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Title: The Faith of Islam
Author: Edward Sell
Release Date: February 24, 2007 [EBook #20660]
Language: English
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THE
FAITH OF ISLAM:
BY
THE REV. EDWARD SELL,
FELLOW OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MADRAS.
* * * * *
TRÜBNER & CO., LONDON. ADDISON & CO., MADRAS. 1880.
_All rights reserved._
* * * * *
MADRAS:
PRINTED BY ADDISON AND CO., MOUNT ROAD.
* * * * *
PREFACE.
The following pages embody a study of Islám during a residence of fifteen
years in India, the greater part of which time I have been in daily
intercourse with Musalmáns. I have given in the footnotes the authorities
from which I quote. I was not able to procure in Madras a copy of the
Arabic edition of Ibn Khaldoun's great work, but the French translation by
Baron M. de Slane, to which I so frequently refer, is thoroughly reliable.
The quotations from the Qurán are made from Rodwell's translation. The
original has been consulted when necessary.
A few slight and occasional errors in transliteration have occurred, such
as Sulát for Salát, Munkar for Munkir, &c., but in no case is the meaning
affected.
In some words, such as Khalíf, Khalífate, and Omar, I have retained the
anglicised form instead of using the more correct terms, Khalífa, Khiláfat,
'Umr. The letter Q has been used to distinguish the Káf-i-Karashat from the
Káf-i-Tází.
E. S.
MADRAS,
_December 1st, 1880._
{v}
* * * * *
CONTENTS.
Introduction. ... PAGE ix
CHAPTER I.
THE FOUNDATIONS OF ISLÁM.
The Qurán--Its revelation--Miraculous nature--Arrangement of Qurán--Osmán's
recension. The Sunnat--The authority of Sunnat--Tradition--Bid'at or
innovation--Shía'h Traditions. Ijmá'--Ijtihád--Four orthodox Imáms, Hanífa,
Málik, Sháfa'í and Hanbal. Qíás--Established by the early
Mujtahidín--Sterility of Islám ... PAGE 1
Note to Chapter I. Ijtihád ... PAGE 32
CHAPTER II.
EXEGESIS OF THE QURÁN AND THE TRADITIONS.
Inspiration--The seven readings--Work of a Commentator--Words and Sentences
of the Qurán--Use of the words--Deductions of arguments from the
Qurán--Divisions of the Qurán--Abrogation--Creation of the Qurán--Hadís or
Tradition--Collections of Traditions--Classification of Traditions ... PAGE
37
CHAPTER III.
THE SECTS OF ISLÁM.
The Shía'hs--The Imámat--Khárigites--Núr-i-Muhammadí--Imám--Ismá,ílians and
Imámites--Ghair-i-Mahdís--Dá,irí--Mahmúdíah--Khalífate--Súfíism--Persian
Poetry--Darwíshes--Omar Khayyám--Wahhábís--their rise--spread in
India--doctrines and influence ... PAGE 73
Note to Chapter III. Wahhábíism ... PAGE 114
{vi}
CHAPTER IV.
THE CREED OF ISLÁM
Imán--God--Attributes of God--Discussions on the nature of God--The rise of
the Mutazilites--The Sifátíans--Mushábihites--Names of God--Creation of the
Qurán. Angels--Recording Angels--Hárút and Márút--Munkir and Nakír--Jinn.
The Books--Abrogation--Tahríf. The Prophets--Rank and inspiration of
prophets--Nabí and Rasúl--Sinlessness of prophets--The
Anbiya-ulul-'Azm--Miracles of prophets--The Mi'ráj. The Resurrection and
the last day--The Trumpets--Descent of the
books--Balances--Bridge--Al-A'ráf--Al-Barzakh--Intercession of
Muhammad--Heaven--Hell. The Predestination of good and
evil--Jabríans--Qadríans--Ash'aríans--Free-will--Apostacy ... PAGE 116
Note to Chapter IV. Muslim Philosophy ... PAGE 181
CHAPTER V.
THE PRACTICAL DUTIES OF ISLÁM.
Farz, wájib, sunnat, mustahab and mubáh actions--Harám or unlawful acts.
Tashahhud. Salát--Wazú--Ghusl--Tayammum--Namáz--Farz, sunnat, witr and nafl
rak'ats--Appointed hours of prayer--Friday Namáz and sermon--Namáz on a
journey and in time of war--Namáz in Ramazán, during an eclipse and in time
of drought--Funeral service--Its ritual and prayers. Fasting--Its time and
nature. Zakát--Nisáb--Proportion of property to be given as
alms--Recipients of the Zakát. The Hajj--Farz, sunnat, wájib and mustahab
duties connected with the Hajj--Time for the Hajj--Arrival of the Hájí at
Mecca--Tawáf--Ceremonies of the Hajj--Conclusion of the Hajj--Formal nature
of Islám ... PAGE 187
Note to Chapter V. Fatvá on the Namáz ... PAGE 233
{vii}
CHAPTER VI.
THE FEASTS AND FASTS OF ISLÁM.
Muharram--'Áshúr Khána--Marsiya--Wáqi'a Khán--'Alams--Ceremonies of the
'Áshúrá--Fátihas for 'Alí, for Hasan and Husain--Akhir-i-chár Shamba--Bárá
Wafát--Jashn-i-milád-i-Sharif--Ásár-i-Sharíf--Shab Barát--Ramazán and
'Íd-ul-Fitr--'Itikáf--Sadqa--Sermon on the 'Íd-ul-Fitr--Baqr-'Íd or
'Íd-uz-Zuhá--Sermon on the 'Íd-uz-Zuhá--The Qurbán or Sacrifice--Festival
of Madár--Festival of Sálár Mas'úd Ghází--Festival of Khája Khizr--Feast of
Pír Dastgír Sáhib--Festival of Qádir Walí Sáhib ... PAGE 237
Index of Technical Terms ... PAGE 265
{ix}
* * * * *
INTRODUCTION.
It is necessary to enter into some explanation as regards the contents of
this work. It does not fall in with its plan to enter into an account
either of the life of Muhammad or of the wide and rapid spread of the
system founded by him. The first has been done by able writers in England,
France and Germany. I could add nothing new to this portion of the subject,
nor throw new light upon it. The political growth of Muslim nations has
also been set forth in various ways.
It seems to me that the more important study at this time is that of the
religious system which has grown out of the Prophet's teaching, and of its
effect upon the individual and the community. What the Church in her
missionary enterprise has to deal with, what European Governments in the
political world have to do with is Islám as it is, and as it now influences
those who rule and those who are ruled under it.
I have, therefore, tried to show from authentic sources, and from a
practical knowledge of it, what the Faith of Islám really is, and how it
influences men and nations in the present day. I think that recent Fatvás
delivered by the 'Ulamá in Constantinople show how firmly a Muslim State is
bound in the fetters of an unchangeable Law, whilst the present practice of
orthodox Muslims all the world {x} over is a constant carrying out of the
precepts given in the Qurán and the Sunnat, and an illustration of the
principles I have shown to belong to Islám. On this subject it is not too
much to say that there is, except amongst Oriental scholars, much
misconception.
Again, much that is written on Islám is written either in ignorant
prejudice, or from an ideal standpoint. To understand it aright, one should
know its literature and live amongst its people. I have tried faithfully to
prove every statement I have made; and if, now and again, I have quoted
European authors, it is only by way of illustration. I rest my case
entirely upon Musalmán authorities themselves. Still more, I have
ascertained from living witnesses that the principles I have tried to show
as existing in Islám, are really at work now and are as potent as at any
previous period.
I have thus traced up from the very foundations the rise and development of
the system, seeking wherever possible to link the past with the present. In
order not to interfere with this unity of plan, I have had to leave many
subjects untouched, such as those connected with the civil law, with
slavery, divorce, jihád or religious wars, &c. A good digest of Muhammadan
Law[1] will give all necessary information on these points. The basis of
the Law which determines these questions is what I have described in my
first chapter. Ijtihád, for example, rules quite as effectually in a
question of domestic {xi} economy or political jurisprudence as on points
of dogma. It was not, therefore, necessary for me to go into details on
these points.
When I have drawn any conclusion from data which Muhammadan literature, and
the present practice of Muslims have afforded me, I have striven to give
what seems to me a just and right one. Still, I gladly take this
opportunity of stating that I have found many Muslims better than their
creed, men with whom it is a pleasure to associate, and whom I respect for
many virtues and esteem as friends. I judge the system, not any individual
in it.
In India, there are a number of enlightened Muhammadans, ornaments to
native society, useful servants of the State, men who show a laudable zeal
in all social reforms, so far as is consistent with a reputation for
orthodoxy. Their number is far too few, and they do not, in many cases,
represent orthodox Islám, nor do I believe their counterpart would be found
amongst the 'Ulamá of a Muslim State. The fact is that the wave of
scepticism which has passed over Europe has not left the East untouched.
Hindu and Muslim alike have felt its influence, but to judge of either the
one system or the other from the very liberal utterances of a few men who
expound their views before English audiences is to yield oneself up to
delusion on the subject.
Islám in India has also felt the influence of contact with other races and
creeds, though, theologically speaking, the Imán and the Dín, the faith and
the practice, are unchanged, and remain as I have {xii} described them in
chapters four and five. If Islám in India has lost some of its original
fierceness, it has also adopted many superstitious practices, such as those
against which the Wahhábís protest. The great mass of the Musalmán people
are quite as superstitious, if not more so, than their heathen neighbours.
Still the manliness, the suavity of manner, the deep learning, after an
oriental fashion, of many Indian Musalmáns render them a very attractive
people. It is true there is a darker side--much bigotry, pride of race,
scorn of other creeds, and, speaking generally, a tendency to inertness. It
is thus that in Bengal, Madras and perhaps in other places, they have
fallen far behind the Hindus in educational status, and in the number of
appointments they hold in the Government service. Indeed, this subject is a
serious one and deserves the special attention of the Indian Government. In
Bengal the proportion of Musalmáns to Hindus in the upper ranks of the
Uncovenanted Civil Service in 1871 was 77 to 341. In the year 1880 it had
declined to 53 to 451. The state of affairs in Madras is equally bad. Yet
an intelligent Muslim, as a rule, makes a good official.
Looking at the subject from a wider stand-point, I think the Church has
hardly yet realised how great a barrier this system of Islám is to her
onward march in the East. Surely special men with special training are
required for such an enterprise as that of encountering Islám in its own
strongholds. No better pioneers of the Christian {xiii} faith could be
found in the East than men won from the Crescent to the Cross.
All who are engaged in such an enterprise will perhaps find some help in
this volume, and I am not without hope that it may also throw some light on
the political questions of the day.
{1}
* * * * *
THE FAITH OF ISLÁM.
CHAPTER I.
THE FOUNDATIONS OF ISLÁM.
The creed of Islám, "Lá-iláha-il-lal-láhu wa Muhammad-ur-Rasúl-Ulláh,"
(There is no deity but God, and Muhammad is the Apostle of God) is very
short, but the system itself is a very dogmatic one. Such statements as:
"The Qurán is an all-embracing and sufficient code, regulating everything,"
"The Qurán contains the _entire_ code of Islám--that is, it is not a book
of religious precepts merely, but it governs all that a Muslim does," "The
Qurán contains the whole religion of Muhammad," "The Qurán which contains
the whole Gospel of Islám" are not simply misleading, they are erroneous.
So far from the Qurán alone being the _sole_ rule of faith and practice to
Muslims, there is not one single sect amongst them whose faith and practice
is based on it alone. No one among them disputes its authority or casts any
doubt upon its genuineness. Its voice is supreme in all that it concerns,
but its exegesis, the whole system of legal jurisprudence and of
theological science, is largely founded on the Traditions. Amongst the
orthodox Musalmáns, the foundations of the Faith are four in number, the
Qurán, Sunnat, Ijmá' and Qíás. The fact that all the sects do not agree
with the orthodox--the Sunnís--in this matter illustrates another important
fact in Islám--the want of unity amongst its followers. {2}
1. THE QURÁN.--The question of the inspiration will be fully discussed, and
an account of the laws of the exegesis of the Qurán will be given in the
next chapter. It is sufficient now to state that this book is held in the
highest veneration by Muslims of every sect. When being read it is kept on
a stand elevated above the floor, and no one must read or touch it without
first making a legal ablution.[2] It is not translated unless there is the
most urgent necessity, and even then the Arabic text is printed with the
translation. It is said that God chose the sacred month of Ramazán in which
to give all the revelations which in the form of books have been vouchsafed
to mankind. Thus on the first night of that month the books of Abraham came
down from heaven; on the sixth the books of Moses; on the thirteenth the
Injíl, or Gospel, and on the twenty-seventh the Qurán. On that night, the
Laylut-ul-Qadr, or "night of power," the whole Qurán is said to have
descended to the lowest of the seven heavens, from whence it was brought
piecemeal to Muhammad as occasion required.[3] "Verily we have caused it
(the Qurán) to descend on the night of power." (Súra xcvii. 1.) That night
is called the blessed night, the night better than a thousand months, the
night when angels came down by the permission of their Lord, the night
which bringeth peace and blessings till the rosy dawn. Twice on that night
in the solitude of the cave of Hira the voice called, twice though pressed
sore "as if a fearful weight had been laid upon him," the prophet struggled
{3} against its influence. The third time he heard the words:--
"Recite thou, in the name of thy Lord who created--
Created man from clots of blood." (Súra xcvi. 5.)
"When the voice had ceased to speak, telling how from minutest beginnings
man had been called into existence, and lifted up by understanding and
knowledge of the Lord, who is most beneficent, and who by the pen had
revealed that which man did not know, Muhammad woke up from his trance and
felt as if "a book had been written in his heart." He was much alarmed.
Tradition records that he went hastily to his wife and said--"O Khadíja!
what has happened to me!" He lay down and she watched by him. When he
recovered from his paroxysm, he said "O Khadíja! he of whom one would not
have believed (_i.e._, himself) has become either a soothsayer (káhin) or
mad." She replied, "God is my protection, O Ab-ul-kásim. He will surely not
let such a thing happen unto thee, for thou speakest the truth, dost not
return evil for evil, keepest faith, art of a good life and art kind to thy
relatives and friends, and neither art thou a talker abroad in the bazaars.
What has befallen thee? Hast thou seen aught terrible?" Muhammad replied
"Yes." And he told her what he had seen. Whereupon she answered and
said:--"Rejoice, O dear husband and be of good cheer. He in whose hands
stands Khadíja's life, is my witness that thou wilt be the Prophet of this
people."[4] The next Súra, the 74th, was revealed at Mecca, after which
there seems to have been an intermission, called the Fatrah. It was during
this time that the Prophet gained some knowledge of the contents of the
Jewish and the Christian Scriptures.
Gabriel is believed to have been the medium of communication. This fact,
however, is only once stated in the Qurán:--"Say, whoso is the enemy of
Gabriel--For he it is {4} who by God's leave hath caused the Qurán to
descend on thy heart" (Súra ii. 91.) This Súra was revealed some years
after the Prophet's flight to Madína. The other references to the
revelation of the Qurán are:--"Verily from the Lord of the worlds hath this
book come down; the Faithful Spirit (Rúh-ul-Ámín) hath come down with it"
(Súra xxvi. 192.) "The Qurán is no other than a revelation revealed to him,
one terrible in power (Shadíd-ul-Quá) taught it him." (Súra liii. 5.) These
latter passages do not state clearly that Gabriel was the medium of
communication, but the belief that he was is almost, if not entirely,
universal, and the Commentators say that the terms "Rúh-ul-Ámín" and
"Shadíd-ul-Quá" refer to no other angel or spirit. The use of the word
"taught" in the last Súra quoted, and the following expression in Súra
lxxv. 18. "When we have _recited it_, then follow thou the recital," show
that the Qurán is entirely an objective revelation and that Muhammad was
only a passive medium of communication. The Muhammadan historian, Ibn
Khaldoun, says on this point:--"Of all the divine books the Qurán is the
only one of which the text, words and phrases have been communicated to a
prophet by an audible voice. It is otherwise with the Pentateuch, the
Gospel and the other divine books: the prophets received them under the
form of ideas."[5] This expresses the universal belief on this point--a
belief which reveals the essentially mechanical nature of Islám.
The Qurán thus revealed is now looked upon as the standing miracle of
Islám. Other divine books, it is admitted, were revelations received under
the form of ideas, but the Qurán is far superior to them all for the actual
text was revealed to the ear of the prophet. Thus we read in Súra lxxv.
16-19:--
{5}
"Move not thy tongue in haste to follow and master this revelation;
For we will see to the collecting and recital of it;
_But when we have recited it_, then follow thou the recital;
And verily it shall be ours to make it clear to thee."
The Qurán is, then, believed to be a miraculous revelation of divine
eloquence, as regards both _form_ and _substance_, arrangement of words,
and its revelation of sacred things. It is asserted that each
well-accredited prophet performed miracles in that particular department of
human skill or science most flourishing in his age. Thus in the days of
Moses magic exercised a wide influence, but all the magicians of Pharaoh's
court had to submit to the superior skill of the Hebrew prophet. In the
days of Jesus the science of medicine flourished. Men possessed great skill
in the art of healing; but no physician could equal the skill of Jesus, who
not only healed the sick, but raised the dead. In the days of Muhammad the
special and most striking feature of the age was the wonderful power of the
Arabs in the art of poetry. Muhammad-ud-Damiri says:--"Wisdom hath alighted
on three things--the brain of the Franks, the hands of the Chinese and the
tongue of the Arabs." They were unrivalled for their eloquence, for the
skill with which they arranged their material and gave expression to their
thoughts. It is in this very particular that superior excellence is claimed
for the Qurán.[6] It is to the Muhammadan mind a sure evidence of its
miraculous origin that it should excel in this respect. Muslims say that
miracles have followed the revelations given to other prophets in order to
confirm the divine message. In this case the Qurán is both a revelation and
a miracle. {6} Muhammad himself said:--"Each prophet has received manifest
signs which carried conviction to men: but that which I have received is
the revelation. So I hope to have a larger following on the day of
resurrection than any other prophet has." Ibn Khaldoun says that "by this
the Prophet means that such a wonderful miracle as the Qurán, which is also
a revelation, should carry conviction to a very large number."[7] To a
Muslim the fact is quite clear, and so to him the Qurán is far superior to
all the preceding books. Muhammad is said to have convinced a rival, Lebid,
a poet-laureate, of the truth of his mission by reciting to him a portion
of the now second Súra. "Unquestionably it is one of the very grandest
specimens of Koranic or Arabic diction.... But even descriptions of this
kind, grand as they be, are not sufficient to kindle and preserve the
enthusiasm and the faith and the hope of a nation like the Arabs.... The
poets before him had sung of valour and generosity, of love and strife and
revenge ... of early graves, upon which weeps the morning cloud, and of the
fleeting nature of life which comes and goes as the waves of the desert
sands, as the tents of a caravan, as a flower that shoots up and dies away.
Or they shoot their bitter arrows of satire right into the enemy's own
soul. Muhammad sang of none of these. No love-minstrelsy his, not the joys
of the world, nor sword, nor camel, nor jealousy, nor human vengeance, not
the glories of tribe or ancestor. He preached Islám." The very fierceness
with which this is done, the swearing such as Arab orator, proficient
though he may have been in the art, had never made, the dogmatic certainty
with which the Prophet proclaimed his message have tended, equally with the
passionate grandeur of his utterances, to hold the Muslim world spell-bound
to the letter and imbued with all the narrowness of the book.
So sacred is the text supposed to be that only the {7} Companions[8] of the
Prophet are deemed worthy of being commentators on it. The work of learned
divines since then has been to learn the Qurán by heart and to master the
traditions, with the writings of the earliest commentators thereon. The
revelation itself is never made a subject of investigation or tried by the
ordinary rules of criticism. If only the Isnád, or chain of authorities for
any interpretation, is good, that interpretation is unhesitatingly accepted
as the correct one. It is a fundamental article of belief that no other
book in the world can possibly approach near to it in thought or
expression. It deals with positive precepts rather than with principles.
Its decrees are held to be binding not in the spirit merely but in the very
letter on all men, at all times and under every circumstance of life. This
follows as a natural consequence from the belief in its eternal nature.
The various portions recited by the Prophet during the twenty-three years
of his prophetical career were committed to writing by some of his
followers, or treasured up in their memories. As the recital of the Qurán
formed a part of every act of public worship, and as such recital was an
act of great religious merit, every Muslim tried to remember as much as he
could. He who could do so best was entitled to the highest honour, and was
often the recipient of a substantial reward.[9] The Arab love for poetry
facilitated the exercise of this faculty. When the Prophet died the
revelation ceased. There was no distinct copy of the whole, nothing to show
what was of transitory importance, what of permanent value. There is
nothing which proves that the Prophet took any special care of any
portions. There seems to have been no definite order in which, when the
book was {8} compiled, the various Súras were arranged, for the Qurán, as
it now exists, is utterly devoid of all historical or logical sequence. For
a year after the Prophet's death nothing seems to have been done; but then
the battle of Yemana took place in which a very large number of the best
Qurán reciters were slain. Omar took fright at this, and addressing the
Khalíf Abu Bakr, said, "The slaughter may again wax hot amongst the
repeaters of the Qurán in other fields of battle, and much may be lost
therefrom. Now, therefore, my advice is that thou shouldest give speedy
orders for the collection of the Qurán." Abu Bakr agreed, and said to Zeid
who had been an amanuensis of the Prophet:--"Thou art a young man, and
wise, against whom no one amongst us can cast an imputation; and thou wert
wont to write down the inspired revelations of the Prophet of the Lord,
wherefore now search out the Qurán and bring it all together." Zeid being
at length pressed to undertake the task proceeded to gather the Qurán
together from "date leaves, and tablets of white stone, and from the hearts
of men." In course of time it was all compiled in the order in which the
book is now arranged. This was the authorized text for some twenty-three
years after the death of Muhammad. Owing, however, either to different
modes of recitation, or to differences of expression in the sources from
which Zeid's first recension was made, a variety of different readings
crept into the copies in use. The Faithful became alarmed and the Khalíf
Osmán was persuaded to put a stop to such a danger. He appointed Zeid with
three of the leading men of the Quraish as assistants to go over the whole
work again. A careful recension was made of the whole book which was then
assimilated to the Meccan dialect, the purest in Arabia. After this all
other copies of the Qurán were burnt by order of the Khalíf, and new
transcripts were made of the revised edition which was now the only
authorised copy. As it is a fundamental tenet of Islám that the Qurán is
incorruptible and absolutely free {9} from error, no little difficulty has
been felt in explaining the need of Osmán's new and revised edition and of
the circumstances under which it took place; but as usual a Tradition has
been handed down which makes it lawful to read the Qurán in seven dialects.
The book in its present form may be accepted as a genuine reproduction of
Abu Bakr's edition with authoritative corrections. We may rest assured that
we have in the Qurán now in use the record of what Muhammad said. It thus
becomes a fundamental basis of Islám. It was a common practice of the early
Muslims when speaking of the Prophet to say:--"His character is the Qurán."
When people curious to know details of the life of their beloved master
asked 'Áyesha, one of his widows, about him, she used to reply:--"Thou hast
the Qurán, art thou not an Arab and readest the Arab tongue? Why dost thou
ask me, for the Prophet's disposition is no other than the Qurán?"
Whether Muhammad would have arranged the Qurán as we now have it is a
subject on which it is impossible to form an opinion. There are Traditions
which seem to show that he had some doubts as to its completeness. I give
the following account on the authority of M. Caussin de Percival. When
Muhammad felt his end draw near he said:--"Bring ink and paper: I wish to
write to you a book to preserve you always from error." But it was too
late. He could not write or dictate and so he said:--"May the Qurán always
be your guide. Perform what it commands you: avoid what it prohibits." The
genuineness of the first part of this Tradition is, I think, very doubtful,
the latter is quite in accordance with the Prophet's claim for his
teaching. The letter of the book became, as Muhammad intended it should
become, a despotic influence in the Muslim world, a barrier to freethinking
on the part of all the orthodox, an obstacle to innovation in all
spheres--political, social, intellectual and moral. There are many topics
connected with it which can be better explained in the next chapter. All
{10} that has now to be here stated is that the Qurán is the first
foundation of Islám. It is an error to suppose it is the only one: an error
which more than anything else has led persons away from the only position
in which they could obtain a true idea of the great system of Islám.
The Shía'hs maintain, without good reason, that the following verses
favourable to the claims of 'Alí and of the Shía'h faction were omitted in
Osmán's recension.
"O Believers! believe in the two lights. (Muhammad and 'Alí).
'Alí is of the number of the pious, we shall give him his right in the
day of judgment; we shall not pass over those who wish to deceive him.
We have honoured him above all this family. He and his family are very
patient. Their enemy[10] is the chief of sinners.
We have announced to thee a race of just men, men[11] who will not
oppose our orders. My mercy and peace are on them living[12] or dead.
As to those who walk in their way, my mercy is on them; they will
certainly gain the mansions of Paradise."
2. THE SUNNAT.--The second foundation of Islám is based on the Hadís
(plural Ahádís) or Tradition. Commands from God given in the Qurán are
called 'farz' and 'wájib.' A command given by the Prophet or an example set
by him is called 'sunnat,' a word meaning a rule. It is then technically
applied to the basis of religious faith and practice, which is founded on
traditional accounts of the sayings and acts of Muhammad.[13] It is the
belief common to all Musalmáns, that the Prophet in all that he _did_, and
in all that he _said_, was supernaturally guided, and that his words and
acts are to all time and to all his followers a divine rule of faith and
practice. "We should know that God Almighty has given commands and
prohibitions to his {11} servants, either by means of the Qurán, or by the
mouth of His Prophet."[14] Al-Ghazáli, a most distinguished theologian,
writes:--"Neither is the faith according to His will, complete by the
testimony to the Unity alone, that is, by simply saying, 'There is but one
God,' without the addition of the further testimony to the Apostle, that
is, the statement, 'Muhammad is the apostle of God.'" This belief in the
Prophet must extend to all that he has said concerning the present and the
future life, for, says the same author, "A man's faith is not accepted till
he is fully persuaded of those things which the Prophet hath affirmed shall
be after death."
It is often said that the Wahhábís reject Tradition. In the ordinary sense
of the word Tradition they may; but in Muslim Theology the term Hadís,
which we translate Tradition, has a special meaning. It is applied only to
the sayings of the Prophet, not to those of some uninspired divine or
teacher. The Wahhábís reject the Traditions handed down by men who lived
after the time of the Companions, but the Hadís, embodying the sayings of
the Prophet, they, in common with _all_ Muslim sects, hold to be an
inspired revelation of God's will to men. It would be as reasonable to say
that Protestants reject the four Gospels as to say that the Wahhábís reject
Tradition.[15] An orthodox Muslim places the Gospels in the same rank as
the Hadís, that is, he looks upon them as a record of what Jesus said and
did handed down to us by His Companions. "In the same way as other Prophets
received their books under the form of ideas, so our Prophet has in the
same way received a great number of communications which are found in the
collections of the {12} Traditions (Ahádís).[16] This shows that the Sunnat
must be placed on a level with the Jewish and Christian Scriptures; whilst
the Qurán is a revelation superior to them all. To no sect of Musalmáns is
the Qurán alone the rule of faith. The Shía'hs, it is true, reject the
Sunnat, but they have in their own collection of Traditions an exact
equivalent.
The nature of the inspiration of the Sunnat and its authoritative value are
questions of the first importance, whether Islám is viewed from a
theological or a political stand-point.
"Muhammad said that seventy-three sects would arise, of whom only one would
be worthy of Paradise. The Companions inquired which sect would be so
highly favoured. The Prophet replied:--'The one which remains firm in my
way and in that of my friends.' It is certain that this must refer to the
Ahl-i-Sunnat wa Jamá'at." (Sunnís.)[17]
It is laid down as a preliminary religious duty that obedience should be
rendered to the Sunnat of the Prophet. Thus in the fourth Súra of the Qurán
it is written: "O true believers! obey God and obey the apostle." "We have
not sent any apostle but that he might be obeyed by the permission of God."
From these and similar passages the following doctrine is deduced: "It is
plain that the Prophet (on whom and on whose descendants be the mercy and
peace of God!) is free from sin in what he ordered to be done, and in what
he prohibited, in all his words and acts; for were it otherwise how could
obedience rendered to him be accounted as obedience paid to God?"[18]
Believers are exhorted to render obedience to God by witnessing to His
divinity, and to the Prophet by bearing witness to his prophetship; this is
a sign of love, and love is the cause of nearness to God. The Prophet
himself is reported to have {13} said, "Obey me that God may regard you as
friends." From this statement the conclusion is drawn that "the love of God
(to man) is conditional on obedience to the Prophet." Belief in and
obedience to the Prophet are essential elements of the true faith, and he
who possesses not both of these is in error.[19]
In order to show the necessity of this obedience, God is said to have
appointed Muhammad as the Mediator between Himself and man. In a lower
sense, believers are to follow the "Sunnat" of the four Khalífs, Abu Bakr,
Omar, Osmán, and 'Alí, who are true guides to men.
To the Muslim all that the Prophet did was perfectly in accord with the
will of God. Moral laws have a different application when applied to him.
His jealousy, his cruelty to the Jewish tribes, his indulgence in
licentiousness, his bold assertion of equality with God as regards his
commands, his every act and word, are sinless, and a guide to men as long
as the world shall last. It is easy for an apologist for Muhammad to say
that this is an accretion, something which engrafted itself on to a simpler
system. It is no such thing. It is rather one of the essential parts of the
system. Let Muhammad be his own witness:--"He who loves not my Sunnat is
not my follower." "He who revives my Sunnat revives me, and will be with me
in Paradise." "He who in distress holds fast to the Sunnat will receive the
reward of a hundred martyrs." As might be expected, the setting up of his
own acts and words as an infallible and unvarying rule of faith accounts
more than anything else for the immobility of the Muhammadan world, for it
must be always remembered that in Islám Church and State are one. The Arab
proverb, "Al mulk wa dín tawáminí"--country and religion are twins--is the
popular form of expressing the unity of Church and State. {14} To the mind
of the Musalmán the rule of the one is the rule of the other,--a truth
sometimes forgotten by politicians who look hopefully on the reform of
Turkey or the regeneration of the House of Osmán. The Sunnat as much as the
Qurán covers all law, whether political, social, moral, or religious. A
modern writer who has an intimate acquaintance with Islám says:--"If Islám
is to be a power for good in the future, it is imperatively necessary to
cut off the social system from the religion. The difficulty lies in the
close connection between the religious and social ordinances in the Kurán,
the two are so intermingled that it is hard to see how they can be
disentangled without destroying both." I believe this to be impossible, and
the case becomes still more hopeless when we remember that the same remark
would apply to the Sunnat. To forget this is to go astray, for Ibn Khaldoun
distinctly speaks of "the Law derived from the Qurán and the Sunnat," of
the "maxims of Musalmán Law based on the text of the Qurán and the teaching
of the Traditions."[20]
The Prophet had a great dread of all innovation. The technical term for
anything new is "bida't," and of it, it is said: "Bida't is the changer of
Sunnat." In other words, if men seek after things new, if fresh forms of
thought arise, and the changing condition of society demands new modes of
expression for the Faith, or new laws to regulate the community, if in
internals or externals, any new thing (bida't) is introduced, it is to be
shunned. The law as revealed in the Qurán and the Sunnat is perfect.
Everything not in accordance with the precepts therein contained is
innovation, and all innovation is heresy. Meanwhile some {15} "bida't" is
allowable, such as the teaching of etymology and syntax, the establishment
of schools, guest-houses, &c., which things did not exist in the time of
the Prophet; but it is distinctly and clearly laid down that compliance
with the least Sunnat (_i.e._ the obeying the least of the orders of the
Prophet, however trivial) is far better than doing some new thing, however
advantageous and desirable it may be.
There are many stories which illustrate the importance the Companions of
the Prophet attached to Sunnat. "The Khalíf Omar looked towards the black
stone at Mecca, and said, 'By God, I know that thou art only a stone, and
canst grant no benefit, canst do no harm. If I had not known that the
Prophet kissed thee, I would not have done so, but on account of that I do
it.'" Abdullah-Ibn-'Umr was seen riding his camel round and round a certain
place. In answer to an inquiry as to his reason for so doing he said: "I
know not, only I have seen the Prophet do so here." Ahmad-Ibn-Hanbal, one
of the four great Imáms, and the founder of the Hanbalí school of
interpretation, is said to have been appointed on account of the care with
which he observed the Sunnat. One day when sitting in an assembly he alone
of all present observed some formal custom authorised by the practice of
the Prophet. Gabriel at once appeared and informed him that now, and on
account of his act, he was appointed an Imám.[21] In short, it is
distinctly laid down that the best of all works is the following of the
practice of Muhammad. The essence of religion has been stated by a learned
theologian to consist of three things: first, to follow the Prophet in
morals and in acts; secondly, to eat only lawful food; thirdly, to be
sincere in all actions.
{16}
The Sunnat is now known to Musalmáns through the collections of Traditions
gathered together by the men whose names they now bear. The whole are
called Sihah-Sittah, or "six correct books." Not one of these collectors
flourished until the third century of the Hijra, and so, as may be easily
supposed, their work has not passed unchallenged. There is by no means an
absolute consensus of opinion among the Sunnís as to the exact value of
each Tradition, yet all admit that a 'genuine Tradition' must be obeyed.
Whether the Prophet spoke what in the Traditions is recorded as spoken by
him under the influence of the highest kind of inspiration is, as will be
shown in the next chapter, a disputed point; but it matters little.
Whatever may have been the degree, it was according to Muslim belief a real
inspiration, and thus his every act and word became a law as binding upon
his followers as the example of Christ is upon Christians.
The Shía'hs do not acknowledge the Sihah-Sittah, the six correct books of
the Sunnís, but it by no means follows that they reject Tradition. They
have five books of Traditions, the earliest of which was compiled by Abu
Ja'far Muhammad A.H. 329, or a century later than the Sahíh-i-Bukhárí, the
most trustworthy of the Sunní set. Thus all Musalmán sects accept the first
and second ground of the faith--the Qurán and the Sunnat--as the inspired
will of God; the Shía'hs substituting in the place of the Traditions on
which the Sunnat is based, a collection of their own. What it is important
to maintain is this, that the Qurán alone is to no Musalmán an
all-sufficient guide.
3. IJMÁ'.--The third foundation of the Faith is called Ijmá', a word
signifying to be collected or assembled. Technically it means the unanimous
consent of the leading theologians, or what in Christian theology would be
called the "unanimous consent of the Fathers." Practically it is a
collection of the opinions of the Companions, the Tábi'ín and the
Taba-i-Tábi'ín. "The Law," says Ibn Khaldoun {17} "is grounded on the
general accord of the Companions and their followers." The election of Abu
Bakr to the Khalifate is called Ijmá'-i-Ummat, the unanimous consent of the
whole sect. The Companions of the Prophet had special knowledge of the
various circumstances under which special revelations had been made; they
alone knew which verses of the Qurán abrogated others, and which verses
were thus abrogated. The knowledge of these matters and many other details
they handed on to their successors, the Tábi'ín, who passed the information
on to their followers, the Taba-i-Tábi'ín. Some Muslims, the Wahhábís for
example, accept only the Ijmá' of the Companions; and by all sects that is
placed in the first rank as regards authority; others accept that of the
'Fugitives' who dwelt at Madína; and there are some amongst the orthodox
who allow, as a matter of theory, that Ijmá' may be collected at any time,
but that practically it is not done because there are now no Mujtahidín.
The highest rank a Muslim Theologian could reach was that of a Mujtahid, or
one who could make an Ijtihád, a word which, derived from the same root as
Jihád (a Crescentade), means in its technical sense a logical deduction. It
is defined as the "attaining to a certain degree of authority in searching
into the principles of jurisprudence." The origin of Ijtihád was as
follows:--Muhammad wished to send a man named Mu'áz to Yaman to receive
some money collected for alms, which he was then to distribute to the poor.
On appointing him he said: "O Mu'áz, by what rule will you act?" He
replied, "by the Law of the Qurán." "But if you find no direction therein?"
"Then I will act according to the Sunnat of the Prophet." "But what if that
fails?" "Then I will make an Ijtihád and act on that." The Prophet raised
his hands and said, "Praise be to God who guides the messenger of His
Prophet in what He pleases."[22] This is considered a proof of the
authority of Ijtihád for the Prophet clearly sanctioned it.
{18}
When the Prophet was alive men could go to him with their doubts and fears:
an infallible authority was always present ready to give an inspired
direction. The Khalífs who succeeded the Prophet had only to administer the
Law according to the opinions which they knew Muhammad had held. They were
busily engaged in carrying on the work of conquest; they neither attempted
any new legislation, nor did they depart from the practice of him whom they
revered. "In the first days of Islám, the knowledge of the Law was purely
Traditional. In forming their judgments they had no recourse either to
speculation, to private opinion, or to arguments founded upon analogy."[23]
However, as the Empire grew, new conditions of life arose, giving rise to
questions, concerning which Muhammad had given no explicit direction. This
necessitated the use of Ijtihád. During the Khalifates of Abu Bakr, Omar,
Osmán and 'Alí--the Khulafa-i-Ráshidín, or the Khalífs who could guide men
in the right way, the custom was for the Faithful to consult them as to the
course of action to be pursued under some new development of circumstances;
for they knew as none other did the Prophet's sayings and deeds, they could
recall to their memories a saying or an act from which a decision could be
deduced. In this way all Muslims could feel that in following their
judgments and guidance they were walking in the right path. But after the
death of 'Alí, the fourth Khalíf, civil war and hostile factions imperilled
the continuance of the Faith in its purity. At Madína, where Muhammad's
career as a recognised Prophet was best known, devout men commenced to
learn by heart the Qurán, the Sunnat, and the analogical judgments
(Ijtihád) of the four Khalífs. These men were looked up to as authorities,
and their decisions were afterwards known as the 'Customs of Madína.'
It is not difficult to see that a system, which sought to regulate all
departments of life, all developments of men's ideas and energies by the
Sunnat and analogical deductions {19} therefrom, was one which not only
gave every temptation a system could give to the manufacture of Tradition,
but one which would soon become too cumbersome to be of practical use.
Hence, it was absolutely necessary to systematize all this incoherent mass
of Tradition, of judgments given by Khalífs and Mujtahidín. This gave rise
to the systems of jurisprudence, founded by the four orthodox Imáms, to one
or other of which all Muslims, except the Shía'hs, belong. These Imáms, Abu
Hanífa, Ibn Málik, As-Sháfi'i and Ibn Hanbal were all Mujtahidín of the
highest rank. After them it is the orthodox belief that there has been no
Mujtahid. Thus in a standard theological book much used in India it is
written: "Ijmá' is this, that it is not lawful to follow any other than the
four Imáms." "In these days the Qází must make no order, the Muftí give no
fatvá (_i.e._ a legal decision), contrary to the opinion of the four
Imáms." "To follow any other is not lawful." So far then as orthodoxy is
concerned, change and progress are impossible.
Imám Abu Hanífa was born at Basra (A.H. 80), but he spent the greater part
of his life at Kúfa. He was the founder and teacher of the body of legists
known as 'the jurists of Irák.' His system differs considerably from that
of the Imám Málik who, living at Madína, confined himself chiefly to
Tradition as the basis of his judgments. Madína was full of the memories of
the sayings and acts of the Prophet; Kúfa, the home of Hanífa, on the
contrary, was not founded till after the Prophet's death and so possessed
none of his memories. Islám there came into contact with other races of
men, but from them it had nothing to learn. If these men became Muslims,
well and good: if not, the one law for them as for the Faithful was the
teaching of Muhammad. Various texts of the Qurán are adduced to prove the
correctness of this position. "For to thee have we sent down the book which
cleareth up every thing." (Súra xvi. 91) "Nothing have we passed over in
the book." (Súra vi. {20} 38.) "Neither is there a grain in the darkness of
the earth nor a thing green or sere, but it is noted in a distinct
writing." (Súra vi. 59). These texts were held to prove that all law was
provided for by anticipation in the Qurán. If a verse could not be found
bearing on any given question, analogical deduction was resorted to. Thus:
"He it is who created _for you_ all that is on earth." (Súra ii. 27).
According to the Hanifite jurists, this is a deed of gift which annuls all
other rights of property. The 'you' refers to Muslims. The earth[24] may be
classified under three heads:--(1) land which never had an owner; (2) land
which had an owner and has been abandoned; (3) the person and property of
the Infidels. From the last division the same legists deduce the lawfulness
of slavery, piracy and constant war against the unbelievers. To return to
Abu Hanífa. He admitted very few Traditions as authoritative in his system,
which claims to be a logical development from the Qurán. "The merit of
logical fearlessness cannot be denied to it. The wants and wishes of men,
the previous history of a country--all those considerations, in fact, which
are held in the West to be the governing principles of legislation, are set
aside by the legists of Irák as being of no account whatever. Legislation
is not a science inductive and experimental, but logical and
deductive."[25]
Imám Ibn Málik was born at Madína (A.H. 93) and his system of jurisprudence
is founded, as might be expected from his connection with the sacred city,
on the "Customs of Madína." His business was to arrange and systematize the
Traditions current in Madína, and to form out of them and the "Customs" a
system of jurisprudence embracing the whole sphere of life. The treatise
composed by him was called the "Muwatta" or "The Beaten Path." The greater
part of its contents are legal maxims and opinions {21} delivered by the
Companions. His system of jurisprudence, therefore, has been described as
historical and traditional. In an elegy on his death by Abu Muhammad Ja'far
it is said: "His Traditions were of the greatest authority; his gravity was
impressive; and when he delivered them, all his auditors were plunged in
admiration."[26] The Traditions were his great delight. "I delight," said
he, "in testifying my profound respect for the sayings of the Prophet of
God, and I never repeat one unless I feel myself in a state of perfect
purity,"[27] (_i.e._, after performing a legal ablution.) As death
approached, his one fear was lest he should have exercised his private
judgment in delivering any legal opinion. In his last illness a friend went
to visit him, and enquiring why he wept, received the following answer:
"Why should I not weep, and who has more right to weep than I? By Allah! I
wish I had been flogged and reflogged for every question of law on which I
pronounced an opinion founded on my own private judgment."[28]
Imám As-Sháfa'í, a member of the Quraish tribe, was born A.H. 150. He
passed his youth at Mecca but finally settled in Cairo where he died (A.H.
204). Ibn Khallikan relates of him that he was unrivalled for his knowledge
of the Qurán, the Sunnat, and the sayings of the Companions. "Never," said
Imám Ibn Hanbal, "have I passed a night without praying for God's mercy and
blessing upon As-Sháfi'í." "Whosoever pretends," said Abu Thaur, "that he
saw the like of As-Sháfi'í for learning is a liar." Having carefully
studied the systems of the two preceding Imáms he then proceeded on an
eclectic system to form his own. It was a reaction against the system of
Abu Hanífa. As-Sháfi'í follows rather the traditional plan of Ibn Málik.
The Hanifite will be satisfied if, in the absence of a clear and a direct
statement, he finds one {22} passage in the Qurán, or one Tradition from
which the required judgment may be deduced. The Sháfi'ite in the same
circumstances, if Tradition is the source of his deduction, will require a
considerable number of Traditions from which to make it.
Imám Ibn Hanbal was the last of the four Orthodox Imáms. He was born at
Baghdád (A.H. 164). His system is a distinct return to Traditionalism. He
lived at Baghdád during the reign of the Khalíf Mamun, when Orthodox Islám
seemed in danger of being lost amid the rationalistic speculations, (that
is, from an Orthodox Muslim stand-point), and licentious practices of the
Court. The jurists most in favour at Court were followers of Abu Hanífa.
They carried the principle of analogical deduction to dangerous lengths in
order to satisfy the latitudinarianism of the Khalíf. Human speculation
seemed to be weakening all the essentials of the Faith. Ibn Hanbal met the
difficulty by discarding altogether the principle of analogical deduction.
At the same time he saw that the Máliki system, founded as it was on the
"Customs of Madína," was ill-suited to meet the wants of a great and
growing Empire. It needed to be supplemented. What better, what surer
ground could he go upon than the Traditions. These at least were inspired,
and thus formed a safer foundation on which to build a system of
jurisprudence than the analogical deductions of Abu Hanífa did. The system
of Ibn Hanbal has almost ceased to exist. There is now no Muftí of this
sect at Mecca, though the other three are represented there. Still his
influence is felt to this day in the importance he attached to Tradition.
The distinction between the four Imáms has been put in this way. Abu Hanífa
exercised his own judgment. Málik and Hanbal preferred authority and
precedent. As-Sháfi'í entirely repudiated reason. They differ, too, as
regards the value of certain Traditions, but to each of them an authentic
Tradition is an incontestable authority. Their {23} opinion on points of
doctrine and practice forms the third basis of the Faith.
The Ijmá' of the four Imáms is a binding law upon all Sunnís. It might be
supposed that as the growing needs of the Empire led to the formation of
these schools of interpretation; so now the requirements of modern, social
and political life might be met by fresh Imáms making new analogical
deductions. This is not the case. The orthodox belief is, that since the
time of the four Imáms there has been no Mujtahid who could do as they did.
If circumstances should arise which absolutely require some decision to be
arrived at, it must be given in full accordance with the 'mazhab,' or
school of interpretation, to which the person framing the decision
belongs.[29] This effectually prevents all change, and by excluding
innovation, whether good or bad, keeps Islám stationary. Legislation is now
purely deductive. Nothing must be done contrary to the principles contained
in the jurisprudence of the four Imáms. "Thus, in any Muhammadan State
legislative reforms are simply impossible. There exists no initiative. The
Sultán, or Khalíf can claim the allegiance of his people only so long as he
remains the exact executor of the prescriptions of the Law."
The question then as regards the politics of the "Eastern {24} Question" is
not whether Muhammad was a deceiver or self-deceived, an apostle or an
impostor; whether the Qurán is on the whole good or bad; whether Arabia was
the better or the worse for the change Muhammad wrought; but what Islám as
a religious and political system has become and is, how it now works, what
Orthodox Muslims believe and how they act in that belief. The essence of
that belief is, that the system as taught by Prophet, Khalífs and Imáms is
absolutely perfect.[30] Innovation is worse than a mistake. It is a crime,
a sin. This completeness, this finality of his system of religion and
polity, is the very pride and glory of a true Muslim. To look for an
increase of light in the knowledge of his relation to God and the unseen
world, in the laws which regulate Islám on earth is to admit that
Muhammad's revelation was incomplete, and that admission no Muslim will
make.
It has been stated on high authority that all that is required for the
reform of Turkey is that the Qánúns or orders of the Sultán should take the
place of the Sharí'at or law of Islám. Precisely so; if this could be done,
Turkey might be reformed; but Islám would cease to be the religion of the
State. That the law as formulated by the Imám Abu Hanífa ill suits the
conditions of modern life is more than probable; but it is the very
function of the Khalíf of Islám, {25} which the Sultán claims to be, to
maintain it. He is no Mujtahid, for such there are not now amongst the
Sunnís, to which sect the Turks belong. If through stress of circumstances
some new law must be made, orthodoxy demands that it should be strictly in
accordance with the opinions of the Imáms. The Shía'hs, in opposition to
the Sunnís, hold that there are still Mujtahidín, but this opinion arises
from their peculiar doctrine of the Imámat, a subject we shall discuss a
little later on. At first sight it would seem that if there can be
Mujtahidín who are now able to give authoritative opinions, there may be
some hope of enlightened progress amongst Shía'h people--the Persians for
example. There is doubtless amongst them more religious unrest, more
mysticism, more heresy, but they are no further on the road of progress
than their neighbours; and the apparent advantage of the presence of a
Mujtahid is quite nullified by the fact that all his decisions must be
strictly in accordance with the Qurán and the Sunnat, or rather with what
to the Shía'h stands in the place of the Sunnat. The Shía'h, as well as the
Sunní, must base all legislation on the fossilized system of the past, not
on the living needs of the present. Precedent rules both with an iron sway.
The Wahhábís reject all Ijmá' except that of the Companions, but that they
accept; so when they are called the Puritans of Islám, it must be
remembered that they accept as a rule of faith not only the Qurán, but the
Sunnat, and some Ijmá'.
In order to make Ijmá' binding, it is necessary that the Mujtahidín should
have been unanimous in their opinion or in their practice.
The whole subject of Ijtihád is one of the most important in connection
with the possibility of reforms in a Muslim state. A modern Muhammadan
writer[31] seeking to show that Islám does possess a capacity for progress
and that so far from being a hard and fast system, it is able to adapt
itself to new circumstances, because the Prophet ushered in {26} "an age of
active principles," uses the story I have already related when describing
the origin of Ijtihád (Ante. p. 17) to prove the accuracy of his statement.
He makes Mu'áz to say:--"I will look first to the Qurán, then to precedents
of the Prophet, and lastly rely upon my _own judgment_." It is true that
Ijtihád literally means 'great effort,' it is true that the Companions and
Mujtahidín of the first class had the power of exercising their judgment in
doubtful cases, and of deciding them according to their sense of the
fitness of things, provided always, that their decision contravened no law
of the Qurán or the Sunnat; but this in no way proves that Islám has any
capacity for progress, or that "an age of active principles" was ushered in
by Muhammad, or that his "words breathe energy and force, and infuse new
life into the dormant heart of humanity." For, though the term Ijtihád
might, in reference to the men I have mentioned, be somewhat freely
translated as "one's own judgment," it can have no such meaning now. It is
a purely technical term, and its use and only use now is to express the
"referring of a difficult case to some analogy drawn from the Qurán and the
Sunnat." But even were the meaning not thus restricted, even though it
meant now as it sometimes meant at first, "one's own judgment;" still Syed
Amír 'Alí's position would remain to be proved for, since the days of the
four Imáms, the orthodox believe that there has been no Mujtahid of the
first class, and to none but men of this rank has such power ever been
accorded. Thus granting, for the sake of argument merely, that the Syed's
translation is grammatically and technically correct, all that results from
it is that the "age of active principles" lasted only for two centuries. I
do not admit that there ever was such an age in Islám, and certainly
neither its theological development, nor its political growth negative the
opposite assertion, _viz._, that Muhammad gave precepts rather than
principles. The Turks are included in "the dormant heart of humanity," but
it is difficult to see what "energy and {27} force" is breathed, what "new
life is infused" into them by the "wonderful words" of the Prophet, or what
lasting good the "age of active principles" has produced.
4. QÍÁS is the fourth foundation of Islám. The word literally means
reasoning, comparing. It is in common use in Hindustani and Persian in the
sense of guessing, considering, &c. Technically, it means the analogical
reasoning of the learned with regard to the teaching of the Qurán, the
Sunnat and the Ijmá'. For example, the Qurán says:--"Honour thy father and
thy mother and be not a cause of displeasure to them." It is evident from
this that disobedience to parents is prohibited, and prohibition implies
punishment if the order is disobeyed. Again, if the Qurán and the Sunnat
hold children responsible, according to their means, for the debts of their
father, does it not follow that the elder ones ought to fulfil for their
parents all those obligations which for some reason or other the parents
may not be able to perform, such as the pilgrimage to Mecca, &c. A
Tradition said to come from the Companions runs thus:--"One day, a woman
came to the Prophet and said, 'my father died without making the
Pilgrimage.' The Prophet said, 'If thy father had left a debt what wouldest
thou do,' 'I would pay the debt.' 'Good, then pay this debt also.'" The
Qurán forbids the use of Khamar, an intoxicating substance, and so it is
argued that wine and opium are unlawful, though not forbidden by name. The
Wahhábís would extend the prohibition to the use of tobacco.
From cases such as these, many jurisconsults hold that the Mujtahidín of
the earliest age established this fourth foundation of the faith which they
call Qíás. It is also called I'tibár-ul-Amsál, or "imitation of an
example." The idea is taken from the verse: "Profit by this example, ye who
are men of insight" (Súra lix. 2). There are strict rules laid down which
regulate Qíás, of which the most important is, that in all cases it must be
based on the Qurán, the Sunnat, and the Ijmá'. In fact, the fundamental
idea of Islám {28} is that a perfect law has been given, even unto details,
of social and political life. The teaching of Muhammad contains the
solution of every difficulty that can arise. Every law not provided by the
Prophet must be deduced analogically. This produces uniformity after a
fashion, but only because intellectual activity in higher pursuits ceases
and moral stagnation follows. Thus all who come within the range of this
system are bound down to political servitude. Whatever in feeling or
conviction goes beyond the limits of an out-worn set of laws is swept away.
There is a wonderful family likeness in the decay of all Musalmán States,
which seems to point to a common cause. All first principles are contained
in the Qurán and the Sunnat; all that does not coincide with them must be
wrong. They are above all criticism.
Qíás, then, affords no hope of enlightened progress, removes no fetter of
the past, for in it there must be no divergence in principle from a
legislation imperfect in its relation to modern life and stationary in its
essence.[32] In the Niháyat-ul-Murád it is written:--"We are shut up to
following the four Imáms." In the Tafsír-i-Ahmadí we read:--"To follow any
other than the four Imáms is unlawful." An objector may say that such
respect is like the reverence the heathen pay to their ancestors. To this
an answer is given in the preface to the Tarjuma-i-Sharh-i-Waqáyah. The
writer there says that it is nothing of the kind. "The Mujtahidín are not
the source of the orders of the Law, but they are the medium by which we
obtain the Law. Thus Imám Abu Hanífa said: 'We select first from the Qurán,
then from the Traditions, then from the decrees of the Companions; we act
on what the Companions agreed upon; where they doubt, we doubt.' The
Commentator Jelál-ud-dín Mahlí says, 'The common people and others who have
{29} not reached the rank of a Mujtahid, must follow one of the four
Imáms.' Then when he enters one Mazhab (sect) he must not change. Again, it
may be objected that God gave no order about the appointment of four Imáms.
Now, it is recorded in a Tradition that the Prophet said, 'Follow the way
of the great company; whosoever departs from it will enter hell.' The
Followers of the Imáms are a great company." It is moreover the unanimous
opinion, the "Ijmá'-i-Ummat," that the Imáms rightly occupy the position
accorded to them. It is a great blessing, as we read in the
Tafsír-i-Ahmadí: "It is of the grace of God, that we are shut up to these
four Imáms. God approves of this, and into this matter proofs and
explanations do not enter." Should any one further object that, in the days
of the Prophet, there were no Mujtahidín, that each man acted on a "saying"
as he heard it, that he did not confine his belief or conduct to the
deductions made by some "appointed Companion," he may be answered
thus:--"For a long time after the death of the Prophet many Companions were
alive, and consequently the Traditions then current were trustworthy; but
now it is not so, hence the need for the Imáms and their systems."
These four foundations,--the QURÁN, the SUNNAT, IJMÁ' and QÍÁS--form in
orthodox Muslim opinion and belief a perfect basis of a perfect religion
and polity. They secure the permanence of the system, but they repress an
intelligent growth. The bearing of all this on modern politics is very
plain. Take again the case of Turkey. The constitution of the Government is
theocratic. The germs of freedom are wanting there as they have never been
wanting in any other country in Europe. The ruling power desires no change;
originality of thought, independence of judgment is repressed. Nothing good
has the Turk ever done for the world.[33] This rule has been one continued
display of brute {30} force unrelieved by any of the reflected glory which
shone for a while in Cordova and in Baghdád. No nation can possibly
progress, the foundations of whose legal and theocratic system are what has
been described in this chapter. When brought into diplomatic and commercial
intercourse with States possessing the energy and vigour of a national life
and liberal constitution, Muslim kingdoms must, in the long run, fail and
pass away. It has been well said that "Spain is the only instance of a
country once thoroughly infused with Roman civilisation which has been
actually severed from the empire; and even then the severance, though of
long duration, was but partial and temporary. After a struggle of nearly
eight centuries, the higher form of social organisation triumphed over the
lower and the usurping power of Islám was expelled." So it ought to be, and
so indeed it must ever be, for despotism must give way to freedom; the life
latent in the subject Christian communities must sooner or later cast off
the yoke of a barbarian rule, which even at its best is petrified and so is
incapable of progress. However low a Christian community may have fallen,
there is always the possibility of its rising again. A lofty ideal is
placed before it. All its most cherished beliefs point forward and upward.
In Islám there is no regenerative power. Its golden age was in the past.
When the work of conquest is done, when a Muhammadan nation has to live by
industry, intelligence and thrift, it always miserably fails.
In this chapter which must now draw to a close, I have tried to prove from
authentic and authoritative sources that {31} the Qurán alone is to no
Muslim the sole guide of life. The fetters of a dogmatic system fasten
alike around the individual and the community. Islám is sterile, it gives
no new birth to the spirit of a man, leads him not in search of new forms
of truth, and so it can give no real life, no lasting vitality to a
nation.[34]
{32}
NOTE TO CHAPTER I.
IJTIHÁD.
Questions connected with Ijtihád are so important in Islám, that I
think it well to give in the form of a note a fuller and more technical
account of it, than I could do in the Chapter just concluded. This
account which I shall now give is that of a learned Musalmán, and is,
therefore, of the highest value. It consists of extracts from an
article in the Journal Asiatique, Quatrième Série, tome, 15, on "Le
Marche et les Progres de la Jurisprudence parmi les Sectes orthodoxes
Musalmanes" by Mirza Kázim Beg, Professor in the University of St.
Petersburg. It entirely supports all that has been said of the rigid
character of Muhammadan Law, and of the immobility of systems founded
thereon.
"Orthodox Musalmáns admit the following propositions as axioms.
1. God the only legislator has shown the way of felicity to the people
whom He has chosen, and in order to enable them to walk in that way He
has shown to them the precepts which are found, partly in the eternal
Qurán, and partly in the sayings of the Prophet transmitted to
posterity by the Companions and preserved in the Sunnat. That way is
called the "Sharí'at." The rules thereof are called Ahkám.
2. The Qurán and the Sunnat, which since their manifestation are the
primitive sources of the orders of the Law, form two branches of study,
_viz._, Ilm-i-Tafsír, or the interpretation of the Qurán and
Ilm-i-Hadís, or the study of Tradition.
3. All the orders of the Law have regard either to the actions (Dín),
or to the belief (Imán) of the Mukallifs.[35]
4. As the Qurán and the Sunnat are the principal sources from whence
the precepts of the Sharí'at have been drawn, so the rules recognized
as the principal elements of actual jurisprudence are the subject of
Ilm-í-Fiqh, or the science of Law.
Fiqh in its root signifies conception, comprehension. Thus Muhammad
prayed for Ibn Mas'úd: "May God make him {33} comprehend (Faqqihahu),
and make him know the interpretation of the Qurán." Muhammad in his
quality of Judge and chief of the Believers decided, without appeal or
contradiction, all the affairs of the people. His sayings served as a
guide to the Companions. After the death of the Prophet the first
Khalífs acted on the authority of the Traditions. Meanwhile the Qurán
and the Sunnat, the principal elements of religion and legislation,
became little by little the subject of controversy. It was then that
men applied themselves vigorously to the task of learning by heart the
Qurán and the Traditions, and then that jurisprudence became a separate
science. No science had as yet been systematically taught, and the
early Musalmáns did not possess books which would serve for such
teaching. A change soon, however, took place. In the year in which the
great jurisconsult of Syria died (A.H. 80) N'imán bin Sabit, surnamed
Abu Hanífa was born. He is the most celebrated of the founders of the
schools of jurisprudence, a science which ranks first in all Muslim
seats of learning. Until that time and for thirty years later the
Mufassirs,[36] the Muhaddis,[37] and the Fuqihá,[38] had all their
knowledge by heart, and those who possessed good memories were highly
esteemed. Many of them knew by heart the whole Qurán with the comments
made on it by the Prophet and by the Companions; they also knew the
Traditions and their explanations, and all the commands (Ahkám) which
proceed from the Qurán, and the Sunnat. Such men enjoyed the right of
Mujtahidín. They transmitted their knowledge to their scholars orally.
It was not till towards the middle of the second century A.H. that
treatises on the different branches of the Law were written, after
which six schools (Mazhabs) of jurisprudence were formed. The founders,
all Imáms of the first class, were Abu Hanífa, the Imám-i-A'zam or
great Imám (A.H. 150),[39] Safian As-Sáurí (A.H. 161), Málik (A.H.
179), As-Sháfa'í (A.H. 204), Hanbal (A.H. 241) and Imám Dáúd Az-Zaharí
(A.H. 270). The two sects founded by Sáurí and Zaharí became extinct in
the eighth century of the Hijra. The other four still remain. These men
venerated one another. The younger ones speak with great respect of the
elder. Thus Sháfa'í said:--"No one in the world was so well versed in
jurisprudence as Abu Hanífa was, and he who has read neither his works,
nor those of his disciples knows nothing of jurisprudence." Hanbal when
sick wore a shirt which had belonged to Sháfa'í, in order that he might
be cured of his malady; but all this {34} did not prevent them starting
schools of their own, for the right of Ijtihád is granted to those who
are real Mujtahidín. There are three degrees of Ijtihád.
1. Al-Ijtihád fi'l Shari': absolute independence in legislation
2. Al-Ijtihád fi'l Mazhab: authority in the judicial systems founded by
the Mujtahidín of the first class.
3. Al-Ijtihád fi'l Masáil: authority in cases which have not been
decided by the authors of the four systems of jurisprudence.
The first is called a complete and absolute authority, the second
relative, the third special.
THE FIRST DEGREE OF IJTIHÁD.
Absolute independence in legislation is the gift of God. He to whom it
is given when seeking to discover the meaning of the Divine Law is not
bound to follow any other teacher. He can use his own judgment. This
gift was bestowed on the jurisconsults of the first, and to some in the
second and third centuries. The Companions, however, who were closely
connected with the Prophet, having transmitted immediately to their
posterity the treasures of legislation, are looked upon as Mujtahidín
of much higher authority than those of the second and third centuries.
Thus Abu Hanífa says:--"That which comes to us from the Companions is
on our head and eyes (_i.e._, to be received with respect): as to that
which comes from the Tábi'ín, they are men and we are men."
Since the time of the Tábi'ín this degree of Ijtihád has only been
conferred on the six great Imáms. Theoretically any Muslim can attain
to this degree, but it is one of the principles of jurisprudence that
the confirmation of this rank is dependent on many conditions, and so
no one now gains the honour. These conditions are:--
1. The knowledge of the Qurán and all that is related to it; that is to
say, a complete knowledge of Arabic literature, a profound acquaintance
with the orders of the Qurán and all their sub-divisions, their
relationship to each other and their connection with the orders of the
Sunnat. The candidate should know when, and why each verse of the Qurán
was written, he should have a perfect acquaintance with the literal
meaning of the words, the speciality or generality of each clause, the
abrogating and abrogated sentences. He should be able to make clear the
meaning of the 'obscure' passages (Mutashábih), to discriminate between
the literal and the allegorical, the universal and the particular.
2. He must know the Qurán by heart with all the Traditions and
explanations. {35}
3. He must have a perfect knowledge of the Traditions, or at least of
three thousand of them.
He must know their source, history, object and their connection with
the laws of the Qurán. He should know by heart the most important
Traditions.
4. A pious and austere life.
5. A profound knowledge of all the sciences of the Law.
Should any one _now_ aspire to such a degree another condition would be
added, _viz_:--
6. A complete knowledge of the four schools of jurisprudence.
The obstacles, then, are almost insurmountable. On the one hand, there
is the severity of the 'Ulamá, which requires from the candidate things
almost impossible; on the other, there is the attachment of the 'Ulamá
to their own Imáms, for should such a man arise no one is bound now to
listen to him. Imám Hanbal said:--"Draw your knowledge from whence the
Imáms drew theirs, and do not content yourself with following others
for that is certainly blindness of sight". Thus the schools of the four
Imáms remain intact after a thousand years have passed, and so the
'Ulamá recognise since the time of these Imáms no Mujtahíd of the first
degree. Ibn Hanbal was the last.
The rights of the man who attained to this degree were very important.
He was not bound to be a disciple of another, he was a mediator between
the Law and his followers, for whom he established a system of
legislation, without any one having the right to make any objection. He
had the right to explain the Qurán, the Sunnat and the Ijmá' according
as he understood them. He used the Prophet's words, whilst his
disciples only used his. Should a disciple find some discrepancy
between a decision of his own Imám and the Qurán or Traditions, he must
abide by the decision of the Imám. The Law does not permit him to
interpret after his own fashion. When once the disciple has entered the
sect of one Imám he cannot leave it and join another. He loses the
right of private judgment, for only a Mujtahid of the first class can
dispute the decision of one of the Imáms. Theoretically such Mujtahidín
may still arise; but, as we have already shown, practically they do
not.
THE SECOND DEGREE OF IJTIHÁD.
This degree has been granted to the immediate disciples of the great
Imáms who have elaborated the systems of their masters. They enjoyed
the special consideration of the contemporary 'Ulamá, and of their
respective Imáms who in some cases have allowed them {36} to retain
their own opinion.' The most famous of these men are the two disciples
of Abu Hanífa, Abu Yúsuf and Muhammad bin al Hasan. In a secondary
matter their opinion carries great weight. It is laid down as a rule
that a Muftí may follow the unanimous opinion of these two even when it
goes against that of Abu Hanífa.
THE THIRD DEGREE OF IJTIHÁD.
This is the degree of special independence. The candidates for it
should have a perfect knowledge of all the branches of jurisprudence
according to the four schools of the Arabic language and literature.
They can solve cases which come before them, giving reasons for their
judgment, or decide on cases which have not been settled by previous
Mujtahidín; but in either case their decisions must always be in
absolute accordance with the opinions of the Mujtahidín of the first
and second classes, and with the principles which guided them. Many of
these men attained great celebrity during their lifetime, but to most
of them this rank is not accorded till after their death. Since Imám
Qází Khán died (A.H. 592), no one has been recognised by the Sunnís as
a Mujtahid even of the third class.
There are three other inferior classes of jurists, called Muqallidín,
or followers of the Mujtahidín; but all that the highest in rank
amongst them can do is to explain obscure passages in the writings of
the older jurisconsults. By some of the 'Ulamá they are considered to
be equal to the Mujtahidín of the third class. If there are several
conflicting legal opinions on any point, they can select one opinion on
which to base their decision. This a mere Qází cannot do. In such a
case he would have to refer to those men, or to their writings for
guidance. They seem to have written commentaries on the legal systems
without originating anything new. The author of the Hidáyah, who lived
at the end of the sixth century, was a Muqallid.
Such is Mirza Kázim Beg's account. The whole article, of which I have
only given the main points, is worthy of the closest study. It shows
how "the system, as a whole, rejects experience as a guide to deeper
insight or wider knowledge; tramples upon the teaching of the past;
pays no heed to differences of climate, character, or history; but
regards itself as a body of absolute truth, one jot or tittle of which
cannot be rejected without incurring the everlasting wrath of God."[40]
{37}
* * * * *
CHAPTER II.
EXEGESIS OF THE QURÁN AND THE TRADITIONS.
The following account of this branch of Muslim theology, technically called
'Ilm-i-Usúl, may be introduced by a few remarks on the nature of
inspiration according to Islám, though that is not strictly speaking a
portion of this study.
There are two terms used to express different degrees of inspiration, Wahí
and Ilhám. Wahí is the term applied to the inspiration of the Qurán, and
implies that the very words are the words of God. It is divided into Wahí
Záhir (external inspiration), and Wahí Bátin (internal inspiration). The
whole book was prepared in heaven. Muhammad, instructed by Gabriel, is
simply the medium through which the revelation of Wahí Záhir reaches man.
The Wahí Qurán, _i.e._, the highest form of inspiration, always came to the
ear of the Prophet through the instrumentality of Gabriel. In Muhammadan
theology, this is the special work of Gabriel. Thus in the Traditions it is
related that he appeared to Adam twelve times, to Enoch four, to Noah
fifty, to Abraham forty-two, to Moses four hundred, to Jesus ten times, to
Muhammad twenty-four thousand times.
Ilhám means the inspiration given to a saint or to a prophet when he,
though rightly guided, delivers the subject matter out of his own mind, and
is not a mere machine to reproduce the messages of Gabriel. There is a
lower form of Wahí Záhir, which is called Ishárat-ul-Malak (literally,
"sign of the Angel.") This expresses what Muhammad meant when he said: "The
Holy Ghost has entered into my heart." In other words, he received the
inspiration through {38} Gabriel, but not by word of mouth. This form of
inspiration is higher than that possessed by saints, and is usually applied
to the inspiration of the Traditions. This is denied by some, who say that
except when delivering the Qurán Muhammad spoke by Ilhám and not by Wahí.
The practical belief is, however, that the Traditions were Wahí
inspiration, and thus they come to be as authoritative as the Qurán.
Sharastani speaks of "the signs (sayings) of the Prophet which have the
marks of Wahí."[41] This opinion is said by some Muslim theologians to be
supported by the first verse of the fifty-third Súra, entitled the Star.
"By the Star when it setteth; your companion Muhammad _erreth not_, nor is
he _led astray_, neither doth he _speak of his own will_. It is none other
than a revelation which hath been revealed to him." In any case the
inspiration of Muhammad is something quite different from the Christian
idea of inspiration, which is to Musalmáns a very imperfect mode of
transmitting a revelation of God's will.
That there should be a human as well as a divine side to inspiration is an
idea not only foreign, but absolutely repugnant to Muhammadans. The Qurán
is not a book of principles. It is a book of directions. The Qurán
describes the revelation given to Moses thus:--"We wrote for him upon the
tables a monition concerning every matter and said: 'Receive them thyself
with steadfastness, and command thy people to receive them for the
observance of its most goodly precepts.'" (Súra vii. 142). It is such an
inspiration as this the Qurán claims for itself. Muhammad's idea was that
it should be a complete and final code of directions in every matter for
all mankind. It is not the word of a prophet enlightened by God. It
proceeds immediately from God, and the word 'say' or 'speak' precedes, or
is understood to precede, every sentence. This to a Muslim is the highest
form of inspiration; this alone stamps a book as {39} divine. It is
acknowledged that the Injíl--the Gospel--was given by Jesus; but as that,
too, according to Muslim belief, was brought down from heaven by the angel
Gabriel during the month of Ramazán, it is now asserted that it has been
lost, and that the four Gospels of the New Testament are simply Traditions
collected by the writers whose names they bear. Their value is, therefore,
that of the second foundation of the Islámic system.
The question next arises as to the exact way in which Gabriel made known
his message to Muhammad. The Mudárij-un-Nabuwat, a standard theological
work, gives some details on this point.[42] Though the Qurán is all of God,
both as to matter and form, yet it was not all made known to the Prophet in
one and the same manner. The following are some of the modes:--
1. It is recorded on the authority of 'Áyesha, one of Muhammad's wives,
that a brightness like the brightness of the morning came upon the Prophet.
According to some commentators this brightness remained six months. In some
mysterious way Gabriel, through this brightness or vision, made known the
will of God.
2. Gabriel appeared in the form of Dahiah, one of the Companions of the
Prophet, renowned for his beauty and gracefulness. A learned dispute has
arisen with regard to the abode of the soul of Gabriel when he assumed the
bodily form of Dahiah. At times, the angelic nature of Gabriel overcame
Muhammad, who was then translated to the world of angels. This always
happened when the revelation was one of bad news, such as denunciations or
predictions of woe. At other times, when the message brought by Gabriel was
one of consolation and comfort, the human nature of the Prophet overcame
the angelic nature of the angel, who, in such case, having assumed a human
form, proceeded to deliver the message. {40}
3. The Prophet heard at times the noise of the tinkling of a bell. To him
alone was known the meaning of the sound. He alone could distinguish in,
and through it, the words which Gabriel wished him to understand. The
effect of this mode of Wahí was more marvellous than that of any of the
other ways. When his ear caught the sound his whole frame became agitated.
On the coldest day, the perspiration, like beads of silver, would roll down
his face. The glorious brightness of his countenance gave place to a
ghastly hue, whilst the way in which he bent down his head showed the
intensity of the emotion through which he was passing. If riding, the camel
on which he sat would fall to the ground. The Prophet one day, when
reclining with his head in the lap of Zeid, heard the well known sound:
Zeid, too, knew that something unusual was happening, for so heavy became
the head of Muhammad that it was with the greatest difficulty he could
support the weight.
4. At the time of the Mi'ráj, or night ascent into heaven, God spoke to the
Prophet without the intervention of an angel. It is a disputed point
whether the face of the Lord was veiled or not.
5. God sometimes appeared in a dream, and placing his hands on the
Prophet's shoulders made known his will.
6. Twice, angels having each six hundred wings, appeared and brought the
message from God.
7. Gabriel, though not appearing in bodily form, so inspired the heart of
the Prophet that the words he uttered under its influence were the words of
God. This is technically called Ilká, and is by some supposed to be the
degree of inspiration to which the Traditions belong.
Above all, the Prophet was not allowed to remain in any error; if, by any
chance, he had made a wrong deduction from any previous revelation, another
was always sent to rectify it. This idea has been worked up to a science of
abrogation, according to which some verses of the Qurán abrogate others.
Muhammad found it necessary to shift {41} his stand-point more than once,
and thus it became necessary to annul earlier portions of his revelation.
Thus in various ways was the revelation made known to Muhammad. At first
there seems to have been a season of doubt (Ante p. 3), the dread lest
after all it might be a mockery. But as years rolled on confidence in
himself and in his mission came. At times, too, there is a joyousness in
his utterances as he swears by heaven and earth, by God and man; but more
often the visions were weird and terrible. Tradition says:--"He roared like
a camel, the sound as of bells well-nigh rent his heart in pieces." Some
strange power moved him, his fear was uncontrollable. For twenty years or
more the revelations came, a direction on things of heaven and of earth, to
the Prophet as the spiritual guide of all men,[43] to the Warrior-Chief, as
the founder of political unity among the Arab tribes.
A Muhammadan student, after passing through a course of instruction in
grammar, rhetoric, logic, law, and dogmatics, at length reaches the stage
when he is permitted to enter upon the study of "'Ilm-i-usúl," or the
exegesis of the Qurán, and the inspired sayings of the Prophet. This done,
he can henceforth read the approved commentaries in order to learn what the
Fathers of Islám have to say. This science in one way fits him to be a
commentator, for the work of a Muslim divine now is, not to bring things
"new and old" out of the sacred book, but to hand down to others the things
old. There is no indwelling spirit in the Church of Islám which can reveal
to the devout mind new views of truth, or lead the pious scholar on to
deeper and more profound knowledge.
The greatest proficient in theology is the man who can repeat the Qurán by
heart, who knows also and can reproduce at will what the early commentators
have said, who can remember, and quote in the most apposite manner, the
{42} Prophet's sayings preserved in the Traditions handed down by the
Companions, their followers, and their followers' followers, who can point
out a flaw in the Isnád (_i.e._ chain of narrators) of a Tradition quoted
by an opponent, or maintain, by repeating the long list of names, the
authority of the Isnád of the Tradition he quotes himself. A good memory,
not critical acumen, is the great desideratum in a Muslim theologian. The
chief qualification of a Háfiz, a man who can repeat the whole Qurán by
heart, is not that he shall understand its meaning, but that he shall be
able to pronounce each word correctly. By men who are not Arabs by birth,
this is only to be attained after years of practice from childhood. The
Sunnís say that no Shía'h can ever become a Háfiz, from which fact they
draw the conclusion that the Shía'hs are heretics. In the early days of
Islám, the great authorities on the question of the correct pronunciation
of the Qurán were the Khalífs Abu Bakr, Omar, Osmán, and 'Alí, and ten of
the Companions, who learned from the Prophet himself the exact way in which
Gabriel had spoken. The Arabic of heaven was the Arabic of Islám. The
effort, however, to preserve one uniform method of repeating the Qurán
failed. Men of other lands could not acquire the pure intonation of Mecca,
and so no less than seven different ways of reading the sacred book became
current. Here was a great difficulty, but it proved surmountable. Abu Ibn
Káb, one of the Companions, had become so famous as a reader that the
Prophet himself said: "read the Qurán under Abu Ibn Káb." These men
remembered that Abu Ibn Káb had stated, that one day when scandalized at
man after man who entered the mosque repeating the Qurán in different ways,
he spoke to Muhammad about it. His Highness said: "O Abu Ibn Káb!
intelligence was sent to me to read the Qurán in one dialect, and I was
attentive to the Court of God, and said: 'make easy the reading of the
Qurán to my sects.' These instructions were sent to me a second time
saying: 'read the {43} Qurán in two dialects.' Then I turned myself to the
Court of God saying: 'make easy the reading of the Qurán to my sects.' Then
a voice was sent to me the third time saying: 'read the Qurán in seven
dialects.'"
This removed all difficulty, and the foresight displayed by the Prophet in
thus obtaining a divine sanction for the various ways of reading was looked
upon as a proof of his inspiration. Thus arose the "haft qirá,at," or seven
readings of the Qurán, now recognised.
In the Qurán compiled by the order of the Khalíf Osmán there were no
vowel-points, but when men of other countries embraced Islám they found
great difficulty in mastering Arabic. Khalid bin Ahmad, a great grammarian,
then invented the short vowels and other diacritical marks. The seven
famous "Readers" whose names have been given to the various modes of
reading, are Imám Nafi of Madína, Imám Ibn-i-Kasir of Mecca, Imám Abu 'Umr
of Basra, Imám Hamza of Kufa, Imám Ibn 'Amir of Syria, Imám 'Ásim of Kufa,
Imám Kisáe of Kufa.[44] These learned men affixed different vowel-points in
many places in the Qurán, and thus slight differences of meaning arose. In
India the "qirá,at--reading,--of Imám 'Ásim is followed by both Sunnís and
Shía'hs. There are three readings of lesser note allowable when reading the
Qurán privately, but not when reading any part in a liturgical service.
During the month of Ramazán the Qurán is repeated every night in the
mosque, it being so arranged that one-thirtieth part shall be recited each
night. The Imám of the mosque, or public Reader, (Qárí) who commences
according to one of the seven recognised readings (qirá,at), must keep to
the same all the month. As he has to recite without a book this involves a
great exercise of the memory. A good Háfiz will know the whole seven
varieties. The various readings thus introduced, though {44} unimportant in
their nature,[45] amount to about five hundred in number. The following are
a few illustrations. In the second Súra Abu 'Umr reads: "Nor shall ye be
questioned concerning that which _they_ have done;" but 'Ásim reads: "That
which _ye_ have done." This is caused by putting two dots above the line
instead of below it. Again 'Ásim reads: "_Enter ye_ the gates of hell"
(Súra xxxix. 73), but Nafi reads: "_Ye will be made to enter_ hell,"--that
is, by a slight change the passive is substituted for the active voice.
These are fair samples of the rest. No doctrine, so far as I know, is
touched, but the way in which Tradition records the Prophet's anticipation
of the difficulty is instructive to the student of Islám. At times, too,
fierce disputes have arisen between the followers of the seven famous
Readers whose names I have given above. In the year 935 A.H., Ibn Shanabud,
a resident of Baghdád, ventured to introduce some different readings in his
recital of the Qurán. The people of Baghdád, not knowing these, were
furious, and the Khalíf was compelled to cast the offender into prison. A
Council of divines was called together, before whom the unhappy Ibn
Shanabud was produced. For a while he maintained the correctness of his
"readings," but after being whipped seven times he said: "I renounce my
manner of reading, and in future I shall follow no other than that of the
manuscript drawn up by the Khalíf Osmán, and that which is generally
received."[46]
Closely connected with this subject is the history of the rise of the
science of grammar. As Islám spread, it became necessary to expound the
Qurán to persons unacquainted with Arabic. The science of grammar then
became an important branch of study, and the collection of Traditions a
necessary duty. The Faithful were for a long time in {45} doubt as to the
lawfulness of applying the laws of grammar to so sacred a book. There was
no command in the book itself to do so, nor had the Prophet given any
directions on this point. It was then neither "farz" nor "sunnat," that is,
neither a command based on the Qurán nor one based on any saying or act of
the Prophet. The Traditions, however, solve the difficulty.
Al Mamun, the distinguished though heretical Khalíf of Baghdád, was a
patron of Al Farra, the chief of grammarians. A distinguished pupil of his,
Abu'l 'Abbás Thalub, on his death-bed expressed his belief in the fact that
the Quránists, the Traditionists, and others, had gained their heavenly
reward, but he had been only a grammarian, and grammar after all was, in
connection with the Qurán, a science of doubtful legality. The friend to
whom he told his doubts and fears went home and saw a vision. It is
recorded that he had a vision in his sleep that very night, in which he saw
the blessed Prophet, who said to him: "Give my greeting to Abu'l 'Abbás
Thalub, and say, 'thou art master of the superior science.'" The Prophet
had now spoken, and henceforth grammar became a lawful study in Islám.
Muslims now quote the Qurán as a perfect model of style; it may be well to
remember that the rules have been made for it, and that, therefore, it is
but natural that it should be perfect according to the present canons of
Arabic grammar.[47]
The question of the interpretation of the text speedily became a very
important branch of the "'Ilm-i-usúl." It is said that the Qurán was
brought from Paradise by Gabriel to Muhammad as occasion required. The
Prophet was reproached for not having a complete revelation, and {46}
answered the reproach by the following verse, sent for the purpose. "The
infidels say, 'unless the Qurán be sent down to him all at once'--but in
this way we establish thy heart in it, _in parcels have we parcelled it out
to thee_" (Súra xxv. 34). The revelation thus given is entirely objective;
it came to the ear of the Prophet through the teaching of Gabriel. "Yet it
is a glorious Qurán, _written on the preserved Table_." (Súra lxxxv. 22).
Gabriel addresses the Prophet thus: "When we have _recited_ it then follow
thou the _recital_." (Súra lxxv. 18). The external mode in which it came is
referred to in the verse: "We have _sent down_ to thee an Arabic Qurán."
(Súra xx. 112). The fragmentary way in which the Qurán was given[48] was
not without its difficulties. Some passages contradicted others, some were
difficult to understand. To the Prophet alone was the solution known. The
knowledge he communicated to his immediate followers, the Companions, as
they are called, thus: "To thee have we sent down this book of monitions,
that _thou mayest make clear to men_ what hath been sent down to them."
(Súra xvi. 46).
Ibn Khaldoun says: "The Prophet unfolded the meaning, distinguished between
abrogated and abrogating verses, {47} and communicated this knowledge to
his Companions. It was from his mouth that they knew the meaning of the
verses and the circumstances which led to each distinct revelation being
made."[49] The Companions thus instructed became perfectly familiar with
the whole revelation. This knowledge they handed down by word of mouth to
their followers, the Tába'ín, who in their turn passed it on to their
followers the Taba-i-Tába'ín. The art of writing then became common, and
the business of the commentator henceforth was to collect together the
sayings of the Companions thus handed down. Criticism of a passage in the
Qurán was not his duty, criticism of a comment made on it by a Companion
was beyond his province: the first was too sacred to be touched, the second
must be accepted if only the chain of narrators of the statement were
perfect. Thus early in the history of Islám were the principles of exegesis
fixed and settled. Every word, every sentence, has now its place and class.
The commentator has now only to reproduce what was written before,[50]
though he may in elucidation of the point, bring forth some Tradition
hitherto unnoticed, which would, however, be a difficult thing to do. It
will thus be seen that anything like the work of a Christian commentator,
with all its fresh life and new ideas, is not to be had in Islám. The
perfection of its exegesis is its dogmatic and antique nature--
"While as the world rolls on from age to age,
And realms of thought expand,
The letter stands without expanse or range,
Stiff as a dead man's hand."
The technical terms which the student must know, and {48} the definitions
of which he must understand, are those which relate to the nature of the
words, the sentences, the use of the words of the Qurán, and the deduction
of arguments from passages in the book.
I. The words of the Qurán are divided into four classes.
1. _Kháss_, or special words. These are sub-divided into three classes.
First, words which relate to genus, _e.g._ mankind. Secondly, words which
relate to species, _e.g._ a man, which refers to men as distinguished from
women. Thirdly, words which relate to special individuality, _e.g._ Zeid,
which is the name of a special individual.
2. _'Amm_, or common or collective names, such as "people."
3. _Mushtarik_, or words which have several significations, as the Arabic
word "'ain," which may mean an eye, a fountain, or the sun. Again, the word
"Sulát," if connected with God, may mean mercy, as "Sulát Ulláh," the mercy
of God; if with man, it may mean either "namáz," a stated liturgical
service, or "du'a," prayer in its ordinary sense, _e.g._ Sulát-ul-Istisqá
(prayer in time of drought) is du'a, not namáz.
4. _Muawwal_, words which have several significations, all of which are
possible, and so a special explanation is required. For example, Súra
cviii. 2, reads thus in Sale's translation. "Wherefore pray unto the Lord
and _slay_ (the victims)." The word translated "slay" is in Arabic "nahr,"
which has many meanings. The followers of the great Legist Abu Hanífa
render it, "sacrifice," and add the words (the "victims"). The followers of
Ibn Sháfa'í say it means "placing the hands on the breast in prayer."
This illustrates the difference between Mushtarik and Muawwal. In the
former, only one meaning is allowable, and that meaning the context
settles; in the latter both meanings are allowable and both right.
These divisions of words having been well mastered and the power of
defining any word in the Qurán gained, the {49} student passes on to
consider the nature of the sentences. These are divided into two great
classes,--the "Obvious," and the "Hidden."
This division is referred to in the following passage of the Qurán. "He it
is who hath sent down to thee the book. Some of its signs are of themselves
_perspicuous_; these are the basis (literally "mother") of the book, and
others are _figurative_. But they whose hearts are given to err follow its
figures, craving discord, craving an interpretation; yet none know its
interpretation, but God.[51] And the stable in knowledge say: 'We believe
in it, it is all from God.'" (Súra iii. 3).
This has given rise to the division of the whole book into literal and
allegorical statements. In order to explain these correctly the commentator
must know (1) the reason why, (2) the place where, (3) the time when, the
particular passage he is expounding was revealed; he must know whether it
abrogates or is abrogated, whether it is in its proper order and place or
not; whether it contains its meaning within itself or needs the light which
the context throws upon it; he must know all the Traditions which bear upon
it, and the authority for each such Tradition. This effectually confines
the order of commentators in the strict sense of the word to the
Companions, and supplies the reason why commentators since then simply
reproduce their opinions.[52] But to return from this digression. Sentences
are Záhir--"Obvious," or Khafí--"Hidden." Obvious sentences are divided
into four classes.
I. (1). _Záhir_, or obvious, the meaning of which is so clear that he who
hears it at once understands its meaning {50} without seeking for any
explanation. This kind of sentence may be abrogated. Unless abrogated,
action in accordance with it is to be considered as the express command of
God. All penal laws and the rules regulating the substitution of one
religious act for another, _e.g._ almsgiving instead of fasting, must be
based on this, the clearest of the obvious sentences.
(2). _Nass_, a word commonly used for a text of the Qurán, but in its
technical meaning here expressing what is meant by a sentence, the meaning
of which is made clear by some word which occurs in it. The following
sentence illustrates both Záhir and Nass: "Take in marriage of such other
women as please you, two, three, four." This sentence is Záhir, because
marriage is here declared lawful; it is Nass, because the words "one, two,
three, four," which occur in the sentence, show the unlawfulness of having
more than four wives.
(3). _Mufassir_, or explained. This is a sentence which needs some word in
it to explain it and make it clear. Thus: "And the angels prostrated
themselves, all of them with one accord, save Iblis (Satan)." Here the
words "save Iblis," show that he did not prostrate himself. This kind of
sentence may be abrogated.
(4). _Mukham_, or perspicuous. This is a sentence as to the meaning of
which there can be no doubt, and which cannot be controverted, thus: "God
knoweth all things." This kind of sentence cannot be abrogated. To act on
such sentences without departing from the literal sense is the highest
degree of obedience to God's command.
The difference between these sentences is seen when there is a real or
apparent contradiction between them. If such should occur, the first must
give place to the second, and so on. Thus Mukham cannot be abrogated or
changed by any of the preceding, or Mufassir by Nass, &c.
The other great division of sentences is that of
II. (1). _Khafí_ or hidden. Such are those sentences in {51} which other
persons or things are hidden beneath the plain meaning of a word or
expression contained therein, as: "as for a thief, whether male or female,
cut ye off their hands in recompense for their doings." (Súra v. 42). The
word for thief is "Sáriq," and in this passage it is understood to include
highwaymen, pickpockets, plunderers of the dead, &c. These meanings are
Khafí or hidden under it.
(2). _Muskhil_, or ambiguous, The following is given as an illustration:
"And (their attendants) shall go round about them with vessels of silver
and goblets. The bottles shall be bottles of silver." The difficulty here
is that bottles are not made of silver, but of glass. The commentators say,
however, that glass is dull in colour, though it has some lustre, whilst
silver is white, and not so bright as glass. Now it may be, that the
bottles of Paradise will be like glass bottles as regards their lustre, and
like silver as regards their colour. But anyhow, it is very difficult to
ascertain the meaning.
(3.) _Mujmal._ These are, first, sentences which may have a variety of
interpretations, owing to the words in them being capable of several
meanings; in that case the meaning which is given to the sentence in the
Traditions relating to it should be acted on and accepted. Secondly, the
sentence may contain some very rare word, and thus its meaning may be
doubtful, as: "Man truly is by creation hasty." (Súra lxx. 19.) In this
verse the word "halú'"--hasty--occurs. It is very rarely used, and had it
not been for the following words, "when evil toucheth him, he is full of
complaint; but when good befalleth him, he becometh niggardly," its meaning
would not have been at all easy to understand.
The following is an illustration of the first kind of _Mujmal_ sentences:
"Stand for prayer (salát) and give alms," (zakát.) Both salát and zakát are
'Mushtarik' words. The people, therefore, did not understand this verse, so
they applied to Muhammad for an explanation. He explained to them that
"salát" might mean the ritual of public prayer, {52} standing to say the
words "God is great," or standing to repeat a few verses of the Qurán; or
it might mean private prayer. The primitive meaning of "zakát" is growing.
The Prophet, however, fixed the meaning here to that of "almsgiving," and
said, "Give of your substance one-fortieth part."
(4.) _Mutashábih._ These are sentences so difficult that men cannot
understand them, a fact referred to in Súra iii. 3. (Ante. p. 49), nor will
they do so until the day of resurrection. The Prophet, however, knew their
meaning. Such portions are the letters A, L, M; A, L, R; Y, A at the
commencement of some of the Súras.[53] Such expressions also as "God's
hand," "The face of God," "God sitteth," &c., come under this category.
The next point to be considered is the _use_ of words in the Qurán, and
here again the same symmetrical division into four classes is found,
_viz_:--
(1.) _Haqíqat_, that is, words which are used in their literal meaning, as
"rukú'," a prostration, and "salát" in the sense of prayer.
(2.) _Majáz_, or words which are used in a figurative sense, as "salát" in
the sense of "námáz" a liturgical service.
(3.) _Saríh_, or words the meaning of which is quite evident, as, "Thou art
_divorced_," "Thou art _free_."
(4.) _Kinayáh_, or words which, being used in a metaphorical sense, require
the aid of the context to make their meaning clear, as: "Thou art
separated," which may, as it {53} stands alone, mean "Thou art divorced."
This class also includes all pronouns the meaning of which is only to be
known from the context, _e.g._ one day the Prophet not knowing who knocked
at his door said, "Who art thou?" The man replied, "It is I." Muhammad
answered, "Why dost thou say I, I? Say thy name that I may know who thou
art." The pronoun "I" is here 'kinayáh.'
The most important and most difficult branch of exegesis is "istidlál," or
the science of deducing arguments from the Qurán. This too is divided into
four sections, as follows:--
(1.) _Ibárat_, or the plain sentence. "Mothers, after they are divorced,
shall give suck unto their children two full years, and the father shall be
obliged to maintain them and clothe them according to that which is
reasonable." (Súra ii. 233.) From this verse two deductions are made.
First, from the fact that the word "them" is in the feminine plural, it
must refer to the mothers and not to the children; secondly, as the duty of
supporting the mother is incumbent on the father, it shows that the
relationship of the child is closer with the father than with the mother.
Penal laws may be based on a deduction of this kind.
(2.) _Ishárat_, that is, a sign or hint which may be given from the order
in which the words are placed.
(3.) _Dalálat_, or the argument which may be deduced from the use of some
special word in the verse, as: "say not to your parents, "Fie" (Arabic
"uff") (Súra xvii. 23). From the use of the word "uff," it is argued that
children may not beat or abuse their parents. Penal laws may be based on
"dalálat," thus: "Their aim will be to abet disorder on the earth; but God
loveth not the abettors of disorder." (Súra v. 69.) The word translated
"aim" is in Arabic literally yasa'úna, "they run." From this the argument
is deduced that as highwaymen wander about, they are included amongst those
whom "God loveth not," and that, therefore, the severest punishment may be
given to {54} them, for any deduction that comes under the head of
"dalálat" is a sufficient basis for the formation of the severest penal
laws.
(4.) _Iqtizá._ This is a deduction which demands certain conditions:
"whosoever killeth a believer by mischance, shall be bound to free a
believer from slavery." (Súra iv. 94). As a man has no authority to free
his neighbour's slave, the condition here required, though not expressed,
is that the slave should be his own property.
The Qurán is divided into:--
(1). _Harf_ (plural _Hurúf_), letters. The numbers given by different
authorities vary. In one standard book it is said that there are 338,606
letters.
(2). _Kalima_ (plural _Kalimát_), words, stated by some to amount to
79,087; by others to 77,934.
(3). _Áyat_ (plural _Áyát_), verses. Áyat really means a sign, and was the
name given by Muhammad to short sections or verses of the Qurán. The end of
a verse is determined by the position of a small circle (.). The early
Qurán Readers did not agree as to the position of these circles, and so
five different ways of arranging them have arisen. This accounts for a
variation in the number of verses in various editions. The varieties are:--
(1). _Kúfa_ verses. The Readers in the city of Kúfa say that they followed
the custom of 'Alí. Their way of reckoning is generally adopted in India.
They reckon 6,239 verses.
(2). _Basra_ verses. The Readers of Basra follow 'Asim bin Hajjáj, a
Companion. They reckon 6,204.
(3). _Shámi_ verses. The Readers in Syria (Shám) followed Abd-ulláh bin
'Umr, a Companion. They reckon 6,225 verses.
(4). _Mecca_ verses. According to this arrangement there are 6,219 verses.
(5). _Madína_ verses. This way of reading contains 6,211 verses.
{55}
In each of the above varieties the verse "Bismilláh" (in the name of God)
is not reckoned. It occurs 113 times in the Qurán.
This diversity of punctuation does not generally affect the meaning of any
important passage. The third verse of the third Súra is an important
exception. The position of the circle (.), the symbol denoting a full stop,
in that verse is of the highest importance in connection with the rise of
scholasticism ('Ilm-i-kalám) in Islám.
Most of the cases, however, are like the following:--
In Súra xxvii. an account is given of the Queen of Sheba's receiving a
letter from King Solomon. Addressing her nobles she said: "Verily, Kings,
when they enter a city (by force) waste the same, and abase the most
powerful of the inhabitants hereof: and so will (these) do (with us)." Many
Readers put the full stop after the word "hereof," and say that God is the
speaker of the words "and so will they do."
(4). _Súra_, or chapter. The word Súra means a row or series, such as a
line of bricks arranged in a wall, but it is now exclusively used for
chapters in the Qurán. These are one hundred and fourteen in number. The
Súras are not numbered in the original Arabic, but each one has some
approximate name, (as Baqr--the cow, Nisá--women, &c.,) generally taken
from some expression which occurs in it. They are not arranged in
chronological order, but according to their length. As a general rule, the
shorter Súras which contain the theology of Islám, belong to the Meccan
period of the Prophet's career,[54] and the longer ones relating chiefly to
social duties and relationships, to the organisation of Islám as a civil
polity, to the time when he was consolidating his power at Madína. The best
way, therefore, to {56} read the Qurán, is to begin at the end. The attempt
to arrange the Súras in due order, is a very difficult one, and, after all,
can only be approximately correct.[55] Carlyle referring to the confused
mass of "endless iterations, long windedness, entanglement, most crude,
incondite" says: "nothing but a sense of duty could carry any European
through the Qurán." When re-arranged the book becomes more intelligible.
The chief tests for such re-arrangement are the style and the matter. There
is a very distinct difference in both of these respects between the earlier
and later Súras. The references to historical events sometimes give a clue.
Individual Súras are often very composite in their character, but, such as
they are, they have been from the beginning. The recension made by Zeid, in
the reign of the Khalíf Osmán, has been handed down unaltered in its form.
The only variations (qirá'at) now to be found in the text have been already
noticed. They in no way affect the arrangements of the Súras.
5. _Sípára_ a thirtieth portion. This is a Persian word derived from _sí_,
thirty, and _pára_, a portion. The Arabs call each of these divisions a
_Juz_. Owing to this division, a pious man can recite the whole Qurán in a
month, taking one Sípára each day. Musalmáns never quote the Qurán as we do
by Súra and Áyat, but by the Sípára and Rukú', a term I now proceed to
explain.
6. _Rukú'_ (plural _Rukúát_). This word literally means a prostration made
by a worshipper in the act of saying the prayers. The collection of verses
recited from the Qurán, ascriptions of praise offered to God, and various
ritual acts connected with these, constitute one act of worship called a
"rak'at." After reciting some verses in this form of prayer, the worshipper
makes a _Rukú'_, or prostration, the {57} portion then recited takes the
name of _Rukú'_. Tradition states that the Khalíf Osmán, when reciting the
Qurán during the month of Ramazán, used to make twenty rak'ats each
evening. In each rak'at he introduced different verses of the Qurán,
beginning with the first chapter and going steadily on. In this way he
recited about two hundred verses each evening; that is, about ten verses in
each rak'at. Since then, it has been the custom to recite the Qurán in this
way in Ramazán, and also to quote it by the rukú', _e.g._, "such a passage
is in such a Sípára and in such a rukú'."
The following account of a rak'at will make the matter plain. When the
Faithful are assembled in the mosque, the Imám, or leader, being in front
facing the Qibla, the service commences thus:--Each worshipper stands and
says the Niyyat (literally "intention"), a form of words declaring his
intention to say his prayers. He then says: "God is great." After this,
looking downwards, he says: "Holiness to Thee, O God! and praise be to
Thee, Great is Thy name, Great is Thy greatness, there is no deity but
Thee." Then follows: "I seek from God refuge from cursed Satan." Then the
Tasmiyah is repeated: "In the name of God, the Compassionate and Merciful."
Then follows the Fátiha, that is, the short chapter at the commencement of
the Qurán. After this has been recited, the Imám proceeds, on the first
night of the month Ramazán, with the first verse of the second chapter.[56]
After saying a few verses, he makes a rukú'; that is, he bends his head and
body down, and places his hands on his knees. In this position he says:
"God is great." Then he repeats three times the words: "I extol the
holiness of my Lord, the Great." He then stands up and says: "God hears him
who praises Him." To this the people respond: "O Lord, thou art praised."
Again, falling on his knees, the worshipper says: "God is great." Then he
puts first his nose, and then his forehead on the {58} ground and says
three times: "I extol the holiness of my Lord, the Most High." Then sitting
on his heels, he says: "God is great;" and again repeats as before: "I
extol, etc." He then rises and says: "God is great." This is one rak'at. On
each night in the month of Ramazán this is gone through twenty times, the
only variation being that after the Fátiha and before the first
prostration, fresh verses of the Qurán are introduced. The whole is, of
course, done in Arabic, in whatever country the worshippers may be. The
name of the prostration (rukú') has been transferred to the portion of the
Qurán recited just before it is made. There are altogether 557 Rukúát.
(7). The other divisions are not important. They are, a _Sumn_, _Ruba'_,
_Nisf_, _Suls_, that is one-eighth, one-fourth, one-half, one-third of a
Sípára respectively.
In reciting the Qurán the worshipper must be careful to say the "Takbír,"
_i.e._ "God is great," after the several appointed places. Such a place is
after the recital of the 93rd Súra. The custom arose in this way. The
hypocrites came to the Prophet and asked him to relate the story of the
"Seven Sleepers." He said: "I will tell you to-morrow;" but he forgot to
add the words "if God will." By way of warning, God allowed no inspiration
to descend upon him for some days. Then the hypocrites began to laugh and
say: "God has left him." As it was not God's purpose to put his messenger
to ridicule, the Súra entitled "The brightness" (xciii) was immediately
brought by the ever-ready Gabriel. It begins: "By the brightness of the
morning, and by the night when it groweth dark, _thy Lord hath not forsaken
thee_, neither doth He hate thee." In remembrance of this signal
interposition of Providence on his behalf, the Prophet always concluded the
recital of this Súra with the words: "God is great." The practice thus
became a "Sunnat" obligation; that is, it should be done because the
Prophet did it.
The doctrine of abrogation is a very important one in {59} connection with
the study of the Qurán. It is referred to in the verses: "Whatever verses
we cancel or cause thee to forget, we give thee better in their stead, or
the like thereof." (Súra ii. 100). This is a Madína Súra. "What He pleaseth
will God abrogate or confirm; for with Him is the source of revelation."
(Súra xiii. 39). Some verses which were cancelled in the Prophet's
life-time are not now extant. Abdullah Ibn Masúd states that the Prophet
one day recited a verse, which he immediately wrote down. The next morning
he found it had vanished from the material on which it had been written.
Astonished at this, he acquainted Muhammad with the fact, and was informed
that the verse in question had been revoked. There are, however, many
verses still in the Qurán, which have been abrogated. It was an exceedingly
convenient doctrine, and one needed to explain the change of front which
Muhammad made at different periods of his career. Certain rules have been
laid down to regulate the practice. The verse which abrogates is called
_Núsikh_, and the abrogated verse _Mansúkh_. _Mansúkh_ verses are of three
kinds:--first, where the words and the sense have both been abrogated;
secondly, where the letter only is abrogated and the sense remains;
thirdly, where the sense is abrogated though the letter remains. Imám Málik
gives as an instance of the first kind the verse: "If a son of Adam had two
rivers of gold, he would covet yet a third; and if he had three he would
covet yet a fourth. Neither shall the belly of a son of Adam be filled, but
with dust. God will turn unto him who shall repent." The Imám states that
originally this verse was in the Súra (ix.) called Repentance. The verse,
called the "verse of stoning" is an illustration of the second kind. It
reads: "Abhor not your parents for this would be ingratitude in you. If a
man and woman of reputation commit adultery, ye shall stone them both; it
is a punishment ordained by God; for God is mighty and wise." The Khalíf
Omar says this verse was extant in Muhammad's life-time but that it {60} is
now lost. But it is the third class which practically comes into
'Ilm-i-usúl. Authorities differ as to the number of verses abrogated. Sale
states that they have been estimated at two hundred and twenty-five. The
principal ones are not many in number, and are very generally agreed upon.
I give a few examples. It is a fact worthy of notice that they occur
chiefly, if not almost entirely, in Súras delivered at Madína. There, where
Muhammad had to confront Jews and Christians, he was at first politic in
his aim to win them over to his side, and then, when he found them
obstinate, the doctrine of abrogation came in conveniently. This is seen
plainly in the following case. At Mecca Muhammad and his followers did not
stand facing any particular direction when at prayer, a fact to which the
following passage refers:--"To God belongeth the east and west; therefore,
whithersoever ye turn yourselves to pray there is the face of God." (Súra
ii. 109). When Muhammad arrived at Madína, he entered into friendship with
the Jews and tried to win them to his side. The Qibla (sanctuary) towards
which the worshippers now invariably turned at prayer was Jerusalem. This
went on for a while, but when Muhammad claimed to be not merely a Prophet
for the Arabs, but the last and the greatest of all the Prophets, when he
asserted that Moses had foretold his advent, and that his revelations were
the same as those contained in their own Scriptures, they utterly refused
allegiance to him. In the first half of the second year of the Hijra the
breach between them was complete. It was now time to reconcile the leaders
of the Quraish tribe at Mecca. So the verse quoted above was abrogated by:
"We have seen thee turning thy face towards heaven, but we will have thee
turn to a Qibla, which shall please thee. Turn then thy face toward the
Holy Temple (of Mecca), and wherever ye be, turn your faces toward that
part." (Súra ii. 139.) The Faithful were consoled by the assurance that
though they had not done so hitherto, yet God would not let their {61}
faith be fruitless, "for unto man is God merciful, gracious." (v. 138.) The
doctrine of abrogation is brought in for a more personal matter in the
following case: "It is not permitted to thee to take other wives hereafter,
nor to change thy present wives for other women, though their beauty charm
thee, except slaves, whom thy right hand shall possess." (Súra xxxiii. 52.)
This is said by Beidawi, and other eminent Muslim divines, to have been
abrogated by a verse which though placed before it in the arrangement of
verses, was really delivered after it. The verse is: "O Prophet, we allow
thee thy wives whom thou hast dowered, and the slaves which thy right hand
possesseth out of the booty which God hath granted thee; and the daughters
of thy uncle, and the daughters of thy aunts, both on thy father's side,
and on thy mother's side, who have fled with thee (to Madína), and any
other believing woman, who hath given herself up to the Prophet; if the
Prophet desireth to wed her, it is a peculiar privilege for thee, above the
rest of the Faithful." (Súra xxxiii. 49.)
The Moghul Emperor Akbar, wishing to discredit the 'Ulamá, in one of the
meetings so frequently held for discussion during his long reign,
propounded the question as to how many free born women a man might marry.
The lawyers answered that four was the number fixed by the Prophet. "Of
other women who seem good in your eyes marry two and two, and three and
three, and four and four." (Súra iv. 3.) The Emperor said that he had not
restricted himself to that number, and that Shaikh 'Abd-un-Nabi had told
him that a certain Mujtahid had had nine wives. The Mujtahid in question,
Ibn Abi Lailah reckoned the number allowed thus 2+3+4=9. Other learned men
counted in this way 2+2, 3+3, 4+4=18. The Emperor wished the meeting to
decide the point.
Again, the second verse of Súra lxxiii reads: "Stand up all night, except a
small portion of it, for prayer." According to a Tradition handed down by
'Áyesha the last verse {62} of this Súra was revealed a year later. It
makes the matter much easier. "God measureth the night and the day; he
knoweth that ye cannot count its hours aright, and therefore turneth to you
mercifully. Recite _then so much of the Qurán as may be easy to you_." (v.
20.)
The following is an illustration of a verse abrogated, though there is no
verse to prove its abrogation. However, according to the Ijmá' it has been
abrogated. "But alms are only to be given to the poor and the needy and to
those who collect them, and to those whose hearts are won to Islám." (Súra
ix. 60.) The clause--"to those whose hearts are won to Islám"--is now
cancelled.[57] Muhammad, to gain the hearts of those, who lately enemies,
had now become friends, and to confirm them in the faith, gave them large
presents from the spoils he took in war; but when Islám spread and became
strong, the 'Ulamá agreed that such a procedure was not required and said
that the order was "mansukh."
The other verses abrogated relate to the Ramazán fast, to Jihád, the law of
retaliation, and other matters of social interest.
The doctrine of abrogation is now almost invariably applied by Musalmán
controversialists to the Old and New Testaments, which they say are
abrogated by the Qurán. "His (Muhammad's) law is the abrogator of every
other law."[58] This is not, however, a legitimate use of the doctrine.
According to the best and most ancient Muslim divines, abrogation refers
entirely to the Qurán and the Traditions, and even then is confined to
commands and prohibitions. "Those who imagine it to be part of the
Muhammadan creed that one law has totally repealed another, are utterly
mistaken--we hold no such doctrine."[59] In the Tafsír-i-Itifáq it is
written: "Abrogation affects those {63} matters which God has confined to
the followers of Muhammad, and one of the chief advantages of it is that
the way is made easy." In the Tafsír-i-Mazhirí we find: "Abrogation refers
only to commands and prohibitions, not to facts or historical
statements."[60] Again, no verse of the Qurán, or a Tradition can be
abrogated unless the abrogating verse is distinctly opposed to it in
meaning. If it is a verse of the Qurán, we must have the authority of
Muhammad himself for the abrogation; if a Tradition, that of a Companion.
Thus "the word of a commentator or a Mujtahid is not sufficient unless
there is a 'genuine Tradition' (Hadís-i-Sahíh), to show the matter clearly.
The question of the abrogation of any previous command depends on
historical facts with regard to the abrogation, not on the mere opinion of
a commentator." It cannot be shown that either Muhammad or a Companion ever
said that the Bible was abrogated. This rule, whilst it shows that the
assertion of modern controversialists on this point is void of foundation,
also illustrates another point to which I have often called attention,
_viz._; that in Islám all interpretation must be regulated by
traditionalism.
Additions were occasionally made. Thus when it was revealed that those who
stay at home were not before God as those who go forth to war, Abdullah and
Ibn Um-Maktum said: 'and what if they were blind.' The Prophet asked for
the shoulder-blade on which the verse was written. He then had a spasmodic
convulsion. After his recovery he made Zeid add the words, "free from
trouble." So now the whole verse reads thus: "Those believers who sit at
home _free from trouble_ (_i.e._, bodily infirmity), and those who do
valiantly in the cause of God, with their substance and their persons,
shall not be treated alike." (Súra iv. 97). Years after, Zeid said: "I
fancy I see the words now on the shoulder-blade near a crack."
{64}
The question of the eternal nature of the Qurán does not properly come
under the head of 'Ilm-i-usúl, but it is a dogma fondly cherished by many
Muslims. In the days of the Khalíf Al-Mamun this question was fiercely
debated. The Freethinkers, whilst believing in the Mission of Muhammad,
asserted that the Qurán was created, by which statement they meant that the
revelation came to him in a subjective mode, and that the language was his
own. The book was thus brought within the reach of criticism. In the year
212, A.H. the Khalíf issued a decree to the effect that all who held the
Qurán to be uncreated were to be declared guilty of heresy. But the Khalíf
himself was a notorious rationalist, and so the orthodox, though they
remained quiet, remained unconvinced. The arguments used on the orthodox
side are, that both the words and their pronunciation are eternal, that the
attempt to draw a distinction between the word as it exists in the Divine
Mind and as it appears in the Qurán is highly dangerous. In vain do their
opponents argue that, if the Qurán is uncreated, two Eternal Beings are in
existence. To this it is answered: "This is the honourable Qurán, written
in the preserved Tablet." (Súra lvi. 76). A Tradition is also adduced which
states: "God wrote the Thora (Law) with His own hand, and with His own hand
He created Adam; and also in the Qurán it is written, 'and We wrote for him
upon the tables a monition concerning every matter,' in reference to the
tables of the Law given to Moses." If God did this for former prophets and
their works, how much more, it is argued, should he not have done it for
the last and greatest of the prophets, and the noble Qurán? It is not easy
to get a correct definition of the term "the uncreated Qurán," but it has
been put thus: "The Word as it exists in the mind of God is 'Kalám-i-Nafsí'
(spiritual word), something unwritten and eternal. It is acknowledged by
the Ijmá'-i-Ummat (consent of the Faithful), the Traditions, and by other
prophets that God {65} speaks. The Kalám-i-Nafsí then is eternal, but the
actual words, style, and eloquence are created by God; so also is the
arrangement and the miraculous nature of the book." This seems to be a
reasonable account of the doctrine, though there are theologians who hold
that the very words are eternal. The doctrine of abrogation clashes with
this idea, but they meet the objection by their theory of absolute
predestination. This accounts for the circumstances which necessitated the
abrogation, for the circumstances, as well as the abrogated verses, were
determined on from all eternity.
This concludes the consideration of the exegesis of the Qurán, a book
difficult and uninteresting for a non-Muslim to read, but one which has
engaged and is still engaging the earnest thoughts of many millions of the
human race. Thousands of devout students in the great theological schools
of Cairo, Stamboul, Central Asia and India are now plodding through this
very subject of which I have here been treating; soon will they go forth as
teachers of the book they so much revere. How utterly unfit that training
is to make them wise men in any true sense of the word, how calculated to
render them proud, conceited, and scornful of other creeds, its rigid and
exclusive character shows. Still, it is a marvellous book; for twelve
hundred years and more it has helped to mould the faith, animate the
courage, cheer the despondency of multitudes, whether dwellers in the wild
uplands of Central Asia, in Hindustan, or on the shores of the
Mediterranean. The Turanian and the Aryan, the Arab and the Negro, alike
learn its sonorous sentences, day by day repeat its opening clauses, and
pray in its words as their fathers prayed before them.
Next to the act of testifying to the unity of God, the Qurán is the great
bond of Islám. No matter from what race the convert may have come, no
matter what language he may speak, he must learn in Arabic, and repeat by
rote portions of the Qurán in every act of public worship.
The next subject for consideration is that of the {66} Traditions, or the
second branch of the science of 'Ilm-i-usúl. The Traditions contain the
record of all that Muhammad did and said. It is the belief of every Muslim,
to whatever sect he belongs, that the Prophet not only spake but also acted
under a divine influence. The mode of the inspiration is different from
that of the Qurán. There the revelation was objective. In the Prophet's
sayings recorded in the Traditions the inspiration is subjective, but still
a true inspiration. This belief places the Traditions in a place second
only to the Qurán; it makes them a true supplement to that book, and thus
they not only throw light on its meaning, but themselves form the basis on
which doctrines may be established. Without going so far as to say that
every Tradition by itself is to be accepted as an authority in Islám, it
may be distinctly asserted that there can be no true conception formed of
that system if the Traditions are not studied and taken into account. So
important a branch of Muslim theology is it, that the study of the
Traditions is included in the 'Ilm-i-usúl, or science of exegesis. Some
account of them, therefore, naturally forms part of this chapter.
The first four Khalífs were called the Khulafá-i-Ráshidín that is, those
who could guide others aright. They had been friends and Companions of the
Prophet, and the Faithful could always appeal to them in cases of doubt.
The Prophet had declared that Islám must be written in the hearts of men.
There was therefore an unwillingness to commit his sayings to writing. They
were handed down by word of mouth. As no argument was so effectual in a
dispute as "a saying" of the Prophet, the door was opened by which spurious
Traditions could be palmed off on the Faithful. To prevent this, a number
of strict rules were framed, at the head of which stands the Prophet's
saying, itself a Tradition: "Convey to other persons none of my words
except those which ye know of a surety. Verily, he who purposely represents
my {67} words wrongly will find a place for himself nowhere but in fire."
To enforce this rule, it was laid down that the relator of a Tradition must
also repeat its "Isnád," or chain of authorities, as: "I heard from such an
one, who heard from such an one," and so on, until the chain reaches the
Prophet himself. Each person, too, in this "Isnád," must have been well
known for his good character and retentive memory. This failed, however, to
prevent a vast number of manifestly false Traditions becoming current; so
men set themselves to the work of collecting and sifting the great mass of
Tradition that in the second century of Islám had begun to work untold
evil. These men are called "Muhadisín," or "collectors of Tradition." The
Sunnís and the Wahhábís recognise six such men, and their collections are
known as the "Sihah-Sittah," or six correct books. They are the
following:--
(1). The _Sahíh-i-Bukhárí_, called after Abu Abdullah Muhammad
Ibn-i-Ismá'íl, a native of Bukhárá. He was born A.H. 194. He was a man of
middle height, spare in frame, and as a boy totally blind. The grief of his
father was on this account intense; but one day in a dream he saw the
Patriarch Abraham, who said to him: "God on account of thy grief and sorrow
has granted sight to thy son." The sight being thus restored, at the age of
ten he went to school, and began to learn the Traditions by heart. After
his education was finished, a famous Muhadis named Dákhlí came to Bukhárá.
One day the youthful Bukhárí ventured to correct the famous man. It was an
astounding piece of audacity, but the youth was proved to be in the right.
This set him on the work of collecting and sifting the Traditions. At the
early age of sixteen he was able to remember fifteen thousand. In course of
time he collected 600,000 Traditions. The result of his examination and
selection was that he approved of seven thousand two hundred and
seventy-five. These are now recorded in his great work, the
Sahíh-i-Bukhárí. It {68} is said that he never sat down to examine a
Tradition without first performing a legal ablution, and repeating two
rak'at prayers. He then said: "O Lord, let me not make a mistake." For
sixteen years he lived in a mosque and died much respected at the age of
sixty-four.
(2). _Sahíh-i-Muslim._ Muslim Ibn-i-Hajjáj was born at Nishápúr, a city of
Khorásán. He collected about 300,000 Traditions, from which he made his
collection. He is said to have been a very just man, and willing to oblige
all who sought his advice. In fact, this willingness to oblige was the
indirect cause of his death. One day he was sitting as usual in the mosque
when some people came to ask him about a Tradition. As he could not
discover it in the books he had with him, he went to his house to search
there. The people brought him a basket of dates. He went on eating and
searching, but unfortunately he ate so many dates that he died. (A.H. 261.)
(3). _Sunan-i-Abu Dáúd._ Abu Dáúd Sajistání, a native of Seistán, was born
A.H. 202. He was a great traveller, and went to all the chief places of
Musalmán learning. In knowledge of the Traditions, in devotion, in piety,
he was unrivalled. He collected about 500,000 Traditions, of which he
selected four thousand eight hundred for his book.
(4). _Jámí'-i-Tirmizí._ Abu Isa' Muhammad Tirmizí was born at Tirmiz in the
year A.H. 209. He was a disciple of Bukhárí. Ibn Khallikan says this work
is "the production of a well-informed man: its exactness is
proverbial."[61]
(5). _Sunan-i-Nasáí._ Abu Abd-ur-Rahman Nasáí was born at Nasá, in
Khorásán, in the year A.H. 214, and died A.H. 303. It is recorded of him,
with great approbation, that he fasted every other day, and had four wives
and many slaves. This book is considered of great value. He met with his
death in rather a sad way. He had compiled a book on the virtues of 'Alí,
and as the people of {69} Damascus were at that time inclined to the heresy
of the Khárigites, he wished to read his book in the mosque of that place.
After he had read a little way, a man arose and asked him whether he knew
aught of the praises of Muavia, 'Alí's deadly enemy. He replied that he did
not. This answer enraged the people, who beat him so severely that he died
soon after.
(6). _Sunan-i-Ibn Májah._ Ibn Májah[62] was born at 'Irak A.H. 209. This
work contains 4,000 Traditions.
The Shía'hs reject these books and substitute five books[63] of their own
instead. They are of a much later date, the last one, indeed, having been
compiled more than four hundred years after the Hijra.
The belief which underlies the question of the authority of the Traditions
is that before the Throne of God there stands a 'preserved Table,' on which
all that can happen, and all that has ever entered, or will enter, the mind
of man is 'noted in a distinct writing.' Through the medium of Gabriel, the
Prophet had access to this. It follows then that the words of the Prophet
are the words of God.
Of the four great "Canonical Legists" of Islám, Ahmad Ibn Hanbal was the
greatest collector of Traditions. It is said that he knew by heart no less
than one million. Of these he incorporated thirty thousand into his system
of jurisprudence. That system is now almost obsolete. Abu Hanífa, who is
said to have accepted only eighteen Traditions as authentic, founded a
system which is to this day the most powerful in Islám. The Hanifites,
however, as well as other Muslims, acknowledge the six standard collections
of Traditions as direct revelations of the will of {70} God. They range
over a vast number of subjects, and furnish a commentary on the Qurán. The
Prophet's personal appearance, his mental and moral qualities, his actions,
his opinions, are all recorded over and over again. Many questions of
religious belief are largely founded on the Traditions, and it is to them
we must go for an explanation of much of the ritual of Islám. It is very
difficult for any one, who has not lived in long and friendly intercourse
with Muslims, to realize how much their religious life and opinions, their
thought and actions, are based on the Traditions.
Having thus shown the importance of the Traditions, I now proceed to enter
a little into detail on the question of the rules framed concerning them.
The classification adopted by different authors may vary in some
subordinate points; but the following account is adopted from a standard
Muhammadan work. A Tradition may be Hadís-i-Qualí, that is, an account of
something the Prophet said; or Hadís-i-Fa'lí, a record of something which
he did; or Hadís-i-Taqrírí, a statement of some act performed by other
persons in his presence, and which action he did not forbid.
The Traditions may be classed under two general heads:--
First.--_Hadís-i-Mutawátír_, that is, "an undoubted Tradition," the Isnád,
or chain of narrators of which is perfect, and in which chain each narrator
possessed all the necessary qualifications for his office.[64] Some
authorities say there are only a few of these Traditions extant, but most
allow that the following is one: "There are no good works except with
intention," for example, a man may fast, but, unless he has the intention
of fasting firmly in his mind, he gains no spiritual reward by so doing.
Second.--_Hadís-i-Ahád._ The authority of this class is {71} theoretically
somewhat less than that of the first, but practically it is the same.
This class is again sub-divided into two:--
(1). _Hadís-i-Sahíh_, or a genuine Tradition. It is not necessary to go
into the sub-divisions of this sub-division. A Tradition is Sahíh if the
narrators have been men of pious lives, abstemious in their habits, endowed
with a good memory, free from blemish, and persons who lived at peace with
their neighbours. The following also are Sahíh, though their importance as
authorities varies. I arrange them in the order of their value. Sahíh
Traditions are those which are found in the collections made by Bukhárí and
Muslim, or in the collection of either of the above, though not in both;
or, if not mentioned by either of these famous collectors, if it has been
retained in accordance with their canons for the rejection or retention of
Traditions; or lastly, if retained in accordance with the rules of any
other approved collector. For each of these classes there is a distinct
name.
(2). _Hadís-i-Hasan._ The narrators of this class are not of such good
authority as those of the former with regard to one or two qualities; but
these Traditions should be received as of equal authority as regards any
practical use.[65] It is merely as a matter of classification that they
rank second.
In addition to these names, there are a number of other technical terms
which have regard to the personal character of the narrators, the Isnád,
and other points. A few may be mentioned.
(1). _Hadís-i-Z'aíf_, or a weak Tradition. The narrators of it have been
persons whose characters were not above reproach, whose memories were bad,
or who, worse still, were addicted to "bid'at," innovation, a habit now, as
then, a crime in the eyes of all true Muslims. All agree that a {72} "weak
Tradition" has little force; but few rival theologians agree as to which
are, and which are not, "weak Traditions."
(2). _Hadís-i-Mua'llaq_, or a Tradition in the Isnád of which there is some
break. If it begins with a Tábi' (one in the generation after that of the
Companions), it is called "_Mursal_" the one link in the chain, the
Companion, being wanting. If the first link in the chain of narrators
begins in a generation still later, it has another name, and so on.
(3). Traditions which have various names, according as the narrator
concealed the name of his Imám, or where different narrators disagree, or
where the narrator has mixed some of his own words with the Tradition, or
has been proved to be a liar, an evil liver, or mistaken; but into an
account of these it is not necessary to enter, for no Tradition of this
class would be considered as of itself sufficient ground on which to base
any important doctrine.[66]
It is the universally accepted rule, that no authentic Tradition can be
contrary to the Qurán. The importance attached to Tradition has been shown
in the preceding chapter, an importance which has demanded the formation of
an elaborate system of exegesis. To an orthodox Muslim the Book and the
Sunnat, God's word direct and God's word through the mind of the Prophet,
are the foundation and sum of Islám, a fact not always taken into account
by modern panegyrists of the system.
{73}
* * * * *
CHAPTER III.
THE SECTS OF ISLÁM.
It is a commonly received but nevertheless an erroneous opinion, that the
Muhammadan religion is one remarkable for the absence of dogma and the
unanimity of its professors. In this chapter I propose to show how the
great sects differ in some very important principles of the faith, and
their consequent divergence in practice. There is much that is common
ground to all, and of that some account was given in the first chapter on
the "Foundations of Islám."
It was there shown that all Muslim sects are not agreed as to the essential
foundations of the Faith. The Sunnís recognise four foundations, the
Wahhábís two; whilst the Shía'hs reject altogether the Traditions held
sacred by both Sunní and Wahhábí. The next chapter will contain a full
account of the doctrines held by the Sunnís, and so no account of this, the
orthodox sect, is given in this chapter.
The first breach in Islám arose out of a civil war. The story has been so
often told that it need not be reproduced here at any length. 'Alí, the
son-in-law of Muhammad, was the fourth Khalíf of Islám. He is described as
"the last and worthiest of the primitive Musalmáns who imbibed his
religious enthusiasm from companionship with the Prophet himself, and who
followed to the last the simplicity of his character." He was a man
calculated by his earnest devotion to the Prophet and his own natural
graces to win, as he has done, the admiration of succeeding generations. A
strong opposition, however, arose, and 'Alí was assassinated in a mosque at
Kúfa. It is not easy, amid the conflicting statements of historians of the
rival sects, to arrive at the truth in all the details of the events which
happened then; {74} but the generally received opinion is, that after the
assassination of 'Alí, Hasan, his son, renounced his claim to the Khalifate
in favour of his father's rival, Muavia. Hasan was ultimately poisoned by
his wife, who, it is said, was instigated by Muavia to do the deed, in
order to leave the coast clear for his son Yezíd. The most tragic event has
yet to come. Yezíd, who succeeded his father, was a very licentious and
irreligious man. The people of Kúfa, being disgusted at his conduct, sent
messengers to Husain, the remaining son of 'Alí, with the request that he
would assume the Khalifate. In vain the friends of Husain tried to persuade
him to let the people of Kúfa first revolt, and thus show the reality of
their wishes by their deeds. In an evil hour Husain started with a small
band of forty horsemen and one hundred foot-soldiers. On the plain of
Karbalá he found his way barred by a force of three thousand men. "We are
few in number," said Husain, "and the enemy is in force. I am resolved to
die. But you--I release you from your oath of allegiance; let all those who
wish to do so leave me." "O Son of the Apostle of God!" was the reply,
"what excuse could we give to thy grandfather on the day of resurrection
did we abandon thee to the hands of thine enemies?" One by one these brave
men fell beneath the swords of the enemy, until Husain and his infant son
alone were left. Weary and thirsty, Husain sat upon the ground. The enemy
drew near, but no one dared to kill the grandson of the Prophet. An arrow
pierced the ear of the little boy and he died. "We came from God, and we
return to him," were the pathetic words of Husain, as with a sorrowful
heart he laid the dead body of his son on the sand. He then stooped down to
drink some water from the river Euphrates. Seeing him thus stooping, the
enemy discharged a flight of arrows, one of which wounded him in the mouth.
He fought bravely for a while, but at last fell covered with many wounds.
The schism between the Sunní and the Shía'h was now complete. {75}
The ceremonies celebrated during the annual fast of Muharram refer to these
historical facts, and help to keep alive a bitter feud; but to suppose that
the only difference between the Shía'h and the Sunní is a mere dispute as
to the proper order of the early Khalífs would be a mistake. Starting off
with a political quarrel, the Shía'hs have travelled into a very distinct
religious position of their own. The fundamental tenet of the Shía'h sect
is the "divine right" of 'Alí the Chosen and his descendants. From this it
follows that the chief duty of religion consists in devotion to the Imám
(or Pontiff); from which position some curious dogmas issue. The whole
question of the Imámat is a very important one. The word Imám comes from an
Arabic word meaning to aim at, to follow after. The term Imám then becomes
equal to the word leader or exemplar. It is applied in this sense to
Muhammad as the leader in all civil and religious questions, and to the
Khalífs, his successors. It is also, in its religious import only, applied
to the founders of the four orthodox schools of jurisprudence, and in a
restricted sense to the leader of a congregation at prayer in a mosque. It
is with the first of these meanings that we have now to deal. It is so used
in the Qurán--"When his Lord made trial of Abraham by commands which he
fulfilled, He said: 'I am about to make of thee an Imám to mankind;' he
said: 'Of my offspring also?' 'My covenant,' said God, 'embraceth not the
evil-doers.'" (Súra ii. 118.) From this verse two doctrines are deduced.
First, that the Imám must be appointed by God, for if this is not the case,
why did Abraham say "of my offspring also?" Secondly, the Imám is free from
sin, for God said: "My covenant embraceth not the evil-doer."
The first dispute about the Imámat originated with the twelve thousand who
revolted from 'Alí after the battle of Siffin (657 A.D.), because he
consented to submit to arbitration the dispute between himself and Muavia.
Some years after they were nearly all destroyed by 'Alí. A few {76}
survivors, however, fled to various parts. Two at last settled in Omán, and
there preached their distinctive doctrines. In course of time the people of
Omán adopted the doctrine that the Imámat was not hereditary but elective,
and that in the event of misconduct the Imám might be deposed.
'Abdullah-ibn-Ibádh (744 A.D.) was a vigorous preacher of this doctrine,
and from him the sect known as the 'Ibádhiyah takes its rise. The result of
this teaching was the establishment of the power and jurisdiction of the
Imám of Omán. The 'Ibádhiyah seem to have always kept themselves
independent of the Sunní Khalífs of Baghdád, and, therefore, would consider
themselves free from any obligation to obey the Sultán of Turkey. From the
ordinary Shía'hs they differ as regards the "divine right" of 'Alí and his
children. The curious in such matters will find the whole subject well
treated in Dr. Badger's "Seyyids of Omán."
The term Khárigite (Separatist) has since become the generic name for a
group of sects which agree as to the need of an Imám, though they differ as
to the details of the dogma. In opposition to this heresy of the Khárigite
stands what may be termed the orthodox doctrine of the Shía'h. The Shía'hs
hold that the Imámat must continue in the family of 'Alí, and that religion
consists mainly in devotion to the Imám. The tragic end of 'Alí and his
sons invested them with peculiar interest. When grieving for the sad end of
their leaders, the Shí'ahs found consolation in the doctrine which soon
found development, _viz._, that it was God's will that the Imámat should
continue in the family of 'Alí. Thus a tradition relates that the Prophet
said: "He of whom I am master has 'Alí also for a master." "The best judge
among you is 'Alí." Ibn Abbás, a Companion says: "I heard the Prophet say:
'He who blasphemes my name blasphemes the name of God; he who blasphemes
the name of 'Alí blasphemes my name.'" A popular Persian hymn shows to what
an extent this feeling deepened. {77}
"Mysterious being! none can tell
The attributes in thee that dwell;
None can thine essence comprehend;
To thee should every mortal bend--
For 'tis by thee that man is given
To know the high behests of heaven."
The general idea is, that long before the creation of the world, God took a
ray of light from the splendour of His own glory and united it to the body
of Muhammad, to which He said: "Thou art the elect, the chosen, I will make
the members of thy family the guides to salvation." Muhammad said: "The
first thing which God created was my light, and my spirit."[67] The body of
the Prophet was then in some mysterious way hidden. In due time the world
was created, but not until the birth of Muhammad did this ray of glory
appear. It is well known to all Musalmáns as the "Núr-i-Muhammadí"--light
of Muhammad.
This "Núr" is said to be of four kinds. From the first kind God created His
Throne, from the second the Pen of Fate, from the third Paradise, and from
the fourth the state, or place of Spirits and all created beings. According
to a statement made by 'Alí, Muhammad said that he was created from the
light of God, whilst all other created beings were formed from the "light
of Muhammad."[68]
This "light" descended to 'Alí, and from him passed on to the true Imáms,
who alone are the lawful successors of the Prophet. Rebellion against them
is sin; devotion to them the very essence of religion.
The doctrine of the Imámat has given rise to endless discussion and
dissension, as the numerous sub-divisions of the Shía'h sect will show.
They are said to be thirty-two in number. The Shía'h proper is the largest
and most influential of them. The following are the Shí'ah tenets regarding
the Imám, based on one of their standard books of {78} divinity.[69] The
Imám is the successor of the Prophet, adorned with all the qualities which
he possessed. He is wiser than the most learned men of the age, holier than
the most pious. He is the noblest of the sons of men and is free from all
sin original or actual: hence the Imám is called ma'sum (innocent.)[70] God
rules the world by wisdom, hence the sending forth of prophets was a
necessity; but it was equally necessary to establish the Imámat. Thus the
Imám is equal to a prophet. 'Alí said: "In me is the glory of every prophet
that has ever been." The authority of the Imám is the authority of God, for
(I quote the Hyát-un-Nafís) "his word is the word of God and of the
Prophet, and obedience to his order is incumbent." The nature of the Imám
is identical with the nature of Muhammad, for did not 'Alí say: "I am
Muhammad, and Muhammad is me." This probably refers to the possession by
the Imám of the "light of Muhammad." The bodies of the Imáms are so pure
and delicate that they cast no shadow.[71] They {79} are the beginning and
the end of all things. To know the Imáms is the very essence of the
knowledge which men can gain of God. "The Holy God calls the Imáms His
word, His hands, His signs, His secret. Their commands and prohibitions,
their actions too, He recognises as His own." As mediums between God and
man they hold a far higher position than the prophets, for "the grace of
God, without their intervention, reaches to no created being." These
extravagant claims for the Imáms culminate in the assertion that "for them
a pillar of light has been fixed between the earth and heaven, by which the
actions of the Faithful are made known to them." The Imám is the supreme
Pontiff, the Vicar of God on earth. The possession of an infallible book is
not sufficient. The infallible guide is needed. Such wisdom and discernment
as such a guide would require can only be found amongst the descendants of
the Prophet. It is no longer, then, a matter of wonder, that in some cases,
almost, if not entirely, divine honour is paid to 'Alí and his
descendants.[72]
The Usúl, or fundamental tenets of the Shía'h sect are five in number. (1)
To believe in the unity of God, (2) To admit that He is just, (3) To
believe in the divine mission of all the prophets, and that Muhammad is the
chief of all, (4) To consider 'Alí the Khalíf next in order after Muhammad,
(5) To believe 'Alí's descendants from Hasan to Mahdí, the twelfth Imám, to
be his true successors, and to consider all of them in character, position
and dignity as raised far above all other Muslims. This is the doctrine of
the Imámat.
{80}
The first principal divisions of the Shía'h sect are the Ismá'ílians and
the Imámites. The latter believe in twelve Imáms, reckoning 'Alí as the
first.[73] The last of the twelve Abu'l-Qásim, is supposed to be alive
still, though hidden in some secret place. He bears the name of Al-Mahdí,
"the guided." It is expected that he will reappear at the second advent of
Christ. They say that he was born near Baghdád in the year 258 A.H. He
afterwards mysteriously disappeared. When he was born the words, "Say:
'truth is come and falsehood is vanished: Verily falsehood is a thing that
vanisheth,'" (Súra xvii. 83) were found written on his right arm. When he
came into the world, he pointed with his fingers to heaven, sneezed, and
said: 'Praise be to God, the Lord of the world.' A person one day visited
Imám Hasan 'Askarí (the eleventh Imám) and said: 'O son of the Prophet who
will be Khalíf and Imám after thee?' He brought out a child and said: 'if
thou hadst not found favour in the eyes of God, He would not have shown
thee this child; his name is that of the Prophet, and so is his
patronymic,' (Abu 'l-Qásim). The sect who believe Mahdí to be alive at
present, say that he rules over cities in the far west, and he is even said
to have children. God alone knows the truth.[74]
The other large division, the Ismá'ílians, agree with the Imámites in all
particulars save one. They hold that after Sádiq, the sixth Imám, commenced
what is called the succession of the "concealed Imáms." They believe that
there never can be a time when there shall be no Imám, but that he is now
in seclusion. This idea has given rise to all sorts of secret societies,
and has paved the way for a mystical religion, which often lands its
votaries in atheism.[75] {81}
The Ghair-i-Mahdí (literally "without Mahdí") are a small sect who believe
that Al-Mahdí will not reappear. They say that one Syed Muhammad of Jeypore
was the real Mahdí, the twelfth Imám, and that he has now gone never more
to return. They venerate him as highly as they do the Prophet, and consider
all other Musalmáns to be unbelievers. On the night called Lailat-ul-Qadr,
in the month of Ramazán, they meet and repeat two rak'at prayers. After
that act of devotion is over, they say: "God is Almighty, Muhammad is our
Prophet, the Qurán and Mahdí are just and true. Imám Mahdí is come and
gone. Whosoever disbelieves this is an infidel." They are a very fanatical
sect.
There is another small community of Ghair-i-Mahdís called the Dá,irí,
settled in the province of Mysore, who hold peculiar views on this point.
About four hundred years ago, a man named Syed Ahmad collected some
followers in the dominions of the Nizám of Hyderabad. He called himself the
Imám Mahdí, and said that he was superior to any prophet. He and his
disciples, being bitterly persecuted by the orthodox Musalmáns, fled to a
village in the adjoining district of Mysore where their descendants,
fifteen hundred in number, now reside. It is said that they do not
intermarry with other Musalmáns. The usual Friday service in the mosque is
ended by the leader saying: "Imám Mahdí came and went away," to which the
people respond: "He who does not believe this is a Káfir" (infidel).
There are several Traditions which refer to the latter days. "When of time
one day shall be left, God shall raise up a man from among my descendants,
who shall fill the world with justice, just as before him the world was
full of oppression." And again: "The world shall not come to an end till
the king of the earth shall appear, who is a man of my family, and whose
name is the same as mine." When Islám entered upon the tenth century of its
existence, there was throughout Persia and India a millenarian movement.
Men {82} declared that the end was drawing near, and various persons arose
who claimed to be Al-Mahdí. I have already mentioned two. Amongst others
was Shaikh 'Aláí of Agra. (956 A.H.) Shaikh Mubarak, the father of
Abu'l-Fazl--the Emperor Akbar's famous vizier, was a disciple of Shaikh
'Aláí and from him imbibed Mahdaví ideas. This brought upon him the wrath
of the 'Ulamá who, however, were finally overcome by the free-thinking and
heretical Emperor and his vizier. There never was a better ruler in India
than Akbar, and never a more heretical one as far as orthodox Islám is
concerned. The Emperor delighted in the controversies of the age. The Súfís
and Mahdavís were in favour at Court. The orthodox 'Ulamá were treated with
contempt. Akbar fully believed that the millennium had come. He started a
new era, and a new religion called the 'Divine Faith.' There was toleration
for all except the bigoted orthodox Muslims. Abu'l-Fazl and others like
him, who professed to reflect Akbar's religious views, held that all
religions contained truth. Thus:--
"O God, in every temple I see people that seek Thee, and in every language
I hear spoken, people praise Thee!
Polytheism and Islam feel after Thee,
Each religion says, 'Thou art one, without equal.'
If it be a mosque, people murmur the holy prayer, and if it be a
Christian Church, people ring the bell from love to Thee,
Sometimes I frequent the Christian cloister, and sometimes the
mosque,
But it is Thou whom I search from temple to temple."
In this reign one Mír Sharíf was promoted to the rank of a Commander of a
thousand, and to an appointment in Bengal. His chief merit in Akbar's eyes
was that he taught the doctrine of the transmigration of souls and the
close advent of the millennium. He was a disciple of Mahmúd of Busakhwán,
the founder of the Nuqtawiah sect. As this is another offshoot of the
Shía'hs I give a brief account of them here. Mahmúd lived in the reign of
Timur and {83} professed to be Al-Mahdí. He also called himself the
Shakhs-i-Wáhíd--the Individual one. He used to quote the verse, "It may be
that thy Lord will raise thee up to a glorious (mahmúd) station." (Súra
xvii. 81). From this he argued that the body of man had been advancing in
purity since the creation, and that on its reaching to a certain degree,
one Mahmúd (glorious) would arise, and that then the dispensation of
Muhammad would come to an end. He claimed to be the Mahmúd. He also taught
the doctrine of transmigration, and that the beginning of everything was
the Nuqtah-i-khák--earth atom. It is on this account that they are called
the Nuqtawiah sect. They are also known by the names Mahmúdiah and
Wáhídiah. Shah 'Abbás king of Persia expelled them from his dominions, but
Akbar received the fugitives kindly and promoted some amongst them to high
offices of State.
This Mahdaví movement, arising as it did out of the Shía'h doctrine of the
Imámat, is a very striking fact. That imposters should arise and claim the
name and office of Al-Mahdí is not to be wondered at, but that large bodies
of men should follow them shows the unrest which dwelt in men's hearts, and
how they longed for a personal leader and guide.
The whole of the Shía'h doctrine on this point seems to show that there is
in the human heart a natural desire for some Mediator--some Word of the
Father, who shall reveal Him to His children. At first sight it would seem,
as if the doctrine of the Imámat might to some extent reconcile the
thoughtful Shía'h to the Christian doctrine of the Incarnation and
Mediation of Jesus Christ, to His office as the perfect revealer of God's
will; and as our Guide in life; but alas! it is not so. The mystic lore
connected with Shía'h doctrine has sapped the foundation of moral life and
vigour. A system of religious reservation, too, is a fundamental part of
the system in its mystical developments, whilst all Shía'hs may lawfully
practise "takía," or religious {84} compromise in their daily lives. It
thus becomes impossible to place dependence on what a Shía'h may profess,
as pious frauds are legalised by his system of religion. If he becomes a
mystic, he looks upon the ceremonial and the moral law as restrictions
imposed by an Almighty Power. The omission of the one is a sin almost, if
not quite, as bad as a breach, of the other. The advent of Mahdí is the
good time when all such restrictions shall be removed, when the utmost
freedom shall be allowed. Thus the moral sense, in many cases, becomes
deadened to an extent such as those who are not in daily contact with these
people can hardly credit. The practice of "takía," religious compromise,
and the legality of "muta'h" or temporary marriages, have done much to
demoralise the Shía'h community. The following words of a recent author
descriptive of the Shía'h system are in the main true, though they do not
apply to each individual in that system:--
"There can be no stronger testimony of the corrupting power and the
hard and hopeless bondage of the orthodox creed, than that men should
escape from it into a system which established falsehood as the supreme
law of conduct, and regarded the reduction of men to the level of swine
as the goal of human existence."[76]
The Mutazilites, or Seceders, were once an influential body. They do not
exist as a separate sect now. An account of them will be given in the next
chapter.
In the doctrine of the Imámat, common to all the offshoots of the Shía'h
sect, is to be found the chief point of difference between the Sunní and
the Shía'h, a difference so great that there is no danger of even a
political union between these two great branches of Islám. I have already
described, too, how the Shía'hs reject the Sunnat, though they do not
reject Tradition. A good deal of ill-blood is still kept up by the
recollection--a recollection kept alive by the annual recurrence of the
Muharram fast--of the sad {85} fate of 'Alí and his sons. The Sunnís are
blamed for the work of their ancestors in the faith, whilst the Khalífs Abu
Bakr, Omar, and Osmán are looked upon as usurpers. Not to them was
committed the wonderful ray of light. In the possession of that alone can
any one make good a claim to be the Imám, the Guide of the Believers. The
terrible disorders of the early days of Islám can only be understood when
we realise to some extent the passionate longing which men felt for a
spiritual head--an Imám. It was thought to be impossible that Muhammad, the
last--the seal--of the prophets should leave the Faithful without a guide,
who would be the interpreter of the will of Allah.
We here make a slight digression to show that this feeling extends beyond
the Shía'h sect, and is of some importance in its bearing upon the Eastern
Question. Apart from the superhuman claims for the Imám, what he is as a
ruler to the Shía'h, the Khalíf is to the Sunní--the supreme head in Church
and State, the successor of the Prophet, the Conservator of Islám as made
known in the Qurán, the Sunnat and the Ijmá' of the early Mujtahidín. To
administer the laws, the administrator must have a divine sanction. Thus
when the Ottoman ruler, Selim the First, conquered Egypt, (A.D. 1516) he
sought and obtained, from an old descendant of the Baghdád Khalífs, the
transfer of the title to himself, and in this way the Sultáns of Turkey
became the Khalífs of Islám. Whether Mutawakal Billál, the last titular
Khalíf of the house of 'Abbás, was right or wrong in thus transferring the
title is not my purpose now to discuss. I only adduce the fact to show how
it illustrates the feeling of the need of a Pontiff--a divinely appointed
Ruler. Strictly speaking, according to Muhammadan law, the Sultáns are not
Khalífs, for it is clearly laid down in the Traditions that the Khalíf (or
the Imám) must be of the tribe of the Quraish, to which the Prophet himself
belonged.
Ibn-i-Umr relates that the Prophet said:--"The Khalífs shall be in the
Quraish tribe as long as there are two {86} persons in it, one to rule and
another to serve."[77] "It is a necessary condition that the Khalíf should
be of the Quraish tribe."[78] Such quotations might be multiplied, and they
tend to show that it is not at all incumbent on orthodox Sunnís, other than
the Turks, to rush to the rescue of the Sultán, whilst to the Shía'hs he is
little better than a heretic. Certainly they would never look upon him as
an Imám, which personage is to them in the place of a Khalíf. In countries
not under Turkish rule, the Khutbah, or prayer for the ruler, said on
Fridays in the mosques, is said for the "ruler of the age," or for the
Amír, or whatever happens to be the title of the head of the State. Of late
years it has become more common in India to say it for the Sultán. This is
not, strictly speaking, according to Muhammadan law, which declares that
the Khutbah can only be said with the permission of the ruler, and as in
India that ruler is the British Government, the prayers should be said for
the Queen. Evidently the law never contemplated large bodies of Musalmáns
residing anywhere but where the influence of the Khalíf extended.
In thus casting doubt on the legality of the claim made by Turkish Sultáns
to the Khalifate of Islám, I do not deny that the Law of Islám requires
that there should be a Khalíf. Unfortunately for Islám, there is nothing in
its history parallel to the conflict of Pope and Emperor, of Church and
State. "The action and re-action of these powerful and partially
independent forces, their resistance to each other, and their ministry to
each other, have been of incalculable value to the higher activity and life
of Christendom." In Islám the Khalíf is both Pope and Emperor. Ibn Khaldoun
states that the difference between the Khalíf and any other ruler is that
the former rules according to divine, the latter according to human law.
The Prophet in transmitting his sacred authority to the Khalífs, his
successors, conveyed to {87} them absolute powers. Khalífs can be
assassinated, murdered, banished, but so long as they reign anything like
constitutional liberty is impossible. It is a fatal mistake in European
politics and an evil for Turkey to recognize the Sultán as the Khalíf of
Islám, for, if he be such, Turkey can never take any step forward to
newness of political life.[79]
This, however, is a digression from the subject of this chapter.
There has been from the earliest ages of Islám a movement which exists to
this day. It is a kind of mysticism, known as Súfíism. It has been
especially prevalent among the Persians. It is a re-action from the burden
of a rigid law, and a wearisome ritual. It has now existed for a thousand
years, and if it has the element of progress in it, if it is the salt of
Islám some fruit should now be seen. But what is Súfíism? The term Súfí is
most probably derived from the Arabic word Súf, "wool," of which material
the garments worn by Eastern ascetics used to be generally made. Some
persons, however, derive it from the Persian, Súf, "pure," or the Greek
[Greek: sophia], "wisdom." Tasawwuf, or Súfíism, is the abstract form of
the word, and is, according to Sir W. Jones, and other learned
orientalists, a figurative mode, borrowed mainly from the Indian
philosophers of the Vedanta school, of expressing the fervour of devotion.
The chief idea is that the souls of men differ in degree, but not {88} in
kind, from the Divine Spirit, of which they are emanations, and to which
they will ultimately return. The Spirit of God is in all He has made, and
it in Him. He alone is perfect love, beauty, etc.--hence love to him is the
only _real_ thing; all else is illusion. Sa'dí says: "I swear by the truth
of God, that when He showed me His glory all else was illusion." This
present life is one of separation from the beloved. The beauties of nature,
music, and art revive in men the divine idea, and recall their affections
from wandering from Him to other objects. These sublime affections men must
cherish, and by abstraction concentrate their thoughts on God, and so
approximate to His essence, and finally reach the highest stage of
bliss--absorption into the Eternal. The true end and object of human life
is to lose all consciousness of individual existence--to sink "in the ocean
of Divine Life, as a breaking bubble is merged into the stream on the
surface of which it has for a moment risen."[80]
Súfís, who all accept Islám as a divinely established religion, suppose
that long before the creation of the world a contract was made by the
Supreme Soul with the assembled world of spirits, who are parts of it. Each
spirit was addressed separately, thus: "Art thou not with thy Lord?" that
is, bound to him by a solemn contract. To this they all answered with one
voice, "Yes."
Another account says that the seed of theosophy (m'arifat) was placed in
the ground in the time of Adam; that the plant {89} came forth in the days
of Noah, was in flower when Abraham was alive and produced fruit before
Moses passed away. The grapes of this noble plant were ripe in the time of
Jesus, but it was not till the age of Muhammad that pure wine was made from
them. Then those intoxicated with it, having attained to the highest degree
of the knowledge of God, could forget their own personality and
say:--"Praise to me, is there any greater than myself? I am the Truth."
The following verse of the Qurán is quoted by Súfís in support of their
favourite dogma--the attaining to the knowledge of God: "When God said to
the angels, 'I am about to place a viceregent on the earth,' they said:
'Wilt Thou place therein one who shall commit abomination and shed blood?
Nay; we celebrate Thy praise and holiness.' God answered them, 'Verily I
know that ye wot not of.'" (Súra ii. 28.) It is said that this verse proves
that, though the great mass of mankind would commit abomination, some would
receive the divine light and attain to a knowledge of God. A Tradition
states that David said: "'Oh Lord! why hast Thou created mankind?' God
replied, 'I am a hidden treasure, and I would fain become known.'" The
business of the mystic is to find this treasure, to attain to the Divine
light and the true knowledge of God.
The earlier Muhammadan mystics sought to impart life to a rigid and formal
ritual, and though the seeds of Pantheism were planted in their system from
the first, they maintained that they were orthodox. "Our system of
doctrine," says Al-Junaid, "is firmly bound up with the dogmas of the
faith, the Qurán and the Traditions." There was a moral earnestness about
many of these men which frequently restrained the arm of unrighteous power,
and their sayings, often full of beauty, show that they had the power of
appreciating the spiritual side of life. Some of these sentences are worthy
of any age. "As neither meat nor drink," says one, "profit the diseased
body, so no warning avails {90} to touch the heart full of the love of this
world." "The work of a holy man doth not consist in this, that he eats
grain, and clothes himself in wool, but in the knowledge of God and
submission to His will." "Thou deservest not the name of a learned man till
thy heart is emptied of the love of this world." "Hide thy good deeds as
closely as thou wouldst hide thy sins." A famous mystic was brought into
the presence of the Khalíf Hárún-ur-Rashíd who said to him: "How great is
thy abnegation?" He replied, "Thine is greater." "How so?" said the Khalíf.
"Because I make abnegation of this world, and thou makest abnegation of the
next." The same man also said: "The display of devotional works to please
men is hypocrisy, and acts of devotion done to please men are acts of
polytheism."
But towards the close of the second century of the Hijra, this earlier
mysticism developed into Súfíism. Then Al-Halláj taught in Baghdád thus: "I
am the Truth. There is nought in Paradise but God. I am He whom I love, and
He whom I love is I; we are two souls dwelling in one body. When thou seest
me, thou seest Him; and when thou seest Him thou seest me." This roused the
opposition of the orthodox divines by whom Al-Halláj was condemned to be
worthy of death. He was then by order of the Khalíf flogged, tortured and
finally beheaded. Thus died one of the early martyrs of Súfíism, but it
grew in spite of bitter persecution.
In order to understand the esoteric teaching of Súfíistic poetry, it is
necessary to remember that the perceptive sense is the traveller, the
knowledge of God the goal, the doctrines of this ascent, or upward progress
is the Tarikat, or the road. The extinction of self is necessary before any
progress can be made on that road. A Súfí poet writes:--
"Plant one foot upon the neck of self,
The other in thy Friend's domain;
In everything His presence see,
For other vision is in vain."
{91}
Sa'dí in the Bustán says: "Art thou a friend of God? Speak not of self, for
to speak of God and of self is infidelity." Shaikh Abu'l-Faiz, a great poet
and a friend of the Emperor Akbar, from whom he received the honourable
title of Málik-ush-Shu'ará--Master of the Poets, says: "Those who have not
closed the door on existence and non-existence reap no advantage from the
calm of this world and of the world to come." Khusrau, another well-known
poet says:--
"I have become Thou: Thou art become I,
I am the body, Thou the soul;
Let no one henceforth say
That I am distinct from Thee, and Thou from me."
The fact is, that Persian poetry is almost entirely Súfíistic. It is
difficult for the uninitiated to arrive at the esoteric meaning of these
writings. Kitmán, or the art of hiding from the profane religious beliefs,
often contrary to the revealed law, has always been a special quality of
the East. Pantheistic doctrines are largely inculcated.[81] Thus:--
"I was, ere a name had been named upon earth;
Ere one trace yet existed of aught that has birth;
When the locks of the Loved One streamed forth for a sign,
And Being was none, save the Presence Divine!
Named and name were alike emanations from Me,
Ere aught that was 'I' existed, or 'We.'"
The poet then describes his fruitless search for rest and peace in
Christianity, Hinduism, and the religion of the Parsee. Even Islám gave him
no satisfaction, for--
"Nor above nor beneath came the Loved One to view,
I toiled to the summit, wild, pathless and lone,
Of the globe-girding Kaf[82]:--but the 'Anka[83] had flown!
{92}
The sev'nth heaven I traversed--the sev'nth heaven explored,
But in neither discern'd I the court of the Lord!
I question'd the Pen and the Tablet of Fate,
But they whisper'd not where He pavilions His state;
My vision I strain'd; but my God-scanning eye
No trace, that to Godhead belongs, could descry.
My glance I bent inward; within my own breast,
Lo, the vainly sought elsewhere, the Godhead confess'd!
In the whirl of its transport my spirit was toss'd,
_Till each atom of separate being I lost_."
These are the words of the greatest authority among the Súfís, the famous
Maulána Jelál-ud-dín Rúmí, founder of the order of the Mauláví Darwíshes.
He also relates the following story: "One knocked at the door of the
beloved, and a voice from within said: 'Who is there?' Then he answered,
'_It is I._' The voice replied, 'This house will not hold _me_ and _thee_!'
So the door remained shut. The lover retired to a wilderness, and spent
some time in solitude, fasting, and prayer. One year elapsed, when he again
returned, and knocked at the door. 'Who is there?' said the voice. The
lover answered, '_It is thou._' Then the door was opened."
The great object of life, then, being to escape from the hindrances to pure
love and to a return to the divine essence, the Tálib, or seeker, attaches
himself to a Murshid, or teacher. If he prosecutes his studies according to
Súfíistic methods he now often enters one of the many orders of Darwíshes.
After due preparation under his Murshid, he is allowed to enter on the
road. He then becomes a Sálik, or traveller, whose business henceforth is
súlúk that is, devotion to one idea--the knowledge of God. In this road
there are eight stages. (1) Service. Here he must serve God and obey the
Law for he is still in bondage. (2) Love. It is supposed that now the
Divine influence has so attracted his soul that he really loves God. (3)
Seclusion. Love having expelled all worldly desires, he arrives at this
stage, and passes his time in meditation on the deeper doctrines {93} of
Súfíism regarding the Divine nature. (4) Knowledge. The meditation in the
preceding stage, and the investigation of the metaphysical theories
concerning God, His nature, His attributes and the like make him an
'Árif--one who knows. (5) Ecstasy. The mental excitement caused by such
continued meditation on abstruse subjects produces a kind of frenzy, which
is looked upon as a mark of direct illumination of the heart from God. It
is known as Hál--the state; or Wajd--ecstasy. Arrival at this stage is
highly valued, for it is the certain entrance to the next. (6) Haqiqat--the
Truth. Now to the traveller is revealed the true nature of God, now he
learns the reality of that which he has been for so long seeking. This
admits him to the highest stage in his journey, as far as this life is
concerned. (7) That stage is Wasl--union with God.
"There was a door to which I found no key;
There was a veil past which I could not see:
Some little talk of Me and Thee
There seemed--and then no more of Thee and Me."
He cannot, in this life, go beyond that, and very few reach that exalted
stage. Thus arose a "system of Pantheism, which represents joy and sorrow,
good and evil, pleasure and pain as manifestations of one changeless
essence." Religion, as made known by an outward revelation, is, to the few
who reach this stage, a thing of the past. Even its restraints are not
needed. The soul that is united to God can do no evil. The poet Khusrau
says: "Love is the object of my worship, what need have I of Islám?"
Death ensues and with it the last stage is reached. (8) It is
Faná--extinction. The seeker after all his search, the traveller after all
his wearisome journey passes behind the veil and finds--nothing! As the
traveller proceeds from stage to stage, the restraints of an objective
revelation and of an outward system are less and less heeded. "The {94}
religion of the mystic consists in his immediate communication with God,
and when once this has been established, the value of ecclesiastical forms,
and of the historical part of religion, becomes doubtful." What law can
bind the soul in union with God, what outward system impose any trammels on
one who, in the "Ecstasy," has received from Him, who is the Truth, the
direct revelation of His own glorious nature? Moral laws and ceremonial
observances have only an allegorical signification. Creeds are but fetters
cunningly devised to limit the flight of the soul; all that is objective in
religion is a restraint to the reason of the initiated.[84]
Pantheistic in creed, and too often Antinomian in practice, Súfíism
possesses no regenerative power in Islám. "It is not a substantive religion
such as shapes the life of races or of nations, it is a state of opinion."
No Muslim State makes a national profession of Súfíism.
In spite of all its dogmatic utterances, in spite of much that is sublime
in its idea of the search after light and truth, Súfíism ends in utter
negation of all separate existence. The pantheism of the Súfís, this
esoteric doctrine of Islám, as a moral doctrine leads to the same
conclusions as materialism, "the negation of human liberty, the
indifference to actions and the legitimacy of all temporal enjoyments."
The result of Súfíism has been the establishment of a large number of
religious orders known as Darwíshes.[85] These men are looked upon with
disfavour by the {95} orthodox; but they flourish nevertheless, and in
Turkey at the present day have great influence. There are in Constantinople
two hundred Takiahs, or monasteries. The Darwíshes are not organized with
such regularity, nor subject to discipline so severe as that of the
Christian Monastic orders; but they surpass them in number. Each order has
its own special mysteries and practices by which its members think they can
obtain a knowledge of the secrets of the invisible world. They are also
called Faqírs--poor men, not, however, always in the sense of being in
temporal want, but as being poor in the sight of God. As a matter of fact
the Darwíshes of many of the orders do not beg, and many of the Takiahs are
richly endowed. They are divided into two great classes, the Ba Shara'
(with the Law) Darwíshes; and the Be Shara' (without the Law). The former
prefer to rule their conduct according to the law of Islám and are called
the Sálik--travellers on the path (taríqat) to heaven; the latter though
they call themselves Muslims do not conform to the law, and are called Azád
(free), or Majzúb (abstracted), a term which signifies their renunciation
of all worldly cares and pursuits.
The Sálik Darwíshes are those who perform the Zikrs.[86] What little hope
there is of these professedly religious men working any reform in Islám
will be seen from the following account of their doctrines.[87]
1. God only exists,--He is in all things, and all things are in Him.
"Verily we are _from_ God, and _to_ Him shall we return." (Súra ii. 151.)
{96}
2. All visible and invisible beings are an emanation from Him, and are not
really distinct from Him. Creation is only a pastime with God.
3. Paradise and Hell, and all the dogmas of positive religions, are only so
many allegories, the spirit of which is only known to the Súfí.
4. Religions are matters of indifference; they, however, serve as a means
of reaching to realities. Some, for this purpose, are more advantageous
than others. Among which is the Musalmán religion, of which the doctrine of
the Súfís is the philosophy.
5. There is not any real difference between good and evil, for all is
reduced to unity, and God is the real author of the acts of mankind.
6. It is God who fixes the will of man. Man, therefore, is not free in his
actions.
7. The soul existed before the body, and is now confined within it as in a
cage. At death the soul returns to the Divinity from which it emanated.
8. The principal occupation of the Súfí is to meditate on the unity, and so
to attain to spiritual perfection--unification with God.
9. Without the grace of God no one can attain to this unity; but God does
not refuse His aid to those who are in the right path.
The power of a Sheikh, a spiritual leader, is very great. The following
account of the admission of a Novice, called Tawakkul Beg, into an Order,
and of the severe tests applied, will be of some interest.[88] Tawakkul Beg
says:--"Having been introduced by Akhúnd Moollá Muhammad to Sheikh Moolla
Sháh, my heart, through frequent intercourse with him, was filled with such
a burning desire to arrive at a true knowledge of the mystical science that
I found no sleep by night, nor rest by day. When the initiation commenced,
{97} I passed the whole night without sleep, and repeated innumerable times
the Súrat-ul-Ikhlás:--
"Say: He is God alone:
God the eternal:
He begetteth not, and He is not begotten;
And there is none like unto Him." (Súra cxii.)
Whosoever repeats this Súra one hundred times can accomplish all his vows.
I desired that the Sheikh should bestow on me his love. No sooner had I
finished my task than the heart of the Sheikh became full of sympathy for
me. On the following night I was conducted to his presence. During the
whole of that night he concentrated his thoughts on me, whilst I gave
myself up to inward meditation. Three nights passed in this way. On the
fourth night the Sheikh said:--'Let Moollá Senghim and Sálih Beg, who are
very susceptible to ecstatic emotions, apply their spiritual energies to
Tawakkul Beg.'
They did so, whilst I passed the whole night in meditation, with my face
turned toward Mecca. As the morning drew near, a little light came into my
mind, but I could not distinguish form or colour. After the morning
prayers, I was taken to the Sheikh who bade me inform him of my mental
state. I replied that I had seen a light with my inward eye. On hearing
this, the Sheikh became animated and said: 'Thy heart is dark, but the time
is come when I will show myself clearly to thee.' He then ordered me to sit
down in front of him, and to impress his features on my mind. Then having
blindfolded me, he ordered me to concentrate all my thoughts upon him. I
did so, and in an instant by the spiritual help of the Sheikh my heart
opened. He asked me what I saw. I said that I saw another Tawakkul Beg and
another Moollá Sháh. The bandage was then removed, and I saw the Sheikh in
front of me. Again they covered my face, and again I saw him with my inward
eye. Astonished, I cried; 'O master! whether I look with my bodily eye, or
with my spiritual {98} sight, it is always you I see.' I then saw a
dazzling figure approach me. The Sheikh told me to say to the apparition,
'What is your name?' In my spirit I put the question, and the figure
answered to my heart: 'I am 'Abd-ul-Qádir Jilání, I have already aided
thee, thy heart is opened.' Much affected, I vowed that in honour of the
saint, I would repeat the whole Qurán every Friday night.
Moollá Sháh then said: 'The spiritual world has been shown to thee in all
its beauty.' I then rendered perfect obedience to the Sheikh. The following
day I saw the Prophet, the chief Companions, and legions of saints and
angels. After three months, I entered the cheerless region in which the
figures appeared no more. During the whole of this time, the Sheikh
continued to explain to me the mystery of the doctrine of the Unity and of
the knowledge of God; but as yet he did not show me the absolute reality.
It was not until a year had passed that I arrived at the true conception of
unity. Then in words such as these I told the Sheikh of my inspiration. 'I
look upon the body as only dust and water, I regard neither my heart nor my
soul, alas! that in separation from Thee (God) so much of my life has
passed. Thou wert I and I knew it not.' The Sheikh was delighted, and said
that the truth of the union with God was now clearly revealed to me. Then
addressing those who were present, he said: 'Tawakkul Beg learnt from me
the doctrine of the Unity, his inward eye has been opened, the spheres of
colours and of images have been shown to him. At length, he entered the
colourless region. He has now attained to the Unity, doubt and scepticism
henceforth have no power over him. No one sees the Unity with the outward
eye, till the inward eye gains strength and power.'"
I cannot pass from this branch of the subject without making a few remarks
on Omar Khayyám, the great Astronomer-Poet of Persia. He is sometimes
confounded with the Súfís, for there is much in his poetry which is similar
{99} in tone to that of the Súfí writers. But his true position was that of
a sceptic. He wrote little, but what he has written will live. As an
astronomer he was a man of note. He died in the year 517 A.H. There are two
things which may have caused his scepticism. To a man of his intelligence
the hard and fast system of Islám was an intolerable burden. Then, his
scientific spirit had little sympathy with mysticism, the earnest
enthusiasts of which were too often followed by hollow impostors. It is
true, that there was much in the spirit of some of the better Súfís that
seemed to show a yearning for something higher than mere earthly good;
above all, there was the recognition of a Higher Power. But with all this
came spiritual pride, the world and its duties became a thing of evil, and
the religious and the secular life were completely divorced, to the ruin of
both. The Pantheism which soon pervaded the system left no room for man's
will to act, for his conscience to guide. So the moral law become a dead
letter. Irreligious men, to free themselves from the bondage and restraints
of law, assumed the religious life. "Thus a movement, animated at first by
a high and lofty purpose, has degenerated into a fruitful source of ill.
The stream which ought to have expanded into a fertilising river has become
a vast swamp, exhaling vapours charged with disease and death."
Omar Khayyám saw through the unreality of all this. In vain does he try, by
an assumed air of gaiety, to hide from others the sadness which fills his
heart, as all that is bright is seen passing away into oblivion.
One moment in annihilation's waste,
One moment, of the well of life to taste--
The stars are setting and the Caravan
Starts for the dawn of nothing--oh, make haste!
Ah, fill the cup:--what boots it to repeat
How Time is slipping underneath our feet:
Unborn To-morrow, and dead Yesterday,
Why fret about them if To-day be sweet.
{100}
Omar held to the earthly and the material. For him there was no spiritual
world. Chance seemed to rule all the affairs of men. A pitiless destiny
shaped out the course of each human being.
"'Tis all a chequer-board of nights and days
Where destiny with men for pieces plays:
Hither and thither moves, and mates, and slays,
And one by one back in the closet lays.
The moving finger writes; and, having writ,
Moves on: nor all thy piety nor wit
Shall lure it back to cancel half a line,
Nor all thy tears wash out a word of it."
Neither from earth nor heaven could he find any answer to his cry. With
sages and saints he discussed, and heard, "great argument, but evermore
came out by the same door as in he went." He left the wise to talk, for one
thing alone was certain, and all else was lies,--"the flower that once has
blown for ever dies." Leaving men he turned to nature, but it was all the
same.
"Up from earth's centre through the seventh gate
I rose, and on the throne of Saturn sate,
And many knots unravell'd by the road;
But not the knot of human death and fate.
And that inverted bowl we call the sky,
Where under crawling coop'd we live and die,
Lift not thy hands to it for help--for it
Rolls impotently on as thou or I."
Omar has with justice been compared to Lucretius. Both were materialists,
both believed not in a future life. "Lucretius built a system for himself
in his poem ... it has a professed practical aim--to explain the world's
self-acting machine to the polytheist, and to disabuse him of all spiritual
ideas." Omar builds up no system, he only shows forth his own doubts and
difficulties, "he loves to balance antitheses of belief, and settle himself
in the equipoise of the sceptic." {101}
The fact that there is no hereafter gives Lucretius no pain, but Omar who,
if only his reason could let him, would believe, records his utter despair
in words of passionate bitterness. He is not glad that there is no help
anywhere.[89] And though he calls for the wine-cup, and listens to the
voice within the tavern cry,
"Awake, my little ones, and fill the cup
Before Life's liquor in its cup be dry,"
yet he also looks back to the time, when he consorted with those who
professed to know, and could say:
"With them the seed of wisdom did I sow,
And with my own hand laboured it to grow."
The founder of the Wahhábí sect was Muhammad-ibn-Abd-ul-Wahháb, who was
born at a village in Nejd in the year 1691 A.D. The Wahhábís speak of
themselves as Muwahhid--Unitarians; but their opponents have given to them
the name of the father of the founder of their sect and call them Wahhábís.
Muhammad was a bright intelligent youth, of a strong constitution and
generous spirit. After going through a course of Arabic literature he
studied jurisprudence under a teacher of the Hanífi school. He then set out
in company with his father to perform the Hajj. At Madína he received
further instruction in the Law. He spent sometime at Ispahán in the society
of learned men. Full of {102} knowledge, he returned to his native village
of Ayína where he assumed the position of a religious teacher. He was
shocked to see how the Arabs had departed from what seemed to him the
strict unchanging precepts of the Prophet. Luxury in the form of rich
dresses and silken garments, superstition in the use of omens, auguries,
and the like, in the pilgrimages to shrines and tombs seemed to be altering
the character of the religion as given by the Apostle of God. He saw, or
thought he saw, that in the veneration paid to saints and holy men, the
great doctrine of the "Unity" was being obscured. The reason was very
plain. The Qurán and the Traditions of the Companions had been neglected,
whilst the sayings of men of lesser note, and the jurisprudence of the four
great Imáms had been too readily followed. Here was work to do. He would
reform the Church of Islám, and restore men to their allegiance to the Book
and the Sunnat, as recorded by the Companions. It is true, that the Sunnís
would rise up in opposition, for thus the authority of the four Imáms, the
"Canonical Legists" of the orthodox sect, would be set aside; but what of
that? Had he not been a follower of Abu Hanífa? Now he was prepared to let
Aba Hanífa go, for none but a Companion of the Prophet could give an
authoritative statement with regard to the Sunnat--the Prophet's words and
acts. He must break a lance with the glorious Imám, and start a school of
his own.
He said: "The Muslim pilgrims adore the tomb of the Prophet, and the
sepulchre of 'Alí, and of other saints who have died in the odour of
sanctity. They run there to pay the tribute of their fervent prayers. By
this means they think that they can satisfy their spiritual and temporal
needs, From what do they seek this benefit? From walls made of mud and
stones, from corpses deposited in tombs. If you speak to them they will
reply, 'We do not call these monuments God; we turn to them in prayer, and
we pray the saints to intercede for us on high.' Now, the true {103} way of
salvation is to prostrate one's self before Him who is ever present, and to
venerate Him--the one without associate or equal." Such outspoken language
raised up opposition, and he had to seek the protection of
Muhammad-Ibn-Saud, a chief of some importance, who now vigorously supported
the Wahhábí movement. He was a stern and uncompromising man. "As soon as
you seize a place," he said to his soldiers, "put the males to the sword.
Plunder and pillage at your pleasure, but spare the women and do not strike
a blow at their modesty." On the day of battle he used to give each soldier
a paper, a safe conduct to the other world. This letter was addressed to
the Treasurer of Paradise. It was enclosed in a bag which the warrior
suspended to his neck. The soldiers were persuaded that the souls of those
who died in battle would go straight to heaven, without being examined by
the angels Munkar and Nakír in the grave. The widows and orphans of all who
fell were supported by the survivors. Nothing could resist men who, fired
with a burning zeal for what they deemed the truth, received a share of the
booty, if conquerors; who went direct to Paradise if they were slain. In
course of time, Muhammad-Ibn-Saud married the daughter of Ibn-Abd-ul-Wahháb
and founded the Wahhábí dynasty which to this day rules at Ryadh.[90]
Such was the origin of this great movement, which spread, in course of
time, over Central and Eastern Arabia, and in the beginning of this century
found acceptance in India. In the year 1803 A.D. both Mecca and Madína fell
into the hands of the Wahhábís. A clean sweep was made of all things, the
use of which was opposed to Wahhábí principles. Not only rosaries and
charms, but silk robes and pipes were consigned to the flames, for smoking
is a {104} deadly sin. On this point there is a good story told by
Palgrave--"'Abd-ul-Karím said: 'The first of the great sins is the giving
divine honours to a creature.' Of course I replied, 'The enormity of such a
sin is beyond all doubt. But if this be the first, there must be a second;
what is it?' 'Drinking the shameful!' (in English idiom, 'smoking tobacco')
was the unhesitating answer. 'And murder, and adultery, and false witness?'
I suggested. 'God is merciful and forgiving,' rejoined my friend; that is,
these are merely little sins."[91]
After holding possession of the holy cities for nine years they were driven
out by the Turkish forces. 'Abdullah, the fourth Wahhábí ruler, was
captured by Ibrahím Pasha, and afterwards executed in the square of St.
Sophia (1818 A.D.) The political power of the Wahhábís has since been
confined to parts of Arabia; but their religious opinions have widely
spread.
The leader of the Wahhábí movement in India was Sayyid Ahmad, a reformed
freebooter. He was now born at Ráí Bareili, in Oudh, 1786 A.D. When about
thirty years of age he gave up his wild way of living and settled down in
Delhi as a student of the Law of Islám. After a while, he went on
pilgrimage to Mecca, but his opinions, so similar to those of the noted
Wahhábí, attracted the attention of the orthodox theologians, through whose
influence he was expelled from the sacred city. Persecution deepened his
religious convictions, and he returned to India a pronounced Wahhábí. He
soon gained a large number of disciples, and in 1826 A.D. he preached a
Jihád against the Sikhs. This war was not a success. In the year 1831 the
Wahhábís were suddenly attacked by the Sikhs, under Sher Singh, and Sayyid
Ahmad was slain. This did not, however, prevent the spread of Wahhábí
principles, for he had the good fortune to leave behind him an enthusiastic
disciple. This man, {105} Muhammad Ismá'íl, was born near Delhi in the year
1781 A.D. He was a youth of good abilities and soon mastered the subjects
which form the curriculum of a liberal education amongst Musalmáns. His
first preaching was in a Mosque at Delhi on Tauhíd (Unity), and against
Shirk (Polytheism). He now met with Sayyid Ahmad who soon acquired great
influence over his new disciple. Ismá'íl told him one evening that he could
not offer up his prayers with Huzúr-i-Kalb, presence of heart. The Sayyid
took him to his room where he instructed him to repeat the first of the
prayers after him, and then to conclude them alone. He did so, and was able
to so abstract himself in the contemplation of God that he remained engaged
in prayer till the morning. Henceforward he was a devoted adherent of his
spiritual teacher. In the public discussions, which now often took place,
none were a match for Ismá'íl. This fervent preacher of Wahhábíism is now
chiefly remembered by his great work, the Takwiat-ul-Imán, the book from
which the account of Wahhábí doctrine given in this chapter is taken. If I
make no special reference to the quotations given, it will be known that my
authority for the statements thus made is Muhammad Ismá'íl, the most famous
of all Sayyid Ahmad's disciples. This book was followed by the
Sirát-ul-Mustaqím, said to have been written by one of Ismá'íl's followers.
Wahhábí doctrines are now spread throughout India. In the South there is
not much religious excitement or inquiry, yet Wahhábís are to be found
there.[92] It was and is a remarkable movement. In one sense it is a
struggle against the traditionalism of later ages, but in no sense can it
be said that the Wahhábís reject Tradition. They acknowledge as the
foundation of the faith--first, the Qurán; secondly, the Traditions which
are recorded on the authority of the Companions, and also the Ijmá' of the
Companions, that is, all things on which they were unanimous in opinion
{106} or in practice. Thus to the Wahhábí as to the Sunní, Muhammad is in
all his _acts_ and _words_ a perfect guide.
So far from Wahhábíism being a move onward because it is a return to first
principles, it rather binds the fetters of Islám more tightly. It does not
originate anything new, it offers no relaxation from a system which looks
upon the Qurán and the Traditions as a perfect and complete law, social and
political, moral and religious.
The Wahhábí places the doctrine of the "Tauhíd," or Unity, in a very
prominent position. It is true that all Musalmán sects put this dogma in
the first rank, but Wahhábís set their faces against practices common to
the other sects, because they consider that they obscure this fundamental
doctrine. It is this which brings them into collision with other Musalmáns.
The greatest of all sins is Shirk (_i.e._ the ascribing of plurality to the
Deity). A Mushrik (Polytheist) is one who so offends. All Musalmáns
consider Christians to be Polytheists, and all Wahhábís consider all other
Musalmáns also to be Polytheists, because they look to the Prophet for
intercession, pray to saints, visit shrines, and do other unlawful acts.
The Takwiat-ul-Imán says that "two things are necessary in religion--to
know God as God, and the Prophet as the Prophet." The two fundamental bases
of the faith are the "Doctrine of the Tauhíd (Unity) and obedience to the
Sunnat." The two great errors to be avoided are Shirk (Polytheism) and
Bida't (Innovation). As Bida't is looked upon as evil, it is somewhat
difficult to see what hope of progress can be placed upon this latest phase
of Muhammadan revival.
Shirk is defined to be of four kinds: Shirk-ul-'Ilm, ascribing knowledge to
others than God; Shirk-ut-tasarruf, ascribing power to others than God;
Shirk-ul-'Ibádat, offering worship to created things; Shirk-ul-'ádat, the
performance of ceremonies which imply reliance on others than God. {107}
The first, Shirk-ul-'Ilm, is illustrated by the statement that prophets and
holy men have no knowledge of secret things unless as revealed to them by
God. Thus some wicked persons made a charge against 'Áyesha. The Prophet
was troubled in mind, but knew not the truth of the matter till God made it
known to him. To ascribe, then, power to soothsayers, astrologers, and
saints is Polytheism. "All who pretend to have a knowledge of hidden
things, such as fortune-tellers, soothsayers and interpreters of dreams, as
well as those who profess to be inspired are all liars." Again, "should any
one take the name of any saint, or invoke his aid in the time of need,
instead of calling on God, or use his name in attacking an enemy, or read
passages to propitiate him, or make him the object of contemplation--it is
Shirk-ul-'Ilm."
The second kind, Shirk-ut-tasarruf, is to suppose that any one has power
with God. He who looks up to any one as an intercessor with God commits
Shirk. Thus: "But they who take others beside Him as lords, saying, 'We
only serve them that they may bring us near God,'--God will judge between
them (and the Faithful) concerning that wherein they are at variance."
(Súra xxxix. 4.) Intercession may be of three kinds. For example, a
criminal is placed before the King. The Vizier intercedes. The King, having
regard to the rank of the Vizier, pardons the offender. This is called
Shafá'at-i-Wajahat, or 'intercession from regard.' But to suppose that God
so esteems the rank of any one as to pardon a sinner merely on account of
it is Shirk. Again, the Queen or the Princes intercede for the criminal.
The King, from love to them, pardons him. This is called
Shafá'at-i-muhabbat, or 'intercession from affection.' But to consider that
God so loves any one as to pardon a criminal on his account is to give that
loved one power, and this is Shirk, for such power is not possible in the
Court of God. "God may out of His bounty confer on His favourite servants
the epithets of Habíb--favourite, or Khalíl--friend, {108} &c.; but a
servant is but a servant, no one can put his foot outside the limits of
servitude, or rise beyond the rank of a servant." Again, the King may
himself wish to pardon the offender, but he fears lest the majesty of the
law should be lowered. The Vizier perceives the King's wish, and
intercedes. This intercession is lawful. It is called
Shafá'at-i-ba-izn--intercession by permission, and such power Muhammad will
have at the day of Judgment. Wahhábís hold that he has not that power now,
though all other Musalmáns consider that he has, and in consequence (in
Wahhábí opinion) commit the sin of Shirk-ut-tasarruf. The Wahhábís quote
the following passages in support of their view. "Who is he that can
intercede with Him but by _His own permission_." (Súra ii. 256) "Say:
Intercession is wholly with God! His the kingdoms of the heavens and of the
earth." (Súra xxxix. 46). They also say: "whenever an allusion is made in
the Qurán, or the Traditions to the intercession of certain prophets or
apostles, it is this kind of intercession and no other that is meant."
The third Shirk is prostration before any created beings with the idea of
worshipping it. It also includes perambulating the shrines of departed
saints. Thus: "Prostration, bowing down, standing with folded arms,
spending money in the name of an individual, fasting out of respect to his
memory, proceeding to a distant shrine in a pilgrim's garb and calling out
the name of the saint whilst so going is Shirk-ul-'Ibádat." It is wrong "to
cover the grave with a sheet (ghiláf), to say prayers at the shrine, to
kiss any particular stone, to rub the mouth and breast against the walls of
the shrine, &c." This is a stern condemnation of the very common practice
of visiting the tombs of saints and of some of the special practices of the
pilgrimage to Mecca. All such practices as are here condemned are called
Ishrák fi'l 'Ibádat--'association in worship.'
The fourth Shirk is the keeping up of superstitious customs, such as the
Istikhára--seeking guidance from beads {109} &c., trusting to omens, good
or bad, believing in lucky and unlucky days, adopting such names as
'Abd-un-Nabi (slave of the Prophet), and so on. In fact, the denouncing of
such practices and calling them Shirk brings Wahhábíism into daily contact
with the other sects, for scarcely any people in the world are such
profound believers in the virtue of charms and the power of astrologers as
Musalmáns. The difference between the first and fourth Shirk, the
Shirk-ul-'Ilm and the Shirk-ul-'ádat, seems to be that the first is the
_belief_, say in the knowledge of a soothsayer, and the second the _habit_
of consulting him.
To swear by the name of the Prophet, of 'Alí, of the Imáms, or of Pírs
(Leaders) is to give them the honour due to God alone. It is Ishrák fi'l
adab--'Shirk in association.'
Another common belief which Wahhábís oppose is that Musalmáns can perform
the Hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca), say prayers, read the Qurán, abide in
meditation, give alms, and do other good works, the reward of which shall
be credited to a person already dead.[93] Amongst other Musalmáns it is a
common practice to read the Qurán in the belief that, if done with such an
intention, the reward will pass to the deceased object of the desire.
Wahábís entirely object to this.
The above technical exposition of Wahhábí tenets shows how much stress they
lay on a rigid adherence to the doctrine of the "Unity." "Lá-il-láha,
Il-lal-lá-hu" (there is no God but God) is an eternal truth. Yet to the
Musalmán God is a Being afar off. In rejecting the Fatherhood of God he has
accepted as the object of his worship, hardly of his affections, a Being
despotic in all He does, arbitrary in all His ways. He has accepted the
position of a slave instead of that of a son. Wahhábíism emphasizes the
ideas which flow from the first article of the Muslim creed. But {110} on
this subject we prefer to let Palgrave speak. He of all men knew the
Wahhábí best, and he, at least, can be accused of no sectarian bias. The
extract is rather long, but will repay perusal; indeed, the whole passage
from which this extract is taken should be read.
"'There is no God but God,' are words simply tantamount in English to
the negation of any deity save one alone; and thus much they certainly
mean in Arabic, but they imply much more also. Their full sense is, not
only to deny absolutely and unreservedly all plurality whether of
nature or of person in the Supreme Being, not only to establish the
unity of the Unbegetting and the Unbegot, in all its simple and
incommunicable oneness, but besides this, the words, in Arabic and
among Arabs, imply that this one Supreme Being is the only Agent, the
only Force, the only Act existing throughout the universe, and leave to
all beings else, matter or spirit, instinct or intelligence, physical
or moral, nothing but pure unconditional passiveness, alike in movement
or in quiescence, in action or in capacity. Hence in this one sentence
is summed up a system which, for want of a better name, I may be
permitted to call the 'Pantheism of Force.' 'God is One in the totality
of omnipotent and omnipresent action, which acknowledges no rule,
standard, or limit, save one sole and absolute will. He communicates
nothing to His creatures, for their seeming power and act ever remain
His alone, and in return He receives nothing from them.' 'It is His
singular satisfaction to let created beings continually feel that they
are nothing else than His slaves, that they may the better acknowledge
His superiority.' 'He Himself, sterile in His inaccessible height,
neither loving nor enjoying aught save His own and self-measured
decree, without son, companion, or councillor, is no less barren for
Himself than for His creatures, and His own barrenness and lone egoism
in Himself is the cause and rule of His indifferent and unregarding
despotism around.'[94]
Palgrave allows that such a notion of the Deity is monstrous, but maintains
that it is the "truest mirror of the mind and scope of the writer of the
Book" (Qurán), and that, as such, it is confirmed by authentic Tradition
and learned commentaries. At all events, Palgrave possessed {111} the two
essential qualifications for a critic of Islam--a knowledge of the
literature, and intercourse with the people. So far as my experience goes I
have never seen any reason to differ from Palgrave's statement. Men are
often better than their creeds. Even the Prophet was not always consistent.
There are some redeeming points in Islám. But the root idea of the whole is
as described above, and from it no system can be deduced which will grow in
grace and beauty as age after age rolls by.
The Arab proverb states that "The worshipper models himself on what he
worships."[95] Thus a return to "first principles," sometimes proclaimed as
the hope of Turkey, is but the "putting back the hour-hand of Islám" to the
place where indeed Muhammad always meant it to stay, for
"Islám is in its essence stationary, and was framed thus to remain.
Sterile, like its God, lifeless like its first Principle and supreme
Original in all that constitutes true life--for life is love,
participation, and progress, and of these the Quránic Deity has
none--it justly repudiates all change, all advance, all
development."[96]
Muhammad Ibn 'Abd-ul Wahháb was a man of great intellectual power and
vigour. He could pierce through the mists of a thousand years, and see with
an eagle eye how one sect and another had laid accretions on the Faith. He
had the rare gift of intuition, and could see that change (Bida't) and
progress were alien to the truth. This recognition of his ability is due to
him; but what a sad prostration of great gifts it was to seek to arrest, by
the worship of the letter, all hope of progress, and to make "the
starting-point of Islám its goal." That he was a good Musalmán in so doing
no one can doubt, but that his work gives any hope of the rise of an
enlightened form of Islám no one who really has studied Islám can believe.
Wahhábíism simply amounts to this, that while it denounces all other
Musalmáns as polytheists, it enforces the {112} Sunnat of the Prophet with
all its energy.[97] It breaks down shrines, but insists on the necessity of
a pilgrimage to a black stone at Mecca. It forbids the use of a rosary, but
attaches great merit to counting the ninety-nine names of God on the
fingers. It would make life unsocial. The study of the Fine Arts with the
exception of Architecture can find no place in it. Ismá'íl quotes with
approval the following Tradition. "'Áyesha said: 'I purchased a carpet on
which were some figures. The Prophet stood in the doorway and looked
displeased.' I said: 'O messenger of God, I repent to God and His
Messenger; what fault have I committed that you do not enter?' His Highness
then said: 'What is this carpet?' I replied; 'I have bought it for you to
sit and rest upon.' Then the messenger of God replied: 'Verily, the maker
of pictures will be punished on the day of resurrection, when God will
desire them to bring them to life. A house which contains pictures is not
visited by the angels.'" In a Tradition quoted by Ibn 'Abbás, the Prophet
classes artists with murderers and parricides. Wahhábíism approves of all
this, and thus by forbidding harmless enjoyments it would make society "an
organised hypocrisy." It would spread abroad a spirit of contempt for all
mankind except its own followers, and, where it had the power, it would
force its convictions on others at the point of the sword.
Wahhábíism was reform after a fashion, in one direction; in the history of
Islám there have been attempts at reform in other directions; there will
yet be such attempts, but so long as the Qurán and the Sunnat (or, in the
case of the Shía'h, its equivalent) are to form, as they have hitherto
{113} done for every sect, the sole law to regulate all conditions and
states of life, enlightened and continued progress is impossible. The
deadening influence of Islám is the greatest obstacle the Church of God has
to overcome in her onward march; its immobility is the bane of many lands;
connection with it is the association of the living with the dead; to speak
of it, as some do, as if it were a sort of sister religion to Christianity,
is but to show deplorable ignorance where ignorance is inexcusable. Thus it
is plain that Musalmáns are not all of one heart and soul.[98] In the next
chapter I hope to show that Islám is a very dogmatic and complex system in
spite of the simple form of its creed.
{114}
NOTE TO CHAPTER III.
WAHHÁBÍISM.
In the Journal Asiatique, 4me Série, tome 11, a curious account is
given of the voyage of Mirzá Muhammad 'Alí Khán, some time Persian
Ambassador in Paris. This gentleman states that in one of his voyages
from Persia to India he met with a Wahhábí, who had in his possession a
tract written by the founder of the sect. This small pamphlet he
allowed Mirzá Muhammad to copy. I give the substance of the pamphlet in
this note. The original Arabic will be found in the Journal Asiatique.
It is of considerable interest as a protest against idolatry. It is as
follows:--I know that God is merciful, that the sect of Abu Hanífa is
orthodox and identical with the religion of Abraham. After thou hast
known that God has created His servants for the purpose of being served
by them, know also that this service or devotion is to worship God, One
and alone; just as prayer (Salát) is not prayer (Salát), unless it is
accompanied with the legal purification. God Most High has said: "It is
not for the votaries of other gods with God, witnesses against
themselves of infidelity, to visit the temples of God. These! vain
their works: and in the fire shall they abide for ever!" (Súra ix. 17.)
Those who in their prayers, address any other than God, in the hope of
obtaining by them that which God alone can give--those bring unto their
prayers the leaven of idolatry and make them of none effect, "and who
erreth more than he who, beside God, calleth upon that which shall not
answer him until the day of resurrection." (Súra xlvi. 4) On the
contrary, when the day of resurrection comes, they will become their
enemies and treat them as infidels for having served others than God.
"But the gods whom ye call on beside Him have no power over the husk of
a date-stone! If ye cry to them they will not hear your cry; and if
they heard they would not answer you, and in the day of resurrection
they will disown your joining them with God." (Súra xxxv. 14,15.)
He who says: "O thou Prophet of God! O 'Ibn 'Abbás! O 'Abd-ul-Qádir!"
&c. with the persuasion that the souls of these blessed ones can obtain
from God that of which the suppliant has need, or that they can protect
him, is an infidel whose blood any one may shed, and whose goods any
one may appropriate with impunity unless he repent. There are four
different classes of idolaters.
{115}
First, the infidels against whom the Prophet made war. These
acknowledge that God is the creator of the world, that He supports all
living creatures, that in wisdom He rules over all. "Say: who supplieth
you from the heavens and the earth? who hath power over hearing and
sight? and who bringeth forth the living from the dead, and bringeth
forth the dead from the living? who ruleth all things? they will surely
say: 'God,' then say: 'What! will ye not therefore fear Him.'" (Súra x.
32.) It is difficult to distinguish idolatry of this kind; but under an
outwardly orthodox appearance they go astray; for they have recourse to
divinities of their own choosing and pray to them.
Secondly, there are idolaters who say that they only call upon these
intermediary powers to intercede in their favour with God, and that
what they desire they seek from God. The Qurán furnishes a proof
against them. "They worship beside God what cannot hurt or help them,
and say, these are our advocates with God! say: will ye inform God of
aught in the heavens and in the earth which He knoweth not?" (Súra x.
19.)
Thirdly, those are idolaters who choose one idol as their patron, or
rather those who, renouncing the worship of idols, become attached to
one saint, as Jesus or His Mother, and put themselves under the
protection of Guardian Angels. Against them we cite the verse: "Those
whom ye call on, themselves desire union with their Lord, striving
which of them shall be nearest to Him; they also hope for His mercy,
and fear His chastisement." (Súra xvii. 59.) We see here that the
Prophet drew no distinction between the worship of an idol and the
worship of such and such a saint; on the contrary, he treated them all
as infidels, and made war upon them in order to consolidate the
religion of God upon a firm basis.
Fourthly, those who worship God sincerely in the time of trouble, but
at other times call on other Gods are idolaters. Thus: "Lo! when they
embark on board a ship, they call upon God, vowing Him sincere worship,
but when He bringeth them safe to land, behold they join partners with
Him." (Súra xxix. 65.)
In the age in which we live, I could cite still worse heresies. The
idolaters, our contemporaries, pray to and invoke the lower divinities
when they are in distress. The idolaters of the Prophet's time were
less culpable than those of the present age are. They, at least, had
recourse to God in time of great evil; these in good and evil states,
seek the aid of their patrons, other than God, and pray to them.
{116}
* * * * *
CHAPTER IV.
THE CREED OF ISLÁM.[99]
Faith is defined by Muslim theologians as: "Confession with the tongue and
belief with the heart."[100] It is said to "stand midway between hope and
fear." It is sub-divided into Imán-í-mujmal and Imán-í-mufassal. The former
is an expression of the following faith: "I believe in God, His names and
attributes, and accept all His commands."[101] The latter is the acceptance
of the following dogmas: "I believe in God, Angels, Books, Prophets, the
Last Day, the Predestination by the Most High God of good and evil and the
Resurrection after death."[102] These form the articles of faith which
every Muslim must believe, to which belief, in order to render it perfect,
he must add the performance of the "acts of practice," _viz._: (1) "The
recital of the Kalima or creed:--'There is no deity but God, and Muhammad
is the Apostle of God.' (2) Sulát. The five daily prayers. (3) Roza. The
thirty days fast of Ramazán. (4) Zakát. The legal alms. (5) Hajj, or the
pilgrimage to Mecca." This chapter will contain an account of the Imán--the
dogmas of Islám. An account of the Dín--the practical duties, will be given
in the next chapter. {117}
1. GOD.--This article of the faith includes a belief in the existence of
God, His unity and attributes, and has given rise to a large number of
sects. Some acquaintance with the various controversies which have thus
arisen is necessary to a correct knowledge of Islám. I commence the
consideration of this subject by giving the substance of a Sunní, or
orthodox treatise known as the Risála-i-Berkevi. The learned orientalist M.
Garcin de Tassy, considered it to be of such authority that in his
"L'Islamisme d'après le Coran" he has inserted a translation of the
Risála.[103] Muhammad Al-Berkevi, speaking of the Divine attributes,
says:--
(1). Life. (Hyát). God Most High is alone to be adored. He has neither
associate nor equal. He is free from the imperfections of humanity. He
is neither begotten nor does He beget. He is invisible. He is without
figure, form, colour or parts. His existence has neither beginning nor
end. He is immutable. If He so wills, He can annihilate the world in a
moment of time and, if it seem good to Him, recreate it in an instant.
Nothing is difficult to Him, whether it be the creation of a fly or
that of the seven heavens. He receives neither profit nor loss from
whatever may happen. If all the Infidels became Believers and all the
irreligious pious, He would gain no advantage. On the other hand, if
all Believers became Infidels, He would suffer no loss.
(2). Knowledge. ('Ilm). He has knowledge of all things hidden or
manifest, whether in heaven or on earth. He knows the number of the
leaves of the trees, of the grains of wheat and of sand. Events past
and future are known to Him. He knows what enters into the heart of man
and what he utters with his mouth. He alone, except those to whom He
has revealed them, knows the invisible things. He is free from
forgetfulness, negligence and error. His knowledge is eternal: it is
not posterior to His essence.
(3). Power. (Qudrat). He is Almighty. If He wills, He can raise the
dead, make stones talk, trees walk, annihilate the heavens and the
earth and recreate of gold or of silver thousands similar to those
destroyed. He can transport a man in a moment of time from the east to
the west, or from the west to the east, or to the seventh heaven. His
power is eternal à priori and à posteriori. It is not posterior to His
essence.
{118}
(4). Will (Irádah). He can do what He wills, and whatever He wills
comes to pass. He is not obliged to act. Everything, good or evil, in
this world exists by His will. He wills the faith of the believer and
the piety of the religious. If He were to change His will there would
be neither a true believer nor a pious man. He willeth also the
unbelief of the unbeliever and the irreligion of the wicked and,
without that will, there would neither be unbelief nor irreligion. All
we do we do by His will: what He willeth not does not come to pass. If
one should ask why God does not will that all men should believe we
answer: "We have no right to enquire about what God wills and does. He
is perfectly free to will and to do what He pleases." In creating
unbelievers, in willing that they should remain in that state; in
making serpents, scorpions and pigs: in willing, in short, all that is
evil God has wise ends in view which it is not necessary that we should
know. We must acknowledge that the will of God is eternal and that it
is not posterior to His essence.
(5). Hearing. (Sama'). He hears all sounds whether low or loud. He
hears without an ear for His attributes are not like those of men.
(6). Seeing. (Basr). He sees all things, even the steps of a black ant
on a black stone in a dark night; yet He has no eye as men have.
(7). Speech. (Kalám). He speaks, but not with a tongue as men do. He
speaks to some of His servants without the intervention of another,
even as He spoke to Moses, and to Muhammad on the night of the
ascension to heaven. He speaks to others by the instrumentality of
Gabriel, and this is the usual way in which He communicates His will to
the prophets. It follows from this that the Qurán is the word of God,
and is eternal and uncreated.
These are the "haft sifát," or seven attributes of God. There is unanimity
of opinion as to the number of attributes, but not as regards their nature
and the extent of the knowledge concerning them to which men can attain.
Thus some say that the knowledge of God is the first thing to acquire; but
Imám Sháfa'í and the Mutazilites say that a man must first attain to the
_idea_ of the knowledge of God. The meaning of the expression "Knowledge of
God" is the ascertaining the truth of His existence, and of His positive
and privative attributes, as far as the human understanding can enter into
these matters. The unity is not a mere numerical unity but absolute, for
the number one is the first of a series and implies a second, but God has
not a {119} second. He is "singular without anything like Him, separate
having no equal;" for, "had there been either in heaven or earth gods
beside God, both surely had gone to ruin." (Súra xxi. 22). God is not a
substance, for substance has accidents, but God has none: otherwise His
nature would be that of "dependent existence." God is without parts, for
otherwise he would not exist till all the parts were formed, and His
existence would depend on the parts, that is, on something beside Himself.
The orthodox strictly prohibit the discussion of minute particulars, for
say they, "just as the eye turning to the brightness of the sun finds
darkness intervene to prevent all observation, so the understanding finds
itself bewildered if it attempts to pry into the nature of God." The
Prophet said: "We did not know the reality of the knowledge of Thee;" and
to his followers he gave this advice: "Think of God's gifts, not of His
nature: certainly you have no power for that." The Khalíf Akbar is reported
to have said: "to be helpless in the search of knowledge is knowledge and
to enquire into the nature of God is Shirk (infidelity)."[104] A moderate
acquaintance with Muslim theology shows that neither the injunction of the
Prophet nor the warning of the Khalíf has been heeded.
According to the early Muslims, the Companions and their followers,
enquiries into the nature of God and His attributes were not lawful. The
Prophet knowing what was good for men, had plainly revealed the way of
salvation and had taught them:--
"Say: He is God alone:
God the eternal!
He begetteth not, and He is not begotten;
And there is none like unto Him." (Súra cxii)
This was sufficient for them to know of the mystery of the Godhead. God is
far beyond the reach of the human {120} understanding. He alone embraces
all in His comprehension. Men should therefore mistrust their own
perceptive faculties and notions and should obey the inspired legislator
Muhammad, who loving them better than they love themselves, and knowing
better than they do what is truly useful, has revealed both what they ought
to believe and what they ought to do. It is true that men must exercise
their reason, but they must not do so with regard to the divine
attributes.[105]
Dogma is divided into two portions, usúl and farú'--(_i.e._, roots and
branches.) The former include the doctrine about God; the latter, as the
name implies, consist of truths which result from the acceptance of the
former. The orthodox belief is that reason has only to do with the "farú',"
for the usúl being founded on the Qurán and Sunnat have an objective basis.
Differences of opinion about various branches of the "farú'," led to
discussions which did not stop there but went on to the "usúl," and so
paved the way for the rise of scholastic theology ('Ilm-i-kalám.) I have
already in the chapter on the exegesis of the Qurán explained the
difference in meaning between muhkam (obvious) verses and mutashábih
(intricate) ones. This difference lies at the very foundation of the
present subject. It is, therefore, necessary to enter a little into detail.
The question turns very much on the interpretation of the 5th verse of the
3rd Súra: "He it is who hath sent down to thee 'the Book.' Some of its
signs are of themselves perspicuous (muhkam): these are the basis of the
{121} Book--and others are figurative (mutashábih.) But they whose hearts
are given to err, follow its figures, craving discord, craving an
interpretation; yet none knoweth its interpretation but God. And the stable
in knowledge say, 'We believe in it: it is all from our Lord.' But none
will bear this in mind, save men endued with understanding." Here it is
clearly stated (1) that no one except God can know the interpretation of
mutashábih verses, and (2) that wise men though they know not their
interpretation, yet believe them all. Many learned men, however, say that
the full stop should not be placed after the word "God" but after
"knowledge," and so this portion of the verse would read thus: "None
knoweth its interpretation but God and the stable in knowledge. They say:
'we believe, &c.'" On this slight change in punctuation, which shows that
the 'stable in knowledge' can interpret the mutashábih verses, opposite
schools of theology have arisen in Islám.
The latter reading opens the way to a fearless investigation of subjects
which all the early Muslims avoided as beyond their province. In the early
days of Islám it was held that all parts of the Qurán, except the muhkam
verses and the purely narrative portions, were mutashábih; that is, all
verses which related to the attributes of God, to the existence of angels
and genii, to the appearance of Antichrist, the period and signs of the day
of judgment, and generally all matters which are beyond the daily
experience of mankind. It was strongly felt that not only must there be no
discussion on them,[106] but no attempt should be made to understand or act
on them. Ibn 'Abbás, a Companion, says: "One must believe the mutashábih
verses, but not take them for a rule of conduct." Ibn Jubair was once {122}
asked to put the meaning of the Qurán into writing. He became angry and
said: "I should rather be palsied in one-half of my body than do so."[107]
'Ayesha said: "Avoid those persons who dispute about the meaning of the
Qurán, for they are those whom God has referred to in the words, 'whose
hearts are given to err.'"
The first reading is the one adopted by the Asháb, the Tábi'ín and the
Taba-i-Tábi'ín and the great majority of Commentators. The Sunnís
generally, and, according to the testimony of Fakr-ud-dín Rází (A.H.
544-606), the Sháfa'í sect are of the same opinion.
Those who take the opposite view are the Commentators Mujáhid (died A.H.
101), Rábí' bin Ans and others. The scholastic theologians[108]
(Mutakallimán) generally adopt the latter reading.[109] They argued thus:
how could men believe what they did not know; to which their opponents
answered, that the act of belief in the unknown is the very thing here
praised by God. The scholastics then enquired why, since the Qurán was sent
to be a guide and direction to men, were not all its verses muhkam? The
answer was, that the Arabs acknowledged two kinds of eloquence. One kind
was to arrange words and ideas in a plain and simple style so that the
meaning might be at once apparent, the other was to speak in figurative
language. Now, if the Qurán had not contained both these styles of
composition, it could not have claimed the position it does as a book
absolutely perfect in form as well as in matter.[110]
Bearing in mind this fundamental difference of opinion, we can now pass on
to the consideration of the attributes.
{123} The essential attributes are Life, Knowledge, Power, Will, for
without these the others could not exist. Then the attributes of Hearing,
Seeing, Speech give us a further idea of perfection. These are the
"Sifát-i-Sabútiah," or affirmative attributes, the privation of which would
imply loss; there are also Sifát-i-Salbiah, or privative attributes, such
as--God has no form, is not limited by place, has no equal, &c. The acts of
sitting, rising, descending, the possession of face, hands, eyes, &c.,
being connected with the idea of corporeal existences imply imperfection
and apparently contradict the doctrine of "exemption" (tenzih) according to
which God is, in virtue of His essence, in no way like the creatures He has
made. This was a difficulty, but the four great Imáms all taught that it
was impious to enquire into these matters for all such allusions were
mutashábih. "The Imám Hanbal and other early divines followed in the path
of the early Muslims and said: 'We believe in the Book and the Sunnat, and
do not desire explanations. We know that the High God is not to be compared
to any created object: nor any creature with Him.'"[111] Imám As-Sháfa'í
said that a man who enquired into such matters should be tied to a stake,
and carried about, and that the following proclamation should be made
before him: "This is the reward of him who left the Qurán and the
Traditions for the study of scholastic theology." Imám Hanbal says:
"Whosoever moves his hand when he reads in the Qurán the words, 'I have
created with my hand,' ought to have his hand cut off; and whoever
stretches forth his finger in repeating the saying of Muhammad, 'The heart
of the believer is between two fingers of the Merciful,' deserves to have
his finger cut off." At-Tirmízí when consulted about the statement of the
Prophet that God had descended to the lowest of the seven heavens, said:
"The descent is intelligible, the manner how is unknown; the belief therein
{124} is obligatory; and the asking about it is a blameable innovation."
But all such attempts to restrain discussion and investigation failed.
The two main points in the discussion of this question are (1) whether the
attributes of God are internal or external, whether they are part of His
essence or not, and (2) whether they are eternal or not.
The two leading Sects were the Sifátians (or Attributists) and the
Mutazilites. The Sifátians whom the early orthodox Muslims follow, taught
that the attributes of God are eternally inherent in His essence without
separation or change. Every attribute is conjoined with Him as life with
knowledge, or knowledge with power. They also taught that the mutashábih
verses were not to be explained, and such were those which seemed to show a
resemblance between God and His creatures. So at first they did not attempt
to give the meaning of the terms, "hands, eyes, face, &c.," when applied to
God. They simply accepted them as they stood. In course of time, as will be
seen, differences of opinion on this point led to some sub-divisions of
this sect.
The Mutazilites were the great opponents of the Sifátians. They rejected
the idea of eternal attributes, saying that eternity was the formal
attribute of the essence of God. "If," said they, "we admit the eternal
existence of an attribute then we must recognize the multiplicity of
eternal existences." They also rejected the attributes of hearing, seeing
and speech, as these were accidents proper to corporeal existences. They
looked upon the divine attributes as mental abstractions, and not as having
a real existence in the divine essence. The Mutazilites were emphatically
the Free thinkers of Islám. The origin of the sect was as follows: Al
Hasan, a famous divine, was one day seated in the Mosque at Basra when a
discussion arose on the question whether a believer who committed a mortal
sin became thereby an unbeliever. The Khárigites (Ante p. 76) {125}
affirmed that it was so. The orthodox denied this, saying that, though
guilty of sin, yet that as he believed rightly he was not an infidel.[112]
One of the scholars Wásil Ibn Atá, (who was born at Madína A.H. 80), then
rose up and said: "I maintain that a Muslim who has committed a mortal sin
should be regarded neither as a believer nor an unbeliever, but as
occupying a middle station between the two." He then retired to another
part of the Mosque where he was joined by his friend 'Umr Ibn Obaid and
others. They resumed the discussion. A learned man, named Katáda, entering
the Mosque, went up to them, but on finding that they were not the party in
which Al Hasan was, said 'these are the Seceders (Al-Mutazila).' Al Hasan
soon expelled them from his school. Wásil then founded a school of his own
of which, after the death of his master, 'Umr Ibn Obaid became the head.
Wásil felt that a believer, though sinful, did not merit the same degree of
punishment as an infidel, and thus starting off on the question of
_degrees_ of punishment, he soon opened up the whole subject of man's
responsibility and the question of free-will. This soon brought him into
conflict with the orthodox on the subject of predestination and that again
to the subject of the inspiration, the interpretation and the eternity of
the Qurán, and of the divine attributes. His followers rejected the
doctrine of the "divine right" of the Imám, and held that the entire body
of the Faithful had the right to elect the most suitable person, who need
not necessarily be a man of the Quraish tribe, to fill that office. The
principles of logic and the teaching of philosophy were brought to bear on
the precepts of religion. According to Shahrastání the Mutazilites hold:--
"That God is eternal; and that eternity is the peculiar property of His
essence; but they deny the existence of any eternal attributes (as
distinct from His nature). For they say, He is Omniscient as to {126}
His nature; Living as to His nature; Almighty as to His nature; but not
through any knowledge, power or life existing in Him as eternal
attributes; for knowledge, power and life are part of His essence,
otherwise, if they are to be looked upon as eternal attributes of the
Deity, it will give rise to a multiplicity of eternal entities."
"They maintain that the knowledge of God is as much within the province
of reason as that of any other entity; that He cannot be beheld with
the corporeal sight; and with the exception of Himself everything else
is liable to change or to suffer extinction. They also maintain that
Justice is the animating principle of human actions: Justice according
to them being the dictates of Reason and the concordance of the
ultimate results of this conduct of man with such dictates."
"Again, they hold that there is no eternal law as regards human
actions; that the divine ordinances which regulate the conduct of men
are the results of growth and development; that God has commanded and
forbidden, promised and threatened by a law which grew gradually. At
the same time, say they, he who works righteousness merits rewards and
he who works evil deserves punishment. They also say, that all
knowledge is attained through reason, and must necessarily be so
obtained. They hold that the cognition of good and evil is also within
the province of reason; that nothing is known to be right or wrong
until reason has enlightened us as to the distinction; and that
thankfulness for the blessings of the Benefactor is made obligatory by
reason, even before the promulgation of any law upon the subject. They
also maintain that man has perfect freedom; is the author of his
actions both good and evil, and deserves reward or punishment hereafter
accordingly."
During the reigns of the 'Abbásside Khalífs Mámún, Mutasim and Wathik
(198-232 A.H.) at Baghdád, the Mutazilites were in high favour at Court,
Under the 'Abbásside dynasty[113] the ancient Arab Society was
revolutionized, Persians filled the most important offices of State;
Persian doctrines took the place of Arab ones. The orthodox suffered bitter
persecution. The story of that persecution will be told later on. The
Khalíf Wathik at length relented. {127} An old man, heavily chained, was
one day brought into his presence. The prisoner obtained permission to put
a few questions to Ahmad Ibn Abu Dá,úd, a Mutazilite and the President of
the Court of Inquisition. The following dialogue took place. "Ahmad," said
the prisoner, "what is the dogma which you desire to have established."
"That the Qurán is created," replied Ahmad. "This dogma, then, is without
doubt an essential part of religion, insomuch that the latter cannot
without it be said to be complete?" "Certainly." "Has the Apostle of God
taught this to men or has he left them free?" "He has left them free." "Was
the Apostle of God acquainted with this dogma or not?" "He was acquainted
with it." "Wherefore, then, do you desire to impose a belief regarding
which the Apostle of God has left men free to think as they please?" Ahmad
remaining silent, the old man turned to Wathik and said, "O Prince of
Believers, here is my first position made good." Then turning to Ahmad, he
said, "God has said, 'This day have I perfected religion for you, and have
filled up the measures of my favours upon you; and it is my pleasure that
Islám be your religion.' (Súra v. 5). But according to you Islám is not
perfected unless we adopt this doctrine that the Qurán is created. Which
now is most worthy of credence--God, when He declares Islám to be complete
and perfect, or you when you announce the contrary?" Ahmad was still
silent. "Prince of Believers," said the old man, "there is my second point
made good." He continued, "Ahmad, how do you explain the following words of
God in His Holy Book?--'O Apostle! proclaim all that hath been sent down to
thee from thy Lord; for if thou dost not, thou hast not proclaimed His
message at all.' Now this doctrine that you desire to spread among the
Faithful, has the Apostle taught it, or has he abstained from doing so?"
Ahmad remained silent. The old man resumed, "Prince of Believers, such is
my third argument." Then turning to Ahmad he said: "If the Prophet was
acquainted with the doctrine {128} which you desire to impose upon us, had
he the right to pass by it in silence?" "He had the right." "And did the
same right appertain to Abu Bakr, Omar, Osmán and 'Ali?" "It did," "Prince
of Believers," said the prisoner, "God will, in truth, be severe on us, if
He deprives us of a liberty which He accorded to the Prophet and his
Companions." The Khalíf assented, and at once restored the old man to
liberty. So ended one of the fiercest persecutions the orthodox have ever
had to endure, but so also ended the attempt to break through the barriers
of traditionalism.[114] The next Khalíf, Al Mutawakhil, a ferocious and
cruel man, restored the orthodox party to place and power. He issued a
fatva (decree) declaring that the dogma that the Qurán was created was an
utter falsehood. He instituted severe measures against Christians, Jews,
Shía'hs and Mutazilites. Ahmad Ibn Abu Dá,úd was one of the first to be
disgraced. Heresy and latitudinarianism were banished.
The final blow to the Mutazilites, however, came not from the Khalíf but a
little later on from Abu Hasan-al-Ash'arí (270-340 A.H.)
The Mutazilites expelled from power in Baghdád, still flourished at Basra
where one day the following incident occurred. Abu 'Alí Al-Jubbai, a
Mutazilite doctor, was lecturing to his students when Al-Ash'arí propounded
the following case to his master: "There were three brothers, one of whom
was a true believer, virtuous and pious; the second an infidel, a debauchee
and a reprobate; and the third an infant; they all died. What became of
them?" Al-Jubbai answered: "The virtuous brother holds a high station in
Paradise, the infidel is in the depths of hell, and the child is among
those who have obtained salvation." {129} "Suppose now," said Al-Ash'arí,
"that the child should wish to ascend to the place occupied by his virtuous
brother, would he be allowed to do so?" "No," replied Al-Jubbai, "it would
be said to him: 'thy brother arrived at this place through His numerous
works of obedience to God, and thou hast no such works to set forward.'"
"Suppose then," said Al-Ash'arí, "that the child should say: 'this is not
my fault, you did not let me live long enough, neither did you give me the
means of proving my obedience.'" "In that case," said Al-Jubbai, "the
Almighty would say: 'I knew that if I allowed thee to live, thou wouldest
have been disobedient and have incurred the punishment of hell: I acted,
therefore, for thy advantage.'" "Well," said Al-Ash'arí, "and suppose the
infidel brother were here to say: 'O God of the Universe! since Thou
knowest what awaited him, Thou must have known what awaited me; why then
didst Thou act for his advantage and not for mine?'"[115] Al-Jubbai was
silent, though very angry with his pupil, who was now convinced that the
Mutazilite dogma of man's free-will was false, and that God elects some for
mercy and some for punishment without any motive whatever. Disagreeing with
his teacher on this point, he soon began to find other points of
difference, and soon announced his belief that the Qurán was not created.
This occurred on a Friday in the Great Mosque at Basra. Seated in his chair
he cried out in a loud voice: "They who know me know who I am; as for those
who do not know me I shall tell them; I am 'Alí Ibn Ismá'íl Al-Ash'arí, and
I used to hold that the Qurán was created, that the eyes (of men) shall not
see God, and that we ourselves are the authors of our evil deeds; now, I
have returned to the truth: I renounce these opinions, and I take the
engagement to refute the Mutazilites and expose their infamy and
turpitude."[116]
He then, adopting scholastic methods, started a school of {130} thought of
his own, which was in the main a return to orthodoxy. The Ash'arían
doctrines differ slightly from the tenets of the Sifátians of which sect
Al-Ash'arí's disciples form a branch. The Ash'aríans hold--
(i.) That the attributes of God are distinct from His essence, yet in such
a way as to forbid any comparison being made between God and His creatures.
They say they are not "_'ain_ nor _ghair_:" not of His essence, nor
distinct from it: _i.e.,_ they cannot be compared with any other things.
(ii.) That God has one eternal will from which proceed all things, the good
and the evil, the useful and the hurtful. The destiny of man was written on
the eternal table before the world was created. So far they go with the
Sifátians, but in order to preserve the moral responsibility of man they
say that he has power to convert will into action. But this power cannot
create anything new for then God's sovereignty would be impaired; so they
say that God in His providence so orders matters that whenever "a man
desires to do a certain thing, good or bad, the action corresponding to the
desire is, there and then, created by God, and, as it were, fitted on to
the desire." Thus it seems as if it came naturally from the will of the
man, whereas it does not. This action is called Kasb (acquisition) because
it is acquired by a special creative act of God. It is an act directed to
the obtaining of profit, or the removing of injury: the term is, therefore,
inapplicable to the Deity. Abu Bakr-al-Bakillání, a disciple of Al-Ash'arí,
says: "The essence or substance of the action is the effect of the power of
God, but its being an action of obedience, such as prayer, or an action of
disobedience, such as fornication, are qualities of the action, which
proceed from the power of man." The Imám Al-Haramain (419-478 A.H.) held
"that the actions of men were effected by the power which God has created
in man." Abu Isháq al Isfarayain says: "That which maketh impression, or
hath influence on action, is a compound of the power of God and the power
of man." {131}
(iii.) They say that the word of God is eternal, though they acknowledge
that the vocal sounds used in the Qurán, which is the manifestation of that
word, are created. They say, in short, that the Qurán contains (1) the
eternal word which existed in the essence of God before time was; and (2)
the word which consists of sounds and combinations of letters. This last
they call the created word.
Thus Al-Ash'arí traversed the main positions of the Mutazilites, denying
that man can by the aid of his reason alone rise to the knowledge of good
and evil. He must exercise no judgment but accept all that is revealed. He
has no right to apply the moral laws which affect men to the actions of
God. It cannot be asserted by the human reason that the good will be
rewarded, or the bad punished in a future world. Man must always approach
God as a slave, in whom there is no light or knowledge to judge of the
actions of the Supreme. Whether God will accept the penitent sinner or not
cannot be asserted, for He is an absolute Sovereign, above all law.[117]
The opinions of the more irrational sub-divisions of the Sifátians need not
be entered into at any length.
The Mushábihites (or Assimilators), interpreting some of the mutashábih
verses literally, held that there is a resemblance between God and His
creatures; and that the Deity is capable of local motion, of ascending,
descending, &c. These they called "declarative attributes." The
Mujassimians (or Corporealists) declared God to be corporeal, by which some
of them meant, a self-subsisting body, whilst others declared the Deity to
be finite. They are acknowledged to be heretics.
{132}
The Jabríans gave great prominence to the denial of free agency in man, and
thus opposed the Mutazilites, who in this respect are Kadríans, that is,
they deny "Al-Kadr," God's absolute sovereignty, and recognize free will in
man.
These and various other sub-divisions are not now of much importance. The
Sunnís follow the teaching of Al-Ash'arí, whilst the Shí'ahs incline to
that of the Mutazilites.
Connected with the subject of the attributes of God is that of the names to
be used when speaking of Him. All sects agree in this, that the names "The
Living, the Wise, the Powerful, the Hearer, the Seer, the Speaker," &c.,
are to be applied to God; but the orthodox belief is that all such names
must be "tauqífi," that is dependent on some revelation. Thus it is not
lawful to apply a name to God expressive of one of His attributes, unless
there is some statement made, or order given by Muhammad to legalize it.
God is rightly called Sháfí (Healer), but He cannot be called Tabíb which
means much the same thing, for the simple reason that the word Tabíb is
never applied in the Qurán or the Traditions to God. In like manner the
term 'Álim (Knower) is lawful, but not so the expression 'Áqil (Wise). The
Mutazilites say that if, in the Qurán or Traditions, there is any praise of
an attribute, then the adjective formed from the name of that attribute can
be applied to God even though the actual word does not occur in any
revelation. Al-Ghazzálí (A.H. 450-505), who gave in the East the death-blow
to the Muslim philosophers, says: "The names of God not given in the Law,
if expressive of His glory, may be used of Him, but only as expressive of
His attributes, not of His nature." On the ground that it does not occur in
the Law, the Persian word "Khuda" has been objected to, an objection which
also holds good with regard to the use of such terms as God, Dieu, Gott,
&c. To this it is answered, that as "Khuda" means "one who comes by
himself" it is equivalent to the term Wájib-ul-Wajúd, {133} "one who has
necessary existence," and therefore so long as it is not considered as the
"Ism-i-Zát (name of His nature) it may with propriety be used."[118]
The current belief now seems to be that the proper name equal to the term
Alláh, current in a language, can be used, provided always that such a name
is not taken from the language of the Infidels; so God, Dieu, &c, still
remain unlawful. The names of God authorised by the Qurán and Traditions
are, exclusive of the term Alláh, ninety-nine in number. They are called
the Asmá-i-Husná[119] (noble names); but in addition to these there are
many synonyms used on the authority of Ijmá'. Such are Hanán, equal to
Rahím (Merciful) and Manán, "one who puts another under an obligation." In
the Tafsír-i-Bahr it is stated that there are three thousand names of God;
one thousand of which are known to angels; one thousand to prophets; whilst
one thousand are thus distributed, _viz._, in the Pentateuch there are
three hundred, in the Psalms three hundred, in the Gospels three hundred,
in the Qurán ninety-nine, and one still hidden.
The following texts of the Qurán are adduced to prove the nature of the
divine attributes:--
(1). Life. "There is no God but He, the Living, the Eternal." (Súra ii.
256). "Put thy trust in Him that liveth and dieth not." (Súra xxv. 60).
(2). Knowledge. "Dost thou not see that God knoweth all that is in the
heavens, and all that is in the earth." (Súra lviii. 8). "With Him are the
keys of the secret things; none knoweth them but He: He knoweth whatever is
on the land and in the sea; and no leaf falleth but He knoweth it; neither
is there a grain in the darknesses of the earth, nor a thing green or sere,
but it is noted in a distinct writing." (Súra vi. 59).
{134}
(3). Power. "If God pleased, of their ears and of their eyes would He
surely deprive them. Verily God is Almighty." (Súra ii. 19). "Is He not
powerful enough to quicken the dead." (Súra lxxv. 40). "God hath power over
all things." (Súra iii. 159.)
(4). Will. "God is worker of that He willeth." (Súra lxxxv. 16). "But if
God pleased, He would surely bring them, one and all, to the guidance."
(Súra vi. 35). "God misleadeth whom He will, and whom He will He
guideth--God doeth His pleasure." (Súra xiv. 4, 32).
As this attribute is closely connected with the article of the Creed which
refers to Predestination, the different opinions regarding it will be
stated under that head.
There has never been any difference of opinion as to the existence of these
four attributes so clearly described in the Qurán: the difference is with
regard to the mode of their existence and their operation. There is, first,
the ancient Sifátian doctrine that the attributes are eternal and of the
essence of God: secondly, the Mutazilite theory that they are not eternal;
and, thirdly, the Ash'arían dogma that they are eternal, but distinct from
His essence.
There is also great difference of opinion with regard to the next three
attributes--hearing, sight, speech. For the existence of the two first of
these the following verses are quoted, "He truly heareth and knoweth all
things." (Súra xliv. 5). "No vision taketh in Him, but He taketh in all
vision." (Súra vi. 103).
The use of the terms sitting, rising, &c., hands, face, eyes, and so on,
gave rise as I have shown to several sub-divisions of the Sifátians.
Al-Ghazzálí says: "He sits upon His throne after that manner which He has
Himself described and in that sense which He Himself means, which is a
sitting far remote from any notion of contact or resting upon, or local
situation." This is the Ash'arían idea, but between the Ash'aríans and
those who fell into the error of the {135} Mujassimians,[120] there was
another school. The followers of Imám Ibn Hanbal say that such words
represent the attributes existing in God. The words "God sits on His
throne" mean that He has the power of sitting. Thus, they say, "We keep the
literal meaning of the words, we allow no figurative interpretation. To do
so is to introduce a dangerous principle of interpretation, for the
negation of the apparent sense of a passage may tend to weaken the
authority of revelation. At the same time we do not pretend to explain the
act, for it is written: 'There is none like unto Him.' (Súra cxii.) 'Nought
is there like Him.' (Súra xlii. 9.) 'Unworthy the estimate they form of
God.'" (Súra xxii. 73.) To prove that God occupies a place they produce the
following Tradition: "Ibn-al-Hákim wished to give liberty to a female slave
Saouda and consulted the Prophet about it. Muhammad said to her, 'Where is
God?' 'In heaven,' she replied. 'Set her at liberty, she is a true
believer.'" Not, say the Commentators, because she believed that God
occupied a place but because she took the words in their literal
signification. The Shí'ahs consider it wrong to attribute to God movement,
quiescence, &c, for these imply the possession of a body. They hold, too,
in opposition to the orthodox that God will never be seen, for that which
is seen is limited by space.
The seventh attribute--speech--has been fruitful of a very long and
important controversy connected with the nature of the Qurán, for the word
"Kalám" means not mere speech, but revelation and every other mode of
communicating intelligence. Al-Ghazzálí says:--
"He doth speak, command, forbid, promise, and threaten by an eternal
ancient word, subsisting in His essence. Neither is it like to the word
of the creatures, nor doth it consist in a voice arising from the
commotion of the air and the collision of bodies, nor letters {136}
which are separated by the joining together of the lips or the motion
of the tongue. The Qurán, the Law, the Gospel and the Psalter are books
sent down by Him to His Apostles, and the Qurán, indeed, is read with
tongues written in books, and is kept in hearts; yet, as subsisting in
the essence of God, it doth not become liable to separation and
division whilst it is transferred into the hearts and on to paper. Thus
Moses also heard the word of God without voice or letter, even as the
saints behold the essence of God without substance or accident."
The orthodox believe that God is really a speaker: the Mutazilites deny
this, and say that He is only called a speaker because He is the originator
of words and sounds.
They also bring the following objections to bear against the doctrine of
the eternity of the Qurán. (1) It is written in Arabic, it descended, is
read, is heard, and is written. It was the subject of a miracle. It is
divided into parts and some verses are abrogated by others. (2) Events are
described in the past tense, but if the Qurán had been eternal the future
tense would have been used. (3) The Qurán contains commands and
prohibitions; if it is eternal who were commanded and who were admonished?
(4) If it has existed from eternity it must exist to eternity, and so even
in the last day, and in the next world, men will be under the obligation of
performing the same religious duties as they do now, and of keeping all the
outward precepts of the law. (5) If the Qurán is eternal, then there are
two eternals.
The position thus assailed was not at first a hard and fast dogma of Islám.
It was more a speculative opinion than anything else, but the opposition of
the Mutazilites soon led all who wished to be considered orthodox to become
not only stout assertors of the eternity of the Qurán, but to give up their
lives in defence of what they believed to be true. The Mutazilites by
asserting the subjective nature of the Quránic inspiration brought the book
itself within the reach of criticism. This was too much for orthodox Islám
to bear even though the Khalíf Mámún in the {137} year 212 A.H. issued a
fatva declaring that all who asserted the eternity of the Qurán were guilty
of heresy. Some six years after this, the Imám Ahmad Ibn Hanbal was
severely beaten, and then imprisoned because he refused to assent to the
truth of the decree issued by the Khalíf. Al Buwaiti, a famous disciple of
As-Sháfa'í, used an ingenious argument to fortify his own mind when being
punished by the order of the Khalíf. He was taken all the way from Cairo to
Baghdád and told to confess that the Qurán was created. On his refusal, he
was imprisoned at Baghdád and there remained in chains till the day of his
death. As Ar-Rábí Ibn Sulaimán says: "I saw Al Buwaiti mounted on a mule:
round his neck was a wooden collar, on his legs were fetters, from these to
the collar extended an iron chain to which was attached a clog weighing
fifty pounds. Whilst they led him on he continued repeating these words,
'Almighty God created the world by means of the word _Be!_ Now, if that
word was created, one created thing would have created another.'"[121] Al
Buwaiti here refers to the verse, "Verily our speech unto a thing when we
will the same, is that we only say to it, 'Be,' and it is,--Kun fayakúna."
(Súra xxxvi. 82). This, in the way Al Buwaiti applied it, is a standing
argument of the orthodox to prove the eternity of the Qurán.
When times changed men were put to death for holding the opposite opinion.
The Imám As-Sháfa'í held a public disputation in Baghdád with Hafs, a
Mutazilite preacher, on this very point. Sháfa'í quoted the verse, "God
said _be, and it was_," and asked, "Did not God create all things by the
word _be?_" Hafs assented. "If then the Qurán was created, must not the
word _be_ have been created with it?" Hafs could not deny so plain a
proposition. "Then," said Sháfa'í, "All things, according to you, were
created by a created being, which is a gross inconsistency and manifest
{138} impiety." Hafs was reduced to silence, and such an effect had
Sháfa'í's logic on the audience that they put Hafs to death as a pestilent
heretic. Thus did the Ash'arían opinions on the subject of the Divine
attributes again gain the mastery.[122]
The Mutazilites failed, and the reason why is plain. They were, as a rule,
influenced by no high spiritual motives; often they were mere quibblers.
They sought no light in an external revelation. Driven to a reaction by the
rigid system they combated, they would have made reason alone their chief
guide. The nobler spirits among them were impotent to regenerate the faith
they professed to follow. It was, however, a great movement, and at one
time, it threatened to change the whole nature of Islám. This period of
Muslim history, famed as that in which the effort was made to cast off the
fetters of the rigid system which Islám was gradually tightening by the
increased authority given to traditionalism, and to the refinements of the
four Imáms, was undoubtedly a period of, comparatively speaking, high
civilization. Baghdád, the capital of the Khalífate, was a busy, populous,
well-governed city. This it mainly owed to the influence of the Persian
family of the Barmecides, one of whom was Vizier to the Khalíf
Hárún-ur-Rashíd. Hárún's fame as a good man is quite undeserved. It is true
that he was a patron of learning, that his Empire was extensive, that he
gained many victories, that his reign was the culminating point of Arab
grandeur. But for all that, he was a morose despot, a cruel man, thoroughly
given up to pleasures of a very questionable nature. Drunkenness and
debauchery were common at court. Plots and intrigues were ever at work.
Such was the state of one of the greatest, if not the greatest, periods
{139} of Muslim rule. This, too, was at a time most favourable for the
development of any good which Islám might have possessed. It should be
remembered that whatever glory is rightly attached to this period is
connected with an epoch when heresy was specially prevalent, when orthodoxy
was weak in Baghdád. The culture of the time was in spite of, not on
account of, the influence of orthodox Islám.
2. ANGELS.--Of this article of the creed Muhammad Al-Berkevi says:--
"We must confess that God has angels who act according to His order and
who do not rebel against Him. They neither eat nor drink, nor is there
amongst them any difference of sex. Some are near the throne of God;
those are His messengers. Each one has his particular work. Some are on
earth, some in heaven, some are always standing, some always prostrate
themselves and some laud and praise God. Others have charge of men and
record all their actions. Some angels are high in stature and are
possessed of great power. Such an one is Gabriel (Jibrá,íl) who in the
space of one hour can descend from heaven to earth, and who with one
wing can lift up a mountain.
We must believe in 'Izrá,íl who receives the souls of men when they
die, and in Isráfíl into whose charge is committed the trumpet. This
trumpet he has actually in his hand, and placed to his mouth ready to
blow when God gives the order. When he receives that order he will blow
such a terrible blast that all living things will die.[123] This is the
commencement of the last day. The world will remain in this state of
death forty years. Then God Most High will revive Isráfíl who will blow
a second blast, at the sound of which all the dead will rise to
life."[124]
This confession of faith makes no mention of Míká,íl (Michael), the fourth
of the archangels. His special duty is to see that all created beings have
what is needful for them. He has charge of the rain-fall, plants, grain and
all that is required for the sustenance of men, beasts, fishes, &c.
Gabriel's special charge is the communication of God's will to prophets.
The words "one terrible in power" (Súra liii. 5) {140} are generally
applied to him. He is honoured with the privilege of nearness to God.
Tradition says that on the night of the Mi'ráj, the Prophet saw that
Gabriel had six hundred wings, and that his body was so large that from one
shoulder to the other the distance was so great that a swift flying bird
would require five hundred years to pass over it.
Nine-tenths of all created beings are said to be angels who are formed of
light. Their rank is stationary, and each is content with the position he
occupies. Their one desire is to love and to know God. Whatever he commands
they do. "All beings in the heaven and on the earth are His: and they who
are in His presence disdain not His service, neither are they wearied: they
praise Him day and night." (Súra xxi. 19, 20.) They are free from all
sin.[125] It is true that they did not wish for the creation of Adam, and
this may seem like a want of confidence in God. It is said, however, that
their object was not to oppose God, but to relieve their minds of the
doubts they had in the matter. Thus "when the Lord said to the angels,
'Verily, I am about to place one in my stead on earth,' they said: 'Wilt
Thou place there one who will do ill therein, and shed blood when we
celebrate thy praise and extol thy holiness.' God said: 'Verily I know what
ye know not.'" It is true that Iblís was disobedient, but then he belonged
not to the angelic order but to that of the jinn. "When we said to the
angels, 'prostrate yourselves before Adam,' they all prostrated themselves
save Iblís, who was of the jinn, and revolted from his Lord's behest."
(Súra xviii. 48.) (See also Súra ii. 33.)
Angels appear in human form on special occasions, but usually they are
invisible. It is a common belief that animals can see angels and devils.
This accounts for the saying, "If you hear a cock crow, pray for mercy, for
it has seen an angel; but if you hear an ass bray, take refuge with God,
for it has seen a devil."
{141}
The angels intercede for man: "The angels celebrate the praise of their
Lord and ask forgiveness for the dwellers on earth." (Súra xlii. 3.) They
also act as guardian angels: "Each hath a succession of angels before him
and behind him who watch over him by God's behest." (Súra xiii. 12.) "Is it
not enough for you that your Lord aideth you with three thousand angels
sent down from on high?" (Súra iii. 120.) "Supreme over His servants He
sendeth forth guardians who watch over you, until when death overtaketh any
one of you our messengers take his soul and fail not." (Súra vi. 61.)
In the Traditions it is said that God has appointed for every man two
angels to watch over him by day, and two by night. The one stands on the
right hand side of the man, the other on his left. Some, however, say that
they reside in the teeth, and that the tongue of the man is the pen and the
saliva of the mouth the ink.[126] They protect the actions of men and
record them all whether good or bad. They are called the Mua'qqibát,
_i.e._, those who succeed one another. They also bear the name of
Kirám-ul-Kátibín, "the exalted writers." They are referred to in the Qurán.
"Think they that we hear not their secrets and their private talk? Yes, and
our angels who are at their sides write them down." (Súra xliii. 80).
There are eight angels who support the throne of God. "And the angels shall
be on its sides, and over them on that day eight shall bear up the throne
of thy Lord." (Súra lxix. 17). Nineteen have charge of hell. "Over it are
nineteen. None but angels have we made guardians of the fire." (Súra lxxiv.
30).
There is a special arrangement made by Providence to mitigate the evils of
Satanic interference. "Iblís," says Jábir Maghrabí, "though able to assume
all other forms is not permitted to appear in the semblance of the Deity,
or {142} any of His angels, or prophets. There would otherwise be much
danger to human salvation, as he might, under the appearance of one of the
prophets, or of some superior being, make use of this power to seduce men
to sin. To prevent this, whenever he attempts to assume such forms, fire
comes down from heaven and repulses him."
The story of Hárút and Márút is of some interest from its connection with
the question of the impeccability of the angels. Speaking of those who
reject God's Apostle the Qurán says: "And they followed what the Satans
read in the reign of Solomon; not that Solomon was unbelieving, but the
Satans were unbelieving. Sorcery did they teach to men, and what had been
revealed to the two angels Hárút and Márút at Bábel. Yet no man did these
two teach until they had said, 'We are only a temptation. Be not thou an
unbeliever.'" (Súra ii. 96). Here it is quite clear that two angels teach
sorcery, which is generally allowed to be an evil. Some explanation has to
be given. Commentators are by no means reticent on this subject. The story
goes that in the time of the prophet Enoch when the angels saw the bad
actions of men they said: "O Lord! Adam and his descendants whom Thou has
appointed as Thy vice-regents on earth act disobediently." To which the
Lord replied: "If I were to send you on earth, and to give you lustful and
angry dispositions, you too would sin." The angels thought otherwise; so
God told them to select two of their number who should undergo this ordeal.
They selected two, renowned for devotion and piety. God having implanted in
them the passions of lust and anger said: "All day go to and fro on the
earth, put an end to the quarrels of men, ascribe no equal to Me, do not
commit adultery, drink no wine, and every night repeat the Ism-ul-A'zam,
the exalted name (of God) and return to heaven." This they did for some
time, but at length a beautiful woman named Zuhra (Venus) led them astray.
One day she brought them a cup of wine. One said: {143} "God has forbidden
it;" the other, "God is merciful and forgiving." So they drank the wine,
killed the husband of Zuhra, to whom they revealed the "exalted name," and
fell into grievous sin. Immediately after, they found that the "name" had
gone from their memories and so they could not return to heaven as usual.
They were very much concerned at this and begged Enoch to intercede for
them. The prophet did so, and with such success that the angels were
allowed to choose between a present or a future punishment. They elected to
be punished here on earth. They were then suspended with their heads
downwards in a well at Bábel. Some say that angels came and whipped them
with rods of fire, and that a fresh spring ever flowed just beyond the
reach of their parched lips. The woman was changed to a star. Some assert
that it was a shooting star which has now passed out of existence. Others
say that she is the star Venus.
It is only right to state that the Qází 'Ayáz, Imám Fakhr-ud-dín Rází
(544-606 A.H.), Qází Násir-ud-dín Baidaví (620-691 A.H.) and most
scholastic divines deny the truth of this story. They say that angels are
immaculate, but it is plain that this does not meet the difficulty which
the Qurán itself raises in connection with Hárút and Márút. They want to
know how beings in such a state can teach, and whether it is likely that
men would have the courage to go near such a horrible scene. As to the
woman, they think the whole story absurd, not only because the star Venus
was created before the time of Adam, but also because it is inconceivable
that one who was so wicked should have the honour of shining in heaven for
ever. A solution, however, they are bound to give, and it is this. Magic is
a great art which God must allow mankind to know. The dignity of the order
of prophets is so great that they cannot teach men what is confessedly
hurtful. Two angels were therefore sent, and so men can now distinguish
between the miracles of prophets, the signs of {144} saints, the wonders of
magicians and others. Then Hárút and Márút always discouraged men from
learning magic. They said to those who came to them: "We are only a
temptation. Be not thou an unbeliever." Others assert that it is a Jewish
allegory in which the two angels represent reason and benevolence, the
woman the evil appetites. The woman's ascent to heaven represents death.
To this solution of the difficulty, however, the great body of the
Traditionists do not agree. They declare that the story is a Hadís-i-Sahíh,
and that the Isnád is sound and good. I name only a few of the great
divines who hold this view. They are Imám Ibn Hanbal, Ibn Ma'súd, Ibn 'Umr,
Ibn 'Abbás, Háfiz 'Asqallání[127] and others. Jelál-ud-din Syútí in his
commentary the Dúrr-i-Mashúr, has given all the Traditions in order and,
though there is some variety in the details, the general purport accords
with the narrative as I have related it. The Traditionists answer the
objections of the Scholastics thus. They say that angels are immaculate
only so long as they remain in the angelic state; that, though confined,
Hárút and Márút can teach magic, for a word or two is quite sufficient for
that purpose; that some men have no fear and, if they have, it is quite
conceivable that the two angels may teach through the instrumentality of
devils or jinn. With regard to the woman Zuhra they grant that to be
changed into a bright star is of the nature of a reward; but they say the
desire to learn the "exalted name" was so meritorious an act that the good
she desired outweighs the evil she did. With regard to the date of the
creation of the star Venus, it is said that all our astronomical knowledge
is based on observations made since the Flood, whereas this story relates
to the times of Enoch who lived before the days of Noah. So the dispute
goes on and men of great repute for learning and knowledge believe in the
story.
{145}
Munkir and Nakír are two fierce-looking black angels with blue eyes who
visit every man in his grave, and examine him with regard to his faith in
God and in Muhammad. The dead are supposed to dwell in 'Álam-i-barzakh, a
state of existence intervening between the present life and the life of
mankind after the resurrection.[128] This is the meaning of the word
"grave" when used in this connection. Unbelievers and wicked Muslims suffer
trouble in that state; true believers who can give a good answer to the
angels are happy. Some suppose that a body of angels are appointed for this
purpose and that some of them bear the name of Munkir, and some that of
Nakír and that, just as each man has two recording angels during his
lifetime, two from this class are appointed to examine him after death.
There is a difference of opinion with regard to children. The general
belief is that the children of believers will be questioned, but that the
angels will teach them to say: "Alláh is my Lord, Islám my religion, and
Muhammad my Prophet." With regard to the children of unbelievers being
questioned, Imám Abu Hanífa hesitated to give an opinion. He also doubted
about their punishment. Some think they will be in A'ráf, a place between
heaven and hell; others suppose that they will be servants to the true
believers in Paradise.
Distinct from the angels there is another order of beings made of fire
called jinn (genii.) It is said that they were created thousands of years
before Adam came into existence. "We created man of dried clay, of dark
loam moulded, and the jinn had been before created of subtle fire." (Súra
xv. 26, 27.) They eat, drink, propagate their species and are subject to
death, though they generally live many centuries. They dwell chiefly in the
Koh-i-Káf, a chain of mountains supposed to encompass the world:[129] {146}
some are believers in Islám; some are infidels, and will be punished. "I
will wholly fill hell with jinn and men." (Súra xi. 120.) The Súra called
Súrat-ul-Jinn (lxxii.) refers to their belief in Islám. The passage is too
long to quote. They try to hear[130] what is going on in heaven. "We guard
them (_i.e._, men) from every stoned Satan, save such as steal a hearing."
(Súra xv. 18.) They were under the power of Solomon and served him. (Súra
xxxviii. 36.) An 'Ifrít of the jinn said, "I will bring it thee (Solomon)
ere thou risest from thy place: I have power for this and am trusty." (Súra
xxvii. 39.) At the last day the jinn also will be questioned. Imám Hanífa
doubted whether the jinn who are Muslims will be rewarded. The unbelieving
jinn will assuredly be punished. Tradition classifies them in the following
order: (1) Jánn, (2) Jinn, (3) Shaitán, (4) 'Ifrít, (5) Márid. Many fables
have been invented concerning these beings, and though intelligent Muslims
may doubt these wonderful accounts, yet a belief in the order of jinn is
imperative, at least, as long as there is belief in the Qurán. Those who
wish to know more of this subject will find a very interesting chapter on
it in Lane's Modern Egyptians.
3. THE BOOKS.--Al Berkevi says:--
"It is necessary to believe that the books of God have been sent
through the instrumentality of Gabriel, to prophets upon the earth. The
books are never sent except to prophets. The Qurán was sent to Muhammad
portion by portion during a space of 23 years. The Pentateuch came to
Moses, the Injíl to Jesus, the Zabúr to David, and the other books to
other prophets. The whole number of the Divine books is 104. The Qurán,
the last of all, is to be followed till the day of judgment. It can
neither be abrogated nor changed. Some laws of the previous books have
been abrogated by the Qurán and ought not to be followed."
The one hundred and four books were sent from heaven in the following
order:--To Adam, ten; to Seth, fifty; to Enoch (Idris), thirty; to Abraham,
ten; to Moses, the {147} Taurát (Pentateuch); to David, the Zabúr (Psalms);
to Jesus, the Injíl; to Muhammad, the Qurán. The one hundred to which no
distinctive name is given are known as the "Suhúf-ul-Anbiya,"--Books of the
Prophets. The Qurán is also known as the Furqán, the distinguisher; the
Qurán-i-Sharíf, noble Qurán; the Quran-i-Majíd, glorious Qurán; the Mushaf,
the Book. It is said to be the compendium of the Taurát, Zabúr and
Injíl[131]; so Muslims do not require to study these books.[132] The
orthodox belief is that they are entirely abrogated by the Qurán,[133]
though Syed Ahmad denounces as ignorant and foolish those Musalmáns who say
so.[134] Be that as it may, their inspiration is considered to be of a
lower order than that of the Qurán. A large {148} portion of the Injíl is
considered to be mere narrative. The actual words of Christ only are looked
upon as the revelation which descended from heaven. It is so in the case of
the Old Testament Prophets. "However, it was the rule to call a book by the
name of the prophet, whether the subject-matter was pure doctrine only, or
whether it was mixed up with narrative also." "It is to be observed that,
in the case of our own Prophet, the revelations made to him were intended
to impart a special miracle of eloquence and they were written down,
literally and exactly, in the form in which they were communicated without
any narrative being inserted in them."[135] The writings of the Apostles
are not considered to be inspired books. "We do not consider that the Acts
of the Apostles, or the various Epistles, although unquestionably very good
books, are to be taken as part and parcel of the New Testament itself;
nevertheless we look upon the writings of the Apostles in the same light as
we do the writings of the Companions of our own Prophet; that is to say, as
entitled to veneration and respect."[136] There are many verses in the
Qurán which speak of previous revelations, thus: "We also caused Jesus, the
son of Mary, to follow the footsteps of the prophets, confirming the law
(Taurát) which was sent before him, and we gave him the Injíl with its
guidance and light, confirmatory of the preceding law; a guidance and a
warning to those that fear God." (Súra v. 50). "We believe in God, and that
which hath been sent down to us, and that which hath been sent down to
Abraham and Isaac and Jacob and the tribes, and that which hath been given
to Moses and to Jesus, and that which was given to the prophets from their
Lord. No difference do we make between any of them: and to God are we
resigned." (Súra ii. 130). "In truth hath He sent down to thee the Book,
which confirmeth those that precede it, for He had sent down the {149} Law
and the Injíl aforetime, as man's guidance; and now hath He sent down the
Furqán." (Súra iii. 2).[137]
Practically, Musalmáns reject the Old and New Testaments. To do so is
manifestly against the letter of the Qurán, and, as some reason for this
neglect of previous Scriptures must be given, Muslim divines say that the
Jewish and Christian Scriptures have been corrupted. The technical
expression is "tahríf," a word signifying, to change, to turn aside
anything from the truth. Then tahríf may be of two kinds, tahríf-i-m'anaví,
a change in the meaning of words; tahríf-i-lafzí, an actual change of the
written words. Most Musalmáns maintain that the latter kind of corruption
has taken place, and so they do not feel bound to read or study the
previous revelations so frequently referred to in the Qurán. The charge
brought against the Jews of corrupting their Scriptures is based on the
following verse of the Qurán: "Some truly are there among you who torture
the Scriptures with their tongues, in order that ye may suppose it to be
from the Scripture, yet it is not from the Scripture. And they say: 'this
is from God,' yet it is not from God; and they utter a lie against God, and
they know they do so." (Súra iii. 72.) All the ancient commentators assert
that this only proved tahríf-i-m'anaví; that is, that the Jews referred to
either misinterpreted what they read, or, whilst professing to read from
the Scripture, used expressions not found therein. It does not mean that
they altered the text of their Scriptures. This, however, does not excuse
Musalmáns for their neglect of the previous Scriptures, and so the orthodox
divines of modern times maintain that the greater corruption--the
tahríf-i-lafzí, has taken place. The question is fully discussed, and the
opinion of the earlier commentators endorsed by Syed Ahmad in his
Commentary on the Bible.[138]
{150}
4. PROPHETS.--Muhammad Al Berkevi says:--
"It is necessary to confess that God has sent prophets; that Adam is
the first of the prophets and the father of all men; that Muhammad is
the last of the prophets; that between Adam and Muhammad there were a
great number of prophets; that Muhammad is the most excellent of all
and that his people are the best of all peoples; that each of the
preceding prophets was sent to a special people, some with books, some
without, but that Muhammad was sent to all men and also to the genii;
that his law will remain until the end of the world, that his miracles
are many in number, that by his blessed finger he made waters flow,
that he divided the moon into two parts, that animals, trees, and
stones said to him: 'Thou art a true prophet.'
We must also believe that one night he was transported from Mecca to
Jerusalem, and from thence to heaven, where he saw both paradise and
hell, conversed with the Most High and returned to Mecca before
morning. After him no other prophet will come, for he is the seal of
the prophets."
The number of prophets sent by God to make known His will varies according
to the Tradition which records it. About two hundred thousand is the usual
number stated. Twenty-five are mentioned by name in the Qurán, of whom six
are distinguished by special titles. Adam, Sufi Ulláh, the chosen of God;
Noah, Nabí Ulláh, the prophet of God; Abraham, Khalíl Ulláh, the friend of
God; Moses, Kalím Ulláh, the speaker with God; Jesus, Rúh Ulláh, the spirit
of God; Muhammad, Rasúl Ulláh, the messenger of God. These are called the
Anbiya-ulul-'Azm (possessors of purpose) because they were the heads of
their respective dispensations, and because they will be permitted by God
to intercede in the day of judgment for their followers. They are the
greatest and most exalted of the prophets.[139]
There are degrees of rank amongst the prophets, for "Some of the Apostles
have We endowed more highly than others. Those to whom God hath spoken, He
hath raised to the loftiest grade, and to Jesus, the Son of Mary We gave
{151} manifest signs, and We strengthened him with the Holy Spirit." (Súra
ii. 254). The Anbiya-ulul-'Azm are ranked in the following order: Noah,
Jesus, Moses, Abraham and as the chief of all, Muhammad, of whom it is
said: "He is the Apostle of God and the seal of the prophets." (Súra
xxxiii. 40).
A Tradition, as usual, supports his position. "I am the chief of the sons
of men." "Adam and all beside him will be ranged under my flag in the
judgment day."[140] It is said that the law given by Moses was harsh and
severe; that by Christ was mild and gracious; but that the law given by
Muhammad is perfect, for it combines both the quality of strictness and
that of graciousness; according to the Tradition: "I always laugh and by
laughing kill."[141] Each prophet is said to have been sent to his own
tribe, but Muhammad was sent for all men. A Tradition is adduced to support
this statement: "I was raised up for all men whether white or black, other
prophets were not except for their own tribe." The Qurán also states: "We
have sent thee (Muhammad) for all men."
There is some difference of opinion as to whether the prophets are superior
to the angels. The Hanífites hold that the prophets amongst men are
superior to the prophets amongst angels, who in their turn are superior to
the ordinary run of men, to whom again the angels, other than prophets, are
inferior. The Mutazilites say that the angels are superior to the prophets.
The Shía'hs assert that the twelve Imáms are superior to prophets.
The way in which Muhammad received inspiration has been shown in a previous
chapter; but Ibn Khaldoun gives such an interesting account of prophetic
inspiration that I give the substance of his remarks here. He speaks
somewhat as follows.[142] If we contemplate the world and the creatures it
contains we shall recognize a perfect order, a regular {152} system, a
sequence of cause and effect, a connexion between different categories of
existence, and a transformation of beings from one category of existence to
another. Then the phenomena of the visible world indicate to us the
existence of an agent whose nature is different from that of the body, who
is in fact a spiritual existence. This agent, which is the soul, must on
the one hand be in contact with the existences of this world and, on the
other, with the existences in the next category of superiority, and one
whose essential qualities are pure perception and clear intelligence. Such
are the angels. It follows, then, that the human soul has a tendency
towards the angelic world. All this is quite in accordance with the idea
that, according to a regular order, all the categories of existences in the
universe are in mutual contact by means of their faculties and on account
of their nature.
The souls of men may be divided into three classes. The first kind of soul
is too feeble by nature to attain to a perception of the spiritual: it has
to content itself with moving in the region of sense and imagination. Thus
it can understand concepts and affirmations. It can raise itself high in
its own category but cannot pass its limit.
The souls of the second class are carried by a reflective movement and a
natural disposition towards a spiritual intelligence. They can enter into a
state of contemplation which results in ecstasy. This is the intuition of
the Saints (Auliya)[143] to whom God has given this divine knowledge.
The souls of the third class are created with the power of disengaging
themselves altogether from their human bodies in order that they may rise
to the angelic state where they become like angels. In a moment of time
such {153} a soul perceives the sublime company (of angels) in the sphere
which contains them. It, there and then, hears the speech of the soul and
the divine voice. Such are the souls of the prophets. God has given to
these souls the power of leaving the human body. Whilst thus separate from
it God gives to them His revelation. The prophets are endowed by God with
such a purity of disposition, such an instinct of uprightness, that they
are naturally inclined to the spiritual world. They are animated by an
ardour quite peculiar to their order. When they return from the angelic
state they deliver to men the revelations they have received. Sometimes the
revelation comes to the prophet as the humming of confused discourse. He
grasps the ideas and, as soon as the humming ceases, he comprehends the
message; sometimes an angel in human form communicates the revelation, and
what he says the prophet learns by heart. The journey to, the return from
the angelic state, and the comprehension of the revelation received there
occupy less time than the twinkling of an eye. So rapidly do the souls of
prophets move. So instantaneously do they receive and understand God's
revelations. This is why inspiration is called Wahí, a word which,
according to Ibn Khaldoun, means to make haste.
The first way of delivering a message is adopted when he who receives it is
only a Nabí (prophet), and not a Rasúl (apostle or messenger.) The second
mode is employed towards a Rasúl who, on the principle that the greater
contains the less, is also a Nabí. A Hadís records that Muhammad said:
"Revelation came to me sometimes like the ticking of a clock and fatigued
me much. When it stopped I learnt the meaning of what had been delivered to
me. Sometimes an angel in human form spoke to me and, whilst he was
speaking, I learnt what was said." That a prophet should feel oppressed on
such occasions is hinted at in "With measured tone intone the Qurán, for we
shall devolve on thee mighty words." (Súra lxxiii. 5.)
{154}
A Nabí, (who must be a wise and a free man, that is, one who is not a slave
of another, and one also who is free from imperfection either of body or
mind), receives Wahí but has not necessarily to deliver to men the orders
of God. A Rasúl who must possess the same qualifications as a Nabí, is one
who is commanded to deliver God's message to men, though he does not
necessarily abrogate what preceding Rasúls have delivered. Neither is it
necessary that he should bring a book or even a new law. Some Rasúls do so,
but the distinguishing mark of the Rasúl is that he delivers to men
commands direct from God, and is specially commissioned so to do. Thus
every Rasúl is a Nabí, whilst every Nabí is not a Rasúl.
The question of the sinlessness of the prophets is one to which
considerable attention has been paid by Muslim theologians. The orthodox
belief is that they are free from sin. Some think that their freedom from
sin is because the grace of God being ever in them in the richest fulness
they are kept in the right path. The Ash'aríans believe that the power of
sinning is not created in them.[144] The Mutazilites deny this, but admit
the existence of some quality which keeps them from evil. These theories do
not agree with actual facts. Prophets like other men commit faults, but
here comes in the Muslim distinction of sins into gunáh-i-kabíra "great
sins," and gunáh-i-saghíra "little sins." The gunáh-i-kabíra are, murder,
adultery, disobedience to God and to parents, robbing of orphans, to accuse
of adultery, to avoid fighting against infidels, drunkenness, to give or to
take usury, to neglect the Friday prayers and the Ramazán fast, tyranny,
backbiting, untrustworthiness, forgetting the Qurán after reading it, to
avoid giving true or to give false witness, lying without sufficient
reason,[145] to swear falsely or to swear by any other than God, flattery
of tyrants, false judgments, giving short weight or measure, {155} magic,
gambling, approval of the ceremonies of infidels, boasting of one's piety,
calling on the names of deceased persons and beating the breast at such
times,[146] dancing, music, neglect when opportunity offers of warning
other persons with regard to the "commands and prohibitions" of God,
disrespect to a Háfiz, to shave the beard, to omit saying the "darúd"
(_i.e._ on whom and on whose family be the peace and mercy of God) whenever
the name of Muhammad is mentioned.[147] These are all "great sins" and can
only be forgiven after due repentance: the "little sins" are forgiven if
some good actions are done. "Observe prayer at early morning, at the close
of day, and at the approach of night; for the _good deeds drive away the
evil deeds_." (Súra xi. 116).
Men may commit sin wittingly or unwittingly. It is the universal belief
that a prophet never commits the greater sins in either way; but there is a
difference of opinion with regard to the lesser sins. Some hold that they
can do them unwittingly, though even then it is not in any thing connected
with their office. Others again limit even this frailty to the period
before "wahí" (inspiration) comes upon them. The general opinion, however,
is that they are free from all sin, whether great or small. The frailties
which they show are merely reckoned as faults and slight imperfections not
amounting to sin.
This, to the Muslim mind at once disposes of a difficulty the Qurán itself
raises on this point. With the exception of Jesus Christ, the
Anbiya-ulul-'Azm are spoken of as doing what every one except an orthodox
Muslim would call sin. Adam's transgression[148] is referred to in Súra ii.
29-37 and {156} in Súra vii. 10-24. I quote only one verse: "They said, 'O
our Lord! with ourselves have we dealt unjustly; if Thou forgive us not and
have not pity on us, we shall surely be of those that perish.'" The sin of
Noah is not specified in the Qurán, yet it is plainly hinted at. "To Thee
verily, O my Lord, do I repair lest I ask that of Thee wherein I have no
knowledge: unless Thou forgive me and be merciful to me I shall be one of
the lost." (Súra xi. 49). There is also a similar request in Súra lxxi. 29.
Abraham is represented as saying to his people: "They whom ye worship, ye
and your fathers of early days, are my foes; but not so the Lord of the
worlds, who hath created me, and guideth me, who giveth me food and drink;
and when I am sick, he healeth me, and who will cause me to die and again
quicken me, and who, I hope, will forgive me my sins in the day of
reckoning." (Súra xxvi. 75-82). Moses is described as having done "a work
of Satan" in killing a man, and as saying: "'O my Lord, I have sinned to my
own hurt; forgive me.' So God forgave him; for He is the forgiving, the
merciful. He said: 'Lord, because thou hast showed me this grace, I will
never again be the helper of the wicked.'" (Súra xxviii. 15, 16).
The following passages refer to Muhammad. "Be thou steadfast and patient;
for true is the promise of God; and seek pardon for thy fault."[149] (Súra
xl. 57). "Ask pardon for thy sin, and for believers, both men and women."
(Súra xlvii. 21). The scandal caused by the Prophet's conduct with the wife
of Zeid, and with the Egyptian slave Mary, necessitated a pretended
revelation of God's will in reference to these events. The circumstances
will be found fully detailed in Súra xxxiii. 36-38 and in Súra lxvi. 1-5.
One of the most important verses is: "Verily, we have won for thee an
undoubted victory, in token that God forgiveth thy earlier and later
fault." (Súra xlviii. 1-2). {157} It is not quite clear what victory is
here referred to. According to the Tafsír-i-Husainí, some commentators say
that it is the taking of Mecca, the past tense being prophetically used for
the future. The following explanations are given of the expression "earlier
and later fault." (1) God has forgiven thy sin committed before and after
the descent of wahí, (2) before and after the taking of Mecca, or (3)
before the descent of this Súra. (4) The commentator Salmí says: "The
earlier sin refers to the sin of Adam committed when Muhammad was in the
loins of his great ancestor and thus connected with him; the later sin
refers to the followers of the Prophet, and in that way is connected with
him, just as the sin of Adam was the predecessor and the cause of their
sin." (5) Imám Abu'l-Lais says: "The words refer to the sin of Adam, and to
those of the followers of the Prophet. Both are connected with Muhammad,
because the former is forgiven by the blessing, and the latter by the
intercession of Muhammad."[150]
From these extracts from the Qurán it appears that sin is imputed to
prophets, though Muslims evade the charge by the casuistry I have already
referred to. Be that as it may, it is a striking fact that the one sinless
member of the Anbiya-ulul-'Azm, the one sinless prophet of Islám, is none
other than Jesus Christ. There is no passage in the Qurán which hints at
sin, even in the modified form in which Muslims attribute it to other
prophets, being committed by him: no passage which speaks of His seeking
for pardon.
It is the universal belief that prophets work miracles, (mu'jizát). A
miracle is defined to be "Kharq-i-'ádat," that is, something contrary to
the usual course of nature.
The object for which a miracle is performed must be a moral one, and
chiefly to attest the truth of the statements made by the prophet. Although
Muhammad makes, in the {158} Qurán, no distinct claim to the power of
working miracles,[151] his followers maintain that in this, as in all other
respects he was equal to all and superior to some prophets, and produce
various passages of the Qurán in support of their view. Thus, according to
Shaikh Jelál-ud-dín Syutí, if to Adam was given the power of naming every
thing, Muhammad also possessed the same power. Enoch was exalted on high,
but Muhammad was taken to the 'Baqáb-i-qausain,' the 'two bows' length,'
where Gabriel, "one mighty in power," appeared to him. (Súra liii. 5-9).
Ishmael was ready to be sacrificed, but Muhammad endured the splitting of
his chest;[152] Joseph was to some extent handsome, but Muhammad was the
very perfection of beauty; Moses brought water from the rock, but Muhammad
produced it from his fingers. The sun was stayed on its course by Joshua
and so it was by Muhammad. Solomon had a great kingdom, Muhammad a greater,
for he possessed the keys of the treasuries of the earth. Wisdom was given
to John the Baptist whilst yet a child, so also were wisdom and
understanding granted to Muhammad at an early period of his life. Jesus
could raise the dead, so also could Muhammad. In addition to all these, the
special miracles of the Prophet are the splitting of the moon asunder, the
Mi'ráj, the coming of a tree into his presence, and above all the wonderful
miracle of the Qurán.[153]
The splitting of the moon in sunder is referred to in, {159} "The hour of
judgment approacheth; and the moon hath been split in sunder." (Súra liv.
1). Imám Záhid says that Abu Jahl and a Jew visited the Prophet, and
demanded a sign from him on pain of death. The Prophet made a sign with his
little finger, and at once the moon separated into two parts: one of which
remained in the sky, the other went off to a long distance. The Jew
believed in Islám forthwith. Abu Jahl ascribed the affair to magic, but on
making enquiry from various travellers ascertained that they, on this very
night, distinctly saw the moon in two parts.[154] Some, however, refer the
passage to the future, as they consider the splitting of the moon to be one
of the signs of the last day.
The Mi'ráj, or night ascent, is mentioned in, "Glory be to Him who carried
His servant by night from the sacred temple (of Mecca) to the temple that
is more remote, whose precinct We have blessed, that We might show him of
our signs." (Súra xvii. 1). Muslim writers, who are fond of the marvellous,
narrate at length the wonderful things the Prophet saw and did on this
eventful night;[155] but some maintain that it was only a vision, and quote
the words: "We ordained the vision which we showed thee," in proof of this
assertion.[156] Be that as it may, all orthodox Muslims maintain the
superiority of Muhammad, as a worker of miracles, over all other prophets.
5. THE RESURRECTION AND THE LAST DAY.--These two articles of the faith may
be considered together. The {160} following is a summary of the remarks of
Muhammad Al Berkevi on this point. It is necessary to acknowledge:--
1. That the torments of the tomb are real and certain and that Munkir
and Nakír (Ante p. 145) will come and interrogate the dead person
concerning his God, his Prophet, his faith and his Qibla. The faithful
will reply: "our God is God; our Prophet is Muhammad; our religion,
Islám; our Qibla, the Ki-'ádataba.
2. That all the signs of the last day mentioned by the Prophet will
come to pass; such as, the appearance of Dajjál, or Antichrist; the
descent of Jesus from heaven; the appearance of Imám Mahdí and of Gog
and Magog; the rising of the sun from the west, &c.
3. That all living things will die; that the mountains will fly in the
air like birds; that the heavens will melt away; that after some time
has thus passed God most High will set the earth in order and raise the
dead; that prophets, saints, doctors of the law, and the faithful will
find near them the robes and the horses of Paradise. They will put on
the robes, and mount the horses and go into the shade of the throne of
God. Other men, hungry, thirsty, and naked will go on foot. The
Faithful will go to the right, the Infidels to the left.
4. That there will be a balance, in which the good and bad actions of
men will be weighed. Those whose good deeds outweigh the bad will go to
Paradise; if the bad predominate, they will go into the fire, unless
God has mercy on them, or the prophets or saints intercede for them.
If, however, they were not Muslims there will be no intercession for
them, nor will they come out from the fire. The Muslims who enter the
fire will, after having purged their crimes, enter Paradise.
5. That the bridge Sirát, which is sharper than a sword, is raised
above the fire; that all men must pass over this. Some will pass over
with the speed of lightning, some like a horse that runs, some, their
backs laden with their sins, will go very slowly over; others will fall
and certainly enter into the fire.
6. That each prophet has a pool where he, with his people, will quench
their thirst before entering Paradise; that the pool of Muhammad is the
largest of all, for it is a month's march from one side thereof to the
other. Its water is sweeter than honey, whiter than milk.
7. That Paradise and Hell actually exist; that the chosen remain for
ever in the former; they neither die, nor grow aged. They experience no
kind of change. The Houris and the females are exempted {161} from the
infirmities of their sex. They will no longer bear children. The elect
will find there the meat and the drink they require, without taking
upon themselves any trouble. The ground of Paradise is of musk; the
bricks of its edifices are of gold and of silver.
The unbelievers and the demons will remain for ever in hell, tormented
by serpents as thick as the neck of a camel, by scorpions as large as
mules, by fire and by scalding water. Their bodies will burn, till they
become reduced to a coal, when God will revive them so that they may
endure fresh torments. This will last for ever."
The following additional remarks are based on the Sharh-i-'Aqáíd-i-Jámí.
They fall under four heads.
(1). The sounding of the trumpets. (Nafkhatain-i-Súr). This will not take
place until wickedness spreads over all the earth. The Prophet said: "The
resurrection will not come to pass, till some of the sects among my
followers mix up with the Mushriks (those who associate others with God)
and till others commence to worship monuments." Again, "The last hour will
not be till no one is found who calls on God." Then "There shall be a blast
on the trumpet, and all who are in the heavens and all who are in the earth
shall expire, save those whom God shall vouchsafe to live. There shall be
another blast on it, and lo! arising they shall gaze around them." (Súra
xxxix. 68). Abu Huraira, a Companion, relates that the Prophet speaking of
the trumpet stated as follows: "After the creation of the heavens and the
earth God created the trumpet and gave it to Isráfíl who, with his mouth
placed to it, is ever looking up and waiting for the order to blow it. He
will blow three times.[157] The first time, the blast of consternation, to
terrify; the second, the blast of examination, to slay; the third, the
blast of resurrection, to quicken the dead." Most persons believe that
everything, save God and His attributes, will perish. The Karamians and
some other sects deny this.
{162}
The resurrection of the body is clearly proved by the Qurán. Thus, "They
say, 'Who will bring us back?' Say: 'He who created you at first.'" (Súra
xvii. 53). "'Who shall give life to bones when they are rotten?' Say: 'He
shall give life to them who gave them being at first, for in all creation
is He skilled.'" (Súra xxxvi. 79). "Man saith: 'What! after I am dead,
shall I in the end be brought forth alive?' Doth not man bear in mind that
we made him at first, when he was nought?" (Súra xix. 68). "The infidels
will say, 'shall we indeed be restored as at first? What! When we have
become rotten bones?' 'This then,' say they, 'will be a return to loss.'
Verily, it will be but a single blast, and lo! they are on the surface of
the earth." (Súra lxxix. 10-14). "Is He not powerful enough to quicken the
dead?" (Súra lxxv. 40). This resurrection will be to judgment. "'Never,'
say the unbelievers, 'will the hour come upon us.' Say: 'Yea, by my Lord
who knoweth the unseen, it will surely come upon you, ... to the intent
that God may reward those who have believed, ... but as for those who aim
to invalidate our signs, a chastisement of painful torment awaiteth them.'"
(Súra xxxiv. 3, 4). "A terrible chastisement doth await them _on the Day_
when faces shall turn white, and faces shall turn black. 'What! after your
belief have ye become infidels? Taste, then, the chastisement for that ye
have been unbelievers.' And as to those whose faces shall have become
white, they shall be within the mercy of God." (Súra iii, 102). The Prophet
knew not the time when all this would take place. "They will ask thee of
the 'Hour,' when will be its fixed time? But what knowledge hast thou of
it? Its period is known only to thy Lord; and thou art charged with the
warning of those who fear it." (Súra lxxix. 41-45.) These and similar texts
show the certainty of the resurrection. According to the Ijmá' of the
Faithful, he who has any doubts on this article of the faith is an infidel.
The {163} Mutazilites show from reason that a resurrection of the body is
necessary in order that rewards and punishment may be bestowed. The
orthodox agree with the conclusion, but hesitate to base it on reason.[158]
The Karamians hold that the different parts of the body will not cease to
be, but that at the last God will gather them together. "Thinketh man that
we shall not re-unite his bones? Aye! his very finger tips we are able
evenly to replace." (Súra lxxv. 3, 4.) The orthodox, however, hold that
this verse does not disprove the fact of previous annihilation, a belief
supported by the Prophet's saying, "All the sons of men will be
annihilated." It will be a re-creation though the body will return to its
former state.
The learned are not agreed as to the state of the soul during this period
of the death of the body, and therefore disagree with regard to its
revival. Some assert that it is wrong to speak of a resurrection of the
soul, for it exists in the body as "fire in coal," hence its revival is
included in the resurrection of the body; others maintain that as it is a
distinct entity, it is not annihilated with the body. The scholastics
favour the first idea. Practically the result seems the same in both cases.
The resurrection body has a soul. Wise and foolish, devils and beasts,
insects and birds--all will rise at the last day. Muhammad will come first
in order and be the first to enter Paradise.
(2). The descent of the Books (Tatáír-i-sahá,íf). After the resurrection,
men will wander about for forty years, during which time the "Books of
Actions" will be given to them. These books contain the record kept by the
Kirám-ul-Kátibín, (Ante p. 141). Traditions recorded by Abu Huraira state:
"Men will rise up naked, and confused; some will walk about, some stand for
forty years. All will be constantly looking up toward the heavens (_i.e._
expecting the books.) They will perspire profusely through {164} excess of
sorrow.[159] Then God will say to Abraham, 'put on clothes.' He will put on
a robe of Paradise. Then He will call Muhammad for whose benefit a fountain
will flow forth not far from Mecca. The people, too, shall thirst no more."
The Prophet said: "I will also put on a dress and will stand near the
throne, where no one else will be allowed to stand and God will say: 'Ask
and it shall be granted to thee; intercede, thy intercession shall be
accepted.'" Each book flies from the treasury under the Throne of God and
is given to its proper owner. "Every man's fate have We fastened about his
neck; and on the day of resurrection will We bring forth to him (every man)
a book which shall be proffered to him wide open: 'Read thy book, there
needeth none but thyself to make out an account against thee this day.'"
(Súra xvii. 15). "He into whose _right_ hand his book shall be given, shall
be reckoned, with an easy reckoning, and shall turn, rejoicing, to his
kindred. But he whose book shall be given behind his back (_i.e._ into his
_left_ hand) shall invoke destruction." (Súra lxxxiv. 8-11.) "He, who shall
have his book given into his _left_ hand will say: 'O that my book had
never been given me! and that I had not known my reckoning.'" (Súra lxix.
25). It is always said that wicked Musalmáns will be seized by the _right_
hand before they are cast into the fire, which is a proof that they are not
always to remain there. Some hold that the expression "Read thy book"
implies a literal reading; others that it is a metaphorical expression
which simply means that all the past actions will be known. Those who
believe in a literal reading say that each believer will read the account
of his faults only, and that other persons will read that of his good
deeds. The face of the believer as he reads will shine resplendently, but
black will be the face of the infidel.
{165}
(3). The Balances (Mízán). This belief is based on the authority of the
Qurán, Sunnat and the Ijmá'; no Muslim, therefore, can have any doubt about
it. Thus: "They whose balances shall be heavy, shall be the blest; but they
whose balances shall be light,--these are they who shall lose their souls,
abiding in hell for ever." (Súra xxiii. 104). "As to him whose balances are
heavy, his shall be a life that shall please him well: and as to him whose
balances are light, his dwelling-place shall be the pit. And who shall
teach thee what the pit (Al-Háwía) is? A raging fire!" (Súra ci. 5-8). The
Traditions on this point are very numerous. The Ijmá' is also strong on the
reality, the objective existence, of a balance with scales, &c., complete.
They also state that the "Books of Actions" (Sahá,íf-i-A'mál) will be
weighed. In the Sahíh-i-Bukhárí it is said that the Believers will not be
weighed in the balances, for "God will say, 'O Muhammad make those of thy
people, from whom no account is taken, enter into Paradise.'" Prophets and
angels will also be exempt. Such a test also is not required for the
unbelievers, for their state is very evident; "By their tokens shall the
sinners be known, and they shall be seized by their forelocks and their
feet." (Súra lv. 41). Thus it is evident that, with regard to true
believers and unbelievers, the works of such only as God may choose need be
weighed. Some, however, maintain that no unbeliever will have this test
applied to his case and quote: "Vain therefore, are their works; and no
weight will we allow them on the day of resurrection." (Súra xviii. 105).
To this it is answered, that all that is here denied is the fact of "a
weighing in _their favour_." The place where the weighing will take place
is situated midway between heaven and hell. Gabriel standing by watches the
movement of the scales and Michael guards the balance. The orthodox are not
agreed as to whether there will be a separate balance for each tribe of
men, and also for each of the 'good works' {166} of the believers. Those
who hold that there will be a balance for prayer, another for fasting and
so on, adduce the use of the plural form, balances (muwázín) in proof of
their statement. There is also a difference of opinion as to whether the
"works" themselves, or the books (sahá,íf) will be weighed. The latter
opinion is supported by a Tradition recorded by Tirmízí. "The Prophet said:
'Ninety-nine registers will be distributed. Each register will extend as
far as the eye can reach. God will say: 'What! dost thou deny this, or have
the recording angels treated thee unjustly?' Each will say: 'No! O Lord.'
'Hast thou then any excuse?' 'No! O Lord.' Then God will display a cloth on
which the Kalima is written. This will be put into one scale, and God will
say: 'To thee will be no evil if thou hast a register in this scale, and
this cloth in the other, for the first scale will be light.'" This is
considered conclusive testimony with regard to the weighing of the Sahá,íf.
The Mutazilites objected to statements such as these, for said they:
"actions are accidents, and the qualities of lightness and heaviness cannot
be attributed to accidents." They explained the verses of the Qurán and the
statements of the Traditions on this point, as being a figurative way of
saying that perfect justice will be done to all in the Day of Judgment.
(4). The Bridge (Sirát). The meaning of the word Sirát is a road, a way. It
is so used in the Qurán. In connection with the Day of Judgment it is said:
"If we pleased we would surely put out their eyes: yet even then would they
speed on with rivalry in their path (Sirát)." (Súra xxxvi. 66). "Gather
together those who have acted unjustly, and their consorts (demons), and
the gods whom they have adored beside God; and guide them to the road
(Sirát) for hell." (Súra xxxvii. 23). It is nowhere in the Qurán called a
bridge, but Tradition is very clear on this point. The Prophet said: "There
will be a bridge sharper than the edge of a sword, finer than a hair,
suspended over {167} hell. Iron spikes on it will pierce those whom God
wills. Some will pass over it in the twinkling of an eye, some like a flash
of lightning, others with the speed of a swift horse. The angels will call
out, 'O Lord! save and protect.' Some Muslims will be saved, some will fall
headlong into hell." Bukhárí relates a similar Tradition. The infidels will
all fall into hell and there remain for ever. Muslims will be released
after a while.
The Mutazilites deny the existence of such a bridge. "If we admit it," say
they, "it would be a trouble for the believers, and such there is not for
them in the Day of Judgment." To this the orthodox reply that the believers
pass over it to show how they are saved from fire, and that thus they may
be delighted with Paradise, and also that the infidels may feel chagrin at
those who were with them on the bridge being now safe for ever.
Al A'ráf is situated between heaven and hell. It is described thus: "On
(the wall) Al A'ráf shall be men who know all, by their tokens,[160] and
they shall cry to the inhabitants of Paradise, 'Peace be on you!' but they
shall not yet enter it, although they long to do so. And when their eyes
are turned towards the inmates of the fire, they shall say, 'O our Lord!
place us not with offending people &c.'" (Súra vii. 44, 45). Sale's summary
of the opinions regarding Al A'ráf in his Preliminary Discourse is
exceedingly good. It is as follows:--
"They call it Al Orf, and more frequently in the plural, Al Aráf, a
word derived from the verb _Arafa_, which signifies to distinguish
between things, or to part them; though some commentators give another
reason for the imposition of this name, because, say they, those who
stand on this partition will _know_ and _distinguish_ the blessed from
the damned, by their respective marks or characteristics: and others
way the word properly intends anything that is _high raised_ or
_elevated_, as such a wall of separation must be supposed to {168} be.
Some imagine it to be a sort of _limbo_ for the patriarchs and
prophets, or for the martyrs and those who have been most eminent for
sanctity. Others place here such whose good and evil works are so equal
that they exactly counterpoise each other, and therefore deserve
neither reward nor punishment; and these, say they, will on the last
day be admitted into Paradise, after they shall have performed an act
of adoration, which will be imputed to them as a merit, and will make
the scale of their good works to overbalance. Others suppose this
intermediate space will be a receptacle for those who have gone to war,
without their parents' leave, and therein suffered martyrdom; being
excluded from Paradise for their disobedience, and escaping hell
because they are martyrs."
There is also an interval, between the death of the body in this world and
the Last Day, called Al-Barzakh. "Behind them shall be a barrier (barzakh),
until the day when they shall be raised again." (Súra xxiii. 102). When
death takes place, the soul is separated from the body by the Angel of
death; in the case of the good with ease, in that of the wicked with
violence. It then enters into Al-Barzakh.[161]
It is a doctrine founded on Ijmá', that God will not pardon Shirk, that is,
the ascribing plurality to the Divine Being. The Mushrik, one who does so,
will remain in hell for ever, for as Kufr, infidelity, is an eternal crime,
its punishment must also be eternal. "The unbelievers among the people of
the Book, and among the Polytheists shall go into the fire of Gehenna to
abide therein for aye. Of all creatures are they the worst?" (Súra xcviii.
5). "Cast into Hell every infidel, every hardened one, the hinderer of the
good, the transgressor, the doubter who set up other Gods with God. Cast ye
him into the fierce torment." (Súra 1. 23-25.)
Muslims who commit great (Kabíra) sins, though they die unrepentant, will
not remain in hell for ever, for, "whosoever shall have wrought an atom's
weight of good shall {169} behold it." (Súra xcix. 7). It is asserted that
the fact of believing in Islám is a good work and merits a reward: this
cannot be given before the man enters hell to be punished for his sins, and
therefore he must be, after a while, released from punishment. "Perfect
faith (Imán-i-Kámil) consists in believing with sincerity of heart and
acting in accordance thereto, but the actions are not the faith itself.
Great sins, therefore, prevent a man from having "perfect faith," but do
not destroy faith (Imán), nor make the Muslim an infidel, but only a
sinner."[162] The Mutazilites teach that the Muslim who enters hell will
remain there for ever. They maintain that the person who, having committed
great sins, dies unrepentant, though not an infidel, ceases to be a
believer and hence suffers as the infidels do.
The orthodox belief is that Muhammad is now an Intercessor and will be so
at the Last Day. The intercession then is of several kinds. There is the
'great intercession' to which the words, "it may be that thy Lord will
raise thee to a _glorious station_," (Súra xvii. 81) are supposed to refer.
The Maqám-i-mahmúd, (glorious station), is said to be the place of
intercession in which all persons will praise the Prophet.[163] In the
Zád-ul-Masír it is said that the Maqám-i-mahmúd refers to the fact that God
will place the Prophet on His Throne. Others say that it is a place in
which a standard will be given to the Prophet, around whom all the other
prophets will then gather to do him honour. The first interpretation is,
however, the ordinary one. The people will be in great fear. Muhammad will
say: "O my people! I am appointed for intercession." Their fear will then
pass away. The second intercession is made so that they may enter into
Paradise without rendering an account. The authorities differ with regard
to this. The third intercession is on behalf of those Muslims who {170}
ought to go to hell. The fourth for those who are already there. No one but
the Prophet can make these intercessions. The fifth intercession is for an
increase of rank to those who are in Paradise. The Mutazilites maintained
that there would be no intercession for Muslims guilty of great sins, and
adduced in favour of their opinion the verse: "Fear ye the day when soul
shall not satisfy for soul at all, nor shall any intercession be accepted
from them, nor shall any ransom be taken, neither shall they be helped."
(Súra ii. 45). The orthodox bring in reply this Hadís-i-Sahíh: "The Prophet
said: 'my intercession is for the men of my following who have committed
great sins.'" If this Tradition is disputed, they then say that the verse
in the Qurán just quoted does not refer to Muslims at all, but to the
Infidels.[164]
According to a Tradition related by Anas the Prophet said: "In the day of
resurrection Musalmáns will not be able to move, and they will be greatly
distressed and say: 'would to God that we had asked Him to create some one
to intercede for us, that we might be taken from this place, and be
delivered from tribulation and sorrow.'" The Tradition goes on to state how
they sought help from Adam and the prophets of the old dispensation, who,
one and all, excused themselves on account of their own sinfulness. At
length Moses told them to go to Jesus, the Apostle of God, the Spirit of
God and the Word of God. They did so and Jesus said: "Go to Muhammad who is
a servant, whose sins God has forgiven both first and last." The Prophet
continued, according to the Tradition, "then the Musalmáns will come to me,
and I will ask permission to go into God's presence and intercede for
them."[165]
The second advent of Christ is a sign of the last day. "Jesus is no more
than a servant whom We favoured ... {171} and he shall be a sign of the
last hour." (Súra xliii. 61). He will not, according to the Qurán, come as
a judge, but like other prophets to be judged. "We formed with them (_i.e._
prophets) a strict covenant, that God may question the men of truth as to
their truth, (_i.e._ how they have discharged their prophetic functions)."
(Súra xxxiii. 7, 8). He will come to bear witness against the Jews who
reject him: "In the day of resurrection, He will be a witness against
them." (Súra iv. 158).
It is necessary to believe in the pond of the Prophet called Kausar. This
faith is founded on the verse "Truly we have given thee an _abundance_."
(Súra cviii. 1). Bukhárí says: "The meaning of Kausar is the 'abundance of
good' which God gives to the Prophet. Abu Básh said to one Sa'íd, 'the
people think that Kausar is a river of Paradise.' Sa'íd replied, 'Kausar is
a river in which there is abundance of good.'" According to the same
authority Muhammad said: "My pond is square, its water is whiter than milk,
its perfume better than that of musk, whosoever drinks thereof will thirst
no more."
There are many degrees of felicity in heaven to which the believers are
admitted. The Prophet, according to Tirmízí, said there were one hundred.
Some of these may possibly be meant by the eight names they give to
Paradise. (1.) Jannat-ul-Khuld. "Say: Is this, or the _Garden of Eternity_
which was promised to the God-fearing, best?" (Súra xxv. 16.) (2.)
Jannat-us-Salám. "For them is a _Dwelling of Peace_ with their Lord." (Súra
vi. 127.) (3.) Dár-ul-Qarár. "The life to come is the _Mansion which
abideth_." (Súra xl. 42.) (4.) Jannat-ul-'Adan. "To the Faithful, both men
and women, God promiseth gardens and goodly mansions in the _Garden of
Eden_." (Súra ix. 73.) (5.) Jannat-ul-Mawá. "Near which is the _Garden of
Repose_." (Súra liii. 15.) (6) Jannat-un-Na'ím. "Amid _delights_ shall the
righteous dwell." (Súra lxxxii. 13.) (7) Jannat-ul-Illiyún. "The register
of the righteous is {172} in _Illiyún_." (Súra lxxxiii. 18,) (8.)
Jannat-ul-Firdaus. "Those who believe and do the things that are right,
they shall have the _Gardens of Paradise_ for their abode." (Súra xviii.
107.)
Hell is said to have seven divisions. The Qurán, though it mentions the
names of these divisions, does not state what classes of persons will be
sent to each; but Muslim Commentators have supplied the needed information.
They classify them thus:--(1.) Jahannam, for sinners who die without
repentance. (2.) Lazwá, for the infidels (_i.e._, Christians.) (3.) Hutama,
a fire for Jews, and according to some for Christians. (4.) Sa'ir, for
devils, the descendants of Iblís. (5.) Saqar, for the magians: also for
those who neglect prayer. (6.) Jahím, a boiling caldron for idolaters: also
for Gog and Magog. (7.) Háwía, a bottomless pit for hypocrites. It is said
that heaven has one division more than hell to show that God's mercy
exceeds His justice.
The Muhammadan writers give very full and minute accounts of the events
connected with the resurrection, judgment and future state of those who are
lost, and of those who are saved. Sale gives such an excellent summary of
these opinions, that it is not necessary to enter into details here. The
orthodox belief is that the statements in the Qurán and the Traditions
regarding the pleasures of Paradise are to be taken literally.[166]
6. THE PREDESTINATION OF GOOD AND EVIL.--I have already in the section in
which the attribute "will" is described (p. 118) given some account of the
dogmatic statements concerning the doctrine of predestination; but as it
always forms a distinct chapter in Musalmán books, I treat it separately
here. Having, however, in the passage referred {173} to, given Al Berkevi's
words on the attribute "will," it is only necessary to make a short extract
from his dogmatic statement concerning Predestination. He says:--
"It is necessary to confess that good and evil take place by the
predestination and predetermination of God, that all that has been and
all that will be was decreed in eternity, and written on the _preserved
table_;[167] that the faith of the believer, the piety of the pious and
good actions are foreseen, willed, predestinated, decreed by the
writing on the _preserved table_, produced and approved by God; that
the unbelief of the unbeliever, the impiety of the impious and bad
actions come to pass with the fore-knowledge, will, predestination and
decree of God, but not with His satisfaction and approval. Should any
ask why God willeth and produceth evil, we can only reply that He may
have wise ends in view which we cannot comprehend."
Another confession of faith has:--
"Whoever shall say, that God is not delighted with virtue and faith,
and is not wroth with vice and infidelity, or that God has decreed good
and evil with equal complacency is an infidel."
There are three well-defined schools of thought on the subject:--
First.--The Jabríans, so called from the word "_jabr_" compulsion, deny all
free agency in man and say that man is necessarily constrained by the force
of God's eternal and immutable decree to act as he does.[168] They hold
that as {174} God is the absolute Lord, He can, if He so wills, admit all
men into Paradise, or cast all into hell. This sect is one of the branches
of the Ash'aríans with whom on most points they agree.
Secondly.--The Qadríans, who deny _Al-Qadr_, or God's absolute decree, say
that evil and injustice ought not to be attributed to God but to man, who
is altogether a free agent. God has given him the power to do or not to do
an act. This sect is generally considered to be a branch of the Mutazilite
body, though in reality it existed before Wásil quitted the school of his
master Hasan (Ante. p. 125). As Wásil, however, followed the opinions of
Mábad-al-Johní, the leading Kadrían divine, the Mutazilites and Qadríans
are practically one and the same.
Thirdly.--The Ash'aríans, of whom I have already given some account,
maintain that God has one eternal will which is applied to whatsoever He
willeth, both of His own actions and those of men; that He willeth that
which He knoweth and what is written on the _preserved table_; that He
willeth both good and evil. So far they agree with the Jabríans; but then
they seem to allow some power to man, a tenet I have already explained when
describing their idea of "Kasb" (Ante. p. 130). The orthodox, or Sunní
belief is theoretically Ash'arían, but practically the Sunnís are confirmed
Jabríans. The Mutazilite doctrines are looked upon as quite heretical.
No subject has been more warmly discussed in Islám than that of
predestination. The following abstract of some lengthy discussions will
present the points of difference.
The Ash'aríans, who in this matter represent in the main orthodox views,
formulate their objections to the Mutazilite system thus:--
(i). If man is the causer of an action by the force of his own will, then
he should also have the power of controlling the result of that action.
(ii). If it be granted that man has the power to _originate_ {175} an act
it is necessary that he should know all acts, because a creator should be
independent in act and choice. Intention must be conditioned by knowledge.
To this the Mutazilites well reply that a man need not know the length of a
road before he walks, or the structure of the throat before he talks.
(iii). Suppose a man wills to move his body and God at the same time wills
it to be steady, then if both intentions come to pass there will be a
collection of opposites; if neither, a removal of opposites; if the
exaltation of the first, an unreasonable preference.
(iv). If man can create an act, some of his works will be better than some
of the works of God, _e.g._ a man determines to have faith: now faith is a
better thing than reptiles, which are created by God.
(v). If man is free to act, why can he not make at once a human body; why
does he need to thank God for grace and faith?
(vi). But better far than all argument, the orthodox say, is the testimony
of the Book. "All things have we created under a fixed decree." (Súra liv.
49). "When God created you and _that ye make_." (Súra xxxvii. 94). "Some of
them there were whom God guided and there were others decreed to err."
(Súra xvi. 38). As God decrees faith and obedience He must be the causer of
it, for "on the hearts of these hath God graven the Faith." (Súra lviii.
22). "It is he who causeth you to laugh and weep, to die and make alive."
(Súra liii. 44). "If God pleased He would surely bring them, one and all,
to the guidance." (Súra vi. 36). "Had God pleased, He had guided you all
aright." (Súra vi. 150). "Had the Lord pleased, He would have made mankind
of one religion." (Súra xi. 120). "God will mislead whom he pleaseth, and
whom He pleaseth He will place upon the straight path." (Súra vi. 39.)
Tradition records that the Prophet said: "God is the maker of all makers
and of their actions."[169]
{176}
The Mutazilites took up the opposite side of this great question and
said:--
(i). If man has no power to will or to do, then what is the difference
between praising God and sinning against Him; between faith and infidelity;
good and evil; what is the use of commands and prohibitions; rewards and
punishments; promises and threats; what is the use of prophets, books, &c.
(ii). Some acts of men are bad, such as tyranny and polytheism. If these
are created by God, it follows that to tyrannise and to ascribe plurality
to the Deity is to render obedience. To this the Ash'aríans reply that
orders are of two kinds, immediate and mediate. The former which they call
"Amr-i-takwíti," is the order, "Be and it was." This comprehends all
existences, and according to it whatever is ordered must come to pass. The
latter they call "Amr-i-tashri'í," an order given in the Law. This comes to
men through prophets and thus is to be obeyed. True obedience is to act
according to that which is revealed, not according to the secret intentions
of God, for that we know not.
(iii). If God decrees the acts of men, He should bear the name of that
which he decrees. Thus the causer of infidelity is an infidel; of tyranny a
tyrant, and so on; but to speak thus of God is blasphemy.
(iv). If infidelity is decreed by God He must wish it; but a prophet
desires faith and obedience and so is opposed to God. To this the orthodox
reply, that God knows by His eternal knowledge that such a man will die an
infidel. {177} If a prophet intends by bringing the message of salvation to
such an one to make God's knowledge become ignorance, he would be doing
wrong; but as he does not know the secret decrees of God, his duty is to
deliver his message according to the Hadís: "A prophet has only to deliver
the clear message."
(v). The Mutazilites claimed as on their side all verses of the Qurán, in
which the words to do, to construct, to renew, to create, &c., are applied
to men. Such are the verses: "Whatever is in the heavens and in the earth
is God's that He may reward those who _do_ evil according to their deeds:
and those who _do_ good will He reward with good things." (Súra liii. 32).
"Whoso shall have _wrought_ evil shall not be recompensed but with its
like: but whoso shall have _done_ the things that are right, whether male
or female and is a believer, these shall enter Paradise." (Súra xl. 43).
Say: "the truth is from the Lord; let him then who will believe; and let
him who will, be an infidel." (Súra xviii. 28).[170] "Those who add Gods to
God will say: 'If God had pleased neither we nor our fathers had given Him
companions.' Say: 'Verily ye follow only a conceit, ye utter lies.'" (Súra
vi. 149). The Hadís is also very plain. "All good is in Thy hands and evil
is not to Thee." (Al-khair kuluhu fí yadaika wash-sharru laisa 'alaika.)
The Ash'aríans have one famous text which they bring to bear against all
this reasoning and evidence. It is: "This truly is a warning; and whoso
willeth, taketh the way of his Lord; but _will it ye shall not_, unless God
will it, for God is knowing, wise." (Súra lxxvi. 29, 30). To the Hadís they
reply (1) that there is a difference between acquiescence in evil and
decreeing it. Thus the expression "God willeth not tyranny for His
servants," does not mean {178} that God hath not decreed it, but that
tyranny is not one of His attributes: so "evil is not to Thee" means it is
not an attribute of God; and (2) the Hadís must be explained in accordance
with the teaching of the Qurán.
The Muslim philosophers tried to find a way out of the difficulty. Averhoes
says: "We are free to act in this way or that, but our will is always
determined by some exterior cause. For example, we see something which
pleases us, we are drawn to it in spite of ourselves. Our will is thus
bound by exterior causes. These causes exist according to a certain order
of things which is founded on the general laws of nature. God alone knows
before hand the necessary connection which to us is a mystery. The
connection of our will with exterior causes is determined by the laws of
nature. It is this which in theology we call, 'decrees and
predestination.'"[171]
I have already shown how, as Islám grew into a system, the Muslims fell
into a Cabbalism, and a superstitious reverence for the mere letters and
words of the Qurán. With this declension came a still more distorted view
of the character of God. The quotations made from the Qurán in the last few
pages will have shown that whilst some passages seem to attribute freedom
to man and speak of his consequent responsibility, others teach a clear and
distinct fatalism. The great strength of Islám lay in the energy with which
Muhammad preached the doctrine that God was a divine Ruler, one who would
deal righteous judgment, who "taught man that which he knew not." As the
system became more complex and dogmatic--a very necessary result of its
first principles--men lost the sense of the nearness of God. He became an
unapproachable being. A harsh unfeeling Fate took the place of the
Omnipotent Ruler. It is this dark fatalism which, whatever the Qurán may
teach on the subject, is the ruling principle in all Muslim {179}
communities. It is this which makes all Muhammadan nations decay. Careless
of self-improvement,[172] heedless of the need of progress, the Muslim
nations, still independent, are in all that relates to the higher aspects
of intellectual and civilized life far behind the nations of the west.
The subject of _'Ilm-i-Aqáíd_, or the science of dogma properly ends here,
but most Muslim treatises include in this branch of the subject a few
practical remarks. I therefore add a summary of them here. The believer who
commits murder, fornication, &c., does not cease to be a Muslim provided
that he does not say that these are allowed: should he die unrepentant, God
can punish him for a while in hell, or forgive him without punishment. The
Hadd, a punishment based on a Záhir, or obvious sentence of the Qurán
requires that a Muslim who apostatizes shall be put to death.[173] In the
case of an apostate woman, Imám Abu Hanífa ruled that she should be
imprisoned and beaten every day. The other three Imáms, Málik, Sháfa'í and
Hanbal said that she should be put to death in accordance with the
Tradition which says: "He who changes his religion, kill." The Arabic word
"man," usually translated "He who" is of common gender, and so these Imáms
include women in the list of those who, after apostasy, are to be
killed.[174] God does not pardon polytheism and infidelity; but He can, if
He willeth, pardon all other crimes. If any one is asked, "dost thou
believe?" he should reply, "I am truly a believer," and not say: "If God
{180} willeth."[175] If any one says to him: "Wilt thou die in the faith?"
he should reply: "I do not know, God knows." Except when speaking of
prophets, or of those of whom the Prophets have spoken, such as Abu Bakr,
Omar, Osmán and 'Alí, it must not be said of any one, "he is gone to
Paradise," for God only knows his state. Prayer should be made for a
deceased Muslim whether he was a good or bad man. To give alms, to read the
Qurán, to perform other good works, and to apply the merit thus gained to
the souls of the dead is a pious and beneficial act.
{181}
NOTE TO CHAPTER IV.
MUSLIM PHILOSOPHY.
I have shown in the preceding chapter how the earlier scholastics, or
the Mutazilites, as they are called, were finally crushed by the
orthodox party. The later scholastics, or the philosophers, form the
subject of this note. The Khalíf Mámún (813-833 A.D.), a notorious
free-thinker, was the first to give an impulse to philosophic
researches. It was then that Greek philosophical works were translated
into Arabic. The Greek author most patronized was Aristotle, partly,
because his empirical method accorded with the positive tendencies of
the Arab mind better than the pure idealism of Plato; and, partly,
because his system of logic was considered an useful auxiliary in the
daily quarrels between the rival theological schools. It was quite
natural that Aristotle should be thus followed. "The Musalmán mind was
trained in habits of absolute obedience to the authority of fixed
dogmas. The Muslims did not so much wish to discover truth as to
cultivate their own intellect. For that purpose, a sharp and subtle
systematist like Aristotle was the very man they required."[176] Some
idea of the range of subjects then discussed may be gained from an
account given by the Arab historian, Masoudi, of a meeting held under
the Presidentship of Yahya, one of the famous Barmecide family.[177]
Yahya thus addressed the meeting: "You have discussed at length the
theory of concealment (Al-Kumún) and manifestation (Al-Zahúr), of
pre-existence and creation, of duration and stability, of movement and
quiescence, of the union and separation (of the Divine substance), of
existence and non-existence, of bodies and accidents, of the approval
and the refutation (of the Isnáds of the Traditions), of the absence or
the existence of attributes in God, of potential and active force, of
substance, quantity, modality and relation, of life and annihilation.
You have examined the question as to whether the Imám rules by divine
right, or by popular election; you have had an exhaustive discussion on
metaphysical subjects, in their principles and corollaries. Occupy
yourselves to-day with the subject of love," &c.
The translation of the works of Aristotle, as indeed of all the Greek
authors, was made by Syrian and Chaldean Christians, and {182}
especially by the Nestorians who, as physicians, were in high favour
with the liberal Khalífs of the 'Abbásside dynasty. In some cases the
translation into Arabic was made from Syriac versions, for in the time
of the Emperor Justinian many Greek works had been translated into the
latter language. The most celebrated translator was the historian
physician Honein-Ibn-Ishak (died 876 A.D.), a man profoundly acquainted
with the Syriac, Greek and Arabic languages. He was at the head of a
school of interpreters in Baghdád, to which his son Ishak-ben-Honein
and his nephew Hobeisch-Al-Asam also belonged. In the tenth century
(A.D.) Yahya-ben-Adi and Isa-ben-Zara'a translated some works and
corrected earlier translations of others. It is to these men that the
Arabs owe their chief acquaintance with Plato.
The study of Aristotle spread rapidly amongst the Muslim people,
especially amongst the heretical sects. The orthodox looked with grave
suspicion on the movement, but could not for a while stay the impulse.
The historian Makrizi says: "The doctrine of the Philosophers has
worked amongst the Muslims evils most fatal. It serves only to augment
the errors of the heretics and to increase their impiety."[178] It came
into contact with Muslim dogmas in such subjects as the creation of the
world, the special providence of God and the nature of the divine
attributes. To a certain extent the Mutazilites were supported by the
philosophical theories they embraced, but this did not diminish the
disfavour with which the orthodox looked upon the study of philosophy.
Still it grew, and men in self defence had to adopt philosophic
methods. Thus arose a later system of scholasticism. The earlier system
was confined mainly to matters of religion; the later school occupied
itself with the whole range of philosophic investigation, and thus went
farther and farther away from orthodox Islám.
The Muslims themselves did not write books on philosophy in the earlier
period. Men of liberal tendencies imbibed its teaching, but orthodoxy
finally gained the day over the earlier scholastics, and in the form
known as that of the Ash'arían School became again supreme.[179] The
great intellectual movement of the Philosophers proper, the later
scholastics (Mutakallimán), lasted longer, but by the end of the
twelfth century (A.D.) the whole Muhammadan world had again become
orthodox. Saláh-ud-dín (Saladin) and his successors in Egypt were
strong supporters of the Ash'aríans.
{183}
The period now under review was one prolific of authors on grammar,
rhetoric, logic, exegesis, traditions and the various branches of
philosophy; but the men who stand out most prominently as philosophers
were then, and are now, considered heretics.[180]
Al-Kendi, was born at Basra, on the Persian Gulf. He died about 870
A.D. He was a very scientific man, but a thorough rationalist in
theology. He composed commentaries on the logic of Aristotle. In his
great work on the unity of God he has strayed far away from Muslim
dogmas.
Al Farabi, another philosopher patronized by the 'Abbássides, seems to
have denied not only the rigid and formal Islámic view of inspiration,
but any objective revelation at all. He held that intuition was a true
inspiration, and that all who had acquired intuitive knowledge were
real prophets. This is the only revelation he admits. He received his
philosophical training at Baghdád, where for a while he taught; but
finally he went to Damascus, where he died 950 A.D.
Ibn Sina, better known as Avicenna, a man of Persian origin, was a
Philosopher of great note, but of him it is said that in spite of the
concessions he made to the religious ideas of his age, he could not
find favour for his opinions, which ill accord with the principles of
Islám. He was born near Bukhárá, in the year 980 A.D. For a while he
taught medicine and philosophy in Ispahán.
Ibn Badja, (Avempace) was one of the most celebrated Muslim
Philosophers of Spain. He was born at Saragossa towards the end of the
eleventh century. He is distinguished for having opposed the mystical
tendencies of the teaching of Al-Ghazzálí, and for maintaining that
speculative science alone was capable of leading man to a true
conception of his own proper nature. He was violently attacked by the
orthodox divines who declared that all philosophical teaching was "a
calamity for religion and an affliction to those who were in the good
way."
Al-Ghazzálí was born A.D. 1059 in Khorásán. He was a famous Muslim
divine. He adopted scholastic methods. For a while he was President of
the Nizámiah College at Baghdád. He travelled much, and wrote many
books to prove the superiority of Islám over all other religions and
over philosophy. The first result of his wide and extensive study of
the writings of the philosophers, and of the heretics was that he fell
into a state of scepticism with regard to religion and philosophy. From
this he emerged into Súfíism, in {184} which his restless spirit found
satisfaction. On Súfíism, however, he exercised no very notable
influence; but the scepticism which he still retained as regards
philosophy rendered him a very formidable opponent to those who were
trying to bring Islám into accord with philosophic theories. His works,
"Tendency of Philosophers," and "Destruction of the Philosophers" had
an immense influence. In the preface to the latter book, he speaks of
"those who arrogate to themselves a superior intelligence, and who, in
their pride, mistaking the precepts of religion, take as a guide the
authority of certain great men, instead of revealed religion." It is,
however, and with some show of reason supposed that Al-Ghazzálí did not
really object to all that he condemned, but that to gain the orthodox
he wrote what he did. Indeed, Moses of Narbonne states that Ghazzálí
later on in life wrote a book, circulated only amongst a few select
friends, in which he withdrew many of the objections he had raised in
the "Destruction of Philosophers." Be that as it may, it is
acknowledged that he dealt a blow to philosophy from which in the East
it has never recovered; that is, as far as the Muslim world is
concerned. His course marks a reaction of the exclusively religious
principle of Islám against philosophical speculation, which in spite of
all accommodation never made itself orthodox.
In Spain philosophy still found an ardent defender in Ibn Rashíd,
better known as Averhoes. This celebrated man was born at Cordova in
the year 1126 A.D., or about 520 of the Muhammadan era. He came of a
noble and learned family, whilst he himself must ever occupy a
distinguished place amongst the Muslim Philosophers. "Without dispute
he was one of the most learned men of the Muslim world, and one of the
profoundest commentators of Aristotle. He knew all the sciences then
accessible to the Muslims and was a most prolific writer."[181] One of
his most famous works was the "Refutation of the destruction of
Philosophers." Notwithstanding his philosophical opinions Averhoes
claimed to pass for a good Muslim. He held that the philosophic truths
are the highest object of research; but that only a few men could by
speculation arrive at them, and that, therefore, a divine revelation
through the medium of prophets was necessary for spreading amongst men
the eternal verities which are proclaimed alike by philosophy and
religion. He held, it is true, that the orthodox had paid too much
attention to the letter, and too little to the spirit, and that false
interpretations had educed principles not really to be found in
religion. This {185} profession and a rigid adherence to outward forms
of worship, however, did not save him from suspicion. He was accused of
preaching philosophy and the ancient sciences to the detriment of
religion. He was deprived of his honours and banished by the Khalíf
Al-Mansúr to Lucena, near Cordova. In his disgrace he had to suffer
many insults from the orthodox. One day on entering the mosque with his
son he was forcibly expelled by the people. He died at Morocco in 1198
A.D. Thus passed away in disgrace the last of the Muslim Philosophers
worthy of the name.[182] In Spain a strict prohibition was issued
against the study of Greek philosophy, and many valuable works were
committed to the flames. Soon after the rule of the Moors in Spain
began to decline. The study of philosophy came to an end, and liberal
culture sank under the pressure of the hard and fast dogmatic system of
Islám. In Spain,[183] as in Baghdád, orthodoxy gained the day. There
was much of doubtful value in the speculations of the Muslim
Philosophers, but they were Muslims, and if they went too far in their
efforts to rationalize Islám, they also tried to cast off what to them
seemed accretions, added on by the Traditionalists and the Canonical
Legists. They failed because like the earlier scholastics they had no
gospel to proclaim to men, no tidings to give of a new life which could
enable wearied humanity to bear the ills to which it was subject.
Another strong reason was that the orthodoxy against which they strove
was a logical development of the foundations of Islám, and these
foundations are too strongly laid for any power other than a spiritual
one to uproot. They were men of good position in life, voluminous
writers, profound admirers of Aristotle, and "more or less devoted to
science, especially to medicine." Yet they did not advance philosophy,
and science they left much as they found it. They preserved something
of what Grecian thought had achieved, and so far their labour is not
lost.
Thus Islám has, as a religion, no right to claim any of the glory which
Muslim philosophers are supposed to have shed around it. {186} The
founders of Islám, the Arabs, produced but one philosopher of
note.[184] The first impetus to the study was given by heretical
Khalífs employing Christians at Baghdád to translate Greek books;
whilst in Spain, where philosophy most flourished, it was due largely
to the contact of intelligent Muslims with learned Jews. Even there,
the philosophers were, as a rule, the objects of bitter persecution.
Now and again, a liberal minded Khalíf arose, but a system such as
Islám survives the liberal tendencies of a generation. From the close
of the twelfth century (A.D.) downwards it would be difficult to point
to any Muslim Philosopher, much more to an Arab one, whose work is of
any real value to the human race. For four hundred years the contest
raged, a contest such as Islám has never since seen. This great effort
to bring it into accordance with the main stream of human thought, to
introduce into it some element of progress utterly failed. The lesson
is plain. Any project of reform in Islám which admits in any degree its
fundamental principles must fail. Revolution, not reform, is the only
hope for the permanence of an independent Muslim state when it enters
into the circle of civilized nations.
{187}
* * * * *
CHAPTER V.
THE PRACTICAL DUTIES OF ISLÁM.
The portion of the creed considered in the last chapter was connected with
Imán (faith); the remaining portion is connected with Dín (practical
religion). The five principal acts are called Irkán-i-Dín, pillars of
religion. They are: (1) The recital of the Kalima, or short confession of
faith; (2) Sulát, the five stated periods of prayer; (3) Roza, the thirty
days' fast of Ramazán; (4) Zakát, legal alms; (5) Hajj, the pilgrimage to
Mecca. These are all _farz_ duties, being based on a Nass-i-Záhir, or
"obvious," sentence of the Qurán, a proof derived from which is called
dalíl-i-qata'í. This is the strongest of all kinds of proofs.
The authorities, however, specify other religious duties which good Muslims
should perform. Such are the seven duties which are _wájib_, or duties
based on the more obscure texts of the Qurán, called Khafi, or "hidden"
sentences, a proof derived from which is called dalíl-i-zaní. These duties
are: (1) To make the 'Umra, or Pilgrimage to Mecca in addition to the Hajj;
(2) obedience to parents; (3) the obedience of a wife to her husband; (4)
the giving of alms after a fast; (5) the offering of sacrifice; (6) the
saying of Namáz-i-witr, a term which will be explained later on; (7) the
support of relatives. The duties numbered as (4) and (5) are _wájib_ orders
to the rich; but only _mustahab_ to the poor: that is, it is meritorious if
they perform them, but not sinful if they leave them undone.
The duties next in order as regards authority are the _sunnat_ ones. They
are three in number and are based either on the practice of the Prophet, or
are _fitrat_, that is practices of previous prophets, the continuance of
which {188} Muhammad did not forbid. They are (1) circumcision; (2) shaving
off the hair from the head and the body; (3) the paring of the nails. In
addition to these there are actions which are _mustahab_. They are those
which Muhammad sometimes did and sometimes omitted. There is a still lower
class of action which are _mubáh_. These are works of supererogation. If
omitted there is no fear of punishment.
It may be mentioned in passing that unlawful actions and things are (1)
_Harám_, actions and food forbidden either in the Qurán or the Traditions;
(2) _Mahrúh_, actions the unlawfulness of which is not absolutely certain,
but which are generally considered wrong; (3) _Mufsid_, actions corrupting
or pernicious. It is necessary to bear these terms in mind as they will now
frequently occur.
1. TASHAHHUD.--This is the recital of a confession of faith. There are
several forms of this. A common one is: "I testify that there is no deity
but God, I testify to His unity and that He has no partner; I testify that
Muhammad is His servant and His messenger." The shorter form is: "There is
no deity but God and Muhammad is the apostle of God." The power contained
in this latter confession is extraordinary. It embodies the very spirit of
Islám. "It has led everywhere the march of its armies, it has rung for
twelve centuries in the morning air from its minarets, it has been passed
from lip to lip, as no other word has ever been passed, by thousands of
millions of the human race." The power of Islám, its proclamation of the
Unity, is here seen in the closest contact with what is to Muslim
theologians the equally fundamental truth--the apostleship of Muhammad, a
dogma which retards the healthy development, explains the narrowness, and
causes the prostration of Islám, as the world around grows luminant with
the light of science and truth, of faith and reason.
2. SULÁT.[185]--All the books on Fiqh (Law) which treat of {189} these
Irkán-i-dín, give in connection with Sulát the rules regarding the
necessary purifications. It will be convenient to follow the same order.
Tahárat or legal purification is of three kinds: (1) Wazú, the lesser
lustration; (2) Ghusl, the greater lustration; (3) Tayammum, or
purification by sand.
(1). Wazú is an ablution made before saying the appointed prayers. Those
which are 'farz' are four in number, viz:--to wash (1) the face from the
top of the forehead to the chin, and as far as each ear; and (2) the hands
and arms up to the elbow; (3) to rub (masah) with the wet hand a fourth
part of the head; also (4) the feet to the ankles. The authority for these
actions is the text: "O Believers! when ye address yourselves to prayer,
wash your hands up to the elbow, and wipe your heads, and your feet to the
ankles" (Súra v. 8). The Sunnís wash the feet: the Shía'hs are apparently
more correct, for they only wipe, or rather rub, (masah) them. In these
ablutions, if the least portion of the specified part is left untouched,
the whole act becomes useless and the prayer which follows is vain.
The act of making wazú, however, has not been allowed to remain in this
simple form. The Sunnat regulations regarding it are fourteen in number.
They are, (1) to make the intention of wazú, thus: I make this wazú for the
purpose of putting away impurity; (2) to wash the hand up to the wrist, but
care must be taken not to put the hands entirely into the water, until each
has been rubbed three times with water poured on it; (3) to say one of the
names of God at the commencement of the wazú[186] thus: "In the name of the
Great God," or "Thanks be to God for the religion of Islám;" (4) to clean
the teeth; (5) to rinse the mouth three times; (6) to put water into the
{190} nostrils three times; (7) to do all the above in proper order; (8) to
do all without any delay between the various acts; (9) each part is to be
purified three times; (10) the space between the fingers of one hand must
be rubbed with the wet fingers of the other; (11) the beard must be combed
with the fingers; (12) the whole head must be rubbed once; (13) the ears
must be washed with the water remaining on the fingers after the last
operation; (14) to rub under and between the toes with the little finger of
the left hand, drawing it from the little toe of the right foot and between
each toe in succession. Imám Sháfa'í holds that (1) and (7) are farz duties
and that (12) should be done three times. Imám Málik considers (8) to be
farz.
The actions may be done in silence, or prayer may be repeated. Such a
recital is a mustahab, not a sunnat or farz order. It is not obligatory. A
specimen of these prayers is given in a note.[187]
(2). Ghusl is an ablution of the whole body after certain legal
defilements, and should be made as follows. The person should put on clean
clothes and perform the wazú, then he should say: "I make ghusl to put away
impurity." All being ready he should wash himself in the following order.
He must pour water over the right shoulder three times, then over the left
three times and, lastly, on his head {191} also the same number of times.
The three farz conditions are that (1) the mouth must be rinsed, (2) water
be put into the nostrils, and (3) the whole body be washed. If one hair
even is left dry the whole act is rendered vain and useless. All other
particulars are sunnat or mustahab.
There are obvious reasons why an explanation of the causes which vitiate a
purification, or of the cases in which ghusl is required, cannot be given
here. Every standard Muslim work on Fikh, or law, deals fully with the
subject. Nothing is more calculated to show the student of Islám how much
the Sunnat rules in the practical life of Muslims. The Traditions have
raised the most trivial ceremonial observances into duties of the greatest
importance. That there may be spiritually minded men in Islám is not to be
denied; but a system of religion which declares that the virtue of prayer
depends practically on an ablution, and that that ablution is useless
unless done in the order prescribed, is one well calculated to make men
formalists and nothing more. It comes to this, that, if a man when making
wazú washes his left hand before his right, or his nose before his teeth,
he cannot lawfully say the daily Namáz enjoined on all Muslims. None but
those who have studied Muslim treatises on the subject can conceive of the
puerile discussions which have taken place on points apparently trivial,
but which from their connection with the Sunnat are deemed by learned
Muslims of great importance.
(3). Tayammum, or purification by sand, is allowable under the following
circumstances. (1) When water cannot be procured except at a distance of
one kos (about 2 miles); (2) in case of sickness when the use of water
might be injurious; (3) when water cannot be obtained without incurring
danger from an enemy, a beast or a reptile; and (4) when on the occasion of
the Namáz of a Feast day or the Namáz at a funeral, the worshipper is late
and has no time to perform the wazú. On ordinary days this substitution of
tayammum for wazú is not allowable.
{192}
The ceremony is performed as follows. The person says: "I make tayammum to
put away impurity;" then, "I seek refuge near God from cursed Satan. I
commence in the name of God, most Merciful and most High, whose praises are
in the religion of Islám." He then strikes the sand with open hands, rubs
his mouth and, at last, the arms to the elbows. Not one hair must be left
untouched or the whole ceremony is useless. The farz acts are to make the
intention of tayammum, to rub the mouth and the hands. "If ye are sick, or
on a journey, or if one of you come from the place of retirement, or if ye
have touched women, and ye find no water, then take clean sand and rub your
faces and your hands with it." (Súra v. 9.)
Minute regulations are laid down with regard to the water which may be used
for purification. The following kinds of water are lawful:--rain, sea,
river, fountain, well, snow and ice-water. Ice is not lawful. The first
kind is authorized by the Qurán. "He sent you down water from heaven that
He might thereby cleanse you, and cause the pollution of Satan to pass from
you." (Súra viii. 11.) The use of the others is sanctioned by the
Traditions. I give one illustration. A man one day came to the Prophet and
said: "I am going on a voyage and shall only have a small supply of fresh
water; if I use it for ablutions I shall have none wherewith to quench my
thirst, may I use sea water?" The Prophet replied: "The water of the sea is
pure." Tirmízí states that this is a Hadís-i-Sahíh. Great difference of
opinion exists with regard to what constitutes impurity in water, and so
renders it unfit for ablutions. It would be wearisome to the reader to
enter into all details, but I may briefly say that, amongst the orthodox,
it is generally held that if a dead body or any unclean thing falls into
flowing water, or into a reservoir more than 15 feet square it can be used,
provided always that the colour, smell and taste are not changed. It is for
this reason that the pool near a mosque is never less than ten cubits
square. If of {193} that size, it is called a _dah dar dah_, (literally 10
x 10). It may be, and commonly is, larger than this. It should be about one
foot deep.
The necessary ablutions having been made, the worshipper can commence the
Namáz.
(4). Salát or Namáz. The Namáz can be said either in private or in public.
All that is required is that the clothes and person of the worshipper
should be clean, the place free from all impurity, and that the face be
turned towards Mecca. Whether the Namáz is said in public or in private, it
must be preceded by wazú, except when tayammum is allowed. If the
Namáz[188] is said in a mosque which is considered to be more meritorious
than repeating it in private, it must be preceded by the Azán, or call to
prayers, and the Iqámat. Minute particulars regarding the exact attitude in
which the Musallí, one who says the Salát, must stand and the words he is
to say are given in Muslim books. The following account will give some idea
of a Namáz, or Service.[189]
The Mu,azzin[190] calls out loudly in Arabic:--
"Alláhu Akbar! Alláhu Akbar! Alláhu Akbar! Alláhu Akbar[191]!"
All who hear it respond:--
"Alláhu Akbar! Alláhu Akbar! Alláhu Akbar! Alláhu Akbar!"
The Mu,azzin says:--
"I confess there is no God but God, I confess there is no God but God."
Each of his auditors replies:--
"I confess there is no God but God, I confess there is no God but God."
{194}
Mu,azzin:--"I confess Muhammad is the apostle of God."
Auditor:--"I confess Muhammad is the apostle of God."
Mu,azzin:--"Come to prayer."
Auditor:--"I have no power or strength but from God most High and Great."
Mu,azzin:--"Come to do good."
Auditor:--"What God wills will be; what He wills not will not be."
If it is the time of morning prayer, the Mu,azzin adds the words: "Prayer
is better than sleep," to which the response is given: "Thou hast spoken
well." "Alláhu Akbar," and "There is no God but God" are then repeated
twice and so the Azán ends.
The Iqámat (literally, "causing to stand") is a repetition of the Azán, but
after the words, "come to do good," the statement "prayer has commenced" is
made.
These preliminaries being now over, the Namáz can commence. It is as
follows:
The Musallí, or worshipper, stands with his hands close to his side and
says in a low voice the Niyyat (intention):--
"I have purposed to offer up to God only, with a sincere heart this morning
(or as the case may be), with my face Qibla-wards, two (or as the case may
be) rak'at prayers, farz (or sunnat or nafl, as the case may be)."
Then follows the Takbír-i-Tahrímah, said with the thumbs touching the lobes
of the ears. The palms of the hands are placed towards the Qibla. The
fingers are slightly separated from each other. In this position the
Musallí says:--"Alláhu Akbar!"
The Qíám, or standing position. The palm of the right hand being placed on
the back of the left, the thumb and little finger of the former seize the
wrist of the latter. Both hands are then placed below the navel,[192] the
eyes are {195} directed towards the spot where the head of the worshipper
will touch the ground in prostration, and the Saná is said. It is:--
"Holiness to Thee O God! and praise be to Thee!
Great is Thy name! Great is thy Greatness!
There is no God but Thee!"
The Ta'awwuz is then said:--
"I seek refuge near God from cursed Satan."
Then follows the Tasmíyah:--
"In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful."
Then follows the Fátiha,[193] or first chapter of the Qurán:--
"Praise be to God, Lord of the worlds! the Compassionate, the Merciful!
King on the day of reckoning! Thee only do we worship, and to Thee do we
cry for help. Guide Thou us on the straight path: the path of those to whom
Thou hast been gracious: with whom Thou art not angry, and who go not
astray."
After this the worshipper can repeat as many chapters of the Qurán as he
likes.[194] Some verses he must repeat.
The Súrat-ul-Ikhlás (Súra 112) is generally said:--
"Say: He is God alone: God the Eternal, He begetteth not, and is not
begotten; and there is none like unto Him."
The Takbír-i-rukú'--Alláhu Akbar!--is said whilst the Musallí makes an
inclination of the head and body, and separating the fingers a little,
places his hands upon his knees.
The Tasbíh-i-rukú' is said in the same position. It is:--
"I extol the holiness of my Lord, the Great!
I extol the holiness of my Lord, the Great!
I extol the holiness of my Lord, the Great!"
The Tasmía' is then said with the body erect, but with the hands placed on
either side. Thus:--
{196}
"God hears him who praises Him: O Lord, Thou art praised[195]."
The Takbír-i-Sijdar--Alláhu Akbar!--is said as the worshipper drops on his
knees.
The Musallí then kneeling down, places his hands, with the fingers close to
each other, upon the ground. He must rest upon his toes, not on the side of
the feet which must be kept straight behind him. The elbow must not touch
the side, nor the stomach the thigh, nor the thigh the calf of the leg. The
eyes must be kept bent downwards. Then he touches the ground first with his
nose, and then with his forehead, taking care that the thumbs just touch
the lobe of the ears.[196] All this being carefully attended to, the
Musallí can say the Tasbíh-i-Sijda thus:--
"I extol the holiness of my Lord, the Most High!
I extol the holiness of my Lord, the Most High!
I extol the holiness of my Lord, the Most High!"
He then raises his head and body, sinks backwards upon his heels, places
his hands a little above his knees, and whilst doing so says the
Takbír-i-Jalsa[197]--"Alláhu Akbar!"
After a slight pause, a second prostration, or Sijda is made and the
Takbír-i-Sijda and the Tasbíh-i-Sijda are repeated as before. Then when in
the act of rising up the Musallí says the Takbír-i-Qíám--"Alláhu Akbar!"
This concludes one rak'at. The second rak'at begins with the Fátiha, so
that after saying the Takbír-i-Qíám a Musallí would have to begin again at
that place (p. 195) and repeat all that he had just finished; the only
change being that after the Fátiha, he recites different verses of the
Qurán to those he said in the first rak'at. After two rak'ats have been
said, and after the last, though it be an odd number, the {197} Musallí,
unless he is a Shía'h, places his left foot under him and sits upon it. He
then places his hands above his knees, as for the Takbír-i-Jalsa, and with
his eyes directed towards his lap says the Attahíyát:--
"The adorations of the tongue are for God, and also the adorations of the
body, and almsgiving! Peace be on thee O Prophet! with the mercy of God and
His blessing. Peace be on us and upon God's righteous servants!"
Then raising the first finger of the right hand he says the
Tashahhud[198]:--
"I testify that there is no deity but God; and I testify that Muhammad is
the servant of God and the messenger of God."
Then at the end of all the rak'ats the Musallí, whilst in the same posture,
says the Darúd:--
"O God! have mercy on Muhammad and his descendants[199]; as Thou didst have
mercy on Abraham and his descendants, Thou art to be praised and Thou art
great. O God! bless Muhammad and his descendants, as Thou didst bless
Abraham and his descendants. Thou art to be praised and Thou art great."
Then comes the Du'á, which may be in the worshipper's own words though he
usually says[200]:--
"O God our Lord, give us the blessings of this life, and also the blessings
of life everlasting. Save us from the torments of hell."
Then turning the head to the right the Musallí repeats the Salám:--
"The peace and mercy of God be with you."
Then turning the head to the left he says:--
"The peace and mercy of God be with you."
At the close of the whole ceremony, the worshipper raises {198} his hands
as high as his shoulders, with the palm towards heaven, or towards his own
face, and offers up a Munáját, or supplication, either in Arabic or in the
vernacular. The hands are then drawn over the face, as if to convey the
blessing received from above to every part of the body.
The appointed periods of prayer are five in number, in proof of which the
following text is quoted: "Glorify God when ye reach the evening (masá),
and when ye rise at morn (subh); and to Him be praise in the heavens and in
the earth,--and at twilight ('ashí) and when ye rest at noon (zuhr)." (Súra
xxx. 17). The Commentators say that masá includes both sunset and the
period after sunset; that is both the Salát-ul-Maghrib and the
Salát-ul-'Ishá. There is also a reference to a stated period of prayer in
the following verse: "Observe prayer at early morning, at the close of the
day, and at the approach of night." (Súra xi. 116).
These daily Namáz are farz, sunnat, witr and nafl prayers. Farz are those
distinctly ordained by God, such as the five stated periods of prayer.
Sunnat, a certain number of rak'ats which are added, because it is said the
Prophet repeated them.
Witr rak'ats are an odd number of rak'ats, 3, 5 or 7, which may be said
after the last prayer at night, and before the dawn of day. Usually they
are added to the Salát-ul-'Ishá. Imám Abu Hanífa says they are wájib, that
is ordered by God. They are not authorised by any text in the Qurán, but by
Traditions each of which is generally received as a Hadís-i-Sahíh, and so
witr rak'ats are regarded as being of divine authority. Imám Sháfa'í,
however, considers them to be sunnat only, a term already explained.
The Traditions referred to are: "God has added to your Namáz one Namáz
more: know that it is witr, say it between the Salát-ul-'Ishá and dawn." On
the authority of Buzár, a Traditionist, it is recorded that the Prophet
{199} said: "Witr is wájib upon Muslims," and in order to enforce the
practice he added: "Witr is right, he who does not observe it is not my
follower." The Prophet, the Companions, the Tába'ín and the Taba-i-Tába'ín
all observed it. The word witr literally means "odd number." A Tradition
says: "God is odd, He loves the odd." (Alláhu witrun yuhibbu'l-witra).
Musalmáns pay the greatest respect to an odd number. It is considered
unlucky to begin any work, or to commence a journey on a day, the date of
which is an even number. The number of lines in a page of a book is nearly
always an odd number.
Nafl are voluntary prayers the performance of which is considered mustahab,
or meritorious, but they are not of divine obligation. It must be
understood that all these prayers are precisely the same in form. They
simply consist in the repetition of a number of rak'ats, of which I have
already given a single illustration in full. A Muslim who says the five
daily prayers with the full number of rak'ats will repeat the Service I
have described fifty times in one day. If in addition to these he observes
the three voluntary periods of prayers, he must add twenty-five more
rak'ats, making a grand total of seventy-five. It is, however, usual to
omit some of the Sunnat rak'ats; still there is a vast amount of
repetition, and as the whole must be said in Arabic it becomes very
mechanical.
A Muslim who ventured to say that a Namáz might be recited in Hindustani
was publicly excommunicated in the principal Mosque at Madras on Friday,
February 13th, 1880.[201]
The table on the next page will make the matter clear.[202] The optional
Sunnat rak'ats are called {200} 'Sunnat-i-ghair-i-maukadda'; the Sunnat
rak'ats before the farz are 'Sun-nat-i-maukadda' and should be said.
---+------------------+-----------------------------------+----------------
No.| Time. | THE NAMES OF THE TIME OF PRAYER. | THE NUMBER OF
| | | RAK'ATS SAID.
| +-----------+-----------------------+----------------
| | | Witr
| | |--------------------------------------+
| | | Nafl|
| | |-----------------------------------+ |
| | | Sunnat after Farz| |
| | |--------------------------------+ | |
| | | Farz| | |
| | |-----------------------------+ | | |
| | | Sunnat-i-mau-kadda'| | | |
| | |--------------------------+ | | | |
| | | Sunnat-i-ghair-maukadda'| | | | |
| | |-----------+-----------+ | | | | |
| | Arabic | Persian | Urdu | | | | | |
---+------------------+-----------+-----------+-----------+--+--+--+--+--+-
1 | From dawn to | Salát-ul- | Namáz-i- | Fajr Kí | | 2| | | |
| sunrise. | Fajr. | Subh. | Namáz. | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | | |
2 | When the sun | Salát-uz- | Namáz-i- | Zuhr Kí | | 4| 4| 2| 2|
| has begun to | Zuhr. | Peshín. | Namáz. | | | | | |
| decline. | | | | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | | |
3 | Midway between | Salát-ul- | Namáz-i- | 'Asr Kí | 4| | 4| | |
| No. 2 and 4. | 'Asr. | Dígar. | Namáz. | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | | |
4 | A few minutes | Salát-ul- | Namáz-i- | Maghrib | | | 3| 2| 2|
| after sunset. | Maghrib. | Shám. | Kí Namáz. | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | | |
5 | When the night | Salát-ul- | Namáz-i- | 'Ishá Kí | 4| | 4| 2| 2|7
| has closed in. | 'Ishá. | Khuftan. | Namáz. | | | | [203]
| | | | | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | | |
1 | When the sun | Salát-ul- | Namúz-i- | Ishráq Kí | | | | | 8|
| has well risen. | Ishráq. | Ishráq. | Namáz. | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | | |
2 | About 11 o'clock | Salát-uz- | Namáz-i- | Zuhá Kí | | | | | 8|
| A.M. | Zuhá. | Chast. | Namáz. | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | | |
3 | After mid-night. | Salát-ut- | Namáz-i- | Tahajjud | | | | | 9|
| | Tahajjud.| Tahajjud.| Kí Namáz. | | | | | |
---+------------------+-----------+-----------+-----------+--+--+--+--+--+-
In addition to these there are several kinds of Namáz which have to be said
at different times, or under special circumstances.
(i). Salát-ul-Juma'--The Friday Namáz. This is a farz duty. It has the
threefold authority of the Qurán, the Sunnat, and the Ijmá'. Thus: "O ye
who believe! When ye are summoned to prayer on the _day of the assembly_
(Friday), haste ye to the commemoration of God, and quit your traffic."
(Súra lxii. 9.) The Prophet also said: "Juma' is farz," and, "God will make
a mark on the heart of him who misses the Salát-ul-Juma'[204]." There are,
however, eight kind of persons on whom it is not incumbent, _viz_: a
traveller, a sick person, a slave, a woman, a young child, a mad {201}
person, a blind or a lame person. The conditions which make this Namáz
obligatory are:--
(1). That the place in which it is said be a town in which a Qází (judge)
dwells.
(2). There must be in the town a ruler or his deputy.
(3). It must take the place of the Salát-uz-Zuhr, with which it agrees,
except that two farz rak'ats instead of four are recited. The nafl rak'ats
are omitted. The four sunnat rak'ats which precede, and the two which
follow the farz ones are said.
(4). One, or according to the followers of Imám Sháfa'í two Khutbas, or
sermons are preached. These are delivered by the Imám after the four sunnat
rak'ats are recited, and before the two farz ones. The Khutba should
consist of the praise of God, prayer and injunctions to piety.
(5). There must be a congregation of three persons besides the Imám. The
Sháfa'ítes say there should be at least forty worshippers.
(6). The Azán, or call to prayers, must be made to all without distinction
of rank.
Any person who is qualified to act as Imám at the other prayers can conduct
this Namáz. The Imám and Khatíb (preacher) is usually, but not necessarily,
one and the same person. The Khutbas should not be long, for Muhammad said
that long sermons and short prayers would be a sign of the degeneracy of
the latter days. When two Khutbas are said, the Imám sits down to rest
before the delivery of the second. The worshippers may then offer up a
Du'á, or private prayer. Some, however, say that this practice is bid'at,
(innovation) and consider it a very bad act. According to the
Traditionists, Bukhárí, Abu Dáúd and Tirmízí, it is a mustahab act to wear
clean clothes on Friday.
The preacher standing on the second step of the Mimbar, or pulpit, with a
large club or staff in his hand, delivers his sermon.[205]
{202}
The following is a specimen of the Khutbas.
SERMON ON THE EXCELLENCE OF FRIDAY.
In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful.
Praise be to God, the King, the Holy, the Great, the Knower. He has
opened our hearts through the blessing of Islám. He has made Friday the
best of days. We testify that there is no God but God, the One, without
partner. This confession saves those who make it from danger and from
darkness. We testify that our Lord Muhammad is His servant and His
Apostle sent to all mankind. May the mercy and peace of God be on him,
his descendants and on his Companions. O men! O believers of God! I
advise you and my own soul thus: "Obey God!" Know, O servants of God!
that when Friday commences the angels assemble in the fourth heaven,
and Gabriel, (on whom be peace) is the Mu,azzin, Míká,íl the Khatíb,
Isráfíl the Imám and 'Izrá,íl the Mukabbir[206] and all the angels join
in the Namáz. When it is over Gabriel says: "I give the reward due to
me as Mu,azzin to the Mu,azzins of the sect of Islám;" Míká,íl: "I give
mine to the Khatíbs;" Isráfíl: "I give mine to the Imáms;" 'Izrá,íl: "I
give mine to the Mukabbirs." The angels say: "We give ours to the
company of the Muslims." The Prophet said: "The night and day of Friday
last twenty-four hours, and each hour God releases a thousand souls
from hell. Whosoever makes 'ghusl' on Friday, God will give him for
every hair on his body the reward of ten good deeds. Whosoever dies on
a Friday meets with the reward of a martyr."
Certainly the best and most eloquent speech is the Holy Qurán, the Word
of God,--the King, the Great, the Knower. His word is true and
righteous. When thou readest the Qurán say: "O God! protect me from
cursed Satan."
In the name of God the Compassionate, the Merciful.
"When ye are summoned to prayer on the day of the assembly, haste to
the commemoration of God and quit your traffic. This, if ye knew it,
will be best for you. And when the prayer is ended, then disperse
yourselves abroad and go in quest of the bounties of God; and that it
may be well with you, oft remember God. But when they get a sight of
merchandize or sport, they disperse after, and leave thee standing
alone. Say: 'God hath in reserve what is better than sport or wares.
God is the best provider.'" (Súra lxii. 9-11.) God {203} by means of
the Holy Qurán will bless us and you. And by its verses and teaching
will reward us and you. God is Almighty, Generous, Merciful, Eternal,
Holy, Clement.
Here ends the first sermon; after a short pause the preacher commences the
second.
In the name of God the Compassionate, the Merciful.
Praise be to God, the Creator of the earth and heavens, the Maker of
light and darkness. I testify that there is no God but God. He is one.
He has no partner. Know, O believers! that this confession will save
you from trouble and calamity. I testify that Muhammad, who wipes out
error and infidelity, is the servant and Apostle of God. The mercy of
God be on our Lord Muhammad, the Lord of Creation; and on his
descendants; and on his Companions be grace and honour. O servants of
God! I advise you and my own soul thus: Obey God! Fear God, who created
life and death and who scrutinizes our good actions. O God! be pleased
with Abu Bakr, the righteous, the Sáhib-ul-Ghár,[207] and with Omar
Ibn-ul-Khattáb, the chief of the holy men; and with Osmán the possessor
of two lights, who was martyred when reading the Holy Qurán, and upon
'Alí Murtuzá, the destroyer of infidels and sinners. O God! be pleased
with the great Imáms Hasan and Husain. Be pleased with their mother
Fatimat-uz-Zuhra, the chief of women, and with Hamza and 'Abbás, the
uncles of the Prophet. Also be pleased with all the Asháb (Companions).
O God! help those who help the religion of Muhammad, and make us of
their number. Make those wretched who corrupt it, and keep us aloof
from all such. O believers! truly God orders you to do justice and to
show kindness to your kindred. He orders you to abstain from infidelity
and from the greater and the lesser sins. God warns you. God is the
Most High, the Most Glorious. God is Great!"
The collection of Khutbas from which the above have been translated
contains a considerable number on a variety of subjects, such as prayer,
the resurrection, worldliness, the various feast and fast days, &c. The
form in all is very similar. The exordium and the conclusion are
practically the same. A few sentences in the middle refer to the special
subject of the sermon. The second of the two {204} sermons is always the
same; it is practically an invocation of blessings on certain persons. Both
are said in Arabic. What would answer to our idea of a sermon, such as an
explanation of some doctrine, or an exposition of some passages in the
Qurán, is not part of the public worship in the mosque, but would be done
in an ordinary assembly, in any convenient place, by a Moollá, or any
learned man who could collect an audience.
(ii). Salát-ul-Musáfir.--Prayers said by a traveller. A person who makes a
journey which lasts three days or three nights is, for this purpose,
considered a traveller.[208] The length of a day's journey is estimated at
the distance a camel can march in that period of time. If a traveller
intends to stay in a certain place fifteen days, he must repeat the usual
Namáz; if less than fifteen days, or when actually on the journey, he can
shorten it. He is then permitted to say only two farz rak'ats. He may omit
the sunnat and nafl rak'ats if he chooses; but the three witr rak'ats he
must recite at the Salát-ul-'Ishá. If a traveller passing through a place
is, for the time being, the most suitable person to act as Imám, he being a
traveller will only recite two rak'ats. The rest of the worshippers then
complete the Namáz. In the case where a permanent resident of the place is
the Imám and the traveller only a worshipper, the Imám is bound to recite
the whole number of rak'ats and the traveller must also repeat the whole
after him. The principle on which this is based is that the worshippers
must not recite less than the Imám.[209]
(iii). Salát-ul-Khauf.--Prayers of fear. This is a Namáz said during the
time of war. When there is imminent danger from the approach of an enemy
the Imám should divide the army into two bodies; one of which should be
placed in a position towards the enemy, the other should recite, if they
are on the march, one rak'at; if stationary {205} in a place, two rak'ats.
This division will then march towards the enemy and the first division will
recite as many rak'ats as may be required to complete the Namáz. The Salám
(Ante. p. 197) will be recited by the Imám alone. The first division of
troops will not say the qir,at, _i.e._ the Fátiha and the other verses of
the Qurán recited after it (Ante. p. 195); but the second division will
supply the omission. If the enemy are so near that the cavalry dare not
dismount, then each man will recite a rak'at or rak'ats for himself, and
make the rukú' and sijda by means of signs. If he cannot turn towards the
Qibla, he is, under the circumstances, allowed to face any direction most
convenient. During the recital of the Namáz he must not fight, or allow his
horse to move, lest the prayer should be rendered void. "When ye go forth
to war in the land, it shall be no crime in you to cut short your prayers,
if ye fear lest the infidels come upon you. Verily, the infidels are your
undoubted enemies! And when thou, O Apostle! shalt be among them, and shalt
pray with them, then let a party of them rise up with thee, but let them
take their arms; and when they shall have made their prostrations, let them
retire to your rear: then let another party that hath not prayed come
forward, and let them pray with you." (Súra iv. 102, 103).
(iv). Salát-ut-Taráwíh.--This is a special set of twenty rak'ats recited
every night during the month of Ramazán. They must be said after the farz
and sunnat, and before the witr rak'ats at the time of the Salát-ul-'Ishá.
The Salát-ut-Taráwíh is considered of sunnat obligation. The practice dates
from the time of the Khalíf Omar. Abd-ur-Rahmán, a Traditionist, states
that one night in Ramazán he went with Omar to the Mosque. They saw some
persons saying the Namáz alone and some reciting it in groups. Omar said:
"If I gather them all together, so that they may recite it after one Imám
it will be good." He did so, and the next night the people of their own
accord came in great numbers and united together. Then said Omar: "this
{206} bid'at is good." This is good authority for the institution, for the
Prophet said: "Follow my Sunnat and that of the Khulafá-i-Rashídín." There
is also a Hadís-i-Sahíh to the effect that "God has made the fast of
Ramazán farz, and its qíám[210] sunnat." (Kutiba 'alaikum síámu Ramazána wa
sunna qíámuhu). The Prophet was anxious lest the Tiráwíh Namáz should
become farz and, therefore, after going to the Mosque on two successive
nights in Ramazán, he stayed away on the third, giving as his reason for so
doing that he feared that, if he went every night, it might be considered a
farz and not a sunnat duty.[211] The number of rak'ats is fixed at twenty,
as that was the number recited by Muhammad and by the Khalíf Omar. The
Shía'hs do not say these prayers or even enter the Mosque on such
occasions, as after every four rak'ats an eulogium is repeated on the four
Khalífs--the first three of whom they hate.
(v). Salát-ul-Kusúf and Salát-ul-Khusúf--Prayer said when an eclipse of the
sun, or of the moon takes place. In the former case, the Imám recites with
the congregation in the Mosque two rak'ats. The Azán and the Iqámat are
both omitted. No Khutba is said. In each rak'at one rukú' is read. The
Sháfa'ítes read two. After the rak'ats are completed those present remain
in prayer (Du'á) until the eclipse is at an end. The Namáz during an
eclipse of the moon is the same as that during an eclipse of the sun, with
this exception that the rak'ats need not be recited in a congregation. Each
Muslim can say the Namáz privately in his own house. The practice is
founded on the Prophet's saying: "When you see an eclipse then remember
God, pray (Du'á) and recite the Namáz until it becomes light again."
(vi). Salát-ul-Istisqá.--Prayer in time of drought. When {207} there is a
scarcity of water each person should, with face Qibla-wards, offer up
prayer to God. They can be said at home and in private. Care must be taken
that no Zimmí[212] is present. The reason given is that this is a prayer
for a blessing; but God sends no blessing on a company in which a Zimmí is
present.
These prayers are simple Du'á and not a Namáz. There is no
well-authenticated Tradition to the effect that the Prophet ever said Namáz
on such an occasion; whilst there are many which show that he made Du'á.
This is a very good example of the use of the term Salát as a _Mushtarik_
word, _i.e._ one which has several significations. Its ordinary meaning is
Namáz; here it means Du'á.
(vii). Salát-ul-Janáza.--Prayers at a Funeral. When a person is about to
die, the attendants should place him on his right side with his face
Qibla-wards. In that position he should repeat the "Kalima-i-Shahádat," the
creed of testimony: "I confess that God is one, without a partner; that
truly Muhammad is His servant and His Apostle." After death has taken
place, the corpse is laid out, incense is burnt, and the shroud is perfumed
an _odd_ number of times. A tradition states that an odd number is fixed
upon, because the number one which represents the unity of God is odd and
not even. The lesser lustration (wazú) is then made. The head and beard are
washed with a decoction made of some flowers, after which the greater
lustration (ghusl) is made. The members of the body used when making sijda
(prostration) _i.e._, forehead, nose, hands, knees, feet, are then rubbed
with camphor.
To recite the Salát-ul-Janáza is a duty called Farz-i-kifáya, that is, if
some few persons in the assembly say it, all need not do so; whilst if no
one repeats it all will be guilty of sin. To prove that this Namáz is farz
the following verse is quoted: "Take alms of their substance, that thou
mayest {208} cleanse and purify them thereby, and pray for them; for thy
prayers shall assure their minds: and God heareth, knoweth." (Súra ix.
104.) The proof that it is not Farz-i-'ain (_i.e._, incumbent on all), but
Farz-i-kifáya is drawn from an account given in a Hadís, to the effect that
the Prophet one day did not recite the Namáz over one of his deceased
followers. Now, if the Namáz had been Farz-i-'ain even the Prophet could
not have omitted it. His Sunnat, or practice, has decided the nature of the
farz command contained in the verse of the Qurán just quoted.
The Namáz can only be said when the corpse is present. It is recited in the
open space in front of the Mosque, or in some neighbouring spot: never in
the graveyard.
When all are assembled the Imám or leader says: "Here begins the Namáz for
the dead."
The company present then stand up in rows with faces turned in the
direction of Mecca. The Imám stands a little in front, near the head or
waist of the corpse according as it is that of a male or female. Then all
assume the Qíám, or standing position, and recite the Niyyat as follows:--
"I recite Namáz for the sake of God, and offer prayers (Du'á) for this
deceased person, and I follow the Imám (who is about to officiate.)"
Then all at the first[213] Takbír put the hands to the lobe of the ears and
say: "God is Great!"
Then they say the Saná (Ante, p. 195.):--
"Holiness to Thee O God! And to Thee be praise! Great is Thy Name! Great is
Thy greatness! Great is Thy praise! There is no God but Thee!"
Then follows the second Takbír: "God is Great!"
Then all say the Darud-i-Ibráhím:--
"O God! have mercy on Muhammad and upon his descendants, as Thou didst
bestow mercy, and peace, and blessing, and compassion, and great kindness
upon {209} Abraham and upon his descendants." "Thou art praised, and Thou
art Great!" "O God, bless Muhammad and his descendants as Thou didst bless,
and didst have compassion and great kindness upon Abraham and upon his
descendants."
Then follows the third Takbír: "God is Great!"
The Du'á is then repeated:--
"O God, forgive our living and our dead, and those o£ us who are present,
and those who are absent, and our children and our full grown persons, our
men and our women. O God, those whom Thou dost keep alive amongst us, keep
alive in Islám, and those whom Thou causest to die, let them die in the
Faith."[214]
Then follows the fourth Takbír: "God is Great!"
Then all say:--
"O God, give us good in this world and in the next, and save us by Thy
mercy from the troubles of the grave and of hell."
Then each one in a low voice says the Salám, as in an ordinary Namáz.
(Ante, p. 197.)[215]
The Namáz is now over and the people make another Du'á thus:--
"'O our Lord! suffer not our hearts to go astray after that Thou hast once
guided us; and give us mercy from before Thee; for verily Thou art He who
giveth.' (Súra iii. 6.) O God, Thou art his[216] Master, and Thou createdst
him, and Thou didst nourish him, and didst guide him toward Islám, and Thou
hast taken his life, and Thou knowest well his inner and outer life.
Provide intercessors for us. Forgive him, for Thou art the Forgiver, the
most Merciful."
{210}
Then going towards the head of the corpse, they say:--
"No doubt is there about this Book (Qurán.) It is a guidance to the
God-fearing, who believe in the unseen,[217] who observe prayer (salát),
and out of what we have bestowed on them, expend (for God), and who believe
in that which hath been sent down to thee (Muhammad), and in what hath been
sent down before thee; and full faith have they in the life to come: these
are guided by their Lord; and with these it shall be well." (Súra ii. 1-4).
Then coming towards the feet of the corpse, they say:--
"The Apostle believeth in that which hath been sent down from his Lord, as
do the faithful also. Each believeth in God, and His angels, and His Books
and His Apostles: we make no distinction between any of His Apostles.[218]
And they say: 'We have heard and we obey. (We implore) Thy mercy, Lord; for
unto Thee must we return.' God will not burden any soul beyond its power.
It shall enjoy the good which it hath acquired, and shall bear the evil for
the acquirement of which it laboured. O our Lord! punish us not if we
forget, or fall into sin; O our Lord! and lay not on us a load like that
which Thou hast laid on those who have been before us[219]; O our Lord! and
lay not on us that for which we have no strength: but blot out our sins and
forgive us, and have pity on us. Thou art our protector; give us victory
therefore over the infidel nations." (Súra ii. 285, 286).
{211}
The chief mourner then gives the Izn-i-'Ámm, that is, he says:--
"All have permission to depart."
Some then proceed homewards, others go with the corpse to the graveyard.
When the bier is lifted up, or when it is placed down near the grave, the
people say:--
"We commit thee to earth in the name of God and in the religion of the
Prophet."
If the ground is very hard, a recess (lahad) is dug out in the side of the
grave. This must be high enough to allow the corpse to sit up when Munkir
and Nakír come to interrogate it. If the ground is soft a small grave is
excavated at the bottom of the larger one. The corpse is then placed in the
lower one. The idea in both cases is that the corpse must be in such a
position that it can have free movement. The body is placed with the face
towards Mecca. When the bands of the shroud have been loosened the people
say:--
"O God deprive us not of the heavenly reward of the deceased, place us not
in trouble."
Each person then takes seven clods of earth, and over each clod says;
"Bismilláh" (in the name of God), and the Súrat-ul-Iklás (Súra cxii) and
then places each clod by the head of the corpse. Unburnt bricks, bamboos or
boards having then been placed over the smaller grave, the persons present
with both hands throw clods of earth three times into the grave. The first
time they say: "From it (earth) We created you"; the second time, "and into
it will We return you;" the third time, "and out of it will We bring you a
second time." (Súra xx. 57).
Then they say this Du'á: "O God I beseech Thee for the sake of Muhammad not
to trouble the deceased."
When the attendants are filling up the grave they say:--
"O God, defend the deceased from Shaitan (devil) and from the torments of
the grave."
When the grave is completely filled up, one man pours {212} water three, or
five, or seven times over it and then plants a green branch on it.[220]
One of the mourners then draws near the middle of the grave and recites the
Talqín (instruction):--
"O servant of God, and child of a female servant of God.
O son of (such an one),[221] remember the faith you professed on earth to
the very last; that is, your witness that there is no God but God, and that
certainly Muhammad is His Apostle, and that Paradise and Hell and the
Resurrection from the dead are real; that there will be a day of judgment,
and say: 'I confess that God is my Lord, Islám my religion, Muhammad (on
whom be the mercy and peace of God) my Prophet, the Qurán my guide, the
K'aba my Qibla, and that Muslims are my brethren.' O God, keep him (the
deceased) firm in this faith, and widen his grave, and make his examination
(by Munkir and Nakír) easy, and exalt him and have mercy on him, O Thou
most Merciful."
The other persons present then offer a Fátiha.[222]
After this, they may, if they like to do so, read the Súrat-ul-Yá Sín
(xxxvi) and the Súrat-ul-Mulk (lxvii.) It is not common to do so. Then
retiring forty paces from the grave they again offer a Fátiha, for by this
time the examination of the deceased has commenced. The first night is one
of great trouble to the deceased, so alms should be given liberally that
night in his name. In order to relieve him as much as possible, two nafl
rak'ats of a Namáz should be said. After the Fátiha in each rak'at the
worshipper should repeat the Áyat-ul-Kursí {213} (Throne-verse)[223] three
times; then the Súrat-ut-Takísur (102) eleven times; then the
Súrat-ul-Iklás (112) three times.
After the Salám and the Darúd the worshipper lifts up both hands, and with
great humility prays that the reward of the service just concluded may be
bestowed on the deceased.
(viii). Salát-ul-Istikhára.--This is a Namáz said before undertaking any
special work. The person recites two rak'at prayers. After each rak'at he
says the following Du'á: "O God, make me know what is best for me, and keep
me from evil, and bestow good upon me, for I have no power to know what is
best for me." He then goes to sleep, during which period be expects to
receive a special inspiration (Ilhám) which will give him the needed
directions and guide him aright as to the matter in hand.
(ix). Salát-ut-Taráwih.--This consists of twenty rak'ats recited each
evening during the month of Ramazán. An account of these will be given in
the next chapter when the ceremonies connected with the Ramazán fast are
described.
3. ROZA, THE THIRTY DAYS' FAST OF RAMAZÁN.--Fasting is defined to be
abstinence from food, drink and cohabitation from sunrise to sunset. There
must also be in the mind the intention of keeping a fast. The person should
say: "O Lord, I intend to fast to-morrow for Thy sake. Forgive my past and
future sin." When the fast is ended he says: "O God I fasted for Thy sake
and had faith in Thee, and confided in Thee and now I break (iftár) the
fast with the food Thou givest. Accept this act."
It is a farz duty to keep the fast during the thirty days of the month
Ramazán. This is laid down in the words: "O believers! a fast is prescribed
to you as it was prescribed to those before you." "As to the month Ramazán,
in which the Qurán was sent down to be man's guidance, and an explanation
of that guidance, and of that {214} illumination, as soon as any one of you
observeth the moon, let him set about the fast." (Súra ii. 179-181). The
Ijmá' is also unanimous on this point. Young children and idiots are
excused. Sick persons and travellers may postpone the fast to another time.
"He who is sick, or upon a journey, shall fast a like number of other days.
God wisheth you ease, but wisheth not your discomfort, and that you fulfil
the number of days." (Súra ii. 181). This is called a qazá fast, that is, a
fast kept at another time in lieu of one which has been omitted.
If a person makes a vow that, if God grants a certain request, he will fast
(roza-i-nazr), or if he fasts by way of atonement for some sin committed
(roza-i-kafára), in both cases it is a wájib duty to keep the fast. Some
hold that the former is a farz duty and base their assertion on the verse:
"Let them bring the neglect of their persons to a close, and let them pay
their vows." (Súra xxii. 30).
All other kinds of fasts are nafl, a term already explained (p. 199). Such
are the fasts kept on the 10th day of Muharram, on the Aiyám-i-Bíz (bright
days)--the 13th, 14th and 15th day of any month, on the 15th of Sh'abán,
that is, the day following the night called Shab-Barát, and on the 30th of
each month in which there are thirty days. A nafl fast may be broken if the
person who intended to keep it receives an invitation to a feast. According
to Bukhárí, a woman may not make a nafl fast without the consent of her
husband. The reverse is not the case, for "Men are superior to women on
account of the qualities with which God hath gifted the one above the
other, and on account of the outlay they make from their substance for
them." (Súra iv. 38). It is said that one day a woman came to the Prophet
and said that her husband had slapped her. The Prophet wished to punish him
for doing so improper an act, but he was prevented by the descent from
heaven of the verse just quoted, which is held to be conclusive evidence of
the inferiority of women. The verse also contains the words "chide those
{215} (wives) for whose refractoriness ye have cause to fear; remove them
into beds apart, and scourge them." It is mustahab to fast some days in the
month Shawwál, for Muhammad is reported to have said: "Whosoever keeps the
fast of Ramazán and some seven days in the preceding month of Shawwál, it
is as if his whole life were a fast."
If on account of dull weather, or of dust storms the new moon is not
visible, it is sufficient to act on the testimony of a trustworthy person
who declares that Ramazán has commenced. Imám Sháfa'í requires two, but the
following Tradition is quoted against him: "An Arab came to the Prophet and
said: 'I have seen the new moon.' His Excellency said: 'Dost thou believe
that there is no God but God? Dost thou confess that Muhammad is His
Apostle?' 'Yes,' replied the man. The Prophet calling Billál, the Mu,azzin,
said: 'Tell the people to commence the fast.'" This proves that the
evidence of one good Muslim is sufficient testimony in the matter.
The fast is destroyed in the following cases:--if when cleansing the teeth
a little water should pass into the throat, if food is eaten under
compulsion, if an enema is used, if medicine is put into the ears, nose or
a wound in the head, if a meal has been taken on the supposition that it
was night when it was really day, if the niyyat (intention) in the Ramazán
fast was not properly made, if after a meal taken during the night a
portion of food larger than a grain of corn remains between the teeth or in
a cavity of a tooth, lastly, if food is vomited. In each of these cases a
qazá fast must be kept in lieu of the one thus broken.
In the case where the fast is deliberately broken, the person must atone
for his sin by setting a slave at liberty; if from any cause that cannot be
done, he must fast every day for two months; if that cannot be done, he
must give sixty persons two full meals each, or give one man such meals
daily for sixty days.
The fast is not broken by merely tasting anything, by {216} applying
antimony to the eyes, and oil to the beard, by cleansing the teeth, or by
kissing a person; but it is considered better not to do these things during
the day-time. The Imám As-Sháfa'í declared that it was very wrong indeed to
do either of these actions after noon. He used to repeat the following
Tradition handed down by Tabrání. "The Prophet said: 'when you fast,
cleanse the teeth in the early morning, because when the lips of him who
fasts become dry and parched, they will be for him a light in the day of
judgment.'"
If a person through the infirmity of old age is not able to keep the fast,
he must perform sadqa, that is, he must feed a poor person. This opinion is
based on a sentence in the Qurán, which has caused a good deal of dispute:
"As for those who are able (_to keep it and yet break it_), the expiation
of this shall be the maintenance of a poor man." (Súra ii. 180). This seems
to make fasting a matter of personal option, and some Commentators admit
that at first it was so, but they say that the words have been
abrogated[224] by the following sentence which occurs in the next verse:
"As soon as any one of you observeth the moon, let him set about the fast."
Others say that the negative particle "not" must be understood before
"able," in which case the words in italics must be omitted. Others explain
the expression "those who are able" as equivalent to "those who have great
difficulty therein," such as aged and infirm persons. This seems to be the
best interpretation and is the one which practically is acted on.
In the case of women with child, mothers giving suck to their children,
sick persons whom fasting at this particular time might injure, it is
sufficient if they keep it at another time; that is, they must when
convenient make a qazá fast. {217} In these cases the sadqa or feeding of
the poor is not required. Thus Abu Dáúd says: "The Prophet said, 'God
allows travellers to shorten the Namáz and to postpone the fast. Women also
are allowed to fast another time.'" The Qurán is also clear on the point:
"He who is sick or upon a journey, shall fast a like number of other days."
(Súra ii. 181). There are five days in the year in which it is unlawful to
fast. These are, 'Íd-ul-Fitr, Baqr-'íd and the three following days, _viz_:
the 11th, 12th and 13th of Zu'l-Hajja. If during the month of Ramazán, a
person arrives at maturity, or an Infidel becomes a Muslim, each must keep
the fast during the remaining days of the month.
To take the Sahra, or meal taken just before sunrise in the month of
Ramazán, is a Sunnat act. The great Traditionists, Bukhárí, Muslim and
Tirmízí, all agree that the Prophet said: "Eat Sahra because there is a
blessing in it. The difference between our fast and that of the men of the
Book (Christians) is the partaking of Sahra."
The meal eaten immediately after sunset is called Iftár, or the breaking of
the fast. In India it is the custom to eat a date first, or if that fruit
is not procurable to drink a little water. In Turkey an olive is chosen as
the fruit with which the fast should be broken.
The distinctive feature of a Muhammadan fast is, that it is a fast during
the day only. The rich classes by turning day into night avoid much of its
rigour.
They, however, frequently break the fast, though any such action must be
done in secret, for popular opinion all over the Musalmán world is strongly
against a man who does not outwardly, at least, observe the fast of
Ramazán. In this matter it may be said
"Pecher en secret, n'est pas pecher,
Ce n'est que l'éclat qui fait le crime."
Those who have to work for their living find the observance of the fast
very difficult, for however laborious may be their occupation they must not
swallow any liquid; yet as {218} a rule the lower classes observe it
strictly.[225] In hot climates this is often exceedingly distressing. In
such circumstances the evening twilight is anxiously looked for, as then
the Iftár can be commenced. The month of Ramazán brings with it other
duties than that of fasting. These will be described in the next chapter.
4. ZAKÁT.--There are two terms in use to express almsgiving. The first is
Zakát (literally, "purification") or the legal alms due, with certain
exceptions, from every Muslim. The second is Sadqa, or offerings on the
feast day known as 'Íd-ul-Fitr, or alms in general.[226] It is the first of
these that has now to be considered.
On the authority of the Qurán and the Ijmá'-i-Ummat it is declared to be a
farz duty for every Muslim of full age, after the expiration of a year, to
give the Zakát on account of his property; provided that, he has sufficient
for his subsistence and is a Sáhib-i-Nisáb, or one who possesses an income
equivalent to about £5 per annum. The Qurán says: "Observe prayer (Salát)
and the legal impost (Zakát)." (Súra ii. 40). The Khalíf 'Umr Ibn
'Abd-ul-'Azíz used to say: "Prayer carries us half way to God, fasting
brings us to the door of His palace, and alms procure us admission." The
three conditions without which Zakát would not be compulsory are Islám,
Hurriat (freedom) and Nisáb (stock). The reason for this is, that Zakát is
said to be a fundamental part of 'Ibádat (worship), and that, as the
Infidels cannot perform acceptable worship, they have nothing to do with
Zakát. Freedom is necessary, for slaves hold no {219} property. Nisáb is
required, for so the Prophet has decreed. When the Nisáb is required for
daily use the zakát is not taken from it; such as a slave retained for
personal service, grain for food, weapons, tools, books, household
furniture, wearing apparel, horses for riding, &c., for one Tradition
records that the Prophet specially exempted all these, whilst another given
on the authority of Bukhárí states that for slaves employed in domestic
service only the Sadqa-i-fitr[227] should be given. If a person owes a
debt, the amount necessary for its liquidation must be deducted from his
property and the Zakát given on the balance. If it is a debt due to God,
such as an offering due on a vow or to be given in atonement for the
neglect of some religious duty, it must not be so deducted from the
property on which Zakát is due.
The amount of gold which constitutes a Nisáb is 20 miskats, or of silver
200 dirhems (=£5 4s.). Whether these metals are in coin or not,
one-fortieth part is due. Some say that gold and silver ornaments are
exempt, but Imám Sháfa'í does not admit this, and quotes from Abu Dáúd the
following Tradition: "A woman with a child, on whose arms were heavy golden
bracelets, came to the Prophet. He enquired if the Zakát had been given for
them. On receiving a reply in the negative he said: 'It is easy for God in
the day of judgment to make thee wear bracelets of fire.' The girl then
took them off and said: 'These are for the service of God and of His
Prophet.'" On all treasure known as rikáz, that is, buried treasure found
by any one, and on valuable metals extracted from mines, one-fifth of the
value must be paid, whether the land be Khárijí, rented at its proper
market value; or 'Usharí possessed by the payment of a tithe. If the rikáz
is found in Dar-ul-Harb, a country under a non-Muslim Government, the whole
belongs to the finder, if it is on his own land, or if on unclaimed {220}
land he must pay the one-fifth. If the coins found bear the mint stamp of a
Musalmán Government, the finder must, if he can, find the owner and return
them to him; if they were coined in a mint belonging to the Infidels, after
having given one-fifth as Zakát, he may retain four-fifths for himself.
Pearls, amber and turquoise are not subject to any deduction, for the
Prophet said: "There is no Zakát for stones."
As regards cattle the following rules have been laid down. For sheep and
goats nothing is given when the number is under forty. The owner must give
one for one hundred and twenty, two for the next eighty and one for every
hundred after. The scale for buffaloes is the same as that for sheep.
For camels the rule is as follows: from 5 to 24 in number, one sheep or
goat must be given; from 25 to 35, one yearling female camel
(bint-i-mukház); from 36 to 45, one two-year old female camel
(bint-i-labún); from 46 to 60, one three-year old female camel (hiqqah);
from 61 to 75, one four-year old female camel (jaz'ah); from 76 to 90, two
bint-i-labún; from 91 to 120, two hiqqah; and from 121 upwards, either a
bint-i-labún for every forty or a hiqqah for every fifty. Horses follow
this scale, or two and a half per cent on the value may be given instead.
For 30 cows a one-year old female calf (tabi'a) must be given; for 40, a
two-year old female calf (musinna), and after that one calf for every ten
cows.
Donkeys and mules are exempt, for the Prophet said: "No order has come down
(from heaven) to me about them."
If a stock of merchandize exceeds the Nisáb (£5 4s.), Zakát must be given
on it and on the profits at the rate of one in forty, or two-and-a-half per
cent. The Hanífites do not count a fraction of the forty. The Sháfa'ítes
count such a fractional part as forty and require the full Zakát to be paid
on it.
Honey, fruit, grain, &c., although less than five camel {221} loads,[228]
must according to Imám Abu Hanífa pay one-tenth; but the Sáhibain and Imám
Sháfa'í say that if there is less than the five camel loads no Zakát is
required. The Prophet said: "If produced on land naturally watered
one-tenth is due, if on land artificially irrigated one-twentieth." As he
said nothing about the quantity, the Hanífites adduce the fact of the
omission as a proof on their side.
The Zakát should be given to the classes of person mentioned in the
following verse. "Alms are to be given to the poor and the needy, and to
those who collect them, _and to those whose hearts are won to Islám_, and
for ransoms, and for debtors, and for the cause of God, and for the
wayfarer." (Súra ix. 60). The words italicised, according to the
Tafsír-i-Husainí, are now cancelled (mansúkh). The reference is to the Arab
Chiefs who were beaten by the Prophet at the battle of Honein (A.H. 8).
This victory is referred to in the 25th verse of this Súra. "God hath
helped you in many battle fields, and on the day of Honein." Abu Bakr
abolished this giving of Zakát to converts, and the Khalíf Omar said to
these or similar persons: "This Zakát was given to incline your hearts
toward Islám. Now God has prospered Islám. If you be converted it is well;
if not, a sword is between us." No Companion has denied this statement, and
so the authority for the cancelling of this clause is that of the
Ijmá'-i-Ummat (unanimous consent). It is well that an appeal to unworthy
motives should be abolished, but no commentator so far as I know makes that
a reason for the cancelling of this order. It is always placed on the
ground of the triumphant nature of Islám which now needs no such support.
Contemptuous indifference, not any high moral motive was the cause of the
change.
In addition to the persons mentioned in the verse just quoted, Zakát may be
given to assist a Mukátib, or slave {222} who is working in order to
purchase his freedom. Persons who are too poor to go on a Jihád or to make
the Hajj must be assisted.
The Zakát must not be given for building mosques,[229] for funeral
expenses, liquidating the debts of a deceased person, or to purchase a
slave in order to set him free. It is not lawful to give the Zakát to
parents or grand-parents, children or grandchildren; or for a husband to
give it to his wife, or a wife to her husband; or a master to his slave.
The Sáhibain[230] maintain that a wife can apply the Zakát to her husband's
wants and quote this Tradition: "A woman asked the Prophet if she could
give the Zakát to her husband. He answered 'give; such an act has two
rewards, one for the giving of charity and one for the fulfilment of the
duties of relationship.'" It should not be given to a rich man, nor to his
son, nor to his slave. The descendants of Hásham and the descendants of the
Prophet should not be the recipients of the Zakát. The Prophet said: "O
Ahl-i-Beit (men of the house), it is not lawful for you to receive Zakát,
for you get the one-fifth share of my fifth portion of the booty." So some
say that Syeds are excluded; but they demur and reply that they do not now
get a portion of the spoil of the Infidels. Zakát must not be given to a
Zimmí (a non-muslim subject).
In Muhammadan countries there are officers whose duty it is to collect the
Zakát; in India the payment is left to each person's conscience. Whilst
there is not much regularity in the payment, due credit must be given for
the care which Musalmáns take of their poor.
The Sadqa (charitable offerings) form a different branch of this subject. A
full account of it will be given in the section of the next chapter which
treats of the 'Íd-ul-Fitr.
{223}
5. THE HAJJ.--The Hajj, or pilgrimage to Mecca, is a farz duty, and he who
denies this fact is considered to be an infidel. "The pilgrimage to the
temple is a service due to God from those who are able to journey thither:
and as to him who believeth not--verily God can afford to dispense with all
creatures." (Súra iii. 91, 92.) On the authority of Ibn 'Abbás the
following Tradition has been handed down. "The Prophet said: 'God has made
the Hajj farz.' Then Aqra' bin Hábis, standing up, said: 'O Prophet is it
to be made every year?' His Excellency said: 'If I say--yes, it will be a
wájib duty to do it annually; but that ye are not able to bear, so the Hajj
is necessary only once; whatever pilgrimage may be made to Mecca in
addition is nafl.'"
The Hajj must be made by every free Muslim, who is sound in body, and of
full age, when he has sufficient means to pay his expenses, after duly
providing for the support of his household till his return. If a slave, or
a child should make the Hajj, the former on attaining freedom, and the
latter on coming of age must again go on pilgrimage. If a woman, whose
residence is at a distance of more than three days' journey from Mecca,
goes on pilgrimage, she must be accompanied by her husband or by a near
relative. Imám As Sháfa'í denies the necessity of such attendance, stating
that the verse already quoted makes no such restriction. His objection is,
however, met as usual by a Tradition. "A certain man came to the Prophet
and said: 'My wife is about to make the Hajj, but I am called to go on a
warlike expedition.' The Prophet said: 'Turn away from the war and
accompany thy wife in the Hajj.'" Imám Abu Yúsuf considered that a man who
possessed the means should go to Mecca, and held that if he delayed more
than a year in making the Hajj he was a sinner. Imám Muhammad, and most
others think that a person may postpone the Hajj for some years, but if
death should overtake the man before he has made {224} the pilgrimage, he
will be accounted a sinner. So practically all agree that delay is
dangerous.
Connected with the Hajj there are three actions which are farz, and five
which are wájib; all the rest are sunnat or mustahab. The farz requisites
are: (1) to wear no other garment except the Ihrám,[231] two seamless
wrappers, one of which is worn round the loins, the other thrown over the
shoulder; (2) to stand in 'Arfát; (3) to make the Tawáf, that is to go
round the K'aba seven times.
The wájib duties are: (1) to stay in Muzdalífah; (2) to run between Mount
Safá and Mount Marwah; (3) to perform the Ramí-ul-Jamár, or the casting of
the pebbles; (4) if the pilgrims are non-Meccans they must make an extra
Tawáf; (5) to shave the head after the pilgrimage is over.
The Hajj must be made at the appointed season. "Let the pilgrimage (Hajj)
be made in the months already known." (Súra ii. 193). These months are
Shawwál, Zu'l-q'ada, and the first ten days of Zu'l-Hajja. The actual Hajj
must be in the month Zu'l-Hajja, but the preparations for, and the niyyat,
or intention of the Hajj can be made in the two preceding months. The
'Umrah, or ordinary pilgrimage, can be done at any time of the year except
on the ninth, and four succeeding days of Zu'l-Hajja. On each of the
various roads leading to Mecca, there are at a distance of about five or
six miles from the city stages called Míqát. The following are the names.
On the Madína road, the stage (manzil) is called Zu'l-Halifah; on the 'Iráq
road, Zát-i-'Arq; on the Syrian road, Hujfah; on the Najd road, Qarn; on
the Yaman road, Yalamlam.[232]
{225}
The Hájís from all parts of the Muslim world at length arrive weary and
worn at one of these stages. They then divest themselves of their ordinary
clothing, and after a legal ablution, and after saying a Namáz of two nafl
rak'ats they put on the Ihrám. The Hájí, having now really entered upon the
Hajj, faces Mecca and makes the niyyat (intention), and says: "O God, I
purpose to make the Hajj; make this service easy to me and accept it from
me." He then says the Talbíyah[233]: "Here I am! O Alláh! Here I am! Here I
am! There is no God but Thee! Truly, praise and bounty, and the kingdom are
to Thee! No partner hast Thou! Here am I!"
The persons who reside permanently in any of these Míqát can assume the
pilgrim's garb in a place called Hal, near to Mecca, or in the city itself;
whilst the inhabitants of Mecca can put on the Ihrám in the precincts of
the temple.
The Hájí having assumed the Ihrám must now abstain from worldly affairs,
and devote himself entirely to the duties of the Hajj. He is not allowed to
hunt, though he may catch fish if he can. "O Believers, kill no game while
ye are on pilgrimage." (Súra v. 96). The Prophet also said: "He who shows
the place where game is to be found is equally as bad as the man who kills
it." The Hájí must not scratch himself, lest vermin be destroyed, or a hair
be uprooted. Should he feel uncomfortable, he must rub himself with the
open palm of his hand.[234] The face and head must be left uncovered, the
hair on the head and beard unwashed and uncut. "Shave not your heads until
the {226} offering reach the place of sacrifice." (Súra ii, 192). On
arriving at an elevated place, on descending a valley, on meeting any one,
on entering the city of Mecca or the Musjid-ul-Harám[235] the Hájí should
continually repeat the word "Labbaik, Labbaik."
As soon as he sees the K'aba[236] he must say the Takbír and the Tahlíl.
The Traditionist 'Atá says that at this stage the Prophet used to lift up
his hands and pray.
On entering the enclosure, the Hájí says the Labbaik, Takbír and the
Tahlíl, then a Du'á. A Namáz of two rak'ats is then said at the station of
one of the four great Imáms. On arriving near the Hajr-ul-Aswad (black
stone) the Hájí again says the Takbír and the Tahlíl, after which he kisses
the stone. If, on account of the crowd, he cannot get near enough to do
this, he must touch it with his hand or with a stick, and kiss that with
which he has thus touched the stone. At the same time he says: "O Alláh, (I
do this) in Thy belief, and in verification of Thy book, and in pursuance
of Thy Prophet's example--may Alláh bless and preserve him. O accept Thou
my supplication, diminish my obstacles, pity my humiliation and graciously
grant me Thy pardon." Then he again repeats the Takbír and the {227}
Tahlíl, the Darúd and the Tahríf (prayer for, and praise of Muhammad). He
then encompasses the K'aba seven times, in accordance with the niyyat he
had made, thus: "In the name of Alláh, and Alláh is Omnipotent! I purpose
to make the circuit seven times."[237] This is called the Tawáf. The Hájí
runs round three times at a rapid pace (Tarammul), and four times he
proceeds slowly (Taammul). A permanent resident in Mecca will not perform
the Tawáf. The Hájí then presses his stomach, chest and right cheek against
the portion of the K'aba wall, called Al-Multazim, and raising up his arms
on high says: "O Alláh, Lord of the Ancient House, free my neck from
hell-fire, and preserve me from every evil deed; make me contented with
that daily bread which Thou hast given to me, and bless me in all Thou hast
granted!" He then says the Istigfár--"I beg pardon of Alláh, the Most High,
the Living, the Eternal, and to Him I repent."
The Hájí next proceeds to the Maqám-i-Ibráhím[238] (place of Abraham) and
then recites two rak'ats[239] called Sunnat-ut-Tawáf. Some water from the
sacred well Zemzem is then drunk, after which the Hájí returns to the
Hajr-ul-Aswad, and again kisses it.
Hájí Burton thus describes one shaut or circuit:--
"We began the prayer 'O Alláh (I do this) in Thy belief and in
verification of Thy Book, and in faithfulness to Thy covenant and after
the example of Thy Prophet Muhammad. May Alláh bless and preserve him!'
till we reached the place Al-Multazim, between the corner of the black
stone and the K'aba door. Here we ejaculated, 'O Alláh, Thou hast
rights, so pardon my transgressing them.' Opposite the door we
repeated, 'O Alláh, verily the house is Thy house, and the sanctuary
Thy sanctuary, and the safeguard Thy {228} safeguard, and this is the
place of Him who flees to Thee from (hell) fire.' At the building
called Maqám-i-Ibráhím, we said: 'O Alláh, verily this is the place of
Abraham, who took refuge with, and fled to Thee from the fire! O deny
my flesh and blood, my skin and bones to the (eternal) flames.' As we
paced slowly round the north or Irák corner of the K'aba we exclaimed,
'O Alláh, verily I take refuge with Thee from polytheism, and
disobedience, and hypocrisy, and evil conversation, and evil thoughts
concerning family, and property and progeny.' When we passed from the
Mízáb, or spout, we repeated the words, 'O Alláh, verily I beg of Thee
faith which shall not decline, and a certainty which shall not perish,
and the good aid of Thy Prophet Muhammad--may Alláh bless and preserve
him! O Alláh, shadow me in Thy shadow, on the day when there is no
shadow by Thy shadow; and cause me to drink from the cup of Thy Prophet
Muhammad--may Alláh bless and preserve him--that pleasant draught,
after which is no thirst to all eternity, O Lord of honour and glory.'
Turning to the west corner, or the Rukn el Shámí, we exclaimed: 'O
Alláh, make it an acceptable pilgrimage, and a forgiveness of sins, and
a laudable endeavour, and a pleasant action (in Thy sight), and a store
which perisheth not, O Thou Glorious, O Thou Pardoner!' This was
repeated thrice, till we arrived at the Yemaní, or southern corner,
where the crowd being less importunate, we touched the wall with the
right hand, after the example of the Prophet, and kissed the
finger-tips. Between the south angle and that of the black stone, where
our circuit would be completed, we said: 'O Alláh, verily I take refuge
with Thee from infidelity, and I take refuge with Thee from want, and
from the tortures of the tomb, and from the troubles of life and death.
And I fly to Thee from ignominy in this world and the next, and implore
Thy pardon for the present and the future. O Lord, grant to me in this
life prosperity, and in the next life prosperity, and save me from the
punishment of fire.'"
The next important step is the running between the Mounts Safá and Marwah.
Starting from the former, the Hájí runs seven times between the two
summits. He runs, moving the shoulders, and with head erect, like soldiers
charging in battle. The reason for this is, that the infidel Meccans mocked
the Companions of the Prophet, and said that the climate of Madína had made
them weak. This bold way of running was adopted to disprove the {229}
calumny and so has become a Sunnat practice. The prayer to be said during
the S'ai (running) is: "O my Lord, pardon and pity, and pass over that
(sin) which Thou knowest. Verily Thou knowest what is not known, and verily
Thou art the most Glorious, the most Generous. O, our Lord, grant us in
both worlds prosperity, and save us from fire." The Hájí should also quote
passages from the Qurán. This S'ai must be done after an important Tawáf,
either the first, or a later one. On the seventh day the Imám must preach
in Mecca, and instruct the pilgrims in the ritual of the Hajj. He preaches
again on the ninth and eleventh days.
On the eighth day, (Rúz-i-Tarwiáh), the Hájí goes to Miná, a place three
miles distant from Mecca, where with all the other Hájís he says the usual
Namáz, and there spends the night.[240] This is a sunnat observance. On the
morning of the ninth day, starting after the Salát-ul-Fajr, the Hájí goes
to 'Arifát.[241] On arriving there he says: "O God, I turn to Thee, I put
my trust on Thee, I desire Thee, pardon my sin, accept my Hajj, show mercy
to me, supply my need in 'Arifát, Thou art powerful over all." He then says
Labbaik, the Takbír and the Tahlíl.
The noontide, and the afternoon Namáz are said together there: they are
thus shortened.[242] This done he should stand upon the mountain, if
possible at or near the place the Prophet {230} is said to have occupied.
This is called the Wukúf or (standing), a necessary part of the Hajj. He
must also listen to the sermon delivered by the Imám, explaining what still
remains of the ritual of the Hajj, _i.e._, how the Hájís are to stand in
Muzdalífah, to throw the stones in Miná, to make the sacrifice, &c.
All the time the Hájí should constantly shout out the Talbíyah, and the
Tahlíl, and weep bitterly.
The Hájí then proceeds to Muzdalífah, a place situated about half-way
between Miná and 'Arifát, where he should pass a portion of the night.
After a visit to the Mosque Mashar al Harám, he should collect seven
pebbles and proceed to Miná.
When the morning of the tenth day, the 'Íd-ul-Azhá arrives, he again goes
to Miná, where there are three different pillars, called respectively the
Jamrat-ul-Akabah, commonly known as the Shaitan-ul-Kabír[243] (great
devil), the Wusta, or middle pillar, and the Al Ula, or first one. Holding
the jamár, or pebble, between the thumb and forefinger of the right hand,
the Hájí throws it a distance of not less than fifteen feet and says: "In
the name of Alláh, and Alláh is Almighty, (I do this) in hatred of the
Fiend and to his shame." The remaining six stones are thrown in like
manner. The object is to confound the devils who are supposed to be there.
The stones are small lest the pilgrims should be hurt. Before each stone is
thrown the Takbír must be said. This ceremony is called Ramí-ul-Jamár, the
throwing of stones. It is also known as Hasal Khazaf. It is said that this
ceremony has been performed since the time of Abraham, and that the stones
are miraculously removed. Ibn 'Abbás, a Companion, says that if the
pilgrimage of a Hájí is approved of by God, the stones are secretly
removed. Mujáhid, a well known Traditionist, {231} says that he put a mark
on his stones and afterwards searched, but found them not. The pilgrim then
returns to Miná, and there offers the usual sacrifice of the 'Íd-ul-Azhá.
An account of this will be given in the next chapter. This act strictly
speaking, concludes the Hajj. The Hájí can now shave his head, pare his
nails and remove the Ihrám.
The remaining three days, the 11th, 12th and 13th of Zu'l-Hajja are called
the Aiyám-ut-Tashríq "days of drying flesh" because now the pilgrims
prepare provisions for the return journey, by cutting slices from the
victims offered in sacrifice and drying them in the sun. The Hájí should
spend this time at Miná, and each day throw seven pebbles at each of the
pillars. This ceremony duly over, he returns to Mecca and makes the
Tawáf-ul-Widá' (circuit of farewell). He should also drink some water from
the well of Zemzem. Tradition says that when Ishmael was thirsty Gabriel
stamped with his foot and a spring gushed forth. This is now the far-famed
well Zemzem. Finally, the Hájí kisses the threshold, and then, with hands
uplifted laying hold of the covering of the K'aba, and weeping bitterly, he
prays most humbly, and expresses regret that he will soon have to depart
from a place so dear as the sacred K'aba. Retiring backwards, he makes his
exit and the Hajj is complete.[244] The Umráh or little pilgrimage can be
made at any time except the eighth, ninth and tenth of Zu'l-Hajja. It is
usually done before pilgrims start homewards. Its ceremonies differ but
slightly from the Hajj. The Ihrám must {232} be put on, and the obligations
of abstinence which it entails must be observed.
The usual course is then to make the Ziárat, or visit to the tomb of the
Prophet at Madína. Henceforth the pilgrim assumes the honorable title of
Hájí and so is, ever after, a person of some consequence among the
community in which he dwells. The Hajj cannot be performed by proxy, though
it is esteemed a 'good work,' if someone who can afford it, sends a pilgrim
who otherwise could not go.
This account of the Irkán-i-dín, or five pillars of religion, must now draw
to a close. They illustrate well the fixed and formal nature of Islám,
whilst the constant reference to the Prophet's sayings and practice, as an
authority for many of the details, shows how largely Islám is based on the
Sunnat. With regard to the differences of opinion which the great Imáms
hold on some of the details, it is most difficult to decide which side
holds the correct view. Such opinions are always based on some Tradition,
the value of which it is impossible to determine. The opponent says it is a
weak (z'aif) Tradition--a statement it would puzzle any one to prove or to
disprove. It is sometimes said in praise of Musalmáns that they are not
priest-ridden; but no people in the world are so Tradition-ridden, if one
may use such an expression. Until this chain of superstition is broken
there can be no progress and no enlightenment; but when it is so broken
Islám will cease to be Islám, for this foundation of the Faith and the
edifice erected on it are so welded together that the undermining of the
one will be the fall of the other.
{233}
NOTE TO CHAPTER V.
_The following Fatvá was publicly given in the Great Mosque,
Triplicane, Madras, February 13th, 1880._
In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful.
QUESTION.
"O 'Ulamá of the religion, and Muftís of the enlightened Law, what is
your opinion in this matter? A person having translated a juz
(one-thirtieth part) of the noble Qurán into the Hindustani language
has printed it. The translation is defective: moreover the Arabic text
is not given. In order to give the translation the same authority as
the original, he has retained the usual signs and marks of the Arabic
editions; such as--toí, qif, jím, lá, mím, and (.).[245] At the end of
the juz he has added a translation of the Tashshahud, Qanúd, Saná,
Ta'awwuz, Tasmí, Tashibát, rukú' and Sujúd, and has said that all these
must be read in Hindustani. He further states that in the translation
he has retained the rhythm of the original, and that in eloquence and
style it is equal to the Arabic. He has also added rubrical directions
as to the ritual of the Namáz, and has stated that to those who do not
know Arabic, it is a wájib and a farz duty to recite the translation;
otherwise they commit sin and the Namáz is vain. As regards the past,
he considers that the ignorant are forgiven, but he maintains that the
'Ulamá of these days must answer for the neglect they show in not
telling the people to use translations of the Qurán. Further, in
support of his views he adduces a Hadís-i-Sahíh, according to which the
Prophet said to a Companion, Salmán-i-Farsí: "Read a translation of the
Qurán in the Namáz." He claims, as on his side, the four great Imáms.
He himself understands Arabic, yet he says his Namáz in Hindustani and
influences others to do likewise. He has been spoken to, but he takes
no heed and strives to spread his sect all over India.
Now, what is the order of the noble Law with regard to such a person,
and what is the decree in the case of those who follow {234} him, or
who circulate his opinions, or who consider him a religious man and a
guide, or who consider the translation to which reference has been made
to be the Holy Qurán, or who teach it to their children? O learned men,
state the Law in this matter and merit a good reward."
THE ANSWER.
"After praising God, and after imploring His mercy and peace on
Muhammad, be it known that the person referred to is an infidel, an
atheist and a wanderer from the truth. He also causes others to wander.
His assertion that his opinions are in accordance with those of the
four Imáms is utterly false, because according to Imám Sháfa'í, Imám
Málik, and Imám Hanbal it is illegal to use a translation of the Qurán
when saying the Namáz, whether the worshipper is ignorant of Arabic or
not. Thus Imám Navarí, a disciple of Sháfa'í says: "It is unlawful in
any case to use Persian[246] in the Namáz." Faqí 'Alí, a disciple of
Málik says: "Persian is unlawful." To these opinions Káfí, a disciple
of Hanbal adds his testimony: "To recite in the Namáz from a
translation of the Qurán is unlawful." Moreover from the Qurán itself,
the recital of it in Arabic is proved to be a divine command (farz).
The term Qurán, too, means an Arabic Qurán, for God speaks of it as a
revelation in Arabic. The words "recite so much of the Qurán as may be
easy to you" prove the duty of reciting it; whilst the words "an Arabic
Qurán have we sent it down" show that the Qurán to be used is an Arabic
one. Imám Abu Hanífa and his disciples, the Sáhibain (Imám Muhammad and
Imám Abu Yúsuf), consider that, if a person can recite only a short
verse in Arabic, it is not lawful for such an one to use a translation.
If he cannot read the Arabic character, he must learn by heart such a
sentence as "Praise be to God, Lord of the people." Until he learns
this he may use a translation.[247] In the Tanwír-ul-Absár it is
written: "It is a farz duty to read one verse, and to learn it by heart
is farz-i-'ain" (_i.e._, incumbent on all). In the Masíh-ul-Azhar it is
written: "If a person says the Namáz in a language other than Arabic,
he is a madman or an atheist." With regard to the statement made by
Imám Abu Hanífa that a person might use for a {235} time a translation,
it is well known that he afterwards recalled that opinion. The
statement made by the person complained of regarding Sulmán-i-Farsí is
not correct. In the Niháyáh (commentary on the Hidáyah) it is written
that some Persians wrote to Sulmán, and requested him to send them a
Persian translation of Súrat-ul-Fátiha. He complied with their request
and they used it in the Namáz, _until they could pronounce Arabic
properly_. The Prophet on hearing of this circumstance made no remark.
This account, however, is not trustworthy; but granting that it is
true, all that it proves is that, until some Arabic words can be
remembered, a translation may be used. No Imám has ever allowed that to
read a translation is farz or wájib. So if the person referred to says
that it is farz to read his own translation, then it follows that to
read the original Arabic will not be farz, but will be unlawful. Now
such an opinion is infidelity. The person is a Káfir, for he tries to
make out that the 'Ulamá of all preceding ages who have instructed the
people, from the days of the Prophet till now, to read Arabic in the
Namáz are sinners. Further, he rejects the statement made by learned
canonists and listens now to no advice. He reads his translation in the
Namáz and causes others to read it. He boasts that his translation is
equal in style to the original. He has translated the Du'á-i-qunút,
Saná, and the Tasbíhát of the rukú' and Sujúd, and has said that these
translations should be used in the Namáz. Thus, it is plain that he
wants to abolish the use of Arabic in the prayers. The result of such a
course would be that soon a number of different translations would be
circulated, and the text like that of the Taurait, and the Injíl would
be corrupted. In the Fatáwá-i-'Álamgírí it is written: "Whosoever
considers that the unlawful is lawful or _vice versâ_ is a Káfir." "If
any one without apparent cause has enmity with one of the 'Ulamá, his
orthodoxy is doubtful." "A man who after committing a fault declines to
repent, though requested to do so, is an infidel." In the
Tahqíq-i-Sharh-i-Husainí it is written; "To translate the Qurán into
Persian and to read that is unlawful." In the
Fatáwá-i-Matlúb-ul-Múminín it is said: "Whosoever intends to write the
Qurán in Persian must be strictly forbidden." In the Itqán it is
written: "According to Ijmá', it is wrong to speak of the Qurán as
having rhymes."[248] In the Fatáwá-i-Tátár Khánía it is said: "To
translate the Arabic into Persian is an act of infidelity."
Our decision then is that the usual salutations should not be made to
this person. If he dies he must not be buried in a Musalmán {236}
cemetery. His marriages are void and his wives are at liberty,
according to the rule laid down in the Miftáh-us-S'ádat. To doubt of
the infidelity of such a person is itself infidelity. As by the proofs
of the law here adduced, the 'Ulamá have declared such a person to be
an infidel, it follows that all those who assist him or who consider
his claim just, or who circulate his opinions, or who consider him to
be a religious person and a fit guide for men, are also infidels. To
send children to be taught by him, to purchase newspapers which
advocate his views, and to continue to read his translation is
unlawful. In the Fatáwá-i-'Álamgírí in the chapter entitled Murtád it
is written: "Whosoever has doubts of the present infidelity and of the
future punishment of such an one is an infidel." God says in the Qurán:
"Be helpful to one another according to goodness and piety, but be not
helpful for evil and malice; and fear ye God." (Súra v. 3). In another
place God says: "Whosoever acts not according to God's order is an
infidel." Now, what greater disobedience can there be than this, that a
person should say that the recital of the Arabic Qurán in the Namáz is
not lawful, and that the recital of his own Hindustani translation of
it is incumbent (farz).
"Our duty is to give information to Musalmáns, and God is the best
Knower."
This was written by a learned Moulvie, and signed by twenty-four other
leading Moulvies of the city of Madras.
This Fatvá, an authentic copy of which is in my possession, is of very
considerable importance as showing how unyielding the law of Islám is
to the varied circumstances of the countries in which it exists. The
law enjoining the Arabic language as a medium of worship was suited for
the Arab people, and the principle involved would seem to be that the
vernacular language of a country should be used by the Muslims of that
country for the purposes of devotion; but, as I have repeatedly shown,
precepts, not principles are the ruling power in Islám. It further
demonstrates that all such matters must be regulated, not by the needs
of the age or country, but by an antiquated law which, to say the
least, is an anachronism in the world's history. The authority paid to
the statements made by the four chief Imáms, and the fact that the
Fatvá is based on their decisions, and on previous Fatvás in which
their authority has been adduced, show how even to the present day they
are regarded as the Mujtahidín of Islám. The Fatvá is thus manifestly
orthodox, and corroborates most fully all I have said in the first
chapter on the "Foundations of Islám."
{237}
* * * * *
CHAPTER VI.
THE FEASTS AND FASTS OF ISLÁM.
1. MUHARRAM.--Muharram, the name of the first month of the Muhammadan year,
has now become the name by which are known the days of mourning spent by
the Shía'hs in commemoration of the martyrdoms of 'Alí and of his two sons
Hasan and Husain. The historical events thus referred to have been already
described in the third chapter, so that it is only necessary now to give an
account of the ceremonies connected with the Muharram. They differ in
different countries. The following is a description of an Indian Muharram.
Some days previous to the feast, the 'Áshúr Khána (literally, ten-day
house) is prepared. As soon as the new moon appears, the people gather
together in the various 'Áshúr Khánas, and offer a Fátiha over some sherbet
or some sugar in the name of Husain. The Fátiha concludes thus: "O God,
grant the reward of this to the soul of Husain." The sherbet and sugar are
then given to the poor. Then they mark a spot for the Alláwa, or hole for
the bonfire which is to be lit. Every night during the festival these fires
are kindled, and the people, both old and young, fence across the fire with
swords or sticks, and jump about calling out: "'Alí! Noble Husain! Noble
Husain! Dulha! Dulha! Bridegroom! Bridegroom! Friend! &c." These words they
repeat hundreds of times.
In some parts of the country they erect an Imám Bára (Imám-house). This is
often a substantial building, frequently used afterwards as a mausoleum for
the founder and his family. In South India the 'Áshúr Khána only is known.
This is generally a temporary structure, or {238} some large hall fitted up
for the occasion. Sometimes the walls are draped with black cloth, bordered
with texts of the Qurán written in a large and elegant style. The place is
brilliantly illuminated. On one side stands the Tázíahs or
Tábúts--structures made of bamboos covered with tinsel and profusely
ornamented. They are intended to represent the mausoleum erected on the
plains of Karbalá over the remains of Husain. Sometimes the Tázíah is
constructed to represent the Prophet's tomb at Madína. Large sums of money
are spent on these Tázíahs, which when lighted up have a very elegant
appearance. At the back of the Tázíahs are laid the several articles
similar to those supposed to have been used by Husain at Karbalá,--a turban
of gold, a rich sword, a shield, a bow and arrow. The Mimbar, or pulpit is
so placed that the speaker can face Mecca. The 'Alams, or standards, which
are commonly made of copper and brass, though occasionally of gold or of
silver, are placed against the walls. The usual standard is that of a hand
placed on a pole. This is emblematic of the five members who compose the
family of the Prophet, and is the special standard of the Shía'hs. These
standards have many different names, such as--the standard of the palm of
'Alí, the Lady Fátima's standard, the standard of the Horse-shoe, to
represent the shoe of Husain's swift horse, and others too numerous to
mention. Mirrors, chandeliers and coloured lanterns add lustre to the
scene.
Every evening large crowds of people assemble in these 'Áshúr Khánas. In
the centre, on a slightly raised platform a band of singers chant the
Marsiya, an elegiac poem in honour of the martyred Husain. It is a
monotonous performance lasting about an hour; but it has a wonderful effect
on the audience, who, seated on the ground, listen patiently and
attentively. At each pause the hearers beat their breasts, and say Husain!
Husain! Real or stimulated grief often finds expression in groans and
tears, though the more violent expression of the anguish felt is reserved
for a later ceremony.
{239}
This over, the Wáqi'a Khán (literally, narrator of events) ascends the
Mimbar, or pulpit, and seats himself on the top, or on a lower step. He
proceeds to relate the historical facts, adding many curious stories
gathered from the vast heap of Traditions which have cast such a halo of
glory around the martyr. Sometimes he becomes very excited, and the
audience is stirred up to great enthusiasm. The following account is that
of an eye-witness who passed an evening in an 'Áshúr Khána. "The first
Wáqi'a Khán was a Persian who delivered a very eloquent oration in his own
tongue. It was calm but effective. He was succeeded by an eloquent old
gentleman who spoke rapidly in Hindustani at the top of his voice, then
rose up, ran down the steps, and casting off his turban rushed in and out
amongst the audience, vociferating vigorously all the while. The effect was
marvellous, old and venerable men wept like little children, whilst from
the adjoining Zanána was heard the bitter weeping of the women who, though
not exposed to view, could hear all that was said. After a while, the
assembly rose and formed two lines facing each other. A boy then chanted a
few words and the whole assembly began, slowly at first, to sway their
bodies to and fro, calling out 'Alí! 'Alí! Husain! Husain! Each one then
began to beat his breast vigorously. The excitement at last became intense
and the men in the rows looked like so many wild creatures."
In some cases blood has been known to flow from the breast, so severe is
the self-inflicted beating. This continues till they are well-nigh
exhausted, when the whole company goes away to repeat the performance over
again in some other 'Áshúr Khána. A devout person will visit several each
evening. During the day some pious Shía'hs recite the Qurán.
During this season women who can read, visit the Zanánas and chant Marsiyas
to the ladies of the Harem, by whom this season of Muharram is celebrated
with great earnestness.
For the first six days, nothing else takes place, but on the {240} seventh
day the 'Alam-i-Qásím is taken out in public procession. This is to
represent the marriage of Qásím, the son of Hasan, to the favourite
daughter of Husain, just before the death of the latter. The event is now
commemorated by the bearing of Qásím's standard in procession. It is
usually borne by a man on horseback. If it is carried by a man on foot, he
reels about like a drunken man to show his grief. The crowd shout out:
Bridegroom! Bridegroom! After perambulating the principal thoroughfares,
the people bring the standard back to its own 'Áshúr Khána. As the standard
which represents Qásím is supposed to be a martyr, it is then laid down,
covered over, and treated as a corpse. Lamentation is made over it as for
one dead. Sherbet is then produced, and a Fátiha is said, after which the
standard is again set up in its own place.
The Neza, a lance or spear, with a lime on the top, to recall to
remembrance the fact that Yezíd caused Husain's head to be thus carried
about, is taken in procession from one place to another. The Na'l Sáhib
(literally, Mr. Horse-shoe) is the representation of a horse shoe, and is
meant to remind the people of the swift horse of Husain. Vows are
frequently made to this standard. Thus a woman may say to it: "Should I
through your favour be blessed with offspring, I shall make it run in your
procession." If she attains her wish, the child when seven or eight years
old has a small parasol placed in its hand and is made to run after the
Na'l Sáhib.
If two 'Alams, or standards, meet, they embrace each other, that is they
are made to touch. Fátiha is then said and the respective processions pass
on their way. The Buráq, supposed to be a fac-simile of the horse sent by
Gabriel for Muhammad to make the night ascent to heaven (Ante. p. 159) is
also taken out.
On the evening before the tenth day, which according to the Muslim mode of
computing time is the tenth night, the whole of the Tázías and the 'Alams
are taken out in {241} procession. It is a scene of great confusion, for
men and boys disguised in all sorts of quaint devices run about. It is the
carnival of the Musalmán year.
On the following day, the 'Áshúrá, they kindle the fires in the Alláwas,
and say a Fátiha in each 'Áshúr Khána. After this the 'Alams and the Tázías
are taken away to a large open spot near water, which represents the plain
of Karbalá. Another Fátiha is said, the ornaments and decorations are taken
off the Tázías, the frameworks of which are then cast into the water.[249]
Sometimes they are reserved for use the following year. The water reminds
the people of the parching thirst which Husain felt before his death. Only
the 'Alams, not the Buráqs nor the Na'l Sáhibs, are immersed. The people
then burn incense, recite the Marsiyas, return home and say Fátiha over the
'Alams, Buráqs, &c. On the evening of the 12th, they sit up all night
reading the Qurán, reciting Marsiyas and verses in the praise of Husain. On
the 13th day, a quantity of food is cooked which, when a Fátiha has been
said over it, is distributed to the poor. Some very pious Shía'hs celebrate
the fortieth day after the first of Muharram. It is on this day, according
to some accounts, that the head and body of Husain were reunited. It is
known as the 'Íd-i-sar wa tan (head and body feast).
The Sunnís do not, except as spectators, take any part in the Muharram
ceremonies. Indeed, where the ruling power is not strong, there is often
much ill-feeling aroused by the enthusiasm excited for all that concerns
'Alí and his family. The three first Khalífs are often well abused, and
that no Sunní can bear with patience. The breach between the Sunní and the
Shía'h is very wide, and the annual recurrence of the Muharram feast tends
to keep alive the distinction.
{242}
The tenth day--the 'Áshúrá is, however, a Sunnat feast and, as such, is
observed by all Sunnís. It is considered to be a most excellent day, for on
it God is said to have created Adam and Eve, His throne, heaven, hell, the
seat of judgment, the tablet of decree, the pen, fate, life and death.
The Sunnís about three o'clock in the afternoon of this day prepare sherbet
and khichrí--a dish composed of boiled rice and pulse mixed with clarified
butter and spices. A Fátiha in the name of Husain and of those who were
martyred with him is then said. The food is disposed of as usual in such
cases. A Namáz of some nafl rak'ats is said and sometimes a Du'á is added.
On this day also they go to the burial grounds and place flowers on, and
say Fátiha over the graves of their friends.
Indian Musalmáns have copied in their feast many Hindu ceremonies. The
procession of the Tázías, and the casting of them into the water is very
similar to the procession at the Hindu feast of the Durga Puja,[250] when
on the tenth day the Hindus cast the idol Durga, the wife of Siva, into the
Ganges. The oblations offered at different shrines are similar to those
offered by the Hindus, such as rice, clarified butter and flowers.
The Muhammadan form of worship was too simple for a country, in which an
allegorical and idolatrous religion predominated, addressing itself to the
senses and the imaginations rather than to the understanding and the heart;
consequently the Musalmán festivals have borrowed from it a variety of
pagan rites, and a pompous and splendid ceremonial. While this has done
much to add to the superstition of the Musalmáns in India, it has no doubt
softened their intolerant spirit. Though the Sunnís consider the Shía'h
observances as impious, they look on with the contempt of indifference. The
fact that the British Government punishes all who break {243} the peace may
have something to do with this. Still the Sunní and the Shía'h in India
live on much better terms, and have more respect for each other than the
Turk has for the Persian, or the Persian for the Turk. Some Musalmán poets,
indeed, are both Sunnís and Shía'hs. Thus Wálí, begins his poem with a
brief encomium on the four first Khalífs, and then bestows an eulogy on
'Alí and his sons Hasan and Husain whom he calls "Imáms of the world."
The following is a prayer used in a Fátiha for 'Alí:--
I pray, "That God may deign for the sake of that pure soul, the
ornament of the book of nature, the first of mortals after the Prophet,
the star of mortals, the most precious jewel of the jewel-box of
virtue, the lord of the high and the low, he who occupies a
distinguished place on the bridge of eternity, the mihráb[251] of the
faith, he who sits upon the throne of the palace of the law, the ship
of the sea of religion, the sun of the firmament of glory, the power of
the arm of the Prophet, he who has merited access to the tabernacle of
the Divine Unity, the most profound of all religious people, the
resplendent brightness of the marvels of God, the father of victory,
the Imám of the gate of heaven, the cup-bearer of the water of Kausar,
he who has merited the praise of Muhammad, he who is the best of men,
the holy martyr, the chief of Believers, the Imám of the Faithful,
'Alí, son of Abu Tálib, 'Alí the victorious lion of the Most High. I
pray that God for the sake of this holy Khalíf may favourably hear the
vows which I offer to Him."
The following prayer occurs in a Fátiha said for Hasan and Husain:--
I pray, "That the eternal God may deign to accept the vows which I make
for the repose of the glorious souls of the two brave Imáms, the
martyrs well-beloved by God, the innocent victims of wickedness, the
blessed Abu Muhammad Al-Hasan and Abu 'Abd-Alláh Al-Husain, and for the
twelve Imáms, and the fourteen[252] pure ones, and for the seventy-two
martyrs of the plain of Karbalá."
{244}
2. AKHIR-I-CHÁR SHAMBA.--This feast is held on the last Wednesday of the
month Safar. It is kept in commemoration of the fact, that, as on this day,
the Prophet experienced some mitigation of the disorder which in the next
month terminated his life. Sweet cakes are prepared, and Fátihas in the
name of the Prophet are said over them; but the most extraordinary custom
is the drinking of the seven Saláms. A plantain, or a mango tree leaf, or a
piece of paper is taken to a Mullá, or a religious teacher, who writes
seven short sentences from the Qurán upon it. The writing whilst still wet
is washed off, and the mixture drunk by the person for whom it was written.
Peace and happiness are thus ensured for the future. The seven Saláms are:
(1) "Peace! shall be the word on the part of a merciful Lord." (Súra xxxvi.
58). (2) "Peace be on Noah throughout the worlds." (Súra xxxvii. 77). (3)
"Peace be on Abraham." (Súra xxxvii. 109). (4) "Peace be on Moses and
Aaron." (Súra xxxvii. 120). (5) "Peace be on Elias." (Súra xxxvii. 130).
(6) "Peace be on you, ye have been good; enter into Paradise." (Súra xxxix.
73). (7) "It is peace till the breaking of the morn." (Súra xcvii. 5). The
Shía'hs consider this an unlucky day. They call it "Chár
Shamba-i-Súrí."--The "Wednesday of the Trumpet;" that is, of the trumpet of
the last day. The Sunnís, on the other hand, rejoice in the day, and esteem
it an excellent and auspicious season.
3. BÁRÁ WAFÁT.--This feast is held on the twelfth day of the month
Rabí'-ul-Awwal. The name is derived from bárá, twelve and wafát, death,
because many suppose that on this day the Prophet died. According to a
well-known Muslim writer "the terrific intelligence, circulating throughout
the world, produced universal consternation, and all hastened to offer to
God their vows and prayers for the repose of the Prophet's soul." Others,
however, maintain that he died on the second of the month and, as there is
some doubt on the subject, many persons make a Fátiha {245} every day, from
the first to the twelfth of the month inclusive. Those who keep the feast
as Bárá Wafát observe the ceremony called Sandal on the previous evening,
and the 'Urs, that is, the prayers and the oblations, on the twelfth. The
Sandal consists in making a perfumed embrocation from sandal wood. This is
then placed into a vessel and carried in procession to the 'Íd-gáh,[253] or
to the place where Fátiha will be said. It is then distributed to the
people. It is a sort of public notice on the eve of a Feast day, or of a
Saint's day, that on the morrow the usual prayers and offerings will be
made in such and such a place. On the morning of the twelfth, the Qurán is
read in the Mosque, or in private houses: then food is cooked and Fátihas
are said.
Some persons possess a Qadam-i-Rasúl, or footstep of the Prophet. This is a
stone with the impression of a footstep on it. It is a sacred thing and on
this day the place in which it is kept is elegantly decorated. When a
company has assembled, some persons appointed for the purpose, repeat the
story of the birth, miracles and death of the Prophet. Portions of the
Qurán are read and the Darúd is said.[254]
In Madras, and in some other parts, it is more customary to keep this day,
not as the anniversary of the death of the Prophet, but as the
"'Jashn-i-milád-i-Sharíf," the "Feast of the noble birth." The practical
duties are the same. Instead of the Qadam-i-Rasúl, the Ásár-i-Sharíf is
exhibited. This is supposed to be a real portion of the hair of the
Prophet's beard and moustache. It is said to possess {246} the miraculous
property of growing again when a portion is broken off. On this day it is
put into rose water which those present then drink and rub on their eyes.
Great virtue is attached to this proceeding. In the Ásár Khána, or house in
which this hair is kept Fátihas, Darúds, &c., are repeated.
The observance of this festival is neither wájib nor sunnat, but mustahab.
It is generally kept, and it is a very rare thing to meet a person who does
not believe in the miraculous growth of the Ásár-i-Sharíf.
4. SHAB BARÁT.--This feast, the name of which signifies the "night of the
record," is held on the fourteenth day of the month Sh'abán. The 'Arfa, or
vigil is kept on the preceding day.[255] It is commonly but erroneously
called Shab-i-Barát.
The word Barát signifies a book or record. It is said that God on this
night registers in the Barát all the actions men are to perform during the
ensuing year. On the thirteenth day food is prepared for the poor and a
Fátiha for the benefit of deceased ancestors and relatives is said over it.
When all in the house are assembled, the Súrat-ul-Fátiha is read once, the
Súrat-ul-Iklás (112) three times, the Áyat-ul-Kursí once, and then the
Darúd. After this a prayer is offered, in which God is asked to transfer
the reward of this Service, and of the charity shown in the gift of food to
the poor, to the souls of deceased relatives and friends of this family.
This petition is offered in the name of the Prophet. The men then go to the
Mosque and after the Namáz-i-'Ishá they repeat a number of nafl rak'ats.
This over, the Súrat-ul-Yá Sín is read three times. It must be done with
the niyyat, intention. The first time, the intention is that the worshipper
may have a long life; the second time, that his means of subsistence may be
increased; the third time, that he may be protected from evil. {247} The
Súra-i-Dukhán (144) is then read with the same intentions. Any other
portions may then be read. After this those present rise, and go to the
various cemeteries. On the way they purchase flowers which are afterwards
strewn on the graves. A Fátiha is then said. If the worshipper has no
relatives or friends buried there, prayer is offered for the benefit of the
Arwáh-i-Qubúr, the souls of those there buried. The very pious spend the
whole night in going from one cemetery to another.
These observances are neither farz, nor sunnat, but nawáfil, (sing. nafl),
works of supererogation. Still though they are bid'at, yet they are
esteemed good and so are called bid'at-i-Hasana, or "excellent innovation."
The general merry-making of the fourteenth day has no religious
signification. The night of the fifteenth is the Guy Fawkes night of Islám.
Large sums of money are spent on fireworks, of which more are let off on
this feast than at any other.
The following prayer occurs in the Fátiha: "O our God, by the merits of the
Apostleship of Muhammad, grant that the lamps which are lit up on this holy
night may be for the dead a pledge of the light eternal, which we pray Thee
to shed on them. O God, admit them, we beseech Thee, unto the abode of
eternal felicity."
5. RAMAZÁN AND 'ÍD-UL-FITR--It is one of the five pillars of the practical
religious duties to fast during the thirty days of the month Ramazán. The
subject of fasting has been fully treated of in the preceding chapter; and
so it is only necessary now to describe the other ceremonies connected with
the religious observance of this month.
From the earliest days of Islám this month has been held in the greatest
esteem by Muslims, for it was in this month that Muhammad used to retire
for meditation, year after year, to the cave of Hira, situated on a low
hill some few miles distant from Mecca. In the second year of the Hijra, or
flight from Mecca, it was ordained that the month of Ramazán should be kept
as a fast. "As to the month {248} Ramazán, in which the Qurán was sent down
to be man's guidance, and an explanation of that guidance, and of that
illumination, as soon as any one of you observeth the moon, let him set
about the fast." (Súra ii. 181).
The Muslims had hitherto observed as the principal fast the 'Ashúrá, the
tenth of Muharram. This fast was probably connected with the Jewish fast on
the tenth day of the seventh month. "Also on the tenth day of this seventh
month there shall be a day of atonement: it shall be an holy convocation
unto you; and ye shall afflict your souls, &c." (Leviticus xxiii. 27). Now,
when Muhammad first went to Madína he had great hopes of winning over the
Jews to his side; but when he failed he took every opportunity of making
Islám differ as much as possible from Judaism. This was the reason why the
Qibla was changed (Ante. p. 60), and that in the second year of his
residence at Madína the fast of Ramazán was appointed. The reasons assigned
by learned Muslims for the selection of this month, are that in Ramazán God
gave to the previous prophets the revelations connected with their names,
and that in this month the Qurán was sent down from the Secret Tablet in
the seventh heaven to the first or lowest, and that on the Laylut-ul-Qadr,
or 'night of power' the first revelation was made to Muhammad. "Verily we
have caused it (Qurán) to descend on the 'night of power.' And who shall
teach thee what the night of power is? The night of power excelleth a
thousand nights." (Súra xcvii. 1-3). To illustrate the sacredness of this
month the Prophet used to say that in it "the gates of Paradise are open,
and the gates of hell are shut, and the devils are chained by the leg."
"Only those who observe it will be allowed to enter by the gate of heaven
called Rayyán." Those who keep the fast "will be pardoned all their past
venial sins."[256]
In making the fast one for the day, and none for the night, {249} Muhammad
doubtless had reference to the verse: "God wisheth you ease, but wisheth
not your discomfort." (Súra ii. 181).
The special ceremonies connected with the Ramazán are the Taráwíh Namáz and
'Itikáf (retirement). The Taráwíh prayers have been described already (p.
205). Each night in Ramazán one-thirtieth part (sípára) of the Qurán is
recited in the Mosque. The duty of performing the 'Itikáf is a
Sunnat-ul-maukadda, a very strict duty. The Mu'takif, one who makes
'Itikáf, must remain apart in a Mosque used for public services, and there
meditate. Bukhárí says that the Prophet made 'Itikáf the last ten days of
each Ramazán, and that the practice was continued by his wives after his
death. Usually a man should thus sit and meditate one of the days between
the twentieth and the thirtieth of Ramazán. If his meditation is disturbed
by any illegal interruption, another day should be devoted to it; but Imám
Muhammad says: "The least legal time is one hour." Some theologians hold
that 'Itikáf is farz-i-kifáya, that is, if one person of a community does
it the obligation does not rest on the others. If, however, a person makes
a vow in Ramazán, then 'Itikáf is considered wájib. 'Itikáf can be
performed at any time other than the last ten days of Ramazán, but then it
is only mustahab, a work of supererogation. All the sects except the
Sháfa'ítes hold that the Mu'takif must fast. He should also make the
nizzat, or intention, of performing what he is about to do. The Mu'takif
must not go out of the Mosque except for obviously necessary purposes, and
for making the legal wazú and ghusl (purifications). At night he may eat,
drink and sleep in the Mosque: acts quite unlawful at other times. He may
speak with others on religious matters, and if a man of business, he may
give orders with regard to the purchase and sale of merchandize, but on no
account must any goods be brought to him. It is highly meritorious for him
to read the Qurán in an audible voice. By such an act he becomes {250} a
man of penetration, whose words are as powerful as a sharp sword.[257]
When the thirty days have passed the fast is broken. This act is called
Iftár, and the first day on which food is taken is called the
'Íd-ul-Fitr--the 'Feast of the breaking of the fast.' On that day the
Sadqa, or alms are given before the Namáz is said in the Mosque. The Sadqa
of the 'Íd-ul-Fitr is confined to Muslims: no other persons receive it. If
any one neglects to give these alms before the Namáz is said, he will not
merit so great a reward as he otherwise would. The reason assigned for this
is that, unless they are given early in the day, the poor cannot refresh
themselves before coming to the Mosque for the Namáz. The Sadqa are given
for the good of one's own soul, for that of young children, slaves male and
female--Muslim or Infidel; but not for the spiritual benefit of one's wife
or elder children.
In South India, the Sadqa consists of a gift of sufficient rice to feed one
person. When this has been done the people go to the Mosque saying, 'God is
great! God is great!' The Namáz is like that of a Friday, except that only
two rak'ats are said, and the Khutba which is said after the Namáz is
sunnat; whereas the Friday Khutba is said before the farz rak'ats, and is
itself of farz obligation. After hearing the sermon, the people disperse,
visit each other and thoroughly enjoy themselves.
A very usual form of the Khutba of the 'Íd-ul-Fitr which is preached in
Arabic is as follows:--
SERMON ON THE 'ÍD-UL-FITR.
In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful.
"Holy is God who has opened the door of mercy for those who fast, and
in mercy and kindness has granted them the right of entrance into
heaven. God is greater than all. There is no God save Him. God is
great! God is great! and worthy of praise. It {251} is of His grace and
favour that He rewards those who keep the fast. He has said: 'I will
give in the future world houses and palaces, and many excellent
blessings to those who fast. God is great! God is great! Holy is He who
certainly sent the Qurán to our Prophet in the month of Ramazán, and
who sends angels to grant peace to all true believers. God is great!
and worthy of all praise. We praise and thank Him for the 'Íd-ul-Fitr,
that great blessing; and we testify that beside Him there is no God. He
is alone. He has no partner. This witness which we give to His Unity
will be a cause of our safety here, and finally gain us an entrance to
Paradise. Muhammad (on whom be the mercy and peace of God) and all
famous prophets are His slaves. He is the Lord of genii and of men.
From Him comes mercy and peace upon Muhammad and his family, so long as
the world shall last. God is greater than all. There is none beside
Him. God is great! God is great! and worthy of all praise. O company of
Believers, O congregation of Muslims, the mercy of the True One is on
you. He says that this Feast day is a blessing to you, and a curse to
the unbelievers. Your fasting will not be rewarded, and your prayers
will be stayed in their flight to heaven until you have given the
sadqa.[258] O congregation of Believers, to give alms is to you a wájib
duty. Give to the poor some measures of grain or its money equivalent.
Your duty in Ramazán was to say the Taráwíh prayers, to make
supplication to God, to sit and meditate ('Itikáf) and to read the
Qurán. The religious duties of the first ten days of Ramazán gain the
mercy of God, those of the second ten merit His pardon; whilst those of
the last ten save those who do them from the punishment of hell. God
has declared that Ramazán is a noble month, for is not one of its
nights, the Laylut-ul-Qadr, better than a thousand months? On that
night Gabriel and the angels descended from heaven: till the morning
breaks it is full of blessing. Its eloquent interpreter, and its
clearest proof is the Qurán, the Word of God, most Gracious. Holy is
God who says in the Qurán: "This word of God comes down in the month of
Ramazán." This is a guide for men, a distinguisher between right and
wrong. O Believers, in such a month be present, obey the order of your
God and fast; but let the sick and the travellers substitute some other
days on which to fast so that no days be lost, and say: "God is great!"
and praise Him. God has made the fast easy for you. O Believers, God
will bless you and us by the grace of the Holy Qurán. Every verse of it
is a benefit to us and fills us with wisdom. God is the Bestower, the
{252} Holy King, the Munificent, the Kind, the Nourisher, the Merciful,
the Clement."[259]
"The assemblies of the ladies on this 'Íd are marked by all the amusements
and indulgences they can possibly invent or enjoy in their secluded state.
Some receiving, others paying visits in covered conveyances; all doing
honour to the day by wearing their best jewellery and splendid dress. The
Zanána rings with festive songs and loud music, the cheerful meeting of
friends, the distribution of presents to dependents, and remembrances to
the poor; all is life and joy, cheerful bustle and amusement, on this happy
day of 'Íd, when the good lady of the Mansion sits in state to receive
presents from inferiors and to grant proofs of her favour to others."[260]
6. The Baqr-'Íd.--This is the most important Feast in the whole year. It is
also known as the 'Íd-i-Qurbán, and as the 'Íd-ul-Azhá, commonly called the
Íd-uz-Zuhá, the feast of sacrifice. In Turkey and in Egypt it is called
Bairám. Its origin was as follows: A few months after the Hijra, or flight
from Mecca, Muhammad, dwelling in Madína, observed that the Jews kept, on
the tenth day of the seventh month, the great fast of the Atonement. A
Tradition records that the Prophet asked them why they kept this fast. He
was informed that it was a memorial of the deliverance of Moses and the
children of Israel from the hands of Pharaoh. "We have a greater right in
Moses than they," said Muhammad, so he fasted with the Jews and commanded
his followers to fast also. This was at the period of his mission when
Muhammad was friendly with the Jews of Madína, who occasionally came to
hear him preach. The Prophet also occasionally attended the synagogue. Then
came the change of the Qibla from Jerusalem to Mecca, for the Jews were not
so ready to change their {253} creed as Muhammad had at first hoped. In the
second year of the Hijra, Muhammad and his followers did not participate in
the Jewish fast, for the Prophet now instituted the feast of the Baqr-'Íd.
The idolatrous Arabs had been in the habit of making an annual pilgrimage
to Mecca at this season of the year. The offering of animals in sacrifice
formed a part of the concluding ceremony of that pilgrimage. That
portion--the sacrifice of animals--Muhammad adopted in the feast which now,
at Madína, he substituted for the Jewish fast. This was well calculated to
attract the attention of the Meccans and to gain the goodwill of the Arabs.
Muhammad could not then make the pilgrimage to Mecca, for as yet there was
a hostile feeling between the inhabitants of the two cities; but on the
tenth day of the month Zu'l-Hajja, at the very time when the Arabs at Mecca
were engaged in sacrificing victims, Muhammad went forth from his house at
Madína, and assembling his followers instituted the Íd-uz-Zuhá or Baqr-'Íd.
Two young kids were brought before him. One he sacrificed and said: "O
Lord! I sacrifice this for my whole people, all those who bear witness to
Thy unity and to my mission. O Lord! this is for Muhammad and for the
family of Muhammad."
Great merit is obtained by all who keep this feast. 'Áyesha relates how the
Prophet once said: "Man hath not done anything on the 'Íd-ul-Azhá more
pleasing to God than spilling blood; for verily the animal sacrificed will
come on the day of resurrection with its horns, hair and hoofs, and will
make the scale of his good actions very heavy. Verily its blood reached the
acceptance of God before it falleth upon the ground, therefore be joyful in
it."
Musalmáns say that the Patriarch Abraham was ordered to sacrifice Ishmael,
and that he made several ineffectual attempts to cut the throat of his son.
Ishmael then said to his father: "It is through pity and compassion for me
that you allow the knife to miss: blindfold yourself and then sacrifice
me." Abraham acted upon this advice, {254} blindfolded himself, drew his
knife, repeated the Bismilláh, and, as he thought, cut the throat of his
son; but, behold, in the meantime Gabriel had substituted a sheep for the
lad. This event is commemorated in this feast.
On the day before the feast, the Arfa, or vigil, is kept. Food of various
kinds is prepared, over which a Fátiha is offered, first, in the name of
the Prophet; secondly, in the names of deceased relatives, and of others
for whom a blessing is desired, or from whom some favor is expected. The
food is then sent as a present to friends.
On the morning of the feast day, the devout Muslims proceed to the 'Íd-gáh
or, if there is no 'Íd-gáh, to the principal Mosque, repeating on the way
the Takbír "God is Great!" and "There is no other God save the one true
God, God is great, praise be to God." At the time of making wazú, the
worshipper should say: "O God, make this (_i.e._ the sacrifice I shall
offer to-day) an atonement for my sin, and purify my religion and take evil
away from me."
The Service at the 'Íd-gáh, or in the Mosque consists of two farz rak'ats,
as in the Salát-ul-Juma (p. 201), after the Khutba is delivered. It will,
however, be seen from the following sermon that it is mustahab to say four
more rak'ats.
SERMON ON THE 'ÍD-UZ-ZUHÁ.
In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful.
Alláhu Akbar! God is Great. There is no God but God. God is Great! God
is Great and worthy of all praise. He is Holy. Day and night we should
praise Him. He is without partner, without equal. All praise be to Him.
Holy is He, Who makes the rich generous, Who provides the sacrifice for
the wise. He is Great, without an equal. All praise be to Him. Listen!
I testify that there is no God but God. He is alone, without partner.
This testimony is as bright as the early dawn, as brilliant as the
glorious feast day. Muhammad is His servant who delivered His message.
On Muhammad, and on his family, and on his Companions may the peace of
God rest. On you who are present, O congregation of Muslimín, may the
{255} mercy of God for ever rest. O servants of God! our first duty is
to fear God and to be kind. God has said: "I will be with those who
fear Me and are kind."
Know O servants of God! that to rejoice on the feast day is the sign
and mark of the pure and good. Exalted will be the rank of such in
Paradise (Dár-ul-Qarár), especially on the day of resurrection will
they obtain dignity and honour. Do not on this day foolish acts. It is
no time for amusements and negligence. This is the day on which to
utter the praises of God. (Tasbíh.) Read the Kalíma, the Takbír and the
Tamhíd. This is a high festival season and the feast of sacrifice. Read
now the Takbír-ut-Tashríq. God is great! God is great! There is no God
but God! God is great! God is great! All praise be to Him! From the
morning of the 'Arfa, after every farz rak'at it is good (mustahab) for
a person to repeat the Takbír-ut-Tashríq. The woman before whom is a
man as Imám, and the traveller whose Imám is a permanent resident
(Muqím) should also repeat this Takbír. It should be said at each Namáz
until the Salát-ul-'Asr of the Feast day (10th). Some, however, say
that it should be recited every day till the afternoon ('Asr) of the
thirteenth day, as these are the days of the Tashríq (p. 231).[261] If
the Imám forgets to recite, let not the worshipper forget. Know, O
believers, that every free man who is a Sáhib-i-Nisáb (_i.e._ worth Rs.
52) should offer sacrifice on this day, provided that this sum is
exclusive of his horse, his clothes, his tools, and his household goods
and slaves. It is wájib for every one to offer sacrifice for himself,
but it is not a wájib order that he should do it for his children.[262]
A goat, a ram or a cow should be offered in sacrifice for every seven
persons. The victim must not be one-eyed, blind, lame or very thin.
If you sacrifice a fat animal it will serve you well, and carry you
across the Sirát. O Believers, thus said the Prophet, on whom be the
mercy and peace of God, "Sacrifice the victim with your own hands, this
was the Sunnat of Ibráhím, on whom be peace."
In the Kitáb-uz-zád-ut-Taqwá, it is said that on the 'Íd-ul-Fitr and
the 'Íd-uz-Zuhá, four nafl rak'ats should be said after the farz Namáz
{256} of the 'Íd. In the first rak'at after the Súrat-ul-Fátiha recite
the Súrat-ul-A'lá (Súra lxxvii); in the second, the Súrat-ush-Shams
(Súra xci); in the third, the Súrat-uz-Zuhá (Súra xciii); in the
fourth, the Súrat-ul-Ikhlás (cxii).
O Believers, if ye do so, God will pardon the sins of fifty years which
are past and of fifty years to come. The reading of these Súras are
equal as an act of merit to the reading of all the books God has sent
by His prophets.
May God include us amongst those who are accepted by Him, who act
according to the Law, whose desire will be granted at the last day. To
all such there will be no fear in the day of resurrection; no sorrow in
the examination at the day of judgment. The best of all books is the
Qurán. O believers! May God give to us, and to you a blessing for ever
by the grace of the Noble Qurán. May its verses be our guide, and may
its wise mention of God direct us aright. I desire that God may pardon
all believers, male and female, the Muslimín and the Muslimát. O
believers, also seek for pardon. Truly God is the Forgiver, the
Merciful, the Eternal King, the Compassionate, the Clement. O
believers, the Khutba is over. Let all desire that on Muhammad Mustafá
the mercy and peace of God may rest.
The worshippers then return to their respective homes and offer up the
sacrifice,[263] for it is a wájib order that every Muslim should keep this
feast, and sacrifice an animal for himself. He need not fear though he has
to incur debt for the purchase of an animal, for it is said that God will
in some way help him to pay the debt. If a camel is sacrificed, it should
be one not less than five years of age, if a cow or sheep it should at
least be in its second year, though the third year is better; if a goat it
must not be less than six months old. All of these animals must be without
a blemish, or defect of any kind. It is a sunnat order that the head of the
household should himself slay the victim. If, however, from any cause, he
cannot do so, he may call in a butcher; but in that case he must place his
hand upon that of the butcher when the operation is performed. If the {257}
victim is a camel, it must be placed with the head towards Mecca. Its front
legs being bandaged together the sacrificer must stand on the right hand
side of the victim, and plunge the knife into its throat with such force
that the animal may fall at once. Any other mode of slaying it is unlawful.
Other animals must be slain in the same way. Just before slaying the victim
the following verse of the Qurán should be repeated: "Say! my prayers, and
my worship, and my life and my death are unto God, the Lord of the worlds.
He hath no associate. This am I commanded, and I am the first of the
Muslims." (Súra vi. 163). The operator also adds: "O God, from Thee, and to
Thee (I do this), in the name of God, God is Great!" Then having slain the
victim he says: "O God accept this for me." The first meal taken should be
prepared from the flesh of the animal just slaughtered, after which the
members of the family, the neighbours, and the poor should receive some
portions.
It is considered highly meritorious to sacrifice one animal for each member
of the family; but as that would involve an expenditure few could bear, it
is allowable to sacrifice one victim for the household. In extreme cases
men may combine together and make one sacrifice do for the whole, but the
number of persons so combining must not exceed seventy. Some authorities
limit the number to seven. This feast is strictly observed by all Muslims
wherever they may be.
The Baqr-'Íd and the 'Íd-ul-Fitr constitute the 'Ídain, the two great
Feasts of Islám. A country in which Musalmáns could not observe them both
would at once become Dár-ul-Harb, or House of Enmity, in which it would be
the bounden duty of every Muslim to join in a Jíhád, against the Infidel
rulers of the land.
This completes the principal Feasts of the Muslim year.
Among other practices borrowed from the Hindus must be placed the
pilgrimage made by Indian Musalmáns to the {258} shrines of Saints, the
ceremonies connected with them and the festivals instituted in their
honour. Properly speaking, the Sunnís have but two festivals--the Baqr-'Íd
and the 'Íd-ul-Fitr, but many others are now observed. Of these I have
described several. It only remains to notice a few of the festival days
which are peculiar to India. The title of Pír given to a Musalmán devotee
is equivalent to the term Guru amongst the Hindus. A man who seeks to be a
'religious' takes a Pír as a spiritual guide. "Follow," says the poet Walí,
"the footsteps of thy Pír, like a shadow." After death these Pírs are
venerated as Walís or Saints. The Pírs when alive, are frequently resorted
to for a ta'wíz, or charm, and the aid of their prayers is often invoked.
The sepulchre of a Walí is called a Dargáh, shrine; Mazár, place of
pilgrimage; Rauza, garden. The professional reciter of the Qurán, and the
Namáz at such places is called a Rauza Khán. As a rule, processions are
made to the shrines, and flowers, sweetmeats and food over which a Fátiha
has been said are offered. Usually the Fátiha is _for_ the Saint, not _to_
the Saint. It is considered a very meritorious act to give land for the
erection of such shrines and to endow them. An account of many of these
Saints is given in the Bara Masa by Jawán and the Áráyish-i-Mahfil by
Afsos. The following selection will give an idea of the customs
prevalent:--
1. FESTIVAL OF MADÁR.--Sayyid Badr-ud-dín Kutb-ul-Madár is said to have
descended from the Imám Husain. He was born at Aleppo about A.D. 1050, and
received from Muhammad permission to "hold his breath" (Habs-i-dam). Thus
he was able to live to a good old age. He is said to have had 1,442 sons,
and to have died when upwards of 300 years old. More rational people
explain the number of his sons by saying they were his spiritual children.
The length of his life is explained by saying that as each man has to make
a certain number of inspirations, the less frequently he does it the longer
he will live. Jawán in his account of {259} the festival states: "The tomb
of Madár is at Makanpúr, a place about forty miles from Cawnpore." On the
seventeenth of the month Jamádí-ul-Awwal an immense crowd fills the village
which is illuminated at night. Fires are lighted, around which Fakírs
dance, and through which they leap calling out "Dam Madár, Dam Madár,"
(breath of Madár.) An order of Fakírs, called Madária, look to this Saint
as their patron. In distant places where this feast is kept they set up an
Alam, or standard in honour of the Saint, and perform ceremonies common to
such days. The nights are spent in celebrating his praises, &c.
2. FESTIVAL OF MU'ÍN-UD-DÍN CHISTÍ.[264]--The tomb of this Saint is in
Ajmír. He was a Syed descended from Husain, the son of 'Alí, and was born
in Sajistán about the year 537 A.H. His father died when he was about
fifteen years old. Soon after this he fell in with a famous Fakír, Ibráhím
Qandúzí, through whose influence he began to seek the Taríqat, or mystical
road to the knowledge of God. When he was twenty years of age he received
further instruction from the famous 'Abd-ul-Qádir Jílání. After the
conquest of Hindustan by Shaháb-ud-dín Ghorí, Mu'ín-ud-dín retired to
Ajmír, where he died in the odour of sanctity 636 A.H. Pilgrimages to this
tomb have been and are very popular. Emperors and people vied with each
other in doing honour to the memory of this saint. Even Akbar, sceptic
though he was as regards orthodox Islám, made a pilgrimage to this shrine,
and offered vows that he might have a son who would live to manhood. Hindus
also visit this tomb and presents from rich men of this class are not
unusual.
3. FESTIVAL OF SÁLÁR MAS'ÚD GHÁZÍ.--There is some doubt as to the
nationality of this Saint. Some say he was a Husainí Syed, others that he
was a Pathán, and a martyr. His tomb is situated in Oude. Afsos thus
describes the {260} pilgrimage. "Once a year great crowds of people gather
from all parts. They carry red lances, and beat thousands of tambourines.
The 'Urs is held on the first Sunday of the month Jíth (May-June). The
people believe that this was his wedding day, because it is said that he
had on wedding garments when he was killed. This belief once led a certain
oilman, a resident of Radúlí, to send a bedstead, chair, and other marriage
presents to the shrine at this time. The custom is still kept up by the
descendants of the oilman. The common people fasten ropes to the branches
of the trees in the neighbourhood, and swing, some by the hands and some by
the heels, and assume various disguises. They thus hope to obtain what they
desire." The Hindus venerate this Saint very highly. The Musalmáns look
upon him as a most sacred person, for he slew many idolatrous Hindus, and
so earned the title of Ghází, the warrior: the Hindus consider that it was
only by the power of God that he could do so many acts of prowess.
4. FESTIVAL OF THE BÍRA OR OF KHÁJA KHIZR.--Of this Saint, M. Garcin de
Tassy says: "Khája Khizr is a personage respecting whom the opinions of
orientals vary. Many consider him the same as Phineas, the grandson of
Aaron; others that he is the prophet Elias; and lastly, the Turks confound
him with St. George. In order to reconcile these conflicting opinions, some
allege that the same soul has animated three different persons. Whatever be
the fact, Khizr, according to the Musalmáns, discovered the source of the
Water of Life of which he is the guardian. He is believed to be very clever
in divination, and to be the patron of waters. As such a festival is held
in his honour." Jawán describes it thus: "In the month of Bhádún
(August-September) all whose wishes have been fulfilled, make it a point of
duty to set afloat the boat (náú) in honour of Khája Khizr, and to make
according to their means offerings of milk and bruised grain to the holy
personage. On every Friday, and in some places on every Thursday, in the
month {261} in question, the devotees having prepared the bíra carry it at
night to the bank of the river, with many ceremonies. There great and
small, having lighted lamps and tapers, make their respective oblations,
whilst a number of swimmers together jointly push the bíra into the middle
of the river." Sometimes a number of small bíras, made of clay, are also
launched, and as each carries a lamp the general effect is striking. It is
said that the Musalmán natives of the Maldive Islands annually launch a
small vessel laden with perfumes, gum, and odoriferous flowers, and leave
it to the mercy of the winds and waves as an offering to the god of the
sea. There can be no doubt that this god of the sea is Khizr, the patron of
the waters.
The following prayer is recited in the Fátiha of Khizr: "To obtain purity
of heart, and the benediction of Him who hears the vows of mortals, and who
alone can keep from them all evils, I rest upon the merits of Khája Khizr,
the great prophet Elias."
5. THE FEAST OF PÍR DASTGÍR SÁHIB.--This is held on the eleventh day of the
month of Rabí'-us-Sání. The Sunnis hold this Saint in great reverence. He
has no less than ninety-nine names. His tomb is at Baghdád. On the tenth of
the month the ceremony called Sandal (p. 245) is performed, followed on the
next day by the 'Urs, when the Maulad, or the account of the circumstances
connected with the birth of the saint is read; Qasá,id, or elegiac poems
are recited; the Darúd is repeated and Fátihas are said. The Qurán is also
read through. Vows are frequently made to this Saint and in time of any
special visitation, such as cholera, a flag is carried about in honour of
this Pír by some of his devotees to whom presents of food, &c, are offered.
Fátiha is then said over them. He is said to appear to his followers during
their sleep and to give them directions. Ja'far Sharíf, the compiler of the
Qánún-i-Islám speaking, on this point relates his own experience thus: "The
author speaks from personal experience, for at the time of need, when he
{262} was oppressed in mind concerning things which he desired, he used to
repeat constantly the ninety-nine names of the Pír and vow before the Holy
God, imploring His assistance by the soul of Dastgír; and through the mercy
of the Almighty, his Excellency Ghaus-ul-A'zam (Dastgír) presented himself
in his sleep, and relieved him of his perplexities and vouchsafed his
behests."
Syed Ahmad Kabír Rafáí, the founder of the Rafái Darwíshes was a nephew of
this Saint.
6. FESTIVAL OF QÁDIR WALÍ SÁHIB.--This is the great saint of Southern
India. The 'Urs is celebrated on the tenth day of Jamádí-us-Sání. The
shrine is at Nagore, a town situated four miles north of Negapatam. The
sandal and other ceremonies are similar to those described already. He is
the patron saint of sailors, who in times of difficulty vow that, if they
reach the shore in safety, they will offer a Fátiha in the name of Qádir
Walí. The common people have a profound faith in the power of the saint to
work miracles. The story of the following one is frequently related: "A
vessel springing a leak was about to founder, when the Captain made a vow
that should Qádir Walí stop the leak, he would offer in his name the value
of the cargo. At that time the saint was being shaved, but being
miraculously acquainted with the perilous position of the Captain he cast
away the looking-glass which he held in his hand. This glass attached
itself to the hole in the bottom of the ship which then came safely to
land. The Captain, in due course, presented his offering to the saint who
requested him to return the glass to the barber. The Captain was astonished
at this request and enquired what glass was meant. He was then directed to
look at the bottom of his ship. He did so, and discovered how the saint had
saved the ship."
The festival affords a curious illustration of the way in which Hindu
influences have acted on Islám, and how even Hindus pay regard to Muslim
Saints. Qádir Walí is said to {263} have been a Fakír who lived on the
charity of both Hindus and Musalmáns. Indeed both parties claim him as
belonging to their respective religions, which may be accounted for by the
fact that in his preaching to mixed audiences he suited his addresses to
both classes of his hearers. After his death a small Mosque was erected on
or near his tomb. The fame of the Walí gradually grew, and a Hindu Rajah
made a vow that if he were blessed with the birth of a son, he would
enlarge and beautify the Mosque. His wish was fulfilled, and the present
elegant structure is the result. So famous has the shrine of the Saint now
become that the Musalmáns there say: "First Mecca, then Nagore." The same
reason which induced the Hindu Rajah to make a votive offering years ago,
still influences large numbers of people. On Thursday evenings, the
commencement of the Muhammadan Sabbath, many Hindu women resort to the
shrine of the Saint. On the closing night of the Annual Feast, Tábúts are
taken in procession from Negapatam, and rich presents are sent from the
Tanjore Palace to the Nagore Mosque. Thus is the Hindu connection still
kept up with the festival of this Musalmán Saint.
There are many other Walís and Pírs to whose tombs pilgrimages are made,
and in memory of whom many superstitious observances are still kept up; but
all such pilgrimages to a Dargáh (shrine) are no necessary part of Islám.
In all parts of the country there are the shrines of Saints who have a
local reputation and whose annual festivals are more or less observed.
Still it is not necessary for me to give a further account of these. This
brings me to the close of my subject.
In the preceding chapters, I have endeavoured to set forth the main
features of the Faith of Islám, and the religious duties it enjoins. I
might now go on to show its relation to Judaism and Christianity, the
elements it has drawn from them, and the distortions it has made in the
borrowing, as well as the protest it raised against much that was {264}
corrupt in the Christianity with which it came in contact. I might also
enlarge upon its moral and social effects, and the character it produces in
the individual and the state. But these subjects would lead me far beyond
my present scope. I prefer to content myself with giving a representation
of the Faith of Islám from its own authorities, and with leaving my readers
to make comparisons and draw inferences for themselves.
THE END.
{265}
* * * * *
INDEX OF TECHNICAL TERMS.
A.
Aiyám-i-Bíz, 214
Aiyám-ut-Tashríq, 231
'Alam, 238
Al-A'ráf, 167
Al-Barzakh, 168
Al-Mahdí, 80
Akhir-Chár Shambah, 244
'Amm, 48
Amr-i-Takwíti, 176
Anbiya-ulul-'Azm, 150
Ásár-i-Sharíf, 245
Asháb, 7
'Áshúrá, 241
'Áshúr Khána, 237
Asmá-i-Husná, 133
Attahíyát, 197
Auliya, 152
Áyat, 54
Áyat-ul-Kursí, 212
Azád, 95
Azán, 193
B.
Bárá Wafát, 244
Baqáb-i-Qausain, 158
Baqr-'íd, 252
bid'at, 14
Buráq, 241
D.
Dá,írí, 81
Dalálat, 53
Dalíl-i-qata'í, 187
Dalíl-i-zani, 187
Darwíshes, 94
Dargáh, 258
Du'á, 197
F.
Faná, 93
Farú', 120
Farz, 187
Farz-í-'ain, 208
Farz-i-kifáya, 207
Fatrah, 3
Fitrat, 187
Fuqihá, 33
G.
Ghair-i-Mahdí, 81
Ghusl, 190
Gunáh-i-kabíra, 154
Gunáh-i-saghíra, 154
{266}
H.
Hadís-i-Ahád, 70
Hadís-i-Hasan, 71
Hadís-i-Mua'llaq, 72
Hadís-i-Mursal, 72
Hadís-i-Mutawátír, 70
Hadís-i-Sahíh, 71
Hadís-i-Z'aíf, 71
Hadd, 179
Háfiz, 42
Haft Sifát, 118
Hajj, 223
Hajr-ul-Aswad, 226
Hál, 93
Haqíqat, 52, 93
Harám, 188
Hárút, 142
Hasal Khazaf, 230
I.
Ibádhiyah, 76
Ibárat, 53
Iblís, 140
'Íd-gáh, 245
'Íd-ul-Fitr, 247
Iftár, 250
Ihlál, 224
Ihrám, 224
Ijmá', 16
Ijmá'-i-Ummat, 17
Ijtihád, 17, 26, 32
Ijtihád fi'l-Masá,íl, 34
Ijtihád fi'l-Mazhab, 34
Ijtihád fi'l-Sharí', 34
Ilhám, 37
Ilká, 40
'Ilm-i-usúl, 41
Imám, 75
Imám Abu Hanífa, 19
Imám Ibn Málik, 20
Imám As-Sháfa'í, 21
Imám Ibn Hanbal, 22
Imámat, 75
Imám Bára, 237
Imán-i-mufassal, 116
Imán-i-mujmal, 116
Istidlál, 53
Ishárat, 53
Ishrák fi'l-'ibádat, 108
Ishrák fi'l-adab, 109
Isnád, 67
'Itikáf, 249
Iqámat, 194
Iqtizá, 54
I'tibár-ul-Amsál, 27
J.
Jabríans, 132
Jahannum, 172
Jámí'-i-Tirmizí, 86
Jamrat-ul-Akahah, 230
Jannat, 171
Jashn-i-milád-i-sharíf, 245
Jinn, 145
Juz, 56
K.
K'aba, 227
Kalám, 135
{267}
Kalima, 54, 116
Karámians, 163
Kasb, 130
Kausar, 171
Kináyah, 52
Kirám-ul-Kátibín, 141
Kitmán, 91
Khafí, 50
Khárigites, 76
Kháss, 48
Kharq-i-'ádat, 157
Khulafá-i-Ráshidín, 66
Khutba, 201
L.
Labbaik, 225
Lahad, 211
Lailat-ul-Qadr, 2
M.
Mahmúdiah, 83
Majáz, 52
Majzúb, 95
Maukadda', 200
Makrúh, 188
Mansúkh, 59
Maqám-i-Mahmúd, 169
Marsiya, 238
Márút, 142
Mihráb, 243
Mimbar, 239
Míqát, 225
Mízán, 165
Mua'qqibát, 141
Muawwal, 48
Mu,azzin, 193
Mubáh, 188
Mufassir, 33, 50
Mufsid, 188
Muhaddis, 67
Mujassimians, 131
Mu'jizát, 157
Mujmal, 51
Mujtahid, 17
Mukham, 50
Munkir, 145
Murshid, 92
Mutashábih, 52
Musallí, 193
Mushábihites, 131
Mus-haf, 147
Muharram, 237
Muskhil, 51
Mustahab, 188
Mu'takif, 249
Mustarik, 48
Muta'h, 84
Mutazilites, 125
N.
Nabí, 153
Nafkhatain-i-Súr, 161
Nafl, 199
Nakír, 145
Namáz, 193
Nass, 50
Násikh, 59
Nisáb, 218
Niyyat, 194
Núr-i-Muhammadí, 77
{268}
Q.
Qadam-i-Rasúl, 245
Qadríans, 174
Qazá, 214
Qíám, 194
Qíás, 27, 28
Qirá,at, 43
Qárí, 43
R.
Rak'at, 195
Ramazán, 247
Ramí-ul-Jamár, 230
Rasúl, 153
Rauza Khán, 258
Roza, 213
Roza-i-nazr, 214
Roza-i-kafára, 214
Rúh-ul-Ámín, 4
Rukú', 56
Rúz-i-Tarwiáh, 229
S.
Sadqa, 250
Sahá,íf-i-A'mál, 165
Sahíh-i-Bukhárí, 67
Sahíh-i-Muslim, 68
S'ai, 229
Salát, 193
Salát-ul-'Asr, 200
Salát-ul-Fajr, 200
Salát-ul-'Ishá, 200
Salát-ul-Ishráq, 200
Salát-ul-Istisqá, 206
Salát-ul-Istikhára, 213
Salát-ul-Janáza, 207
Salát-ul-Juma', 200
Salát-ul-Khauf, 204
Salát-ul-Khusúf, 206
Salát-ul-Kusúf, 205
Salát-ul-Maghrib, 200
Salát-ul-Musáfir, 204
Salát-ut-Taráwíh, 206
Salát-ul-Tahajjud, 200
Salát-uz-Zuhá, 200
Salát-uz-Zuhr, 200
Sálik, 92
Saríh, 52
Shafá'at-i-ba-izn, 108
Shafá'at-i-muhabbat, 107
Shafá'at-i-wajahat, 107
Shirk, 105
Shirk-ul-'Ádat, 109
Shirk-ul-ibádat, 108
Shirk-ul-'ilm, 107
Shirk-ut-tasarruf, 107
Sifát-i-Salbiah, 123
Sifát-i-Sabútiah, 123
Sihah-Sittah, 67
Sípára, 56
Sirát, 166
Sufíism, 87-101
Sunan-i-Abu Dáúd, 68
Sunan-i-Nasáí, 68
Sunan-i-Májah, 69
Sunnat, 10
Súra, 55
T.
Ta'awwuz, 195
{269}
Taba-i-Tábi'ín, 7
Tábi'ín, 7
Tábút, 238
Tahárat, 189
Tahríf, 149
Takbír, 193
Takía, 84
Talbíyah, 225
Talqín, 212
Tasbíh, 195
Tashahhud, 188
Tasmía', 195
Tasmíyah, 195
Tatáír-i-Sahá,íf, 163
Tauhíd, 106
Tauqífi, 132
Tawáf, 227
Tawáf-ul-Widá', 231
Tayammum, 190
Tázíah, 238
U.
Usúl, 120
'Umráh, 231
W.
Wahhábís, 101
Wahí, 37
Wajd, 93
Wájib, 187
Wájib-ul-Wajúd, 132
Wáqi'a Khán, 239
Wazú, 189
Witr, 198
Z.
Zakát, 218-222
Záhir, 49
Ziárat, 233
* * * * *
NOTES
[1] There is an excellent one by Neil B. E. Baillie. The question of Jihád
is fully discussed in Dr. Hunter's _Our Indian Musalmáns_.
[2] "Let none touch it but the purified." (Súra lvi. 78.)
[3] "It was certainly an admirable and politic contrivance of his to bring
down the whole Korán at once to the lowest heaven only, and not to the
earth, as a bungling prophet would have done; for if the whole had been
published at once, innumerable objections might have been made, which it
would have been very hard, if not impossible for him to solve; but as he
pretended to receive it by parcels, as God saw proper that they should be
published for the conversion and instruction of the people, he had a sure
way to answer all emergencies, and to extricate himself with honour from
any difficulty which might occur." (Sale's Preliminary Discourse, Section
III.)
[4] Literary Remains of Emmanuel Deutsch, p. 77.
[5] Prolégomènes d'Ibn Khaldoun, vol. i. p. 195.
[6] "The grandeur of the Qurán consists, its contents apart, in its
diction. We cannot explain the peculiarly dignified, impressive, sonorous
nature of Semitic sound and parlance; its sesquipedalia verba with their
crowd of affixes and prefixes, each of them affirming its own position,
whilst consciously bearing upon and influencing the central root--which
they envelope like a garment of many folds, or as chosen courtiers move
around the anointed person of the king." Literary Remains of Emmanuel
Deutsch, p. 122.
[7] Prolégomènes d'Ibn Khaldoun vol. i. p. 194.
[8] Those who were in constant intercourse with the prophet are called
Asháb (Companions); their disciples are named Tábi'ín (Followers); their
disciples are known as Taba-i-Tábi'ín (Followers of the Followers)."
[9] "Thus, after the usual distribution of the spoils taken on the field of
Cadesia (A.H. 14) the residue was divided among those who knew most of the
Corán." Muir, vol. i. p. 5.
[10] Muavia.
[11] The twelve Imáms.
[12] Al-Mahdí is still supposed to be alive.
[13] These are called (1) Sunnat-i-Fi'lí; that which Muhammad himself did.
(2) Sunnat-i-Qaulí, that which he said should be practised. (3)
Sunnat-i-Taqrírí, that which was done in his presence and which he did not
forbid.
[14] Risála-i-Berkeví.
[15] The great Wahhábí preacher Muhammad Ismá'íl, of whom some account will
be given later on, says in the Takwiat-ul-Imán:--"The best of all ways is
to have for principles the words (holy writings) of God and _of His
Apostle_; to hold them alone as precedents, and not to allow our own
opinion to be exercised."
[16] Prolégomènes d'Ibn Khaldoun vol. i. p. 195.
[17] Takmíl-ul-Imán, p. 16.
[18] Mudárij-un-Nabuwat, p. 285.
[19] "Les docteurs de la loi sont unaniment d'accord sur l'obligation de
conformer ses actions à ce qui est indiqué dans les traditions attribuées
au Prophète," Ibn Khaldoun, vol. ii. p. 465.
[20] In June 1827, A.D., Sultán Mahmud issued a manifesto protesting
against interference in the affairs of the Ottomán Empire, "the affairs of
which are conducted upon the principles of _sacred legislation_, and all
the regulations of which are strictly connected with the principles of
religion." These principles still remain in force, for the famous Fatvá
given by the Council of the 'Ulamá, in July 1879, anent Khair-ud-dín's
proposed reforms, speaks of "the unalterable principles of the Sheri," or
Law.
[21] "The respect which modern Muslims pay to their Prophet is almost
idolatrous. The Imám Ibn Hanbal would not even eat water-melons because
although he knew the Prophet ate them, he could not learn whether he ate
them with or without the rind, or whether he broke, bit or cut them: and he
forbade a woman, who questioned him as to the propriety of the act, to spin
by the light of torches passing in the streets by night, because the
Prophet had not mentioned that it was lawful to do so." Lane's Modern
Egyptians, vol. i. p. 354.
[22] Mudárij-un-Nabuwat, p. 1009.
[23] Prolégomènes d'Ibn Khaldoun, vol. ii. p. 469.
[24] Journal Asiatique 4me série, tom. xii.
[25] Osborn's Islám under the Khalífs, p. 29.
[26] Ibn Khallikan's Biographical Dictionary, vol. ii. p. 594.
[27] Ibid., p. 546.
[28] Ibid., vol. ii. p. 548.
[29] In South India, the Muhammadan money-changer resorts to a curious
piece of casuistry to reconcile the practice of his profession with the
faith he holds. It is wrong to gain money by money as a direct agency.
Suppose, then, for example, that the charge for changing a shilling is one
farthing. It is unlawful for the money-changer to give four three-penny
pieces for one shilling plus one farthing, for then he will have sinned
against the laws anent usury by gaining money (one farthing) by money; but
if he gives three three-penny pieces plus two pence three farthings in
copper the transaction will be lawful, as his profit of one farthing is
then gained by selling as merchandize certain pieces of silver and copper
for one shilling, and not by exactly changing the shilling.
Again, pictures or representations of living creatures are unlawful; and
so, when British rupees were first circulated in India, good Muslims
doubted whether they could use them, but after a long consultation the
'Ulamá declared that, as the eye of His Majesty was so small as not to be
clearly visible, the use of such coins was legal. This kind of casuistry is
very common and very demoralizing; but it shows how rigid the law is.
[30] "Authority becomes sacred because sanctioned by heaven. Despotism,
being the first form of consolidated political authority, is thus rendered
unchangeable and identical in fact with Government at large." "Supreme
Government has four stages: (1) where the absolute Prince (Muhammad) is
among them concentrating in his own person the four cardinal virtues, and
this we call the reign of wisdom; (2) where the Prince appears no longer,
neither do these virtues centre in any single person: but are found in four
(Abu Bakr, Omar, Osmán and 'Alí), who govern in concert with each other, as
if they were one, and this we call the reign of the pious; (3) where none
of these is to be found any longer, but a chief (Khalíf) arises with a
knowledge of the rules propounded by the previous ones, and with judgment
enough to apply and explain them, and this we call the reign of the Sunnat;
(4) Where these latter qualities, again, are not to be met with in a single
person, but only in a variety who govern in concert; and this we call the
reign of the Sunnat-followers.--Akhlák-i-Jalálí, pp. 374. 378.
[31] Life of Muhammad, by Syed Amír 'Alí, p. 289.
[32] The Muslim 'Ulamá are certainly much fettered by their religion in the
pursuit of some of the paths of learning; and superstition sometimes
decides a point which has been controverted for centuries. Lane's Modern
Egyptians, vol. i. p. 269.
[33] The Goth might ravage Italy, but the Goth came forth purified from the
flames which he himself had kindled. The Saxon swept Britain, but the music
of the Celtic heart softened his rough nature, and wooed him into less
churlish habits. Visigoth and Frank, Heruli and Vandal, blotted out their
ferocity in the very light of the civilisation they had striven to
extinguish. Even the Hun, wildest Tartar from the Scythian waste, was
touched and softened in his wicker encampment amid Pannonian plains; but
the Turk--wherever his scymitar reached--degraded, defiled, and defamed;
blasting into eternal decay Greek, Roman and Latin civilisation, until,
when all had gone, he sat down, satiated with savagery, to doze for two
hundred years into hopeless decrepitude. Lieut.-Col. W. F. Butler, C.B., in
_Good Words_ for September 1880.
[34] "The Muslim everywhere, after a brilliant passage of prosperity, seems
to stagnate and wither, because there is nothing in his system or his
belief which lifts him above the level of a servant, and on that level
man's life in the long run must not only stagnate but decay. The Christian,
on the other hand, seems everywhere in the last extremity to bid
disorganization and decay defiance, and to find, Antæus-like, in the earth
which he touches, the spring of a new and fruitful progress. For there is
that in his belief, his traditions, and in the silent influences which
pervade the very atmosphere around him, which is ever moving him, often in
ways that he knows not, to rise to the dignity and to clothe himself with
the power which the Gospel proposes as the prize of his Christian calling.
The submissive servant of Allah is the highest type of Moslem perfection;
the Christian ideal is the Christ-like son."--_British Quarterly, No._
cxxx.
[35] A Mukallif is one who is subject to the Law. A Ghair-i-Mukallif is one
not so subject, such as a minor, an idiot, &c. The term Mukallif is thus
equivalent to a consistent Muslim, one who takes trouble (taklíf) in his
religious duties.
[36] Commentators on the Qurán.
[37] The Traditionists.
[38] Plural of Faqíh, a theologian.
[39] I have given the dates of their death.
[40] Osborn's Islám under the Khalífs p. 72.
[41] Dabistán, p. 214.
[42] pp. 508-510.
[43] "It (the Qurán) is simply an instruction for all mankind" (Súra xii.
104).
[44] Zawábit-al-Qurán, pp. 110, 111.
[45] The opinion of Von Hammer, quoted by Sir W. Muir, in his life of
Muhammad (vol. i. page 27) seems to be correct, "We may hold the Qurán to
be as surely Muhammad's words as the Muhammadans hold it to be the Word of
God."
[46] Ibn Khallikan's Biographical Dictionary, vol. iii. p. 16.
[47] "Were we to examine the Qurán by the rules of rhetoric and criticism
as they are taught in Muslim schools, we should be obliged to acknowledge
that it is the perfection of thought and expression; an inevitable result
as the Muslims drew their principles of rhetoric from that very
book."--Baron M. de Slane, in the introduction to Ibu Khallikan's
Biographical Dictionary.
[48] There are many Traditions which refer to this fact. Omar Ibn al
Khattáb said; "I accorded with my cherisher (_i.e._, God) in three things.
One is that I said, 'O messenger of God! if we were to say our prayers in
Abraham's place it would be better.' Then a revelation came down 'Take the
place of Abraham for a place of prayer.' The second is, that I said, 'O
messenger of God! good and bad people come to your house; and I do not see
that it is fitting; therefore, if you order your women to be shut up it
will be better.' Then the revelation for doing so came down. The third is,
that his Majesty's wives were all agreed in a story about his drinking
honey; and he had vowed never to drink it more. Then I said to his
Majesty's wives, 'Should the Prophet divorce you, God will give him better
in exchange.' Then a revelation, came down agreeing with what I said."
'Áyesha said:--"I was reflecting on those women who had given themselves to
the Prophet, and said 'What! does a woman give herself away?' Then the
revelation descended:, 'Thou mayest decline for the present whom thou wilt
of them, and thou mayest take to thy bed her whom thou wilt, and whomsoever
thou shalt long for of those thou shalt have before neglected: and this
shall be no crime in thee.' (Súra xxxiii. 51). I said; 'I see nothing in
which your God doth not hasten to please you: whatsoever you wish He
doeth.'"
[49] Les Prolégomènes d'Ibn Khaldoun, vol. ii. p. 459.
[50] This includes even the orthography, for:--"La génération suivante, je
veux dire les Tábis (Tába'ín), adopta l'orthographe des Compagnons du
Prophète et se fit un mérite de ne point s'écarter des formes adoptées par
ceux qui, après Mahommed, étaient les plus excellent des hommes et qui
avaient recu de lui les révélations célestes, soit par écrit, soit de vive
voix." Ibn Khaldoun, vol. ii. p. 397.
[51] This interpretation God made known to the Prophet, who communicated it
to the Companions, hence all orthodox opinion must be in strict accordance
with theirs. They were the sole depositaries of the inspired commentary
given by Muhammad. There is now no room for, as there is no need of, any
other.
[52] Speaking on this very subject Ibn Khaldoun says:--"Rien de tout cela
n'a pu se connaître que par des indications provenant des Compagnons et de
leurs disciples." Vol. ii. p. 460.
[53] Ibn Khaldoun says that Zamakchori, (a theologian of good repute for
learning in the sixth century A.H.), remarked on these letters as
follows:--They indicate that the style of the Qurán is carried to such a
degree of excellence, that it defies every attempt to imitate it; for this
book which has been sent down to us from heaven is composed of letters. All
men know them all alike, but this power disappears when, in order to
express their ideas, they want to use these same letters combined."
On this curious passage Baron de Slane remarks that the author is not very
clear, and that the Turkish translator of Ibn Khaldoun gives the sense of
the passage as:--"God has placed these letters in several Súras as a sort
of defiance; as if He had said:--'Voilà les éléments dont se compose le
Coran; prenez-les et faites-eu un livre qui l'égale par le style.'" Ibn
Khaldoun, vol. iii. p. 68.
[54] The last verse revealed at Mecca was, "This day have I perfected your
religion for you, and have filled up the measure of my favours upon you;
and it is my pleasure that Islám be your religion; but whoso without wilful
leanings to wrong shall be forced by hunger to transgress, to him, verily,
will God be indulgent, merciful." (Súra v. 5). Ibn Khaldoun vol. i. p. 206.
[55] The arrangement made by Professor Th. Nöldeke in his "Geschichte des
Quráns" is considered by Stanley Lane Poole to be the best. Rodwell's
English version of the Qurán is, with some exceptions, an example of this
order.
[56] On ordinary occasions any verses may be chosen. The 112th Súra is the
one generally repeated.
[57] Tafsír-i-Husainí, p. 216.
[58] Sharh-i-'Aqáíd-i-Jámí, p. 131.
[59] Commentary on the Holy Bible by Syed Ahmad, C.S.I., vol. i. p. 268.
See note on this in chapter 4. Section 'Prophets.'
[60] Niáz Namáh, by Maulavi Safdar 'Ali, p. 250.
[61] Biographical Dictionary, vol. ii, p. 679.
[62] "He ranked as a high authority in the Traditions and was well versed
in all the sciences connected with them." Ibn Khallikan, vol. ii. p. 680.
[63] The Káfi, by Abu Ja'far Muhammad, A.H. 329. The
Man-lá-yastah-zirah-al-Faqíh, by Shaikh 'Alí, A.H. 381. The Tahzíb and the
Istibsár by Shaikh Abu Ja'far Muhammad, A.H. 466. The Nahaj-ul-Balághat by
Sayyud Razí A.H. 406.
[64] If the Isnád is good, internal improbability carries with it little
weight against the genuineness of a Tradition. There is a saying current to
this effect:--"A relation made by Sháfa'í on the authority of Málik, and by
him on the authority of Nafi, and by him on the authority of Ibn Omar, is
really the golden chain."
[65] Núr-ul-Hidáyah, p. 5.
[66] A full account of these will be found in the preface to the
Núr-ul-Hidáyah, the Urdu translation of the Sharh-i-Waqáyah.
[67] Sharh-i-'Aqáíd-i-Jámí, p. 123.
[68] Kisas-ul-Anbiya,--"Lives of the Prophets."
[69] Hyát-un-Nafís.
[70] The Shía'hs in claiming freedom from sin for the infallible Imáms are
more logical than the Romanists, thus:--
"If we are to believe in the inerrability of a person, or a body of
persons, because it is, forsooth, necessary for the full preservation of
the truth, we must then also believe in all besides that can be shown to be
needful for the perfect attainment of that end. Now, the conservation of
all spiritual truth is not a mere operation of the intellect. It requires
the faultless action of the perceiving power of the spirit. That is to say,
it requires the exclusion of sin; and the man or body that is to be
infallible, must also be a sinless organ. It is necessary that the
tainting, blinding, distorting power of sin should be shut out from the
spiritual eye of the infallible judge." Gladstone's _Gleanings_, vol. iii.
p. 260.
[71] It is a common Musalmán belief that the body of a prophet casts no
shadow. A similar idea regarding necromancers was widely spread over
Northern Europe. It is alluded to by Scott in the "Lay of the Last
Minstrel," where speaking of the father of the Ladye, who in Padua, "had
learned the art that none might name," he says:--
"His form no darkening shadow traced
Upon the sunny wall."
It is said that at a certain stage of initiation candidates for magical
honours were in danger of being caught by the devil. Now if the devil could
only catch the shadow, and the man escaped, though so nearly captured, he
became a great magician. This is evidently a legend to explain a previous
belief. Muhammadan ideas in the middle ages were prevalent in the
Universities of Southern Europe, and Salamanca and Padua were the
universities, in which it was supposed that the greatest proficiency in
magic was obtained. The superstition has evidently some connection with the
Musalmán belief regarding the shadows of prophets.
[72] The Sunnís esteem and respect the Imáms, as Ahl-i-Beit--men of the
House, (of the Prophet); but do not give them precedence over the duly
appointed Khalífs.
[73] The names are 'Alí, Hasan, Husain, Zain-ul-'Abid-dín, Muhammad Báqr,
Ja'far Sádiq, Musa Kázim, 'Alí Músa Razá, Muhammad Taqí, Muhammad Naqí,
Hasan 'Askarí, Abu 'l-Qásim (or Imám Mahdí).
[74] Rauzat-ul-Aimmah by Sayyid 'Izzat 'Alí.
[75] For a good account of this movement see, Osborn's Islám under the
Arabs, pp. 168-184.
[76] Islám under the Khalífs, p. 139.
[77] Miskát-ul-Musábih.
[78] Hujjat-ullah-ul-Balaghah.
[79] Nothing shows this more plainly than the Fatvá pronounced by the
Council of the 'Ulamá in July 1879 anent Khaír-ud-din's proposed reform,
which would have placed the Sultán in the position of a constitutional
sovereign. This was declared to be directly contrary to the Law. Thus:--
"The law of the Sheri does not authorize the Khalíf to place beside him a
power superior to his own. The Khalíf ought to reign alone and govern as
master. The Vakils (Ministers) should never possess any authority beyond
that of representatives, always dependent and submissive. It would
consequently be a transgression of the unalterable principles of the Sheri,
which should be the guide of _all_ the actions of the Khalíf, to transfer
the supreme power of the Khalíf to one Vakil." This, the latest and most
important decision of the jurists of Islám, is quite in accordance with all
that has been said about Muhammadan Law. It proves as clearly as possible
that so long as the Sultán rules as Khalíf, he must oppose any attempt to
set up a constitutional Government. There is absolutely no hope of reform.
[80] It is instructive to compare the words of the Christian poet with the
Súfí idea of absorption into the Divine Being.
"That each who seems a separate whole
Should move his rounds, and fusing all
The skirts of self again, should fall
Remerging in the general soul,
Is faith as vague as all unsweet:
Eternal form shall still divide
The eternal soul from all beside;
And I shall know him when we meet."
Tennyson's "In Memoriam."
[81] "Le spiritualisme des Sofis, quoiqu'il soit le contraire du
matérialisme, lui est en réalité identique. Mais si leur doctrine n'est pas
plus raisonnable, elle est du moins plus élevee et plus poétique." Poésie
Philosophique et religieuse chez les Persans, par M. Garcin De Tassy, p. 2.
[82] Kaf--a chain of mountains supposed to encircle the earth.
[83] 'Anka--the Phoenix.
[84] "Ils pensent que la Bible et le Coran ont été seulement écrits pour
l'homme qui se contente de l'apparence des choses, qui s'occupe de
l'extérieur, pour le _záhir parast_, comme ils le nomment, et non pour le
sofi qui sonde le fond des choses." La Poésie Philosophique et religieuse
chez les Persans, par M. Garcin de Tassy, p. 13.
[85] The word Darvísh, or Darwísh, is of Persian origin. It is derived from
'dar,' a door, and 'wíz' the root of the verb 'awíkhtan,' to hang; hence
the idea of hanging about doors, or begging. The 'z' is changed into 'sh'
and the word becomes 'Darwísh.' Some Musalmáns, however, do not like this
idea of holy men being called by a name which implies the habit of begging,
and so they propose another derivation. They derive it from "dur," a pearl,
and "wísh," like; and so a durwísh is one 'like a pearl.' The wísh is from
wásh, a lengthened form of wash, an affix of common use to express
similitude; or the long vowel in wásh may by a figure of speech, called
Imála, be changed into the í of wísh. I think the first derivation the more
probable. A good Persian dictionary, the Ghíás-ul-Lugbát, gives both
derivations.
[86] For a very interesting account of this religious ceremony, see Hughes'
Notes on Muhammadanism, Chapter 51.
[87] La Poésie Philosophique et Religieuse chez les Persans, par M. Garcin
de Tassy, p. 7.
[88] Súfí doctrines of the Moollá Sháh by Tawakkul Beg. Journal Asiatique
6me Série, tom. 13.
[89] "That Omar in his impiety was false to his better nature we may
readily admit, while, at the same time, we may find some excuse for his
errors, if we remember the state of the world at that time. His clear
strong sense revolted from the prevailing mysticism where all the earnest
spirits of his age found their refuge, and his honest independence was
equally shocked by the hypocrites who aped their fervour and enthusiasm;
and at that dark hour of man's history whither, out of Islám, was the
thoughtful Muhammadan to repair? No missionary's step, bringing good
tidings, had appeared on the mountains of Persia; the few Christians who
might cross his path in his native land, would only seem to him idolaters."
Speaking, too, of Sa'di's life the reviewer says: "almost the only point of
contact with Christendom is his slavery under the Crusaders at Tripoli. The
same isolation runs through all the golden period of Persian
Literature"--_Calcutta Review_, No. lix.
[90] The following are the names of the Wahhábí chiefs:--Muhammad-Ibn-Saud,
died A.D. 1765; 'Abd-ul-Azíz, assassinated, 1803; Saud-Ibn-'Abd-ul-Azíz,
died 1814; 'Abd-Ulláh-ibn-Saud, beheaded 1818; Turki, assassinated 1830;
Fayzul, died 1866; 'Abd-Ulláh, still living. Hughes Notes, p. 221.
[91] Palgrave's Arabia, vol. ii. p. 10.
[92] According to the latest Census Report there are 4,000 in the Madras
Presidency, where the total Musalmán population is about 2,000,000.
[93] Mudárij-un-Nabuwat, p. 149.
[94] Palgrave's Arabia vol. i. p. 369.
[95] Palgrave's Arabia, vol. i. p. 372.
[96] Ibid, p. 372.
[97] Muhammad Ismá'íl concludes his great work, the Takwiat-ul-Imán, with
the prayer--"O Lord teach us by Thy grace, the meaning of the terms Bid'at
and Sunnat, and the Law of the Prophet. Make us pure Sunnís and strictly
submissive to the Sunnat." This is a clear and distinct proof that Wahhábís
do not reject Tradition as a basis of the Faith. It also shows their horror
of innovation, and reveals the little hope there is of any real progress
through their influence.
[98] "Mr. Finlay, the clever but partial author of "The Byzantine Empire,"
has declared in a sweeping way 'that there is no greater delusion than to
speak of the unity of the Christian Church.' However this may be, I can
affirm the perfect applicability of this sentence to Islám in the East. In
no part of the world is there more of secret division, aversion, misbelief
(taking Muhammadanism as our standard), and unbelief than in those very
lands which to a superficial survey, seem absolutely identified in the one
common creed of the Qurán and its author."--Palgrave's Arabia, vol. i. p.
10.
[99] Strictly speaking, this chapter should be entitled the 'Faith of
Islám,' as the subject of it is technically called Imán, or faith. The
Kalima, or creed is, in the strict sense, the expression of belief in one
God, and in Muhammad as His apostle. I here use the word creed in the usual
sense of a body of dogmas.
[100] Iqrárun bil-lisáni wa tasdíqun bil janáni.
[101] Amantu billáhi kama hua bismáíhi wa sifátíhi wa qabiltu jamí'a
ahkámihi.
[102] Amantu billáhi wa maláíkatihi wa kutubihi wa rusulihi
wal-youm-íl-ákhiri wal-qadri khairihi wa sharrihi min alláhi ta'álá
wal-ba'si ba'd al-mouti.
[103] He speaks of it thus: "l'ouvrage élémentaire de la religion Musulmane
le plus estimé et le plus répandu en Turquie," p. 154.
[104] Sharh-i-'Aqáíd-i-Jámí, p. 27.
[105] The above statements form the substance of several pages in the
"Prolégomènes d'Ibn Khaldoun," in which also occurs the following: "Cela
n'est pas toutefois un motif pour déprécier notre intelligence et nos
facultés perceptives: l'intelligence est une balance parfaitement juste:
elle nous fournit des résultats certains sans nous tromper. Mais on ne doit
pas employer cette balance pour peser les choses qui se rattachent à
l'unité de Dieu, à la vie future, à la nature du prophétisme, au véritable
caractère des attributs divine et à tout ce qui est au delà de sa porteé.
Vouloir le faire, ce serait une absurdité." Vol. iii. p. 45.
[106] "Telle fut la règle suivie par les anciens musulmans à l'égard des
verses motachabeh; ils l'appliquaient aussi aux expressions du même genre
qui se présentent dans la Sonna, parce qu'elles proviennent de la même
source que celles du Coran." Ibn Khaldoun, vol. iii. p. 67.
This passage is of some interest as maintaining the common source and
origin of the Qurán and the Sunnat.
[107] Ibn Khallikan, vol. i. p. 565.
[108] "The Musulmán Authors distinguish between the earlier and later
Mutakallimán. The former (of whom we here treat) were occupied with purely
religious questions; the latter, who arose after the introduction of the
Greek philosophy amongst Muslims, embraced many philosophic notions, though
they tried to make them fit in with their religious opinions." Mélanges de
Philosophie Juive et Arabe, p. 320.
[109] Tafsír-i-Faiz-ul-Karím, p. 250.
[110] Tafsír-i-Faiz-ul-Karím, p. 250.
[111] Dabistán, p. 218.
[112] Ibn Khallikan, vol. iii, p. 343.
[113] "C'etait l'époque de la plus grande splendeur extérieure de l'empire
des Arabes, où leur pouvoir, et en même temps leur culture intellectuelle
et littáraire, atteignirent leur point culminant." Journal Asiatique 4me
Série, Tome xii. p. 104.
[114] To understand the bearing of all the discussions that then took
place, the reader should have some acquaintance with the history of the
Khalífs, and of the rise and progress of Muslim philosophy. The former can
be found in Osborn's "Khalífs of Baghdád." A short review of the latter
will be found in a note at the end of this chapter.
[115] Ibn Khallikan, vol. ii p. 669.
[116] Ibid, p. 228.
[117] Ibn Khaldoun says: "L'établissement des preuves (fondées sur la
raison) fut adopté par les (premiers) scolastiques pour le sujet de leur
traités, mais il ne fut pas, comme chez les philosophes, une tentative pour
arriver à la découverte de la vérité et pour obtenir, au moyen de la
démonstration, la connaissance de ce qui était ignoré jusqu' alors. Les
scolastiques recherchaient des preuves intellectuelles dans le but de
confirmer la vérité des dogmes, de justifier les opinions des premiers
Musalmans et de repousser les doctrines trompeuses que les novateurs
avaient émises." Prolégomènes d'Ibn Khaldoun, vol. iii. p. 169.
[118] Sharh-i-Aqáíd-i-Jámí, p. 63
[119] "Most excellent titles has God: by these call ye on Him and stand
aloof from those who pervert His titles." (Súra vii. 179.)
[120] "The Mujassimians, or Corporealists not only admitted a resemblance
between God and created beings, but declared God to be corporeal." Sale's
Preliminary discourse, Section viii. para. 3.
[121] Ibn Khallikan, vol. iv. p. 394.
[122] "The Freethinkers (Mutazilites) left no traces of themselves except
in the controversial treatises which they had written. These were
destroyed, and with their destruction the last vestiges of the conflict
between Free-thought and the spirit of Islám were obliterated." Osborn's
Khalífs of Baghdád, p. 148.
[123] Súra xxxix, 68, 69.
[124] L'Islamisme d'après le Coran, p. 135.
[125] Sharh-i-'Aqáíd-i-Jámí, p. 112.
[126] Sharh-i-'Aqáíd-i-Jámí, p. 187.
[127] Tafsír-i-Faiz-ul-Karím, p. 58.
[128] Takmíl-ul-Imán, p. 19.
[129] "From the beginning of history the Caucasus is to civilized nations,
both Greek and Oriental, the boundary of geographical knowledge--indeed,
the boundary of the world itself."--Bryce's Transcaucasia and Ararat, p.
48.
[130] See also Súra xxxviii. 89.
[131] Sharh-Aqáíd-i-Jámí, p. 140.
[132] Thus the famous Persian poet Sa'dí says in the Bustán, "Yetímí kih
nákardah Qurán darust, kutub khána-i-chand millat bashust."--"The Perfect
one who, ere the whole of Gabriel's book he reads, has blotted out the
library of all the peoples' creeds."
[133] Sharh-Aqáíd-i-Jámí, p. 147. Mansukh shud tiláwatan wa Kitábatan,
_i.e._ abrogated both as regards reading and writing--entirely abrogated.
Also Takmíl-ul-Imán, p. 64. Dín-i-wai Násikh-i-jami'-i-adián ast.--"His
religion abrogates all religions."
[134] Commentary on the Holy Bible by Syed Ahmad, C.S.I., vol. i. p. 268.
This Commentary is written in Urdu, but the author has made a translation
for the benefit of the English reader. The passage referred to reads thus
in English: "Those who imagine it to be part of the Muhammadan creed that
one law has totally repealed another are utterly mistaken, and we do not
believe that the Zuboor (Book of Psalms) abrogated the Taureit
(Pentateuch); that the Taureit in turn gave way to the Injeel (New
Testament) and that the New Testament was suppressed by the Holy Korán. We
hold no such doctrine, and if any ignorant Muhammadan should assert to the
contrary, he simply knows nothing whatever about the doctrines and articles
of his faith." The learned Syed here assumes the rôle of a liberal
Musalmán, but the English translation is different from his Urdu text
which, literally translated, is as follows:--"Now it should be considered
that those who imagine it to be part of the creed of Muslims that the
Taurát by the coming of the Zabúr, and the Zabúr by the coming of the
Injíl, and the Injíl by the coming of the Qurán are abrogated _on account
of the idea that there is any defect in them_ are utterly mistaken, &c."
The clause which I have italicised is entirely omitted in the English text;
but it alters the import of the whole passage. To his co-religionists the
Syed says in effect: "The books _are abrogated_ but not because they were
imperfect." Now, as no Muslim would believe that a divine book was
defective, the Syed is simply asserting the fact of the abrogation of the
previous Scriptures and to the orthodox is orthodox. The leader of an
apparently liberal section of Indian Musalmáns is, in this instance, at
least, as conservative as the most bigoted.
[135] Syed Ahmad's Commentary on the Holy Bible, vol. i. p. 22.
[136] Ibid, p. 31.
[137] There are many other such passages. They are given in detail, with
the interpretation of approved commentators, in a small S. P. C. K.
publication--The Korán--by Sir W. Muir.
[138] Commentary on the Holy Bible, by Syed Ahmad, C.S.I., vol. i. pp.
64-95.
[139] Takmíl-ul-Imán, p. 59.
[140] Takmíl-ul-Imán, p. 59.
[141] Takmíl-ul-Imán, p. 65.
[142] Prolégomènes d'Ibn Khaldoun, vol. i. pp. 196-205.
[143] "That the "Auliya" are distinguished above ordinary mortals is
maintained on the authority of:--"Are not the friends (Auliya) of God,
those on whom no fear shall come, nor shall they be put to grief." (Súra x.
63.)
[144] Sharh-i-Aqáíd-i-Jámí, p. 125.
[145] Sirát-ul-Islám, p. 18.
[146] This is an orthodox blow at the Shía'h practices in the month of
Muharram. Shía'hs consider this a good act.
[147] Takmíl-ul-Imán, p. 18.
[148] It is said Adam's sin was a mere slip but it brought good to the
world. Had he remained in Paradise the world would not have been peopled;
and the word of God "I have not created men and jinns, except for worship,"
would not have been fulfilled.
[149] That is, according to the commentator Beidawí,--"Thy remissness in
propagating Islám."
[150] Tafsír-i-Husainí, p. 332.
[151] On the contrary, he seems to disclaim such a power. Thus the Quraish
said: "By no means will we believe on thee till thou cause a fountain to
gush forth for us from the earth; or, till thou have a garden of palm-trees
and grapes, and thou cause forth-gushing rivers to gush forth in its midst;
or thou make the heaven to fall on us, as thou hast given out, in pieces;
or thou bring God and the angels to vouch for thee, &c. Say: Am I more than
a man, an Apostle?" (Súra xvii. 92-95). Former prophets, Muhammad used to
say, were sent to their own sect, but he was sent for all. Their miracles
were confined to their own times. The Qurán the great miracle of Islám, was
for all ages. He needed no other sign than this.
[152] "Have We not opened thine heart for thee." (Súra xciv. 1). Tradition
relates that when young, two angels cut open his breast, and took out a
black drop; many other marvels are also connected with this event.
[153] Sharh-i-Aqáíd-i-Jámí.
[154] Tafsír-i-Husainí. p. 362
[155] For a graphic account of these events see "Literary Remains of
Emmanuel Deutsch," pp. 99-112.
[156] "All that Muhammadans must believe respecting the Mi'ráj is that the
Prophet saw himself, in a vision, transported from Mecca to Jerusalem, and
that in such a vision he really beheld some of the greatest signs of his
Lord." Essays by Syed Ahmad, Essay vi. p. 34. This, though a legitimate, is
not, however, an orthodox opinion; which is, that he who denies an actual
bodily migration from Mecca to Jerusalem is a Káfir, (infidel) as he denies
the statement of a 'nass' or plain text of the Qurán. He who denies the
ascension to heaven, and the wonderful account of the night's proceedings
preserved in the Traditions is a "fásiq," (sinner), though he remains a
Muslim.
[157] Some commentators make no distinction between the first and second
blast, as only two are distinctly mentioned in the Qurán.
[158] Sharh-i-'Aqáíd-i-Jámí, p. 183.
[159] According to Búkhárí and to Muslim, this perspiration will flow to a
distance of seventy yards from, and reach up to the lobe of the ears of
those who perspire.
[160] "That is, they will know the inhabitants of Paradise by their
whiteness, and the people of Hell by the blackness of their faces."
[161] For some curious opinions with regard to the state of the soul there
see Sale's Preliminary Discourse, Section iv., p. 55.
[162] Takmíl-ul-Imán, p. 47.
[163] Tafsír-i-Husainí, vol. i. p. 397.
[164] Tafsír-i-Faiz-ul-Karím, p. 25.
[165] Miskát-ul-Musábíh, book xxiii. ch. 12.
[166] "Although some Muhammadans, whose understandings are too refined to
admit such gross conceptions, look on their Prophet's description as
parabolical, and are willing to receive them in an allegorical or spiritual
acceptation, yet the general and orthodox doctrine is, that the whole is to
be strictly believed in the obvious and literal acceptance." Sale's
Preliminary Discourse, Section iv. p. 73.
[167] This, the Lauh-ul-Mahfúz, is referred to in Súra lxxxv. 22, as that
on which the Qurán is written. In Súra xxxvi. 11, the actions of men are
said to be written in "the clear book of our decrees." This is called the
Imám-ul-Mubín, the clear prototype.
[168] "The Prophet of God said that Adam and Moses (in the world of
Spirits) maintained a debate before God, and Adam got the better of Moses,
who said, "Thou art that Adam, whom God created and breathed into thee His
own Spirit, and made the angels bow down before thee, and placed thee in
Paradise; after which, thou threwest man upon the earth, from the fault
which thou didst commit.' Adam replied, 'Thou art that Moses, whom God
selected for His prophecy and to converse with, and He gave thee twelve
tables, in which are explained everything, and he made thee His confidant
and the bearer of His secrets; then how long was the Bible written before I
was created?' Moses said, 'Forty years.' Then said Adam, 'Didst thou see in
the Bible that Adam disobeyed God?' 'Yes.' 'Dost thou reproach me on a
matter, which God wrote in the Bible forty years before creating me?'"
[169] Ibn Kah, commenting on the verse, "When thy Lord brought forth their
descendants from the reins of the sons of Adam and took them to witness
against themselves, 'Am I not,' said He, 'your Lord,' They said: 'yes, we
witness it.'" (Súra vii. 171), goes on to say: "God formed all the prophets
and saints into one class, and the martyrs into another. The pious men,
also, were separated into one, and the wicked into another. One class was
formed of the obedient servants, while the unbelievers, _viz_., the Jews,
the Christians, the Majians, the Hindus, &c., were likewise divided into
several parties; next, they were shaped into forms, that is, into the shape
in which he was to appear in the world was predestined for each one." This
passage is quoted with approval by the Wahhábí author of the
Takwiyat-ul-Imán.
[170] The orthodox Commentator 'Abbás says: "This verse refers to the
decree, _e.g._ 'He whom God wills to believe certainly will do so, and whom
He wills to be an infidel will be one,' and not at all to man's free will."
Tafsír-Hisainí, vol. ii. page 9.
[171] Mélanges de Philosophe Juive et Arabe par S. Munk. p. 458.
[172] Thus the poet Faizí says: "Before thou and I were thought of, our
free will was taken from our hands; be without cares, for the Maker of both
worlds settled our affairs long before we were made."
[173] The punishment of death is sometimes decreed for lesser offences. In
the latter part of the year 1879, one of the Turkish 'Ulamá, named Ahmad,
was condemned to death for having assisted Dr. Koelle, an English clergyman
residing in Constantinople, in the translation of the Book of Common
Prayer, and a tract on 'Christ the Word of God.' Owing to the urgent
representations of the British Ambassador the Khojah's life was spared, but
he was banished to the island of Chio. The Porte promised to maintain his
family whilst he was absent. It need scarcely be said that nothing of the
kind has been done.
[174] Journal Asiatique 4me Série, tome 17, p. 582
[175] This is the Sháfa'íte form which the Hanifites consider wrong.
[176] Kingsley's Alexandria and her Schools, p. 160.
[177] Les Prairies D'or, tome sixième, p. 368.
[178] Mélanges de Philosophie Juive et Arabe, par S. Munk, p. 315.
[179] For a statement of the Ash'arían doctrines see pp. 130-131.
[180] Strictly speaking, one should not speak of Arab but of Muslim
philosophy, for curiously enough only one famous Philosopher, Al-Kendi, was
an Arab.
[181] Mélanges de Philosophie Juive et Arabe, par S. Munk, p. 429.
[182] "Aprés lui, nous ne trouvons plus chez les Arabes aucun philosophe
véritablement digne de ce nom." Mélanges de Philosophie Juive et Arabe, par
S. Munk, p. 458.
[183] Muslim rule in Spain is often referred to as an instance of the
height of culture and the liberality of sentiment which may exist in a
Muhammadan state. I have shown that the culture was not due to the teaching
of the Arab Prophet and his Companions, and with regard to the liberality
it is well to remember the words of G. H. Lewes. He says: "The Arabs,
though they conquered Spain, were too weak in numbers to hold that country
in subjection otherwise than by politic concessions to the opinion and
customs of the people." History of Philosophy, vol. i. p. 36.
[184] "There never was any Arabian science, strictly speaking. In the first
place, all the Philosophy and Science of the Muhammadans was Greek, Jewish,
and Persian.... It really designates a reaction against Islámism, which
arose in the distant parts of the Empire, in Samarcand, Bokhara, Morocco,
and Cordova. The Arabian language having become the language of the Empire,
this Philosophy is written in that language; but the ideas are not Arabian;
the spirit is not Arabian." History of Philosophy, by G. H. Lewes, vol. ii.
p. 34.
[185] The Persian term for this is Namáz, a word in commoner use in India
than Sulát. Both terms will henceforth be employed.
[186] There is a Tradition to the effect that "the whole body of him who
says the name of God when making wazú will be clean; whereas, if he says it
not, only the part washed will be pure."
[187] Before commencing the wazú, say: "I am going to purify myself from
all bodily uncleanness preparatory to commencing prayer, that holy act of
duty, which will draw my soul near to the throne of the Most High. In the
name of God, the Great and Mighty. Praise be to God who has given us grace
to be Muslims. Islám is a truth and infidelity a falsehood."
When cleaning the teeth say: "Vouchsafe O God, as I clean my teeth, to
purify me from my faults and accept my homage. O Lord, may the purity of my
teeth be for me a pledge of the whiteness of my face at the day of
judgment."
When washing the nostrils say: "O my God, if I am pleasing in Thy sight,
perfume me with the odours of Paradise."
When washing the right hand say: "O my God, on the day of judgment, place
the book of my actions in my right hand, and examine my account with
favour."
When washing the left hand, say: "O my God, place not at the resurrection
the book of my actions in my left hand." Similar prayers are said at each
act.
[188] From the account which follows it will be seen that the term Namáz
expresses what we term a 'Service.' The word for prayer in the ordinary
sense is 'Du'á.'
[189] It is taken from the Sirát-un-Naját, pp. 30-33.
[190] As the use of bells is unlawful a man is employed to call the people
to prayers.
[191] "God is Great."
[192] The followers of Imám As-Sháfa'í and the women of all sects place the
hands upon the breast. The feet should be about four inches apart; women
stand with the feet close together.
[193] The second rak'at begins here: all that precedes is only repeated at
the first rak'at.
[194] A fixed portion is said in each rak'at during the nights of Ramazán,
which portion is then called a rukú'. (Ante. p. 57.)
[195] In a mosque the Imám says the first sentences alone; the people the
second.
[196] Women in the Sijda keep all the limbs of the body close together, and
put both feet at right angles to the body. If their face is Qibla-wards it
is sufficient.
[197] Here the Shía'hs say:--"I rise and sit by the power of God."
[198] This is said at the close of every two rak'ats.
[199] The Shía'hs stop here and omit the rest.
[200] The Shía'hs omit the Du'á and say: "Peace be on thee, O Prophet, with
the mercy of God and His blessing. Peace be on us and on God's righteous
servants."
[201] The Fatvá, or decree, will be found in a note at the end of this
chapter.
[202] I am indebted to Hughes' Notes on Muhammadanism for this excellent
table.
[203] The Musallí may say five or three witr rak'ats instead of seven.
[204] Núr-ul-Hidáayat, p. 155.
[205] In countries under Muslim rule he holds a wooden sword reversed.
[206] One who says, "Alláhu Akbar--God is Great."
[207] A reference to his presence with Muhammad in the cave (ghár) when
they fled from Mecca to Madína. See Súra ix. 40.
[208] Núr-ul-Hidáyat, p. 153.
[209] Sirát-un-Naját, p. 40.
[210] Qíám is one of the positions in a Namáz and is here used by
synecdoche for it. In Mecca the Salát-ut-Taráwíh is called with reference
to this Tradition the Salát-ul-Qíámíah.
[211] Núr-ul-Hidáyat, p. 141.
[212] That is, a non-Muslim who is allowed to reside in a Musalmán State on
payment of a special tax.
[213] The Sháfa'ítes raise the hands at the recital of each of the four
Takbírs; the other sects do so only at the first.
[214] If the deceased was a child or a mad person, they say:--
"O God, make him (or her, as the case may be) a guide for us, and make him
a cause of our gaining a future reward. O God, save him and make him an
intercessor for us."
[215] The Imám makes the Niyyat in his mind that the Salám may be on his
guardian angels, and on the worshippers who are behind him; each worshipper
makes the Niyyat that the Salám may be on his guardian angels, on his
fellow worshippers and on the Imám.
[216] _i.e._, the deceased's.
[217] Death, resurrection, judgment; &c.
[218] This contradicts verse 254 of this Súra. Muslims explain it thus. We
accept all prophets and as regards _faith_ in them make no difference,
though as regards _dignity_ we recognize the distinction indicated in the
254th verse.
[219] That is, the Jews and Christians, on whom, it is said by the Muslim
Commentators, many strict ceremonial observances were incumbent. The word
often used to express the idea of the burdensome nature of ceremonial
observance is taklilíf, trouble. Practically, Muslims are not free from
these "loads," a fact which finds expression in the word used for a pious
man--a mukhallif, one who has to take trouble in the way of performing
religious duties.
[220] In Madras, a branch of the pomegranate tree is usually stuck in.
[221] The name of the mother is here inserted. The mother's name is chosen
in preference to that of the father, as there can be no doubt as to the
maternity of the child. For the same reason it is said that at the Last Day
each man will be summoned as such an one, son of such a mother. This simple
fact reveals a sad state of morals, or, at least, a disbelief in the virtue
of women.
[222] The idea is that the reward of this act is transferred to the person
on whose behalf it is made.
[223] Súra ii. 256.
[224] There are others who maintain that this is a _mukham_ statement and
cannot therefore be abrogated. They hold that it must be restricted to the
aged and to persons who have chronic diseases. Tafsír-i-Husainí, p. 30.
Tafsír-i-Faiz-ul-Karím, p. 120.
[225] Burton says that, when in the disguise of a Musalmán doctor he was in
Cairo making preparations for the Hajj, he had but one patient who would
break his fast to save his life. All the others refused though death should
be the consequence.
[226] "The former are called Zakát, either because they increase a man's
store by drawing down a blessing on him and produce in his soul the virtue
of liberality, or because they purify the remaining part of one's substance
from pollution and the soul from the filth of avarice; the latter are
called Sadqa because they are a proof of a man's sincerity in the worship
of God." Sale's Preliminary Discourse, Section iv.
[227] That is food or money sufficient to provide one meal for a poor
person.
[228] The technical term is 5 wasq. A wasq is equal to 60 sá', and a sá' is
equal to 8 ratal. A ratal is equal to 1 lb; so a wasq, a load for one
camel, is about 480 lb.
[229] Mosques are usually endowed. The property thus set apart is called
waqf. This supports the various officials connected with a Mosque.
[230] The two famous disciples of Imám Abu Hanífa, Abu Yúsuf and Muhammad.
[231] This ceremony is called Al-Ihrám (_i.e._, making unlawful), because
now various actions and pursuits must be abstained from. The ceremony of
doffing the pilgrim's garb is called Al-Ihlál (_i.e._, making lawful), for
now the pilgrim returns to the ordinary pursuits and joys of a life in the
world.
[232] This statement of names is taken from the Núr-ul-Hidáyat p. 211, and
that of the distance from Hughes' Notes on Islám; but Burton speaks of Al
Zaribah, a place 47 miles distant from Mecca as a Míqát. It was there that
he assumed the Ihrám. The explanation probably is that a Hájí must not
approach nearer to Mecca without the Ihrám than the places named in the
text. The farther from Mecca it is assumed, provided that it be during one
of the two months preceding Zu'l-Hajja, the more meritorious is the act.
[233] Talbíyah means the repetition of "Labbaik," a phrase equivalent to "I
am here." The Talbíyah can be said in any language, though Arabic is
preferred. It usually is as follows: "Labbaik, Alláhumma, Labbaik! Lá
Sharíka laka, Labbaik! Inna-l-hamda wa-n-ní'amata laka, w'-al-mulk! Lá
Sharíka laka, Labbaik!
[234] "The object of these minute details is that the "Truce of God" may be
kept." The five noxious creatures, however, may be slain, _viz._, a crow, a
kite, a scorpion, a rat and a biting dog." (Burton).
[235] The Musjid-ul-Harám is the large Mosque in Mecca. The K'aba (cube) is
a square stone building in the centre. This is also called the Qibla. The
Hajr-ul-Aswad is the black stone fixed in the corner of the K'aba.
[236] It is said to have been rebuilt ten times. A full description will be
found in Burton's Pilgrimage to Madína and Mecca, vol. iii. ch. 26. It is
far too long to quote, and it cannot be condensed. The following extract is
of some interest, as it states why the 'Ulama consider the K'aba so sacred
a place. They quote the verse: 'Verily the first house built for mankind
(to worship in) is that in Beccah (Mecca)--Blessed and a salvation to human
beings. Therein are manifest signs, even the standing-place of Abraham, and
he who entereth is safe.' (Súra iii. 90). The word 'therein' is said to
mean Mecca, and the "manifest signs" the K'aba, which contains such marvels
as the footprints on Abraham's platform, and is the spiritual safeguard of
all who enter it. In addition, other "signs" are the preservation of the
black stone, the miracles put forth to defend the House, the terrible death
of the sacrilegious, and the fact that in the Flood the big fish did not
eat the little fish in the Harám. Invalids recover their health by rubbing
themselves against the Kiswat (the covering of the K'aba), and the black
stone. One hundred thousand mercies descend on it every day, &c. Portions
of the Kiswat are highly valued as markers for the Qurán. Waistcoats made
of it are supposed to render the combatant invulnerable in battle.
[237] The whole seven are one Usbú'.
[238] The Maqám-i-Ibráhím is a small building, supported, by six pillars
about eight feet high, four of which are surrounded from top to bottom by a
fine iron railing, while the space between the two hinder pillars is left
open; within the railing is a frame about five feet square, said to contain
the sacred stone on which Abraham sat when he built the K'aba.
[239] In the first rak'at, the chapter usually recited is Súra cix; in the
second, Súra cxii.
[240] "Many find this inconvenient and so pass on to 'Arifát during the
afternoon of the eighth day" (Burton).
[241] The following legend is current about 'Arifát. "When our parents
forfeited heaven by eating wheat, which deprived them of their primeval
purity, they were cast down upon earth. The serpent descended at Ispahán,
the peacock at Cabul, Satan at Bilbays, Eve upon 'Arifát and Adam at
Ceylon. The latter determining to seek his wife, began a journey, to which
the earth owes its present mottled appearance. Wherever he placed his
foot--which was large--a town arose; between the strides will always be
country. Wandering for many years he came to the Mountain of mercy, where
our common mother was continually calling upon his name, and their
recognition gave the place the name of 'Arifát. They lived here till death
took place." (Burton).
[242] The Sháfa'í rules allow a traveller any time when on a journey of a
night and day to reduce the five Namáz to three by joining some. The Hanafí
code allows the shortened form only on this day.
[243] "The Shaitan-ul-Kabír is a dwarf buttress of rude masonry about eight
feet high, by two and a half broad, placed against a rough wall of stones."
(Burton).
[244] Most of the ceremonies connected with the Hajj, the Ihrám, the
shaving of the head, the going to Safá and Marwah, the throwing of the
stones, the circuit of the K'aba, the kissing of the black stone, and the
sacrifice were all pagan ceremonies performed by the idolatrous Arabs.
Muhammad by his time-serving policy, adopted to gain the Meccans to his
side, has confirmed an idolatrous practice which otherwise would probably
have been extinct long ago. Safá and Marwah were hills held in
superstitious reverence by the Meccans. The early Muslims had some doubt
about retaining them as sacred places: then came the revelation to the
Prophet, "Safá and Marwah are among the monuments of God, whosoever then
maketh a pilgrimage to the temple or visiteth it, shall not be to blame if
he go round about them both." (Súra ii. 153).
[245] These are the letters contained in words which direct the reader when
to pause. Thus toí stands for mutlaq (slight pause), qif (pause), jím for
já,íz (freedom to pause, or not to pause), lá for no (no pause), mím for
la'zim (necessary to pause), (.) is a full stop.
[246] Persian was the foreign language with which the early Muslims were
brought most into contact; but the objection applies equally to any other
language.
[247] A concession of no practical value, as any one with the power of
speech could learn these words in a very short time.
[248] This is because by so doing it would seem to ascribe to it similarity
to human compositions.
[249] During the first ten days they are supposed to contain the bodies of
the martyrs, but now being empty the Tázías become mere ordinary frames and
can be destroyed, Qánún-i-Islám, p. 146.
[250] This feast is known in South India as the Dassara. The idol is thrown
into a tank.
[251] The Mihráb is a niche in a wall which indicates the position of
Mecca. The face is always turned to it when prayers are said; so that the
expression in the prayer means that 'Alí is to be the object toward which
the faithful look.
[252] The twelve Imáms, Muhammad and Fátima.
[253] The 'Íd-gáh is usually built outside of the town, and consists of a
long wall of masonry with two minarets and a large raised open court. There
is a Mihráb in the wall: but no proper mimbar or pulpit, three raised steps
doing duty for it. Sometimes, however, a Mosque is used as an 'Íd-gáh.
[254] Tradition records that the Prophet, after the battle of Ohud, was one
day ascending a hill in a rage. The heat of his passion was such that the
mountain softened into the consistence of wax and retained, some say
eighteen; others, forty impressions of his feet. When rebuked by Gabriel
for his anger the Prophet enquired the cause of his rebuke. Gabriel told
him to look around. The Prophet seeing these impressions of his feet on the
stones was astonished. His anger instantly ceased. Qánún-i-Islám, p. 152.
[255] The Baqr-'Íd is the only other feast that has an 'Arfa.
[256] Mishkát-ul-Musábih, Book vii. ch. 1.
[257] That is, his blessing or his curse takes effect. Qánún-i-Islám p.
170.
[258] This is a warning to those who may have omitted this duty.
[259] Khutbahá-i-Muhtarjam, p. 104.
[260] "Observations on the Musalmáns of India." Mrs. Mír Husan 'Alí, p.
192."
[261] The opinion of the various Traditionists on this point is given in
the Núr-ul-Hidáyah, vol. iv. p. 61.
[262] Still it is mustahab, or a meritorious act so to do. It is also said
that, if a minor is possessed of property, his father or his guardian may
purchase at his expense an animal and sacrifice it. The child may then eat
as much as it can. The remainder of the meat must be exchanged for
something which the child can use, such as clothes, shoes, &c.
Núr-ul-Hidáyah, vol. iv. p. 60.
[263] According to the Imáms Sháfa'í and Málik no one must offer up the
sacrifice until the Imám who has officiated at the previous Namáz has slain
his victim. Núr-ul-Hidáyah, vol. iv. p. 61.
[264] Áráyish-i-Mahfil p. 144.
* * * * *
Corrections made to printed original.
Page 29 "It is moreover the unanimous opinion" - 'moveover' in original.
Page 33 "the Imám-i-A'zam or great Imám" - Imám-í-'Azam in original,
corrected by Errata.
Page 40 "This is technically called Ilká" - Ilka in original, corrected by
Errata.
Page 91 "Sa'dí in the Bustán says" - Bustun in original, corrected by
Errata.
Page 92 "the famous Maulána Jelál-ud-dín Rúmí" - Maolána in original,
corrected by Errata.
Page 93 "It is Faná--extinction." - Fana in original, corrected by Errata.
Page 188 "a still lower class of action which are mubáh." - mubah in
original, corrected by Errata.
Page 190 "(12) the whole head must be rubbed once" - '(13)' in original.
Page 192 "A man one day came to the Prophet" - 'come' in original.
Page 218 "Islám, Hurriat (freedom) and Nisáb (stock)." - Húrriat in
original, corrected by Errata.
Note 133 "Also Takmíl-ul-Imán, p. 64." - Tamíl-ul-Imán in original,
corrected by Errata.
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