,
allowing to each man only a quart for their immediate use: and I was the
more strict in this distribution, because Mr. Randall assured me, the
breakers were so dangerous that he believed we should not be able to get
at any more.
Being willing, however, to make another trial, I next day sent the
boatswain, to endeavour to procure a further supply; but, after wasting
the whole day in search of a smooth beach to land upon, he could not see
one spot where he durst venture on shore. Therefore, thinking we had a
stock sufficient to carry us to Quibo, I weighed anchor, and in ranging
the island I accidentally discovered a smooth beach, where the little
boat getting on shore, the crew filled nine jars, which lasted till we
arrived at Quibo, where we anchored at the same place we had twice
anchored at before. Here we consulted about surrendering ourselves to
the Spaniards, being within 80 leagues of Panama, a place of little or
no strength towards the sea, and but little frequented by the enemy’s
ships of war, where we could treat with them at a distance, and be truly
informed how affairs stood in Europe. During our deliberations we wooded
and watered at leisure; and some searched the woods for fruits to
refresh us, by way of prevention against the scurvy, which we had been
all along less subject to than any ship I ever saw or heard of in such
long runs. Those who were thus usefully employed brought us papas,
guayavas, cassia, limes, and a small kind of white sour plumb, which was
much eaten and admired by most of us; but, by its violent operation, it
put stop to our proceedings for some days. However, we soon recovered,
without any bad symptoms, and made an end of wooding and watering, and
set sail, fully determined to surrender at Panama. In our way we passed
by a great many small islands, but the most remarkable are, Montuosa,
Sebaco, and the isle of Picara, which lies on the western side of Quibo.
May 15, a small bark, taking us for Spaniards, bore down to us, the
master of which was in the greatest consternation when he found his
mistake, but recovered when he heard we were bound for Panama to
surrender, and readily offered his pilot thither, his vessel, called the
Holy Sacrament, being bound to that port, laden with dried beef, pork,
and live hogs, which, as she was leaky, he desired that I would take in
tow. I was glad this bark fell into our hands, and readily complied with
his request, because, if we found the Governor of Sonsonnate’s account
to be false, we might be thoroughly enabled by this help to go to India.
In the mean while, it had remained a point yet undetermined, who should
be the person entrusted with the flag of truce; for my people, having
known much treachery, were apprehensive the person sent would only, or
chiefly, make good his own case and that of his friends to the Governor,
and not care what became of the common men. At last, my son was judged
the fittest to go, as he would surely return, if it were purely for my
sake. Other difficulties were started that could not so easily be
removed, notwithstanding which, we kept on our way, fully fixed in our
resolution.
May 17, another small bark came down upon us, but having stood pretty
near to us, she bore away again, and ran on shore directly, at the
hazard of the lives of every soul on board. This unaccountable
behaviour, gave us good reason to believe that the Governor of
Sonsonnate’s account of a cessation of arms was groundless.
May 19, we saw a sail a-head of us, standing along shore, and being
desirous of speaking with her, I let go the bark we had in tow, and made
all the sail we could after her. We gained very little upon her all the
day; but had, nevertheless, got a great way a-head of our bark, wherein
were four of our own people and five Spaniards. However, notwithstanding
night came on, all our sail was kept abroad, and next morning we were
within gun-shot of her. I immediately ordered our colours to be spread,
fired a gun to leeward, and set a man to wave a flag of truce; but, on
sight of out English ensign, she fired at us, and so continued to do,
with her decks full of men, abusing us with the grossest appellations. I
made no return until I came close upon their quarter, and then I sent
one of their countrymen to the bowsprit end, to inform them in Spanish,
that we were bound to Panama, and desired to treat peaceably with them,
and hoped, at least, they would have some regard to the white flag which
they saw flying; but they still continued their fire; and presuming, as
I supposed, by our quiet behaviour, that we were unable to defend
ourselves, they were preparing to board us, which I no sooner perceived
than I met them with our helm, and gave them so warm a salute, that they
sheered round off from us. We just missed getting hold of them, but it
falling almost immediately calm, we continued our engagement for the
space of two or three hours at the distance of musquet-shot. At length,
a breeze wafting us nearer to them, we found that as fast as we
approached, so fast did their courage cool. Their Captain, however,
still bravely encouraging his people, and exposing himself in the
openest manner, was shot through the body, and dropped down dead; upon
which they immediately, and with one voice, cried out for quarter, and
put an end to the dispute. Mr. Randall, and two or three more, went on
board the prize, and found the prisoners, in the most submissive
posture, asking for mercy, which was granted, though they had no great
reason to expect it, after their direct breach of the laws of arms and
nations in firing at a flag of truce.
The most considerable prisoners, being brought on board, informed me,
that their ship, called the Conception de Recova, belonging to Callao,
was of the burthen of 200 tons, and laden with flour, loaves of sugar,
bales of boxes of malmalade, jars of preserved peaches, grapes, limes,
and the like, mounted six guns, and had 70 odd men on board. In this
engagement, the Spanish Captain and a negroe were killed, and one or two
slightly wounded. On our part, our gunner was slightly wounded by a
pistol ball, and our main-mast had a small piece carried out of the side
of it. We had now about 80 prisoners of all colours, though we ourselves
were not above 26.
Amongst our prisoners we had several of note, particularly Don Baltazzar
de Abarca, Conde de Rosa, an European nobleman, who had been Governor of
Pisco, and was now upon his return to Spain, together with Captain
Morel, who had formerly been taken by Captain Rogers. They were all
treated with the utmost civility, which they the more wondered at,
because, from a self-conviction of their own ungenerous behaviour
towards us, they could not but expert to have been dealt with quite
otherwise.
The winds and calms prevented our joining the Holy Sacrament, the prize
we had left behind us, till May 22, when we bore down to her, and were
surprized to find no soul on board, but that her decks and quarters were
covered with blood. By many circumstances it plainly appeared, that the
Spanish crew had butchered those who were left to assist them, while
they were asleep; otherwise it could not have happened, that five
unarmed Spaniards could have overpowered four Englishmen completely
provided with arms for their defence. It is very probable, however, that
these murderers paid with their lives, the loss of those lives they had
taken away; for, being above four leagues from the land, and having no
boat with them, they probably jumped into the sea on our approach,
fearing, if they fell into our hands, to meet the vengeance due for so
horrid a crime. That part of the deck which was dyed with gore they
endeavoured to cover, by throwing the flocks and stuffings of beds over
it; so that till these were removed, the blood was not to be seen.
This tragical accident put a damp to the pleasure we had enjoyed for a
day or two past on the account of our late prize. Our prisoners, at such
a sad and sudden change, began to be alarmed, and looked at one another
as if they all expected to be the victims of our revenge upon this
unhappy occasion. On the other hand, I was fearful lest these
apprehensions should urge them to some desperate attempt, they being 80
in number, and we not above 17 on board of our own ship, and, when we
were all together, not above 25 that could stand to arms. In this
dilemma, I ordered all the prisoners into the stern-gallery, except the
nobleman, and some of the chief officers, and a guard to be kept in the
great cabbin.
The Spanish gentlemen observing this, let fall some expressions whereby
I perceived they were afraid I intended to proceed to severities towards
their people; but I assured them, that, if I was of so revengeful a
nature, the laws of my country forbad me from indulging it; that I acted
under my King’s commission; and that the natural abhorrence our nation
had to barbarity, might quiet their fears, and make them perfectly easy.
They then, on their part, in the most solemn manner disclaimed the very
thought of an attempt upon our lives; and assured us, on their honour,
that they thought they should never be able to make a just return for
the generous treatment they had met with. It was, however, prudent to
secure our prisoners of the meaner sort, and when we had so done, we
hauled the Holy Sacrament along-side of us. She was half full of water,
and the greatest part of her dried beef was wet and spoiled, but all
that was not damaged we took out, together with some live hogs. We also
took out of the Conception a twelvemonth’s provision of bread, flour,
sugar and sweetmeats, and a like proportion for the Success, whom I
expected to find at the Tres Marias, being then a stranger to
Clipperton’s faithless desertion. I likewise took from them their launch
and their negroes; for considering we had a large ship, and a run of 175
degrees of longitude to sail, which was little less than half way round
the world, I thought we could do no other than reinforce ourselves with
these blacks, who are commonly good sailors in these parts; and, indeed,
we afterwards found we should never have reached the coasts of Asia
without them.
Thus having supplied ourselves with every thing the Conception afforded,
I suffered our prisoners to return to their own ship again; but the
chief of them would not leave me till they had drawn up a writing, which
they signed, whereby they acknowledged the circumstances of our
engagement, in the manner I have already related. In short, no people,
circumstanced as we were, could part in a more friendly manner than we
did.
Thus were we put by our design of surrendering, and were going to
undertake a long and hazardous voyage to Asia. Our strength was indeed
considerably augmented, for we had now 15 guns, and ammunition enough to
supply them.
Before we proceeded any farther, it was necessary to get in a full stock
of water. The island of Quibo was hazardous for us, being too near
Panama; it was therefore determined to ply up to Cano, where, having a
good boat, we soon did our business. In our passage thither, the
sweetmeats of all kinds, which we had taken out of our late prize, were
divided among the messes. It happened that one of the fellows, one day,
complained he had a box of malmalade which he could not stick his knife
into, and desired it might be changed. I opened it, and found in it a
cake of virgin silver, moulded on purpose to fill such boxes, and being
very porous, it was of near the same weight of so much malmalade. In
overhauling the rest, we found five more of these boxes. This was a
contrivance to defraud the King of Spain of his fifths, which he claims
in all the silver taken out of any of the mines in Peru. We doubtless
left a great many of these boxes behind us, so that this deceit served
them in a double capacity, to defraud their king’s officers, and blind
their enemies. An affair as vexatious as this, is said to have been
discovered too late on board a prize the Success had taken, where they
found a very considerable quantity of Pinna’s or virgin silver, in the
form of bricks, very artfully plaistered over with clay, and dried in
the sun, which being all the consistence they give their bricks in that
country, they were taken to be really such, and a great number of them
were thrown overboard as so much rubbish, without any discovery of what
they were, till the four or five last pieces. How true this may be I
can’t say, but it was reported to me, as matter of fact, by several of
the officers belonging to Captain Clipperton.
I must here observe, that every thing we took in the Conception was
divided among us according to the Juan Fernandian articles, and that I
had no more than six instead of sixty shares. They would not so much as
allow me the money I had out laid at St. Catherine’s, which was upwards
of a hundred pounds. I had some difficulty to persuade them to run to
the northward so far as California; and was obliged to use many
arguments to prevail upon them to believe that the harbour of Puerto
Seguro was the only port of security where we could safely lay down and
refit our ship; but having at last obtained their consents, I weighed
from Cano, steering to the northward, and had favourable gales for 48
hours; but then came on the constant, or what may be called the trade
wind on this coast, which being as contrary to us as they well could be,
I was willing to try how far off these winds might prevail, which, in my
opinion, may be called the eddy of the true trade wind, whose course may
be perverted by the interposition of this vast mountainous continent.
Accordingly I found, that, at the distance of 60 leagues, we had light
winds and variable, and that, at the distance of between 70 and 80
leagues, it settled at E. N. E. and N. E. I therefore kept at this
distance from the land till we had run up to the height of 20 degrees
north. In all this passage, we were not in the least sensible of any
currents, and entirely out of the way of certain riplings and overfalls
of water, which we frequently met with nearer to the land, and which
often surprized us when we were becalmed in deep water.
In this passage we were accompanied by vast shoals of fish, and were
continually incommoded by numerous flocks of the birds called boobies,
making our ship their resting place, which fouled our yards and deck
with their dung as fast as we could clean them. However, for change of
diet, some of my people made ragouts of them, and the smoakers made
stems for their pipes of their long wing-bones.
We fell in with Cape Corientes in the beginning of the month of August,
and were carried away to the islands called the Tres Marias, by a hard
gale at south, and came to an anchor under the lee of the middlemost of
these islands, but could see no sign of the Success having been there.
After a tedious search on all the three islands for fresh water, there
was nothing like a stream of it that we could find. This was the more
astonishing to us, as one or two of our late navigators have reported
that fresh water is to be found there in sufficient plenty. It may have
been so when they were there; but we were unfortunate enough to seek,
when none was to be found.
After employing three days in a fruitless search, I stretched over for
the coast of California, and arrived thereon the 11th of August. The
inhabitants, as soon as they discovered us, made fires all along the
shore as the ship ran by them; and, towards the evening, it falling
calm, two of them came off to us on a bark-log, but were a long time
before they would accept of our invitation to come on board of us. At
length, they ventured in; when, in a moment, seeing our blacks
promiscuously standing together with us white men, they, with very angry
countenances, separated them from us; and would hardly suffer them to
look at us. They talked to us with great vehemence, but we could
comprehend nothing more of their meaning, than that they rejoiced to see
us. Night coming on, they took their leave, and we gave them a knife or
two, an old coat, and some other trifles, which seemed to please them
very well. They expressed themselves by signs in such a manner, that we
could guess they gave us repeated invitations to go on shore with them.
On Sunday the 13th of August, at day-break, we found ourselves near
Puerto Seguro, which may be readily known by three white rocks, not much
unlike the Needles of the Isle of Wight, and you must keep close on
board the outermost to fetch into the bay. We entered Puerto Seguro,
surrounded by numbers of small embarkations of the inhabitants, while
the shore, on all sides, was crouded with Indians, whose numbers visibly
encreased by multitudes which flocked together from the adjacent parts.
Our anchor was no sooner down, than they came off to us in shoals, some
few on their bark-logs, but most of them swimming, talking and calling
out to one another in a noisy and confused manner, but such as plainly
shewed how desirous they were to come to us. Our ship was in an instant
full of these swarthy gentlemen quite naked, and amongst the rest was
their King, or Chief-man, who, unexpectedly, delivered to me his batoon,
or ensign of royalty, which I immediately returned to him. This man,
notwithstanding the wildness of his appearance to us, had a good
countenance, and his behaviour had something that was very engaging in
it. I was, at first, at a loss to know how to entertain our numerous
guests, but at length I thought of regaling them with some of our liquid
sweetmeats, which we had in great plenty. This they liked extremely, and
the spoons, which were mostly silver, they returned with great honesty.
Having thus commenced a friendship with them, at day-break next morning
our boat went on shore to cut wood and fill water; and before the sun
was up, we were again crouded with our former guests, who seemed as if
they could never be weary of gazing at us. To keep up the amity we had
already contracted with them, I ordered a great boiler to be carried on
shore, with good store of flour and sugar, and a negroe cook, who was
continually boiling of hasty pudding for the numbers of spectators on
the beach; and it really behoved us to endeavour to keep in their
favour, for on seeing a few of our men rolling great and cumbersome
casks of water over the heavy sand, it inclined them to help us. To this
may added, a sense of the kind treatment they met with from us, and the
particular readiness of their Chief to serve us, by shewing his people a
good example; for, after Mr. Randall, my Lieutenant, he himself took up
the second log of wood to carry to the boat, and was immediately
followed by two or three hundred of them, who, encouraged by his
example, all took to the work, repaying our civilities with their
services, and every day they seemed more and more fond of us.
Mean while, the rumour of our arrival was spread through all the
neighbouring parts, and some of the clans, different from those who
inhabited the shores, came daily to take a view of us. Those who came
from any distance in the country could not swim; and that they were
different from those we had first seen on our arrival here, appeared by
their manner of painting themselves, and by other little distinctions
which were visible amongst them; but they all united to assist us, nor
were any of them idle but the women, who used to sit in companies on the
scorching sand, waiting for their share of what was going forward, which
they used to receive very thankfully and without quarrelling.
Having done all our business here, in the space of five days, on the
18th of August, in the morning, we prepared for our departure in the
afternoon. We employed the morning in making a large distribution of
sugar amongst the women. To the men we gave a great many knives, old
axes, and old iron, which we had taken in our prizes. These were the
most useful things to them, and of which they stood most in need; in
return for which, some of them gave us bows and arrows, deer-skin bags,
live foxes, squirrels, and the like. Great many of the men staid in the
ship all the while we were purchasing our anchor, and it was not till we
were under weigh that they all jumped overboard to join in the
lamentations of their countrymen on shore.
The men in this southern part of California, are tall, straight, and
well made; their limbs are large, their hair coarse and black, and
barely reaches down to their shoulders. The women are of a much smaller
size; their hair is much longer than the mens, and with it some of their
faces are almost covered. The men go quite naked, and have not the least
thing to cover any part of them, except their heads, round which they
wear a band of red and white silk-grass, adorned on each side with a
tuft of hawk’s feathers. The women, on the contrary, wear a thick fringe
of silk-grass, which hangs down to their knees, and have either a deer’s
skin, or the skin of a large bird, carelessly wrapped over their
shoulders.
[Illustration: _A Californian Woman habited in the Skin of a Deer_]
Nothing can be more wild and savage to look at, than these people at
first sight: but there is a wide difference between what they seem, and
what they really are; for, by all we could discern in their behaviour
towards one another, and in their deportment towards us, they are endued
with great good nature.
They seem to lead a careless life, and to enjoy every thing in common
amongst them; and, having nothing but their daily food to provide, they
are strangers to those numerous gratifications, the want of which
multiply distresses among nations more civilized and more refined. Their
contentment makes them honest, for they never offered to steal even the
things most useful to them. In a word, they seem to pass their lives,
according to the notions we have of the purest simplicity of the
earliest ages of the world, before discord and contention were heard of
amongst men. Having no enemies, they live in perfect peace and harmony
with one another. Hunting and fishing are their only employments, except
making the instruments they use in these pursuits, which are the
simplest that can be. They have no canoes, and go to sea on bark-logs;
but they are the most expert divers I ever beheld. By their simple
manner of living, and their continual exercise, they live to a great
age; and yet, what is very surprizing, they do not appear to be very
numerous, considering the extent of their country. Their only enemies
are the wild beasts, and of these there are plenty in the woods and
forests. They do not appear to be so jealous of their women as they have
been represented; for we had the company of some hundreds of them, young
and old, without any restraint from the men. Two things were remarkable,
that they never would suffer us to take snuff, but would earnestly take
it from us whenever we attempted it; nor would they ever suffer us to
look through a spying-glass, which I had frequent resort to, to see how
our work of wooding and watering went on. In these two instances, they
always took upon them to controul us, and in these two only; the causes
of which we could never learn.
They go out to sea on their bark-logs, which are only composed of five
logs of a light wood, made fast to each other by wooden pegs, rowing
with a double paddle and with their harpoons, which are made of a sort
of hard wood, they strike the largest albicores, and bring them in when
struck. This was altogether surprizing to us, who had so often
experienced the strength of that fish, and the difficulty of getting
them into our ship, when either hooked or struck. One would imagine,
that as soon as these Indians had struck one of these albicores, on his
light embarkation, it would run away with him and his bark-log; but they
either strike them so as to give them some mortal wound, or have some
particular way of managing them, for they struggle and resist in vain.
When we were in this port, it was apparently their fishing season; but
by the number of deer-skins one sees amongst them, it is natural to
conclude they have also their season for hunting. The skins of their
deer are grey, and so are the skins of their foxes and squirrels; of all
which, it is likely, they eat indifferently, as of most other animals
that become their prey. Of birds amongst them we saw scarce any, but a
few pelicans.
[Illustration: _An Indian of the Southermost parts of California as
Returning from Fishing & another on his Barklog_]
What these Indians used instead of bread is very remarkable. It is a
small black seed of an oily substance, which they grind much the same
way as we do our chocolate, and afterwards make it up in some such
manner. The look of these black lumps or rolls so made up, is not very
inviting, yet the taste is not very disagreeable. When they want to
drink, they go to the river.
Their arms are bows and arrows. Their bows are about six feet in length,
and their arrows seem to be somewhat too long for their bows. Their
bow-strings are made of deer’s sinews, and their arrows are composed of
a hollow cane for two-thirds of their length, and the other third next
the point is of a heavy kind of wood, which is headed with a piece of
flint, and sometimes with a kind of agate, the edges of which are
indented, or cut in teeth like a saw. They made no manner of shew of
their arms to us, and it was rarely that we saw them in the hands of any
of the men. The women had them in the woods in search of game, which may
be thence presumed to be some part of their employment. Upon the whole,
they may be truly said to be a happy people.
Aug. 18, I sailed, as before-mentioned, from Puerto Seguro, and the same
evening we took our departure from Cape St. Lucar, in latitude 23 deg.
50 min. N. bound to Canton, in China, the most likely place where we
could hope to meet with English ships homeward bound for Europe.
Aug. 21, we discovered an island bearing W. S. W. 110 leagues distant
from Cape St. Lucar. I endeavoured to get in with it; but night coming
on, I could not lose time to view it. This isle my people called after
my name. From hence we steered gradually into the parallel of 13 deg. N.
but had our way stopped for two or three days by westerly winds. We were
astonished at such an unforeseen delay, and began to dread we might meet
with many such reverses of winds in this passage; nor could we
conjecture, or conceive what might be the cause or causes of them. In
the midst of this, the usual trade-wind prevailed again, and delivered
us from the fears and apprehensions we had been involved in upon this
occasion. With this we proceeded on our passage, keeping the parallel or
track of the thirteenth degree of northern latitude, except when we
judged ourselves to be near the shoals of St. Bartholomew. We then
ventured to sail a degree, more northerly, and so continued to do for a
run of 60 or 70 leagues.
About a fortnight after we had left California, my people, who had
hitherto enjoyed an uninterrupted state of health, began to be afflicted
with a sickness which particularly affected their stomachs. This we took
to be owing, in a great measure, to the quantities of sweetmeats they
were continually devouring, together with the dried beef, half devoured
with ants, cockroaches, and other vermin, which was their daily food.
This sickness increased every day, insomuch that, out of our small
number, we once buried two in one day, one of whom was John Popplestone,
our ingenious armourer, who was of such use to us on the island of Juan
Fernandez. Before we had stretched with favourable gales the length of
Guam, most of my people were sick and disabled, my ship began to be very
leaky, and, to add still to our misfortunes, we had the ill luck to have
one of our pumps split, and rendered useless.
Under these circumstances, we met with black and dismal weather, with
tempestuous winds, flying and varying all round the compass. These
boisterous gales raised such a tumbling sea, and our ship laboured so
much in it, that the knee of her head, and the whole beak-head, became
loose; so that the bowsprit fetched way, and played with the motion of
the ship, which it continued to do all the time we were out at sea, and
till we arrived at Canton. Our main-mast stood for some time without
shrouds on the larboard side, till we could unlay our best cable to make
more, having knotted and spliced the old shrouds till our labour was in
vain.
In the midst of all this sickness and distress, I myself was taken
violently ill, and had no hope to recover till a fit of the gout gave me
some relief. Great was our want of every thing fit or comfortable for
persons in such a state of sickness; yet, about the beginning of
October, we passed by Guam; and, though upon the very brink of
perishing, we dared not venture in, for fear the inhabitants should take
the advantage of our weakness, and make some attempt upon our lives.
From Guam I directed my course for the island of Formosa. And now,
though the length of our voyage was decreasing very fast, our sickness
was daily increasing upon us in a much greater proportion; and most
truly it may be said, that both our ship and ourselves were no longer
fit for the sea. It was the 3d of November before we had sight of that
island, and the 10th, before we could get any sort of directions to
enable us to reach our intended port. At length, as we were passing
through a very narrow channel, between a couple of islands, a fisherman
took notice, by our cautious manner of working, that we were strangers,
and made signs to us to bring our ship to, till he came up with us; when
we made him understand in general, that we were bound to Macao, and he
made signs that he would conduct us thither, if we would give him as
many pieces of silver as he counted little fish out of his basket, which
amounted to 40. We accordingly counted out 40 dollars into a hat, and
next day he took us in charge, and anchored us safe in the road of
Macao, near the entrance of the river of Canton.
Soon after our arrival, there came off to us a great many of the
Success’s people, to make us a visit; I was amazed at the sight of them,
and was very glad to hear their story. They said, their Commander,
Clipperton, left me designedly; that they went directly to Guam, where
they were very well refreshed, and supplied with provisions; that their
Captain sold the Governor a great quantity of powder and shot, and
several other valuable things, and permitted the Marquis of Villa Rocha,
who was his prisoner, to go on shore there; that Mr. Godfrey the agent,
and a marine officer, went to settle the accounts for what supplies of
things they had had; and that, as soon as they were landed, and the boat
come off again, Captain Clipperton weighed with his ship, in order to
attack a ship of 20 guns from Manilla, that had lain quietly in the road
in company with him all the time: that in approaching her he ran his own
ship upon the rocks, and soon found the enemy was prepared for him:
that, his condition being desperate, and supposing the loss of his ship
inevitable, he had recourse to his case of brandy, and took so
abundantly of it, that he fell on the deck, and snored out his time in a
beastly manner, whilst his First Lieutenant, Davidson, in his stead,
undertook the command of the ship, which he bravely executed till he was
killed: he was succeeded by Captain Cook, their Second Lieutenant, who
made a handsome resistance, and got the ship afloat again, after she had
lain on the rocks forty-eight hours: that they lost their prisoner the
Marquis de la Rocha, and also Mr. Godfrey the agent-general, with the
officer already mentioned; which gave the ships company so much
distaste, that they would not suffer him to have the command of them any
more, and, locking him up in his cabbin, chose Captain Cook to take
charge of the ship.
They had, it seems, much bad weather between Guam and Amoy in China,
whither they got with much difficulty; and there made a dividend of all
they had taken, half to the owners, and half to the ship’s company.
Clipperton designed for the straits of Malacca; but his people, fearing
he had no good intentions, would go no farther with him than Macao, that
being a Christian port. Upon their arrival there, the Governor ordered
Clipperton into custody. It seems he had broke prison formerly from
thence, where he had been confined (as far as could be learned) on
account of his having run away with Dampier’s commission and one of his
prizes; but upon producing his Majesty’s commission now for the Success,
they gave him no farther trouble, and only contented themselves with
fleecing him a little. Here he sold his ship, the Success, for about
1000l. sterling.--[Such is the account given by Captain Shelvock, for
the information, as he says, of the gentlemen-owners, who will never,
either publicly or privately, be let into the truth of that story.]
But to go on, Nov. 12, about noon, a pilot came off to us, and we
immediately weighed, and entered the river of Canton, where, finding the
Bonita and Hastings, two English country-ships, I anchored, and sent off
an officer, to desire them to instruct us how to behave ourselves in
this port, and to acquaint me with the customs of it. To this they
answered, that, since the Cadogan and Frances, two European English
ships were lying at Wampo, they would advise me to send up to their
factories at Canton, to acquaint them of our arrival, and with the
reasons which obliged me to come into that river, which I accordingly
did the next day. I now thought I was going to rest a little from my
labours; but, to my misfortune, I suffered as much here, all
circumstances considered, as I had in any former part of my voyage; for
the evening we anchored at Wampo, where the English ships commonly lie,
there happened an accident which gave occasion to much trouble. One of
my men, being in a hurry to remove his effects on board the Bonita, in
order to go in her to Fort St. George, the Bonita’s boat was, in her way
to their ship, pursued by a Hoppo, or custom-house boat, who wanted to
search her. The fellow, being in liquor, and fearing they would take
away the silver he had with him, fired a musquet at the pursuers, and
killed the officer. Early the next morning, the corpse was laid at the
door of one of the English houses or factories, where Chinese officers,
appointed for that purpose, waited for the first considerable Englishman
that should come out, without any regard to whom this act of violence
and murder was to be imputed. It happened that the Supercargo belonging
to the Bonita, was the first that came out; on him they seized, put him
in chains, and led him, by way of example, about the suburbs of Canton.
All that could be said or done by the most considerable of the Chinese
merchants who were in commerce with the English, availed nothing; till
my man, who committed the fact, was delivered to them, and then the
Bonita’s Supercargo was soon after released.
It is the custom in China, at least at Canton, to exact a certain sum of
money from all ships that come there, according to their measurement,
which is divided into rates or portions of first, second, and third. I
therefore every day expected the Hoppo to come to measure my ship, but
was given to understand, that I must go up to Canton before that could
be done, though even at the hazard of my life. I accordingly went, and
staid two days at the Cadogan’s factory, during which time I was hourly
alarmed by such stories as made me fear that I should, indisposed as I
was, be dragged away from my bed, and put in irons: but at the end of
two days, I was obliged to go down again to the ship, to be present at
the measurement; and a day afterwards the Hoppo came with a numerous
retinue, and seemed to do his business very quietly, but would not let
me know what was the sum he intended to exact. This gave me much
trouble, for I began to think the Chinese, through a false report of our
great riches, had an intention to gratify their love of money by a heavy
imposition; and in this I was not mistaken.
I had not been here many days before I was deserted by all my officers
and ship’s company, who were continually employed in removing their
effects from on board my ship to some of the Europeans, without my
knowledge, as I was all the time confined to my bed. My officers were
engaging the Indian gentlemen in their interest, and had left me and my
son, with a few negroes, to look after the ship. In short, my ship’s
company had so many ways of disposing of their effects, that it was
impossible to oblige them to do what I should have thought justice to
the gentlemen in England and to myself. In a word, they were all soon
recovered of their illness by the assistance they met with here, and
were become their own masters. The gentlemen who presided over the
trade, so little considered our case, that they had half a mind to
refuse me a passage in one of their ships; and, in effect, I was treated
by them almost as one enemy might treat another in a neutral port.
The Captains Hill and Newsham, when they first came to see me, were
astonished at the ruinous appearance of my ship; and when I had given
then a short history of my voyage, and desired they would receive me
with my effects, they answered, that, since they plainly saw my ship was
in no condition to stir any farther, upon paying our passage, they would
entertain us as soon as we pleased. This I depended upon, and expected
to have no farther trouble than to remove ourselves at any time; but, on
the contrary, I found that I had ignorantly applied to the wrong
persons, and that my address should have been to the Supercargoes, by
which means I was left neglected, while the English Captains were
ordered to fall down with their ships five or six miles below us. Thus
was I left destitute in the company of five foreign ships, who,
perceiving my own countrymen to be so careless of me, were so kind as to
offer me their service, and assisted me with what they could; and, had
it not been for them, I don’t know what I might have suffered; for I was
under perpetual alarms that the Chinese had a design to chop my ship,
that is, to seize her.
Having found out my error in applying to the Captains, and not to the
Supercargoes, I sent up a letter to them, not to desire, but to demand a
passage for me, my officers, and ship’s company, which I was sensible
they could not refuse, and indeed they did not; but their condescension
was accompanied with a charge to the English Captains, not to receive
any thing belonging to us, except it was consigned to the India Company
in England. This was an article which my people utterly rejected, vowing
they would as soon throw what they had into the sea, as comply with such
a demand; for my part, it gave me no concern, being conscious to myself
that I had infringed none of their privileges. At the same time that I
was acquainted with this intention of receiving us as passengers, I was
also informed of the Hoppo’s demand for anchorage in the river, which
was no less than 6000 tahel; and, to quicken me in the payment of this
exorbitant sum, there was a penalty annexed to this extortion of 500
additional tahel for every day we failed in the payment of it. In short,
there was no means by which I could evade this unconscionable
imposition; and as it was a day before I could possibly send the 6000
tahel up to Canton, they required 500 tahel more for neglect of payment;
so that they received from me, upon this extraordinary occasion, the
full sum of 6500 tahel, equal to 2166l. 13s. 4d. English money. This
was, as is apprehended, about six times as much as the Cadogan paid,
which was the largest English ship there, and measured a third more than
mine. It was now high time to get out of my ship; but before I quitted
her, I sold her for 2000 tahel, which money, and the rest of my effects,
were consigned to the India Company.
Towards the latter end of December, 1722, I sailed in the Cadogan,
commanded by Captain John Hill, in company with the Frances, Captain
Newsham, who, sailing better than we, left us as soon as we were out at
sea. Captain Hill, finding his ship very tender, put into Batavia, where
we continued about 10 days, and were informed there were several pirates
in those seas; we, therefore, when we departed from Batavia, joined the
Dutch homeward-bound fleet in Bantam-bay. The Dutch Commodore promised
to assist us in wooding and watering at Mew-island, the water at Batavia
being very bad; but on our joining Capt. Newsham in the straits of
Sunda, the Dutch made that a pretence to leave us before we got the
length of Mew-island; and Capt. Newsham also deserted us the same
evening, so that we were left to ourselves.
We continued at Mew-island six or seven days, during which time several
boats came to us from Princes-island, and brought us turtle, cocoa-nuts,
pine-apples, and other fruits.
Some of the people having seen wild cattle grazing near the strand, went
on shore with design to kill them; but before they had advanced near
enough, they discovered a small tyger, and saw the track of an old one,
upon which they retired to the boat. At this place some of the gentlemen
belonging to this ship, in their outward-bound passage, saw a
rhinoceros.
From Mew-island we had a very pleasant passage to and about the Cape of
Good Hope, which, in my opinion, was greatly owing to Captain Hill’s
good conduct, in coming in with the land betimes, I mean upon the
easternmost part of the bank, and keeping a moderate distance from the
land. I cannot be positive, but I think we never exceeded a degree in
distance from it, generally less, and some times even made the land
itself.
In this course, I do not remember that we took in our top-sails above
twice; once for a squall, which was over in an hour’s time: and, another
time, being threatened by the appearance of bad weather, Capt. Hill made
all the requisite preparations to receive it, which done, he stood in
for the land; and, in a few hours, we had fair weather, a favourable
gale, and all our small sails set, at the same time that there remained
great appearance of foul weather to the southward of us, which continued
for several days afterwards.
I have observed before, that the Frances and the Dutch ships had seven
days the advantage of us, by leaving us in the straits of Sunda,
notwithstanding which, we gained the Cape about as many days before the
Frances, although she sailed so much better than we: and, as to the
Dutch ships, there was no appearance at all of their arrival when we
left the Cape.
The officers of our ship, by comparing their accounts with those of some
of the gentlemen belonging to the Frances, found that she had suffered a
great deal of bad weather; whilst we, who were 10 leagues, or
thereabout, to the northward of them, or nearer the shore, enjoyed fine
pleasant weather and fair wind continually, till we arrived in the
Table-bay, which we did the latter end of March. This I should think of
sufficient weight for any other to pursue the same track. Here we found
Governor Boon, in the London East Indiaman, and others, bound for
England.
Whilst we lay at the Cape of Good Hope, nothing remarkable occurred, and
it has been so often described, that I can say nothing of it that has
not been said by most who have been there before.
From the Cape of Good Hope we had an agreeable passage to the island of
St. Helena, and from thence to England.
We made the Land’s-end in the latter end of July; and, being come into
the British Channel, met with brisk gales from the western quarter, with
thick foggy weather.
On July the 30th, in the evening, we anchored under Dungeness, and the
same night some of the Supercargoes and passengers, and amongst the rest
myself, hired a small vessel to carry us to Dover, where we arrived
early the next morning, and the same day proceeded towards London, where
we arrived on the first of August.
Thus ended a long and unfortunate voyage of three years, seven months,
and some days; after having sailed very considerably more than round the
circumference of the earth, and having gone through a great variety of
dangers and distresses, both on sea and shore.
COMMODORE ANSON’S
VOYAGE
ROUND THE WORLD.
When, in the year 1739, the Spanish depredations had roused the national
resentment, and the pacific ministry who then were entrusted with the
administration of affairs, found it impossible any longer to prevent a
war with Spain, several projects were proposed, and several plans
formed, for distressing the enemy in the most effectual manner, by
cutting off the resources by which alone they were encouraged to
continue their insults, and by which alone they could be enabled to
support a war.
Among the rest, two expeditions were planned by Sir Charles Wager, then
at the head of the admiralty, and two gentlemen named by him for
carrying them into execution; which were no sooner laid before the privy
council to be examined than they were unanimously approved.
Captain Anson, who was nominated to command the one, being out upon a
cruise, a vessel was dispatched to order him to return with his ship,
the Centurion, to Portsmouth; and Mr. Cornwall, who was appointed to
command the other, was acquainted with the honour conferred upon him,
and directed to prepare accordingly.
There are not to be found in the annals of Britain two expeditions,
remote in the destination, yet having a connection one with the other,
that promised equal advantages with these to the nation, equal honour to
the promoters, or equal wealth and glory to the commanders: but by what
fatality these expeditions were changed, or by what state-craft one came
to be laid aside, and the other delayed,--who were the traitors that
betrayed the secret of their destination, or who the demon of seduction
was that perverted the grand design to the pitiful purpose of one single
pilfering project,--remains at present among those secrets, which,
perhaps, a second Dalrymple, in some remote period of time, may
discover; when it will probably appear how much the influence of Chilian
gold had operated in defeating the most formidable project for the
humiliation of Spain that ever was devised; and how easy it is for a
prime minister of England, in the plenitude of power, to defeat the
best-concerted measures, backed and supported by the King in his
council, when either pride, envy, avarice, or emulation, may prompt him
to opposition.
The project, as first intended, was to consist of two strong squadrons;
one under Captain Anson was to take on board three independent companies
of 100 men each, and Bland’s regiment of foot (who was himself to
command the land-forces), and was to sail with all possible expedition
by the Cape of Good Hope to the city of Manilla, in the island of
Luconia, of which city and island frequent mention has already been made
in the course of this work; while that commanded by Captain Cornwall, of
equal force, was to proceed round Cape Horn into the South Seas, there
to range the coasts of Chili, Peru, and Mexico; and when the Commander
in Chief had made himself master of the royal treasures in that quarter,
he was then to direct his course to the Philippines, and join the
squadron of Captain Anson. This done, they were to act in conjunction,
as circumstances should arise, or to wait for fresh orders from
Government to proceed on fresh enterprizes. The reader will perceive, at
first view, the vast importance of this noble undertaking, calculated at
once to enrich the nation, and to determine the war without the effusion
of much blood; for the places intended to be attacked were at that time
incapable of resistance; and as they were in possession of the royal
treasures, any failure in the return of which must of necessity oblige
Spain to sue for peace, that haughty nation must thus have been subdued
without a battle. But posterity will stand amazed when they are told the
issue of this project, on which Sir Charles Wager was so intent, that,
tho’ it was the 10th of September before Captain Anson arrived in town,
yet by the 18th he had received orders to take under his command the
Argyle, Severn, Pearl, Wager, and Trial sloop, and to proceed to victual
the same with the utmost expedition. Before the end of December such
dispatch had been made by that vigilant officer, that the ships were in
readiness to take the troops on board; but in January, when Captain
Anson attended the Board to receive further orders, he was told by Sir
Charles, that the Manilla expedition was laid aside, for what reasons he
knew not, but that the expedition to the South Seas was still intended;
and that he and his squadron, as their first destination was now
countermanded, should be employed in that service.
Accordingly on the 10th of January, 1740, he received his commission as
Commodore; yet it was not till the 10th of June that he obtained from
the Duke of Newcastle his Majesty’s instructions; and even then so many
obstacles were thrown in the way, so many difficulties started, and so
many delays contrived, that, before he was permitted to sail, which was
not till the latter end of September, the Spaniards were so well
informed of his designs, that a person who had been employed in the
South-Sea Company’s service, arrived from Panama, and was able to relate
to the Commodore most of the particulars of his strength and
destination, from what he had learnt among the merchants before he left
the South-Seas: but a still more extraordinary proof of their early and
perfect intelligence was discovered afterwards, in the course of the
voyage, when the Pearl, being separated from the rest of the squadron,
in a storm, on the coast of Brasil, fell in with the Spanish fleet,
that, during the unprecedented delay, had been purposely fitted out to
ruin the expedition, and found Admiral Pisarro so well instructed in the
form and make of Com. Anson’s broad pendant, and those he employed had
imitated it so exactly, that Capt. Mitchell, who commanded the Pearl,
was decoyed by it within gun-shot, before he was able to discover his
mistake.
All delays being at length overcome, the squadron, consisting of five
men of war, a sloop of war, and two victualling ships, namely, the
Centurion, of 60 guns, 400 men, commanded by Captain Anson, as
Commodore; the Gloucester, of 50 guns, 300 men, of which Richard Norris,
Esq; was Commander; the Severn, of 50 guns, 300 men, the Hon. Edward
Legg, Esq; Commander; the Pearl, of 40 guns, 250 men, Matthew Mitchell,
Esq; Commander; the Wager, of 28 guns, 160 men, the Hon. John Murray,
Commander; two victuallers, the Industry and Ann pinks, the largest of
about 400, and the other about 200 tons burthen; were ordered to take
the troops on board at St. Helen’s. But how much the numbers, strength,
and probability of success, of this squadron, were diminished by the
various incidents that took place in near a twelvemonth’s
procrastination, may fully be conceived by what has already been said.
Had the honourable Board from whence the first idea of the expedition
originated been permitted to direct, all the old and ordinary seamen on
board the ships would have been exchanged for such as were young and
able; the full complement of each ship would have been made up; and the
salt provisions which had been so long on board in the Channel would
have been remanded on shore, and fresh provisions replaced in their
room: but, instead of these necessary precautions, the Captains were
glad to retain their old crews; the deficiency in the numbers of which,
amounting to more than 300 men, was no otherwise made up than by sending
on board about 100 cripples from the hospitals, and a party of raw
marines who had never been at sea before: nor were they more fortunate
in the change that was made in the land-forces; for, instead of three
independent companies, of 100 men each, and Bland’s regiment of foot, as
first promised, they had only 400 invalids from Chelsea allotted them,
one part of whom was incapable of action by their age and infirmities,
and the other part useless by their ignorance of their duty. But this
diminution of strength was not the greatest misfortune that attended
these measures; the importance of the time which was wilfully wasted was
in its consequences the source of all those calamities to which the
enterprize was afterwards exposed, by obliging the Commodore to make his
passage round the Cape in the most tempestuous season, when, as it was
foreseen, almost all the invalids, to a man, perished long before they
arrived at the place of action, expiring in a most lamentable condition
when they came to be attacked with the scurvy, with their wounds
bleeding afresh, which had been healed some of them 20, some 30, and
some 40 years before.
But to proceed: Of this voyage there are two very authentic and
well-written accounts; one by Pasco Thomas, the mathematical master on
board the Centurion, who sailed in her out of the British Channel, and
returned with her in safety when she arrived at Portsmouth, and was an
eye-witness and careful observer of all that passed: the other by the
Rev. Mr. Richard Walters, Chaplain to the above ship, who received his
materials, and every other assistance necessary to authenticate his
narration, from the Commander in Chief.
We have chosen to follow the former in the narrative of facts, as most
exact and least liable to imposition; but, in the explanatory part, we
shall copy the latter; because, though Mr. Thomas suffered nothing
material that passed to escape his notice, there were many things
transacted, the motives for which he could only guess at; but these
motives Mr. Walters has, by means of the Commodore’s assistance, been
able to explain.
“Being quite ready about the beginning of September, 1740, we put to sea
three different times, but were as often put back to the road of St.
Helen’s, by contrary winds and stormy weather. At last, on Thursday,
Sept. 18, we sailed in company with the Lark and St. Alban’s, two of his
Majesty’s ships, and several merchant-ships, besides our own squadron;
and Saturday evening saw some men-of-war, and a large fleet of
merchantmen, waiting for us at Torbay. At one in the afternoon we joined
them; and the Commodore hoisted his broad pendant, which was saluted by
all his Majesty’s ships in the fleet with 13 guns each. The King’s ships
which joined us here were, the Dragon, Chatham, Winchester, and
South-Sea-Castle, and near 200 sail of merchantmen under convoy, some of
whom were bound to the Mediterranean, and others to several parts of
North America. We had at present the command of the whole fleet; and
this same afternoon, seeing a ship to the south-west, we made the Dragon
a signal for chasing her; but she proved one of our own ships, too far
a-head of her station. At four this afternoon, the Start Point bore from
us E. by N. at the distance of eight leagues.
Monday the 22d, we saw two sail to the westward, and sent the Trial
sloop to speak with them. They were Dutch ships bound to Curasoe, with
soldiers for their garrisons there.
Thursday the 25th, the Winchester and South-Sea-Castle, with the
merchant-ships under their convoy for Virginia, and other parts of
North-America, parted from us, and proceeded on their respective
voyages. And Monday the 29th, the Dragon, Chatham, St. Alban’s, and
Lark, with the merchant-ships in their charge for the Mediterranean, did
the like; and we had now no ships left in company but our own proper
squadron.
Tuesday the 30th, we spoke with a Dutch man-of-war, who came from Malta,
bound for Amsterdam.
Friday, October the 3d, we spoke with two English merchant-ships from
Lisbon for New-York, and the 8th we spoke with a French sloop from
Rochelle. The 13th, one Philip Merrit, a common sailor, died, which I
mention because he was the first man we lost on the voyage. The next
day, by an order from the Commodore, we went to short allowance; that
is, one third of the allowance granted by government is kept back, in
order to make our provisions hold out the longer. The 23d, we spoke with
a ship from Liverpool, and the next day with another from Glasgow, for
the Cape de Verde islands; as also with a small brigantine from Falmouth
for Madeira, who kept us company thither. The next day we spoke with a
Dutch ship from Surinam for Holland. The 26th, at six o’clock in the
morning, we saw the land bearing W. N. W. distance six leagues, and at
four in the evening anchored in Fonchale road, in forty fathom water,
a-breast the town of Fonchale, and about a mile and a half from it.
During this whole passage, we had almost continually contrary winds, and
boisterous uncertain weather; by which means, a passage which is very
commonly made in 10 or 12 days, took us up 38.
Our business in this place was only to water, and take in wine, and some
private stocks: but, soon after our arrival, we were informed, that they
had seen from the island, to the westward, about 16 or 18 sail of ships
for several days together, which were supposed to be a junction of
French and Spanish ships of war; and as we had reason to imagine that
our expedition had long been known, there was little room to doubt, but
that those ships were designed to intercept and destroy us before we
could attempt any thing to the prejudice of Spain. On this news the
Commodore sent out an English privateer which lay in the road, with one
of his own officers, to see if they could discover them at sea, and what
they were; but she returned the next day, having made no discovery.
Nov. 2, Captain Norris, at his own request, being in an ill state of
health, with the consent of the Commodore quitted the command of the
Gloucester, in order to return to England. The Gloucester was hereupon
given to Captain Mitchell, the Pearl to Captain Kidd, the Wager to the
Hon. Captain Murray, and the Trial sloop to David Cheap, our First
Lieutenant; and as one of the Lieutenants of the Gloucester had quitted
with Captain Norris, our two mates, who had long depended on the
Commodore, were preferred to be Lieutenants on this occasion.
The 4th, at four in the afternoon, we weighed and put to sea, with all
the squadron under our command. An English sloop, which lay in the road,
saluted us at our departure with nine guns, to which we returned five.
The 6th, at four o’clock in the evening, we saw the island of Palma, one
of the Canary islands, in the latitude of 29 degrees north, and
longitude from the meridian of London 19 degrees 44 minutes west. The
same day we spoke with a French ship from Marseilles bound to Martinico,
and the next morning with a Dutch ship from Amsterdam bound to Batavia,
the metropolis of the Dutch settlements in the East-Indies.
The 11th, about four in the morning, we crossed the Northern Tropic for
the first time in this voyage, in long. 24 deg. 24 min. west from
London.
The 16th, being in the latitude of about 12 deg. 20 min. and the
contract with our victuallers expiring in that latitude, the Anne pink
fired a gun, and hoisted a red flag at her fore-top-mast head, to give
us notice of it.
On the next day all the Lieutenants of the squadron were by a signal
ordered on board the Centurion, and orders were given to unlade the
Industry pink, and each ship to take on board from her their respective
quotas of provisions; in pursuance of which we immediately began to
unlade her, lying by in the day, and making an easy sail in the night.
The 19th, having unloaded and discharged the Industry, at eight in the
evening she parted from us, in order to proceed to Barbadoes, whither
she was bound; but the Commodore having entered into a new contract with
the master of the Anne pink, she was detained with us for his Majesty’s
service, our ships being too much encumbered to admit of taking on board
any more provisions at this time.
The 28th, about five in the morning, we crossed the Equinoctial, in the
longitude of 28 deg. 15 min. W. from London, the variation of the
compass at that place being 35 min. E.
December the 2d, at eight in the morning, we saw a sail to the
north-west, to which we gave chace. At night we lost sight of her; but
next morning we saw her and gave chace again, but in the afternoon
quitted her. We imagined this sail to be a tender on the Spanish fleet,
sent purposely to get intelligence of us: but on our arrival at the Cape
of Good Hope, in our return home, we learned that she was the East-India
Company’s packet bound for the island of St. Helena.
The 10th, expecting to be near the coast of Brazil, we sounded, and
found 67 fathom water, on which we fired a gun for a signal, and altered
our course more to the southward. This day died Thomas Waller, our
surgeon, who was succeeded by Henry Ettrick, surgeon of the Wager; the
surgeon of the Trial succeeded him, and Joseph Allen, our surgeon’s
first mate, was made surgeon of the Trial.
The 11th, we spoke with a Portuguese brigantine from Rio Janeiro, bound
to Santos, one of the principal Portuguese settlements in the Brazils.
The 13th, we crossed the South Tropic for the first time, in long. 38
deg. 36 min. W. from London.
The 14th, died Robert Welden, our purser, who was succeeded by John
Rule, purser of the Wager, and Commodore’s Secretary; Thomas Harvey, one
of our midshipmen, was made purser of the Wager, in the room of Mr.
Rule.
The 17th, we saw the land of the Brazils, from W. to W. S. W. very
mountainous, and full of woods. I have, for several days last past,
found, by my observations, a strong current on this coast, setting to
the southward near three quarters of a mile an hour, which, perhaps, may
be occasioned by the neighbourhood of the vast river of Rio de la Plata;
another observation, which I shall have occasion to make after our
leaving the coast of Brazil, will very much corroborate this conjecture.
The same day, at four in the evening, we had 40 fathom of water, muddy
ground; the island of Alvoredo, a small island at the north-east end of
the large island of St. Katharine’s, then bearing N. W. by N. about
eight leagues distant; and the next day at seven in the evening we came
to an anchor in twelve fathom water, the north-east end of St.
Katharine’s bearing S. S. W. about three miles distant, and the island
of Alvoredo, N. N. E. about six miles distant. Here we found the tide to
set S. S. E. and N. N. W. We sent ashore a Lieutenant to the fort, to
compliment the Governor, and to desire a pilot to carry us into the
road. The Governor returned a very civil answer, and granted our
request. The next morning we weighed and ran up the harbour, and about
noon anchored in five fathom and a half water, in a place they there
call Buon Porto; but being still too far from the watering-place, we on
the 20th, about eleven in the morning, weighed and ran farther up
between St. Katharine’s and the main land of Brazil, and in the
afternoon anchored and moored in five fathom water, about two miles from
the watering-place; and the same evening our third Lieutenant went
ashore with materials for building a tent, to shelter the people who
were to be employed in watering. We likewise saluted the Portuguese fort
with eleven guns, who returned us the like number.
Our ships beginning to be very sickly, tents were erected on shore, one
for every ship, and the sick were sent ashore to them, with surgeons and
proper attendance.
The agents for victualling, of which we had two with us, were ordered to
procure what fresh provisions we could expend during our stay here,
which they accordingly did; but though their meat, which is altogether
beef, was both cheap and plenty, it was for the greatest part miserably
bad, and scarce fit to be eaten.
The men throughout the whole squadron began now to drop off apace with
fevers and fluxes, occasioned chiefly, I believe, by the violent heat of
the climate, and the bad air; the country being so very woody that the
air must thereby be stagnated, and rendered unhealthful.
We continued here wooding, watering, and overhauling our rigging, till
Sunday, Jan. 18, 1741, during which time we had variable uncertain
weather, sometimes sea and land breezes, at other times strong gales of
wind, with heavy rain, thunder and lightning, but always excessive heat.
While we lay here, we gave our ship a thorough cleansing, smoaked her
between decks, in order to destroy the vermin, and washed every part
with vinegar, which I mention because it is absolutely necessary in
large ships, the stench of so many sick persons being noisome in hot
climates.
Dec. 21, I observed an eclipse of the moon, and by comparing the time of
the end of it, with a calculation I purposely made of it in the meridian
of London, from Sir Isaac Newton’s New Theory of the Moon, I found the
place where the ship then lay to be 49 deg. 53 min. to the westward of
the meridian of London. The calculation itself, and the time it ended at
St. Katharine’s, I have unfortunately lost; but as the longitude is
thereby settled, they are of no farther use, and not worth retrieving at
the trouble of a new calculation.
Before we arrived at this island, we had received from the descriptions
of M. Frezier, a French author, and some other persons who had been on
the spot, such accounts as, together with the climate in which it is
situated, gave us very great ideas of its fruitfulness, and hopes of a
plentiful supply of every thing we wanted for a long run; but we found
ourselves miserably mistaken in almost every article we expected.
As here are several fine sandy bays, we had very good fishing with a
seine, for mullets, old wives, sting-rays, maids, turbots, and other
flat fish, silver fish, bass, a very boney long fish like a bass, but
which our seamen call a ten-pounder, and some other sorts. We likewise
had fresh beef for present expending plenty enough, but scarce better
than the carrion that we gave to our dogs. As for lemons, limes,
plantains, bananaes, potatoes, and other roots, fruits, and greens, with
which those climates generally abound, which the authors above mentioned
aver to be extremely plentiful here, and which we principally depended
on for sea-stores, there were so few at the time of our being here, that
I believe we could have consumed all that came to our knowledge of those
things in one day. The officers, however, no doubt found plenty; as Mr.
Walters agrees in his report with Frezier, that there was no want of
pine-apples, peaches, grapes, lemons, citrons, melons, apricots, and
adds, there were besides potatoes and onions for sea-stores. Sassafrass
is here in great plenty, and we cut much of it among other wood for
fuel. Guaiacum they report to be very plenty here likewise, but I saw
none of it, nor heard of any person who did during our stay. Rum and
sugar they have in small quantities, but very indifferent and dear. The
inhabitants are a mixture of Portuguese and Indians incorporated
together, and appear to be very poor, idle, lazy, ignorant and rude. I
believe the original of the Portuguese here was chiefly from felons, who
fled hither from other parts of the Brazils to shelter themselves from
justice; they never till lately having any government among them, except
a Chief chosen from among themselves, who was more like a Captain of
thieves and robbers, than the Commander of a colony. At present there
are some European Soldiers, and a Governor from Rio Janeiro, whose name
was Don Joffe Sylva de Paz, an expert engineer, who, as Mr. Walters
observes, understood one branch of his business very well, which is the
advantages which new works bring to those who are entrusted with the
care of erecting them; for, besides a battery on a neck of land that
narrows the channel to a little more than a quarter of a mile, there
were three other forts carrying on for the defence of the harbour, none
of which were then compleated.
The country, both the main and the island, is mountainous, and all
over-grown with thick woods, and those so entangled with the undergrowth
of thorny briars, brambles, and the like, that in most places they are
scarce penetrable. These woods are reported to be full of very fierce
tygers, which makes any excursions into the country dangerous, unless
you go well armed, and even then much caution is necessary.
They have here some hogs and fowls, but I believe not very plenty; and
in the woods are monkeys, apes, armadilloes, and other wild creatures
unknown to me; as also parrots, parroquets, and many other sorts of
birds proper to the climate. Alligators are said to be plenty near the
shores and in the lakes, but we saw none of them.
The country appears to me to be a good soil, and very capable of
improvement, were the inhabitants more civilized and industrious.
This island lies in latitude 27 deg. 30 min. S. longitude, as before
determined, 49 deg. 53 min. W. from London; and the variation of the
compass 11 deg. 20 min. easterly.
Dec. 27, we discovered a sail in the offing, and the eighteen-oar’d
barge was manned, and armed, and sent, under the command of the second
Lieutenant of the Centurion, to examine her before she arrived within
the protection of the fort. She proved to be a Portuguese brigantine
from Rio Grande; but, though the officer behaved to the master with the
utmost civility, yet the Governor took offence at our sending our boat,
complained of the violation of the peace, and made that a pretence for
sending Don Pisarro the most circumstantial intelligence of our force
and condition, as we afterwards found by letters intercepted in the
South Seas.
January 18, 1741, we left this island, having had a melancholy proof how
much the healthiness of this place had been over-rated by former
writers; for we found, that, though the Centurion alone had buried no
less than 28 men since our arrival, the number of the sick in the same
interval had increased to 96; and this very day we had three men die.
Before our departure the Commodore took every precaution to prevent a
separation; but considering that, in such boisterous seas as we were
about to encounter, he himself might be disabled, he called the officers
together, and in a full council so ordered it, that, if but one ship
escaped, the expedition should not be abandoned. Proper places of
rendezvous were appointed; the time was settled for staying at these
places; and, if the Commodore did not arrive in that time, the Captains
were ordered to put themselves under the command of the senior, and to
proceed without farther delay.
The 22d in the morning, we had very stormy weather, with some thunder,
lightning, and rain; and the Trial carried away the head of her
main-mast. A thick fog succeeding, we lay to, and soon after lost sight
of the Pearl, the Trial, and the Anne pink. In the afternoon we got
sight of and joined company with the Trial and the Anne, but the Pearl
was still missing.
From hence to February the 13th, very variable weather, mostly foggy
from latitude 35, or thereabouts, to latitude 39; the rest a mixture not
much unlike our weather in England in the month of October, except that
we had pretty often thunder and lightning, which are not so frequent
with us in that month. Being past the latitude of 36 degrees to the
southward, I observed the current, which had hitherto constantly set
southerly, now on the contrary, set to the northward; and the great
river of Rio de la Plata being situated in between 35 and 36 degrees
south, strengthens my conjecture that those currents are occasioned by
the flux and reflux of that mighty river.
February 13, we saw the land from S. by W. to S. half E. appearing
plain, with very few risings, and of a very moderate height, our
soundings at that time from 46 to 56 fathom, the first mud, the latter
stony ground. This day, at four in the evening, we were within about
four miles of Cape Blanco on the coast of Patagonia, and in 12 fathom
water; on which we hauled off, and ran along the coast, the soundings
from 20 to 60 fathom water. At five the next morning we saw the land
from W. by N. to S. W. half W. with an opening near the middle; which I
believe to be the harbour of Port Desire, so called by Sir John
Narborough. The northernmost land in sight is Cape Blanco, and the
southermost Penguin Island, so called from the great numbers of penguins
about it, of which birds Sir John’s ship’s company killed and salted
large quantities for provisions, and which he reports to be very good
and wholesome food. Cape Blanco is in the latitude of 47 deg. 10 min. S.
longitude from St. Katharine’s 17 deg. 38 min. W. which makes it from
London 67 deg. 20 min. W. taking the N. E. point of St. Katharine’s in
49 deg. 42 min. W. to be about 11 minutes to the eastward of the place
where the ship lay when I fixed it by observation.
The 17th, in the evening, we anchored about 17 or 18 leagues short of
the harbour of Port St. Julian, so called by Sir Francis Drake, who
touched there in his voyage round the globe, and where he condemned and
executed Mr. Doughty, the next person in command to himself, on pretence
of a conspiracy to murder him and ruin the expedition; whence a small
island within the harbour is to this day called the Island of True
Justice. The next morning we saw a sail at S. by E. which we believing
to be the Pearl, made the signal for the return of all cruizers; but she
not minding it, as I suppose not seeing it, we ordered the Gloucester to
chase, and at two in the afternoon the Gloucester and her chace, which
to our great satisfaction proved to be the Pearl, joined us. They
informed us, that, on January the 31st, their Commander, Captain Dandy
Kidd, died; and that on the 7th instant they were chased by five large
ships, which they believed to be Spanish men-of-war, and were some time
within gun-shot of them, though they never fired a gun, having
endeavoured to decoy the Pearl by hoisting a broad red pendant, like
that of the English Commodore, at the Admiral’s main-top-mast head, and
hoping by that means to be taken for our Commodore, and so to inveigle
and make sure of their prey; Capt. Mitchell, thus decoyed, narrowly
escaped them, by running through a space of water, where the tides or
currents making a great ripling, the Spaniards, who thought it was rocky
and broken ground, were afraid to follow her. These ships we supposed to
be the Spanish squadron, commanded by Admiral Pisarro, the same who got
so great a name among them for his conduct in bringing home their flota
safe into Port Andero the last year, eluding the vigilance of our
squadrons who waited for them off Cadiz, and was therefore looked on as
the properest person to be sent to intercept us. We should not have been
displeased, however, to have met them with our whole force, and did not
much doubt to have either destroyed or disabled them. But the time of
their destruction was not yet come; their miserable fate shall be
related in its proper place.
We were now, being the 18th, sailing along shore for the harbour of St.
Julian. I found the tide to set here north and south, about a mile an
hour. The time of flowing here on the full and change days is N. E. by
E. and S. W. by W. nearest. We sent one of our boats with an officer
in-shore, to sound and endeavour to discover the mouth of the harbour.
At six in the evening we came to an anchor in 12 fathom water. At eight
the Lieutenant returned, having found the harbour. We sent ashore our
boats to make farther discoveries, and to endeavour some to get fresh
water, and others to procure salt, (of which Sir J. Narborough observed,
when he was here, that in February there was enough of it to load 1000
ships) for the use of the squadron in the South Seas. We continued here
till the 27th, during which time we stove most of our empty casks, in
order to clear our ships as much as possible, and got up and mounted
such of our guns as we had before struck down into the hold in order to
ease the ships; for now, not knowing how soon we might meet with the
Spanish squadron, it was necessary to have them all in readiness. We
could find no fresh water here, and but a very small quantity of salt,
and no other refreshments whatever; all the country, as far as we could
discover, being quite barren and desolate. We got some provisions out of
the Anne victualler on board each of the other ships, repaired the
Trial’s mast, and assisted her and the victualler to overhaul and
new-fix most of their rigging. Having lost the hopes of a supply of
water here, we were put to the allowance of one quart a man for one day,
and three pints for another, alternately; but, considering our passage
had hitherto proved extremely stormy and cold, and a dead time of the
year coming on very fast, it was thought proper, in order to keep the
people in as good heart as possible, to give them whole allowance of all
other provisions, which was ordered accordingly.
Here we farther secured our lower-deck guns, by nailing quoins under the
trucks, in case the tackles, breechings, or iron-work, might give way,
or fail in the stormy weather which we had much reason to expect.
Here likewise the Commodore removed the Honourable Captain Murray into
the Pearl, in the room of Captain Kidd; and Captain Cheap into the Wager
in the room of Captain Murray. He advanced Mr. Charles Saunders, his
First Lieutenant, to be Commander of the Trial sloop, in the room of
Captain Cheap; and made Mr. Piercy Brett, First Lieutenant of the
Gloucester, Second Lieutenant of his own ship. The Trial being repaired,
and the Pearl, who had thrown about 14 ton of water overboard when
chased by the Spaniards, being supplied from the other ships, we made
ready to prosecute our voyage.
This harbour of Port St. Julian is a barred harbour, only fit to receive
small ships and vessels. We lay off in the road about two miles from the
mouth of it. It is not to be seen open from where we lay, one point
shutting in another; and before any small ship or vessel pretends to
venture into the harbour, they ought to send in their boats at low
water, and fix poles or buoys on the ends of the shoals, which, in a
manner, block up the passage. The country about it is pretty much on the
level, except a few copling hillocks to the northward, and a pretty high
one in the bay, which bears W. S. W. from the place where we lay at
anchor. The latitude of Port St. Julian is 49 deg. 10 min. S. its
longitude from London 69 deg. 48 min. W. and the variation of the
compass 17 deg. 20 min. E. We had here uncertain boisterous weather,
with much rain, some snow, and generally thick fog, with so much wind
and sea as made us ride hard, and hastened our departure from this
uneasy situation.
Sir John Narborough and some others write, that they have often seen and
conversed with the inhabitants in this and other parts of Patagonia, and
have given wonderful descriptions of them; but as we saw none of them, I
have nothing to say of that sort, nor indeed do I think there is any
thing in this wild part of the world worthy of the least notice.
The 27th, at six in the morning, we made the signal, weighed, and put to
sea; but the Gloucester being long in weighing her anchor, and the
weather proving thick and hazy, we soon lost sight of her, and at one in
the afternoon, tacked, and lay by for her coming up; at seven we fired a
gun, a signal for her, and soon after she joined us, having broke her
main-yard in the slings.
Previous to our leaving this port, a council was held on board the
Centurion, at which all the officers by sea and land attended, when it
was proposed by the Commodore, that their first attempt, after their
arrival in the South Seas, should be the attack of the town of Baldivia,
the principal frontier of the district of Chili. To this proposition the
council unanimously agreed; in consequence of which, new instructions
were given to the Captains of the squadron, by which they were directed,
in case of separation, to rendezvous at the island of Neustra Senoro del
Secoro, and there cruise for 10 days; after which, they were ordered to
repair to the height of Baldivia, and there between 40 deg. and 40 deg.
30 min. to continue to cruise 14 days longer; and, if in that time they
were not joined by the rest of the squadron, they were then to quit that
station, and direct their course to the island of Juan Fernandez.
March the 4th, in the morning, we passed by the Streights of Magellan,
so near that we saw them very plain; the northernmost point of which,
known by the name of Cape Virgin Mary, I found to be in the latitude of
52 deg. 28 min. S. longitude from London 70 deg. 55 min. W. variation of
the compass 18 deg. 40 min. E. the soundings, when it bears about S. W.
by W. at the distance of eight leagues, from 32 to 50 fathom, the bottom
black-grey sand and mud. The afternoon of this day being very bright and
clear, with small breezes, inclinable to calm, most of the Captains took
the opportunity of this favourable weather to pay a visit to the
Commodore; but, while they were in company together, they were all
greatly alarmed by a sudden flame which burst out on board the
Centurion, and which was succeeded by a cloud of smoak. However, they
were soon relieved from their apprehensions, by receiving information,
that the blast was occasioned by a spark of fire from the forge lighting
on some gunpowder, and other combustibles, which the officers on board
were preparing for use, in case we should fall in with the Spanish
fleet; and that it had been extinguished without any danger to the ship.
The 6th, in the morning, we saw the land of Terra del Fuego, consisting
of high craggy hills, towering above each other, mostly covered with
snow, with deep horrid vallies, some few scattered trees, no plains, nor
one chearful green through all the dismal prospect; so that the whole
may not improperly be termed the Land of Desolation; and I much question
whether a more dreary aspect is to be seen in any other part of the
habitable earth; for voyagers say this is inhabited, but surely its
inhabitants must be the most miserable of human beings. This evening we
lay by, that we might not overshoot the Streights of Le Maire in the
night; though I believe, had we kept on, and passed round Staten Land, a
small island or two, which lie to the eastward of those Streights, and
together with Terra del Fuego frame them, it would have been more to our
advantage than by passing through them.
The 7th, at eight in the morning, we were very near a point of land on
Terra del Fuego, called Cape St. James, bearing E. S. E. another called
Cape St. Vincent, S. E. half E. the middlemost of the Three Brothers,
being three high hills on Terra del Fuego, appearing almost contiguous
to each other, S. by W. and a very high Sugar-loaf Hill, called Monte
Gorda, farther up in the country, and appearing above them, bore south
from us. It is by these marks that you know you are near Strait Le
Maire; and indeed we began to open them in this position. By noon we
were almost through them, being assisted by a very strong tide with much
rippling, and which made to the southward somewhat before 10 o’clock in
the morning. The course through is almost directly south, and there are
no shoals nor rocks in the passage from whence you may incur any danger;
the only thing you have to fear is, the tide’s turning against you while
you are in the straits, for in that case you are certainly hurried back
again, and can have no passage there till the next turn of the tide. The
breadth of this strait may be about six or seven leagues, and its length
about seven or eight; which being passed, you enter into a vast open
ocean, commonly known by the name of the South Sea. This strait lies in
latitude 55 deg. south, longitude from London 67 deg. 30 min. west,
variation of the compass 21 deg. 36 min. east, soundings in the straits
from 43 to 58 fathom, the bottom black sand and pebble-stones. In
passing through here, our joy was increased by the brightness of the sky
and the serenity of the weather, which was indeed remarkably pleasing;
for though the winter was now advancing apace, yet the morning of this
day, in its brilliancy and mildness, gave place to none we had seen
since our departure from England. But we here found what was constantly
verified by all our observations in these high latitudes, that fair
weather was ever the forerunner of a succeeding storm, and that sunshine
and tempest followed one another like light and shade. We had scarcely
reached the southern extremity of the straits, when the serenity of the
sky, which had so much flattered our expectations, was all at once
obscured, the wind shifted to the southward, and the sea began to swell
to an astonishing height. Before night the tempest arose, and the tide,
which had hitherto favoured us, turned furiously against us; so that,
instead of pursuing our intended course, we were driven to the eastward,
by the united force of wind and current, with so much precipitation,
that in the morning we found ourselves seven leagues to the eastward of
Streight Le Maire. From this time we had such a continual succession of
tempestuous weather as surprized the oldest and most experienced
mariners on board, and obliged them to confess, that what they had
hitherto called storms were inconsiderable gales compared with the
violence of these winds, which railed such short and at the same time
such mountainous waves, as greatly surpassed in danger all seas known in
any other part of the globe: and it was not without reason that this
unusual appearance filled us with continual terror; for, had any one of
these waves broke fairly over us, it must in all probability have sent
us to the bottom. Nor did we escape with terror only; for the ship
rolling incessantly gunwale-to, gave us such quick and violent motions,
that the men were in perpetual danger of being dashed against the masts
or sides of the ship: and though we were extremely careful to secure
ourselves from these shocks by grasping at some fixed body, yet many of
our people were forced from their holds, some of whom were killed, and
others greatly injured; in particular, one of our best seamen was
carried over-board and drowned, another dislocated his neck, a third was
thrown into the main hold, and broke his thigh, and one of our
boatswain’s mates broke his collar-bone twice; not to mention many other
accidents of the same kind. These tempests, so dreadful in themselves,
though unattended by any other unfavourable circumstance, were rendered
more mischievous to us by their inequality, and the deceitful intervals
which they at some times afforded; for, though we were often obliged to
lie-to for days together under a reefed mizen, and were frequently
reduced to lie at the mercy of the waves under our bare poles, yet now
and then we ventured to make sail with our courses double reefed; and
the weather proving more tolerable, would perhaps encourage us to set
our top-sails: after which, the wind, without any previous notice, would
return upon us with redoubled force, and would in an instant tear our
sails from the yards. And, that no circumstance might be wanting which
could aggravate our distress, these blasts generally brought with them a
great quantity of snow and sleet, which cased our rigging, and froze our
sails, thereby rendering them and our cordage brittle, and apt to snap
upon the slightest strain, adding inexpressible difficulty and labour to
the working of the ship, benumbing the limbs of the people employed in
handing the sails, or handling the ropes, and making them incapable of
exerting themselves with their usual activity, and even disabling many
by mortifying their toes and fingers.
And now, as it were to add the finishing stroke to our misfortunes, our
people began to be universally afflicted with that most terrible,
obstinate, and, at sea, incurable disease, the scurvy, which quickly
made a most dreadful havock among us, beginning at first to carry off
two or three a day, but soon increasing, and at last carrying off eight
or ten; and as most of the living were very ill of the same distemper,
and the little remainder who preserved their healths better, in a
manner, quite worn out with incessant labour, I have sometimes seen four
or five dead bodies, some sown up in their hammocks, others not, washing
about the decks, for want of help to bury them in the sea. But as the
particulars of all the various disasters and sufferings of various kinds
that befel us, would be endless, I shall only mention a few.
The 10th, 11th, and 12th, very stormy weather, with snow and sleet, and
a very great over-grown sea from the S. W.
The 15th, one William Baker fell overboard and was drowned. The 16th,
the Anne pink, which had separated from us the 11th in the storm, again
joined us, in lat. 59 deg. 20 min. S.
Part of the 17th, 18th, and 19th, very strong gales, and a great rolling
sea from the N. W.
The 18th, we had again strong gales of wind with extreme cold, and at
midnight the main-top-sail split, and one of the straps of the main
dead-eyes broke.
The 23d, and part of the 24th, a most violent storm of wind, hail, and
rain, with a very lofty sea. The 23d, in the evening, we sprung the
main-top-sail yard, and split the main-sail into rags, the greatest part
of which was blown overboard. On these accidents we furled all our other
sails, and lay-to under a mizzen.
The latter part of the 24th proving more moderate, we bent a new
main-sail, got down the broken main-top-sail yard, and got up and rigged
another in its place.
The 25th, it blew a very hurricane, and reduced us to the necessity of
lying-to under our bare poles. As our ship kept the wind better than any
of the rest, we were obliged in the afternoon to wear ship; in doing of
which, we had no other expedient but clapping the helm a-weather, and
manning the fore-shrouds; in the execution of which we had one of our
best men canted overboard. We perceived, that, notwithstanding the
prodigious agitation of the waves, he swam very strong; and it was with
the utmost concern that we found ourselves incapable of assisting him.
Indeed we were the more grieved at his unhappy fate, as we lost sight of
him struggling with the waves, and conceived, from the manner in which
he swam, that he might continue sensible for a considerable time longer
of the horror attending his irretrievable situation.
The 26th being somewhat more moderate, we found two of our main-shrouds
broke, which we repaired; we likewise bent our main-top-sail, and made
sail.
The 30th, in the evening, the Gloucester made a signal of distress; and,
on speaking with her, we found she had broke her main-yard in the
slings; an accident the more grievous, as it tended unavoidably to delay
us in these inhospitable latitudes, where every moment we were in danger
of perishing. The weather proving favourable, all the carpenters were
ordered on board the Gloucester, and next day she was ready to sail.
The 3d, 4th, 5th, and 6th of April, a continued storm of wind and rain;
a dreadful sea, and very cold weather. We lowered our yards, furled our
courses, and lay by for the most part under a mizzen and mizzen-stay
sail. The 3d, about 11 o’clock at night, a raging sea took us on the
larboard quarter, where it stove in the quarter gallery, and rushed into
the ship like a deluge. For some time it laid the ship down upon her
side; but she providentially righted again, though slowly; it threw down
and half drowned all the people on the deck, broke one of the straps of
the main dead-eyes, and snaped a mizzen and puttock shroud. This was the
greatest sea which we had encountered since we came into those parts,
and we met with but one such stroke more in the whole voyage; two or
three such succeeding must certainly have sent us to the bottom.
The 7th, 8th, 9th, and 10th, continued very stormy and squally, with
snow, hail, rain, and a large sea; the weather continuing very cold.
The 8th, at four in the evening, the Anne pink made a signal of
distress; and, on speaking with her, we found she had sprung her
fore-stay, and the gammoning of her bowsprit. This was the more
unfortunate, as none of the carpenters were yet returned from the
Gloucester. Nor was the Anne the only ship that suffered in this storm;
the Wager lost her mizzen-mast and main-top-sail yard, owing to the
badness of the iron work. In this dilemma we were obliged to bear away
till these ships had made all fast.
The 10th, foggy and hazy. This afternoon the Severn and Pearl were far
a-stern, and seemed to me to lag designedly. We made a very easy sail
all day, and lay by at night, and fired several guns as a signal for
them to join us; the weather being pretty moderate, and the wind fair
for them, they might have effected it with ease. By the close of the
evening we could but just see them, and from that time saw them no more.
However, we heard afterwards in the South Seas, by letters taken on
board some of the Spanish ships, of their arrival at Rio Janeiro, in the
Brazils.
The 15th, the weather proved somewhat more moderate. At half an hour
past one in the morning we saw two islands right a-head, at about two
leagues distance; we immediately wore our ship, and stood off to the
southward. Those islands were very unexpected, as well as unwelcome, we
imagining we had been to the westward of all lands and islands of the
coast of Terra del Fuego; but we now found our mistake, and that there
was a necessity of our standing farther to the southward, in order to
get a sufficient westing. Those islands I find to lie in the latitude of
54 deg. 20 min. S. longitude from London 84 deg. 10 min. W. Mr. Walters
supposes the land we fell in with on this occasion to be Cape Noir, and
a part of Terra del Fuego.
From this time to the 23d we had nothing remarkable, the weather
continuing very uncertain and variable, with a large sea and a very cold
air; and the 21st, at nine at night, we were in the latitude of 60 deg.
5 min. S. being the greatest south latitude we made during the voyage.
The 23d, very hard gales and squalls, with much rain. This evening we
lost sight of the Gloucester, Wager, Trial, and Anne pink, being all the
remainder of our squadron, after the defection of the Severn and Pearl.
The Wager’s unfortunate catastrophe is well known; the others afterwards
joined us at Juan Fernandez, as shall be related in its proper place.
The 24th, 25th, and 26th, the wind being mostly fair, though still
blowing hard, we made pretty good runs under an easy sail to the
north-westward. The 24th it blew a hurricane, and the men endeavouring
to hand the topsails, the clew-lines and bunt-lines broke, and the sheet
being half flown, every seam in the fore-topsail was soon split from top
to bottom, and the main-topsail shook so strongly in the wind, that it
carried away the top lanthorn, and endangered the head of the mast;
however, at length, some of the most daring of our men ventured upon the
yard, and cut the sail away close to the reefs, though with the utmost
hazard of their lives, whilst at the same time the fore-topsail beat
about the yard with so much fury that it was soon blown to shreds: nor
was our attention to our topsails our sole employment; for the mainsail
blew loose, which obliged us to lower the yard to secure the sail, and
the fore-yard being likewise lowered, we lay to under a mizen. The 25th,
we found much of our running rigging broken, which we repaired. The
27th, we bent other topsails in the places of those split. Nothing more
remarkable the rest of this month and the first week in the next, but
stormy uncertain weather, and great sickness and mortality among our
people.
Friday, May 8, at seven in the morning, saw the main land of Patagonia
appearing in high mountains covered mostly with snow. We likewise saw
several islands, one of which we took to be the Island del Soccoro, so
called by Sir John Narborough, in his account of his voyage into those
parts; and from the fine description this gentleman had given of this
island, (having been there in the very height of summer), this place was
appointed for our first general rendezvous in the South Seas. An unhappy
appointment it was in its consequences; for when the people, already
reduced to the last extremity, found this to be the place of rendezvous,
where they had hoped to meet the rest of their companions with joy, and
what a miserable part of the world it appeared to be, their grief gave
way to despair; they saw no end of their sufferings, nor any door open
to their safety. Those who had hitherto been well and in heart, now full
of despondency, fell down, sickened, and died; and, to sum up this
melancholy part, I verily believe, that our touching on this coast, the
long stay we made here, and our hinderance by cross winds, which we
should have avoided in a direct course to Juan Fernandez, lost us at
least 60 or 70 of as stout and able men as any in the navy. This
unspeakable distress was still aggravated by the difficulties we found
in working the ship, as the scurvy had by this time destroyed no less
than 200 of our men, and had in some degree affected almost the whole
crew. It were, indeed, endless to recite minutely the various disasters,
fatigues, and terrors, which we encountered on this coast; all these
went on increasing till the 22d of May, at which time the fury of all
the storms which we had hitherto experienced, seemed to be combined, and
to have conspired our destruction. In this hurricane almost all our
sails were split, and great part of our standing rigging broken; and,
about eight in the evening, a mountainous overgrown sea took us on our
starboard quarter, and gave us so prodigious a shock, that several of
our shrouds broke with the jerk, by which our masts were in danger of
coming by the board; our ballast and stores too were so strangely
shifted, that the ship heeled afterwards two streaks a-port. Indeed, it
was a most tremendous blow, and we were thrown into the utmost
consternation, from the apprehension of instantly foundering. Our
deplorable situation allowing no longer any room for deliberation, we
stood for the island of Juan Fernandez; and, to save time, which was now
very precious, our men dying four, five, and six in a day, we
endeavoured to hit the island upon a meridian course. On the 28th of
May, being nearly in the parallel in which it is laid down, we expected
to have seen it, and indeed the Commodore was persuaded that he did see
it; but all the other officers being of opinion that it was only a
cloud, to which the haziness of the weather gave too much colour, we
made sail to the eastward, and by so doing lost near 14 days in
recovering our westing again. This was a most fatal disappointment; for
in this run we lost about 80 of our men, which, probably, had the
Commodore’s advice been attended to, would most of them have been saved.
The 8th of June, at six in the evening, we at length saw the island of
Juan Fernandez, bearing N. by E. half E. about 15 or 16 leagues off. The
10th, at two in the morning, we anchored in 56 fathom, close under the
N. E. end of the island. At 10 in the morning of the 11th, we with much
labour and difficulty weighed our anchor, and at noon happily moored our
ship in the Great Bay, about a mile from the shore, in 52 fathom water,
to our inexpressible joy, having been from St. Katharine’s in the
Brazils to this place 148 days, on such a dreadful and fatal passage as
I believe very few other persons ever experienced.
The 11th, at two in the afternoon, the Trial sloop appeared in the
offing. We immediately sent some of our hands on board her, by whose
assistance she was brought to an anchor between us and the land. We soon
found that the sloop had not been exempted from the like calamities
which we had so severely felt; for her Commander, Captain Saunders,
waiting on the Commodore, informed him, that, out of his small
complement, he had buried 34 of his men; and those who recovered were so
universally afflicted with the scurvy, that only himself, his
Lieutenant, and three of his men, were able to stand by the sails.
The same day we got out our long-boat, and sent her on shore with
materials for building tents for the sick, and with orders to bring on
board some water.
The 15th, we sent our pinnace to assist the Trial, she being driven from
her anchors to sea, by the violent flaws of wind which blow off the high
lands. This and the next day we put ashore 75 sick men, in so weak a
condition, that we were obliged to carry them out of the ship in their
hammocks, and to convey them afterwards in the same manner from the
water-side over a stoney beach to the tents prepared for their
reception. In this work of humanity, not only the officers, but the
Commodore himself, chearfully lent their assistance.
The 17th, the Trial came again to an anchor, and moored. This day and
the next we sent on shore the remainder of our sick people, the whole
number now on shore being 135, many of whom, being too far gone in the
scurvy, died one after another to the number of not less than sixty.
We now began to send on shore materials for tents for the coopers,
sail-makers, and some of the officers; a copper oven which we had with
us for baking soft bread for the ship’s company, and the smith’s forge
for making or repairing such iron-work as was necessary: and, after a
short interval of relaxation, all hands were busily employed, some in
cutting large quantities of wood for the ship’s use, some in making
charcoal for the smith, and for a farther store; the bakers in baking
bread, the coopers in making up and cleaning the casks for water, the
sail-makers in mending the sails and making others; some in fishing for
the sick, and the rest were otherways employed: and here being very
great plenty of fine fish, all taken by the hook, two or three people
could never fail to take us as much in about two hours as all the ship’s
company could eat: besides this we took great quantities for salting and
curing; and some private persons who had hooks and lines fished for
themselves, and never failed of enough for their own use, and to give to
those who had none. The people on board were employed in cleaning the
ship, which was in a very filthy condition, and in stripping the masts,
and overhauling the rigging. One of the boatswain’s mates, with some
assistants, having run up a rope-walk on shore, was employed in making
what small cordage we might want; others in watering, and, in short, in
every thing that might contribute to put us in as good a condition, and
in as short a time as possible; and as fast as the sick recovered, they
were put on the like employments.
At first sight of this island, it appeared with a most unpromising
aspect, being extremely mountainous, rugged, and irregular; but, upon
our nearer approach, it improved upon us; and when we were landed, we
found all the vegetables which are usually esteemed to be peculiarly
adapted to the cure of those scorbutic disorders which are contracted by
salt diet, and long continuance at sea; for here we found water-cresses
and purslain, wild-sorrel, and Sicilian-radishes, in profusion. These
vegetables, not to mention the turneps which now abound in every plain,
with the fish and flesh we got here, were not only grateful to us in the
extreme, but were likewise very refreshing to the sick, and contributed
not a little to the recovery of those who were not already too far
advanced in the disorder to admit of relief; and to the restoring of
others to their wonted vigour, who, though not apparently under the
malignancy of the distemper, and its baneful concomitants, were yet
greatly debilitated by continual watching and anxiety of mind, from
which not a soul on board was exempt.
During the time of our residence here, we found the inland parts of the
island no ways to fall short of the sanguine prepossessions we had first
entertained in its favour; for the woods, which covered most of the
steepest hills, were free from all bushes and underwood, and afforded an
easy passage through every part of them; and the irregularities of the
hills and precipices, in the northern part of the island, necessarily
traced out, by their various combinations, a great number of romantic
vallies, most of which had a stream of the clearest water running
through them, that tumbled in cascades from rock to rock, as the bottom
of the valley by the course of the neighbouring hills was at any time
broken into a sudden sharp descent. Some particular spots occurred in
these vallies, where the shades and fragrance of the contiguous woods,
the loftiness of the over-hanging rocks, and the transparency and
frequent falls of the neighbouring streams, presented scenes of such
elegance and dignity, as would with difficulty be rivalled in any other
part of the globe. It is in this place, perhaps, that the simple
productions of unassisted nature may be said to excel all the fictitious
descriptions of the most animated imagination. The spot where the
Commodore pitched his tent, and where he chose, during his stay, to fix
his residence, exceeded in beauty any thing that words can be supposed
to represent. It was a delightful little lawn, that lay on an easy
ascent at the distance of about half a mile from the sea, and was
probably the very spot on which Shelvock twenty years before had pitched
his tent. In front there was a large avenue cut through the woods to the
sea-side, which slopping to the water with a gentle descent, opened a
prospect to the bay and the ships at anchor. This lawn was screened
behind by a tall wood of myrtle sweeping round it in the form of a
theatre, the slope on which the wood stood rising with a much sharper
ascent than the lawn itself, though not so much but that the hills and
precipices within land towered up considerably above the tops of the
trees, and added to the grandeur of the view. There were, besides; two
streams of chrystal water, which ran on the right and left of the tent,
within an hundred yards distance, and were shaded by the trees that
skirted the lawn on either side, and completed the symmetry of the
whole. Add to these, the gentle murmuring of the distant brooks, the
music of the birds among the myrtles, the sweet aromatic odour of the
spice-trees that every where perfumed the air with their fragrance, and
you may form in imagination a faint idea of this second paradise, which
could only be exceeded by the perfection of the first.
[Illustration: _A View of the Lawn where Commodore Anson pitch’d his
Tent at Juan Fernandes._]
It is astonishing, that, among all the voyagers who have visited this
fortunate island before us, and who have obliged the world with
descriptions of it, none of them have mentioned a charming little bird
that, with its wild, various, and irregular notes, enchants the ear, and
makes the woods resound with its melody. This untutored choirister is
somewhat less in size than the goldfinch, its plumage beautifully
intermixed with red and other vivid colours, and the golden crown upon
its head so bright and glowing, when seen in the full light of the sun,
that it surpasses all description. These little birds are far from being
uncommon or unfamiliar; for they perched upon the branches of the
myrtle-trees so near us, and sung so chearfully, as if they had been
conscious we were strangers, and came to give us welcome.
There is, besides the above, another little bird, unnoticed by any
former writer, and which seems likewise peculiar to the island, and
consequently without a name; it is still less than the former in size,
but not inferior in beauty, though not so musical; the back, wings, and
head, are of a lively green, intermixed with fine shining golden spots,
and the belly a snow white ground, with ebony coloured spots, so
elegantly varied as no art can imitate. To the catalogue of birds
mentioned by former writers as inhabitants of this island, should also
be added blackbirds and thrushes very like those in England; and owls,
but of a diminutive size.
Of four-footed animals we saw none but dogs, cats, rats, and goats; and
of the latter but few, as the dogs of various kinds, greyhounds,
mastifs, pointers, spaniels, and mungrels, have thinned them in the
plains, and driven them to the inaccessible mountains; yet some were
shot by the hunters, and were preferred by them to the best venison.
Among those presented to the Commodore were two or three venerable
through age, that had been marked more than thirty years before by
Selkirk, who trained them for his sport, slit their ears, and turned
them loose to graze the mountains.
I remember we had once an opportunity of observing a remarkable dispute
betwixt a herd of those animals and a number of dogs; for going in our
boat into the eastern bay we perceived some dogs run very eagerly upon
the foot, and being willing to discover what game they were after, we
lay upon our oars some time to view them, and at last saw them take a
hill, where, looking a little farther, we observed upon the ridge of it
an herd of goats, which seemed drawn up for their reception. There was a
very narrow path skirted on each side by precipices, in which the leader
of the herd posted himself fronting the enemy, the rest of the goats
being ranged behind him where the ground was more open; as this spot was
inaccessible by any other path, excepting where this champion had placed
himself, the dogs, though they ran up hill with great alacrity, yet when
they came within about twenty yards, found they durst not encounter this
formidable Goliah, for he would infallibly have driven the first that
approached him down the precipice; they therefore quietly laid
themselves down, panting, and did not offer to stir while we remained in
sight.
These dogs have multiplied prodigiously, and have destroyed most of the
cats as well as goats: the rats, however, keep possession, and were very
troublesome guests in the night, when they generally paid us their
visits. It is not easy to determine in what manner such a multitude of
dogs subsist, as they are much more numerous than all the other
four-footed creatures upon the island. Our people, indeed, were inclined
to think, that they lived in a great measure upon the young sea-lions
and seals, and supported their opinion by the report of the sailors,
some of whom killed the dogs for food, who said they tasted fishy: and,
truly, there is hardly any other way of accounting for the subsistence
of these animals; for, as has been said, they have already destroyed all
the goats in the accessible parts of the country; so that there now
remain only a few among the crags and precipices, where the dogs cannot
follow them. These are divided into separate herds of 20 or 30 each,
which inhabit distinct fastnesses, and never mingle with each other; by
this means we found it extremely difficult to kill them, and yet we were
so desirous of their flesh, that we discovered, I believe, all their
herds, and it was thought, by comparing their numbers, that they
scarcely exceeded 200 upon the whole island. The dogs had destroyed the
pardellas, too, of which former writers have given a large account, so
that there was not one of them to be seen; we found indeed their
boroughs in the earth, which leaves no room to doubt of their being
found in plenty in Selkirk’s time, as well as cats, of which there is
now scarce one alive.
Flesh meat being thus extremely scarce, our people, being tired of fish,
though excellent in their kind, at length condescended to eat seals,
which, by degrees, they came to relish, and called them lamb. Of these,
it being their brooding time, the numbers were incredible;--and likewise
of the sea-lion,--these animals have frequently furious battles among
themselves, principally about their females; and we were one day
surprized by the sight of two animals, which, at first, seemed different
from all we had ever observed; but, on a nearer approach, they proved to
be two sea-lions that had been goring one another with their tushes, and
were covered with blood, with which they plentifully abound. This led us
to watch them more closely, and one was observed larger than the rest,
and from his driving off other males, and keeping a great number of
females to himself, he was by the seamen humorously stiled the Bashaw.
To this pre-eminence, however, he had not arrived without many bloody
contests; for, on our people’s attacking him in the midst of his
seraglio of females, he made a desperate defence, and, when overpowered,
the signals of his bravery appeared in numerous scars on every part of
his body.
We had now been ten days on this island, when some of our people from an
eminence discerned a ship to leeward with her courses even with the
horizon, without any other sail abroad than her main-topsail; from which
circumstance, it was immediately concluded, that it was one of our own
squadron; but the weather being hazy, no definitive conjecture could be
formed concerning her. She again disappeared for some days, and we were
all thrown into the deepest concern, fearing the weakness of her
condition had disabled her from working to windward, and that all her
people had perished.
We continued our employ till the 26th, when we again saw the same ship;
and, on her nearer approach, could distinguish her to be the Gloucester;
and, making no doubt of her being in distress, the Commodore sent our
boat on board her with water and refreshments. We found her in a
miserable condition, not many above 100 people alive, and almost all
those helpless with the scurvy; their water so very short, that they
were obliged to allow but one pint a day to a man; and the continual
flaws off the land, together with their being disabled in their sails
and yards, hindered them from getting into the bay. The next day we sent
them a fresh supply of fish, greens, water, and men to help to work the
ship; soon after which the flaws drove them off again, and the ship
appeared no more till the 30th, when at two in the afternoon she fired a
gun, and made a signal of distress. She continued in this manner off and
on, sometimes in sight, and sometimes not, till July 23, during which
time, though we often relieved the people on board with water and other
necessaries, yet their sufferings were insupportable, and their whole
complement were reduced to about 96 living persons, all of whom must
have perished in a few days more, had not the wind proved favourable to
bring them into the bay; but providentially a fresh gale sprung up from
the sea, and brought them to an anchor. We immediately sent men on board
to assist in mooring the ship, and continued our constant assistance
afterwards, during our stay at this place.
The 5th of August, the Commodore sent the Trial sloop to search the
island of Little Juan Fernandez, lest any of the squadron should have
mistaken that island for the place of rendezvous, and might remain there
in expectation of meeting the rest of the fleet.
On the 16th, the Anne pink, which was separated from us with the rest of
the squadron the 23d of April, appeared in sight. Her arrival gave us
new spirits, she being laden principally with provisions, and we
immediately were ordered full allowance of bread. This ship had been
about two months in a safe harbour, on the main land, near the same
parallel with del Soccoro, where she had been directed by Providence,
and where she lay in security, enjoyed plenty, and her people, 16 in
number, being once freed from their fears of shipwreck, very soon
recovered their wonted vigour, having experienced none of those
hardships that were endured by the rest of the fleet. They told us they
had seen some Indians, and one time took one of their canoes with a man,
a woman, some children, a dog, a cat, &c. and some implements for
fishery; but in a day or two the whole family, the dog excepted, made
their escape from them in the ship’s small boat, and left them their
canoe in her stead. Those Indians, they say, understood a few Spanish
words, and probably might have some little correspondence with the
southern Spaniards of Chili, or their nearer bordering Indians; or,
perhaps, some of the Fathers for propagating the faith may now and then
have been among them. The principal refreshments they met with in this
port, were wild celery, nettletops, and sorrel; cockles and muscles of
an extraordinary size; good store of geese, sheep, and penguins. They
judged it to lie in lat. 45 deg. 30 min. S. and it may be known by an
island which faces it, and which the inhabitants call _Inchin_, and by a
river in which they found excellent fish.
This vessel, the Anne pink, was the last that joined us at Juan
Fernandez. The remaining ships of the squadron were the Severn, the
Pearl, and the Wager store-ship. The Severn and Pearl, as has been
already observed, parted company off Cape Noir, and, as we afterwards
learned, put back to the Brazils; so that of all the ships that came
into the South Seas, the Wager was the only ship that was missing.
Captain Cheap, who commanded her, knowing the importance of the charge
he had in trust, without which no enterprize on shore could be
undertaken, was extremely solicitous to reach Baldivia as the last place
of rendezvous, and the first to be attacked, before the rest of the
squadron should have finished their cruise, that no blame might rest
upon him, if the attack of that city should be judged improper to be
carried into execution. But, whilst this brave officer was exerting
himself in endeavouring to keep clear of the land in making the island
of del Soccoro, he had the misfortune to dislocate his shoulder, and
thereby to disable himself from prosecuting with vigour the purpose he
had in view. The ship being little better than a wreck, the crew in a
miserable desponding condition, the officers quite exhausted, the
weather cold and stormy, and the wind and currents bearing in-shore, all
these unlucky circumstances concurring, so entangled the ship with the
land, that all the efforts of the feeble crew could not prevent her from
running upon a sunken rock, where she grounded between two small
islands, not a musquet-shot from the shore. In this situation she
continued entire till every one on board might have reached the land in
safety, and might have stored themselves with provisions, and every
necessary for their present, subsistence and future escape: but the
moment the ship struck, all subordination ceased; one part of the crew
got possession of the liquors, intoxicated themselves in a beastly
manner, and grew frantic in their cups; another part began to furnish
themselves with arms, and to make themselves masters of the money and
things of most value on board; while the Captain, and some of the
principal officers, endeavoured in vain to maintain their authority, and
to preserve a proper discipline among them, in order to effect the
deliverance of as many as it was possible from the common danger in
which all of them were involved; but the mutinous disposition that
prevailed rendered every effort for their preservation ineffectual.
Those who remained in possession of the ship and her stores, pointed the
cannon, and fired at those who had gained the land; those at land grew
riotous for want of provisions; nothing but anarchy and confusion
prevailed; and, what added to the catastrophe, a midshipman named
Cozens, who had busied himself in opposition to all good government,
was, by the Captain, shot dead upon the spot. This put an end at once to
all manner of subserviency; and after this every one thought himself at
liberty to pursue what scheme he thought best for his own preservation.
Of about 130 persons who reached the shore, 30 died on the place; about
80 others, having converted the long-boat into a schooner, sailed to the
southward, attended by the cutter. These, being distressed for want of
provisions in re-doubling Cape Horn, and having lost their cutter in a
storm, suffered unprecedented hardships in their return to the coast of
Brazil, where only 30 of them arrived to give an account of the
miserable fate of their companions, several of whom died of hunger;
others desired to be set on shore; and some, beginning to be mutinous,
they landed and deserted. Of the 19 who were left behind in Wager-Island
with the Captain, 16 embarked on board the barge and the yawl, and
attempted to escape to the northward; of these one was drowned in the
yawl, and four were left on a desart part of the coast, where it is
probable they all perished; the remaining 11, after a fruitless attempt
to weather a point of land, called by the Spaniards Cape Tresmentes,
were forced to return to Wager Island, from whence they first set out,
where meeting with a Chiloen Indian, who could speak a little Spanish,
they agreed with him to pilot them to Chiloe; but, after coasting along
for four days, the Captain and his officers being on shore, five in
number, the other six persuaded the Indian to put to sea without them,
by which the rest were reduced to the sad necessity of travelling near
600 miles, sometimes by land, and sometimes by water, till at length,
after a variety of misfortunes and hardships not to be parallelled in
romance, four of them, namely, Captain Cheap, the Hon. Mr. Byron, who
lately went round the world, Mr. Hamilton, and Mr. Campbell, arrived at
Chiloe, where they were received by the Spaniards with great humanity.
After some stay at Chiloe, the Captain and his three officers were sent
to Valparaiso, and thence to St. Jago, the capital of Chili, where they
continued above a year; but on advice of a cartel, the Captain, Mr.
Byron, and Mr. Hamilton, were permitted to return to Europe; and Mr.
Campbell, who in the mean time had changed his religion, chose to embark
for Spain; but not meeting there with the encouragement he expected, he
soon after returned to England, where he published an account of his
adventures, but mentioned not a word of changing his religion, neither
does he assign his reason for leaving Spain.
It is very remarkable, that the place where the Wager struck upon the
rock, was so near the harbour where the Anne pink found shelter during
the winter, that the Wager’s people were within hearing of the pink’s
evening and morning gun, yet never had the thought to follow the sound,
or to look out for any straggler from their own squadron.
On the 22d, the Trial arrived from searching the island of Little
Fernandez, and reported that it lies about 20 leagues due west from this
where we lay; that it is about three leagues in compass, being very
mountainous, with some woods and good runs of water, with multitudes of
goats, fish, sea-lions, and seals, as with us; but no ships were to be
seen, nor any marks of any having been there.
While we continued at Juan Fernandez, besides our necessary employments,
we likewise began, and pretty far advanced, a wharf for the better
landing and embarking such necessaries as we had occasion for. We kept
two ovens employed in baking bread for the ships companies, two smith’s
forges for repairing old and fitting new iron-work, and made abundance
of charcoal for future use. The Commodore likewise ordered the
carpenters to take a careful survey of the Anne pink, the master of
which set forth, that she was in so rotten a condition, as not to be fit
to proceed nor return without very considerable repairs; which
representation upon a survey being found to be true, the Commodore
purchased her materials at a fair valuation, and ordered her to be broke
up, and her crew to be put on board the Gloucester, that ship not having
hands enough left to navigate her, much less to fight her, in case of an
attack from the enemy.
This island lies in latitude 33 deg. 40 min. S. and longitude 87 deg. 37
min. W. from London; distance from the main continent 105 leagues;
compass, by the best accounts of those who had been round it, 12 or 13
leagues. There are two small and very commodious bays within the points,
which form the large one where we lay, one to the eastward, the other to
the westward of us, and no doubt several others in other parts of the
island; variation, by an observation July 2, in the morning, 8 deg. 4.
min. half E. ’Twas reported, that the S. W. end of the island is much
more flat and level than that where we resided, and the goats more
numerous, but wood scarcer.
On Tuesday, Sept. the 8th, at noon, we saw a sail at sea bearing N. E.
by E. and, perceiving by our glasses that she could be none of our
squadron, nor an English-built ship, we fired a gun as a signal for
getting all our people on board; and, having taken several men out of
the Trial, bent our sails, set up our rigging, and slipt our small bower
cable, at six in the evening we weighed in pursuit of her. In the
morning of the next day we got down our stumps, which are generally set
up in bad weather instead of top-gallant masts, and in their place got
up our top-gallant masts and yards, rigged them, and bent their sails.
At eleven the same morning we mustered and quartered the ship’s company.
At noon the island of Juan Fernandez bore W. half S. distance eight
leagues; the two next days we saw nothing of the chace, nor any thing
remarkable.
Saturday, Sept. 12, at five in the morning we saw a sail to windward,
which bore down towards us, and at about two leagues distance she hawled
up the lee clue-garnet of her foresail, shewed her Spanish colours, and
fired a gun, which we supposed to be a signal concerted between her and
others which came out in company with her; but we not answering nor
regarding it, she hauled close on a wind and stood from us, endeavouring
to escape; upon which we gave chace, and it proving sometimes hazy and
foggy, we were in danger of losing sight of her. About nine in the
morning we tacked, and at noon coming within gun shot, we fired five
shot at her rigging to bring her to; but she keeping on her course, we
fired four more, on which she struck her colours, and surrendered
without making any opposition. This ship happened not to be the same we
went out after. She proved a rich merchant-ship, having on board
18,000l. sterling in dollars and plate, with some jewels, and abundance
of gold and silver twist; but the bulk of her cargo consisted in sugars
and bale goods, most of the latter European, but some the produce of the
country. She was called the Nuestra Senora del Monte Carmelo. She was of
about 500 tons, was commanded by Don Manuel Zamorra, and had on board 13
passengers, most of them persons of fortune, amongst whom was the son of
the Governor of the city of St. Jago, the capital of Chili. She came
from Callao, a port of Lima, the capital of the empire of Peru, bound
for Valparaiso in Chili, where those ships annually trade, exchanging
silver in return for gold and corn, the latter being very scarce in
Peru. Some of the prisoners informed us, that, if we had taken her in
her return from Chili to Peru, we should have met with as much gold in
her as we had now found silver. She had in the whole a-board her 67
persons, many of them Indians and black slaves, who were afterwards very
useful to us in assisting towards the ship’s duty. She had been 27 days
from Callao, and wanted not above two days sail to compleat her voyage
when we took her.
We found in this ship, on search among the letters from some merchants
in Lima to their friends in Chili, an account of the fate of the Spanish
squadron which had been sent after us, viz. that, in attempting to pass
the Cape, they had been forced to put back, after encountering the most
terrible storms and most pressing famine, being reduced to two ounces of
bread and half a pint of water each man a day; that, besides being
grievously attacked by the scurvy, which had made greater havock among
them than among us, their ships were almost entirely disabled, their
masts, sails, yards, rigging and hulls in a manner shattered and torn to
pieces; that Admiral Pisarro, and one more of his squadron, after having
suffered the greatest extremities, had got, with the utmost difficulty,
to Buenos Ayres, on the River Plate; that another of the squadron, a
ship of 70 guns, had been entirely lost near Rio Grande, and that two
more had never been heard of; that on their return they had seen two
large ships pass by very near them, which they supposed to be two ships
of our squadron, but the weather proving stormy, and the sea running
mountains high, they could not interfere with or attack each other.
Those ships of ours we believed to be the Severn and the Pearl, and
hoped they were safely arrived at some port of the Brazils. Those
letters came over land from Buenos Ayres to Lima, and with them came
others containing Admiral Pisarro’s advice and instructions to the
Viceroy of Peru concerning us; wherein he told him, that, though he
himself had been forced back in such a miserable condition, not having
above 80 or 100 of his men living, and his ships in so ill a state,
that, till sufficient reinforcements could come to him from Old Spain,
he could not possibly come into those seas, yet as the English were a
stubborn and resolute people, and daring enough to persist obstinately
in the most desperate undertakings, he did believe some of us might
possibly get round; but as he experimentally knew what of necessity we
must have suffered in that dreadful passage, he made no doubt but we
should be in a very weak and defenceless condition; he therefore advised
the Viceroy to fit out all the strength of shipping he could, and send
them to cruise at the island of Juan Fernandez, where we must of
necessity touch to refresh our people, and to repair our ships; and
farther advised, that, in case of meeting us, they should not stand to
fight or cannonade at a distance, in which possibly we might have the
advantage, or make our escape, but should board us at once sword in
hand; which must, if well executed, in our weak condition, infallibly
prove the means of taking us.
This was a well-laid scheme, and in pursuance of it the Viceroy equipt
three ships at Callao, one of 50, one of 30, and one of 20 guns, all
double manned with the choicest men they could possibly procure, and
sent them to wait for us accordingly. Those ships arrived at Juan
Fernandez some time, I think, in May, and continued till about June the
6th, when, imagining that we must be either put back or lost, they
quitted their station, and sailed for the port of Conception in Chili,
and by this means we luckily missed them: had it happened otherwise, as
we arrived there with only our single ship, in such a defenceless
condition, and had they put their orders in execution with any tolerable
degree of resolution, we must in all human probability have fallen into
their hands.
Our prisoners informed us further, that those ships, during their
cruise, had met with a storm, in which they had received so much damage,
that it must be at least two months before they could again be fit to go
to sea. The whole of this intelligence was as favourable as we could
have wished; and now we were at no loss to account for the fresh marks
we found at Juan Fernandez, of that island’s having been lately visited
by some white people.
Sunday the 13th, having got on board most of the prisoners of note, and
all the silver, we made sail for Juan Fernandez; and the weather proving
very moderate, at six in the evening that island bore N. W. by N. at the
distance of five leagues. At three the next morning we fired three guns,
as a signal to the ships in the bay. At four we anchored, got in our
small bower cable, which we had slipped at leaving the place, and moored
our ship.
The 15th we employed in watering, and setting up our rigging, in order
to pursue our voyage. And this day, the Commodore being informed that
several merchant-ships were now pursuing their trade without fear of any
surprize, the Trial was ordered out on a cruise, and proceeded
immediately.
The 16th we got up a new top-gallant-mast, and wanting some cordage we
were supplied with it from the Gloucester. This and the following days,
until the 19th, we spent in getting every thing ready for sea with the
utmost expedition.
The 19th we sent 28 of our prisoners on board the Gloucester, she being
weakly manned, and those prisoners being good sailors. We likewise
supplied the prize with two months provisions of all sorts, at full
allowance, for 20 men; put all the guns belonging to the Anne pink on
board of her; and, having left orders with Captain Mitchell, of the
Gloucester, to burn the pink, together with her useless stores, and
appointed him his station off the town of Payta, which is the place
where the ships between Lima and Panama generally touch to deliver part
of their cargoes to be dispersed through the inland parts of Peru, with
orders to sail to that station as soon as possible, we weighed, and took
leave of our winter residence, in company with the prize, which the
Commodore had fitted up to cruise against the enemy.
The 21st, at four in the evening, we had the last sight of this island,
it then bearing from us W. by N. at the distance of 17 leagues. The
remaining days, until the 24th, we had variable and uncertain weather,
in which we split our main-top-sail and fore-sail, and received some
other slight damage.
The 24th, at five in the evening, being somewhat hazy, we saw two sail
to windward, on which we cleared ship, in order to be ready to engage,
the largest of the two ships bearing down upon us. At seven she came so
near, that we haled her in Spanish, and she answered in English, and
told us, that she was a prize taken by the Trial, and that her consort
was the Trial itself, which was very much disabled. At 11 the next
morning, there being a hard gale and high sea, the Trial fired two guns
as a signal of distress, and bore away before the wind, and we after
her. The same day half an hour past noon we spoke with the Trial, and
found she had sprung her main-mast, and that her main-top-mast had come
by the board: and as we were all of us standing to the eastward next
morning, with a fresh gale at south, she had the additional misfortune
to spring her fore-mast; so that now she had not a mast left. This was a
great obstruction; for now we had intelligence by the Trial’s prize,
that there were many ships at sea richly laden, and that they had no
apprehensions of being attacked by us, having received intelligence that
our squadron was either put back or destroyed. In the course, therefore,
of the 48 hours we were detained in waiting upon the Trial, I am
persuaded we missed the taking many valuable prizes. The result was,
that a council being called, and all the officers convened together on
board our ship, it was there concluded, that in her present condition
the Trial could be of no farther service; and the Commodore, being
resolved to separate the ships, in order to cruise upon the coast to the
greatest advantage, gave orders to Captain Charles Saunders, the
Commander, to burn the Trial, and in her room commissioned the Trial’s
prize for his Majesty’s service, with the same Commander, officers, and
people. This ship, the Trial’s prize, was called by the Spaniards the
Nuestra Senora de Arinzazie; but, being now commissioned for his
Majesty’s service, she was henceforth called the Trial’s Prize. She was
the largest ship we took in those seas, being between five and six
hundred tons, and loaded with bale goods, sugar, and other commodities,
to a considerable value, and about 5000l. in specie and wrought silver.
The 28th, at nine in the morning, we parted with the Trial and both the
prizes.
The 30th we saw the main land of Chili. This day we began to exercise
our people with small arms, which was the first time we had done it
since we came into those seas, and which we continued at all proper
opportunities during the voyage.
On the 1st of October we came in sight of the high land of Valparaiso,
bearing N. E. half E. at the distance of about 14 leagues. This city
lies in the latitude of 32 deg. 58 min. S. its longitude from London is
by my account 80 deg. 37 min. W.
On the 5th, the Commodore, being informed that there were murmurings
amongst the people, because the prize-money was not immediately divided,
ordered the articles of war to be read; and after that remonstrated to
them on the danger of mutiny, and said he had heard the reason of their
discontent, but assured them their properties were secured by act of
parliament as firmly as any one’s own inheritance, and that the money,
plate, &c. were weighed and marked in public; so that any capable
person, if he pleased, might take an inventory of the whole. He then
read an account of the particulars, and told them they might (if they
pleased) make choice of any person to take an inventory for them, or buy
their parts. This spread a visible joy, and gave content to every one.
We continued cruising off the coast of Valparaiso till the 8th, when at
twelve at night we broke the main-top-sail-yard in the slings, on which
we unbent the top-sail and got down the broken yard. At ten in the
morning we saw the high land of Choapa, and over it the Cordillera
mountains, being part of that long ridge of mountains called the Andes,
which run from one end of South America to the other, appearing
excessively high, with their tops covered with snow.
The 14th we crossed the south Tropic to the northward, and from this
time, till we were some degrees to the northward of the Equator, met
with nothing but fair weather and a smooth sea.
The 21st, at noon, the high land of Morro Quemado bore E. by N. at the
distance of four leagues; and here we continued cruising off and on till
Nov. 2, when, about six in the morning, we saw two sail of ships
standing towards us; upon which we made a clear ship, and immediately
gave them chace, when we soon perceived that they were the Trial and
Centurion prizes. As we had the wind of them, we brought to, and waited
their coming up, when Captain Saunders came on board, and acquainted the
Commodore that he had cleared the Trial pursuant to his orders, and
having scuttled her, he remained by her till she sunk; but that it was
not till the 4th of October before this was effected, by reason of the
great swell and hollow sea; that, during his attendance on the sloop,
they were all driven so far to leeward, that they were afterwards
obliged to stretch a long way to the westward, to regain the ground they
had lost; that in their cruise they had met no prize, nor had seen any
vessel on all the coast.
Nov. the 3d, at five in the evening, the island of Asia, in lat. 13 deg.
5 min. S. long. 84 deg. 43 min. W. bore from us N. E. by E. distance
five leagues.
The 5th, at four in the evening, we saw the high land of Barranca,
bearing N. E. by E. distant eight or nine leagues; and half an hour
after we saw a sail to the northward, to whom we gave chace, and cleared
our ship for engaging. At 10 in the evening we came up with her, fired
eight guns, and took her. She came from Guaiaquil, and was bound for
Callao, with timber, cacao, cordage, tobacco, cacao-nuts, and a small
trunk with bale goods; all of little value to us, though a very
considerable loss to the Spaniards. She was called the Santa Teresa,
commanded by Don Bartolo Urrunaga, with between 30 and 40 people on
board, passengers included, and five or six women, besides children. Our
Third Lieutenant, two other officers, and a party of sailors, were sent
on board to command and take care of her; and our other prizes being far
a-stern, occasioned by our chasing this ship, we lay by till four the
next morning, and fired a gun every hour as a signal for their joining
us. This day I find, by the difference of our dead reckoning and
observations, a current to set along this coast to the northward of near
a mile an hour.
The 7th, we were employed in getting aboard several necessary stores, as
planks, cordage, and the like, from our last prize, for the use of the
squadron. The sea here appeared for several miles of a blood-red colour,
which the prisoners informed us was common in those parts, and of which
mention has been made more than once already in this work. This day we
found aboard the prize, in specie and plate, 50 pounds averdupois
weight.
The 9th, we brought from on board the Teresa 10 serons of cacao, one of
wax, and 180 fathom of three and a half rope.
The 10th, we brought from on board our first prize the Carmelo, the
following goods, viz. cloth two bales, bays five ditto, sugar 182
loaves, straw mats two, tar one skin, raisins three bales, indigo four
serons, cotton cloth one bale, hats two cases, and 25 loose ones, skins
one parcel, chocolate one bag, camlet one bale and two parcels, silks
one box, lead four pigs, and combs one small parcel.
The 12th, at five in the morning, we saw a sail, to which we gave chace;
but there being very little wind, we manned and armed our barge,
pinnace, and the Trial’s pinnace, and sent them to take her, and at
eight they boarded and took her, and brought her to us at half an hour
past 10. She was called the Carmen, commanded by Signior Marcus Marina,
and came out of Payta the day before, bound to Callao, laden with iron
and cloth, being a very valuable cargo. We found on board an Irishman,
named John Williams, who pretended himself a prisoner amongst them, and
with much seeming joy entered with us. He informed us, that, amongst
other ships in the port of Payta, they left in the road a bark which was
taking in 400,000 dollars, with which she would sail for Panama in a day
or two at farthest; and the Spanish prisoners being examined, and
confirming the intelligence, and farther giving some account of the
strength of the place, the Commodore resolved to attack it this very
night, and made preparations accordingly. Mr. Thomas Simmers, mate of
our ship, with one midshipman and about 10 or 11 men, were sent to
command and take care of this last prize. At four in the afternoon,
Point Nonura bore E. by S. half S. distant eight leagues. At 10 at
night, we sent our barge, pinnace, and Trial’s pinnace, to attack the
town of Payta by surprize. They had 49 men well armed, and were
commanded by the Lieutenants Brett, Dennis, and Hughes, who had orders,
if possible, to secure the Governor of Payta, and send him prisoner on
board, in order by that means to procure a supply of provisions, and a
ransom for the town. Half an hour after 11 we sounded, and found 43
fathom water, the ground mud, the island of Lobos bearing N. N. E. at
the distance of three or four miles. At seven in the morning, Point
Onado, being the point that forms the bay of Payta, bore S. S. E. two
miles distant; and the town of Payta at the same time began to open in a
direct line with it, distant about four miles; soon after which we saw
our British colours flying on the castle. At 10, the Trial’s boat came
on board, loaded with gold and silver, corn, wrought plate, jewels, and
rich moveables. They informed us, that they took the town about two in
the morning; and that, though the Spaniards had some time before been
apprized of our intent, they yet made a very faint resistance, having
fired but two guns from their castle before our men landed, and a few
small arms afterwards, when they all quitted the town with the greatest
precipitation. The Governor and his family made their escape in so much
haste, that his lady was handed out of a window with no other cloaths to
cover her but her shift. All the inhabitants fled in the like confusion,
except some negro women and children. In this action we lost one man,
Peter Obrian, the Commodore’s steward, who was shot through the breast
by a musquet-ball; and had two wounded, to wit, Arthur Lusk, a
quarter-master, and the Spanish pilot of the Teresa, whom we had made
use of as a guide; the first through the fleshy part of the arm near the
shoulder, the second through the wrist, but neither dangerously: and I
have had it reported from several officers then on shore, that our men
ran to the attack, and fired in so irregular a manner, that it was, and
still remains a doubt, whether those were not shot by our people rather
than by the enemy.
The town of Payta, at the time of the attack, had a fort with eight guns
mounted, which commanded the town and harbour; and the balcony of the
Governor’s house, which again commanded that fort, together with several
other houses, was lined with armed men, of which there might be about
400 in the town; but these people having enjoyed a long peace, and being
enervated by the luxury so customary in those parts, their arms in a bad
condition, and no person of experience or courage to head them, it is no
wonder that they made so small a resistance, and were all driven out of
the town in less than half an hour by only 49 men; but I believe the
noise of two drums which we made use of, together with the suddenness of
the surprize, contributed to intimidate them, and facilitated our
success.
On our getting possession of the castle, our commanding-officer very
inconsiderately ordered the guns to be thrown over the walls, which
accordingly was executed; but some time after reflecting on the ill
consequence which might attend that proceeding, he ordered two of them
to be got up and re-mounted.
At 11, our barge came on board, loaded with money, plate, and jewels.
This town contains about 140 or 150 houses; there are in it two
churches, which, together with the Governor’s house and castle, are the
only remarkable buildings. There are several large store-houses full of
rich European, Asian, and American goods, all which were destroyed when
we set the town on fire; of which in its place. The town lies in
latitude 5 deg. 3 min. S. and longitude from London 88 deg. 48 min. W.
This afternoon we employed ourselves in getting off the plunder, and
provisions of hogs and fowls, which were here in great plenty. In the
evening we anchored in 10 fathom water, the town bearing from us S. by
E. half E. at about three miles distance, not being able to get farther
in, by reason of the flaws of wind from off the land.
From this time to the 15th we were employed in getting on board the
plunder, which chiefly consisted of rich brocades, laced cloaths, bales
of fine linens and woolens, Britannia’s, slays, and the like; together
with a great number of hogs, some sheep and fowls, cases of Spanish
brandies and wines, a great quantity of onions, olives, sweet-meats, and
many other things too tedious to name; all which the sailors hoped would
have been equally divided among the ships companies, but they found
themselves disappointed.
We found in the road, one ship, two snows, one schooner, and two
quarter-gallies, all which we took possession of. The 14th, in the
morning, we saw a bark-log, as they call it, being a sort of raft made
of the stumps of trees fastened together, overlaid with poles, and
covered with small twigs twined mat-wise, with several people in her
coming along shore from the southward. She had a sort of mast and sail
in her, and at first sight we knew not what to make of her; and none of
our own boats being on board, we sent the Carmen’s boat, with Mr.
Langdon, a midshipman, who commanded in the second place on board that
ship, and some armed people, to pursue them, who perceiving it put on
shore, and made their escape over the rocks. Mr. Langdon took their
bark-log, which he found to be laden with dried fish, which we suppose
they were carrying to Payta for a market. This evening the Spaniards,
who had all along appeared in great numbers from the hills, and were now
considerably increased, making a shew of warlike preparations, as if
they designed in the night to attack our people in the town, they
thereupon barricaded the streets, and kept very strict watches, to
prevent a surprize. Several negroes delivered themselves up, desiring to
be made prisoners, that they might have some food, and more especially
water, to keep them from perishing; for the country thereabouts being
for many miles round quite barren and sandy, without either water or any
other thing necessary for life, and the nearest town to them, named as I
think Sancta Cruz, whence relief might be got, being a day and a half or
two days journey off, the people who had left the town were in a
starving condition, and we had melancholy accounts of several dying
among them for want chiefly of water during our small stay; and yet so
greatly were they infatuated or frightened, that they never offered to
treat for the ransom of the place, which if they had done, I believe it
would not have been destroyed; in which case, they might have secured to
themselves not only their habitations, but provisions and water enough
(till they could have got a fresh recruit), which we should on that
condition have readily left them.
The town seems to be very unhappily situated on that and some other
accounts, they having no water but what is brought them by land-carriage
from several leagues off; so that they are obliged to keep very
considerable quantities by them in earthen jars, not only for their own
use, but for the ships who frequently touch here, where they likewise
often unload, and take in fresh cargoes. They are in the same case as to
grain, bread, and almost all other necessaries of life; and lie so open
to an enemy, that the town has been often taken and ruined by the
English, Dutch, and French; all which inconveniences, one would imagine,
should tempt them to change their situation: but then the conveniency of
their trade is so great, being the only proper place they can pitch on
for a mart between Panama and Peru, that they prefer this lucrative
convenience to all other considerations.
Among the slaves who had desired to be entertained in our service, was
one, who, having been a slave in Jamaica, had on the death of his master
obtained his liberty, and thereupon entered himself a servant to one of
the South-Sea Company’s factors, whom he accompanied to Porto Bello and
Panama, and there got into the service of a Spanish gentleman, who took
a great fancy to him, and with whom he went to Lima in Peru, where this
master likewise dying left him a very considerable legacy; but the power
being now in the hands of his executors, they not only defrauded him of
this legacy, but made him a slave a second time. He was now at Payta
with one of his new masters, on his passage from Lima to Panama, when he
took this opportunity to come over to us; and being a very handy fellow,
and accustomed to wait on gentlemen, he was immediately taken into the
Commodore’s service, came with us into England, and, I believe,
continued with him till his death. This person gave us some information
of the designs of the Spaniards on shore, and told us we had killed one
or two of them, and wounded several others; but this account was never,
that I know of, farther confirmed.
The 15th, in the morning, we sent on shore all our Spanish, and several
of our Indian prisoners, keeping all the blacks and some of the Indians,
to assist in working the ships, &c. To the blacks, who were all or most
of them slaves, was promised their liberty in England, in case they
would stand by and assist us against our enemies the Spaniards; which
they all promised very cordially: but we could soon discover, that,
notwithstanding their seeming condescension, most of them would have
much rather continued in the service of their old masters, than fail to
accept of liberty with us; not that I believe those people were in love
with slavery, or would not willingly have had their liberty, but then it
must be on their own terms, the Spaniards in those parts being in great
awe of the Indians, whom, though they have subdued, and seem to have
incorporated among them, they dare not trust, but keep these blacks as
guards, and use them well. The truth is, those Indians have still
preserved, by tradition from father to son, the memory of the great
cruelties which the first Spaniards exercised in those parts, and are
angry enough at their present hard usage. They look on themselves as the
natural lords of the country, and the Spaniards as covetous intruders,
and cruel inhuman tyrants; and want only opportunity to make them
sensible of their resentment, and to recover their lost country and
liberty. ’Tis on this account that the Spaniards are very kind to their
black slaves, whom they cherish and encourage highly, and look on them
in the same light of a standing militia, always ready to arm against
those Indians; so that, though the negroes in all other plantations in
the West-Indies are ever ready for revolts and rebellions, these, on the
contrary, are always ready to defend their kind masters with their
lives. In effect they live very easy, are favoured by the Spaniards, and
scorn and insult the poor Indians, who in return hate and detest both
them and their masters; that being all that is left in their power.
This day an order was given to Mr. Brett, the then commanding-officer on
shore, to burn and destroy the town entirely, the two churches, which
stood a little out of the way of the rest, only excepted; the Spaniards,
as has been already said, never having made any advance towards treating
for its ransom.
But now, before I entirely quit the relation of our transactions at this
place, it may, perhaps, be expected, that I should give a more
particular account of the booty we made, and of the loss the Spaniards
sustained. I have already observed, that there were great quantities of
valuable effects in the town; but, as most of them were what we could
neither dispose of, nor carry away, the total of this merchandize can
only be rudely guessed at. The Spaniards, in their representations sent
to the Court of Madrid (as we were afterwards assured), estimated their
whole loss at a million and a half of dollars; and when it is
considered, that no small part of the goods we left behind us, were of
the richest and most expensive species, as broad-cloths, silks,
cambrics, velvets, &c. I cannot but think their valuation sufficiently
moderate.
As to ourselves, the acquisition we made, though inconsiderable in
comparison of what we destroyed, was yet far from despicable; for the
wrought plate, dollars, and other coin, which fell into our hands,
amounted to upwards of 30,000l. besides several rings, bracelets, and
jewels, whose intrinsic value we could not then estimate: and over and
above all this, the plunder, which became the property of the immediate
captors, was very great; so that, upon the whole, it was by much the
most important booty we met with upon that coast.
There remains still another matter to be related, which on account of
the signal honour which our national character in those parts has thence
received, and the reputation which our Commodore in particular has
thereby acquired, merits a distinct and circumstantial discussion. I
have already observed, that all the prisoners taken by us were, before
our departure, put on shore, and discharged, amongst whom there were
some persons of considerable distinction, especially a youth of about 17
years of age, son of the Vice-president of the Council of Chili. As the
barbarity of the buccaniers, and the artful uses the ecclesiastics had
made of it, had filled the natives of those countries with the most
terrible ideas of English cruelty, we always found our prisoners, at
their first coming on board us, to be extremely dejected, and under
great horror and anxiety; particularly this youth, who, having never
been from home before, lamented his captivity in the most moving manner,
regretting, in very plaintive terms, his parents, his brothers, his
sisters, and his native country; of all which, he was fully persuaded,
he had taken his last farewel, believing that he was now devoted for the
remaining part of his life to an abject and cruel servitude. Indeed, his
companions on board, and all the Spaniards that came into our power, had
the same desponding opinion of their situation. Mr. Anson constantly
exerted his utmost endeavours to efface those terrifying impressions
they had received of us, always taking care, that as many of the
principal people among them as there was room for should dine at his
table by turns; and giving the most peremptory orders, too, that they
should always be treated with the utmost decency and humanity: but,
notwithstanding this precaution, it was generally observed, that for the
first day or two they did not quit their fears, suspecting the
gentleness of their usage to be only preparatory to some unthought-of
calamity. However, being at length convinced of our sincerity, they grew
perfectly easy in their situation, and remarkably chearful; so that it
was often disputable, whether or no they considered their being detained
by us as a misfortune: for the youth I have above mentioned, who was
near two months on board us, had at last so far conquered his melancholy
surmises, and had taken such an affection to Mr. Anson, that it is
doubtful to me, whether, if his own opinion had been asked, he would not
have preferred a voyage to England in the Centurion, to the being set on
shore at Payta, where he was at liberty to return to his country and
friends.
This conduct of the Commodore to his prisoners, which was continued
without interruption or deviation, gave them all the highest idea of his
humanity and benevolence, and occasioned them, likewise, (as mankind are
fond of forming general opinions) to entertain very favourable thoughts
of the whole English nation. But whatever they might be disposed to
think of Mr. Anson before the capture of the Teresa, their veneration
for him was prodigiously increased by his conduct towards the ladies
whom he took in that vessel; for, being informed that there were among
them a mother and two daughters of exquisite beauty, who were of
quality, he not only gave orders that they should be left in full
possession of their own apartments, but also forbid, on the severest
penalties, any of the common people on board from approaching them; and,
that they might be the more certain of having these orders complied
with, or of having the means of complaining if they were not, he
permitted the pilot, who in Spanish ships is generally the second person
on board, to stay with them as a guardian and protector. These were
measures that seemed so different from what might have been expected
from an enemy and an heretic, that the Spaniards on board, though they
had themselves experienced his beneficence, were surprized at this new
instance of it; and the more so, as all this was done without
solicitation, and without the interposition of one friend to intercede
in their favour. The ladies were so sensible of the obligations they
owed him for the care and attention with which he protected them, that
they absolutely refused to go on shore at Payta, till they had been
permitted to wait on him on board the Centurion to return him thanks in
person. Indeed, all the prisoners left us with the strongest assurances
of their grateful remembrance of his uncommon treatment: a jesuit, in
particular, whom the Commodore had taken, and who was an ecclesiastic of
some distinction, could not help expressing himself with great
thankfulness for the civilities he and his countrymen had found on
board, declaring that he should consider it as his duty to do Mr. Anson
justice at all times, adding that his usage of the men prisoners was
such as could never be forgotten, and such as he should never fail to
acknowledge upon all occasions; but that his behaviour to the ladies was
so extraordinary, and so extremely honourable, that he doubted if all
the regard due to his own ecclesiastical character would be sufficient
to render it credible. Indeed, we were afterwards informed, that he and
the rest of our prisoners had not been silent on this head; but that,
both at Lima and at other places, they had given the greatest encomiums
to our Commodore; that the jesuit, in particular, as we were told, on
his account, interpreted in a lax and hypothetical sense, that article
of his church which asserts the impossibility of heretics being
saved.--But to return:
After we had finished our business, set the town in flames, and got the
treasure on board, Mr. Brett, the officer who commanded the attack,
having collected his men together, was directing his march towards the
beach where the boats waited to take them on board, when the Spaniards
on the hill behind the town, observing his retreat, resolved to try if
they could not precipitate his departure, and thereby lay some
foundation for future boasting. To this end a party of horse, all picked
men singled out for this daring enterprize, marched down the hill with
much seeming resolution; so that, had we not entertained a just opinion
of their prowess, we might have imagined, that, now we were upon the
open beach, with no advantages of situation, they would certainly have
charged us: but we presumed, and we were not mistaken, that all this was
mere ostentation; for, notwithstanding the pomp and parade they at first
came on with, Mr. Brett had no sooner ordered his men to halt and face
about, than the enemy stopt their career, and never dared to advance a
step farther.
When our people arrived at their boats and were ready to go on board,
they were for some time retarded by missing one of their number; and
being unable, on their mutual enquiries among each other, to inform
themselves where he was left, or by what accident detained, they, after
a considerable delay, resolved to get into their boats and to depart
without him: but, when the last man was actually embarked, and the boats
were just putting off, they heard him calling to them to take him in.
The place was by this time so thoroughly on fire, and the smoke covered
the beach so effectually, that they could scarcely discern him, though
they heard his voice. However, the Lieutenant instantly ordered one of
the boats to his relief, who found him up to the chin in water, for he
had waded as far as he durst, being extremely frightened with the
apprehensions of falling into the hands of an enemy, enraged, as they
doubtless were, at the pillage and destruction of their town. On
enquiring into the cause of his staying behind, it was found that he had
taken that morning too large a dose of brandy, which had thrown him into
so sound a sleep, that he did not awake till the fire came near enough
to scorch him. He was strangely amazed, at first opening his eyes, to
see the houses on a blaze on one side, and several Spaniards and Indians
not far from him on the other. The greatness and suddenness of his
fright instantly reduced him into a state of sobriety, and gave him
sufficient presence of mind to push through the thickest of the smoke,
as the likliest means to escape the enemy; and, making the best of his
way to the beach, he ran as far into the water as he durst (for he could
not swim), before he ventured to look back.
By the time our people had helped their comrade out of the water, and
were making the best of their way to the squadron, the flames had taken
possession of every part of the town, and burnt so furiously, both by
means of the combustibles that had been distributed for that purpose,
and by the slightness of the materials of which the houses were
composed, and their aptitude to take fire, that it was sufficiently
apparent no efforts of the enemy (though they flocked down in great
numbers) could possibly put a stop to it, or prevent the entire
destruction of the place, and all the merchandize contained therein. Mr.
Brett had the curiosity to delineate its appearance, together with that
of the ships in the harbour, as may be seen in the Plate.
Our detachment having now safely joined the squadron, the Commodore
prepared to leave the place the same evening. At seven, Cape Blanco, in
lat. 4 deg. 28 min. S. and long. 88 deg. 16 min. W. from London, bore
from us S. S. E. half E. about seven or eight miles distant. This
afternoon and the next day we were employed in taking the most useful
and valuable things out of the Santa Teresa and the Payta bark: we
likewise designing to take every necessary thing which we conveniently
could out of the Santa Teresa, in order to destroy her, and bring our
strength into a less compass, we took her in tow, and set the Payta bark
on fire with the same view. The next day we destroyed the Santa Teresa
in the same manner, having got out of them both some anchors, cables,
hawsers, yards, and top-masts, blocks, bales of goods, and several other
necessaries.
The 17th at three in the afternoon, the Gloucester, with a prize of hers
in tow, joined us. This prize was called the Del Oro, and was chiefly
laden with wine; however, out of her and a small boat which they took
going along shore, they got, in gold, silver, and wrought plate, to
about the value of 17 or 18,000l. These two were all the prizes the
Gloucester took in those seas.
On board this prize of the Gloucester were two horses, which being, I
suppose, fat, and probably better food than their salt beef or pork,
they killed and eat them; and this, I imagine, gave ground to that
fiction which one of the spurious accounts of our voyage has given, of
our eagerly hunting and eating wild horses, whereas in reality we never
saw nor heard of a wild horse during the voyage.
The Gloucester had chaced two or three ships which had escaped her, and
one of those touched at Payta; and though they could give no certain
account that the ship which had chaced them was an enemy, yet the
circumstances they gave were so strong, that it put the people of Payta
upon securing their treasure, and the best of their effects, not caring
to be too well provided for the profit of such unwelcome visitants.
The 21st, at half past five in the morning, we saw the island of Plata,
so called from Sir Francis Drake’s having, as it is said, divided the
treasure he took in the South Seas at this place. At two this afternoon
the port of Manta bore S. E. by E. distant about eight or nine leagues.
We at this time sent six months provisions on board the Carmen; and all
the ships had orders, in case of separation, for several rendezvouses on
the coast of Mexico, or, in case of not meeting there, to make the best
of their way to Macao, in China, where they were to await the arrival of
the Commodore.
The 22d, a division was made of the plunder of Payta, and the Commodore
not appearing in that affair, it was done at the pleasure, and to the
entire satisfaction, of five or six (no doubt) very disinterested
officers and, indeed, most things of this nature, during the course of
the voyage being managed with the same discretion and honour, no room
was left for complaining of particular partialities.
Here, however, we cannot help remarking a very considerable difference
between the relation given by Pascoe Thomas, and that given by Mr.
Walters; the former having asserted, that the Commodore did _not_
interfere in the distribution; the latter, that it was by his prudent
management, that a jealousy, which had arisen between those who were the
real captors, and those who remained on board the ship, was
accommodated. Mr. Walters’ account will set this matter in a true light:
“And now, says he, (while the ships lay-to, in hopes of joining the
Gloucester,) a jealousy, which had taken its rise at Payta, between
those who had been commanded on shore for the attack, and those who had
continued on board, grew to such a height, that the Commodore, being
made acquainted with it, thought it necessary to interpose his authority
to oppose it. The ground of this animosity was the plunder gotten at
Payta, which those who had acted on shore had appropriated to
themselves, considering it as a reward for the risques they had run, and
the resolution they had shewn in that service. But those who had
remained on board looked on this as a very partial and unjust procedure,
urging, that, had it been left to their choice, they should have
preferred the acting on shore to the continuing on board; that their
duty while their comrades were on shore was extremely fatiguing, for,
besides the labour of the day, they were constantly under arms all
night, to secure the prisoners, whose numbers exceeded their own, and of
whom it was then necessary to be extremely watchful, to prevent any
attempts they might have formed in that critical conjuncture: that, upon
the whole, it could not be denied, but that the presence of a sufficient
force on board was as necessary to the success of the enterprize, as the
action of the others on shore; and, therefore, those who had continued
on board maintained, that they could not be deprived of their share of
the plunder without manifest injustice. These were the contests amongst
our men, which were carried on with great heat on both sides; and,
though the plunder in question was a very trifle in comparison of the
treasure taken in the place (in which there was no doubt but those on
board had an equal right), yet as the obstinacy of sailors is not always
regulated by the importance of the matter in dispute, the Commodore
thought it necessary to put a stop to this ferment betimes. Accordingly,
the morning after our leaving Payta, he ordered all hands upon the
quarter-deck, where addressing himself to those who had been detached on
shore, he commended their behaviour, and thanked them for their services
on that occasion; but then, representing to them the reasons urged by
those who had continued on board, for an equal distribution of the
plunder, he told them, that he thought these reasons very conclusive,
and that the expectations of their comrades were justly founded; and
therefore, he insisted, that, not only the men, but all the officers
likewise who had been employed in taking the place, should produce the
whole of their plunder immediately upon the quarter-deck, and that it
should be impartially divided amongst the whole crew, in proportion to
each man’s rank and commission; and, to prevent those who had been in
possession of the plunder from murmuring at this diminution of their
share, the Commodore added, that, as an encouragement to others who
might be hereafter employed on like services, he would give his entire
share to be distributed amongst those who had been detached for the
attack of the place. Thus, this troublesome affair, which, if permitted
to have gone on, might, perhaps, have been attended with mischievous
consequences, was, by the Commodore’s prudence, soon appeased, to the
general satisfaction of the ship’s company: not but there were some few
whose selfish dispositions were uninfluenced by the justice of this
procedure, and who were incapable of discerning the force of equity,
however glaring, when it tended to deprive them of any part of what they
had once got into their hands.”
Being now joined by the Gloucester and her prize, it was resolved that
we should stand to the northward, and make the best of our way either to
Cape St. Lucas on California, or to Cape Corientes on the coast of
Mexico. Indeed, the Commodore, when at Juan Fernandez, had determined to
touch in the neighbourhood of Panama, and to endeavour to get some
correspondence over land with the fleet under the command of Admiral
Vernon; for when we departed from England, we left a large force at
Portsmouth, which was intended to be sent to the West Indies, there to
be employed in an expedition against some of the Spanish settlements.
And Mr. Anson, taking it for granted that this enterprize had succeeded,
and that Porto Bello perhaps might be then garrisoned by British troops,
he hoped that, on his arrival at the isthmus, he should easily procure
an intercourse with our countrymen on the other side, either by the
Indians, who were greatly disposed in our favour, or even by the
Spaniards themselves, some of whom for proper rewards might be induced
to carry on this intelligence; which, after it was once begun, might be
continued with very little difficulty; so that Mr. Anson flattered
himself, that he might by this means have received a reinforcement of
men from the other side, and that, by settling a prudent plan of
operations with our Commanders in the West Indies, he might have taken
even Panama itself, which would have given to the British nation the
possession of that isthmus, whereby we should have been in effect
masters of all the treasures of Peru.
Such were the projects which the Commodore revolved in his thoughts, at
the island of Juan Fernandez, notwithstanding the feeble condition to
which he was then reduced; but in examining the papers which were found
on board the Carmelo, the first prize we took, we learned, that our
attempt against Carthagena had failed, and that there was no probability
that our fleet in that part of the world would engage in any new
enterprize that would at all facilitate this plan. Mr. Anson therefore
gave over all hopes of being reinforced across the isthmus, and
consequently had no inducement at present to proceed to Panama, as he
was incapable of attacking the place, and there was great reason to
believe that, by this time, there was a general embargo on all the
coast.
The only feasible measure, then, which was left us, was to steer as soon
as possible to the southern parts of California, or to the adjacent
coast of Mexico, there to cruise for the Manilla galleon, which we knew
was now at sea, bound to the port of Acapulco; and we doubted not but to
get on that station time enough to intercept her: but there was a
business which we foresaw would occasion some delay, and that was the
recruiting our water, it being impossible to think of venturing upon
this passage to the coast of Mexico till we had procured a fresh supply.
It was for some time a matter of deliberation, where we should take in
this necessary article; but, by consulting the accounts of former
navigators, and examining our prisoners, we at last resolved for the
island of Quibo, situated at the mouth of the bay of Panama. Nor was it
but on good grounds that the Commodore conceived this to be the
properest place for watering the squadron. Indeed, there was a small
island called Cocos, which was less out of our way than Quibo, where
some of the buccaniers had pretended to find water; but none of our
prisoners knew any thing of it, and it was thought too dangerous to
risque the safety of the squadron, by exposing ourselves to the hazard
of not meeting with water when we came there, on the mere authority of
those legendary writers, of whose misrepresentations and falsities we
had almost daily experience. Determined, therefore, to take in water at
Quibo, we directed our course northward, being eight sail in company,
and consequently having the appearance of a very formidable fleet; and
on the 19th, at day-break, we discovered Cape Blanco, bearing S. S. E.
half E. seven miles distant. By this time we found that our last prize,
the Solidad, was far from answering the character given of her as a good
sailor; and she and the Santa Teresa delaying us considerably, the
Commodore commanded them to be cleared of every thing that might prove
useful to the rest of the ships, and then to be burnt. And having given
proper instructions, and appointed a rendezvous to the Gloucester, and
to the prizes, in case of separation, we proceeded in our course for
Quibo.
On the 25th, Point Manta bore S. E. by E. at seven miles distance, and
there being a town of the same name in the neighbourhood, Captain
Mitchell in the Gloucester took the opportunity of setting on shore
several of his prisoners. The boats were now daily employed in
distributing provisions on board the prizes, to compleat their stock for
six months; and that the Centurion might be the better prepared to give
the Manilla ship a warm reception, if happily she should fall in our
way, the carpenters were ordered to fix eight stocks on the main and
fore tops, which were properly fitted for the mounting of swivel guns.
On the 25th we had sight of the island of Gallo; and from hence we
crossed the bay of Panama, shaping our course in a direct line for
Quibo. Here we found, in a few days, a very considerable alteration in
the climate; for, instead of that uniform temperature where neither the
excess of heat or cold was prevalent, we had now close and sultry
weather, like that we met with on the coast of Brazil. We had, besides,
frequent calms and heavy rains, which we at first ascribed to the
neighbourhood of the Line, where this kind of weather is observed to
obtain at all seasons of the year; but, finding that it attended us for
more than seven degrees of north latitude, we began to suspect that the
stormy season, or, as the Spaniards call it, the Vandewals, was not yet
past; though many writers, particularly Captain Shelvock, assert, that
this season begins in June, and ends in November: but, perhaps, its end
may not be always regular.
On the 27th, Captain Mitchell having cleared his largest prize, she was
likewise set on fire; and now our fleet consisted only of five ships,
and we were fortunate enough to find them all good sailors. On the 3d of
December we had a view of the island of Quibo, the east end of which
bore from us N. N. W. four leagues distant, and the island of Quicara
W. N. W. at about the same distance. When we had thus got sight of land,
we found the wind to hang westerly; and therefore, night coming on, we
thought it advisable to stand off till morning, as there are said to be
some shoals at the entrance of the channel. At six the next morning,
Point Marrato bore N. E. half N. three or four leagues distant. In
weathering this point, all the squadron, except the Centurion, were very
near it; and the Gloucester, being the leeward-most ship, was forced to
tack and stand to the southward; so that we lost sight of her; and, the
wind proving unfavourable, we saw her no more till we quitted the
island. At seven in the evening we anchored in the Canal Bueno, or Good
Channel, which is at least six miles in breadth, muddy ground. Next
morning an officer was dispatched on shore to discover the
watering-place, who, having found it, returned before noon; and then we
sent our long-boat for a load of water, and at the same time weighed and
stood further in with our ships, for the convenience of being sooner
supplied; so that we were little more than two days in laying in all the
wood and water we wanted. Whilst the ship continued here at anchor, the
Commodore, attended by some of his officers, went in a boat to examine a
bay which lay to the northward, and they afterwards ranged all along the
eastern side of the island. In the places where they put on shore, in
the course of this expedition, they generally found the soil to be rich,
and met with great plenty of excellent water. In particular, near the
north-east point of the island, they discovered a natural cascade, which
surpassed, as they conceived, every thing of this kind which human art
had ever yet produced. It was a river of transparent water, about 40
yards wide, which rolled down a declivity of near 150 feet in length.
The channel itself was very irregular, intirely composed of rocks, both
its sides and bottom being made up of large detached blocks, and by
these the course of the water was frequently interrupted; for in some
parts it ran sloping with a rapid but uniform motion, whilst in others
it tumbled over ledges of rocks with a perpendicular descent. On the
neighbourhood of this stream was a fine wood; and even the huge masses
of rock which over-hung the water, and which by their various
projections formed the inequalities of the channel, were covered with
lofty forest trees. Whilst the Commodore, with those who accompanied
him, were attentively viewing this place, and were remarking the
different blendings of the water, the rocks, and the wood, there came in
sight, as it were to heighten and animate the prospect, a prodigious
flight of mackaws, which, hovering over this spot, and often wheeling
and playing on the wing above it, afforded a most brilliant appearance,
by the glittering of the sun, and their variegated plumage; so that some
of the spectators cannot refrain from a kind of transport when they
recount the beauties which occurred in this extraordinary waterfal.
In three days we compleated our business in this place, and were
impatient to depart, that we might arrive time enough on the coast of
Mexico, to intercept the galleon; but the wind, being contrary, detained
us a night; and next day, when we had gained an offing, while we were
hovering about in hopes of getting sight of the Gloucester, we on the
20th descerned a small sail to the northward of us, to which we gave
chace, and coming up with her took her. She proved to be a bark from
Panama, called the Jesu Nazareno, laden with oakum, rock salt, and a
small quantity of money to purchase a cargo of provisions at Cheripe, an
inconsiderable village on the continent, which, however, has a good
market, from whence future voyagers, in case of necessity, may be
plentifully supplied.
On the 12th of September we joined the Gloucester, who informed us,
that, in tacking to the southward, on her first approach towards the
island, she had sprung her fore-top-mast, which had disabled her from
working to windward, and prevented her from joining us sooner. We now
scuttled and sunk the Jesu Nazareno, and, on the 12th of December, stood
to the westward, having previously delivered fresh instructions for the
conduct of the fleet. We had now little doubt of arriving soon enough
upon our intended station, as we expected, upon the increasing our
offing from Quibo, to fall in with the regular trade-wind; but, to our
extreme vexation, we were baffled for near a month, so that it was the
25th of December before we saw the island of Cocos, which, according to
our reckoning, was only 100 leagues from the continent, and even then we
had the mortification to make so little way, that we did not lose sight
of that island again in five days. This island we found to be in the
lat. of 5 deg. 20 min. N.
We had flattered ourselves, that the uncertain and western gales we met
with were owing to the neighbourhood of the continent, from which as we
got more distant, we hoped to be relieved by falling in with the eastern
trade-wind; but in this too being disappointed, we began at length to
despair of the great purpose we had in view. This produced a general
dejection among us, as we had at first considered the project as almost
infallible, and had indulged ourselves in the most boundless hopes of
the advantages we should thence receive. However, our despondency was,
in some measure, alleviated by a favourable change of the wind; and, as
we now advanced a-pace towards our station, our hopes began again to
revive. On the 17th of January, we were advanced to the lat. of 12 deg.
50 min. N. and, on the 26th of January, finding ourselves to the
northward of Acapulco, we tacked and stood to the eastward; with a view
of making the land; and we expected, by our reckonings, to have fallen
in with it on the 28th, yet, though the weather was perfectly clear, we
had no sign of it at sunset; about ten at night we discovered a light on
the larboard bow, bearing from us N. N. E. and, soon after, the Trial’s
prize made the signal for seeing a sail. As we had none of us any doubt
but that what we saw was a ship’s light, we were all extremely animated
with a firm persuasion that it was the Manilla galleon, that had been so
long the object of our wishes. We immediately cast off the Carmelo, and
pressed forward with all our canvas, making a signal for the Gloucester
to do the same. Thus we chased the light, keeping all our hands at their
respective quarters, under an expectation of engaging within half an
hour, as we sometimes conceived the chace to be about a mile distant,
and at other times to be within reach of our guns. In this constant and
eager attention we continued all night, always presuming that another
quarter of an hour would bring us up to this Manilla ship, whose wealth
we now estimated at round millions: but, when daylight came, we were
most vexatiously disappointed, by finding that the light which had
occasioned all this expectancy, was only a fire on the shore. At
sun-rising, after this mortifying delusion, we found ourselves about
nine leagues off land, extending from the N. W. to E. half N. On this
land we observed two remarkable hammocks, which bore N. from us, and
which a Spanish pilot and two Indians affirmed to be over the harbour of
Acapulco; but we found them egregiously mistaken, these being in 17 deg.
56 min. whereas Acapulco lies in 17 deg. only.
Being now in the track of the Manilla galleon, it was a doubt with us,
as it was near the end of January, whether she was or was not arrived:
but, examining our prisoners about it, they assured us, she was
sometimes known to come in after the middle of February; and they
endeavoured to persuade us, that the fire we had seen on shore was a
proof that she was yet at sea, it being customary, as they said, to make
use of these fires as signals for her direction when she continued out
longer than ordinary. On this reasoning of our prisoners, we resolved to
cruise for her some days, and we accordingly spread our ships at the
distance of 12 leagues from the coast, in such a manner that it was
impossible she should pass us unobserved; however, not seeing her soon,
we were very solicitous to gain some positive intelligence. With this
view the Commodore resolved to send a boat under cover of the night into
the harbour of Acapulco, to see if the Manilla ship was there or not. To
execute this enterprize, the barge was dispatched the 6th of February,
carrying a sufficient crew and two officers, as also a Spanish pilot and
an Indian. Our barge did not return till the 11th, when the officers
acquainted Mr. Anson, that they had mistaken the harbour, and that
Acapulco lay a considerable distance more to the eastward, and that, not
having a sufficient quantity of provisions for their passage thither,
they were obliged to return to make known their disappointment. On this
intelligence we made sail to the eastward, and the next day we
dispatched the barge, with particular instructions to keep at a
sufficient distance not to be seen from the shore. We watched six days
without receiving any intelligence, so that we began to be uneasy for
her safety; but on the 7th day she returned with advice, that, being at
the very place they sought for, though they were then ignorant of their
situation, they surprized a fishing canoe with three negroes, who told
us that the Manilla galleon arrived at Acapulco on the 9th of January,
but that, having delivered her cargo, she was taking in water and
provisions in order to return; and that the Viceroy of Mexico had by
proclamation fixed her departure from Acapulco to the 14th of March.
This last news was most joyfully received by us, since we had no doubt
but she must fall into our hands; and it was much more eligible to seize
her on her return, than it would have been to have taken her before her
arrival, as the species for which she had sold her cargo, and which she
would now have on board, would be much more esteemed by us than the
cargo itself. Thus we were a second time engaged in an eager expectation
of meeting with this Manilla ship, which, by the fame of its wealth, we
had been taught to consider as the most desireable capture that was to
be made on any part of the ocean.
As it was the 19th of February when the barge returned, and brought us
our intelligence, and the galleon was not to sail till the 3d of March,
the Commodore resolved to continue the greatest part of the intermediate
time in his present station to the westward of Acapulco, in order to
avoid a discovery from the shore. During this interval we were employed
in getting all things in readiness to engage; and, when the
long-wished-for 3d of March came, we were all so strongly prepossessed
with the certainty of our intelligence, and with an assurance of her
coming out of port, that some or other of us were constantly imagining
that they discovered one of our cutters returning with a signal; but, to
our extreme vexation, both this day and the succeeding night passed away
without any news of her approach. However, we did not yet despair, nor
did we abate of our vigilance: but, after remaining till the 25th of
March, we at length concluded, and we afterwards found it to be true,
that we had been discovered, and that in consequence an embargo had been
laid upon the galleon, and her departure postponed till the next year.
The cutters, having on that day finished their cruise before the
harbour, returned to the squadron, and the signal being given for the
fleet to join, it was determined to retire to Chequetan, to take in a
fresh supply of water, which was then nearly exhausted. In the mean
time, a cutter, commanded by Mr. Hughes, Lieutenant of the Trial’s
prize, was ordered to continue off the harbour of Acapulco for 24 days,
in order that, if the galleon should set sail in that time, we might be
speedily informed of it.
On the 5th of April we entered the harbour of Chequetan, in lat. 17 deg.
36 min. N. about 30 leagues to the westward of Acapulco. The
watering-place has the appearance of a large standing lake, without any
visible outlet into the sea, from which it is separated by a part of the
strand. The origin of this lake is a spring that bubbles out of the
ground, near half a mile within the country. We found its water a little
brackish, but more considerably so towards the sea-side; for the nearer
we advanced towards the spring-head, the softer and fresher it proved.
This laid us under a necessity of filling all our casks from the
farthest part of the lake, which was facilitated by means of canoes
which traversed the lake, and brought a number of small casks to the
side next the beach; thence the water was started into larger vessels in
the boats, and by that contrivance brought on board with very little
trouble.
As the country hereabouts, particularly the tract of coast contiguous to
Acapulco, appeared to be well peopled and cultivated, we hoped to have
easily procured from thence some fresh provisions, and other
refreshments, which we now stood much in need of. To facilitate these
views, the Commodore, the morning after we came to an anchor, ordered a
party of 40 men well armed to march into the country, and to endeavour
to discover some town where they were to attempt to set on foot a
correspondence with the inhabitants; for, when we had once begun this
intercourse, we doubted not but by proper presents we should allure them
to bring down to us whatever fruits or fresh provisions were in their
power. As our prizes abounded with various sorts of coarse merchandize,
which were of little consequence to us, though to them they would be
extremely valuable, our people were directed on this occasion to proceed
with the greatest circumspection, and to make as little ostentation of
hostility as possible; for we were sensible we could find no wealth in
those parts worth our notice; and what necessaries we really wanted, we
expected would be better, and more abundantly supplied, by an open,
amicable traffic, than by violence and force of arms. But this endeavour
of opening a commerce with the inhabitants proved ineffectual, and
therefore we desisted from any more attempts of the same nature,
contenting ourselves with what we could procure for ourselves in the
neighbourhood of the port where we lay. We caught fish in abundance;
among the rest cavallies, bream, mullets, soals, fiddle-fish, and
lobsters; and we here, and in no other place, met with that
extraordinary fish called the torpedo, which is in shape very much
resembling the fiddle-fish, and is only distinguished from it in
appearance by a brown circular spot of about the bigness of a
crown-piece, near the center of its back. This fish is, indeed, of a
most singular nature, benumbing whoever touches it all over his body,
but more particularly that limb which happens to come in immediate
contact with it. The same effect, too, will be in some degree produced
by touching the fish with any thing held in the hand; and it has lately
been discovered, that it may be communicated like the electrical shock
to a large circle, by means of a certain apparatus much more simple than
that which is used in experiments in electricity.
The animals which we met with on shore were chiefly guanoes, with which
the country abounds, and which are by some reckoned delicious food. We
saw no beasts of prey, except we should esteem that amphibious creature
the alligator as such, several of which our people discovered, but none
of them very large. It is, however, certain, that there were great
numbers of tygers in the woods, though none of them happened to make
their appearance while we remained upon the coast. Parrots and pheasants
were found in plenty, but by no means proper for food, being dry and
tasteless, though they were often killed and eaten, being by some
thought preferable to salt provisions.
The papah lime, and a little sour plumb, were all the fruits the woods
furnished, and of these there were but a scanty portion; nor was there
any other useful vegetable, except brook-lime, which, being esteemed an
antiscorbutic, was frequently eaten, though from its bitterness it was
exceedingly unpalatable.
While we lay at Chequetan, it was resolved, after mature deliberation,
to destroy all our prizes, as the whole number of men on board our
squadron did not amount to the complement of a fourth-rate man-of-war.
It was therefore judged most prudent to set fire to the ships, and to
divide the men between the Centurion and Gloucester, now preparing to
set sail for China. Besides the necessary repairs for a voyage of such
length, the removal of their stores and cargoes into the men-of-war took
up so much time, that it was the end of April before we were in a
condition to leave the place.
It should have been remarked, that, from this harbour of Chequetan we
discovered but one pathway through the woods into the country; and as
this was much beaten, we were from that circumstance convinced, that it
was not unfrequented by the natives. As it passed by the spring-head,
and was the only avenue by which the Spaniards could approach to
surprize us, we at some distance beyond the spring-head felled several
large trees, and laid them one upon another across the path, and at this
barricadoe we constantly kept a guard. We, besides, ordered our men
employed in watering, to have their arms always in readiness, in case of
an alarm, and to march instantly to this post. And, though our principal
intention herein was to prevent our being disturbed by the enemy’s
horse, yet it answered another purpose, which was, to hinder our people
from straggling singly into the country, where we had reason to believe
they would be surprized by the Spaniards, who would doubtless be very
solicitous to pick up some of them, in hopes of getting intelligence of
our future designs. To avoid this inconvenience, the strictest orders
were given to the centinels, to let no person whatever pass beyond this
post; but, notwithstanding this precaution, we missed one Lewis Legere,
who was the Commodore’s cook. As he was a Frenchman and a Roman
Catholic, it was at first imagined that he had deserted with a view of
betraying all that he knew to the enemy; though this appeared, by the
event, to be an ill-grounded surmise; for it was afterwards known, that
he had been taken by some Indians, who carried him prisoner to Acapulco,
from whence he was transported to Mexico, and thence to Vera Cruz, where
he was shipped on board a vessel bound to Old Spain. But, the vessel
being obliged, by some accident, to put into Lisbon, Legere escaped on
shore, and was by the British Consul sent from thence to England; where
he gave the first authentic account of the safety of the Commodore, and
of his principal transactions in the South Seas.
The relation he gave of his own seizure, was, that he rambled into the
woods, at some distance from the barricadoe where he had first attempted
to pass, but had been stopt and threatened to be punished; that his
principal view was to gather a quantity of limes for his master’s
stores; and that in this occupation he was surprized unawares by four
Indians, who stript him naked, and carried him in that condition to
Acapulco, exposed to the scorching heat of the sun, which at that time
of the year shone with its greatest violence; that afterwards, at
Mexico, his treatment was sufficiently severe; so that the whole course
of his captivity was a continued instance of the hatred which the
Spaniards bear to all those who endeavour to disturb them in the
peaceable possession of the coasts of the South Seas. Indeed, Legere’s
fortune was, upon the whole, extremely singular; as, after the hazards
he had run in the Commodore’s squadron, and the severities he had
suffered in his long confinement among the enemy, a more fatal disaster
attended him on his return to England; for though, when he arrived in
London, some of Mr. Anson’s friends interested themselves in relieving
him from the poverty to which his captivity had reduced him, yet he did
not long enjoy the benefit of their humanity, since he was killed in an
insignificant night-brawl, the cause of which could scarcely ever be
discovered.
When we were necessitated to proceed to Chequetan to recruit our water,
the Commodore considered that our arrival in that harbour would soon be
known at Acapulco; and therefore he hoped, that on the intelligence of
our being employed in that port, the galleon might put to sea,
especially as Chequetan is so very remote from the course generally
steered by the galleons: he therefore ordered the cutter, as has already
been noticed, to cruise twenty-four days off the port of Acapulco, and
her Commander was directed, on perceiving the galleon under sail, to
make the best of his way to the Commodore at Chequetan. As the Centurion
was certainly a much better sailor than the galleon, Mr. Anson, in this
case, resolved to have got to sea as soon as possible, and to have
pursued the galleon across the Pacific Ocean; however, the Viceroy of
Mexico ruined this project, by detaining the galleon in port all the
year.
Towards the latter end of April, all things being in readiness for
sailing, the Centurion and Gloucester weighed anchor; and, after having
gained an offing, the prizes were set on fire, and a canoe fixed to a
grapple in the middle of the harbour, with a bottle in it, well corked,
inclosing a letter to Mr. Hughes, directing him to go back immediately
to his former station before Acapulco, where he would find Mr. Anson,
who resolved to cruise for him in that station some days. Indeed, it was
no small mortification to us, now we were at sea, and the stormy season
approaching, that we were detained by the absence of the cutter, and
under a necessity of standing towards Acapulco in search of her. As the
time of her cruize had been expired near a fortnight, we suspected that
she had been discovered from the shore, and that the Governor of
Acapulco had thereupon sent out a force to seize her; which, as she
carried but six hands, was no very difficult enterprize. However, this
being only conjecture, the Commodore, as soon as he was got clear of the
harbour of Chequetan, stood along the coast to the eastward in search of
her; and, to prevent her from passing by us in the dark, we brought-to
every night, and carried lights which the cutter could not but perceive.
By the 2d of May we were advanced within three leagues of Acapulco; and,
having seen nothing of our boat, we gave her over for lost; which,
besides the compassionate concern for our shipmates, and for what it was
apprehended they might have suffered, was in itself a misfortune, which
in our present scarcity of hands we were greatly interested in; since
the crew of the cutter were the flower of our people, purposely picked
out for this service, as known to be, every one of them, of tried and
approved resolution, and as skilful seamen as ever trod a deck. However,
as it was the general belief among us that they were taken and carried
into Acapulco, the Commodore’s prudence suggested a project which we
hoped would recover them. This was founded on our having many Spanish
and Indian prisoners on board, some of them of quality. The Commodore,
therefore, wrote a letter to the Governor of Acapulco, telling him, that
he would release them all, provided the Governor returned the cutter’s
crew. This letter was dispatched by a Spanish officer, of whose honour
we had a high opinion, and who was furnished with a launch belonging to
one of our prizes, and a crew of Spaniards, who gave their parole for
their return. The Spanish officer, too, besides the Commodore’s letter,
carried with him a joint petition, signed by all the rest of the
prisoners, beseeching the Governor to acquiesce in the terms proposed
for their liberty. But while we were thus contriving their release, the
centinel called out from the masthead, that he saw a boat under sail at
a considerable distance to the south-eastward, which, to our unspeakable
joy, upon her nearer approach, we found was our own cutter, the wan and
meagre countenances of whole crew, the length of their beards, and the
feeble and hollow tone of their voices, convinced us that they had
suffered much greater hardships than could be expected from even the
severities of a Spanish prison. They were obliged to be helped into the
ship, and were immediately put to bed; where, by rest, and nourishing
diet, with which they were plentifully supplied from the Commodore’s
table, they recovered their health and vigour. And now we learnt that
they had kept the sea the whole time of their absence, which was above
six weeks; that, when they had finished their cruise, and had just begun
to ply to the westward, in order to join the squadron, a strong adverse
current had forced them upwards of 80 leagues to leeward, where they
found every where so great a surf, that there was no possibility of
landing; that they passed some days in the most dreadful situation,
without water, having no other means left them to allay their thirst
than sucking the blood of the turtles which they caught; that at last,
giving up all hopes of succour, the heat of the climate too augmenting
their necessities, and rendering their sufferings insupportable, they
abandoned themselves to despair, fully persuaded that they should perish
by the most terrible of all deaths; but that soon after a most
unexpected incident happily relieved them; for there fell so heavy a
rain, that, on spreading their sails horizontally, and putting bullets
in the centers of them, they caught as much water as filled their casks;
that immediately upon this fortunate supply, they stood to the westward
in quest of the Commodore, and being now luckily favoured by a strong
current, they joined him in less than 50 hours from that time, after
having been absent in the whole full 43 days.
And now having, to our entire satisfaction, got on board our people, and
the season of the year for sailing to Asia being far (we found it too
far) advanced, the Commodore resolved not to wait for any return from
Acapulco, but gave orders to equip two large prize launches, to carry on
shore the Spanish and Indian prisoners, both from ourselves and the
Gloucester; and, having given them provisions and all necessaries for
Panama, whither they intended to sail, about four in the evening they
left us, to the number of about 60 persons, having first, though
enemies, observed the custom of sea-faring people at parting, and wished
us a prosperous voyage.
From the 6th of May, the day we took our departure, we met with little
remarkable for above a month, except that the true trade-wind, which is
said never to fail at about sixty or seventy leagues from the shore of
Mexico at the farthest, was so far from answering our expectations, that
we had nothing but cross winds, squalls, rain, thunder and lightning,
till by account we were 600 leagues to the westward of Acapulco, having
been above 40 days in getting so far. The 9th, we found the foremast
sprung in a dangerous manner, and thereupon fished and secured it very
strongly.
The 22d, in the evening, we sprung a leak, making 12 inches water in a
watch, and on a search found it to be on the larboard side, abreast the
main hatch-way, and not quite under water. The carpenters soon stopt it
with very little trouble.
The 11th of June, we found a current to set to the southward, about 24
miles a day, but could not discover whether to the east or west, for
want of opportunity to try it. This was by account about 450 leagues
from Acapulco; and, much about this time, abundance of scorbutic
symptoms, such as blackness in the skin, hard nodes in the flesh,
shortness of breath, and a general lassitude and weakness of all the
parts, began to prevail, almost universally, among our people. This,
with the great mortality we experienced from this distemper in our Cape
Horn passage, and the time we might still expect to be at sea, having
yet 1800 leagues to those islands called, by Sir Francis Drake, the
Ladrones, or Islands of Thieves, from the thievish disposition of the
inhabitants, but by the Spaniards the Marian Islands, where only we
could expect our next refreshments; and no trade-wind being yet
settled;--these considerations, I say, gave us dreadful apprehensions of
what this passage might terminate in; and the event shewed that we had
but too much reason for them.
The 14th, at five in the evening, the Gloucester, having sprung the head
of her main-mast, 12 feet below the trussel-trees, fired a gun as a
signal of distress; on which we brought to, and waited for her; and,
after enquiring into, and hearing the cause, we sent them on board two
carpenters to assist in fishing and securing it; but the carpenters in
concert, having viewed and considered the damage, reported, the next
day, that the mast was unfit to stand, and would not bear repairing; but
that it must be shortened 26 feet from the head, and the top-mast be set
on the stump. This, therefore, was concluded on, and ordered
accordingly.
The 23d, we found our own main-top-mast sprung in the wake of the cap;
whereupon, we reefed it 20 inches, that is, we lowered it so much, and
secured it there, and fleeted and set up the shrouds and back-stays.
The 24th, in the evening, we got the top-mast down, and put up another
in its place, and a man falling overboard, we brought the ship to, and
took him up safe; likewise, the slings of our crossjack-yards being
broke, we fixed new ones, and the next day got up the fore-top-gallant
mast and yard.
The 27th, we made the Gloucester signal, and sent our boat on board of
her.
The 28th, we received from the Gloucester half an anchor-stock, for a
farther security to the fore-mast.
The 29th, the Gloucester finished her jury-mast, and made sail on it.
Nothing farther remarkable till
July 1st, we had fresh gales, and cloudy weather, with some lightning.
The 2d, we unbent the fore-sail, and bent another. We had, not only now,
but for almost our whole passage, abundance of birds of prey, also
flying fish, which are their proper food, and vast quantities of
skipjacks, albicores, &c. whereof we took a great number, which
contributed much to our refreshment after the loss of the tortoises,
that generally leave all ships about twenty or thirty leagues off the
land. I think this the more worthy of notice, because Dampier, Rogers,
Cook, Cowley, and most other voyagers, some of whom have been not only
once, but several times on this voyage, have reported, that they never
saw a fish or fowl in this whole run. I will not say, as Mr. Cook
frequently does, when any other person’s account does not happen to
square exactly with what himself has observed, viz. “What credit is to
be given to such authors?” never making allowances for contingencies
which might or might not happen, and which would better have displayed
his own impartiality, than a dogmatical condemnation of every other
person, without examination. For my part, I readily believe and
conclude, that this difference in our observations and accounts is
really occasioned by the different seasons of the year in which we
happened to perform this passage; it being a known truth, and confirmed
by the experience of thousands in all ages, that most fish have their
different seasons for their different rendezvouses.
The 10th, we saw three gannets, or, as they call them in Scotland,
soland geese; being, by what I can learn from the most intelligent of
that nation whom I have conversed with, and who often have opportunity
to observe them in several different parts, of one and the same species;
we likewise saw some sea weeds; both which circumstances made us imagine
that some islands or shoals were not far off, those fowls never being
observed to fly very far out to sea.
The 10th, we unbent the fore top-sail, and bent another.
The 12th, at noon, we were, by my account, 180 deg. 11 min. to the
westward of the meridian of London, which is just 11 min. more than half
round the globe, for which reason I note it. We were at this time, by my
account, 1429 leagues distant from the port of Acapulco.
From this time till the 16th we had fresh gales, with squalls and rain.
The 17th and 18th, we had moderate and cloudy weather.
The 19 and 20th, fresh gales, with abundance of rain. We made this
observation, that, with rainy weather, or even slight transient showers,
the fish bit more freely, and were caught in greater numbers, than with
fair weather; which made our fishermen the more attentive at such times.
It was likewise remarked, that the Gloucester, when they could find
opportunity to fish, had always much greater success than we; whether
their fishermen had more art than ours, or whatever else occasioned it,
the fact is true. They had also a better way of disposing of them, when
taken, if I may be allowed to judge, than we; for Capt. Mitchell
constantly ordered several boys, who were very dexterous at it, to catch
fish for the ship’s company, especially the sick; and those were very
justly and regularly divided among them: whereas our fishermen were left
at liberty to make their advantage of what they took, and to prey upon
their suffering shipmates; and they took care not to overslip the
opportunity, for the least fish you could purchase of them would cost
you a bottle of brandy; which, at this time, was worth four, or perhaps
six, and sometimes even eight shillings, or half a guinea; and you must
be very thankful, and acknowledge yourself to be highly obliged into the
bargain, or else expect none next time, and very often fail of it
notwithstanding. About this time our people began to die very fast, and,
I believe, above five parts out of six of the ship’s company were ill,
and expected to follow in a short time. Those, whose breath was any ways
affected, dropt off immediately; but those, who were attacked first in
the more remote parts of the body, languished generally a month or six
weeks; the distemper advancing, in the mean time, towards the lungs, by
a very regular and sensible approach. As I was myself one of those who
were severely afflicted in this latter manner, I shall give such an
account of its progress, as I found by experience in myself, and
corroborated by the similar report of my fellow-sufferers. I was first
taken, about the beginning of this month, with a slight pain on the
joint of my left great toe; but, having hurt that a little while before,
I imagined it to be the effect of that hurt, and minded it the
less--(but here I shall observe, once for all, that if ever any part of
the body had received a bruise, strain, or contusion, if not perfectly
cured, the scurvy was sure to attack that part first); but, in a little
time, a large black spot appearing on the part affected, with very
intense pains at the bone, gave me to understand my case. I now took
physic often, by way of prevention, but to little purpose: several hard
nodes now began to rise in my legs, thighs, and arms, and not only many
more black spots appeared in the skin, but those spread, till my legs
and thighs were for the most part as black as a negroe; and this
accompanied with such excessive pains in the joints of the knees,
ancles, and toes, as I thought, before I experienced them, that human
nature could never have supported. It next advanced to the mouth; all my
teeth were presently loose, and my gums, over-charged with extravasated
blood, fell down almost quite over my teeth: this occasioned my breath
to smell much, yet without affecting my lungs; but, I believe, one week
more at sea would have ended me, and less than a month more, all the
rest. One thing was very remarkable, and likewise universal, which was,
that, when the distemper had far prevailed, if the afflicted person lay
quiet in his hammock, he seemed to be perfectly well and hearty; but, if
he was removed out of it, on any necessity, he immediately fainted away;
and this was always a sure sign of the party’s dissolution.
Since our passing Cape Horn, our surgeon, Henry Ettrick, who was a very
good practical surgeon, had been very busy in digesting a theory of
scurvies, wherein he enumerated many cases very particularly, having
been allowed to open and examine as many bodies as were abundantly
sufficient for that purpose. His system was principally grounded on the
observations made on a long passage in a very cold climate. He took
abundance of pains to prove, by many instances, that the tone of the
blood was broken by the cold nipping air, and rendered so thin, as to be
unfit for circulation, or any other of the uses of life; and being thus
deprived of a proper force and vigour, stagnation and death must
necessarily ensue. From this supposition, he had laid it down as an
infallible rule, that food of a glutinous nature, such as salt fish,
bread, and several sorts of grain, were alone proper on such voyages. As
for liquids, I know not which he had pitched on, as the most salutary,
on this occasion. But this passage, in a very hot climate, where the
symptoms were not only more dreadful, but the mortality much more quick
and fatal, in proportion to the number of people, put our scheming
doctor to a sad non-plus: he could not account for this on the same
principles with the other; nay, they must be, in a manner, diametrically
opposite. All this obliged him at last (though he was still endeavouring
to reconcile contradictions), to own, that, though some of the
concurrent causes of this disease were plain enough, yet the grand cause
was certainly the long continuance at sea, or an entire secret; and that
no cure but the shore would ever be effectual. The Commodore, on this
great mortality, having by him a quantity of Ward’s pills and drops, in
order to experience whether they would be of any use, first tried them
on himself, and then gave what he had left to the surgeon, to administer
to such of the sick people as were willing to take them. The surgeon
would not recommend them to any person, but several took them; though I
know of none who believed they were of any service to them. They worked
most people who took them very violently, both by vomit and stool: after
which, as several told me, they would seem to be a little easier, tho’
weaker, for perhaps a day or two, but then they always relapsed, and
became worse than before; and this, together with the inefficacy of all
that our surgeons could do in the case, sufficiently shewed the vanity
of attempting the cure of this distemper at sea.
And here, before I quit this subject, I shall endeavour to remove a
prejudice, under which the afflicted have long severely suffered; and
that is, from the notion generally prevalent, that none but the lazy are
attacked with this disorder; whereas, the direct contrary is the truth;
our experience having abundantly shewn, that the most laborious, active,
stirring persons were oftenest seized with this disease; and the
continuation of their labour, instead of curing, only helped to kill
them the sooner.
Many undeniable instances might be given of this in our voyage; and, if
future voyagers will give themselves the trouble of observing this
hereafter, I am certain that the event will correspond with my
assertion; nor does this distemper, in a general way, incline people to
indolence, till it is come to that height, that, at the least motion,
the person is ready to faint. It is certain, that, if the person
afflicted desires to lengthen out his life as long as he can, his best
way is to stir as little as possible. This I have seen verified by many
instances.
The 23d and 24th, we reefed and repaired our rigging, which had suffered
much in the variable weather.
The 26th, being, according to our reckoning, 300 leagues from the
Ladrones, we met with a westerly wind, which did not come about again in
four days. This was a most dispiriting incident, as we were all that
while forced to lie to, the current insensibly driving us out of our
course.
The 27th, our gunner, Henry Kipps, died of the scurvy, being one of the
most able-bodied men, as well as the most active in the ship: he had
taken Ward’s medicines once or twice.
On the 28th, we had calms with much rain, and received from the
Gloucester 20 casks of flour, and four of groats. Having here an
occasion of mentioning flour, it may not be amiss to take notice, that
since our departure from Juan Fernandez, the principal officers had
always soft bread new baked, the biscuit being so much worm-eaten, it
was scarce any thing but dust, and a little blow would reduce it to that
state immediately. Our beef and pork were likewise very rusty and
rotten; and the surgeon endeavoured to persuade us from eating it,
alledging it was, though a slow, yet a sure poison; but very little
other food being to be had, we were reduced to a very deplorable
condition.
The 29th, in the morning, the Gloucester’s fore-cap splitting, her
fore-top-mast came by the board, and, in its fall, meeting with the
fore-yard, broke it in the slings. As she was hereby rendered incapable
of making any sail for some time, we were under a necessity, as soon as
a gale sprung up, to take her in tow, and near 20 of the healthiest and
ablest of our seamen were removed from the duty of our own ship, and
were continued eight or ten days together to assist in repairing her
damages; but these things, mortifying as we thought them, were only the
commencement of our misfortunes; for, scarce had our people finished
their business in the Gloucester before we met with a most violent storm
from the western board, which obliged us to lie to. This storm lasted
from the 10th to the 13th of August, attended with rain, thunder, and
lightning, and such a lofty and dangerous sea as I have seldom seen, and
could not have believed in latitudes between the Tropics, especially for
such a long duration. Most of the time we lay to, we drove to the
northward; abundance of our people died daily; and, the ship proving
very leaky, every person who could stir, the principal officers not
excepted, was obliged to take his turn at the pumps, and all little
enough to keep us above water.
The 13th of August, at 10 in the morning, the Gloucester made a signal
of distress, and, being to windward, bore down towards us; but we
observed she was long in wearing, rolled very much, and made bad
steerage. About half an hour after noon they spoke with us, and told us
that they were so leaky that they must quit their ship; that they had
seven feet water in the hold; and that all the men they had capable of
stirring were quite exhausted with pumping, and could work no longer.
This was an additional misfortune, and seemed to be without resource;
for, whilst the Gloucester’s crew were thus enfeebled, our own sick were
now so much increased, and those who still remained in health so
over-fatigued with labour, that it was impossible for us to lend them
any aid: all, therefore, that could be done was to send our boat on
board for a more particular account of the ship’s condition; as it was
soon suspected, that the taking her people on board us, and then
destroying the Gloucester, was the only measure that could be prosecuted
in the present emergency both for the preservation of their lives and of
our own.
Our boat soon returned with a representation of the melancholy state of
the Gloucester, and of her several defects, signed by Capt. Mitchell and
all his officers; by which it appeared, that the ship was decayed in
every part; that her crew was greatly reduced; that there remained alive
no more than 77 men, officers included, 18 boys, and two prisoners; that
of the whole number, only 16 men and 11 boys were capable of keeping the
deck, and several of these very infirm; that the water was so deep in
the hold, that those who were yet alive were starving, and could neither
come at fresh water nor provisions.
From this representation, which was in no one instance exaggerated, the
Commodore sent immediately an order to Capt. Mitchell, to bring his
people on board the Centurion, and to take out such stores as could most
easily be come at, among which he was very desirous of saving two
cables, and a steel-anchor; but the ship rolled so much, and the men
were so excessively fatigued, that it was with the greatest difficulty
the prize-money was secured (the prize-goods amounting to many thousand
pounds being abandoned): nor could any more provisions be got at, than
five casks of flour (three of which were spoiled by the salt-water), a
small quantity of brandy, and some living stock. Even this little
business was so languishingly performed, that two days were wasted in
the execution, during which time three or four of the sick perished on
being moved.
As the weather was now calm, and we were uncertain how far distant we
might be from Guam, a settlement in possession of the enemy, to whom the
wreck of such a ship with guns and ammunition on board would have been a
very valuable acquisition, the Commodore judged the most effectual way
to prevent her from falling into their hands was to set on fire: and
accordingly, as soon as the Captain and his Officers had quitted her,
the combustibles placed for that purpose were lighted, and she continued
burning the whole night, and at six the next morning she blew up. Thus
perished his Majesty’s ship the Gloucester; and now, it might have been
expected, that, being freed from the embarrassment in which her frequent
disasters had involved us, we should have proceeded on our way much
brisker than we had hitherto done. However, we were soon taught, that
our anxieties were not yet to be relieved.
We were at this time in the utmost distress; the ship considerably
lumbered with prize-goods, and the small room we had left thronged with
the sick, whose numbers were now very much increased with those from the
Gloucester; the dirt, nauseousness, and stench, almost every where
intolerable; more people daily disabled with the disease; no sign of
land, nor but very little wind, and that not fair but variable; very bad
provisions and water, and the ship very leaky; and, though we discovered
the leak to be in her bows on each side the stern, it lay in such a
manner that we could not stop it, nay the attempting it rather made it
worse. In this distress we made the best of every little spurt of wind.
Nothing farther remarkable happened till Sunday the 22d, when, about
eight in the evening, we discovered two islands, one bearing W. half S.
and the other S. W. by W. at the distance of about 10 leagues. We were
overjoyed at this sight, and stood toward them with all our sail; but,
there being little wind, we did not get near them till the next day
about noon, when being about three miles off the largest and most
promising of them, which appeared very hilly and full of trees, we sent
on shore one of our Lieutenants in the cutter to make discoveries, who
returned at nine in the evening, and gave us but a very indifferent
account of the shore. The trees were mostly cocoa-nut-trees, of which
there were prodigious quantities; about 60 cocoa-nuts they brought on
board with them, but they could find no water, nor any good place to
anchor in: on this account it was thought fit to stand further to the
southward, for some more proper place. This was a severe disappointment
to most of the sick, who, on the sight of land, (or hearing that we were
so near it) had begun sensibly to revive: but as persons in such
circumstances are soon driven to despond, when an aid they had depended
upon deserts them, so this disappointment destroyed our hopes, and
increased our dejection. We feared, that, if we met with more islands in
the same run, they might be either as bad, worse, or inhabited by our
enemies the Spaniards, who, in our weak condition, might easily be able
to hinder us from proper refreshments: add to this, how near many of us
were to death, and how little we could expect to survive any time in
searching for other islands. I know not whether these were the general
thoughts of the sick, but I must own they were mine, and made our
situation at that time appear ten times worse to me than at any other in
the whole course of our voyage. I was indeed very ill, and my illness
might possibly occasion every thing to appear in its worst light, yet I
never was one of those who were frightened at the apprehension, or even
the visible approach of death; it had no unreasonable terrors in any of
its prospects to me; and I always could, and I hope always shall be
ready to meet it with calmness and perfect resignation: but I believe
the healthiest and stoutest at that time had probably the greatest
apprehensions; and I have since heard it from many of those, that they
expected all to have perished, had we been so little as three weeks
longer at sea; and I much question whether they were not right in that
imagination.
On the 26th, at five in the morning, we saw three other islands, bearing
from S. E. by S. to N. E. the middlemost of the three, which was the
largest, due E.
The 27th, at three in the afternoon, being got pretty near the shore of
the middlemost island, we sent our cutter and pinnace in-shore for
discovery. At four the pinnace came off, and brought with her an Indian
paroo, with a Spaniard and four Indians, whom they took in her. They
likewise told us, that they had in-shore a small bark of about 16 tons,
and between 20 and 30 more people on the island, all of whom had been
sent there from Guam to kill cattle and hogs, and make jerked beef, and
cacao-nut-oil, &c. for the Spanish garrison there; and that there are
constantly people sent on that account, who, after some months stay at
that place, are relieved by fresh parties for the same purpose. We
secured both bark and paroo, together with all the Indians who fell into
our hands, to hinder their carrying intelligence of us to the Spaniards
at Guam. One of those Indians was a carpenter by trade, and his father
was one of the principal builders at Manilla. This young man, having
been ill used by the Governor at Guam, voluntarily entered with us, and
became one of our carpenter’s crew, and proved a very useful handy
fellow.
The Spaniard being examined as to the state of the island we were now
approaching, the account he gave surprized even our most sanguine hopes;
and, tho’ uninhabited, he said, it wanted none of those accommodations
with which the best cultivated countries are furnished. On mustering up
our whole force, as we drew near, all the hands we could collect capable
of any kind of duty, even on the most pressing occasions, amounted to no
more than 71 men, officers included. This number, inconsiderable as it
may seem, were all of the united crews of the Centurion, Gloucester, and
Trial, that could move without being assisted, notwithstanding that,
when we left England, they consisted of near 1000 men.
When we had entered the road, our first business, after furling the
sails and securing the ship, was to provide an hospital on shore for the
sick; but the officer and seamen who were sent upon this service,
returned joyfully, and acquainted us, that the Indians on shore had
saved them that trouble, and had provided for us better than we could
have done for ourselves; for, having erected a number of little cabbins
for their accommodation during their residence on the island, and one in
particular, which they made use of by way of storehouse to stow their
provisions in, there could be nothing more suitably adapted for the
reception both of the sick and the healthy than these erections.
Accordingly, we instantly began sending ashore as many of the sick as
could possibly be conveyed, among which number I myself was one; I say,
as many as could possibly be conveyed; for we were all so extremely
feeble and helpless, that we were no otherwise to be landed than by
being carried in our hammocks, both in and out of the boats, on mens
shoulders, in which service both the Commodore himself and his officers
very humanely assisted; and, indeed, they were almost the only persons
on board capable of performing it; the healthiest seamen being so much
enfeebled, that they had but just strength enough left to help
themselves.
The next day, being the 29th, the remainder of the sick were brought on
shore, of whom 21 soon died; but the greatest part of the rest recovered
surprizingly. As soon as I was capable of stirring about, I found the
island to lie in lat. 14 deg. 58 min. N. [Walters says 15 deg. 8 min.]
and in long. 223 deg. 35 min. W. from London, being, according to my
reckoning, 117 deg. 7 min. W. from Acapulco. [Walters says 114 deg. 50
min.] And here it is observable, how writers of the first characters for
veracity differ in their accounts of the same places, by writing them at
different periods. The description of this island of Tinian by Commodore
Byron, who lately visited it in his voyage round the world, bears no
similitude to that we are now about to recite; nor can any one conceive
how an interval of only 30 years could occasion so remarkable an
alteration. But to proceed:
The soil, upon examination, we found to be every where dry and healthy;
and being withal somewhat sandy, it was thereby the less disposed to a
rank and over-luxuriant vegetation: and hence the meadows and woods were
neater and smoother than is usual in hot climates. The vallies and hills
were most beautifully diversified by the mutual encroachments of woods
and lawns, which skirted each other, and traversed the island in large
tracts. The woods consisted of tall and well-spread trees, some
celebrated for their beauty, and some for their fruit; whilst the lawns
were generally crouded with herds of cattle, of which it was not
uncommon to see thousands feeding in a herd, and, being all milk-white,
it is no wonder that such an appearance excited our longings, and
increased our impatience, to kill and eat. Add to these, the innumerable
swarms of poultry that crouded the woods, and, by their frequent
crowings, gave us in idea the pleasing apprehension of being in the
neighbourhood of farms and villages; and we even fancied, that in the
covert of the woods we should find such concealed. The cattle we had
sight of were computed at 10,000; and, besides these and the poultry, we
likewise found abundance of wild hogs, which were excellent food, but
fierce, and not easily mastered. At first we killed them by shooting;
but, our ammunition failing, owing to an incident, we at last hunted
them down with dogs, several of which joined us on the island, and,
being trained to the sport by the Indians, readily enough followed us,
and afforded us good diversion. In their conflicts with the bears, some
indeed were killed; but those that came off victorious, were still more
eager to engage in every new pursuit.
This island was no less fortunate to us in its vegetable than its animal
productions; more particularly abounding in such fruits and plants as
were best adapted to the cure of that disease by which we had been so
dreadfully debilitated. In the woods cocoa-nuts were to be gathered
without number; and, what is remarkable, cabbages grew on the same
trees. There were, besides, guavas, limes, sweet and sour oranges, and,
what is common to all the Tropical islands, bread-fruit. In the plains
we found water-melons, dandelion, creeping-purslain, mint, scurvy-grass,
and sorrel; all which, together with the fresh-meats of the place, were
such salutary refreshments, that the sick, who were at death’s-door when
they landed, before they had been a week on shore, put on very different
countenances, and with their new complexions received a fresh recruit of
spirits.
Amidst such a variety of provisions as the land furnished, it was
thought unnecessary to indulge ourselves in those offered us by the sea.
From fish, therefore, we wholly refrained; and the rather, as some we
caught at our first arrival surfeited those who eat of them. This,
however, was not regretted, as beef, pork, poultry, and wild-fowl, were
in such plenty, that, except the trouble of bringing them from a
considerable distance sometimes, there was no difficulty attending their
procurement. It were, indeed, an endless task to recount all the
excellencies and delicacies we met with in this delightful island: nor
is it easy to say which to prefer where every thing is worthy of
admiration; the neatness of its lawns, the stateliness, freshness, and
fragrance of its woods, the happy inequality of its surface, and the
variety and elegance of the views it afforded,--all these conspired to
charm the sight, while at the same time the excellency of its
productions could not fail to gratify the appetite. And these advantages
were greatly enhanced by the healthiness of the climate, by the almost
constant cool breezes that prevailed, and by the frequent gentle showers
that seemed to fall just to refresh the earth, and add to its fertility;
for these, instead of the long-continued rains that in other countries
fill the air with noxious vapours, and overflow the earth with wasteful
inundations, seemed just enough to purify the air, and to refresh the
soil; which was observable enough by the effect it had in increasing our
appetites, and promoting our digestion. This effect was, indeed,
remarkable, since those amongst our officers, who were at all other
times spare and temperate eaters, were here in appearance transformed
into gluttons; for instead of one reasonable flesh-meal a day, they were
scarcely satisfied with three: and yet our digestion so well
corresponded to the keenness of our appetites, that we were neither
disordered nor even loaded by this uncommon repletion; for, after having
made a large beef breakfast, it was not long before we began to consider
the approach of dinner as a very desirable, and even somewhat tardy
event.
The principal inconveniences that attended our residence upon this
island arose from the vast number of musketos and other troublesome
flies, by which we were perpetually teized; there was likewise a
venomous little insect, that, like the sheep-ticks in England, would
bury its head in the skin, and, if not instantly removed, would cause an
inflammation.
Running water there was none in the island; but that defect was supplied
by a large lake, or lagoon, almost in the center of it, to which the
cattle, in times of drought, generally resorted; but the freshness of
their pasture, and the copious dews and gentle showers that often
moistened it, rendered that resource almost unnecessary. There were,
besides, springs of excellent water, and near the surface wells might
every where be dug, whose waters, in any other place, would not have
been complained of.
But the great danger we had to dread remains to be told. During four
months in the year, that is, from the middle of June to the middle of
October, when the western monsoons prevail, the winds, about the full
and change of the moon, are variable, and blow with such fury, that the
stoutest cables afford no security to ships riding at anchor in the
road: and what adds to the danger is the rapidity of the tide, which
sets to the S. E. and occasions such a hollow and over-grown sea as is
not to be conceived; insomuch that, though we were in a sixty-gun ship,
we were under the dreadful apprehension of being pooped by it. During
the rest of the year the weather is constantly settled, and ships have
nothing to fear, if their cables are well armed, which otherwise will
suffer from the foulness of the ground.
From the 29th of August, when our sick were all put on shore, to the
12th of September, when the Commodore himself landed, those who remained
on board were chiefly employed in mooring and securing the ship, in
shifting her guns to come at her leaks, and in cackling the cables, to
prevent their being galled by the friction against the rocky bottom. At
the same time an anchor and cable were put on board the Spanish bark,
her own being only a heavy log of wood, and a rope made of bass; and
some barrels of powder to be dried and recovered, which by long keeping
was become moist.
From the 12th to the 18th, the hands were continually shifting, those
who were so well recovered as to be capable of duty were sent on board,
and those who had born the burden of the labour were relieved and sent
on shore.
On the 19th, the weather began to alter, and to threaten a storm: on
that day, the next, and the 21st, it blew hard; however, we rode it out,
and flattered ourselves that the prudence of our measures had secured us
from accidents. On the 22d, the hurricane came on, and our only hope of
safety seemed to depend on our putting out to sea; but the Commodore was
on shore, and all communication with the land absolutely cut off. At
five in the afternoon, the small bower parted, and the ship sprung off
to the best bower. As night approached, the violence of the storm
increased; yet, notwithstanding its inexpressible fury, the rapidity of
the tide was such as to prevail over it, and to force the ship before
it, as it were, in despight of its utmost rage. It was now that the sea
broke all round us in a most tremendous manner; and that a large
tumbling swell threatened to ingulph us in its bosom: the long-boat,
which was moored a-stern, was on a sudden canted so high that it broke
the transum of the Commodore’s gallery, and would, doubtless, have risen
as high as the tafferel, had it not been for the stroke, which stove the
boat to pieces; but yet the poor boat-keeper, though much bruised, was
saved almost by miracle. About eight, the tide slackened; but, the wind
not abating, the best bower cable, by which alone we rode, parted at
eleven. In this extremity, Mr. Saumarez, our First Lieutenant, who
commanded in the absence of the Commodore, ordered guns to be fired, and
lights to be shewn, as signals of distress; and, in a short time after,
the night being excessively dark, the storm raging, the thunder roaring,
and nothing to be seen but the blue lightning flashing through the rain,
we were driven to sea, and, by this catastrophe, the whole crew, both by
sea and land, reduced to a state of despair; those on shore concluding
they had now no means left them ever to get home; whilst those on board,
being utterly unprepared to struggle with the fury of such seas and
winds, expected each moment to be their last. In this state of
despondency, while those on board were every moment in expectation of
being dashed against the rocks of Aiguigan, an island at about three
leagues from Tinian, those on shore were persuaded the ship could not
survive the storm, the whole channel between the two islands appearing
from the land like one continued breach, the sea swelling, breaking, and
roaring, like mountains rolling over mountains, and forming the most
awful and terrifying sight that the mind of man can possibly conceive.
Indeed, the condition of those on board was truly pitiable; they were in
a leaky ship, with three cables in their hawses, to one of which hung
their only remaining anchor; they had not a gun on board lashed; nor a
port barred in; their shrouds were loose; and their fore-top-mast
unrigged; and they had struck their fore and main yards down before the
hurricane came on, so that there was no sail they could set except the
mizzen: to add to their misfortunes, they were no sooner at sea, than,
by the labouring of the ship, whole floods of water rushed in through
the hawse-holes, ports, and scuppers; which, with the usual leakage,
kept the pumps constantly at work. Persuaded that their destruction was
inevitable, sinking, however, was only their secondary concern; they
judged, by the driving of the ship, that they were making towards the
land, and that, in the darkness of the night, they should no otherwise
perceive it than by striking upon it; but day-light relieved them from
that uneasy apprehensions, and shewed them that the island they so much
dreaded was at a considerable distance, and that a strong northern
current had proved the means of their preservation. It was not, however,
till after three days that the turbulent weather that had driven them
from Tinian began to abate; when every man in the ship was so worn out
with fatigue, that they found it impossible to man the pumps, and hand
the sails at the same time. They had twice attempted to heave up the
main and fore yards, in which they had as often miscarried by the
breaking of the jeers, and in the last effort one of their best men
perished. During all this time the ship was driving to leeward, and
dragging her sheet anchor, the only one she had left, with two cables an
end at her bows. This was a circumstance of the greatest consequence,
and required a speedy remedy; for, though upon a third exertion of their
whole force, they had replaced their yards, they durst not, while the
anchor continued in that situation, venture to spread their canvas. Some
rest and refreshment became necessary before a work of such labour could
be proposed to a feeble and diminished crew, who hardly consisted of 100
men. It was, therefore, five days after their departure before they
could secure their anchor; and now they set their courses, and, for the
first time, stood to the eastward, in hopes of soon regaining the
island, and rejoining their Commander and the rest of their company: but
in this they were unhappily disappointed; for having run, as they
thought, the distance necessary for making the island, and being in full
expectation of seeing it, they found themselves bewildered by the
irregularity of the currents, and knew not what course to steer, till,
after several days uncertainty, they came at last in sight of Guam, from
whence they directed their course with infinite labour to Tinian, the
wind being constantly against them, and the tide variable. This severe
employment held till the 11th of October, when, after nineteen days
absence, they appeared again in the offing, and were reinforced from the
shore, to the inexpressible joy of the whole crew.
A few days after the ship was driven off, some of the people on shore
cried out, _A sail!_ and this spread a general joy, supposing it to be
the Centurion returning; but presently a second sail was decried, which
wholly destroyed the first conjecture, and made it difficult to guess
who they were. The Commodore turning his glass towards them, saw they
were two boats; and instantly concluding that the Centurion was gone to
the bottom, and that those were her boats returning with the remains of
her people, this sudden suggestion wrought so powerfully upon him, that,
to conceal his emotion, he was obliged to retire to his tent, where he
past some bitter moments in the firm persuasion that all his hopes were
now at an end, and that, instead of distressing the enemy, he must
himself with his people fall a prey to their relentless cruelty. He was,
however, soon relieved from this mortifying thought, they appearing,
upon their nearer approach, to be Indian proas directing their course
towards the bay, with a view, as was supposed, to relieve their
countrymen, or to take on board their provisions. On this intelligence,
the Commodore ordered his people to conceal themselves; but the proas,
after advancing within a quarter of a mile of the shore, lay by for the
space of a few hours, and probably observing some change in the
appearance of the place, which might raise their suspicion that an enemy
lay in ambush, they got again under sail, and steered to the southward.
After this incident an opinion began generally to prevail, that the
Centurion would never more appear at this island; and that she was
either lost, or forced upon the coast of China, from whence, in her
crazy condition, it would be impossible for her ever to return. Though
the Commodore did not apparently give into this opinion, yet he was not
without his fears; and, therefore, to provide against the worst, he
proposed cutting asunder the Indian bark which they took on their first
arrival, and lengthening her in such a manner as to be capable of taking
on board all who were then upon the island, and following the ship, if
peradventure she should be driven to Mocao. After some hesitation, owing
to the difficulty attending the execution, the men were at length
prevailed upon to engage in the work, and the Commodore by his example
encouraged their diligence; for, being always at work by day-break
himself, it was thought a disgrace to be idle when their Chief was
employed. It fortunately happened, that the carpenters both of the
Gloucester and Trial were on shore, and that they had brought for safety
their chests of tools with them. The smith, too, was on shore with his
forge, but his bellows was still in the ship. This defect occasioned
some delay; but was soon supplied by the ingenuity of his shipmates, one
or other of them never being at a loss for expedients on such occasions:
they limed a fresh hide for leather, the carpenters shaped out a wooden
frame, and a gun barrel served for a nozel. The smith being now in
readiness to prepare the iron-work, some were employed in cutting down
trees, and sawing them into plank, whilst the main-body were busied in
digging out a draw-dock to receive the bark, and in laying of ways to
heave her up and down. All, in short, were variously employed; and the
work went on successfully for 16 days, in which time the bark was sawn
asunder, her two parts separated, and placed at the proper distance from
each other; and, the materials being all in readiness before-hand, they
proceeded with no small dispatch in the enlargement, insomuch that they
fixed the 5th of November as the day when they should be ready to
depart. The alacrity with which this business was carried on, left no
room for reflection among the common sailors, though their superiors
were not without their fears. They had no sea-provisions, except some
jerked beef, which the Indians had prepared and abandoned when they
fled, and they had a run of 600 leagues before they could presume upon a
supply; they had no bread, and the bread-fruit on the island could not
be preserved at sea; they wanted salt; and, what was still a more
necessary article in their present situation, they wanted ammunition for
their defence, in case of an attack from the enemy; for, upon the
strictest search, no more than 90 charges of powder could be collected,
which was short of one round a-piece for each of the company; they were,
too, in an unknown sea, and wanted instruments to direct their course:
in short, though the common men had no other thought but how they should
get on board, the officers foresaw a thousand difficulties, which were
almost insurmountable to human apprehension, but which they carefully
concealed, that the main business might not be retarded.
But, in the midst of these gloomy apprehensions, which, the nearer the
time of their departure approached, still became the more serious, and
when all hope of seeing the Centurion at Tinian had subsided, one of the
Gloucester’s men, being upon a hill at a distance looking out for
cattle, perceived, as he fancied, something like a ship in the clouds,
which, on steadily observing it, seemed to move slowly towards the land.
It was not long before he was sensible of its approach, and persuading
himself it was the Centurion, he in an extasy ran towards the
landing-place, crying to his comrades, _The ship! The ship!_ This being
heard by the nearest, was echoed from mouth to mouth till it reached the
spot where the Commodore was at work, who, on hearing the joyful news,
threw down his axe, and joined in the general transport. In a few hours
the Centurion appeared in the offing, and a boat with 18 men was sent
off to reinforce her, and to carry fresh meats, fruits, and
refreshments, for the crew. In the afternoon of the 11th of October she
happily cast anchor, the Commodore went instantly aboard, and the joy
and congratulations on that occasion were equally sincere and mutual.
The labour of the artificers was now at an end, and another kind of
employment succeeded, which was that of laying in water for the
remainder of the voyage. Now also hunting, shooting, setting, and every
device that could be contrived to catch live cattle, hogs, and poultry,
for stores, took place; while, at the same time, the Commodore and
Officers amused themselves with traversing the island, and examining
more minutely its several parts. In one of these excursions, being on a
rising ground, they observed, in a valley beneath them, the appearance
of a small thicket, which, by attending to it, seemed to have a
progressive motion, as indeed it had; but was no other than a parcel of
cocoa-bushes trailed upon the ground by persons concealed beneath them.
From this uncommon circumstance, it was immediately concluded, that the
Indians, whose boat they had surprized upon their first arrival, must be
the persons who were dragging the bushes, and that it could not be far
to the place of their concealment; they therefore kept their eye upon
them, and traced them to their cell; but, to their surprize, when they
came to enter it, they found it abandoned, though all things were ready
prepared for dinner, and stood smoaking hot on a table of turf. The
officers, having in vain endeavoured to track them, returned, and, with
an appetite increased by the keenness of the pursuit, sat down to that
meal which the poor hungry savages had abandoned. It consisted of salted
spareribs, cocoa-nuts, and bread-fruit; all which they found ready
drest, and in quantity as much as they all could eat.
On the third day after the second arrival of the ship, the Commodore
being on board, a sudden gust of wind arose, and again brought home our
anchor, and drove us out to sea. Our chief officers were now all on
board; and only about 70 of our men, with a midshipman or two to command
them, were employed on shore in filling water and catching cattle. Of
these about 30 came off to us in the cutter, and the eighteen-oared
barge was sent for the rest; but they not being in readiness, and the
ship quickly driving out of sight, it was no longer in their power to
join us. However, as the weather soon proved favourable, and we were now
stronger and healthier than at our first disaster, in about five days we
regained the road, and anchored safe in our former station. On our
return we found the Spanish bark restored to her old dimensions, and the
parts brought together, and in good forwardness to be compleated; for
the few remaining people, despairing of the return of the ship, had
determined to follow her to her destined port. We now laboured
indefatigably to get in our water, in order to sail, in which service
two of our men employed in the well unfortunately perished; for the
sides of the well being loose earth, by the carelessness of those above,
in not properly attending the filling, the bank gave way by the weight
of a heavy cask, and both that and the bank fell in upon them together.
Some other misfortunes happened through haste in rafting the casks to
the ship; yet, notwithstanding, being such as are generally accounted
trifling on board a man of war, our watering went on so successfully,
that by the 20th of October it was compleated; and on that day leave was
given for a man from each mess to go ashore, and gather as many oranges,
lemons, cocoa-nuts, and other fruits of the island, as should be
sufficient for us all while at sea. This being accomplished, the Spanish
bark set on fire, the men returned on board, and the boats hoisted in,
on the 21st we set sail; and the wind being fair, and the weather
moderate, nothing remarkable happened till we arrived on the coasts of
China, except that while we were passing by the rocks of Vele Rete, near
the south end of the island Formosa, we were alarmed by a cry of fire on
the forecastle, which brought the whole crew together in the utmost
confusion, so that it was difficult for some time to reduce them to
order; but, as soon as discipline took place, and a proper examination
could be made, it was found to proceed from the furnace, where the
bricks, being over-heated, had begun to communicate the fire to the
wood-work, which, had it not been timely discovered, might have been of
the most dreadful consequence; but, as it fell out, it was extinguished
with the greatest facility, and the brick-work so secured, that no
accident of the like kind could again happen.
From the island of Formosa we directed our course so as to fall in with
the coast of China, to the eastward of Pedro Blanco, as that rock is
generally esteemed the best direction for ships bound to Mocao; and, on
the 6th of November we fell in with it, when we were presently
surrounded by an incredible number of fishing-boats, which covered the
surface of the sea as far as the eye could reach. Nor was this swarm of
fishing vessels peculiar to that place; for, as we ran on to the
westward, we found them as abundant on every other part of the coast.
From among these we had no sort of doubt of procuring a pilot to Mocao;
but, when we thought ourselves near it, though we tempted them with
shewing them bags of Spanish dollars, for which, it is said, a Chinese
would sell his father, yet not one of them would venture to come on
board us, nor give us the least intelligence; neither did our ship, the
like of which, so armed and fitted, had never before appeared upon their
coasts, seem to excite in them any curiosity: they continued their
fishing with the same apparent indifference as if any trading ship had
been passing by; and, when we made them signals, they disregarded them
as much, though they certainly understood them, as if we had been only
in sport. The next day, however, about two in the afternoon, as we were
standing to the westward within two leagues of the shore, still
surrounded as before, we observed that a boat a-head of us waved a red
flag, and blew a horn. This we apprehended was a signal for us, and
accordingly we hoisted out our cutter, and sent to know the meaning of
it; when we presently discovered our mistake, and that it was only the
usual notice to leave off fishing, which the whole fleet instantly
obeyed. Being thus disappointed, we kept on our cruise till we came to a
group of islands, round the westernmost of which we were directed to
pass, and then to haul up. While we were thus employed, a Chinese pilot
came on board, and in broken Portuguese undertook to pilot us into
harbour for 30 dollars, and on the 12th of November anchored us safe in
Mocao-road; where the first thing we did was to salute the fort, and to
send to the Portuguese Governor to advise with his Excellency in what
manner to behave to avoid giving offence to the Chinese. The difficulty
the Commodore principally apprehended related to the port charges
usually paid by ships in the river Canton, from which charges men-of-war
are exempted in every port of Europe, and which the Commodore was
determined not to be forced to pay in this. In the evening the boat
returned with two officers, who delivered it as the Governor’s opinion,
that, if the Centurion ventured into the river of Canton, the duty would
most certainly be expected; and, therefore, if the Commodore approved of
it, he would send a pilot to conduct the ship into another harbour,
called the Typa, where it was probable the port charges would never be
demanded. To this proposal the Commodore agreed, the pilot was sent, and
the ship safely moored.
Next day the Commodore paid a visit in person to the Governor, to
solicit a supply of provisions, and of naval stores to refit the ship.
The Governor very frankly acquainted the Commodore, that he durst not
openly furnish either the one or the other; for that he himself neither
received provisions for his garrison but from day to day, by permission
from the Chinese government, nor any thing else but what his present
necessities required: however, he assured the Commodore in a friendly
manner, that he would give him all the assistance in his power. On this
declaration, the Commodore determined to go to Canton himself, to
procure a licence from the Viceroy to purchase a supply, and, with this
view, hired a Chinese boat for himself and his attendants to carry them
into port: but just as they were ready to embark, the Hoppo refused to
grant them a permit; nor would he, notwithstanding all the interest the
Commodore could make, withdraw the prohibition, till he was threatened
to be compelled to it by force. This operated when fair means had
failed; a permit was next day sent on board, and the Commodore proceeded
to the English factory to consult with the principal officers there
about the cautions that were to be used, lest the factory should suffer
by violent measures, which he was solicitous to avoid. They advised him
to transact the business by the mediation of the Chinese merchants, who
at first undertook to accomplish it; but, after trifling with him more
than a month, they declared they durst not interfere in it. The
merchants then undertook to procure him provisions clandestinely; but
that would not suffice. Upon his return, he found the ship so much out
of repair, that she could not proceed without being hove down; he,
therefore, next day wrote a letter to the Viceroy, acquainting him, that
he was Commodore of a squadron of his Britannic Majesty’s ships that had
been cruising in the South Seas against the Spaniards, who were at war
with his nation; that his ship was leaky; that his people were in want
of provisions; that he had put into Mocao, a friendly port, for a
supply, but that, being a stranger to the customs of the country, he had
been unable to succeed; and, therefore, requested, that he might be
permitted to employ workmen to repair his ship, and that he might be
supplied with provisions at the accustomed rates at which the articles
he stood in need of were generally sold. Another difficulty was now
started as to the delivery of this letter, the Hoppo at first refusing
to intermeddle with it; but, on the Commodore’s expressing some
resentment, and threatening to convey it to Canton by his own
messengers, he at length undertook not only to deliver it, but to
procure an answer: accordingly, though the letter was only dated on the
17th of December, on the 19th a Mandarine of the first rank, together
with two others of an inferior class, and their attendants, having in
their retinue 18 half gallies, decorated with streamers, and furnished
with bands of music, came to a grapple a-head of the Centurion, whence
the Mandarine sent in form to acquaint the Commodore, that he came by
order of the Viceroy to examine the condition of the ship, and to report
the same as it should appear to him upon a just survey. On this message,
preparations were instantly made to receive him; in particular, a
hundred of the most sightly men on board, uniformly dressed in the
regimentals of the marines, were drawn up under arms on the main-deck
against his arrival. When he entered the ship, he was saluted by the
drums and military music, and conducted by some of the principal
officers to the quarter-deck, where he was received in state by the
Commodore, and then introduced to the great cabbin, where he explained
his commission, and presented the persons he had brought with him to
take the survey. The Mandarine appeared to be a person of superior
abilities, and endowed with a frankness and honesty not usually to be
met with among the ordinary ranks of Chinese officers; and, being an
eye-witness of the dangerous state of the leaks, and of the necessity
there was for a thorough repair, he expressed his entire acquiescence in
the report that had been given, and promised to lay the same immediately
before the council upon his return. He was exceeding curious in
inspecting the ship, in examining her guns, and poising her great shot.
He exprest his astonishment at her strength and her magnitude; and the
Commodore, to increase his wonder, and shew his own power, let him know
how easy it would be for him to destroy the whole navigable force of
China, and lay the city of Canton in ruins; but, nevertheless, he
assured him, that not the least violence should be offered, provided his
wants were supplied upon reasonable terms.
At the same time the Commodore complained of the behaviour of the
officers at Mocao, who had prohibited the country people from selling
provisions to his company, though they had paid for what they purchased
in sterling silver. The Mandarine heard the complaint without emotion,
but said it should be remedied for the future. After the business was
over, dinner was ordered, and the Commodore apologised for the meanness
of the fare from the difficulty he had to procure better: but the two
inferior Mandarines, who were the only persons of their retinue
permitted to sit at table with them, shewed no dislike to any thing set
before them, except the beef, to which they have the same dislike as the
Jews have to pork, from an early prejudice derived from their ancestors;
of this the Commodore was not apprized, nor were they offended at its
being set before them. They were, indeed, very aukward at the use of
knives and forks, and it was found necessary to introduce their own
servants to carve for them, before they could make an end of their
dinners. But if they were deficient in their manner of eating, they were
no novices in putting about the glasses; for there was not an officer at
table that durst engage with them. Seeing they were fond of Frontiniac,
and that they presently emptied four or five bottles of it without any
effect, the Commodore ordered a bottle of Citron water to be brought up,
which, on tasting, they liked, and, the Commodore excusing himself on
account of an illness he had not yet recovered, they clapped a
ruddy-faced officer on the shoulder, and desired him to pledge them,
saying, by their interpreter, they were sure he could not plead illness
for declining his glass. When the bottle was out, they all rose from
table, without appearing to be in the least disordered, and, after the
usual ceremonies, departed, very well pleased with their entertainment.
The Commodore now impatiently expected the licence he had requested; but
it was several days before it passed the necessary forms, chiefly owing
to the intrigues of a Frenchman, who, having the advantage of speaking
the language fluently, was at no loss in traversing the measures of the
friendly Mandarine in favour of Mr. Anson; but a repetition of the
threats already referred to, produced, at last, the desired effect. On
the 6th of January, the licence was received, and the carpenters were
set to work; but, previous to this, the prohibition was taken off, and
provisions were every day brought to the ship in plenty.
It was, however, the beginning of April before the repairs could be
compleated, and the Chinese began to be very uneasy at their long stay.
They had frequently sent messages to the Commodore to hasten his
departure, not knowing or believing that he was no less in earnest to be
gone, than they were to be freed from the dread of his stay. At length,
on the 3d of April, two Mandarines came on board from Mocao, with a
peremptory command addressed to the Commodore, requiring him to depart;
to which he made answer, in a determined tone, that he would go when he
thought proper, and not when they presumed to command him. After this
rebuke, however, all communication was forbidden, and no more provisions
were suffered to go on board; and so strictly were those injunctions
carried into execution, that from thenceforwards nothing could be
purchased at any rate whatever. On the 6th of April, the Centurion
weighed, and warped to the southward; and, by the 15th, she was safe in
Mocao road, having compleated her water as she passed along. On the
19th, she again weighed anchor, and put to sea.
But long before this, that is, some time in November, Captain Saunders,
Commander of the Tryal’s prize, took passage on board a Swedish ship
with dispatches from the Commodore to the government. And soon after,
that is, about the middle of December, Captain Mitchell, Col.
Crackerode, Mr. Taswell, with his nephew Mr. Charles Herriot, and the
Rev. Mr. Walter, embarked on board the company’s ships on their return
home. About this time we received the first news of the safe arrival of
the Severn and Pearl (the two ships of our squadron that parted from us
in doubling Cape Horn) at Rio Janeiro, on the coast of Brazil. The
Severn had been remarkable for the extraordinary sickness that had been
more fatal on board her than on board of any other in the whole
squadron, insomuch that her hands had been twice recruited from the
Centurion during her voyage to the straits of Le Maire; and yet when she
parted company she wanted hands to navigate her in a storm, which was
the reason of her return. It was from the knowledge of this uncommon
mortality that prevailed among the crew, that the Commodore concluded
the Severn to be lost. The news, therefore, of her and the Pearl’s
safety was received with the greater pleasure, as we had long
entertained an opinion that both of them had perished. But to return
from this digression:
From the 1st to the 15th of April, we had stormy weather, with heavy
rains and such amazing and terrifying claps of thunder and flashes of
lightning as nothing of the kind I had ever seen or heard bore any
proportion to. This was upon the breaking-up of the easterly monsoon,
when such storms are usual in the country, accompanied sometimes with
dreadful gusts of wind, called here by the name of Tuffoons, of the
effects of which the Chinese relate very wonderful stories.
While we were warping out of the harbour, the Commodore went on shore to
Mocao, to take leave of the Portuguese Governor, who had, to the utmost
of his power, behaved in a very friendly manner; and, at his coming from
the fort, he was saluted with 15 guns.
During our stay we had entered about 20 fresh hands, being chiefly
Lascars, Persians, and Dutchmen; so that our whole complement, when we
sailed, amounted to 224 men and boys, among whom were some of all
nations, languages, and religions.
Being now at sea, we were some time in a state of uncertainty what
course the Commodore intended to steer. He gave out at Mocao, that he
was bound to Batavia, and thence to England; but his real design was
very different. The project the Commodore had resolved upon in his own
mind, was, to cruise for the annual ship from Acapulco to Manilla; and,
not discouraged by his former disasters, he determined again to risque
the casualties of the Pacific Ocean, and to take his station off Cape
Spirito Santo on the island of Jamal, being the first land the Acapulco
ships always make in approaching the Philippines.
Being now at sea, it was no longer necessary to conceal this project;
he, therefore, summoned all his people on the quarter-deck, and in a
short, but spirited speech, informed them of his design; which was
received by them with the most expressive tokens of general approbation:
and such a confidence of succeeding diffused itself through all the
ship’s company, that the Commodore, who had taken some Chinese sheep to
sea with him for his own provision, enquiring one day of his butcher,
why he had lately seen no mutton at his table? the man replied dryly,
that in truth there were only two sheep left, and these, with his
honour’s leave, he proposed to reserve for the entertainment of the
General of the galleons.
When the Centurion left the port of Mocao, she stood for some days to
the westward; and, on the first of May, passed the island of Formosa;
and, steering to the southward, on the 4th in the evening they came in
sight of the Bashee Islands, which they suspected to be wrong laid down
by Dampier, and from observation found them 25 leagues too far to the
westward. On the 20th of May, they came in sight of Espirito Santo. As
it was known there were centinels placed upon the Cape to make signals
to the Acapulco ships, the Commodore immediately tacked, and ordered the
top-gallant-sails to be taken in, to prevent a discovery: and this being
the station in which he proposed to cruise, he fixed the limits between
the latitude of 12 deg. 50 min. N. and 13 deg. 5 min. the Cape itself
lying in 12 deg. 40 min. N. and in 4 deg. of east longitude from Psotel
Tobago Xima. It was now the time when the Manilla ship was every hour
expected; for they seldom or never fail of making land in the month of
June, and sometimes sooner, and it was now the last day of May,
according to their stile, when the Commodore took his station.
It were tedious to entertain the reader with the various conjectures,
surmises, doubts, and anxieties, that agitated the minds of the people
on board, from the day they came in sight of the Cape till the day that
Mr. Charles Proby, a midshipman, called out from the mast-head, _A
sail!_ This was on the 20th of June, just one month after their arrival
at the Cape. There did not remain a doubt but that it was one of the
galleons (for two were expected this year, as none had been permitted to
sail the year preceding); and the Commodore accordingly stood towards
her. At half after seven in the morning, they could see her from the
deck, at which time she fired a gun to leeward, and took in her
top-gallant-sails, as a signal, as it was then supposed, to her consort;
but in reality, as a signal to her own people to prepare for action. The
Commodore was surprized to see her steadily pursue her course, and was
now in no fear of losing sight of her, as at noon he could fetch her
wake. Her consort not appearing, it was concluded they had parted
company; and it now became visible, that the galleon did not intend to
fly, but to fight. Every preparation had been previously made on board
the Centurion, and all hands properly instructed; so that every man on
board repaired to his post with as much regularity and unconcern as if
preparing for a review. Thirty of the best marksmen lined the tops; two
men placed themselves at a gun to load them; and gangs of ten men each
were appointed to go from gun to gun, to run them out, and fire them as
fast as they were loaded. A constant running fire was by this means kept
up, and no interval allowed for the enemy to stand to their guns in
safety, as is common when whole broadsides are discharged at once.
About one in the afternoon, the galleon hauled up her fore-sail, and
brought to under top-sails, with her head to the northward, hoisting
Spanish colours, and having the standard of Spain flying at the
top-gallant mast-head. About the same time the Centurion hoisted her
broad pendant and colours, being within gun-shot of the enemy; and the
Commodore, seeing them clearing their decks of their cattle and lumber,
gave orders to fire the chace-guns, to disturb them in their work. The
galleon returned the fire with two of her stern guns, one of which
carried away one of our fore-shrouds, and our forestay tackle, which
could not have been done by an ordinary ball. The Centurion setting her
sprit-sail fore and aft for boarding, the galleon, out of a bravado, did
the same. Soon after, the Centurion shot a-breast of the enemy within
pistol shot, and now the engagement became hot. For the first half hour
the Centurion over-reached the galleon, and lay on her bow, and, by the
wideness of her ports, could traverse almost all her guns upon the
enemy, whilst the galleon could only bring a part of hers to bear upon
the Centurion in return. In the heat of the action, the mats with which
the galleon had stuffed her netting took fire, and burnt violently,
blazing up near as high as the mizzen-top. This accident threw the enemy
into the utmost terror, and also alarmed the Commodore, for fear the
galleon should be burnt, and for fear he himself might suffer by being
closely grappled by her. Happily, however, that danger was averted, and
the fire extinguished, by cutting away the netting, and letting the
whole tumble into the sea. All this while the Commodore kept his first
advantageous position, firing with great regularity and briskness; while
at the same time the galleon’s decks lay open to our top-men, who,
having at their first volley driven the Spaniards from their tops, made
prodigious havock with their small arms, killing or wounding every
officer but one that appeared upon the quarter-deck, and wounding in
particular the General of the galleon himself. Thus the action continued
for more than half an hour; but then the Centurion lost the superiority
of her situation, and came close alongside of the galleon, when the
enemy continued their fire with great activity for near an hour longer;
yet, even in this position, the Commodore’s grape-shot swept their decks
so effectually, and the number of the dead and wounded became so
considerable, that they began to fall into great confusion, especially
as the General, who was the life of the action, was no longer able to
exert himself. The disorder was so great, that their officers were seen
from the Centurion running about to prevent the desertion of their men
from their posts: but all their endeavours were in vain; for, after
having, as a last effort, fired five or six guns with more judgment than
usual, they yielded up the contest; and, the galleon’s colours being
singed off the ensign-staff at the beginning of the engagement, she
struck the standard at the main top-gallant-mast-head; but even this
office would have been at the peril of the man’s life, had not the
Commodore, observing what he was about, given express orders to leave
off firing.
The Commodore, when the action was ended, resolved to make the best of
his way with his prize to the river Canton, being in the mean time fully
employed in securing his prisoners, and in removing the treasure from on
board the galleon into the Centurion. His first business was to
commission the ship, and put her under the command of proper officers:
Lieut. Saumarez was appointed Captain, and was immediately ordered on
board to take possession of his charge.
But, just as the galleon had struck, the officer who commanded between
decks came up, seemingly to congratulate the Commodore on his conquest,
but at the same time privately whispered to him, that the Centurion was
dangerously on fire near the powder-room. It seems one of the lads,
called powder-monkies, being heedless, a cartridge that he was carrying
blew up in his hands; this fired another, and that three of the
lower-deck guns on the off side of the ship, which being happily loaded
and laid down for service, and the ports hauled up to vent the smoke,
they did not occasion the least mischief; however, the cartridges and
guns together raised such a smother, that it was at first doubtful
whether it proceeded from the explosion, or from a part of the ship
being on fire. In fact, upon examination, it was found to proceed from
both; for, part of a cartridge having fallen between the planks of the
cieling, close aft by the scuttle of the Chaplain’s cabbin, not only a
considerable smoke issued out, but a very sensible heat, and, had it not
been immediately extinguished, the consequence would have been dreadful:
to be brief, a few pails of water seasonably applied did more than all
the water of the ocean could have effected after an hour’s delay.
This alarm being thus happily subsided, we draughted out 50 of our
people (of whom myself was one) to board and man the prize. I had heard
we had killed them 60 men, and wounded as many more, and expected to
have seen the horrid spectacle of mangled limbs, dead carcasses, and
decks covered with blood; but no such spectacle appeared; a party having
been properly stationed, during the time of action, to wash away the
blood, and to throw the dead over-board. We found, however, many
desperately wounded, and among them the General, who had received a
musket-ball in his breast, and was so ill, or pretended to be so ill,
that it was judged unsafe to move him from his cabbin; but all the other
officers, together with the passengers of note, were sent on board the
Centurion. Among the latter was an old gentleman, Governor of Guam, who
was going to Manilla to renew his commission, and who had scarce mounted
the Centurion’s side before he was received with open arms by Mr.
Crooden, Captain of marines, who 36 years before, at the battle of
Almanza, had been his prisoner, and honourably used by him. These two
renewed their old acquaintance, and Captain Crooden had a
long-wished-for opportunity of returning the favours he had formerly
received, and which he gratefully remembered.
The ship, upon examination, was found to contain to the value of more
than a million and a half of dollars, was called the Nuestra Signora de
Cabadonga, Don Jeronimo de Montero Commander, by nation a Portuguese,
and accounted the most intrepid officer employed in the Spanish
mercantile service: and, indeed, in my opinion, he was more brave than
prudent; for, surely, no wise man, intrusted with such a cargo, six
leagues to the windward of a man-of-war purposely stationed to intercept
him, would have borne down upon his enemy, and braved him to his teeth,
when, with the advantage of the wind, he might have gone safe to port,
from whence he was not more than 10 or 12 leagues distant, and where he
might then have set his pursuer at defiance.
His galleon was indeed larger than the man-of-war, was pierced for 64
guns, but had only 36 mounted, most of them 12 pounders, and 17 of them
brass: she had, besides, 28 peteraroes, in her gunwale, quarters, and
tops, carrying each a 4 lb. ball; and, before the engagement, she
mustered 640 men capable of bearing arms, officers and passengers
included. She was, besides, well furnished with small arms, and was
particularly provided against boarding, both by her close quarters, and
by a strong network of two-inch rope laced over her waste, and fortified
with half-pikes placed in the manner of cheveaux de frize; but,
notwithstanding all her defences, she had 64 men killed, and 84 wounded,
whilst the Centurion had only two men killed, and a Lieutenant and 16
men wounded, all of whom recovered, one man only excepted.
And how the Commodore learnt from some of the prisoners, that the other
ship, which he had kept in the port of Acapulco the year before, instead
of returning in company with this, as was expected, had sailed earlier
in the season than usual, and was probably got into Manilla before the
Centurion set sail from Mocao; so that, notwithstanding our present
success, we had reason to regret the loss of time occasioned by the
delays of the Chinese, which prevented our taking two rich prizes
instead of one; though, to say the truth, it would not have been an easy
talk to dispose of the prisoners, which, even as it fell out, was a
matter that gave the Commodore no small disquietude; for they were above
double the number of our own people; and some of them observed, when
they were brought aboard, how slenderly we were manned; and the General
himself could not help expressing his indignation to be thus beaten by a
handful of boys. It was therefore necessary for our own preservation to
prevent their rising; and that could not be securely effected without
exercising a degree of severity which in any other circumstances could
not have been justified on the principles of humanity; for there was no
method practicable but that of stowing the men in the holds of the two
ships; and as for the officers, 17 in number, they were confined in the
First Lieutenant’s cabbin, under a guard of six men, first depriving
them of their arms, and then keeping a strict watch on all their
motions. Indeed, the sufferings of the common men, such of them in
particular who were not employed in navigating the ship, were much to be
pitied; for, the weather being extremely hot, the stench of the holds
loathsome beyond conception, and their allowance of water but just
sufficient to keep them alive, being only a pint a day for each man, it
was next to a miracle that not a man of them died during their
confinement, except five of the wounded, who expired the very night they
were brought aboard the Centurion. Thus circumstanced, the motives of
humanity, as well as interest, strongly urged the Commodore to hasten
his return to China; and the prize being much damaged, both in her hull
and rigging, it was found necessary to take her in tow for the quicker
dispatch.
On the 21st of June it blew a storm, which continued till the 25th, when
the sea ran mountains high: in this storm the Centurion lost her
long-boat, and the prize a launch.
On the 2d of July we passed between the Bashee Islands, though the
rippling of the sea seemed to indicate breakers or rocky ground; but the
wind being so far to the northward as to render it difficult to weather
them, we risqued the danger to shorten the voyage. On the 8th of July we
made the coast of China, and on she 11th came to an anchor off the city
of Mocao; from thence we proceeded to the river of Canton, where we met
with the usual obstructions from the custom-house officers, and where
the Commodore was again obliged, as it were, resolutely to force his way
to his intended station. The officer who came to take the dimensions of
his ships, in the usual manner, seemed astonished when he talked of
being exempted from the accustomed rates, and gave him to understand
that the Emperor’s duty must be paid by every ship that came into his
ports; and the pilot had private instructions not to carry the ships
through the Bocca Tygris, or narrow pass that forms the entrance into
the river of Canton, till security was given for the accustomed charges.
And here it may be necessary just to mention, that this pass, not more
than a quarter of a mile in breadth, is defended by two forts on the
opposite sides; but these the Commodore disregarding, and being
determined to enter the river without delay, as the stormy season was
approaching, he caused the pilot to be brought before him, and in a
determined tone threatened to hang him to the yard-arm, if he did not
instantly take charge of the ship, and carry her safe, without striking
ground, through the Bocca Tygris into the open river. The poor pilot
performed his office, but did not escape punishment for what he could
not help. He was instantly seized on being released from the Centurion,
committed to prison, and rigorously disciplined with the bamboo.
However, he found means to get access to the Commodore afterwards, to
supplicate a recompence, who, ever ready to reward the sufferers in his
service, gave him such a sum as more than contented him for his
whipping. Nor was the poor pilot the only sufferer; for the Governors of
the forts were both displaced for not preventing what it was in vain for
them to attempt to oppose, and for not doing what all the council must
know was impossible to be done.
On the 16th, the Commodore sent his Second Lieutenant to Canton, with a
letter to the Viceroy, assigning his reasons for putting into that port,
demanding a licence for purchasing provisions and stores, and intimating
an intention of waiting upon his Excellency in person to make his
acknowledgements. The Lieutenant was civilly received, and promised an
answer the next day. In the mean time, the principal officers of the
prize desired permission to go to Canton on their parole, which was
readily granted. These no sooner arrived, than they were called before
the magistracy, and examined; when they generously and frankly
acknowledged, that they fell into the hands of the Commodore by the
chance of war, and that though they were prisoners, they were
notwithstanding at liberty to treat for their release; they said
farther, that it was not the custom among European nations to put
prisoners to death; but that the laws of war authorized much severer
treatment than they had hitherto met with from their conquerors. This
confession from an enemy had great weight with the Chinese, who, till
then, though they had revered the Commodore’s naval force, had yet
suspected his morals, and had considered him rather as a lawless
free-booter, than as one commissioned by the state for the revenge of
public injuries.
On the 20th of July, three Mandarines with their retinue came on board,
and brought the Viceroy’s permit for a daily supply of provisions, and
for pilots to carry the ships up the river as high as the second bar;
and, at the same time, they delivered a message from the Viceroy, in
answer to that part of the Commodore’s letter which related to his
visiting his Excellency; the substance of which message was, that the
Viceroy wished the Commodore to defer his visit till the hot season was
over, but that, in September, when the weather would be more temperate,
he should be glad to receive him. This the Commodore looked upon as a
finesse, knowing an express was sent up to the Emperor’s court at
Peking; whence the real motive for putting off the visit seemed to be to
gain time to receive the Emperor’s instructions concerning the ceremony
to be observed at his reception. The Mandarines, having dispatched this
part of their commission, next entered upon the business of the port
charges; whereupon the Commodore at once cut them short, by telling
them, that, as he did not come to trade, he was not to be treated upon
the same footing with trading ships; that his Britannic Majesty’s ships
never paid customs in the ports of Europe, nor ever would be subject to
any pecuniary imposts in any other port whatever. Finding nothing to be
gained on this head, they told the Commodore, that they had still
another matter in charge, and that was the release of the prisoners
taken on board the galleon; for that the Emperor would never permit the
subjects of princes with whom he was in alliance to be held in bondage
in his dominions, nor could the Viceroy answer it to his Sovereign if he
suffered it; and that, therefore, his Excellency hoped that the
Commodore would give immediate orders for their release.
Though nothing could be more agreeable to the Commodore, who wanted much
to be rid of the incumbrance, than this requisition, yet, to inhance the
favour, he at first raised difficulties; but at length suffered himself
to be prevailed upon by their intreaties, and concluded, by assuring
them, that, to shew his readiness to oblige, he would deliver up the
prisoners whenever the Viceroy would please to order boats to fetch
them. Matters being thus adjusted, the Mandarines departed: and, in a
few days, two Chinese junks were sent from Canton to carry them to
Mocao, under the direction of one Captain Fial, Commander of a Spanish
merchant-man, to whose ship we gave chace in our passage from the Bashee
Islands to Mocao, but lost sight of her in the night.
To this gentleman the General of the galleon, and all his officers,
except one who accompanied us to England, were delivered up. And now I
have occasion to mention the General, I cannot help relating an affair
which gave us on board the prize a great deal of concern, and
sufficiently shewed the meanness of his spirit, and his beggarly craft.
I have already taken notice of his being wounded in the engagement, and
of his being indulged with the use of his own cabbin till he was fit to
be removed. The Commodore, over and above this indulgence, sent him a
surgeon from his own ship, upon a complaint that the Spanish surgeon on
board the galleon was quite ignorant in his profession; but at the same
time he sent an officer to demand his commission. Pretending to the
officer that he was unable to move, he referred him to a small box in a
locker of his private cabbin, in which, he said, it was, and likewise a
sword-belt set with diamonds of great value, his own property; but, upon
search, neither the commission nor the belt could be found: and, as some
of our people had been rummaging both that and other parts of the ship,
he protested, that, if they could not be there found, they must have
been taken away and concealed. Under colour of this concealment, though
he never produced his commission, he all along received the most humane
and gentlemanlike treatment that the most worthy officer could desire or
expect; and such was continued till his departure, when neither his
chests, of which he had two very large ones, nor any of his trunks or
cases were suffered to be searched: but every thing which he claimed as
his personal effects were delivered to him with the greatest care and
punctuality though, as I was afterwards informed, he had many valuable
ventures concealed, which ought to have been delivered up as prize to
the captors; but, as that was never examined into, he carried them off
with the rest, and, it was supposed, was not the least among the gainers
by the capture of his ship. He persisted, however, to the last in the
loss of his commission and belt, and, though there were none on board on
whom he could charge the theft, yet the Commodore sufficiently expressed
his displeasure against the whole by the prohibition he laid upon us, as
soon as the prize came to an anchor in the river, by which all
communication was cut off between us and the country people, and no boat
suffered to come near us but our own; by which severe order we were
entirely debarred from purchasing our own provisions and necessaries
from the Chinese, which the people in the Centurion were at full liberty
to do; neither could we employ the Chinese tradesmen to supply us with
apparel, of which we stood greatly in need, though in that too the
Centurion’s people were indulged: and all this for no other reason, that
was ever assigned, but that, if the jewels the General had lost were
concealed, the Commodore was determined the secreter should have no
opportunity of disposing of them without being discovered. Had this
precaution been taken, as it ought, for the satisfaction of those who
suffered under the severity of the censure, and had the effects of the
Spanish General been properly inspected, the secreter would have been
publickly exposed; for, when we afterwards fell down to Mocao with the
ships, where we sold the prize, I was myself told by an Irish priest,
that the General had both his commission and his belt; that he made no
secret of the matter at Mocao; and that he had offered the jewels (being
only made up by way of blind) among the merchants for sale.
But to return: during our stay in the river Canton, our people were
employed in repairing the Centurion, over-hauling her sails and rigging,
cleansing and ventilating her decks and quarters below, and in paying
and decorating her hull; insomuch, that when she came to sail, she had
more the appearance of a ship newly fitted out, than one that had been a
three-years voyage in traversing the globe. While these things were
doing on board the Centurion, we in the prize were busied in rummaging
for treasure, till about the latter end of August, when we made a full
end of our search, and found, upon account of the captors, in specie,
1,278,546 dollars, and 1,324 of wrought plate and virgin silver. The
jewels we found were not then valued.
At the same time that the inferior officers and seamen were employed in
these different services, the Commodore had a still more important
business in hand. He knew it was impossible for us to proceed to Europe
without an ample supply of provisions and other sea stores; and, though
we were furnished with a daily allowance, yet no order had been obtained
for victualling us for our intended voyage. Application had indeed been
made, and terms agreed upon with the contractors to furnish whatever was
necessary; and they had undertaken to procure the Viceroy’s permission
for the delivery but when, about the middle of September, the proper
officer was sent to enquire what forwardness these things were in, he
found that neither the baker had begun to bake the bread, nor the
butcher to kill the oxen, nor was the least step taken to comply with
any one article of the agreement. We could no otherwise account for this
faithless procedure of the Chinese, than by supposing they meant to
starve us into a compliance with their accustomed demands for port
charges, with which the Commodore was determined never to acquiesce.
Indeed, it was suspected, that the contractors themselves had some
interest in promoting the delay, though it was not easy to penetrate the
views by which they were influenced, as it may with truth be asserted,
that in artifice, falshood, and attachment to all kinds of lucre, the
Chinese, as a nation, are not to be paralleled by any other people under
the sun. It were endless to recount all the artifices, extortions, and
frauds, which were practised on the Commodore and his people by this
interested race. The method of buying provisions in China being by
weight, the tricks made use of to make them heavy are almost incredible.
At one time a number of fowls and ducks being bought for the ship’s
store, the greatest part of them presently died, which spread a general
alarm on board lest they, should have died of poison; but, on
examination, it was discovered that they had been crammed with small
stones and gravel to increase their weight. The hogs, too, bought of the
Chinese butchers ready killed, were found to have had water injected
into the carcases for the same purpose; and when, to avoid this cheat,
the hogs were bought alive, it was found that salt had been given them
to increase their thirst, that methods had been used to suppress their
urine, and that the tortured animals had been sold in that inflated
state. Mr. Walter adds--[for it is on his authority that these instances
are reported]--that, as the Chinese never scruple to eat the animals
that die of themselves, they contrived, by their secret practices, when
the Commodore put to sea, that part of his live sea-store should die in
a short time after it was put on board: in order, therefore, to make a
second profit of the dead carcases which they expected would be thrown
over-board, they followed in boats to pick up the carrion; and,
accordingly, two thirds of the hogs dying before they were out of sight
of land, their labour could not be in vain.
The treachery of the contractors being now discovered, the Commodore
determined to renew his former requisition for an audience with the
Viceroy. With this view, he notified his intention to the proper
Mandarine, and desired that he would fix the time with the Viceroy when
he would be pleased to receive him at the same time giving him to
understand, that, on the first of October, he intended to proceed in his
boat to Canton. The Mandarine returned for answer, that he would
acquaint the Viceroy with the Commodore’s intentions. As it was
apprehended, that the payment of the customary duties would be demanded
at this interview, the Commodore took the necessary precautions to
prevent the Chinese from facilitating the success of their pretensions
by having him in their power at Canton, and, therefore, gave the command
of the Centurion to his First Lieut. Mr. Brett (now Sir Piercy), with
orders, if he should be detained, to lie at the mouth of the river, and
suffer no ship or boat to pass or repass till he was released, by which
the whole navigation of the river would be immediately obstructed.
This being known to the Chinese, they were now more than ever
embarrassed in their deliberations. The morning of the 1st of October
arrived, and just as the boats crew, eighteen in number, which the
Commodore proposed to take with him, appeared in their uniform, namely,
scarlet jackets and blue silk waistcoats, the whole trimmed with silver,
with silver badges on their jackets and caps, his linguist came to him
from the Mandarine, to tell him, that a letter had been received from
the Viceroy, desiring the Commodore to defer his intended purpose for
two or three days, which not being doubted, the men were ordered to be
undrest, and the preparations were all laid aside; but, in the afternoon
of the same day, another linguist came on board, seemingly in a great
panic, informing him, that the Viceroy had expected him up that day;
that the council was assembled, and the troops under arms to receive
him; and that the Viceroy was highly incensed at the disappointment, and
had sent the Commodore’s linguist to prison, chained, supposing him to
be the sole cause of the contempt. This plausible tale gave the
Commodore great uneasiness, not at that time suspecting any imposition;
and though it afterwards appeared to be all a mere farce, yet the
falshood was so well supported by the artifices of the Chinese
merchants, that three days afterwards the Commodore received a letter,
signed by all the Supercargoes of the English ships then at the place,
expressing their uneasiness at what had happened, and intimating their
fears that some insult would be offered to his boat, if he attempted to
come to Canton before the Viceroy was fully satisfied of the mistake. To
this letter the Commodore replied, that he did not believe there had
been a mistake, but was persuaded it was a forgery of the Chinese to
prevent his visiting the Viceroy; that, therefore, he would certainly
come up to Canton on the 13th of October, confident that the Chinese
would not dare to offer him any insult, as well knowing he should want
neither power nor inclination to make them a proper return.
On the 13th of October, the Commodore continuing firm to his
resolutions, all the Supercargoes of the English, Danish, and Swedish
ships, came on board the Centurion, to accompany him to Canton, for
which place he set out in his barge the same day, attended by his own
boats, and by those of the trading ships, which on this occasion were
sent to augment his retinue. As he passed by Wampo where the European
vessels lay, he was saluted by all of them except the French, and in the
evening he arrived safely at Canton.
The Chinese merchants, who affected to appear very much pleased that he
had met with no opposition in his way, pretended that the Viceroy was
then so fully employed in preparing his dispatches for Peking, that
there was no getting admittance to him; but that they had engaged one of
the officers of his court, as soon as he was at leisure, to notify the
Commodore’s arrival, and endeavour to fix the audience. Though the
Commodore knew this to be a falsehood, yet he suffered himself to be
persuaded by the European Supercargoes not to appear to doubt it,
provided the Chinese merchants would undertake that his bread should be
baked, his meat salted, and his stores in readiness, within the space of
40 days; after which time, if the least article was pretended to be
forgotten, he would force his way to the Viceroy, and prefer his
complaint. During the interval, while the contractors were endeavouring
in earnest to fulfil the terms of the agreement on their part, (which by
the way they insisted should be paid for in advance on his), a fire
broke out in the suburbs of Canton, which on the first alarm might
easily have been extinguished, by pulling down some of the adjoining
sheds; which the Commodore with his officers and crew observing, were
instantly about to carry into execution but they were told, that
whatever they pulled down they must build up again at their own expence,
and that none but a Mandarine must presume to direct upon such
occasions. The Commodore, on this admonition, dispatched his people to
the English factory to assist them in securing their effects, as it was
easy to foresee that no distance was safe from fire, where the
common-people contented themselves with gazing at it, and now-and-then
holding up an idol or two to extinguish it. At length, however, a
Mandarine came out of the city, with 4 or 500 firemen, who made some
very feeble efforts to pull down the neighbouring houses; but by this
time the fire had extended itself, and had spread among the merchants
warehouses, where the Chinese firemen had neither spirit nor skill to
encounter it; so that it was feared the whole city would have been laid
in ashes. In this emergency, the Viceroy vouchsafed to make his
appearance, and a message was sent to the Commodore requesting his
assistance. Accordingly, he hastened a second time, with about 40 of his
people, to the place where the fire raged with the most violence, and in
sight of the whole city performed such daring, and, to the people who
beheld them, such astonishing feats, that they looked upon them as
salamanders, and cried out, that they could live in fire. In truth, it
was no uncommon thing to see the boldest and most active among them
tumble on the roofs amidst the ruins of the houses which their own
efforts had brought down under them. And thus, by their resolution and
agility, the fire was very soon subdued, to the astonishment of the
Chinese who were spectators of the wonders they performed. On this
occasion the Swedish was the only European factory that suffered; yet on
my arrival in England, to my no small diversion, I read in the Paris
Gazette, that the city of Canton had been almost wholly destroyed; and
that, in particular, the English, Dutch, Danish, and Portuguese
factories, had been burnt down, and almost all their effects consumed;
but that the French factory had providentially escaped, their goods
being all shipped before the conflagration reached the quarter allotted
for their residence.
This signal assistance gained the Admiral much respect; he was the next
day waited upon by the principal inhabitants with presents and thanks;
and soon after, a message came from the Viceroy appointing the 30th of
November for the day of audience. Being highly pleased with this last
intimation, he instantly gave orders for the necessary preparations; and
engaged Mr. Flint, a gentleman belonging to the English factory, for his
interpreter, who, being trained up from his infancy among the Chinese,
spoke their language fluently, and who was not afraid to declare with
boldness what the Admiral delivered him in charge, a part which the
Chinese interpreters would not have dared to have performed with equal
fidelity.
On the day appointed, at 10 o’clock, the Commodore and his retinue set
out; and, as he entered the outer gate of the city, he was met by a
guard of 200 soldiers, who conducted him to the great parade before the
Emperor’s palace, in which the Viceroy then resided, where a body of
troops to the number of 10,000 were drawn up under arms, who made a fine
appearance, being all new cloathed for this ceremony. Through the middle
of this body the Commodore with his retinue marched to the hall of
audience, where he found the Viceroy seated under a rich canopy in the
Emperor’s chair of state, with all his council of Mandarines attending.
He was seated the third in order from the Viceroy, the chiefs of the law
and treasury being the only persons seated above him. He then,
addressing himself to the Viceroy by his interpreter, complained to him
of the delays he had met with, the insincerity of those he had employed,
the vexatious impositions of the officers of the customs, the grievances
of the British subjects, and, finally, the loss sustained by the
Haslingfield Indiaman, who had arrived there dismasted but a few days
before the fire happened, by which the crew had been great sufferers,
and the Captain in particular, who had lost a chest of treasure value
4500 tahel. To the latter article the Commodore received for answer,
that, in, settling the Emperor’s customs with that ship, the Captain
should be considered. To the other complaints, the Commodore received no
answer at all. And having now gone through the several articles he had
in charge from the company, he entered next upon his own affairs, and
particularly concerning the licence to ship off his provisions and
stores, which, he said, were all ready, and the season for sailing was
now set in. The Viceroy replied to this, that the licence should be
immediately issued, and that every thing should be ordered on board the
following day. The business being now at an end, the Viceroy continued
the conversation for some time on matters of indifference and curiosity;
and, after observing that the Centurion had been long on their coast, he
concluded with acknowledgments for the services the Commodore had
rendered the Chinese nation by the activity of his people at the late
fire, and with wishing him a prosperous voyage to Great Britain. Thus
happily concluded this long-expected audience; and, in pursuance of the
Viceroy’s promises, the provisions were begun to be shipped the very
next day: and now all the preparations for putting to sea were pursued
with so much expedition, that by the 9th the Centurion and her prize
were ready to unmoor, and on the 10th passed through the Bocca Tygris
into the open road, and on the 12th anchored before the town of Mocao.
While they lay here, the Portuguese merchants entered into treaty with
the Commodore for the purchase of the prize, for which they would give
no more than 6000 dollars, though worth double that sum; but the
impatience of the Commodore to be gone, that he might himself be the
messenger of his own good fortune, and thereby prevent the enterprizes
of the enemy to intercept him, prevailed upon him to conclude the
bargain; and, she being delivered on the 15th of December, and the money
received, in the afternoon of the same day he hoisted sail, and took his
departure for his native home. On the 3d of January he came to an anchor
on Prince’s Island, in the straits of Sunda, where he staid the best
part of five days to wood and water, and on the 8th weighed and
continued his course. From this time till the 20th we had foul and
stormy weather, so bad that I thought it impossible to meet with such in
latitudes so near the Equator; and the wind blowing directly against us,
we were driven pretty near the coast of New Holland; and, had it
continued blowing from the same quarter, with equal violence, for 48
hours longer, we should have found it difficult to have cleared that
coast; but, on the 21st, the wind abated, and the weather became
moderate. On the 24th the trade-wind set in, and we then proceeded on
our passage with the highest alacrity.
On the 22d of February, at half after four in the morning, I discovered
a comet to the eastward, near the horizon, being, as I judged, lately
emerged from the sun’s rays. Its tail was at this time about 10 degrees
in length; but in less than a fortnight it increased and extended itself
to near 40 degrees. Its head appeared very large and bright; and, on a
nice inspection, I have perceived it when the sun has been about a
diameter above the horizon. The next time I observed its distance from
the planet Venus to be 26 deg. 50 min. following the order of the
planets; but not having instruments proper for taking altitudes without
a very obvious sensible horizon, I was prevented from making more
satisfactory observations. From this time, till the 6th of March, we had
pleasant weather, with few exceptions; but on that and the three
following days, being near the Cape of Good Hope, we had some boisterous
storms; yet, when we arrived at Table-bay, on the 11th, the Dutch knew
not that any such had happened. We found riding here two English
East-Indiamen, the Salisbury and Warwick, each of which saluted us with
13 guns, and we returned 11. We also found five Dutch ships, one of
which having, as Admiral, a flag at his main-top-mast-head, saluted us
with 9 guns, to which we returned 7. At 11 at night we parted our best
bower cable and hawser, both of which were very rotten, and the next day
moored again with others purchased from the Dutch. Here the Commodore
continued till the beginning of April, highly delighted with the place,
and during his stay entered about 40 new men. On the 3d of May, having
compleated our water and provisions, we on that day weighed and put to
sea. On the 19th of April we passed within sight of the island of St.
Helena, which, however, we did not visit. On the 26th we caught on board
the ship a snake that measured in length six feet and two inches, which
our surgeon, on examination, pronounced to be perfectly harmless. It was
supposed to be brought on board with our wood, at Prince’s Island, in
the straits of Sunda. The 30th, being before the wind, with a fine
breeze, and a gentle rain, a violent and sudden squall took us a-head,
threw all the ship’s sails a-back, carried away her fore-top-sail yard,
split the fore-sail, the fore-top-sail, the fore-top-gallant-sail, and
the mizzen and mizzen-top sail. During this squall the ship laid down
very much, and we were in the utmost danger of our masts coming by the
board; but providentially we escaped without further damage.
The 9th of June, in the evening, it being a thick fog, we on a sudden
saw a ship close by us; we fired a shot, and brought her to. She proved
an English ship from Amsterdam, bound for Philadelphia or Carolina, with
Palatine emigrants. She gave us the first notice of a war with France,
and proceeded on her voyage. The 10th of June we came into soundings.
The 11th, at half past eleven in the morning, we discovered three sail,
and at one in the afternoon spoke with one of them, being a Dutch ship
from Dublin. At the same time, the second, being pretty near us, shewed
Dutch colours. The third, who had been in chace of the others the whole
day, perceiving we designed to speak with her, stood from us with all
the sail she could crowd. We gave chace to her for about three hours,
when, finding we did not gain upon her, we resumed our former course. On
the 12th, in the morning, the fog clearing up, we perceived the Lizard
Point: but that the signal perils, which had so often threatened us, and
from which we had been more than once providentially delivered, might be
discoverable to the last, we were afterwards told that there was a
French fleet of considerable force cruising in the chops of the Channel,
through the middle of which we had this night sailed without being
perceived.
On the 13th, between the Isle of Portland and the Isle of Wight, we saw
a ship towing another which was disabled in her masts. This ship proved
the Salamander privateer, with a French prize. The 14th, at eleven in
the morning, we anchored at the back of the Isle of Wight, and in the
evening weighed, and again anchored at Spithead.--Thus we finished a
long and perilous voyage, which had lasted three years and nine months,
after having by its events, as Mr. Walter observes, strongly evinced
this important truth, That though prudence, intrepidity, and
perseverance, united, are not exempted from the blows of adverse
fortune, yet, in a long series of transactions, they usually rise
superior to its power, and in the end rarely fail of proving
successful.”
[Having now brought this celebrated voyage to a conclusion, it may,
perhaps, be expected that we should give some account of the Spanish
squadron, which we have more than once had occasion to mention, and
which was so near intercepting the Commodore at first setting out, that,
had the Spanish Admiral cruised to the eastward of the island of
Madeira, instead of the westward of it, the two fleets must have
certainly met; and, in that case, whatever had been the event of the
action, the progress of the voyage must have been effectually prevented.
This squadron was composed of the following ships: the Asia, of 66 guns,
700 men, commanded by Don Joseph Pizarro, as Admiral; the Guipuscoa, 74
guns, 700 men; the Hermione, 54 guns, 500 men; the Esperanza, 50 guns,
450 men; the Estevan, 40 guns, 350 men; and a patache of 20 guns, 120
men; and over and above this complement, they had on board an old
Spanish regiment of foot, intended to reinforce their garrisons in the
South Seas, and to counterbalance the land forces that it was known were
intended to be put on board the Commodore.
When this fleet had cruised, as has been said, to the leeward of
Madeira, till they were in a manner certain that the Commodore had
either passed by, or deferred his voyage, their Admiral determined to
pursue his instructions, and continue his course to the South Seas; but
first, it was necessary to steer to the coast of Brazil to recruit his
provisions, being victualled only for four months, and more than two of
the four being already elapsed.
Accordingly, about the beginning of November, 1740, he quitted his
station off the Madeiras, and, on the 5th of January following, arrived
at the river of Plate; where coming to an anchor in the bay of Maldando,
he sent immediately to Buenos Ayres for a supply.
While they lay here, they received intelligence, by the treachery of the
Portuguese Governor of St. Catherine’s, of the Commodore’s arrival at
that port, and of the weak condition he was then in; but, whatever were
his reasons, Pizarro declined making any other use of this intelligence,
than hastening his preparations to double the cape, which he hoped to
effect before the Commodore was in readiness to follow him. With this
view, after refreshing his crew, and recruiting his water, he instantly
set sail without waiting for his provisions (which, however, arrived a
day or two after he set sail), rightly concluding, that, if he got the
start of the Commodore in the South Seas, he should not only alarm the
coast, but so strengthen the forts against the attacks of the enemy, as
effectually to baffle their designs, by depriving them of the means of
procuring necessaries. But, notwithstanding this precipitation, the
Commodore put to sea four days before him, and, in some part of the
passage round the Cape, the fleets were so near each other, that the
Pearl, as has been said, being separated in a storm, ran within gun-shot
of the Asia before she found her mistake.
It was with the utmost difficulty, and not without considerable rewards,
that the Spanish sailors were prevailed upon to undertake the passage
round Cape Horn at that tempestuous season: however, being once engaged,
they continued to persevere, till by the latter end of February they had
run the length of the Cape, and were turning to the westward, when a
storm arose, in which the Guipuscoa, Hermiona, and Esperanza, lost sight
of the Admiral, and on the 6th of March the Guipuscoa was separated from
the other two. On the 7th the storm increased, and by its irresistible
violence drove the whole squadron to the eastward, and, after several
unsuccessful efforts, obliged them to return to the coast of Brazil,
where the Asia took shelter in the river of Plate, and about the middle
of May was joined by the Esperanza and Estevan; the Hermiona having, as
was supposed, foundered at sea, as she was never more heard of, and the
Guipuscoa being run ashore and sunk on the coast of Brazil. The patache,
we should have observed, was condemned before they quitted the coast of
Brazil, and her crew distributed among the other ships; so that, of the
six ships of which this squadron originally consisted, there now only
remained three, and those in a most miserable condition; for, though it
does not appear, that the Spaniards were so severely visited with that
most fatal disease the sea-scurvy, which carried off so many of the
English in this passage, yet they were reduced by famine to such
infinite distress, that rats, when they could be caught, were sold for
four dollars a-piece; and a sailor, who died on board, had his death
concealed for several days by his brother, who during that time lay in
the same hammock with the dead corpse, only to receive the dead man’s
allowance.
In this dreadful situation, they were alarmed by the discovery of a
conspiracy among the soldiers on board the Asia, to murder the Admiral,
and all the ship’s crew, originating from no other motive but that of
appropriating the whole stock of provisions to the conspirators own
proper use. But this plot was prevented, when just upon the point of
execution, by means of the priest on board, who, having taken the
confession of one of the conspirators as he lay at the point of death,
pursued proper measures to defeat their bloody purposes, and to bring
three of the ringleaders to condign punishment.
But, though this combination failed of its effect, there were other
distresses that multiplied upon them, and which could not be prevented.
Hunger and thirst, the most dreadful of all other calamities, daily
became more grievous; the ships grew continually more and more leaky,
and the men less able to stand at the pumps; nothing was to be seen but
despondency in every countenance; nothing heard but lamentations and
complaints, which were embittered by the absolute impossibility of
relieving them. Under the weight of these affecting circumstances, the
Asia was near sinking, when she arrived at Monte Vedio with scarce half
her crew alive. The Estevan, when she anchored in the bay of Barragan,
had in like manner lost about the same number of her hands; but, what
was still worse, and is almost incredible, the Esperanza, out of a crew
of 450 seamen which she brought from Spain, had only 58 that reached the
shore, and the whole regiment of soldiers, 60 men only excepted,
perished.
Being now in want of all kinds of necessaries, masts, yards, rigging,
provisions, and money, Pizarro dispatched an express over land to St.
Jago, in Chili, to be from thence forwarded to the Viceroy of Peru,
desiring a remittance of 200,000 dollars; and what must astonish the
reader is, that the Indian who was charged with this dispatch, though in
the depth of winter, when the Cordilleras are judged impassable by
reason of the snow, was only 13 days in his journey from Buenos Ayres to
St. Jago, places distant from each other 300 Spanish leagues. At the
same time an advice-boat was sent with a letter of credit to Rio
Janeiro, to purchase what was wanting of the Portuguese; but neither the
one nor the other of these dispatches succeeded to the wish of the
Spanish Admiral. The Viceroy, instead of 200,000 dollars, sent him only
100,000; and the Portuguese, instead of furnishing him with masts and
yards, the principal articles of naval stores that he wanted, spared him
only some pitch, tar, and cordage, with which he was obliged to be
contented: but a more mortifying disappointment he had still to suffer;
for a carpenter, whom, after the return of the money, he had trusted
with a considerable sum, and whom he had sent up into the country of
Puraguay to cut masts, instead of prosecuting the business with which he
was entrusted, married in the country, and settled out of his reach,
refusing to return.
In this dilemma, the only thing that could be done, was, to shift the
mails of the Esperanza into the Asia, and to fit up the Estevan with
what spare masts and yards they could muster, and with these two ships
to hazard a second attempt to double Cape Horn, as it was now summer,
and the weather less severe. But a certain fatality seemed to preside
over every part of this unfortunate expedition. The Estevan, as she was
coming down the river Plate, ran on a shoal and beat off her rudder; and
the Asia, though she proceeded alone with moderate weather and a
favourable gale, yet when she came to the height of Cape Horn, and was
tacking to change her course to the westward, by some misconduct in
wearing the ship, rolled away her masts, and was a second time forced
back to the river of Plate; from whence Pizarro undertook to cross the
continent by land, and with some difficulty accomplished his design.
By this time Don Mindinuetta, Captain of the Guipuscoa, wrecked, as has
been said, on the coast of Brazil, arrived, with those of his crew who
escaped, at the place of general rendezvous; and, finding the Esperanza
without masts, applied a second time to the Portuguese, by whose
assistance he completed her repair, and, in 1742, doubled the Cape, and
arrived in the South Seas, where he was met by Pizarro, who claimed the
command of the Esperanza, which Mindinuetta disputing, an
irreconcileable quarrel arose between the two Commanders, which the
Viceroy of Peru in vain endeavoured to reconcile. In 1745, they both
returned over land to the coast of Brazil, where they found the Asia
still in a shattered condition. This ship, however, they determined to
carry to Europe, and, with this view, they fitted her up in the best
manner they could; and, having manned her partly with Portuguese, partly
with English prisoners, and partly with Spaniards, together with some
Indians whom they forced out of the country, they set sail from Monte
Vedio for Europe about the beginning of November; but they had not been
long at sea before the Indians, eleven in number, formed a conspiracy to
destroy the Spaniards, and to regain their liberty, in which they had
hopes of being joined by the English and Portuguese, whom the Spaniards
used with great insolence. At the head of this conspiracy was their
Chief Orellana; and one evening, about nine o’clock, he and his
companions came all together on the quarter-deck, and drew towards the
door of the great cabbin. The boatswain immediately reprimanded them,
and ordered them to be gone; on this Orellana spoke to his followers in
his native language, when four of them drew off, two towards each
gangway, and the Chief and the remaining six seemed to be slowly
quitting the quarter-deck. When the detached Indians had taken
possession of the gang-way, Orellana placed his hands hollow to his
mouth, and bellowed out the war-cry used by those savages. This was the
signal for beginning the massacre; accordingly, the six, with their
Chief, who remained on the quarter-deck, falling suddenly on the
Spaniards who were intermingled with them, laid near forty of them at
their feet, of which above twenty were killed on the spot, and the rest
disabled. Many of the officers, in the beginning of the tumult, pushed
into the great cabbin, where they put out the lights, and barricadoed
the door; whilst of the rest, some endeavoured to escape along the
gang-ways into the forecastle, where the Indians placed on purpose
stabbed the greatest part of them as they attempted to pass by; others
threw themselves into the waste, and thought themselves fortunate to lie
concealed amongst the cattle; but the greatest part escaped up the
main-shrouds, and sheltered themselves either in the tops or the
rigging; and though the Indians attacked only the quarter-deck, yet the
watch in the forecastle finding their communication cut off, in the
utmost terror likewise gave all over for lost, and in great confusion
ran up into the rigging of the fore-mast and bowsprit. But when the
Indians had intirely cleared the quarter-deck, the tumult in a great
measure subsided; for, not being joined, as they expected, by either the
English or Portuguese, they could not pursue their advantage by carrying
the disorder into those quarters to which they had driven the Spaniards,
who thereby gained time for recollection; and, on finding none concerned
in the plot but the Indians, they resolved to attack them in their turn
on the quarter-deck. With this view, Pizarro and his officers ventured
to half-open the cabbin-door, which Orellana attempting to force, was
shot dead by Mindinuetta; on which his faithful followers, abandoning
all thoughts of further resistance, instantly leaped into the sea. Thus
was this insurrection quelled, and the Spaniards suffered afterwards
quietly to proceed on their voyage; and, about the beginning of 1746,
they arrived safe in Spain, after having been absent between four and
five years.
By this unfortunate expedition the naval force of Spain was much
weakened: they lost in it 3000 of their best sailors, one whole regiment
of veteran soldiers, four stout ships of war, and a patache; for we have
observed that the Hermiona foundered at sea; the Guipuscoa was stranded
and sunk on the coast of Brazil; the St. Estevan was condemned and broke
up in the river of Plate; and the Esperanza, being carried into the
South Seas, was unable to redouble the Cape, or to return back; so that
the Asia alone may be regarded as all the remains of that squadron with
which Pizarro first put to sea.
[Illustration: Decorative Image.]
Transcriber’s notes
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