The Project Gutenberg eBook, Thoughts on the Present Discontents, by
Edmund Burke, Edited by Henry Morley
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Title: Thoughts on the Present Discontents
and Speeches
Author: Edmund Burke
Editor: Henry Morley
Release Date: May 7, 2007 [eBook #2173]
Language: English
Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII)
***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THOUGHTS ON THE PRESENT
DISCONTENTS***
Transcribed from the 1886 Cassell & Company edition by David Price, email
[email protected] and proofing by David, Terry L. Jeffress, Edgar A.
Howard.
THOUGHTS
ON THE
PRESENT DISCONTENTS,
AND
SPEECHES
BY
EDMUND BURKE.
CASSELL & COMPANY, LIMITED:
_LONDON_, _PARIS_, _NEW YORK & MELBOURNE_.
1886.
Contents
Introduction
Thoughts on the Present Discontents
Speech on the Middlesex Election.
Speech on the Powers of Juries in Prosecutions for Libels.
Speech on a Bill for Shortening the Duration of Parliaments
Speech on Reform of Representation in the House of Commons
INTRODUCTION
Edmund Burke was born at Dublin on the first of January, 1730. His
father was an attorney, who had fifteen children, of whom all but four
died in their youth. Edmund, the second son, being of delicate health in
his childhood, was taught at home and at his grandfather's house in the
country before he was sent with his two brothers Garrett and Richard to a
school at Ballitore, under Abraham Shackleton, a member of the Society of
Friends. For nearly forty years afterwards Burke paid an annual visit to
Ballitore.
In 1744, after leaving school, Burke entered Trinity College, Dublin. He
graduated B.A. in 1748; M.A., 1751. In 1750 he came to London, to the
Middle Temple. In 1756 Burke became known as a writer, by two pieces.
One was a pamphlet called "A Vindication of Natural Society." This was
an ironical piece, reducing to absurdity those theories of the excellence
of uncivilised humanity which were gathering strength in France, and had
been favoured in the philosophical works of Bolingbroke, then lately
published. Burke's other work published in 1756, was his "Essay on the
Sublime and Beautiful."
At this time Burke's health broke down. He was cared for in the house of
a kindly physician, Dr. Nugent, and the result was that in the spring of
1757 he married Dr. Nugent's daughter. In the following year Burke made
Samuel Johnson's acquaintance, and acquaintance ripened fast into close
friendship. In 1758, also, a son was born; and, as a way of adding to
his income, Burke suggested the plan of "The Annual Register."
In 1761 Burke became private secretary to William Gerard Hamilton, who
was then appointed Chief Secretary to Ireland. In April, 1763, Burke's
services were recognised by a pension of 300 pounds a year; but he threw
this up in April, 1765, when he found that his services were considered
to have been not only recognised, but also bought. On the 10th of July
in that year (1765) Lord Rockingham became Premier, and a week later
Burke, through the good offices of an admiring friend who had come to
know him in the newly-founded Turk's Head Club, became Rockingham's
private secretary. He was now the mainstay, if not the inspirer, of
Rockingham's policy of pacific compromise in the vexed questions between
England and the American colonies. Burke's elder brother, who had lately
succeeded to his father's property, died also in 1765, and Burke sold the
estate in Cork for 4,000 pounds.
Having become private secretary to Lord Rockingham, Burke entered
Parliament as member for Wendover, and promptly took his place among the
leading speakers in the House.
On the 30th of July, 1766, the Rockingham Ministry went out, and Burke
wrote a defence of its policy in "A Short Account of a late Short
Administration." In 1768 Burke bought for 23,000 pounds an estate called
Gregories or Butler's Court, about a mile from Beaconsfield. He called
it by the more territorial name of Beaconsfield, and made it his home.
Burke's endeavours to stay the policy that was driving the American
colonies to revolution, caused the State of New York, in 1771, to
nominate him as its agent. About May, 1769, Edmund Burke began the
pamphlet here given, _Thoughts on the Present Discontents_. It was
published in 1770, and four editions of it were issued before the end of
the year. It was directed chiefly against Court influence, that had
first been used successfully against the Rockingham Ministry. Allegiance
to Rockingham caused Burke to write the pamphlet, but he based his
argument upon essentials of his own faith as a statesman. It was the
beginning of the larger utterance of his political mind.
Court influence was strengthened in those days by the large number of
newly-rich men, who bought their way into the House of Commons for
personal reasons and could easily be attached to the King's party. In a
population of 8,000,000 there were then but 160,000 electors, mostly
nominal. The great land-owners generally held the counties. When two
great houses disputed the county of York, the election lasted fourteen
days, and the costs, chiefly in bribery, were said to have reached three
hundred thousand pounds. Many seats in Parliament were regarded as
hereditary possessions, which could be let at rental, or to which the
nominations could be sold. Town corporations often let, to the highest
bidders, seats in Parliament, for the benefit of the town funds. The
election of John Wilkes for Middlesex, in 1768, was taken as a triumph of
the people. The King and his ministers then brought the House of Commons
into conflict with the freeholders of Westminster. Discontent became
active and general. "Junius" began, in his letters, to attack boldly the
King's friends, and into the midst of the discontent was thrown a message
from the Crown asking for half a million, to make good a shortcoming in
the Civil List. Men asked in vain what had been done with the lost
money. Confusion at home was increased by the great conflict with the
American colonies; discontents, ever present, were colonial as well as
home. In such a time Burke endeavoured to show by what pilotage he would
have men weather the storm.
H. M.
THOUGHTS ON THE PRESENT DISCONTENTS
It is an undertaking of some degree of delicacy to examine into the cause
of public disorders. If a man happens not to succeed in such an inquiry,
he will be thought weak and visionary; if he touches the true grievance,
there is a danger that he may come near to persons of weight and
consequence, who will rather be exasperated at the discovery of their
errors than thankful for the occasion of correcting them. If he should
be obliged to blame the favourites of the people, he will be considered
as the tool of power; if he censures those in power, he will be looked on
as an instrument of faction. But in all exertions of duty something is
to be hazarded. In cases of tumult and disorder, our law has invested
every man, in some sort, with the authority of a magistrate. When the
affairs of the nation are distracted, private people are, by the spirit
of that law, justified in stepping a little out of their ordinary sphere.
They enjoy a privilege of somewhat more dignity and effect than that of
idle lamentation over the calamities of their country. They may look
into them narrowly; they may reason upon them liberally; and if they
should be so fortunate as to discover the true source of the mischief,
and to suggest any probable method of removing it, though they may
displease the rulers for the day, they are certainly of service to the
cause of Government. Government is deeply interested in everything
which, even through the medium of some temporary uneasiness, may tend
finally to compose the minds of the subjects, and to conciliate their
affections. I have nothing to do here with the abstract value of the
voice of the people. But as long as reputation, the most precious
possession of every individual, and as long as opinion, the great support
of the State, depend entirely upon that voice, it can never be considered
as a thing of little consequence either to individuals or to Government.
Nations are not primarily ruled by laws; less by violence. Whatever
original energy may be supposed either in force or regulation, the
operation of both is, in truth, merely instrumental. Nations are
governed by the same methods, and on the same principles, by which an
individual without authority is often able to govern those who are his
equals or his superiors, by a knowledge of their temper, and by a
judicious management of it; I mean, when public affairs are steadily and
quietly conducted: not when Government is nothing but a continued scuffle
between the magistrate and the multitude, in which sometimes the one and
sometimes the other is uppermost--in which they alternately yield and
prevail, in a series of contemptible victories and scandalous
submissions. The temper of the people amongst whom he presides ought
therefore to be the first study of a statesman. And the knowledge of
this temper it is by no means impossible for him to attain, if he has not
an interest in being ignorant of what it is his duty to learn.
To complain of the age we live in, to murmur at the present possessors of
power, to lament the past, to conceive extravagant hopes of the future,
are the common dispositions of the greater part of mankind--indeed, the
necessary effects of the ignorance and levity of the vulgar. Such
complaints and humours have existed in all times; yet as all times have
_not_ been alike, true political sagacity manifests itself, in
distinguishing that complaint which only characterises the general
infirmity of human nature from those which are symptoms of the particular
distemperature of our own air and season.
* * * * *
Nobody, I believe, will consider it merely as the language of spleen or
disappointment, if I say that there is something particularly alarming in
the present conjuncture. There is hardly a man, in or out of power, who
holds any other language. That Government is at once dreaded and
contemned; that the laws are despoiled of all their respected and
salutary terrors; that their inaction is a subject of ridicule, and their
exertion of abhorrence; that rank, and office, and title, and all the
solemn plausibilities of the world, have lost their reverence and effect;
that our foreign politics are as much deranged as our domestic economy;
that our dependencies are slackened in their affection, and loosened from
their obedience; that we know neither how to yield nor how to enforce;
that hardly anything above or below, abroad or at home, is sound and
entire; but that disconnection and confusion, in offices, in parties, in
families, in Parliament, in the nation, prevail beyond the disorders of
any former time: these are facts universally admitted and lamented.
This state of things is the more extraordinary, because the great parties
which formerly divided and agitated the kingdom are known to be in a
manner entirely dissolved. No great external calamity has visited the
nation; no pestilence or famine. We do not labour at present under any
scheme of taxation new or oppressive in the quantity or in the mode. Nor
are we engaged in unsuccessful war, in which our misfortunes might easily
pervert our judgment, and our minds, sore from the loss of national
glory, might feel every blow of fortune as a crime in Government.
* * * * *
It is impossible that the cause of this strange distemper should not
sometimes become a subject of discourse. It is a compliment due, and
which I willingly pay, to those who administer our affairs, to take
notice in the first place of their speculation. Our Ministers are of
opinion that the increase of our trade and manufactures, that our growth
by colonisation and by conquest, have concurred to accumulate immense
wealth in the hands of some individuals; and this again being dispersed
amongst the people, has rendered them universally proud, ferocious, and
ungovernable; that the insolence of some from their enormous wealth, and
the boldness of others from a guilty poverty, have rendered them capable
of the most atrocious attempts; so that they have trampled upon all
subordination, and violently borne down the unarmed laws of a free
Government--barriers too feeble against the fury of a populace so fierce
and licentious as ours. They contend that no adequate provocation has
been given for so spreading a discontent, our affairs having been
conducted throughout with remarkable temper and consummate wisdom. The
wicked industry of some libellers, joined to the intrigues of a few
disappointed politicians, have, in their opinion, been able to produce
this unnatural ferment in the nation.
Nothing indeed can be more unnatural than the present convulsions of this
country, if the above account be a true one. I confess I shall assent to
it with great reluctance, and only on the compulsion of the clearest and
firmest proofs; because their account resolves itself into this short but
discouraging proposition, "That we have a very good Ministry, but that we
are a very bad people;" that we set ourselves to bite the hand that feeds
us; that with a malignant insanity we oppose the measures, and
ungratefully vilify the persons, of those whose sole object is our own
peace and prosperity. If a few puny libellers, acting under a knot of
factious politicians, without virtue, parts, or character (such they are
constantly represented by these gentlemen), are sufficient to excite this
disturbance, very perverse must be the disposition of that people amongst
whom such a disturbance can be excited by such means. It is besides no
small aggravation of the public misfortune that the disease, on this
hypothesis, appears to be without remedy. If the wealth of the nation be
the cause of its turbulence, I imagine it is not proposed to introduce
poverty as a constable to keep the peace. If our dominions abroad are
the roots which feed all this rank luxuriance of sedition, it is not
intended to cut them off in order to famish the fruit. If our liberty
has enfeebled the executive power, there is no design, I hope, to call in
the aid of despotism to fill up the deficiencies of law. Whatever may be
intended, these things are not yet professed. We seem therefore to be
driven to absolute despair, for we have no other materials to work upon
but those out of which God has been pleased to form the inhabitants of
this island. If these be radically and essentially vicious, all that can
be said is that those men are very unhappy to whose fortune or duty it
falls to administer the affairs of this untoward people. I hear it
indeed sometimes asserted that a steady perseverance in the present
measures, and a rigorous punishment of those who oppose them, will in
course of time infallibly put an end to these disorders. But this, in my
opinion, is said without much observation of our present disposition, and
without any knowledge at all of the general nature of mankind. If the
matter of which this nation is composed be so very fermentable as these
gentlemen describe it, leaven never will be wanting to work it up, as
long as discontent, revenge, and ambition have existence in the world.
Particular punishments are the cure for accidental distempers in the
State; they inflame rather than allay those heats which arise from the
settled mismanagement of the Government, or from a natural ill
disposition in the people. It is of the utmost moment not to make
mistakes in the use of strong measures, and firmness is then only a
virtue when it accompanies the most perfect wisdom. In truth,
inconstancy is a sort of natural corrective of folly and ignorance.
I am not one of those who think that the people are never in the wrong.
They have been so, frequently and outrageously, both in other countries
and in this. But I do say that in all disputes between them and their
rulers the presumption is at least upon a par in favour of the people.
Experience may perhaps justify me in going further. When popular
discontents have been very prevalent, it may well be affirmed and
supported that there has been generally something found amiss in the
constitution or in the conduct of Government. The people have no
interest in disorder. When they do wrong, it is their error, and not
their crime. But with the governing part of the State it is far
otherwise. They certainly may act ill by design, as well as by mistake.
"Les revolutions qui arrivent dans les grands etats ne sont point un
effect du hasard, ni du caprice des peuples. Rien ne revolte les grands
d'un royaume comme un Gouvernoment foible et derange. Pour la populace,
ce n'est jamais par envie d'attaquer qu'elle se souleve, mais par
impatience de souffrir." These are the words of a great man, of a
Minister of State, and a zealous assertor of Monarchy. They are applied
to the system of favouritism which was adopted by Henry the Third of
France, and to the dreadful consequences it produced. What he says of
revolutions is equally true of all great disturbances. If this
presumption in favour of the subjects against the trustees of power be
not the more probable, I am sure it is the more comfortable speculation,
because it is more easy to change an Administration than to reform a
people.
* * * * *
Upon a supposition, therefore, that, in the opening of the cause, the
presumptions stand equally balanced between the parties, there seems
sufficient ground to entitle any person to a fair hearing who attempts
some other scheme besides that easy one which is fashionable in some
fashionable companies, to account for the present discontents. It is not
to be argued that we endure no grievance, because our grievances are not
of the same sort with those under which we laboured formerly--not
precisely those which we bore from the Tudors, or vindicated on the
Stuarts. A great change has taken place in the affairs of this country.
For in the silent lapse of events as material alterations have been
insensibly brought about in the policy and character of governments and
nations as those which have been marked by the tumult of public
revolutions.
It is very rare indeed for men to be wrong in their feelings concerning
public misconduct; as rare to be right in their speculation upon the
cause of it. I have constantly observed that the generality of people
are fifty years, at least, behindhand in their politics. There are but
very few who are capable of comparing and digesting what passes before
their eyes at different times and occasions, so as to form the whole into
a distinct system. But in books everything is settled for them, without
the exertion of any considerable diligence or sagacity. For which reason
men are wise with but little reflection, and good with little
self-denial, in the business of all times except their own. We are very
uncorrupt and tolerably enlightened judges of the transactions of past
ages; where no passions deceive, and where the whole train of
circumstances, from the trifling cause to the tragical event, is set in
an orderly series before us. Few are the partisans of departed tyranny;
and to be a Whig on the business of a hundred years ago is very
consistent with every advantage of present servility. This retrospective
wisdom and historical patriotism are things of wonderful convenience, and
serve admirably to reconcile the old quarrel between speculation and
practice. Many a stern republican, after gorging himself with a full
feast of admiration of the Grecian commonwealths and of our true Saxon
constitution, and discharging all the splendid bile of his virtuous
indignation on King John and King James, sits down perfectly satisfied to
the coarsest work and homeliest job of the day he lives in. I believe
there was no professed admirer of Henry the Eighth among the instruments
of the last King James; nor in the court of Henry the Eighth was there, I
dare say, to be found a single advocate for the favourites of Richard the
Second.
No complaisance to our Court, or to our age, can make me believe nature
to be so changed but that public liberty will be among us, as among our
ancestors, obnoxious to some person or other, and that opportunities will
be furnished for attempting, at least, some alteration to the prejudice
of our constitution. These attempts will naturally vary in their mode,
according to times and circumstances. For ambition, though it has ever
the same general views, has not at all times the same means, nor the same
particular objects. A great deal of the furniture of ancient tyranny is
worn to rags; the rest is entirely out of fashion. Besides, there are
few statesmen so very clumsy and awkward in their business as to fall
into the identical snare which has proved fatal to their predecessors.
When an arbitrary imposition is attempted upon the subject, undoubtedly
it will not bear on its forehead the name of _Ship-money_. There is no
danger that an extension of the _Forest laws_ should be the chosen mode
of oppression in this age. And when we hear any instance of ministerial
rapacity to the prejudice of the rights of private life, it will
certainly not be the exaction of two hundred pullets, from a woman of
fashion, for leave to lie with her own husband.
Every age has its own manners, and its politics dependent upon them; and
the same attempts will not be made against a constitution fully formed
and matured, that were used to destroy it in the cradle, or to resist its
growth during its infancy.
Against the being of Parliament, I am satisfied, no designs have ever
been entertained since the Revolution. Every one must perceive that it
is strongly the interest of the Court to have some second cause
interposed between the Ministers and the people. The gentlemen of the
House of Commons have an interest equally strong in sustaining the part
of that intermediate cause. However they may hire out the _usufruct_ of
their voices, they never will part with the _fee and inheritance_.
Accordingly those who have been of the most known devotion to the will
and pleasure of a Court, have at the same time been most forward in
asserting a high authority in the House of Commons. When they knew who
were to use that authority, and how it was to be employed, they thought
it never could be carried too far. It must be always the wish of an
unconstitutional statesman, that a House of Commons who are entirely
dependent upon him, should have every right of the people entirely
dependent upon their pleasure. It was soon discovered that the forms of
a free, and the ends of an arbitrary Government, were things not
altogether incompatible.
The power of the Crown, almost dead and rotten as Prerogative, has grown
up anew, with much more strength, and far less odium, under the name of
Influence. An influence which operated without noise and without
violence; an influence which converted the very antagonist into the
instrument of power; which contained in itself a perpetual principle of
growth and renovation; and which the distresses and the prosperity of the
country equally tended to augment, was an admirable substitute for a
prerogative that, being only the offspring of antiquated prejudices, had
moulded in its original stamina irresistible principles of decay and
dissolution. The ignorance of the people is a bottom but for a temporary
system; the interest of active men in the State is a foundation perpetual
and infallible. However, some circumstances, arising, it must be
confessed, in a great degree from accident, prevented the effects of this
influence for a long time from breaking out in a manner capable of
exciting any serious apprehensions. Although Government was strong and
flourished exceedingly, the _Court_ had drawn far less advantage than one
would imagine from this great source of power.
* * * * *
At the Revolution, the Crown, deprived, for the ends of the Revolution
itself, of many prerogatives, was found too weak to struggle against all
the difficulties which pressed so new and unsettled a Government. The
Court was obliged therefore to delegate a part of its powers to men of
such interest as could support, and of such fidelity as would adhere to,
its establishment. Such men were able to draw in a greater number to a
concurrence in the common defence. This connection, necessary at first,
continued long after convenient; and properly conducted might indeed, in
all situations, be a useful instrument of Government. At the same time,
through the intervention of men of popular weight and character, the
people possessed a security for their just proportion of importance in
the State. But as the title to the Crown grew stronger by long
possession, and by the constant increase of its influence, these helps
have of late seemed to certain persons no better than incumbrances. The
powerful managers for Government were not sufficiently submissive to the
pleasure of the possessors of immediate and personal favour, sometimes
from a confidence in their own strength, natural and acquired; sometimes
from a fear of offending their friends, and weakening that lead in the
country, which gave them a consideration independent of the Court. Men
acted as if the Court could receive, as well as confer, an obligation.
The influence of Government, thus divided in appearance between the Court
and the leaders of parties, became in many cases an accession rather to
the popular than to the royal scale; and some part of that influence,
which would otherwise have been possessed as in a sort of mortmain and
unalienable domain, returned again to the great ocean from whence it
arose, and circulated among the people. This method therefore of
governing by men of great natural interest or great acquired
consideration, was viewed in a very invidious light by the true lovers of
absolute monarchy. It is the nature of despotism to abhor power held by
any means but its own momentary pleasure; and to annihilate all
intermediate situations between boundless strength on its own part, and
total debility on the part of the people.
To get rid of all this intermediate and independent importance, and _to
secure to the Court the unlimited and uncontrolled use of its own vast
influence_, _under the sole direction of its own private favour_, has for
some years past been the great object of policy. If this were compassed,
the influence of the Crown must of course produce all the effects which
the most sanguine partisans of the Court could possibly desire.
Government might then be carried on without any concurrence on the part
of the people; without any attention to the dignity of the greater, or to
the affections of the lower sorts. A new project was therefore devised
by a certain set of intriguing men, totally different from the system of
Administration which had prevailed since the accession of the House of
Brunswick. This project, I have heard, was first conceived by some
persons in the Court of Frederick, Prince of Wales.
The earliest attempt in the execution of this design was to set up for
Minister a person, in rank indeed respectable, and very ample in fortune;
but who, to the moment of this vast and sudden elevation, was little
known or considered in the kingdom. To him the whole nation was to yield
an immediate and implicit submission. But whether it was from want of
firmness to bear up against the first opposition, or that things were not
yet fully ripened, or that this method was not found the most eligible,
that idea was soon abandoned. The instrumental part of the project was a
little altered, to accommodate it to the time, and to bring things more
gradually and more surely to the one great end proposed.
The first part of the reformed plan was to draw _a line which should
separate the Court from the Ministry_. Hitherto these names had been
looked upon as synonymous; but, for the future, Court and Administration
were to be considered as things totally distinct. By this operation, two
systems of Administration were to be formed: one which should be in the
real secret and confidence; the other merely ostensible, to perform the
official and executory duties of Government. The latter were alone to be
responsible; whilst the real advisers, who enjoyed all the power, were
effectually removed from all the danger.
Secondly, _a party under these leaders was to be formed in favour of the
Court against the Ministry_: this party was to have a large share in the
emoluments of Government, and to hold it totally separate from, and
independent of, ostensible Administration.
The third point, and that on which the success of the whole scheme
ultimately depended, was _to bring Parliament to an acquiescence in this
project_. Parliament was therefore to be taught by degrees a total
indifference to the persons, rank, influence, abilities, connections, and
character of the Ministers of the Crown. By means of a discipline, on
which I shall say more hereafter, that body was to be habituated to the
most opposite interests, and the most discordant politics. All
connections and dependencies among subjects were to be entirely
dissolved. As hitherto business had gone through the hands of leaders of
Whigs or Tories, men of talents to conciliate the people, and to engage
their confidence, now the method was to be altered; and the lead was to
be given to men of no sort of consideration or credit in the country.
This want of natural importance was to be their very title to delegated
power. Members of parliament were to be hardened into an insensibility
to pride as well as to duty. Those high and haughty sentiments, which
are the great support of independence, were to be let down gradually.
Point of honour and precedence were no more to be regarded in
Parliamentary decorum than in a Turkish army. It was to be avowed, as a
constitutional maxim, that the King might appoint one of his footmen, or
one of your footmen, for Minister; and that he ought to be, and that he
would be, as well followed as the first name for rank or wisdom in the
nation. Thus Parliament was to look on, as if perfectly unconcerned
while a cabal of the closet and back-stairs was substituted in the place
of a national Administration.
With such a degree of acquiescence, any measure of any Court might well
be deemed thoroughly secure. The capital objects, and by much the most
flattering characteristics of arbitrary power, would be obtained.
Everything would be drawn from its holdings in the country to the
personal favour and inclination of the Prince. This favour would be the
sole introduction to power, and the only tenure by which it was to be
held: so that no person looking towards another, and all looking towards
the Court, it was impossible but that the motive which solely influenced
every man's hopes must come in time to govern every man's conduct; till
at last the servility became universal, in spite of the dead letter of
any laws or institutions whatsoever.
How it should happen that any man could be tempted to venture upon such a
project of Government, may at first view appear surprising. But the fact
is that opportunities very inviting to such an attempt have offered; and
the scheme itself was not destitute of some arguments, not wholly
unplausible, to recommend it. These opportunities and these arguments,
the use that has been made of both, the plan for carrying this new scheme
of government into execution, and the effects which it has produced, are
in my opinion worthy of our serious consideration.
His Majesty came to the throne of these kingdoms with more advantages
than any of his predecessors since the Revolution. Fourth in descent,
and third in succession of his Royal family, even the zealots of
hereditary right, in him, saw something to flatter their favourite
prejudices; and to justify a transfer of their attachments, without a
change in their principles. The person and cause of the Pretender were
become contemptible; his title disowned throughout Europe, his party
disbanded in England. His Majesty came indeed to the inheritance of a
mighty war; but, victorious in every part of the globe, peace was always
in his power, not to negotiate, but to dictate. No foreign habitudes or
attachments withdrew him from the cultivation of his power at home. His
revenue for the Civil establishment, fixed (as it was then thought) at a
large, but definite sum, was ample, without being invidious; his
influence, by additions from conquest, by an augmentation of debt, by an
increase of military and naval establishment, much strengthened and
extended. And coming to the throne in the prime and full vigour of
youth, as from affection there was a strong dislike, so from dread there
seemed to be a general averseness from giving anything like offence to a
monarch against whose resentment opposition could not look for a refuge
in any sort of reversionary hope.
These singular advantages inspired his Majesty only with a more ardent
desire to preserve unimpaired the spirit of that national freedom to
which he owed a situation so full of glory. But to others it suggested
sentiments of a very different nature. They thought they now beheld an
opportunity (by a certain sort of statesman never long undiscovered or
unemployed) of drawing to themselves, by the aggrandisement of a Court
faction, a degree of power which they could never hope to derive from
natural influence or from honourable service; and which it was impossible
they could hold with the least security, whilst the system of
Administration rested upon its former bottom. In order to facilitate the
execution of their design, it was necessary to make many alterations in
political arrangement, and a signal change in the opinions, habits, and
connections of the greater part of those who at that time acted in
public.
In the first place, they proceeded gradually, but not slowly, to destroy
everything of strength which did not derive its principal nourishment
from the immediate pleasure of the Court. The greatest weight of popular
opinion and party connection were then with the Duke of Newcastle and Mr.
Pitt. Neither of these held his importance by the _new tenure_ of the
Court; they were not, therefore, thought to be so proper as others for
the services which were required by that tenure. It happened very
favourably for the new system, that under a forced coalition there
rankled an incurable alienation and disgust between the parties which
composed the Administration. Mr. Pitt was first attacked. Not satisfied
with removing him from power, they endeavoured by various artifices to
ruin his character. The other party seemed rather pleased to get rid of
so oppressive a support; not perceiving that their own fall was prepared
by his, and involved in it. Many other reasons prevented them from
daring to look their true situation in the face. To the great Whig
families it was extremely disagreeable, and seemed almost unnatural, to
oppose the Administration of a Prince of the House of Brunswick. Day
after day they hesitated, and doubted, and lingered, expecting that other
counsels would take place; and were slow to be persuaded that all which
had been done by the Cabal was the effect, not of humour, but of system.
It was more strongly and evidently the interest of the new Court faction
to get rid of the great Whig connections than to destroy Mr. Pitt. The
power of that gentleman was vast indeed, and merited; but it was in a
great degree personal, and therefore transient. Theirs was rooted in the
country. For, with a good deal less of popularity, they possessed a far
more natural and fixed influence. Long possession of Government; vast
property; obligations of favours given and received; connection of
office; ties of blood, of alliance, of friendship (things at that time
supposed of some force); the name of Whig, dear to the majority of the
people; the zeal early begun and steadily continued to the Royal Family;
all these together formed a body of power in the nation, which was
criminal and devoted. The great ruling principle of the Cabal, and that
which animated and harmonised all their proceedings, how various soever
they may have been, was to signify to the world that the Court would
proceed upon its own proper forces only; and that the pretence of
bringing any other into its service was an affront to it, and not a
support. Therefore when the chiefs were removed, in order to go to the
root, the whole party was put under a proscription, so general and severe
as to take their hard-earned bread from the lowest officers, in a manner
which had never been known before, even in general revolutions. But it
was thought necessary effectually to destroy all dependencies but one,
and to show an example of the firmness and rigour with which the new
system was to be supported.
Thus for the time were pulled down, in the persons of the Whig leaders
and of Mr. Pitt (in spite of the services of the one at the accession of
the Royal Family, and the recent services of the other in the war), the
_two only securities for the importance of the people_: _power arising
from popularity_, _and power arising from connection_. Here and there
indeed a few individuals were left standing, who gave security for their
total estrangement from the odious principles of party connection and
personal attachment; and it must be confessed that most of them have
religiously kept their faith. Such a change could not, however, be made
without a mighty shock to Government.
To reconcile the minds of the people to all these movements, principles
correspondent to them had been preached up with great zeal. Every one
must remember that the Cabal set out with the most astonishing prudery,
both moral and political. Those who in a few months after soused over
head and ears into the deepest and dirtiest pits of corruption, cried out
violently against the indirect practices in the electing and managing of
Parliaments, which had formerly prevailed. This marvellous abhorrence
which the Court had suddenly taken to all influence, was not only
circulated in conversation through the kingdom, but pompously announced
to the public, with many other extraordinary things, in a pamphlet which
had all the appearance of a manifesto preparatory to some considerable
enterprise. Throughout, it was a satire, though in terms managed and
decent enough, on the politics of the former reign. It was indeed
written with no small art and address.
In this piece appeared the first dawning of the new system; there first
appeared the idea (then only in speculation) of _separating the Court
from the Administration_; of carrying everything from national connection
to personal regards; and of forming a regular party for that purpose,
under the name of _King's men_.
To recommend this system to the people, a perspective view of the Court,
gorgeously painted, and finely illuminated from within, was exhibited to
the gaping multitude. Party was to be totally done away, with all its
evil works. Corruption was to be cast down from Court, as _Ate_ was from
heaven. Power was thenceforward to be the chosen residence of public
spirit; and no one was to be supposed under any sinister influence,
except those who had the misfortune to be in disgrace at Court, which was
to stand in lieu of all vices and all corruptions. A scheme of
perfection to be realised in a Monarchy, far beyond the visionary
Republic of Plato. The whole scenery was exactly disposed to captivate
those good souls, whose credulous morality is so invaluable a treasure to
crafty politicians. Indeed, there was wherewithal to charm everybody,
except those few who are not much pleased with professions of
supernatural virtue, who know of what stuff such professions are made,
for what purposes they are designed, and in what they are sure constantly
to end. Many innocent gentlemen, who had been talking prose all their
lives without knowing anything of the matter, began at last to open their
eyes upon their own merits, and to attribute their not having been Lords
of the Treasury and Lords of Trade many years before merely to the
prevalence of party, and to the Ministerial power, which had frustrated
the good intentions of the Court in favour of their abilities. Now was
the time to unlock the sealed fountain of Royal bounty, which had been
infamously monopolised and huckstered, and to let it flow at large upon
the whole people. The time was come to restore Royalty to its original
splendour. _Mettre le Roy hors de page_, became a sort of watchword. And
it was constantly in the mouths of all the runners of the Court, that
nothing could preserve the balance of the constitution from being
overturned by the rabble, or by a faction of the nobility, but to free
the Sovereign effectually from that Ministerial tyranny under which the
Royal dignity had been oppressed in the person of his Majesty's
grandfather.
These were some of the many artifices used to reconcile the people to the
great change which was made in the persons who composed the Ministry, and
the still greater which was made and avowed in its constitution. As to
individuals, other methods were employed with them, in order so
thoroughly to disunite every party, and even every family, that _no
concert_, _order_, _or effect_, _might appear in any future opposition_.
And in this manner an Administration without connection with the people,
or with one another, was first put in possession of Government. What
good consequences followed from it, we have all seen; whether with regard
to virtue, public or private; to the ease and happiness of the Sovereign;
or to the real strength of Government. But as so much stress was then
laid on the necessity of this new project, it will not be amiss to take a
view of the effects of this Royal servitude and vile durance, which was
so deplored in the reign of the late Monarch, and was so carefully to be
avoided in the reign of his successor. The effects were these.
In times full of doubt and danger to his person and family, George the
Second maintained the dignity of his Crown connected with the liberty of
his people, not only unimpaired, but improved, for the space of thirty-
three years. He overcame a dangerous rebellion, abetted by foreign
force, and raging in the heart of his kingdoms; and thereby destroyed the
seeds of all future rebellion that could arise upon the same principle.
He carried the glory, the power, the commerce of England, to a height
unknown even to this renowned nation in the times of its greatest
prosperity: and he left his succession resting on the true and only true
foundation of all national and all regal greatness; affection at home,
reputation abroad, trust in allies, terror in rival nations. The most
ardent lover of his country cannot wish for Great Britain a happier fate
than to continue as she was then left. A people emulous as we are in
affection to our present Sovereign, know not how to form a prayer to
Heaven for a greater blessing upon his virtues, or a higher state of
felicity and glory, than that he should live, and should reign, and, when
Providence ordains it, should die, exactly like his illustrious
predecessor.
A great Prince may be obliged (though such a thing cannot happen very
often) to sacrifice his private inclination to his public interest. A
wise Prince will not think that such a restraint implies a condition of
servility; and truly, if such was the condition of the last reign, and
the effects were also such as we have described, we ought, no less for
the sake of the Sovereign whom we love, than for our own, to hear
arguments convincing indeed, before we depart from the maxims of that
reign, or fly in the face of this great body of strong and recent
experience.
One of the principal topics which was then, and has been since, much
employed by that political school, is an effectual terror of the growth
of an aristocratic power, prejudicial to the rights of the Crown, and the
balance of the constitution. Any new powers exercised in the House of
Lords, or in the House of Commons, or by the Crown, ought certainly to
excite the vigilant and anxious jealousy of a free people. Even a new
and unprecedented course of action in the whole Legislature, without
great and evident reason, may be a subject of just uneasiness. I will
not affirm, that there may not have lately appeared in the House of Lords
a disposition to some attempts derogatory to the legal rights of the
subject. If any such have really appeared, they have arisen, not from a
power properly aristocratic, but from the same influence which is charged
with having excited attempts of a similar nature in the House of Commons;
which House, if it should have been betrayed into an unfortunate quarrel
with its constituents, and involved in a charge of the very same nature,
could have neither power nor inclination to repel such attempts in
others. Those attempts in the House of Lords can no more be called
aristocratic proceedings, than the proceedings with regard to the county
of Middlesex in the House of Commons can with any sense be called
democratical.
It is true, that the Peers have a great influence in the kingdom, and in
every part of the public concerns. While they are men of property, it is
impossible to prevent it, except by such means as must prevent all
property from its natural operation: an event not easily to be compassed,
while property is power; nor by any means to be wished, while the least
notion exists of the method by which the spirit of liberty acts, and of
the means by which it is preserved. If any particular Peers, by their
uniform, upright, constitutional conduct, by their public and their
private virtues, have acquired an influence in the country; the people on
whose favour that influence depends, and from whom it arose, will never
be duped into an opinion, that such greatness in a Peer is the despotism
of an aristocracy, when they know and feel it to be the effect and pledge
of their own importance.
I am no friend to aristocracy, in the sense at least in which that word
is usually understood. If it were not a bad habit to moot cases on the
supposed ruin of the constitution, I should be free to declare, that if
it must perish, I would rather by far see it resolved into any other
form, than lost in that austere and insolent domination. But, whatever
my dislikes may be, my fears are not upon that quarter. The question, on
the influence of a Court, and of a Peerage, is not, which of the two
dangers is the most eligible, but which is the most imminent. He is but
a poor observer, who has not seen, that the generality of Peers, far from
supporting themselves in a state of independent greatness, are but too
apt to fall into an oblivion of their proper dignity, and to run headlong
into an abject servitude. Would to God it were true, that the fault of
our Peers were too much spirit! It is worthy of some observation, that
these gentlemen, so jealous of aristocracy, make no complaints of the
power of those peers (neither few nor inconsiderable) who are always in
the train of a Court, and whose whole weight must be considered as a
portion of the settled influence of the Crown. This is all safe and
right; but if some Peers (I am very sorry they are not as many as they
ought to be) set themselves, in the great concern of Peers and Commons,
against a back-stairs influence and clandestine government, then the
alarm begins; then the constitution is in danger of being forced into an
aristocracy.
I rest a little the longer on this Court topic, because it was much
insisted upon at the time of the great change, and has been since
frequently revived by many of the agents of that party: for, whilst they
are terrifying the great and opulent with the horrors of mob-government,
they are by other managers attempting (though hitherto with little
success) to alarm the people with a phantom of tyranny in the Nobles. All
this is done upon their favourite principle of disunion, of sowing
jealousies amongst the different orders of the State, and of disjointing
the natural strength of the kingdom; that it may be rendered incapable of
resisting the sinister designs of wicked men, who have engrossed the
Royal power.
* * * * *
Thus much of the topics chosen by the courtiers to recommend their
system; it will be necessary to open a little more at large the nature of
that party which was formed for its support. Without this, the whole
would have been no better than a visionary amusement, like the scheme of
Harrington's political club, and not a business in which the nation had a
real concern. As a powerful party, and a party constructed on a new
principle, it is a very inviting object of curiosity.
It must be remembered, that since the Revolution, until the period we are
speaking of, the influence of the Crown had been always employed in
supporting the Ministers of State, and in carrying on the public business
according to their opinions. But the party now in question is formed
upon a very different idea. It is to intercept the favour, protection,
and confidence of the Crown in the passage to its Ministers; it is to
come between them and their importance in Parliament; it is to separate
them from all their natural and acquired dependencies; it is intended as
the control, not the support, of Administration. The machinery of this
system is perplexed in its movements, and false in its principle. It is
formed on a supposition that the King is something external to his
government; and that he may be honoured and aggrandised, even by its
debility and disgrace. The plan proceeds expressly on the idea of
enfeebling the regular executory power. It proceeds on the idea of
weakening the State in order to strengthen the Court. The scheme
depending entirely on distrust, on disconnection, on mutability by
principle, on systematic weakness in every particular member; it is
impossible that the total result should be substantial strength of any
kind.
As a foundation of their scheme, the Cabal have established a sort of
_Rota_ in the Court. All sorts of parties, by this means, have been
brought into Administration, from whence few have had the good fortune to
escape without disgrace; none at all without considerable losses. In the
beginning of each arrangement no professions of confidence and support
are wanting, to induce the leading men to engage. But while the
Ministers of the day appear in all the pomp and pride of power, while
they have all their canvas spread out to the wind, and every sail filled
with the fair and prosperous gale of Royal favour, in a short time they
find, they know not how, a current, which sets directly against them;
which prevents all progress, and even drives them backwards. They grow
ashamed and mortified in a situation, which, by its vicinity to power,
only serves to remind them the more strongly of their insignificance.
They are obliged either to execute the orders of their inferiors, or to
see themselves opposed by the natural instruments of their office. With
the loss of their dignity, they lose their temper. In their turn they
grow troublesome to that Cabal, which, whether it supports or opposes,
equally disgraces and equally betrays them. It is soon found necessary
to get rid of the heads of Administration; but it is of the heads only.
As there always are many rotten members belonging to the best
connections, it is not hard to persuade several to continue in office
without their leaders. By this means the party goes out much thinner
than it came in; and is only reduced in strength by its temporary
possession of power. Besides, if by accident, or in course of changes,
that power should be recovered, the Junto have thrown up a retrenchment
of these carcases, which may serve to cover themselves in a day of
danger. They conclude, not unwisely, that such rotten members will
become the first objects of disgust and resentment to their ancient
connections.
They contrive to form in the outward Administration two parties at the
least; which, whilst they are tearing one another to pieces, are both
competitors for the favour and protection of the Cabal; and, by their
emulation, contribute to throw everything more and more into the hands of
the interior managers.
A Minister of State will sometimes keep himself totally estranged from
all his colleagues; will differ from them in their counsels, will
privately traverse, and publicly oppose, their measures. He will,
however, continue in his employment. Instead of suffering any mark of
displeasure, he will be distinguished by an unbounded profusion of Court
rewards and caresses; because he does what is expected, and all that is
expected, from men in office. He helps to keep some form of
Administration in being, and keeps it at the same time as weak and
divided as possible.
However, we must take care not to be mistaken, or to imagine that such
persons have any weight in their opposition. When, by them,
Administration is convinced of its insignificancy, they are soon to be
convinced of their own. They never are suffered to succeed in their
opposition. They and the world are to be satisfied, that neither office,
nor authority, nor property, nor ability, eloquence, counsel, skill, or
union, are of the least importance; but that the mere influence of the
Court, naked of all support, and destitute of all management, is
abundantly sufficient for all its own purposes.
When any adverse connection is to be destroyed, the Cabal seldom appear
in the work themselves. They find out some person of whom the party
entertains a high opinion. Such a person they endeavour to delude with
various pretences. They teach him first to distrust, and then to quarrel
with his friends; among whom, by the same arts, they excite a similar
diffidence of him; so that in this mutual fear and distrust, he may
suffer himself to be employed as the instrument in the change which is
brought about. Afterwards they are sure to destroy him in his turn; by
setting up in his place some person in whom he had himself reposed the
greatest confidence, and who serves to carry on a considerable part of
his adherents.
When such a person has broke in this manner with his connections, he is
soon compelled to commit some flagrant act of iniquitous personal
hostility against some of them (such as an attempt to strip a particular
friend of his family estate), by which the Cabal hope to render the
parties utterly irreconcilable. In truth, they have so contrived
matters, that people have a greater hatred to the subordinate instruments
than to the principal movers.
As in destroying their enemies they make use of instruments not
immediately belonging to their corps, so in advancing their own friends
they pursue exactly the same method. To promote any of them to
considerable rank or emolument, they commonly take care that the
recommendation shall pass through the hands of the ostensible Ministry:
such a recommendation might, however, appear to the world as some proof
of the credit of Ministers, and some means of increasing their strength.
To prevent this, the persons so advanced are directed in all companies,
industriously to declare, that they are under no obligations whatsoever
to Administration; that they have received their office from another
quarter; that they are totally free and independent.
When the Faction has any job of lucre to obtain, or of vengeance to
perpetrate, their way is, to select, for the execution, those very
persons to whose habits, friendships, principles, and declarations, such
proceedings are publicly known to be the most adverse; at once to render
the instruments the more odious, and therefore the more dependent, and to
prevent the people from ever reposing a confidence in any appearance of
private friendship, or public principle.
If the Administration seem now and then, from remissness, or from fear of
making themselves disagreeable, to suffer any popular excesses to go
unpunished, the Cabal immediately sets up some creature of theirs to
raise a clamour against the Ministers, as having shamefully betrayed the
dignity of Government. Then they compel the Ministry to become active in
conferring rewards and honours on the persons who have been the
instruments of their disgrace; and, after having first vilified them with
the higher orders for suffering the laws to sleep over the licentiousness
of the populace, they drive them (in order to make amends for their
former inactivity) to some act of atrocious violence, which renders them
completely abhorred by the people. They who remember the riots which
attended the Middlesex Election; the opening of the present Parliament;
and the transactions relative to Saint George's Fields, will not be at a
loss for an application of these remarks.
That this body may be enabled to compass all the ends of its institution,
its members are scarcely ever to aim at the high and responsible offices
of the State. They are distributed with art and judgment through all the
secondary, but efficient, departments of office, and through the
households of all the branches of the Royal Family: so as on one hand to
occupy all the avenues to the Throne; and on the other to forward or
frustrate the execution of any measure, according to their own interests.
For with the credit and support which they are known to have, though for
the greater part in places which are only a genteel excuse for salary,
they possess all the influence of the highest posts; and they dictate
publicly in almost everything, even with a parade of superiority.
Whenever they dissent (as it often happens) from their nominal leaders,
the trained part of the Senate, instinctively in the secret, is sure to
follow them; provided the leaders, sensible of their situation, do not of
themselves recede in time from their most declared opinions. This latter
is generally the case. It will not be conceivable to any one who has not
seen it, what pleasure is taken by the Cabal in rendering these heads of
office thoroughly contemptible and ridiculous. And when they are become
so, they have then the best chance, for being well supported.
The members of the Court faction are fully indemnified for not holding
places on the slippery heights of the kingdom, not only by the lead in
all affairs, but also by the perfect security in which they enjoy less
conspicuous, but very advantageous, situations. Their places are, in
express legal tenure, or in effect, all of them for life. Whilst the
first and most respectable persons in the kingdom are tossed about like
tennis balls, the sport of a blind and insolent caprice, no Minister
dares even to cast an oblique glance at the lowest of their body. If an
attempt be made upon one of this corps, immediately he flies to
sanctuary, and pretends to the most inviolable of all promises. No
conveniency of public arrangement is available to remove any one of them
from the specific situation he holds; and the slightest attempt upon one
of them, by the most powerful Minister, is a certain preliminary to his
own destruction.
Conscious of their independence, they bear themselves with a lofty air to
the exterior Ministers. Like Janissaries, they derive a kind of freedom
from the very condition of their servitude. They may act just as they
please; provided they are true to the great ruling principle of their
institution. It is, therefore, not at all wonderful, that people should
be so desirous of adding themselves to that body, in which they may
possess and reconcile satisfactions the most alluring, and seemingly the
most contradictory; enjoying at once all the spirited pleasure of
independence, and all the gross lucre and fat emoluments of servitude.
Here is a sketch, though a slight one, of the constitution, laws, and
policy, of this new Court corporation. The name by which they choose to
distinguish themselves, is that of _King's men_, or the _King's friends_,
by an invidious exclusion of the rest of his Majesty's most loyal and
affectionate subjects. The whole system, comprehending the exterior and
interior Administrations, is commonly called, in the technical language
of the Court, _Double Cabinet_; in French or English, as you choose to
pronounce it.
Whether all this be a vision of a distracted brain, or the invention of a
malicious heart, or a real faction in the country, must be judged by the
appearances which things have worn for eight years past. Thus far I am
certain, that there is not a single public man, in or out of office, who
has not, at some time or other, borne testimony to the truth of what I
have now related. In particular, no persons have been more strong in
their assertions, and louder and more indecent in their complaints, than
those who compose all the exterior part of the present Administration; in
whose time that faction has arrived at such a height of power, and of
boldness in the use of it, as may, in the end, perhaps bring about its
total destruction.
It is true, that about four years ago, during the administration of the
Marquis of Rockingham, an attempt was made to carry on Government without
their concurrence. However, this was only a transient cloud; they were
hid but for a moment; and their constellation blazed out with greater
brightness, and a far more vigorous influence, some time after it was
blown over. An attempt was at that time made (but without any idea of
proscription) to break their corps, to discountenance their doctrines, to
revive connections of a different kind, to restore the principles and
policy of the Whigs, to reanimate the cause of Liberty by Ministerial
countenance; and then for the first time were men seen attached in office
to every principle they had maintained in opposition. No one will doubt,
that such men were abhorred and violently opposed by the Court faction,
and that such a system could have but a short duration.
It may appear somewhat affected, that in so much discourse upon this
extraordinary party, I should say so little of the Earl of Bute, who is
the supposed head of it. But this was neither owing to affectation nor
inadvertence. I have carefully avoided the introduction of personal
reflections of any kind. Much the greater part of the topics which have
been used to blacken this nobleman are either unjust or frivolous. At
best, they have a tendency to give the resentment of this bitter calamity
a wrong direction, and to turn a public grievance into a mean personal,
or a dangerous national, quarrel. Where there is a regular scheme of
operations carried on, it is the system, and not any individual person
who acts in it, that is truly dangerous. This system has not risen
solely from the ambition of Lord Bute, but from the circumstances which
favoured it, and from an indifference to the constitution which had been
for some time growing among our gentry. We should have been tried with
it, if the Earl of Bute had never existed; and it will want neither a
contriving head nor active members, when the Earl of Bute exists no
longer. It is not, therefore, to rail at Lord Bute, but firmly to embody
against this Court party and its practices, which can afford us any
prospect of relief in our present condition.
Another motive induces me to put the personal consideration of Lord Bute
wholly out of the question. He communicates very little in a direct
manner with the greater part of our men of business. This has never been
his custom. It is enough for him that he surrounds them with his
creatures. Several imagine, therefore, that they have a very good excuse
for doing all the work of this faction, when they have no personal
connection with Lord Bute. But whoever becomes a party to an
Administration, composed of insulated individuals, without faith
plighted, tie, or common principle; an Administration constitutionally
impotent, because supported by no party in the nation; he who contributes
to destroy the connections of men and their trust in one another, or in
any sort to throw the dependence of public counsels upon private will and
favour, possibly may have nothing to do with the Earl of Bute. It
matters little whether he be the friend or the enemy of that particular
person. But let him be who or what he will, he abets a faction that is
driving hard to the ruin of his country. He is sapping the foundation of
its liberty, disturbing the sources of its domestic tranquillity,
weakening its government over its dependencies, degrading it from all its
importance in the system of Europe.
It is this unnatural infusion of a _system of Favouritism_ into a
Government which in a great part of its constitution is popular, that has
raised the present ferment in the nation. The people, without entering
deeply into its principles, could plainly perceive its effects, in much
violence, in a great spirit of innovation, and a general disorder in all
the functions of Government. I keep my eye solely on this system; if I
speak of those measures which have arisen from it, it will be so far only
as they illustrate the general scheme. This is the fountain of all those
bitter waters of which, through a hundred different conducts, we have
drunk until we are ready to burst. The discretionary power of the Crown
in the formation of Ministry, abused by bad or weak men, has given rise
to a system, which, without directly violating the letter of any law,
operates against the spirit of the whole constitution.
A plan of Favouritism for our executory Government is essentially at
variance with the plan of our Legislature. One great end undoubtedly of
a mixed Government like ours, composed of Monarchy, and of controls, on
the part of the higher people and the lower, is that the Prince shall not
be able to violate the laws. This is useful indeed and fundamental. But
this, even at first view, is no more than a negative advantage; an armour
merely defensive. It is therefore next in order, and equal in
importance, _that the discretionary powers which are necessarily vested
in the Monarch_, _whether for the execution of the laws_, _or for the
nomination to magistracy and office_, _or for conducting the affairs of
peace and war_, _or for ordering the revenue_, _should all be exercised
upon public principles and national grounds_, _and not on the likings or
prejudices_, _the intrigues or policies of a Court_. This, I said, is
equal in importance to the securing a Government according to law. The
laws reach but a very little way. Constitute Government how you please,
infinitely the greater part of it must depend upon the exercise of the
powers which are left at large to the prudence and uprightness of
Ministers of State. Even all the use and potency of the laws depends
upon them. Without them, your Commonwealth is no better than a scheme
upon paper; and not a living, active, effective constitution. It is
possible, that through negligence, or ignorance, or design artfully
conducted, Ministers may suffer one part of Government to languish,
another to be perverted from its purposes: and every valuable interest of
the country to fall into ruin and decay, without possibility of fixing
any single act on which a criminal prosecution can be justly grounded.
The due arrangement of men in the active part of the state, far from
being foreign to the purposes of a wise Government, ought to be among its
very first and dearest objects. When, therefore, the abettors of new
system tell us, that between them and their opposers there is nothing but
a struggle for power, and that therefore we are no-ways concerned in it;
we must tell those who have the impudence to insult us in this manner,
that, of all things, we ought to be the most concerned, who and what sort
of men they are, that hold the trust of everything that is dear to us.
Nothing can render this a point of indifference to the nation, but what
must either render us totally desperate, or soothe us into the security
of idiots. We must soften into a credulity below the milkiness of
infancy, to think all men virtuous. We must be tainted with a malignity
truly diabolical, to believe all the world to be equally wicked and
corrupt. Men are in public life as in private--some good, some evil. The
elevation of the one, and the depression of the other, are the first
objects of all true policy. But that form of Government, which, neither
in its direct institutions, nor in their immediate tendency, has
contrived to throw its affairs into the most trustworthy hands, but has
left its whole executory system to be disposed of agreeably to the
uncontrolled pleasure of any one man, however excellent or virtuous, is a
plan of polity defective not only in that member, but consequentially
erroneous in every part of it.
In arbitrary Governments, the constitution of the Ministry follows the
constitution of the Legislature. Both the Law and the Magistrate are the
creatures of Will. It must be so. Nothing, indeed, will appear more
certain, on any tolerable consideration of this matter, than that _every
sort of Government ought to have its Administration correspondent to its
Legislature_. If it should be otherwise, things must fall into a hideous
disorder. The people of a free Commonwealth, who have taken such care
that their laws should be the result of general consent, cannot be so
senseless as to suffer their executory system to be composed of persons
on whom they have no dependence, and whom no proofs of the public love
and confidence have recommended to those powers, upon the use of which
the very being of the State depends.
The popular election of magistrates, and popular disposition of rewards
and honours, is one of the first advantages of a free State. Without it,
or something equivalent to it, perhaps the people cannot long enjoy the
substance of freedom; certainly none of the vivifying energy of good
Government. The frame of our Commonwealth did not admit of such an
actual election: but it provided as well, and (while the spirit of the
constitution is preserved) better, for all the effects of it, than by the
method of suffrage in any democratic State whatsoever. It had always,
until of late, been held the first duty of Parliament _to refuse to
support Government_, _until power was in the hands of persons who were
acceptable to the people_, _or while factions predominated in the Court
in which the nation had no confidence_. Thus all the good effects of
popular election were supposed to be secured to us, without the mischiefs
attending on perpetual intrigue, and a distinct canvass for every
particular office throughout the body of the people. This was the most
noble and refined part of our constitution. The people, by their
representatives and grandees, were intrusted with a deliberative power in
making laws; the King with the control of his negative. The King was
intrusted with the deliberative choice and the election to office; the
people had the negative in a Parliamentary refusal to support. Formerly
this power of control was what kept Ministers in awe of Parliaments, and
Parliaments in reverence with the people. If the use of this power of
control on the system and persons of Administration is gone, everything
is lost, Parliament and all. We may assure ourselves, that if Parliament
will tamely see evil men take possession of all the strongholds of their
country, and allow them time and means to fortify themselves, under a
pretence of giving them a fair trial, and upon a hope of discovering,
whether they will not be reformed by power, and whether their measures
will not be better than their morals; such a Parliament will give
countenance to their measures also, whatever that Parliament may pretend,
and whatever those measures may be.
Every good political institution must have a preventive operation as well
as a remedial. It ought to have a natural tendency to exclude bad men
from Government, and not to trust for the safety of the State to
subsequent punishment alone--punishment which has ever been tardy and
uncertain, and which, when power is suffered in bad hands, may chance to
fall rather on the injured than the criminal.
Before men are put forward into the great trusts of the State, they ought
by their conduct to have obtained such a degree of estimation in their
country as may be some sort of pledge and security to the public that
they will not abuse those trusts. It is no mean security for a proper
use of power, that a man has shown by the general tenor of his actions,
that the affection, the good opinion, the confidence of his
fellow-citizens have been among the principal objects of his life, and
that he has owed none of the gradations of his power or fortune to a
settled contempt or occasional forfeiture of their esteem.
That man who, before he comes into power, has no friends, or who, coming
into power, is obliged to desert his friends, or who, losing it, has no
friends to sympathise with him, he who has no sway among any part of the
landed or commercial interest, but whose whole importance has begun with
his office, and is sure to end with it, is a person who ought never to be
suffered by a controlling Parliament, to continue in any of those
situations which confer the lead and direction of all our public affairs;
because such a man _has no connection with the sentiments and opinions of
the people_.
Those knots or cabals of men who have got together, avowedly without any
public principle, in order to sell their conjunct iniquity at the higher
rate, and are therefore universally odious, ought never to be suffered to
domineer in the State; because they have _no connection with the
sentiments and opinions of the people_.
These are considerations which, in my opinion, enforce the necessity of
having some better reason, in a free country and a free Parliament, for
supporting the Ministers of the Crown, than that short one, _That the
King has thought proper to appoint them_. There is something very
courtly in this. But it is a principle pregnant with all sorts of
mischief, in a constitution like ours, to turn the views of active men
from the country to the Court. Whatever be the road to power, that is
the road which will be trod. If the opinion of the country be of no use
as a means of power or consideration, the qualities which usually procure
that opinion will be no longer cultivated. And whether it will be right,
in a State so popular in its constitution as ours, to leave ambition
without popular motives, and to trust all to the operation of pure virtue
in the minds of Kings and Ministers, and public men, must be submitted to
the judgment and good sense of the people of England.
* * * * *
Cunning men are here apt to break in, and, without directly controverting
the principle, to raise objections from the difficulty under which the
Sovereign labours to distinguish the genuine voice and sentiments of his
people from the clamour of a faction, by which it is so easily
counterfeited. The nation, they say, is generally divided into parties,
with views and passions utterly irreconcilable. If the King should put
his affairs into the hands of any one of them, he is sure to disgust the
rest; if he select particular men from among them all, it is a hazard
that he disgusts them all. Those who are left out, however divided
before, will soon run into a body of opposition, which, being a
collection of many discontents into one focus, will without doubt be hot
and violent enough. Faction will make its cries resound through the
nation, as if the whole were in an uproar, when by far the majority, and
much the better part, will seem for awhile, as it were, annihilated by
the quiet in which their virtue and moderation incline them to enjoy the
blessings of Government. Besides that, the opinion of the mere vulgar is
a miserable rule even with regard to themselves, on account of their
violence and instability. So that if you were to gratify them in their
humour to-day, that very gratification would be a ground of their
dissatisfaction on the next. Now as all these rules of public opinion
are to be collected with great difficulty, and to be applied with equal
uncertainty as to the effect, what better can a King of England do than
to employ such men as he finds to have views and inclinations most
conformable to his own, who are least infected with pride and self-will,
and who are least moved by such popular humours as are perpetually
traversing his designs, and disturbing his service; trusting that when he
means no ill to his people he will be supported in his appointments,
whether he chooses to keep or to change, as his private judgment or his
pleasure leads him? He will find a sure resource in the real weight and
influence of the Crown, when it is not suffered to become an instrument
in the hands of a faction.
I will not pretend to say that there is nothing at all in this mode of
reasoning, because I will not assert that there is no difficulty in the
art of government. Undoubtedly the very best Administration must
encounter a great deal of opposition, and the very worst will find more
support than it deserves. Sufficient appearances will never be wanting
to those who have a mind to deceive themselves. It is a fallacy in
constant use with those who would level all things, and confound right
with wrong, to insist upon the inconveniences which are attached to every
choice, without taking into consideration the different weight and
consequence of those inconveniences. The question is not concerning
absolute discontent or perfect satisfaction in Government, neither of
which can be pure and unmixed at any time or upon any system. The
controversy is about that degree of good-humour in the people, which may
possibly be attained, and ought certainly to be looked for. While some
politicians may be waiting to know whether the sense of every individual
be against them, accurately distinguishing the vulgar from the better
sort, drawing lines between the enterprises of a faction and the efforts
of a people, they may chance to see the Government, which they are so
nicely weighing, and dividing, and distinguishing, tumble to the ground
in the midst of their wise deliberation. Prudent men, when so great an
object as the security of Government, or even its peace, is at stake,
will not run the risk of a decision which may be fatal to it. They who
can read the political sky will seen a hurricane in a cloud no bigger
than a hand at the very edge of the horizon, and will run into the first
harbour. No lines can be laid down for civil or political wisdom. They
are a matter incapable of exact definition. But, though no man can draw
a stroke between the confines of day and night, yet light and darkness
are upon the whole tolerably distinguishable. Nor will it be impossible
for a Prince to find out such a mode of government, and such persons to
administer it, as will give a great degree of content to his people,
without any curious and anxious research for that abstract, universal,
perfect harmony, which, while he is seeking, he abandons those means of
ordinary tranquillity which are in his power without any research at all.
It is not more the duty than it is the interest of a Prince to aim at
giving tranquillity to his Government. If those who advise him may have
an interest in disorder and confusion. If the opinion of the people is
against them, they will naturally wish that it should have no prevalence.
Here it is that the people must on their part show themselves sensible of
their own value. Their whole importance, in the first instance, and
afterwards their whole freedom, is at stake. Their freedom cannot long
survive their importance. Here it is that the natural strength of the
kingdom, the great peers, the leading landed gentlemen, the opulent
merchants and manufacturers, the substantial yeomanry, must interpose, to
rescue their Prince, themselves, and their posterity.
We are at present at issue upon this point. We are in the great crisis
of this contention, and the part which men take, one way or other, will
serve to discriminate their characters and their principles. Until the
matter is decided, the country will remain in its present confusion. For
while a system of Administration is attempted, entirely repugnant to the
genius of the people, and not conformable to the plan of their
Government, everything must necessarily be disordered for a time, until
this system destroys the constitution, or the constitution gets the
better of this system.
There is, in my opinion, a peculiar venom and malignity in this political
distemper beyond any that I have heard or read of. In former lines the
projectors of arbitrary Government attacked only the liberties of their
country, a design surely mischievous enough to have satisfied a mind of
the most unruly ambition. But a system unfavourable to freedom may be so
formed as considerably to exalt the grandeur of the State, and men may
find in the pride and splendour of that prosperity some sort of
consolation for the loss of their solid privileges. Indeed, the increase
of the power of the State has often been urged by artful men, as a
pretext for some abridgment of the public liberty. But the scheme of the
junto under consideration not only strikes a palsy into every nerve of
our free constitution, but in the same degree benumbs and stupefies the
whole executive power, rendering Government in all its grand operations
languid, uncertain, ineffective, making Ministers fearful of attempting,
and incapable of executing, any useful plan of domestic arrangement, or
of foreign politics. It tends to produce neither the security of a free
Government, nor the energy of a Monarchy that is absolute. Accordingly,
the Crown has dwindled away in proportion to the unnatural and turgid
growth of this excrescence on the Court.
The interior Ministry are sensible that war is a situation which sets in
its full light the value of the hearts of a people, and they well know
that the beginning of the importance of the people must be the end of
theirs. For this reason they discover upon all occasions the utmost fear
of everything which by possibility may lead to such an event. I do not
mean that they manifest any of that pious fear which is backward to
commit the safety of the country to the dubious experiment of war. Such
a fear, being the tender sensation of virtue, excited, as it is
regulated, by reason, frequently shows itself in a seasonable boldness,
which keeps danger at a distance, by seeming to despise it. Their fear
betrays to the first glance of the eye its true cause and its real
object. Foreign powers, confident in the knowledge of their character,
have not scrupled to violate the most solemn treaties; and, in defiance
of them, to make conquests in the midst of a general peace, and in the
heart of Europe. Such was the conquest of Corsica, by the professed
enemies of the freedom of mankind, in defiance of those who were formerly
its professed defenders. We have had just claims upon the same
powers--rights which ought to have been sacred to them as well as to us,
as they had their origin in our lenity and generosity towards France and
Spain in the day of their great humiliation. Such I call the ransom of
Manilla, and the demand on France for the East India prisoners. But
these powers put a just confidence in their resource of the double
Cabinet. These demands (one of them, at least) are hastening fast
towards an acquittal by prescription. Oblivion begins to spread her
cobwebs over all our spirited remonstrances. Some of the most valuable
branches of our trade are also on the point of perishing from the same
cause. I do not mean those branches which bear without the hand of the
vine-dresser; I mean those which the policy of treaties had formerly
secured to us; I mean to mark and distinguish the trade of Portugal, the
loss of which, and the power of the Cabal, have one and the same era.
If, by any chance, the Ministers who stand before the curtain possess or
affect any spirit, it makes little or no impression. Foreign Courts and
Ministers, who were among the first to discover and to profit by this
invention of the _double Cabinet_, attended very little to their
remonstrances. They know that those shadows of Ministers have nothing to
do in the ultimate disposal of things. Jealousies and animosities are
sedulously nourished in the outward Administration, and have been even
considered as a _causa sine qua non_ in its constitution: thence foreign
Courts have a certainty, that nothing can be done by common counsel in
this nation. If one of those Ministers officially takes up a business
with spirit, it serves only the better to signalise the meanness of the
rest, and the discord of them all. His colleagues in office are in haste
to shake him off, and to disclaim the whole of his proceedings. Of this
nature was that astonishing transaction, in which Lord Rochford, our
Ambassador at Paris, remonstrated against the attempt upon Corsica, in
consequence of a direct authority from Lord Shelburne. This remonstrance
the French Minister treated with the contempt that was natural; as he was
assured, from the Ambassador of his Court to ours, that these orders of
Lord Shelburne were not supported by the rest of the (I had like to have
said British) Administration. Lord Rochford, a man of spirit, could not
endure this situation. The consequences were, however, curious. He
returns from Paris, and comes home full of anger. Lord Shelburne, who
gave the orders, is obliged to give up the seals. Lord Rochford, who
obeyed these orders, receives them. He goes, however, into another
department of the same office, that he might not be obliged officially to
acquiesce in one situation, under what he had officially remonstrated
against in another. At Paris, the Duke of Choiseul considered this
office arrangement as a compliment to him: here it was spoke of as an
attention to the delicacy of Lord Rochford. But whether the compliment
was to one or both, to this nation it was the same. By this transaction
the condition of our Court lay exposed in all its nakedness. Our office
correspondence has lost all pretence to authenticity; British policy is
brought into derision in those nations, that a while ago trembled at the
power of our arms, whilst they looked up with confidence to the equity,
firmness, and candour, which shone in all our negotiations. I represent
this matter exactly in the light in which it has been universally
received.
* * * * *
Such has been the aspect of our foreign politics under the influence of a
_double Cabinet_. With such an arrangement at Court, it is impossible it
should have been otherwise. Nor is it possible that this scheme should
have a better effect upon the government of our dependencies, the first,
the dearest, and most delicate objects of the interior policy of this
empire. The Colonies know that Administration is separated from the
Court, divided within itself, and detested by the nation. The double
Cabinet has, in both the parts of it, shown the most malignant
dispositions towards them, without being able to do them the smallest
mischief.
They are convinced, by sufficient experience, that no plan, either of
lenity or rigour, can be pursued with uniformity and perseverance.
Therefore they turn their eyes entirely from Great Britain, where they
have neither dependence on friendship nor apprehension from enmity. They
look to themselves, and their own arrangements. They grow every day into
alienation from this country; and whilst they are becoming disconnected
with our Government, we have not the consolation to find that they are
even friendly in their new independence. Nothing can equal the futility,
the weakness, the rashness, the timidity, the perpetual contradiction, in
the management of our affairs in that part of the world. A volume might
be written on this melancholy subject; but it were better to leave it
entirely to the reflections of the reader himself, than not to treat it
in the extent it deserves.
In what manner our domestic economy is affected by this system, it is
needless to explain. It is the perpetual subject of their own
complaints.
The Court party resolve the whole into faction. Having said something
before upon this subject, I shall only observe here, that, when they give
this account of the prevalence of faction, they present no very
favourable aspect of the confidence of the people in their own
Government. They may be assured, that however they amuse themselves with
a variety of projects for substituting something else in the place of
that great and only foundation of Government, the confidence of the
people, every attempt will but make their condition worse. When men
imagine that their food is only a cover for poison, and when they neither
love nor trust the hand that serves it, it is not the name of the roast
beef of Old England that will persuade them to sit down to the table that
is spread for them. When the people conceive that laws, and tribunals,
and even popular assemblies, are perverted from the ends of their
institution, they find in those names of degenerated establishments only
new motives to discontent. Those bodies, which, when full of life and
beauty, lay in their arms and were their joy and comfort; when dead and
putrid, become but the more loathsome from remembrance of former
endearments. A sullen gloom, and furious disorder, prevail by fits: the
nation loses its relish for peace and prosperity, as it did in that
season of fulness which opened our troubles in the time of Charles the
First. A species of men to whom a state of order would become a sentence
of obscurity, are nourished into a dangerous magnitude by the heat of
intestine disturbances; and it is no wonder that, by a sort of sinister
piety, they cherish, in their turn, the disorders which are the parents
of all their consequence. Superficial observers consider such persons as
the cause of the public uneasiness, when, in truth, they are nothing more
than the effect of it. Good men look upon this distracted scene with
sorrow and indignation. Their hands are tied behind them. They are
despoiled of all the power which might enable them to reconcile the
strength of Government with the rights of the people. They stand in a
most distressing alternative. But in the election among evils they hope
better things from temporary confusion, than from established servitude.
In the mean time, the voice of law is not to be heard. Fierce
licentiousness begets violent restraints. The military arm is the sole
reliance; and then, call your constitution what you please, it is the
sword that governs. The civil power, like every other that calls in the
aid of an ally stronger than itself, perishes by the assistance it
receives. But the contrivers of this scheme of Government will not trust
solely to the military power, because they are cunning men. Their
restless and crooked spirit drives them to rake in the dirt of every kind
of expedient. Unable to rule the multitude, they endeavour to raise
divisions amongst them. One mob is hired to destroy another; a procedure
which at once encourages the boldness of the populace, and justly
increases their discontent. Men become pensioners of state on account of
their abilities in the array of riot, and the discipline of confusion.
Government is put under the disgraceful necessity of protecting from the
severity of the laws that very licentiousness, which the laws had been
before violated to repress. Everything partakes of the original
disorder. Anarchy predominates without freedom, and servitude without
submission or subordination. These are the consequences inevitable to
our public peace, from the scheme of rendering the executory Government
at once odious and feeble; of freeing Administration from the
constitutional and salutary control of Parliament, and inventing for it a
new control, unknown to the constitution, an _interior_ Cabinet; which
brings the whole body of Government into confusion and contempt.
* * * * *
After having stated, as shortly as I am able, the effects of this system
on our foreign affairs, on the policy of our Government with regard to
our dependencies, and on the interior economy of the Commonwealth; there
remains only, in this part of my design, to say something of the grand
principle which first recommended this system at Court. The pretence was
to prevent the King from being enslaved by a faction, and made a prisoner
in his closet. This scheme might have been expected to answer at least
its own end, and to indemnify the King, in his personal capacity, for all
the confusion into which it has thrown his Government. But has it in
reality answered this purpose? I am sure, if it had, every affectionate
subject would have one motive for enduring with patience all the evils
which attend it.
In order to come at the truth in this matter, it may not be amiss to
consider it somewhat in detail. I speak here of the King, and not of the
Crown; the interests of which we have already touched. Independent of
that greatness which a King possesses merely by being a representative of
the national dignity, the things in which he may have an individual
interest seem to be these: wealth accumulated; wealth spent in
magnificence, pleasure, or beneficence; personal respect and attention;
and above all, private ease and repose of mind. These compose the
inventory of prosperous circumstances, whether they regard a Prince or a
subject; their enjoyments differing only in the scale upon which they are
formed.
Suppose then we were to ask, whether the King has been richer than his
predecessors in accumulated wealth, since the establishment of the plan
of Favouritism? I believe it will be found that the picture of royal
indigence which our Court has presented until this year, has been truly
humiliating. Nor has it been relieved from this unseemly distress, but
by means which have hazarded the affection of the people, and shaken
their confidence in Parliament. If the public treasures had been
exhausted in magnificence and splendour, this distress would have been
accounted for, and in some measure justified. Nothing would be more
unworthy of this nation, than with a mean and mechanical rule, to mete
out the splendour of the Crown. Indeed, I have found very few persons
disposed to so ungenerous a procedure. But the generality of people, it
must be confessed, do feel a good deal mortified, when they compare the
wants of the Court with its expenses. They do not behold the cause of
this distress in any part of the apparatus of Royal magnificence. In all
this, they see nothing but the operations of parsimony, attended with all
the consequences of profusion. Nothing expended, nothing saved. Their
wonder is increased by their knowledge, that besides the revenue settled
on his Majesty's Civil List to the amount of 800,000 pounds a year, he
has a farther aid, from a large pension list, near 90,000 pounds a year,
in Ireland; from the produce of the Duchy of Lancaster (which we are told
has been greatly improved); from the revenue of the Duchy of Cornwall;
from the American quit-rents; from the four and a half per cent. duty in
the Leeward Islands; this last worth to be sure considerably more than
40,000 pounds a year. The whole is certainly not much short of a million
annually.
These are revenues within the knowledge and cognizance of our national
Councils. We have no direct right to examine into the receipts from his
Majesty's German Dominions, and the Bishopric of Osnaburg. This is
unquestionably true. But that which is not within the province of
Parliament, is yet within the sphere of every man's own reflection. If a
foreign Prince resided amongst us, the state of his revenues could not
fail of becoming the subject of our speculation. Filled with an anxious
concern for whatever regards the welfare of our Sovereign, it is
impossible, in considering the miserable circumstances into which he has
been brought, that this obvious topic should be entirely passed over.
There is an opinion universal, that these revenues produce something not
inconsiderable, clear of all charges and establishments. This produce
the people do not believe to be hoarded, nor perceive to be spent. It is
accounted for in the only manner it can, by supposing that it is drawn
away, for the support of that Court faction, which, whilst it distresses
the nation, impoverishes the Prince in every one of his resources. I
once more caution the reader, that I do not urge this consideration
concerning the foreign revenue, as if I supposed we had a direct right to
examine into the expenditure of any part of it; but solely for the
purpose of showing how little this system of Favouritism has been
advantageous to the Monarch himself; which, without magnificence, has
sunk him into a state of unnatural poverty; at the same time that he
possessed every means of affluence, from ample revenues, both in this
country and in other parts of his dominions.
Has this system provided better for the treatment becoming his high and
sacred character, and secured the King from those disgusts attached to
the necessity of employing men who are not personally agreeable? This is
a topic upon which for many reasons I could wish to be silent; but the
pretence of securing against such causes of uneasiness, is the corner-
stone of the Court party. It has however so happened, that if I were to
fix upon any one point, in which this system has been more particularly
and shamefully blameable, the effects which it has produced would justify
me in choosing for that point its tendency to degrade the personal
dignity of the Sovereign, and to expose him to a thousand contradictions
and mortifications. It is but too evident in what manner these
projectors of Royal greatness have fulfilled all their magnificent
promises. Without recapitulating all the circumstances of the reign,
every one of which is more or less a melancholy proof of the truth of
what I have advanced, let us consider the language of the Court but a few
years ago, concerning most of the persons now in the external
Administration: let me ask, whether any enemy to the personal feelings of
the Sovereign, could possibly contrive a keener instrument of
mortification, and degradation of all dignity, than almost every part and
member of the present arrangement? Nor, in the whole course of our
history, has any compliance with the will of the people ever been known
to extort from any Prince a greater contradiction to all his own declared
affections and dislikes, than that which is now adopted, in direct
opposition to every thing the people approve and desire.
An opinion prevails, that greatness has been more than once advised to
submit to certain condescensions towards individuals, which have been
denied to the entreaties of a nation. For the meanest and most dependent
instrument of this system knows, that there are hours when its existence
may depend upon his adherence to it; and he takes his advantage
accordingly. Indeed it is a law of nature, that whoever is necessary to
what we have made our object, is sure, in some way, or in some time or
other, to become our master. All this however is submitted to, in order
to avoid that monstrous evil of governing in concurrence with the opinion
of the people. For it seems to be laid down as a maxim, that a King has
some sort of interest in giving uneasiness to his subjects: that all who
are pleasing to them, are to be of course disagreeable to him: that as
soon as the persons who are odious at Court are known to be odious to the
people, it is snatched at as a lucky occasion of showering down upon them
all kinds of emoluments and honours. None are considered as well-wishers
to the Crown, but those who advised to some unpopular course of action;
none capable of serving it, but those who are obliged to call at every
instant upon all its power for the safety of their lives. None are
supposed to be fit priests in the temple of Government, but the persons
who are compelled to fly into it for sanctuary. Such is the effect of
this refined project; such is ever the result of all the contrivances
which are used to free men from the servitude of their reason, and from
the necessity of ordering their affairs according to their evident
interests. These contrivances oblige them to run into a real and ruinous
servitude, in order to avoid a supposed restraint that might be attended
with advantage.
If therefore this system has so ill answered its own grand pretence of
saving the King from the necessity of employing persons disagreeable to
him, has it given more peace and tranquillity to his Majesty's private
hours? No, most certainly. The father of his people cannot possibly
enjoy repose, while his family is in such a state of distraction. Then
what has the Crown or the King profited by all this fine-wrought scheme?
Is he more rich, or more splendid, or more powerful, or more at his ease,
by so many labours and contrivances? Have they not beggared his
Exchequer, tarnished the splendour of his Court, sunk his dignity, galled
his feelings, discomposed the whole order and happiness of his private
life?
It will be very hard, I believe, to state in what respect the King has
profited by that faction which presumptuously choose to call themselves
_his friends_.
If particular men had grown into an attachment, by the distinguished
honour of the society of their Sovereign, and, by being the partakers of
his amusements, came sometimes to prefer the gratification of his
personal inclinations to the support of his high character, the thing
would be very natural, and it would be excusable enough. But the
pleasant part of the story is, that these _King's friends_ have no more
ground for usurping such a title, than a resident freeholder in
Cumberland or in Cornwall. They are only known to their Sovereign by
kissing his hand, for the offices, pensions, and grants into which they
have deceived his benignity. May no storm ever come, which will put the
firmness of their attachment to the proof; and which, in the midst of
confusions and terrors, and sufferings, may demonstrate the eternal
difference between a true and severe friend to the Monarchy, and a
slippery sycophant of the Court; _Quantum infido scurrae distabit
amicus_!
* * * * *
So far I have considered the effect of the Court system, chiefly as it
operates upon the executive Government, on the temper of the people and
on the happiness of the Sovereign. It remains that we should consider,
with a little attention, its operation upon Parliament.
Parliament was indeed the great object of all these politics, the end at
which they aimed, as well as the instrument by which they were to
operate. But, before Parliament could be made subservient to a system,
by which it was to be degraded from the dignity of a national council,
into a mere member of the Court, it must be greatly changed from its
original character.
In speaking of this body, I have my eye chiefly on the House of Commons.
I hope I shall be indulged in a few observations on the nature and
character of that assembly; not with regard to its _legal form and
power_, but to its _spirit_, and to the purposes it is meant to answer in
the constitution.
The House of Commons was supposed originally to be _no part of the
standing Government of this country_. It was considered as a control,
issuing immediately from the people, and speedily to be resolved into the
mass from whence it arose. In this respect it was in the higher part of
Government what juries are in the lower. The capacity of a magistrate
being transitory, and that of a citizen permanent, the latter capacity it
was hoped would of course preponderate in all discussions, not only
between the people and the standing authority of the Crown, but between
the people and the fleeting authority of the House of Commons itself. It
was hoped that, being of a middle nature between subject and Government,
they would feel with a more tender and a nearer interest everything that
concerned the people, than the other remoter and more permanent parts of
Legislature.
Whatever alterations time and the necessary accommodation of business may
have introduced, this character can never be sustained, unless the House
of Commons shall be made to bear some stamp of the actual disposition of
the people at large. It would (among public misfortunes) be an evil more
natural and tolerable, that the House of Commons should be infected with
every epidemical frenzy of the people, as this would indicate some
consanguinity, some sympathy of nature with their constituents, than that
they should in all cases be wholly untouched by the opinions and feelings
of the people out of doors. By this want of sympathy they would cease to
be a House of Commons. For it is not the derivation of the power of that
House from the people, which makes it in a distinct sense their
representative. The King is the representative of the people; so are the
Lords; so are the Judges. They all are trustees for the people, as well
as the Commons; because no power is given for the sole sake of the
holder; and although Government certainly is an institution of Divine
authority, yet its forms, and the persons who administer it, all
originate from the people.
A popular origin cannot therefore be the characteristical distinction of
a popular representative. This belongs equally to all parts of
Government, and in all forms. The virtue, spirit, and essence of a House
of Commons consists in its being the express image of the feelings of the
nation. It was not instituted to be a control upon the people, as of
late it has been taught, by a doctrine of the most pernicious tendency.
It was designed as a control _for_ the people. Other institutions have
been formed for the purpose of checking popular excesses; and they are, I
apprehend, fully adequate to their object. If not, they ought to be made
so. The House of Commons, as it was never intended for the support of
peace and subordination, is miserably appointed for that service; having
no stronger weapon than its Mace, and no better officer than its Serjeant-
at-Arms, which it can command of its own proper authority. A vigilant
and jealous eye over executory and judicial magistracy; an anxious care
of public money, an openness, approaching towards facility, to public
complaint; these seem to be the true characteristics of a House of
Commons. But an addressing House of Commons, and a petitioning nation; a
House of Commons full of confidence, when the nation is plunged in
despair; in the utmost harmony with Ministers, whom the people regard
with the utmost abhorrence; who vote thanks, when the public opinion
calls upon them for impeachments; who are eager to grant, when the
general voice demands account; who, in all disputes between the people
and Administration, presume against the people; who punish their
disorder, but refuse even to inquire into the provocations to them; this
is an unnatural, a monstrous state of things in this constitution. Such
an Assembly may be a great, wise, awful senate; but it is not, to any
popular purpose, a House of Commons. This change from an immediate state
of procuration and delegation to a course of acting as from original
power, is the way in which all the popular magistracies in the world have
been perverted from their purposes. It is indeed their greatest and
sometimes their incurable corruption. For there is a material
distinction between that corruption by which particular points are
carried against reason (this is a thing which cannot be prevented by
human wisdom, and is of less consequence), and the corruption of the
principle itself. For then the evil is not accidental, but settled. The
distemper becomes the natural habit.
For my part, I shall be compelled to conclude the principle of Parliament
to be totally corrupted, and therefore its ends entirely defeated, when I
see two symptoms: first, a rule of indiscriminate support to all
Ministers; because this destroys the very end of Parliament as a control,
and is a general previous sanction to misgovernment; and secondly, the
setting up any claims adverse to the right of free election; for this
tends to subvert the legal authority by which the House of Commons sits.
I know that, since the Revolution, along with many dangerous, many useful
powers of Government have been weakened. It is absolutely necessary to
have frequent recourse to the Legislature. Parliaments must therefore
sit every year, and for great part of the year. The dreadful disorders
of frequent elections have also necessitated a septennial instead of a
triennial duration. These circumstances, I mean the constant habit of
authority, and the infrequency of elections, have tended very much to
draw the House of Commons towards the character of a standing Senate. It
is a disorder which has arisen from the cure of greater disorders; it has
arisen from the extreme difficulty of reconciling liberty under a
monarchical Government, with external strength and with internal
tranquillity.
It is very clear that we cannot free ourselves entirely from this great
inconvenience; but I would not increase an evil, because I was not able
to remove it; and because it was not in my power to keep the House of
Commons religiously true to its first principles, I would not argue for
carrying it to a total oblivion of them. This has been the great scheme
of power in our time. They who will not conform their conduct to the
public good, and cannot support it by the prerogative of the Crown, have
adopted a new plan. They have totally abandoned the shattered and old-
fashioned fortress of prerogative, and made a lodgment in the stronghold
of Parliament itself. If they have any evil design to which there is no
ordinary legal power commensurate, they bring it into Parliament. In
Parliament the whole is executed from the beginning to the end. In
Parliament the power of obtaining their object is absolute, and the
safety in the proceeding perfect: no rules to confine, no after
reckonings to terrify. Parliament cannot with any great propriety punish
others for things in which they themselves have been accomplices. Thus
the control of Parliament upon the executory power is lost; because
Parliament is made to partake in every considerable act of Government.
_Impeachment_, _that great guardian of the purity of the Constitution_,
_is in danger of being lost_, _even to the idea of it_.
By this plan several important ends are answered to the Cabal. If the
authority of Parliament supports itself, the credit of every act of
Government, which they contrive, is saved; but if the act be so very
odious that the whole strength of Parliament is insufficient to recommend
it, then Parliament is itself discredited; and this discredit increases
more and more that indifference to the constitution, which it is the
constant aim of its enemies, by their abuse of Parliamentary powers, to
render general among the people. Whenever Parliament is persuaded to
assume the offices of executive Government, it will lose all the
confidence, love, and veneration which it has ever enjoyed, whilst it was
supposed the _corrective_ and _control_ of the acting powers of the
State. This would be the event, though its conduct in such a perversion
of its functions should be tolerably just and moderate; but if it should
be iniquitous, violent, full of passion, and full of faction, it would be
considered as the most intolerable of all the modes of tyranny.
For a considerable time this separation of the representatives from their
constituents went on with a silent progress; and had those, who conducted
the plan for their total separation, been persons of temper and abilities
any way equal to the magnitude of their design, the success would have
been infallible; but by their precipitancy they have laid it open in all
its nakedness; the nation is alarmed at it; and the event may not be
pleasant to the contrivers of the scheme. In the last session, the corps
called the _King's friends_ made a hardy attempt all at once, _to alter
the right of election itself_; to put it into the power of the House of
Commons to disable any person disagreeable to them from sitting in
Parliament, without any other rule than their own pleasure; to make
incapacities, either general for descriptions of men, or particular for
individuals; and to take into their body, persons who avowedly had never
been chosen by the majority of legal electors, nor agreeably to any known
rule of law.
The arguments upon which this claim was founded and combated, are not my
business here. Never has a subject been more amply and more learnedly
handled, nor upon one side, in my opinion, more satisfactorily; they who
are not convinced by what is already written would not receive conviction
_though one arose from the dead_.
I too have thought on this subject; but my purpose here, is only to
consider it as a part of the favourite project of Government; to observe
on the motives which led to it; and to trace its political consequences.
A violent rage for the punishment of Mr. Wilkes was the pretence of the
whole. This gentleman, by setting himself strongly in opposition to the
Court Cabal, had become at once an object of their persecution, and of
the popular favour. The hatred of the Court party pursuing, and the
countenance of the people protecting him, it very soon became not at all
a question on the man, but a trial of strength between the two parties.
The advantage of the victory in this particular contest was the present,
but not the only, nor by any means, the principal, object. Its operation
upon the character of the House of Commons was the great point in view.
The point to be gained by the Cabal was this: that a precedent should be
established, tending to show, _That the favour of the people was not so
sure a road as the favour of the Court even to popular honours and
popular trusts_. A strenuous resistance to every appearance of lawless
power; a spirit of independence carried to some degree of enthusiasm; an
inquisitive character to discover, and a bold one to display, every
corruption and every error of Government; these are the qualities which
recommend a man to a seat in the House of Commons, in open and merely
popular elections. An indolent and submissive disposition; a disposition
to think charitably of all the actions of men in power, and to live in a
mutual intercourse of favours with them; an inclination rather to
countenance a strong use of authority, than to bear any sort of
licentiousness on the part of the people; these are unfavourable
qualities in an open election for Members of Parliament.
The instinct which carries the people towards the choice of the former,
is justified by reason; because a man of such a character, even in its
exorbitancies, does not directly contradict the purposes of a trust, the
end of which is a control on power. The latter character, even when it
is not in its extreme, will execute this trust but very imperfectly; and,
if deviating to the least excess, will certainly frustrate instead of
forwarding the purposes of a control on Government. But when the House
of Commons was to be new modelled, this principle was not only to be
changed, but reversed. Whist any errors committed in support of power
were left to the law, with every advantage of favourable construction, of
mitigation, and finally of pardon; all excesses on the side of liberty,
or in pursuit of popular favour, or in defence of popular rights and
privileges, were not only to be punished by the rigour of the known law,
but by a _discretionary_ proceeding, which brought on _the loss of the
popular object itself_. Popularity was to be rendered, if not directly
penal, at least highly dangerous. The favour of the people might lead
even to a disqualification of representing them. Their odium might
become, strained through the medium of two or three constructions, the
means of sitting as the trustee of all that was dear to them. This is
punishing the offence in the offending part. Until this time, the
opinion of the people, through the power of an Assembly, still in some
sort popular, led to the greatest honours and emoluments in the gift of
the Crown. Now the principle is reversed; and the favour of the Court is
the only sure way of obtaining and holding those honours which ought to
be in the disposal of the people.
It signifies very little how this matter may be quibbled away. Example,
the only argument of effect in civil life, demonstrates the truth of my
proposition. Nothing can alter my opinion concerning the pernicious
tendency of this example, until I see some man for his indiscretion in
the support of power, for his violent and intemperate servility, rendered
incapable of sitting in parliament. For as it now stands, the fault of
overstraining popular qualities, and, irregularly if you please,
asserting popular privileges, has led to disqualification; the opposite
fault never has produced the slightest punishment. Resistance to power
has shut the door of the House of Commons to one man; obsequiousness and
servility, to none.
Not that I would encourage popular disorder, or any disorder. But I
would leave such offences to the law, to be punished in measure and
proportion. The laws of this country are for the most part constituted,
and wisely so, for the general ends of Government, rather than for the
preservation of our particular liberties. Whatever therefore is done in
support of liberty, by persons not in public trust, or not acting merely
in that trust, is liable to be more or less out of the ordinary course of
the law; and the law itself is sufficient to animadvert upon it with
great severity. Nothing indeed can hinder that severe letter from
crushing us, except the temperaments it may receive from a trial by jury.
But if the habit prevails of _going beyond the law_, and superseding this
judicature, of carrying offences, real or supposed, into the legislative
bodies, who shall establish themselves into _courts of criminal equity_,
(so _the Star Chamber_ has been called by Lord Bacon,) all the evils of
the _Star_ Chamber are revived. A large and liberal construction in
ascertaining offences, and a discretionary power in punishing them, is
the idea of criminal equity; which is in truth a monster in
Jurisprudence. It signifies nothing whether a court for this purpose be
a Committee of Council, or a House of Commons, or a House of Lords; the
liberty of the subject will be equally subverted by it. The true end and
purpose of that House of Parliament which entertains such a jurisdiction
will be destroyed by it.
I will not believe, what no other man living believes, that Mr. Wilkes
was punished for the indecency of his publications, or the impiety of his
ransacked closet. If he had fallen in a common slaughter of libellers
and blasphemers, I could well believe that nothing more was meant than
was pretended. But when I see, that, for years together, full as
impious, and perhaps more dangerous writings to religion, and virtue, and
order, have not been punished, nor their authors discountenanced; that
the most audacious libels on Royal Majesty have passed without notice;
that the most treasonable invectives against the laws, liberties, and
constitution of the country, have not met with the slightest
animadversion; I must consider this as a shocking and shameless pretence.
Never did an envenomed scurrility against everything sacred and civil,
public and private, rage through the kingdom with such a furious and
unbridled licence. All this while the peace of the nation must be
shaken, to ruin one libeller, and to tear from the populace a single
favourite.
Nor is it that vice merely skulks in an obscure and contemptible
impunity. Does not the public behold with indignation, persons not only
generally scandalous in their lives, but the identical persons who, by
their society, their instruction, their example, their encouragement,
have drawn this man into the very faults which have furnished the Cabal
with a pretence for his persecution, loaded with every kind of favour,
honour, and distinction, which a Court can bestow? Add but the crime of
servility (the _foedum crimem servitutis_) to every other crime, and the
whole mass is immediately transmuted into virtue, and becomes the just
subject of reward and honour. When therefore I reflect upon this method
pursued by the Cabal in distributing rewards and punishments, I must
conclude that Mr. Wilkes is the object of persecution, not on account of
what he has done in common with others who are the objects of reward, but
for that in which he differs from many of them: that he is pursued for
the spirited dispositions which are blended with his vices; for his
unconquerable firmness, for his resolute, indefatigable, strenuous
resistance against oppression.
In this case, therefore, it was not the man that was to be punished, nor
his faults that were to be discountenanced. Opposition to acts of power
was to be marked by a kind of civil proscription. The popularity which
should arise from such an opposition was to be shown unable to protect
it. The qualities by which court is made to the people, were to render
every fault inexpiable, and every error irretrievable. The qualities by
which court is made to power, were to cover and to sanctify everything.
He that will have a sure and honourable seat, in the House of Commons,
must take care how he adventures to cultivate popular qualities;
otherwise he may, remember the old maxim, _Breves et infaustos populi
Romani amores_. If, therefore, a pursuit of popularity expose a man to
greater dangers than a disposition to servility, the principle which is
the life and soul of popular elections will perish out of the
Constitution.
It behoves the people of England to consider how the House of Commons
under the operation of these examples must of necessity be constituted.
On the side of the Court will be, all honours, offices, emoluments; every
sort of personal gratification to avarice or vanity; and, what is of more
moment to most gentlemen, the means of growing, by innumerable petty
services to individuals, into a spreading interest in their country. On
the other hand, let us suppose a person unconnected with the Court, and
in opposition to its system. For his own person, no office, or
emolument, or title; no promotion ecclesiastical, or civil, or military,
or naval, for children, or brothers, or kindred. In vain an expiring
interest in a borough calls for offices, or small livings, for the
children of mayors, and aldermen, and capital burgesses. His court rival
has them all. He can do an infinite number of acts of generosity and
kindness, and even of public spirit. He can procure indemnity from
quarters. He can procure advantages in trade. He can get pardons for
offences. He can obtain a thousand favours, and avert a thousand evils.
He may, while he betrays every valuable interest of the kingdom, be a
benefactor, a patron, a father, a guardian angel, to his borough. The
unfortunate independent member has nothing to offer, but harsh refusal,
or pitiful excuse, or despondent representation of a hopeless interest.
Except from his private fortune, in which he may be equalled, perhaps
exceeded, by his Court competitor, he has no way of showing any one good
quality, or of making a single friend. In the House, he votes for ever
in a dispirited minority. If he speaks, the doors are locked. A body of
loquacious placemen go out to tell the world, that all he aims at, is to
get into office. If he has not the talent of elocution, which is the
case of many as wise and knowing men as any in the House, he is liable to
all these inconveniences, without the eclat which attends upon any
tolerably successful exertion of eloquence. Can we conceive a more
discouraging post of duty than this? Strip it of the poor reward of
popularity; suffer even the excesses committed in defence of the popular
interest to become a ground for the majority of that House to form a
disqualification out of the line of the law, and at their pleasure,
attended not only with the loss of the franchise, but with every kind of
personal disgrace; if this shall happen, the people of this kingdom may
be assured that they cannot be firmly or faithfully served by any man. It
is out of the nature of men and things that they should; and their
presumption will be equal to their folly, if they expect it. The power
of the people, within the laws, must show itself sufficient to protect
every representative in the animated performance of his duty, or that
duty cannot be performed. The House of Commons can never be a control on
other parts of Government, unless they are controlled themselves by their
constituents; and unless these constituents possess some right in the
choice of that House, which it is not in the power of that House to take
away. If they suffer this power of arbitrary incapacitation to stand,
they have utterly perverted every other power of the House of Commons.
The late proceeding, I will not say, _is_ contrary to law; it _must_ be
so; for the power which is claimed cannot, by any possibility, be a legal
power in any limited member of Government.
The power which they claim, of declaring incapacities, would not be above
the just claims of a final judicature, if they had not laid it down as a
leading principle, that they had no rule in the exercise of this claim
but their own _discretion_. Not one of their abettors has ever
undertaken to assign the principle of unfitness, the species or degree of
delinquency, on which the House of Commons will expel, nor the mode of
proceeding upon it, nor the evidence upon which it is established. The
direct consequence of which is, that the first franchise of an
Englishman, and that on which all the rest vitally depend, is to be
forfeited for some offence which no man knows, and which is to be proved
by no known rule whatsoever of legal evidence. This is so anomalous to
our whole constitution, that I will venture to say, the most trivial
right, which the subject claims, never was, nor can be, forfeited in such
a manner.
The whole of their usurpation is established upon this method of arguing.
We do not make laws. No; we do not contend for this power. We only
declare law; and, as we are a tribunal both competent and supreme, what
we declare to be law becomes law, although it should not have been so
before. Thus the circumstance of having no appeal from their
jurisdiction is made to imply that they have no rule in the exercise of
it: the judgment does not derive its validity from its conformity to the
law; but preposterously the law is made to attend on the judgment; and
the rule of the judgment is no other than the _occasional will of the
House_. An arbitrary discretion leads, legality follows; which is just
the very nature and description of a legislative act.
This claim in their hands was no barren theory. It was pursued into its
utmost consequences; and a dangerous principle has begot a correspondent
practice. A systematic spirit has been shown upon both sides. The
electors of Middlesex chose a person whom the House of Commons had voted
incapable; and the House of Commons has taken in a member whom the
electors of Middlesex had not chosen. By a construction on that
legislative power which had been assumed, they declared that the true
legal sense of the country was contained in the minority, on that
occasion; and might, on a resistance to a vote of incapacity, be
contained in any minority.
When any construction of law goes against the spirit of the privilege it
was meant to support, it is a vicious construction. It is material to us
to be represented really and bona fide, and not in forms, in types, and
shadows, and fictions of law. The right of election was not established
merely as a _matter of form_, to satisfy some method and rule of
technical reasoning; it was not a principle which might substitute a
_Titius_ or a _Maevius_, a _John Doe_ or _Richard Roe_, in the place of a
man specially chosen; not a principle which was just as well satisfied
with one man as with another. It is a right, the effect of which is to
give to the people that man, and that man only, whom by their voices,
actually, not constructively given, they declare that they know, esteem,
love, and trust. This right is a matter within their own power of
judging and feeling; not an _ens rationis_ and creature of law: nor can
those devices, by which anything else is substituted in the place of such
an actual choice, answer in the least degree the end of representation.
I know that the courts of law have made as strained constructions in
other cases. Such is the construction in common recoveries. The method
of construction which in that case gives to the persons in remainder, for
their security and representative, the door-keeper, crier, or sweeper of
the Court, or some other shadowy being without substance or effect, is a
fiction of a very coarse texture. This was however suffered, by the
acquiescence of the whole kingdom, for ages; because the evasion of the
old Statute of Westminster, which authorised perpetuities, had more sense
and utility than the law which was evaded. But an attempt to turn the
right of election into such a farce and mockery as a fictitious fine and
recovery, will, I hope, have another fate; because the laws which give it
are infinitely dear to us, and the evasion is infinitely contemptible.
The people indeed have been told, that this power of discretionary
disqualification is vested in hands that they may trust, and who will be
sure not to abuse it to their prejudice. Until I find something in this
argument differing from that on which every mode of despotism has been
defended, I shall not be inclined to pay it any great compliment. The
people are satisfied to trust themselves with the exercise of their own
privileges, and do not desire this kind intervention of the House of
Commons to free them from the burthen. They are certainly in the right.
They ought not to trust the House of Commons with a power over their
franchises; because the constitution, which placed two other co-ordinate
powers to control it, reposed no such confidence in that body. It were a
folly well deserving servitude for its punishment, to be full of
confidence where the laws are full of distrust; and to give to an House
of Commons, arrogating to its sole resolution the most harsh and odious
part of legislative authority, that degree of submission which is due
only to the Legislature itself.
When the House of Commons, in an endeavour to obtain new advantages at
the expense of the other orders of the State, for the benefits of the
_Commons at large_, have pursued strong measures; if it were not just, it
was at least natural, that the constituents should connive at all their
proceedings; because we were ourselves ultimately to profit. But when
this submission is urged to us, in a contest between the representatives
and ourselves, and where nothing can be put into their scale which is not
taken from ours, they fancy us to be children when they tell us they are
our representatives, our own flesh and blood, and that all the stripes
they give us are for our good. The very desire of that body to have such
a trust contrary to law reposed in them, shows that they are not worthy
of it. They certainly will abuse it; because all men possessed of an
uncontrolled discretionary power leading to the aggrandisement and profit
of their own body have always abused it: and I see no particular sanctity
in our times, that is at all likely, by a miraculous operation, to
overrule the course of nature.
But we must purposely shut our eyes, if we consider this matter merely as
a contest between the House of Commons and the Electors. The true
contest is between the Electors of the Kingdom and the Crown; the Crown
acting by an instrumental House of Commons. It is precisely the same,
whether the Ministers of the Crown can disqualify by a dependent House of
Commons, or by a dependent court of _Star Chamber_, or by a dependent
court of King's Bench. If once Members of Parliament can be practically
convinced that they do not depend on the affection or opinion of the
people for their political being, they will give themselves over, without
even an appearance of reserve, to the influence of the Court.
Indeed, a Parliament unconnected with the people, is essential to a
Ministry unconnected with the people; and therefore those who saw through
what mighty difficulties the interior Ministry waded, and the exterior
were dragged, in this business, will conceive of what prodigious
importance, the new corps of _King's men_ held this principle of
occasional and personal incapacitation, to the whole body of their
design.
When the House of Commons was thus made to consider itself as the master
of its constituents, there wanted but one thing to secure that House
against all possible future deviation towards popularity; an unlimited
fund of money to be laid out according to the pleasure of the Court.
* * * * *
To complete the scheme of bringing our Court to a resemblance to the
neighbouring Monarchies, it was necessary, in effect, to destroy those
appropriations of revenue, which seem to limit the property, as the other
laws had done the powers, of the Crown. An opportunity for this purpose
was taken, upon an application to Parliament for payment of the debts of
the Civil List; which in 1769 had amounted to 513,000 pounds. Such
application had been made upon former occasions; but to do it in the
former manner would by no means answer the present purpose.
Whenever the Crown had come to the Commons to desire a supply for the
discharging of debts due on the Civil List, it was always asked and
granted with one of the three following qualifications; sometimes with
all of them. Either it was stated that the revenue had been diverted
from its purposes by Parliament; or that those duties had fallen short of
the sum for which they were given by Parliament, and that the intention
of the Legislature had not been fulfilled; or that the money required to
discharge the Civil List debt was to be raised chargeable on the Civil
List duties. In the reign of Queen Anne, the Crown was found in debt.
The lessening and granting away some part of her revenue by Parliament
was alleged as the cause of that debt, and pleaded as an equitable ground
(such it certainly was), for discharging it. It does not appear that the
duties which wore then applied to the ordinary Government produced clear
above 580,000 pounds a year; because, when they were afterwards granted
to George the First, 120,000 pounds was added, to complete the whole to
700,000 pounds a year. Indeed it was then asserted, and, I have no
doubt, truly, that for many years the nett produce did not amount to
above 550,000 pounds. The Queen's extraordinary charges were besides
very considerable; equal, at least, to any we have known in our time. The
application to Parliament was not for an absolute grant of money, but to
empower the Queen to raise it by borrowing upon the Civil List funds.
The Civil List debt was twice paid in the reign of George the First. The
money was granted upon the same plan which had been followed in the reign
of Queen Anne. The Civil List revenues were then mortgaged for the sum
to be raised, and stood charged with the ransom of their own deliverance.
George the Second received an addition to his Civil List. Duties were
granted for the purpose of raising 800,000 pounds a year. It was not
until he had reigned nineteen years, and after the last rebellion, that
he called upon Parliament for a discharge of the Civil List debt. The
extraordinary charges brought on by the rebellion, account fully for the
necessities of the Crown. However, the extraordinary charges of
Government were not thought a ground fit to be relied on. A deficiency
of the Civil List duties for several years before was stated as the
principal, if not the sole, ground on which an application to Parliament
could be justified. About this time the produce of these duties had
fallen pretty low; and even upon an average of the whole reign they never
produced 800,000 pounds a year clear to the Treasury.
That Prince reigned fourteen years afterwards: not only no new demands
were made, but with so much good order were his revenues and expenses
regulated, that, although many parts of the establishment of the Court
were upon a larger and more liberal scale than they have been since,
there was a considerable sum in hand, on his decease, amounting to about
170,000 pounds, applicable to the service of the Civil List of his
present Majesty. So that, if this reign commenced with a greater charge
than usual, there was enough, and more than enough, abundantly to supply
all the extraordinary expense. That the Civil List should have been
exceeded in the two former reigns, especially in the reign of George the
First, was not at all surprising. His revenue was but 700,000 pounds
annually; if it ever produced so much clear. The prodigious and
dangerous disaffection to the very being of the establishment, and the
cause of a Pretender then powerfully abetted from abroad, produced many
demands of an extraordinary nature both abroad and at home. Much
management and great expenses were necessary. But the throne of no
Prince has stood upon more unshaken foundations than that of his present
Majesty.
To have exceeded the sum given for the Civil List, and to have incurred a
debt without special authority of Parliament, was, _prima facie_, a
criminal act: as such Ministers ought naturally rather to have withdrawn
it from the inspection, than to have exposed it to the scrutiny, of
Parliament. Certainly they ought, of themselves, officially to have come
armed with every sort of argument, which, by explaining, could excuse a
matter in itself of presumptive guilt. But the terrors of the House of
Commons are no longer for Ministers.
On the other hand, the peculiar character of the House of Commons, as
trustee of the public purse, would have led them to call with a
punctilious solicitude for every public account, and to have examined
into them with the most rigorous accuracy.
The capital use of an account is, that the reality of the charge, the
reason of incurring it, and the justice and necessity of discharging it,
should all appear antecedent to the payment. No man ever pays first, and
calls for his account afterwards; because he would thereby let out of his
hands the principal, and indeed only effectual, means of compelling a
full and fair one. But, in national business, there is an additional
reason for a previous production of every account. It is a cheek,
perhaps the only one, upon a corrupt and prodigal use of public money. An
account after payment is to no rational purpose an account. However, the
House of Commons thought all these to be antiquated principles; they were
of opinion that the most Parliamentary way of proceeding was, to pay
first what the Court thought proper to demand, and to take its chance for
an examination into accounts at some time of greater leisure.
The nation had settled 800,000 pounds a year on the Crown, as sufficient
for the purpose of its dignity, upon the estimate of its own Ministers.
When Ministers came to Parliament, and said that this allowance had not
been sufficient for the purpose, and that they had incurred a debt of
500,000 pounds, would it not have been natural for Parliament first to
have asked, how, and by what means, their appropriated allowance came to
be insufficient? Would it not have savoured of some attention to
justice, to have seen in what periods of Administration this debt had
been originally incurred; that they might discover, and if need were,
animadvert on the persons who were found the most culpable? To put their
hands upon such articles of expenditure as they thought improper or
excessive, and to secure, in future, against such misapplication or
exceeding? Accounts for any other purposes are but a matter of
curiosity, and no genuine Parliamentary object. All the accounts which
could answer any Parliamentary end were refused, or postponed by previous
questions. Every idea of prevention was rejected, as conveying an
improper suspicion of the Ministers of the Crown.
When every leading account had been refused, many others were granted
with sufficient facility.
But with great candour also, the House was informed, that hardly any of
them could be ready until the next session; some of them perhaps not so
soon. But, in order firmly to establish the precedent of _payment
previous to account_, and to form it into a settled rule of the House,
the god in the machine was brought down, nothing less than the wonder-
working _Law of Parliament_. It was alleged, that it is the law of
Parliament, when any demand comes from the Crown, that the House must go
immediately into the Committee of Supply; in which Committee it was
allowed, that the production and examination of accounts would be quite
proper and regular. It was therefore carried that they should go into
the Committee without delay, and without accounts, in order to examine
with great order and regularity things that could not possibly come
before them. After this stroke of orderly and Parliamentary wit and
humour, they went into the Committee, and very generously voted the
payment.
There was a circumstance in that debate too remarkable to be overlooked.
This debt of the Civil List was all along argued upon the same footing as
a debt of the State, contracted upon national authority. Its payment was
urged as equally pressing upon the public faith and honour; and when the
whole year's account was stated, in what is called _The Budget_, the
Ministry valued themselves on the payment of so much public debt, just as
if they had discharged 500,000 pounds of navy or exchequer bills. Though,
in truth, their payment, from the Sinking Fund, of debt which was never
contracted by Parliamentary authority, was, to all intents and purposes,
so much debt incurred. But such is the present notion of public credit
and payment of debt. No wonder that it produces such effects.
Nor was the House at all more attentive to a provident security against
future, than it had been to a vindictive retrospect to past,
mismanagements. I should have thought indeed that a Ministerial promise,
during their own continuance in office, might have been given, though
this would have been but a poor security for the public. Mr. Pelham gave
such an assurance, and he kept his word. But nothing was capable of
extorting from our Ministers anything which had the least resemblance to
a promise of confining the expenses of the Civil List within the limits
which had been settled by Parliament. This reserve of theirs I look upon
to be equivalent to the clearest declaration that they were resolved upon
a contrary course.
However, to put the matter beyond all doubt, in the Speech from the
Throne, after thanking Parliament for the relief so liberally granted,
the Ministers inform the two Houses that they will _endeavour_ to confine
the expenses of the Civil Government--within what limits, think you?
those which the law had prescribed? Not in the least--"such limits as
the _honour of the Crown_ can possibly admit."
Thus they established an arbitrary standard for that dignity which
Parliament had defined and limited to a legal standard. They gave
themselves, under the lax and indeterminate idea of the _honour of the
Crown_, a full loose for all manner of dissipation, and all manner of
corruption. This arbitrary standard they were not afraid to hold out to
both Houses; while an idle and inoperative Act of Parliament, estimating
the dignity of the Crown at 800,000 pounds, and confining it to that sum,
adds to the number of obsolete statutes which load the shelves of
libraries without any sort of advantage to the people.
After this proceeding, I suppose that no man can be so weak as to think
that the Crown is limited to any settled allowance whatsoever. For if
the Ministry has 800,000 pounds a year by the law of the land, and if by
the law of Parliament all the debts which exceed it are to be paid
previous to the production of any account, I presume that this is
equivalent to an income with no other limits than the abilities of the
subject and the moderation of the Court--that is to say, it is such in
income as is possessed by every absolute Monarch in Europe. It amounts,
as a person of great ability said in the debate, to an unlimited power of
drawing upon the Sinking Fund. Its effect on the public credit of this
kingdom must be obvious; for in vain is the Sinking Fund the great
buttress of all the rest, if it be in the power of the Ministry to resort
to it for the payment of any debts which they may choose to incur, under
the name of the Civil List, and through the medium of a committee, which
thinks itself obliged by law to vote supplies without any other account
than that of the more existence of the debt.
Five hundred thousand pounds is a serious sum. But it is nothing to the
prolific principle upon which the sum was voted--a principle that may be
well called, _the fruitful mother of a hundred more_. Neither is the
damage to public credit of very great consequence when compared with that
which results to public morals and to the safety of the Constitution,
from the exhaustless mine of corruption opened by the precedent, and to
be wrought by the principle of the late payment of the debts of the Civil
List. The power of discretionary disqualification by one law of
Parliament, and the necessity of paying every debt of the Civil List by
another law of Parliament, if suffered to pass unnoticed, must establish
such a fund of rewards and terrors as will make Parliament the best
appendage and support of arbitrary power that ever was invented by the
wit of man. This is felt. The quarrel is begun between the
Representatives and the People. The Court Faction have at length
committed them.
In such a strait the wisest may well be perplexed, and the boldest
staggered. The circumstances are in a great measure new. We have hardly
any landmarks from the wisdom of our ancestors to guide us. At best we
can only follow the spirit of their proceeding in other cases. I know
the diligence with which my observations on our public disorders have
been made. I am very sure of the integrity of the motives on which they
are published: I cannot be equally confident in any plan for the absolute
cure of those disorders, or for their certain future prevention. My aim
is to bring this matter into more public discussion. Let the sagacity of
others work upon it. It is not uncommon for medical writers to describe
histories of diseases, very accurately, on whose cure they can say but
very little.
The first ideas which generally suggest themselves for the cure of
Parliamentary disorders are, to shorten the duration of Parliaments, and
to disqualify all, or a great number of placemen, from a seat in the
House of Commons. Whatever efficacy there may be in those remedies, I am
sure in the present state of things it is impossible to apply them. A
restoration of the right of free election is a preliminary indispensable
to every other reformation. What alterations ought afterwards to be made
in the constitution is a matter of deep and difficult research.
If I wrote merely to please the popular palate, it would indeed be as
little troublesome to me as to another to extol these remedies, so famous
in speculation, but to which their greatest admirers have never attempted
seriously to resort in practice. I confess them, that I have no sort of
reliance upon either a Triennial Parliament or a Place-bill. With regard
to the former, perhaps, it might rather serve to counteract than to
promote the ends that are proposed by it. To say nothing of the horrible
disorders among the people attending frequent elections, I should be
fearful of committing, every three years, the independent gentlemen of
the country into a contest with the Treasury. It is easy to see which of
the contending parties would be ruined first. Whoever has taken a
careful view of public proceedings, so as to endeavour to ground his
speculations on his experience, must have observed how prodigiously
greater the power of Ministry is in the first and last session of a
Parliament, than it is in the intermediate periods, when Members sit a
little on their seats. The persons of the greatest Parliamentary
experience, with whom I have conversed, did constantly, in canvassing the
fate of questions, allow something to the Court side, upon account of the
elections depending or imminent. The evil complained of, if it exists in
the present state of things, would hardly be removed by a triennial
Parliament: for, unless the influence of Government in elections can be
entirely taken away, the more frequently they return, the more they will
harass private independence; the more generally men will be compelled to
fly to the settled systematic interest of Government, and to the
resources of a boundless Civil List. Certainly something may be done,
and ought to be done, towards lessening that influence in elections; and
this will be necessary upon a plan either of longer or shorter duration
of Parliament. But nothing can so perfectly remove the evil, as not to
render such contentions, foot frequently repeated, utterly ruinous, first
to independence of fortune, and then to independence of spirit. As I am
only giving an opinion on this point, and not at all debating it in an
adverse line, I hope I may be excused in another observation. With great
truth I may aver that I never remember to have talked on this subject
with any man much conversant with public business who considered short
Parliaments as a real improvement of the Constitution. Gentlemen, warm
in a popular cause, are ready enough to attribute all the declarations of
such persons to corrupt motives. But the habit of affairs, if, on one
hand, it tends to corrupt the mind, furnishes it, on the other, with the,
means of better information. The authority of such persons will always
have some weight. It may stand upon a par with the speculations of those
who are less practised in business; and who, with perhaps purer
intentions, have not so effectual means of judging. It is besides an
effect of vulgar and puerile malignity to imagine that every Statesman is
of course corrupt: and that his opinion, upon every constitutional point,
is solely formed upon some sinister interest.
The next favourite remedy is a Place-bill. The same principle guides in
both: I mean the opinion which is entertained by many of the
infallibility of laws and regulations, in the cure of public distempers.
Without being as unreasonably doubtful as many are unwisely confident, I
will only say, that this also is a matter very well worthy of serious and
mature reflection. It is not easy to foresee what the effect would be of
disconnecting with Parliament, the greatest part of those who hold civil
employments, and of such mighty and important bodies as the military and
naval establishments. It were better, perhaps, that they should have a
corrupt interest in the forms of the constitution, than they should have
none at all. This is a question altogether different from the
disqualification of a particular description of Revenue Officers from
seats in Parliament; or, perhaps, of all the lower sorts of them from
votes in elections. In the former case, only the few are affected; in
the latter, only the inconsiderable. But a great official, a great
professional, a great military and naval interest, all necessarily
comprehending many people of the first weight, ability, wealth, and
spirit, has been gradually formed in the kingdom. These new interests
must be let into a share of representation, else possibly they may be
inclined to destroy those institutions of which they are not permitted to
partake. This is not a thing to be trifled with: nor is it every well-
meaning man that is fit to put his hands to it. Many other serious
considerations occur. I do not open them here, because they are not
directly to my purpose; proposing only to give the reader some taste of
the difficulties that attend all capital changes in the Constitution;
just to hint the uncertainty, to say no worse, of being able to prevent
the Court, as long as it has the means of influence abundantly in its
power, from applying that influence to Parliament; and perhaps, if the
public method were precluded, of doing it in some worse and more
dangerous method. Underhand and oblique ways would be studied. The
science of evasion, already tolerably understood, would then be brought
to the greatest perfection. It is no inconsiderable part of wisdom, to
know how much of an evil ought to be tolerated; lest, by attempting a
degree of purity impracticable in degenerate times and manners, instead
of cutting off the subsisting ill practices, new corruptions might be
produced for the concealment and security of the old. It were better,
undoubtedly, that no influence at all could affect the mind of a Member
of Parliament. But of all modes of influence, in my opinion, a place
under the Government is the least disgraceful to the man who holds it,
and by far the most safe to the country. I would not shut out that sort
of influence which is open and visible, which is connected with the
dignity and the service of the State, when it is not in my power to
prevent the influence of contracts, of subscriptions, of direct bribery,
and those innumerable methods of clandestine corruption, which are
abundantly in the hands of the Court, and which will be applied as long
as these means of corruption, and the disposition to be corrupted, have
existence amongst us. Our Constitution stands on a nice equipoise, with
steep precipices and deep waters upon all sides of it. In removing it
from a dangerous leaning towards one side, there may be a risk of
oversetting it on the other. Every project of a material change in a
Government so complicated as ours, combined at the same time with
external circumstances still more complicated, is a matter full of
difficulties; in which a considerate man will not be too ready to decide;
a prudent man too ready to undertake; or an honest man too ready to
promise. They do not respect the public nor themselves, who engage for
more than they are sure that they ought to attempt, or that they are able
to perform. These are my sentiments, weak perhaps, but honest and
unbiassed; and submitted entirely to the opinion of grave men, well
affected to the constitution of their country, and of experience in what
may best promote or hurt it.
Indeed, in the situation in which we stand, with an immense revenue, an
enormous debt, mighty establishments, Government itself a great banker
and a great merchant, I see no other way for the preservation of a decent
attention to public interest in the Representatives, but _the
interposition of the body of the people itself_, whenever it shall
appear, by some flagrant and notorious act, by some capital innovation,
that these Representatives are going to over-leap the fences of the law,
and to introduce an arbitrary power. This interposition is a most
unpleasant remedy. But, if it be a legal remedy, it is intended on some
occasion to be used; to be used then only, when it is evident that
nothing else can hold the Constitution to its true principles.
* * * * *
The distempers of Monarchy were the great subjects of apprehension and
redress, in the last century; in this, the distempers of Parliament. It
is not in Parliament alone that the remedy for Parliamentary disorders
can be completed; hardly, indeed, can it begin there. Until a confidence
in Government is re-established, the people ought to be excited to a more
strict and detailed attention to the conduct of their Representatives.
Standards, for judging more systematically upon their conduct, ought to
be settled in the meetings of counties and corporations. Frequent and
correct lists of the voters in all important questions ought to be
procured.
By such means something may be done. By such means it may appear who
those are, that, by an indiscriminate support of all Administrations,
have totally banished all integrity and confidence out of public
proceedings; have confounded the best men with the worst; and weakened
and dissolved, instead of strengthening and compacting, the general frame
of Government. If any person is more concerned for government and order
than for the liberties of his country, even he is equally concerned to
put an end to this course of indiscriminate support. It is this blind
and undistinguishing support that feeds the spring of those very
disorders, by which he is frighted into the arms of the faction which
contains in itself the source of all disorders, by enfeebling all the
visible and regular authority of the State. The distemper is increased
by his injudicious and preposterous endeavours, or pretences, for the
cure of it.
An exterior Administration, chosen for its impotency, or after it is
chosen purposely rendered impotent, in order to be rendered subservient,
will not be obeyed. The laws themselves will not be respected, when
those who execute them are despised: and they will be despised, when
their power is not immediate from the Crown, or natural in the kingdom.
Never were Ministers better supported in Parliament. Parliamentary
support comes and goes with office, totally regardless of the man, or the
merit. Is Government strengthened? It grows weaker and weaker. The
popular torrent gains upon it every hour. Let us learn from our
experience. It is not support that is wanting to Government, but
reformation. When Ministry rests upon public opinion, it is not indeed
built upon a rock of adamant; it has, however, some stability. But when
it stands upon private humour, its structure is of stubble, and its
foundation is on quicksand. I repeat it again--He that supports every
Administration, subverts all Government. The reason is this. The whole
business in which a Court usually takes an interest goes on at present
equally well, in whatever hands, whether high or low, wise or foolish,
scandalous or reputable; there is nothing, therefore, to hold it firm to
any one body of men, or to any one consistent scheme of politics. Nothing
interposes to prevent the full operation of all the caprices and all the
passions of a Court upon the servants of the public. The system of
Administration is open to continual shocks and changes, upon the
principles of the meanest cabal, and the most contemptible intrigue.
Nothing can be solid and permanent. All good men at length fly with
horror from such a service. Men of rank and ability, with the spirit
which ought to animate such men in a free state, while they decline the
jurisdiction of dark cabal on their actions and their fortunes, will, for
both, cheerfully put themselves upon their country. They will trust an
inquisitive and distinguishing Parliament; because it does inquire, and
does distinguish. If they act well, they know that, in such a
Parliament, they will be supported against any intrigue; if they act ill,
they know that no intrigue can protect them. This situation, however
awful, is honourable. But in one hour, and in the self-same Assembly,
without any assigned or assignable cause, to be precipitated from the
highest authority to the most marked neglect, possibly into the greatest
peril of life and reputation, is a situation full of danger, and
destitute of honour. It will be shunned equally by every man of
prudence, and every man of spirit.
Such are the consequences of the division of Court from the
Administration; and of the division of public men among themselves. By
the former of these, lawful Government is undone; by the latter, all
opposition to lawless power is rendered impotent. Government may in a
great measure be restored, if any considerable bodies of men have honesty
and resolution enough never to accept Administration, unless this
garrison of _King's_ meat, which is stationed, as in a citadel, to
control and enslave it, be entirely broken and disbanded, and every work
they have thrown up be levelled with the ground. The disposition of
public men to keep this corps together, and to act under it, or to co-
operate with it, is a touchstone by which every Administration ought in
future to be tried. There has not been one which has not sufficiently
experienced the utter incompatibility of that faction with the public
peace, and with all the ends of good Government; since, if they opposed
it, they soon lost every power of serving the Crown; if they submitted to
it they lost all the esteem of their country. Until Ministers give to
the public a full proof of their entire alienation from that system,
however plausible their pretences, we may be sure they are more intent on
the emoluments than the duties of office. If they refuse to give this
proof, we know of what stuff they are made. In this particular, it ought
to be the electors' business to look to their Representatives. The
electors ought to esteem it no less culpable in their Member to give a
single vote in Parliament to such an Administration, than to take an
office under it; to endure it, than to act in it. The notorious
infidelity and versatility of Members of Parliament, in their opinions of
men and things, ought in a particular manner to be considered by the
electors in the inquiry which is recommended to them. This is one of the
principal holdings of that destructive system which has endeavoured to
unhinge all the virtuous, honourable, and useful connections in the
kingdom.
This cabal has, with great success, propagated a doctrine which serves
for a colour to those acts of treachery; and whilst it receives any
degree of countenance, it will be utterly senseless to look for a
vigorous opposition to the Court Party. The doctrine is this: That all
political connections are in their nature factious, and as such ought to
be dissipated and destroyed; and that the rule for forming
Administrations is mere personal ability, rated by the judgment of this
cabal upon it, and taken by drafts from every division and denomination
of public men. This decree was solemnly promulgated by the head of the
Court corps, the Earl of Bute himself, in a speech which he made, in the
year 1766, against the then Administration, the only Administration
which, he has ever been known directly and publicly to oppose.
It is indeed in no way wonderful, that such persons should make such
declarations. That connection and faction are equivalent terms, is an
opinion which has been carefully inculcated at all times by
unconstitutional Statesmen. The reason is evident. Whilst men are
linked together, they easily and speedily communicate the alarm of an
evil design. They are enabled to fathom it with common counsel, and to
oppose it with united strength. Whereas, when they lie dispersed,
without concert, order, or discipline, communication is uncertain,
counsel difficult, and resistance impracticable. Where men are not
acquainted with each other's principles, nor experienced in each other's
talents, nor at all practised in their mutual habitudes and dispositions
by joint efforts in business; no personal confidence, no friendship, no
common interest, subsisting among them; it is evidently impossible that
they can act a public part with uniformity, perseverance, or efficacy. In
a connection, the most inconsiderable man, by adding to the weight of the
whole, has his value, and his use; out of it, the greatest talents are
wholly unserviceable to the public. No man, who is not inflamed by
vainglory into enthusiasm, can flatter himself that his single,
unsupported, desultory, unsystematic endeavours, are of power to defeat,
the subtle designs and united cabals of ambitious citizens. When bad men
combine, the good must associate; else they will fall, one by one, an
unpitied sacrifice in a contemptible struggle.
It is not enough in a situation of trust in the commonwealth, that a man
means well to his country; it is not enough that in his single person he
never did an evil act, but always voted according to his conscience, and
even harangued against every design which he apprehended to be
prejudicial to the interests of his country. This innoxious and
ineffectual character, that seems formed upon a plan of apology and
disculpation, falls miserably short of the mark of public duty. That
duty demands and requires, that what is right should not only be made
known, but made prevalent; that what is evil should not only be detected,
but defeated. When the public man omits to put himself in a situation of
doing his duty with effect, it is an omission that frustrates the
purposes of his trust almost as much as if he had formally betrayed it.
It is surely no very rational account of a man's life that he has always
acted right; but has taken special care to act in such a manner that his
endeavours could not possibly be productive of any consequence.
I do not wonder that the behaviour of many parties should have made
persons of tender and scrupulous virtue somewhat out of humour with all
sorts of connection in politics. I admit that people frequently acquire
in such confederacies a narrow, bigoted, and proscriptive spirit; that
they are apt to sink the idea of the general good in this circumscribed
and partial interest. But, where duty renders a critical situation a
necessary one, it is our business to keep free from the evils attendant
upon it, and not to fly from the situation itself. If a fortress is
seated in an unwholesome air, an officer of the garrison is obliged to be
attentive to his health, but he must not desert his station. Every
profession, not excepting the glorious one of a soldier, or the sacred
one of a priest, is liable to its own particular vices; which, however,
form no argument against those ways of life; nor are the vices themselves
inevitable to every individual in those professions. Of such a nature
are connections in politics; essentially necessary for the full
performance of our public duty, accidentally liable to degenerate into
faction. Commonwealths are made of families, free Commonwealths of
parties also; and we may as well affirm, that our natural regards and
ties of blood tend inevitably to make men bad citizens, as that the bonds
of our party weaken those by which we are held to our country.
Some legislators went so far as to make neutrality in party a crime
against the State. I do not know whether this might not have been rather
to overstrain the principle. Certain it is, the best patriots in the
greatest commonwealths have always commanded and promoted such
connections. _Idem sentire de republica_, was with them a principal
ground of friendship and attachment; nor do I know any other capable of
forming firmer, dearer, more pleasing, more honourable, and more virtuous
habitudes. The Romans carried this principle a great way. Even the
holding of offices together, the disposition of which arose from chance,
not selection, gave rise to a relation which continued for life. It was
called _necessitudo sortis_; and it was looked upon with a sacred
reverence. Breaches of any of these kinds of civil relation were
considered as acts of the most distinguished turpitude. The whole people
was distributed into political societies, in which they acted in support
of such interests in the State as they severally affected. For it was
then thought no crime, to endeavour by every honest means to advance to
superiority and power those of your own sentiments and opinions. This
wise people was far from imagining that those connections had no tie, and
obliged to no duty; but that men might quit them without shame, upon
every call of interest. They believed private honour to be the great
foundation of public trust; that friendship was no mean step towards
patriotism; that he who, in the common intercourse of life, showed he
regarded somebody besides himself, when he came to act in a public
situation, might probably consult some other interest than his own. Never
may we become _plus sages que les sages_, as the French comedian has
happily expressed it--wiser than all the wise and good men who have lived
before us. It was their wish, to see public and private virtues, not
dissonant and jarring, and mutually destructive, but harmoniously
combined, growing out of one another in a noble and orderly gradation,
reciprocally supporting and supported. In one of the most fortunate
periods of our history this country was governed by a connection; I mean
the great connection of Whigs in the reign of Queen Anne. They were
complimented upon the principle of this connection by a poet who was in
high esteem with them. Addison, who knew their sentiments, could not
praise them for what they considered as no proper subject of
commendation. As a poet who knew his business, he could not applaud them
for a thing which in general estimation was not highly reputable.
Addressing himself to Britain,
"Thy favourites grow not up by fortune's sport,
Or from the crimes or follies of a Court;
On the firm basis of desert they rise,
From long-tried faith, and friendship's holy ties."
The Whigs of those days believed that the only proper method of rising
into power was through bard essays of practised friendship and
experimented fidelity. At that time it was not imagined that patriotism
was a bloody idol, which required the sacrifice of children and parents,
or dearest connections in private life, and of all the virtues that rise
from those relations. They were not of that ingenious paradoxical
morality to imagine that a spirit of moderation was properly shown in
patiently bearing the sufferings of your friends, or that
disinterestedness was clearly manifested at the expense of other people's
fortune. They believed that no men could act with effect who did not act
in concert; that no men could act in concert who did not act with
confidence; that no men could act with confidence who were not bound
together by common opinions, common affections, and common interests.
These wise men, for such I must call Lord Sunderland, Lord Godolphin,
Lord Somers, and Lord Marlborough, were too well principled in these
maxims, upon which the whole fabric of public strength is built, to be
blown off their ground by the breath of every childish talker. They were
not afraid that they should be called an ambitious Junto, or that their
resolution to stand or fall together should, by placemen, be interpreted
into a scuffle for places.
Party is a body of men united for promoting by their joint endeavours the
national interest, upon some particular principle in which they are all
agreed. For my part, I find it impossible to conceive that any one
believes in his own politics, or thinks them to be of any weight, who
refuses to adopt the means of having them reduced into practice. It is
the business of the speculative philosopher to mark the proper ends of
Government. It is the business of the politician, who is the philosopher
in action, to find out proper means towards those ends, and to employ
them with effect. Therefore, every honourable connection will avow it as
their first purpose to pursue every just method to put the men who hold
their opinions into such a condition as may enable them to carry their
common plans into execution, with all the power and authority of the
State. As this power is attached to certain situations, it is their duty
to contend for these situations. Without a proscription of others, they
are bound to give to their own party the preference in all things, and by
no means, for private considerations, to accept any offers of power in
which the whole body is not included, nor to suffer themselves to be led,
or to be controlled, or to be over-balanced, in office or in council, by
those who contradict, the very fundamental principles on which their
party is formed, and even those upon which every fair connection must
stand. Such a generous contention for power, on such manly and
honourable maxims, will easily be distinguished from the mean and
interested struggle for place and emolument. The very style of such
persons will serve to discriminate them from those numberless impostors
who have deluded the ignorant with professions incompatible with human
practice, and have afterwards incensed them by practices below the level
of vulgar rectitude.
It is an advantage to all narrow wisdom and narrow morals that their
maxims have a plausible air, and, on a cursory view, appear equal to
first principles. They are light and portable. They are as current as
copper coin, and about as valuable. They serve equally the first
capacities and the lowest, and they are, at least, as useful to the worst
men as the best. Of this stamp is the cant of _Not men_, _but measures_;
a sort of charm, by which many people got loose from every honourable
engagement. When I see a man acting this desultory and disconnected
part, with as much detriment to his own fortune as prejudice to the cause
of any party, I am not persuaded that he is right, but I am ready to
believe he is in earnest. I respect virtue in all its situations, even
when it is found in the unsuitable company of weakness. I lament to see
qualities, rare and valuable, squandered away without any public utility.
But when a gentleman with great visible emoluments abandons the party in
which he has long acted, and tells you it is because he proceeds upon his
own judgment that he acts on the merits of the several measures as they
arise, and that he is obliged to follow his own conscience, and not that
of others, he gives reasons which it is impossible to controvert, and
discovers a character which it is impossible to mistake. What shall we
think of him who never differed from a certain set of men until the
moment they lost their power, and who never agreed with them in a single
instance afterwards? Would not such a coincidence of interest and
opinion be rather fortunate? Would it not be an extraordinary cast upon
the dice that a man's connections should degenerate into faction,
precisely at the critical moment when they lose their power or he accepts
a place? When people desert their connections, the desertion is a
manifest fact, upon which a direct simple issue lies, triable by plain
men. Whether a _measure_ of Government be right or wrong is _no matter
of fact_, but a mere affair of opinion, on which men may, as they do,
dispute and wrangle without end. But whether the individual thinks the
measure right or wrong is a point at still a greater distance from the
reach of all human decision. It is therefore very convenient to
politicians not to put the judgment of their conduct on overt acts,
cognisable in any ordinary court, but upon such a matter as can be
triable only in that secret tribunal, where they are sure of being heard
with favour, or where at worst the sentence will be only private
whipping.
I believe the reader would wish to find no substance in a doctrine which
has a tendency to destroy all test of character as deduced from conduct.
He will therefore excuse my adding something more towards the further
clearing up a point which the great convenience of obscurity to
dishonesty has been able to cover with some degree of darkness and doubt.
In order to throw an odium on political connection, these politicians
suppose it a necessary incident to it that you are blindly to follow the
opinions of your party when in direct opposition to your own clear ideas,
a degree of servitude that no worthy man could bear the thought of
submitting to, and such as, I believe, no connections (except some Court
factions) ever could be so senselessly tyrannical as to impose. Men
thinking freely will, in particular instances, think differently. But
still, as the greater Part of the measures which arise in the course of
public business are related to, or dependent on, some great leading
general principles in Government, a man must be peculiarly unfortunate in
the choice of his political company if he does not agree with them at
least nine times in ten. If he does not concur in these general
principles upon which the party is founded, and which necessarily draw on
a concurrence in their application, he ought from the beginning to have
chosen some other, more conformable to his opinions. When the question
is in its nature doubtful, or not very material, the modesty which
becomes an individual, and (in spite of our Court moralists) that
partiality which becomes a well-chosen friendship, will frequently bring
on an acquiescence in the general sentiment. Thus the disagreement will
naturally be rare; it will be only enough to indulge freedom, without
violating concord or disturbing arrangement. And this is all that ever
was required for a character of the greatest uniformity and steadiness in
connection. How men can proceed without any connection at all is to me
utterly incomprehensible. Of what sort of materials must that man be
made, how must he be tempered and put together, who can sit whole years
in Parliament, with five hundred and fifty of his fellow-citizens, amidst
the storm of such tempestuous passions, in the sharp conflict of so many
wits, and tempers, and characters, in the agitation of such mighty
questions, in the discussion of such vast and ponderous interests,
without seeing any one sort of men, whose character, conduct, or
disposition would lead him to associate himself with them, to aid and be
aided, in any one system of public utility?
I remember an old scholastic aphorism, which says that "the man who lives
wholly detached from others must be either an angel or a devil." When I
see in any of these detached gentlemen of our times the angelic purity,
power, and beneficence, I shall admit them to be angels. In the
meantime, we are born only to be men. We shall do enough if we form
ourselves to be good ones. It is therefore our business carefully to
cultivate in our minds, to rear to the most perfect vigour and maturity,
every sort of generous and honest feeling that belongs to our nature. To
bring the, dispositions that are lovely in private life into the service
and conduct of the commonwealth; so to be patriots, as not to forget we
are gentlemen. To cultivate friendships, and to incur enmities. To have
both strong, but both selected: in the one, to be placable; in the other,
immovable. To model our principles to our duties and our situation. To
be fully persuaded that all virtue which is impracticable is spurious,
and rather to run the risk of falling into faults in a course which leads
us to act with effect and energy than to loiter out our days without
blame and without use. Public life is a situation of power and energy;
he trespasses against his duty who sleeps upon his watch, as well as he
that goes over to the enemy.
There is, however, a time for all things. It is not every conjuncture
which calls with equal force upon the activity of honest men; but
critical exigences now and then arise, and I am mistaken if this be not
one of them. Men will see the necessity of honest combination, but they
may see it when it is too late. They may embody when it will be ruinous
to themselves, and of no advantage to the country; when, for want of such
a timely union as may enable them to oppose in favour of the laws, with
the laws on their side, they may at length find themselves under the
necessity of conspiring, instead of consulting. The law, for which they
stand, may become a weapon in the hands of its bitterest enemies; and
they will be cast, at length, into that miserable alternative, between
slavery and civil confusion, which no good man can look upon without
horror, an alternative in which it is impossible he should take either
part with a conscience perfectly at repose. To keep that situation of
guilt and remorse at the utmost distance is, therefore, our first
obligation. Early activity may prevent late and fruitless violence. As
yet we work in the light. The scheme of the enemies of public
tranquillity has disarranged, it has not destroyed us.
If the reader believes that there really exists such a Faction as I have
described, a Faction ruling by the private inclinations of a Court,
against the general sense of the people; and that this Faction, whilst it
pursues a scheme for undermining all the foundations of our freedom,
weakens (for the present at least) all the powers of executory
Government, rendering us abroad contemptible, and at home distracted; he
will believe, also, that nothing but a firm combination of public men
against this body, and that, too, supported by the hearty concurrence of
the people at large, can possibly get the better of it. The people will
see the necessity of restoring public men to an attention to the public
opinion, and of restoring the Constitution to its original principles.
Above all, they will endeavour to keep the House of Commons from assuming
a character which does not belong to it. They will endeavour to keep
that House, for its existence for its powers, and its privileges, as
independent of every other, and as dependent upon themselves, as
possible. This servitude is to a House of Commons (like obedience to the
Divine law), "perfect freedom." For if they once quit this natural,
rational, and liberal obedience, having deserted the only proper
foundation of their power, they must seek a support in an abject and
unnatural dependence somewhere else. When, through the medium of this
just connection with their constituents, the genuine dignity of the House
of Commons is restored, it will begin to think of casting from it, with
scorn, as badges of servility, all the false ornaments of illegal power,
with which it has been, for some time, disgraced. It will begin to think
of its old office of CONTROL. It will not suffer that last of evils to
predominate in the country; men without popular confidence, public
opinion, natural connection, or natural trust, invested with all the
powers of Government.
When they have learned this lesson themselves, they will be willing and
able to teach the Court, that it is the true interest of the Prince to
have but one Administration; and that one composed of those who recommend
themselves to their Sovereign through the opinion of their country, and
not by their obsequiousness to a favourite. Such men will serve their
Sovereign with affection and fidelity; because his choice of them, upon
such principles, is a compliment to their virtue. They will be able to
serve him effectually; because they will add the weight of the country to
the force of the executory power. They will be able to serve their King
with dignity; because they will never abuse his name to the gratification
of their private spleen or avarice. This, with allowances for human
frailty, may probably be the general character of a Ministry, which
thinks itself accountable to the House of Commons, when the House of
Commons thinks itself accountable to its constituents. If other ideas
should prevail, things must remain in their present confusion, until they
are hurried into all the rage of civil violence; or until they sink into
the dead repose of despotism.
SPEECH ON THE MIDDLESEX ELECTION
FEBRUARY, 1771
Mr. Speaker,--In every complicated Constitution (and every free
Constitution is complicated) cases will arise, when the several orders of
the State will clash with one another, and disputes will arise about the
limits of their several rights and privileges. It may be almost
impossible to reconcile them.
Carry the principle on by which you expelled Mr. Wilkes, there is not a
man in the House, hardly a man in the nation, who may not be
disqualified. That this House should have no power of expulsion is a
hard saying. That this House should have a general discretionary power
of disqualification is a dangerous saying. That the people should not
choose their own representative, is a saying that shakes the
Constitution. That this House should name the representative, is a
saying which, followed by practice, subverts the constitution. They have
the right of electing, you have a right of expelling; they of choosing,
you of judging, and only of judging, of the choice. What bounds shall be
set to the freedom of that choice? Their right is prior to ours, we all
originate there. They are the mortal enemies of the House of Commons,
who would persuade them to think or to act as if they were a
self-originated magistracy, independent of the people and unconnected
with their opinions and feelings. Under a pretence of exalting the
dignity, they undermine the very foundations of this House. When the
question is asked here, what disturbs the people, whence all this
clamour, we apply to the treasury-bench, and they tell us it is from the
efforts of libellers and the wickedness of the people, a worn-out
ministerial pretence. If abroad the people are deceived by popular,
within we are deluded by ministerial, cant. The question amounts to
this, whether you mean to be a legal tribunal, or an arbitrary and
despotic assembly. I see and I feel the delicacy and difficulty of the
ground upon which we stand in this question. I could wish, indeed, that
they who advised the Crown had not left Parliament in this very
ungraceful distress, in which they can neither retract with dignity nor
persist with justice. Another parliament might have satisfied the people
without lowering themselves. But our situation is not in our own choice:
our conduct in that situation is all that is in our own option. The
substance of the question is, to put bounds to your own power by the
rules and principles of law. This is, I am sensible, a difficult thing
to the corrupt, grasping, and ambitious part of human nature. But the
very difficulty argues and enforces the necessity of it. First, because
the greater the power, the more dangerous the abuse. Since the
Revolution, at least, the power of the nation has all flowed with a full
tide into the House of Commons. Secondly, because the House of Commons,
as it is the most powerful, is the most corruptible part of the whole
Constitution. Our public wounds cannot be concealed; to be cured, they
must be laid open. The public does think we are a corrupt body. In our
legislative capacity we are, in most instances, esteemed a very wise
body. In our judicial, we have no credit, no character at, all. Our
judgments stink in the nostrils of the people. They think us to be not
only without virtue, but without shame. Therefore, the greatness of our
power, and the great and just opinion of our corruptibility and our
corruption, render it necessary to fix some bound, to plant some
landmark, which we are never to exceed. That is what the bill proposes.
First, on this head, I lay it down as a fundamental rule in the law and
constitution of this country, that this House has not by itself alone a
legislative authority in any case whatsoever. I know that the contrary
was the doctrine of the usurping House of Commons which threw down the
fences and bulwarks of law, which annihilated first the lords, then the
Crown, then its constituents. But the first thing that was done on the
restoration of the Constitution was to settle this point. Secondly, I
lay it down as a rule, that the power of occasional incapacitation, on
discretionary grounds, is a legislative power. In order to establish
this principle, if it should not be sufficiently proved by being stated,
tell me what are the criteria, the characteristics, by which you
distinguish between a legislative and a juridical act. It will be
necessary to state, shortly, the difference between a legislative and a
juridical act. A legislative act has no reference to any rule but these
two: original justice, and discretionary application. Therefore, it can
give rights; rights where no rights existed before; and it can take away
rights where they were before established. For the law, which binds all
others, does not and cannot bind the law-maker; he, and he alone, is
above the law. But a judge, a person exercising a judicial capacity, is
neither to apply to original justice, nor to a discretionary application
of it. He goes to justice and discretion only at second hand, and
through the medium of some superiors. He is to work neither upon his
opinion of the one nor of the other; but upon a fixed rule, of which he
has not the making, but singly and solely the application to the case.
The power assumed by the House neither is, nor can be, judicial power
exercised according to known law. The properties of law are, first, that
it should be known; secondly, that it should be fixed and not occasional.
First, this power cannot be according to the first property of law;
because no man does or can know it, nor do you yourselves know upon what
grounds you will vote the incapacity of any man. No man in Westminster
Hall, or in any court upon earth, will say that is law, upon which, if a
man going to his counsel should say to him, "What is my tenure in law of
this estate?" he would answer, "Truly, sir, I know not; the court has no
rule but its own discretion: they will determine." It is not a, fixed
law, because you profess you vary it according to the occasion, exercise
it according to your discretion; no man can call for it as a right. It
is argued that the incapacity is not originally voted, but a consequence
of a power of expulsion: but if you expel, not upon legal, but upon
arbitrary, that is, upon discretionary grounds, and the incapacity is _ex
vi termini_ and inclusively comprehended in the expulsion, is not the
incapacity voted in the expulsion? Are they not convertible terms? and,
if incapacity is voted to be inherent in expulsion, if expulsion be
arbitrary, incapacity is arbitrary also. I have, therefore, shown that
the power of incapacitation is a legislative power; I have shown that
legislative power does not belong to the House of Commons; and,
therefore, it follows that the House of Commons has not a power of
incapacitation.
I know not the origin of the House of Commons, but am very sure that it
did not create itself; the electors wore prior to the elected; whose
rights originated either from the people at large, or from some other
form of legislature, which never could intend for the chosen a power of
superseding the choosers.
If you have not a power of declaring an incapacity simply by the mere act
of declaring it, it is evident to the most ordinary reason you cannot
have a right of expulsion, inferring, or rather, including, an
incapacity, For as the law, when it gives any direct right, gives also as
necessary incidents all the means of acquiring the possession of that
right, so where it does not give a right directly, it refuses all the
means by which such a right may by any mediums be exercised, or in effect
be indirectly acquired. Else it is very obvious that the intention of
the law in refusing that right might be entirely frustrated, and the
whole power of the legislature baffled. If there be no certain
invariable rule of eligibility, it were better to get simplicity, if
certainty is not to be had; and to resolve all the franchises of the
subject into this one short proposition--the will and pleasure of the
House of Commons.
The argument, drawn from the courts of law, applying the principles of
law to new cases as they emerge, is altogether frivolous, inapplicable,
and arises from a total ignorance of the bounds between civil and
criminal jurisdiction, and of the separate maxims that govern these two
provinces of law, that are eternally separate. Undoubtedly the courts of
law, where a new case comes before them, as they do every hour, then,
that there may be no defect in justice, call in similar principles, and
the example of the nearest determination, and do everything to draw the
law to as near a conformity to general equity and right reason as they
can bring it with its being a fixed principle. _Boni judicis est
ampliare justitiam_--that is, to make open and liberal justice. But in
criminal matters this parity of reason, and these analogies, ever have
been, and ever ought to be, shunned.
Whatever is incident to a court of judicature, is necessary to the House
of Commons, as judging in elections. But a power of making incapacities
is not necessary to a court of judicature; therefore a power of making
incapacities is not necessary to the House of Commons.
Incapacity, declared by whatever authority, stands upon two principles:
first, an incapacity arising from the supposed incongruity of two duties
in the commonwealth; secondly, an incapacity arising from unfitness by
infirmity of nature, or the criminality of conduct. As to the first
class of incapacities, they have no hardship annexed to them. The
persons so incapacitated are paid by one dignity for what they abandon in
another, and, for the most part, the situation arises from their own
choice. But as to the second, arising from an unfitness not fixed by
nature, but superinduced by some positive acts, or arising from
honourable motives, such as an occasional personal disability, of all
things it ought to be defined by the fixed rule of law--what Lord Coke
calls the Golden Metwand of the Law, and not by the crooked cord of
discretion. Whatever is general is better born. We take our common lot
with men of the same description. But to be selected and marked out by a
particular brand of unworthiness among our fellow-citizens, is a lot of
all others the hardest to be borne: and consequently is of all others
that act which ought only to be trusted to the legislature, as not only
legislative in its nature, but of all parts of legislature the most
odious. The question is over, if this is shown not to be a legislative
act. But what is very usual and natural, is to corrupt judicature into
legislature. On this point it is proper to inquire whether a court of
judicature, which decides without appeal, has it as a necessary incident
of such judicature, that whatever it decides _de jure_ is law. Nobody
will, I hope, assert this, because the direct consequence would be the
entire extinction of the difference between true and false judgments.
For, if the judgment makes the law, and not the law directs the judgment,
it is impossible there could be such a thing as an illegal judgment
given.
But, instead of standing upon this ground, they introduce another
question, wholly foreign to it, whether it ought not to be submitted to
as if it were law. And then the question is, By the Constitution of this
country, what degree of submission is due to the authoritative acts of a
limited power? This question of submission, determine it how you please,
has nothing to do in this discussion and in this House. Here it is not
how long the people are bound to tolerate the illegality of our
judgments, but whether we have a right to substitute our occasional
opinion in the place of law, so as to deprive the citizen of his
franchise.
SPEECH ON THE POWERS OF JURIES IN PROSECUTIONS FOR LIBELS
MARCH, 1771
I have always understood that a superintendence over the doctrines, as
well as the proceedings, of the courts of justice, was a principal object
of the constitution of this House; that you were to watch at once over
the lawyer and the law; that there should he an orthodox faith as well as
proper works: and I have always looked with a degree of reverence and
admiration on this mode of superintendence. For being totally disengaged
from the detail of juridical practice, we come to something, perhaps, the
better qualified, and certainly much the better disposed to assert the
genuine principle of the laws; in which we can, as a body, have no other
than an enlarged and a public interest. We have no common cause of a
professional attachment, or professional emulations, to bias our minds;
we have no foregone opinions, which, from obstinacy and false point of
honour, we think ourselves at all events obliged to support. So that
with our own minds perfectly disengaged from the exercise, we may
superintend the execution of the national justice; which from this
circumstance is better secured to the people than in any other country
under heaven it can be. As our situation puts us in a proper condition,
our power enables us to execute this trust. We may, when we see cause of
complaint, administer a remedy; it is in our choice by an address to
remove an improper judge, by impeachment before the peers to pursue to
destruction a corrupt judge, or by bill to assert, to explain, to
enforce, or to reform the law, just as the occasion and necessity of the
case shall guide us. We stand in a situation very honourable to
ourselves, and very useful to our country, if we do not abuse or abandon
the trust that is placed in us.
The question now before you is upon the power of juries in prosecuting
for libels. There are four opinions. 1. That the doctrine as held by
the courts is proper and constitutional, and therefore should not be
altered. 2. That it is neither proper nor constitutional, but that it
will be rendered worse by your interference. 3. That it is wrong, but
that the only remedy is a bill of retrospect. 4. The opinion of those
who bring in the bill; that the thing is wrong, but that it is enough to
direct the judgment of the court in future.
The bill brought in is for the purpose of asserting and securing a great
object in the juridical constitution of this kingdom; which, from a long
series of practices and opinions in our judges, has, in one point, and in
one very essential point, deviated from the true principle.
It is the very ancient privilege of the people of England that they shall
be tried, except in the known exceptions, not by judges appointed by the
Crown, but by their own fellow-subjects, the peers of that county court
at which they owe their suit and service; out of this principle trial by
juries has grown. This principle has not, that I can find, been
contested in any case, by any authority whatsoever; but there is one
case, in which, without directly contesting the principle, the whole
substance, energy, acid virtue of the privilege, is taken out of it; that
is, in the case of a trial by indictment or information for libel. The
doctrine in that case laid down by several judges amounts to this, that
the jury have no competence where a libel is alleged, except to find the
gross corporeal facts of the writing and the publication, together with
the identity of the things and persons to which it refers; but that the
intent and the tendency of the work, in which intent and tendency the
whole criminality consists, is the sole and exclusive province of the
judge. Thus having reduced the jury to the cognisance of facts, not in
themselves presumptively criminal, but actions neutral and indifferent
the whole matter, in which the subject has any concern or interest, is
taken out of the hands of the jury: and if the jury take more upon
themselves, what they so take is contrary to their duty; it is no moral,
but a merely natural power; the same, by which they may do any other
improper act, the same, by which they may even prejudice themselves with
regard to any other part of the issue before them. Such is the matter as
it now stands, in possession of your highest criminal courts, handed down
to them from very respectable legal ancestors. If this can once be
established in this case, the application in principle to other cases
will be easy; and the practice will run upon a descent, until the
progress of an encroaching jurisdiction (for it is in its nature to
encroach, when once it has passed its limits) coming to confine the
juries, case after case, to the corporeal fact, and to that alone, and
excluding the intention of mind, the only source of merit and demerit, of
reward or punishment, juries become a dead letter in the constitution.
For which reason it is high time to take this matter into the
consideration of Parliament, and for that purpose it will be necessary to
examine, first, whether there is anything in the peculiar nature of this
crime that makes it necessary to exclude the jury from considering the
intention in it, more than in others. So far from it, that I take it to
be much less so from the analogy of other criminal cases, where no such
restraint is ordinarily put upon them. The act of homicide is _prima
facie_ criminal. The intention is afterwards to appear, for the jury to
acquit or condemn. In burglary do they insist that the jury have nothing
to do but to find the taking of goods, and that, if they do, they must
necessarily find the party guilty, and leave the rest to the judge; and
that they have nothing to do with the word _felonice_ in the indictment?
The next point is to consider it as a question of constitutional policy,
that is, whether the decision of the question of libel ought to be left
to the judges as a presumption of law, rather than to the jury as matter
of popular judgment, as the malice in the case of murder, the felony in
the case of stealing. If the intent and tendency are not matters within
the province of popular judgment, but legal and technical conclusions,
formed upon general principles of law, let us see what they are.
Certainly they are most unfavourable, indeed, totally adverse, to the
Constitution of this country.
Here we must have recourse to analogies, for we cannot argue on ruled
cases one way or the other. See the history. The old books, deficient
in general in Crown cases furnish us with little on this head. As to the
crime, in the very early Saxon Law, I see an offence of this species,
called Folk-leasing, made a capital offence, but no very precise
definition of the crime, and no trial at all: see the statute of 3rd
Edward I. cap. 34. The law of libels could not have arrived at a very
early period in this country. It is no wonder that we find no vestige of
any constitution from authority, or of any deductions from legal science
in our old books and records upon that subject. The statute of
_scandalum magnatum_ is the oldest that I know, and this goes but a
little way in this sort of learning. Libelling is not the crime of an
illiterate people. When they were thought no mean clerks who could read
and write, when he who could read and write was presumptively a person in
holy orders, libels could not be general or dangerous; and scandals
merely oral could spread little, and must perish soon. It is writing, it
is printing more emphatically, that imps calumny with those eagle wings,
on which, as the poet says, "immortal slanders fly." By the press they
spread, they last, they leave the sting in the wound. Printing was not
known in England much earlier than the reign of Henry VII., and in the
third year of that reign the Court of Star Chamber was established. The
press and its enemy are nearly coeval. As no positive law against libels
existed, they fell under the indefinite class of misdemeanours. For the
trial of misdemeanours that court was instituted, their tendency to
produce riots and disorders was a main part of the charge, and was laid,
in order to give the court jurisdiction chiefly against libels. The
offence was new. Learning of their own upon the subject they had none,
and they were obliged to resort to the only emporium where it was to be
had, the Roman Law. After the Star Chamber was abolished in the 10th of
Charles I. its authority indeed ceased, but its maxims subsisted and
survived it. The spirit of the Star Chamber has transmigrated and lived
again, and Westminster Hall was obliged to borrow from the Star Chamber,
for the same reasons as the Star Chamber had borrowed from the Roman
Forum, because they had no law, statute, or tradition of their own. Thus
the Roman Law took possession of our courts, I mean its doctrine, not its
sanctions; the severity of capital punishment was omitted, all the rest
remained. The grounds of these laws are just and equitable. Undoubtedly
the good fame of every man ought to be under the protection of the laws
as well as his life, and liberty, and property. Good fame is an outwork,
that defends them all, and renders them all valuable. The law forbids
you to revenge; when it ties up the hands of some, it ought to restrain
the tongues of others. The good fame of government is the same, it ought
not to be traduced. This is necessary in all government, and if opinion
be support, what takes away this destroys that support; but the liberty
of the press is necessary to this government.
The wisdom, however, of government is of more importance than the laws. I
should study the temper of the people before I ventured on actions of
this kind. I would consider the whole of the prosecution of a libel of
such importance as Junius, as one piece, as one consistent plan of
operations; and I would contrive it so that, if I were defeated, I should
not be disgraced; that even my victory should not be more ignominious
than my defeat; I would so manage, that the lowest in the predicament of
guilt should not be the only one in punishment. I would not inform
against the mere vender of a collection of pamphlets. I would not put
him to trial first, if I could possibly avoid it. I would rather stand
the consequences of my first error, than carry it to a judgment that must
disgrace my prosecution, or the court. We ought to examine these things
in a manner which becomes ourselves, and becomes the object of the
inquiry; not to examine into the most important consideration which can
come before us, with minds heated with prejudice and filled with
passions, with vain popular opinions and humours, and when we propose to
examine into the justice of others, to be unjust ourselves.
An inquiry is wished, as the most effectual way of putting an end to the
clamours and libels, which are the disorder and disgrace of the times.
For people remain quiet, they sleep secure, when they imagine that the
vigilant eye of a censorial magistrate watches over all the proceedings
of judicature, and that the sacred fire of an eternal constitutional
jealousy, which is the guardian of liberty, law, and justice, is alive
night and day, and burning in this house. But when the magistrate gives
up his office and his duty, the people assume it, and they inquire too
much, and too irreverently, because they think their representatives do
not inquire at all.
We have in a libel, 1st. The writing. 2nd. The communication, called
by the lawyers the publication. 3rd. The application to persons and
facts. 4th. The intent and tendency. 5th. The matter--diminution of
fame. The law presumptions on all these are in the communication. No
intent can, make a defamatory publication good, nothing can make it have
a good tendency; truth is not pleadable. Taken juridically, the
foundation of these law presumptions is not unjust; taken
constitutionally, they are ruinous, and tend to the total suppression of
all publication. If juries are confined to the fact, no writing which
censures, however justly, or however temperately, the conduct of
administration, can be unpunished. Therefore, if the intent and tendency
be left to the judge, as legal conclusions growing from the fact, you may
depend upon it you can have no public discussion of a public measure,
which is a point which even those who are most offended with the
licentiousness of the press (and it is very exorbitant, very provoking)
will hardly contend for.
So far as to the first opinion, that the doctrine is right and needs no
alteration. 2nd. The next is, that it is wrong, but that we are not in a
condition to help it. I admit, it is true, that there are cases of a
nature so delicate and complicated, that an Act of Parliament on the
subject may become a matter of great difficulty. It sometimes cannot
define with exactness, because the subject-matter will not bear an exact
definition. It may seem to take away everything which it does not
positively establish, and this might be inconvenient; or it may seem
_vice versa_ to establish everything which it does not expressly take
away. It may be more advisable to leave such matters to the enlightened
discretion of a judge, awed by a censorial House of Commons. But then it
rests upon those who object to a legislative interposition to prove these
inconveniences in the particular case before them. For it would be a
most dangerous, as it is a most idle and most groundless, conceit to
assume as a general principle, that the rights and liberties of the
subject are impaired by the care and attention of the legislature to
secure them. If so, very ill would the purchase of Magna Charta have
merited the deluge of blood, which was shed in order to have the body of
English privileges defined by a positive written law. This charter, the
inestimable monument of English freedom, so long the boast and glory of
this nation, would have been at once an instrument of our servitude, and
a monument of our folly, if this principle were true. The thirty four
confirmations would have been only so many repetitions of their
absurdity, so many new links in the chain, and so many invalidations of
their right.
You cannot open your statute book without seeing positive provisions
relative to every right of the subject. This business of juries is the
subject of not fewer than a dozen. To suppose that juries are something
innate in the Constitution of Great Britain, that they have jumped, like
Minerva, out of the head of Jove in complete armour, is a weak fancy,
supported neither by precedent nor by reason. Whatever is most ancient
and venerable in our Constitution, royal prerogative, privileges of
parliament, rights of elections, authority of courts, juries, must have
been modelled according to the occasion. I spare your patience, and I
pay a compliment to your understanding, in not attempting to prove that
anything so elaborate and artificial as a jury was not the work of
chance, but a matter of institution, brought to its present state by the
joint efforts of legislative authority and juridical prudence. It need
not be ashamed of being (what in many parts of it at least it is) the
offspring of an Act of Parliament, unless it is a shame for our laws to
be the results of our legislature. Juries, which sensitively shrank from
the rude touch of parliamentary remedy, have been the subject of not
fewer than, I think, forty-three Acts of Parliament, in which they have
been changed with all the authority of a creator over its creature, from
Magna Charta to the great alterations which were made in the 29th of
George II.
To talk of this matter in any other way is to turn a rational principle
into an idle and vulgar superstition, like the antiquary, Dr. Woodward,
who trembled to have his shield scoured, for fear it should be discovered
to be no better than an old pot-lid. This species of tenderness to a
jury puts me in mind of a gentleman of good condition, who had been
reduced to great poverty and distress; application was made to some rich
fellows in his neighbourhood to give him some assistance; but they begged
to be excused for fear of affronting a person of his high birth; and so
the poor gentleman was left to starve out of pure respect to the
antiquity of his family. From this principle has risen an opinion that I
find current amongst gentlemen, that this distemper ought to be left to
cure itself; that the judges having been well exposed, and something
terrified on account of these clamours, will entirely change, if not very
much relax from their rigour; if the present race should not change, that
the chances of succession may put other more constitutional judges in
their place; lastly, if neither should happen, yet that the spirit of an
English jury will always be sufficient for the vindication of its own
rights, and will not suffer itself to be overborne by the bench. I
confess that I totally dissent from all these opinions. These
suppositions become the strongest reasons with me to evince the necessity
of some clear and positive settlement of this question of contested
jurisdiction. If judges are so full of levity, so full of timidity, if
they are influenced by such mean and unworthy passions, that a popular
clamour is sufficient to shake the resolution they build upon the solid
basis of a legal principle, I would endeavour to fix that mercury by a
positive law. If to please an administration the judges can go one way
to-day, and to please the crowd they can go another to-morrow; if they
will oscillate backward and forward between power and popularity, it is
high time to fix the law in such a manner as to resemble, as it ought,
the great Author of all law, in "whom there is no variableness nor shadow
of turning."
As to their succession, I have just the same opinion. I would not leave
it to the chances of promotion, or to the characters of lawyers, what the
law of the land, what the rights of juries, or what the liberty of the
press should be. My law should not depend upon the fluctuation of the
closet, or the complexion of men. Whether a black-haired man or a fair-
haired man presided in the Court of King's Bench, I would have the law
the same: the same whether he was born in _domo regnatrice_, and sucked
from his infancy the milk of courts, or was nurtured in the rugged
discipline of a popular opposition. This law of court cabal and of
party, this _mens quaedam nullo perturbata affectu_, this law of
complexion, ought not to be endured for a moment in a country whose being
depends upon the certainty, clearness, and stability of institutions.
Now I come to the last substitute for the proposed bill, the spirit of
juries operating their own jurisdiction. This, I confess, I think the
worst of all, for the same reasons on which I objected to the others, and
for other weighty reasons besides which are separate and distinct. First,
because juries, being taken at random out of a mass of men infinitely
large, must be of characters as various as the body they arise from is
large in its extent. If the judges differ in their complexions, much
more will a jury. A timid jury will give way to an awful judge
delivering oracularly the law, and charging them on their oaths, and
putting it home to their consciences, to beware of judging where the law
had given them no competence. We know that they will do so, they have
done so in a hundred instances; a respectable member of your own house,
no vulgar man, tells you that on the authority of a judge he found a man
guilty, in whom, at the same time, he could find no guilt. But supposing
them full of knowledge and full of manly confidence in themselves, how
will their knowledge, or their confidence, inform or inspirit others?
They give no reason for their verdict, they can but condemn or acquit;
and no man can tell the motives on which they have acquitted or
condemned. So that this hope of the power of juries to assert their own
jurisdiction must be a principle blind, as being without reason, and as
changeable as the complexion of men and the temper of the times.
But, after all, is it fit that this dishonourable contention between the
court and juries should subsist any longer? On what principle is it that
a jury refuses to be directed by the court as to his competence? Whether
a libel or no libel be a question of law or of fact may be doubted, but a
question of jurisdiction and competence is certainly a question of law;
on this the court ought undoubtedly to judge, and to judge solely and
exclusively. If they judge wrong from excusable error, you ought to
correct it, as to-day it is proposed, by an explanatory bill; or if by
corruption, by bill of penalties declaratory, and by punishment. What
does a juror say to a judge when he refuses his opinion upon a question
of judicature? You are so corrupt, that I should consider myself a
partaker of your crime, were I to be guided by your opinion; or you are
so grossly ignorant, that I, fresh from my bounds, from my plough, my
counter, or my loom, am fit to direct you in your profession. This is an
unfitting, it is a dangerous, state of things. The spirit of any sort of
men is not a fit rule for deciding on the bounds of their jurisdiction.
First, because it is different in different men, and even different in
the same at different times; and can never become the proper directing
line of law; next, because it is not reason, but feeling; and when once
it is irritated, it is not apt to confine itself within its proper
limits. If it becomes, not difference in opinion upon law, but a trial
of spirit between parties, our courts of law are no longer the temple of
justice, but the amphitheatre for gladiators. No--God forbid! Juries
ought to take their law from the bench only; but it is our business that
they should hear nothing from the bench but what is agreeable to the
principles of the Constitution. The jury are to hear the judge, the
judge is to hear the law where it speaks plain; where it does not, he is
to hear the legislature. As I do not think these opinions of the judges
to be agreeable to those principles, I wish to take the only method in
which they can or ought to be corrected, by bill.
Next, my opinion is, that it ought to be rather by a bill for removing
controversies than by a bill in the state of manifest and express
declaration, and in words _de praeterito_. I do this upon reasons of
equity and constitutional policy. I do not want to censure the present
judges. I think them to be excused for their error. Ignorance is no
excuse for a judge: it is changing the nature of his crime--it is not
absolving. It must be such error as a wise and conscientious judge may
possibly fall into, and must arise from one or both these causes: first,
a plausible principle of law; secondly, the precedents of respectable
authorities, and in good times. In the first, the principle of law, that
the judge is to decide on law, the jury to decide on fact, is an ancient
and venerable principle and maxim of the law, and if supported in this
application by precedents of good times and of good men, the judge, if
wrong, ought to be corrected; he ought not to be reproved, or to be
disgraced, or the authority or respect to your tribunals to be impaired.
In cases in which declaratory bills have been made, where by violence and
corruption some fundamental part of the Constitution has been struck at;
where they would damn the principle, censure the persons, and annul the
acts; but where the law having been, by the accident of human frailty,
depraved, or in a particular instance misunderstood, where you neither
mean to rescind the acts, nor to censure the persons, in such cases you
have taken the explanatory mode, and, without condemning what is done,
you direct the future judgment of the court.
All bills for the reformation of the law must be according to the subject-
matter, the circumstances, and the occasion, and are of four kinds:--1.
Either the law is totally wanting, and then a new enacting statute must
be made to supply that want; or, 2. It is defective, then a new law must
be made to enforce it. 3. Or it is opposed by power or fraud, and then
an act must be made to declare it. 4 Or it is rendered doubtful and
controverted, and then a law must be made to explain it. These must be
applied according to the exigence of the case; one is just as good as
another of them. Miserable, indeed, would be the resources, poor and
unfurnished the stores and magazines of legislation, if we were bound up
to a little narrow form, and not able to frame our acts of parliament
according to every disposition of our own minds, and to every possible
emergency of the commonwealth; to make them declaratory, enforcing,
explanatory, repealing, just in what mode, or in what degree we please.
Those who think that the judges, living and dead, are to be condemned,
that your tribunals of justice are to be dishonoured, that their acts and
judgments on this business are to be rescinded, they will undoubtedly
vote against this bill, and for another sort.
I am not of the opinion of those gentlemen who are against disturbing the
public repose; I like a clamour whenever there is an abuse. The fire-
bell at midnight disturbs your sleep, but it keeps you from being burned
in your bed. The hue and cry alarms the county, but it preserves all the
property of the province. All these clamours aim at redress. But a
clamour made merely for the purpose of rendering the people discontented
with their situation, without an endeavour to give them a practical
remedy, is indeed one of the worst acts of sedition.
I have read and heard much upon the conduct of our courts in the business
of libels. I was extremely willing to enter into, and very free to act
as facts should turn out on that inquiry, aiming constantly at remedy as
the end of all clamour, all debate, all writing, and all inquiry; for
which reason I did embrace, and do now with joy, this method of giving
quiet to the courts, jurisdiction to juries, liberty to the press, and
satisfaction to the people. I thank my friends for what they have done;
I hope the public will one day reap the benefit of their pious and
judicious endeavours. They have now sown the seed; I hope they will live
to see the flourishing harvest. Their bill is sown in weakness; it will,
I trust, be reaped in power; and then, however, we shall have reason to
apply to them what my Lord Coke says was an aphorism continually in the
mouth of a great sage of the law, "Blessed be not the complaining tongue,
but blessed be the amending hand."
SPEECH ON A BILL FOR SHORTENING THE DURATION OF PARLIAMENTS
It is always to be lamented when men are driven to search into the
foundations of the commonwealth. It is certainly necessary to resort to
the theory of your government whenever you propose any alteration in the
frame of it, whether that alteration means the revival of some former
antiquated and forsaken constitution of state, or the introduction of
some new improvement in the commonwealth. The object of our deliberation
is, to promote the good purposes for which elections have been
instituted, and to prevent their inconveniences. If we thought frequent
elections attended with no inconvenience, or with but a trifling
inconvenience, the strong overruling principle of the Constitution would
sweep us like a torrent towards them. But your remedy is to be suited to
your disease--your present disease, and to your whole disease. That man
thinks much too highly, and therefore he thinks weakly and delusively, of
any contrivance of human wisdom, who believes that it can make any sort
of approach to perfection. There is not, there never was, a principle of
government under heaven, that does not, in the very pursuit of the good
it proposes, naturally and inevitably lead into some inconvenience, which
makes it absolutely necessary to counterwork and weaken the application
of that first principle itself; and to abandon something of the extent of
the advantage you proposed by it, in order to prevent also the
inconveniences which have arisen from the instrument of all the good you
had in view.
To govern according to the sense and agreeably to the interests of the
people is a great and glorious object of government. This object cannot
be obtained but through the medium of popular election, and popular
election is a mighty evil. It is such, and so great an evil, that though
there are few nations whose monarchs were not originally elective, very
few are now elected. They are the distempers of elections, that have
destroyed all free states. To cure these distempers is difficult, if not
impossible; the only thing therefore left to save the commonwealth is to
prevent their return too frequently. The objects in view are, to have
parliaments as frequent as they can be without distracting them in the
prosecution of public business; on one hand, to secure their dependence
upon the people, on the other to give them that quiet in their minds, and
that ease in their fortunes, as to enable them to perform the most
arduous and most painful duty in the world with spirit, with efficiency,
with independency, and with experience, as real public counsellors, not
as the canvassers at a perpetual election. It is wise to compass as many
good ends as possibly you can, and seeing there are inconveniences on
both sides, with benefits on both, to give up a part of the benefit to
soften the inconvenience. The perfect cure is impracticable, because the
disorder is dear to those from whom alone the cure can possibly be
derived. The utmost to be done is to palliate, to mitigate, to respite,
to put off the evil day of the Constitution to its latest possible hour,
and may it be a very late one!
This bill, I fear, would precipitate one of two consequences, I know not
which most likely, or which most dangerous: either that the Crown by its
constant stated power, influence, and revenue, would wear out all
opposition in elections, or that a violent and furious popular spirit
would arise. I must see, to satisfy me, the remedies; I must see, from
their operation in the cure of the old evil, and in the cure of those new
evils, which are inseparable from all remedies, how they balance each
other, and what is the total result. The excellence of mathematics and
metaphysics is to have but one thing before you, but he forms the best
judgment in all moral disquisitions, who has the greatest number and
variety of considerations, in one view before him, and can take them in
with the best possible consideration of the middle results of all.
We of the opposition, who are not friends to the bill, give this pledge
at least of our integrity and sincerity to the people, that in our
situation of systematic opposition to the present ministers, in which all
our hope of rendering it effectual depends upon popular interest and
favour, we will not flatter them by a surrender of our uninfluenced
judgment and opinion; we give a security, that if ever we should be in
another situation, no flattery to any other sort of power and influence
would induce us to act against the true interests of the people.
All are agreed that parliaments should not be perpetual; the only
question is, what is the most convenient time for their duration? On
which there are three opinions. We are agreed, too, that the term ought
not to be chosen most likely in its operation to spread corruption, and
to augment the already overgrown influence of the crown. On these
principles I mean to debate the question. It is easy to pretend a zeal
for liberty. Those who think themselves not likely to be encumbered with
the performance of their promises, either from their known inability, or
total indifference about the performance, never fail to entertain the
most lofty ideas. They are certainly the most specious, and they cost
them neither reflection to frame, nor pains to modify, nor management to
support. The task is of another nature to those who mean to promise
nothing that it is not in their intentions, or may possibly be in their
power to perform; to those who are bound and principled no more to delude
the understandings than to violate the liberty of their fellow-subjects.
Faithful watchmen we ought to be over the rights and privileges of the
people. But our duty, if we are qualified for it as we ought, is to give
them information, and not to receive it from them; we are not to go to
school to them to learn the principles of law and government. In doing
so we should not dutifully serve, but we should basely and scandalously
betray, the people, who are not capable of this service by nature, nor in
any instance called to it by the Constitution. I reverentially look up
to the opinion of the people, and with an awe that is almost
superstitious. I should be ashamed to show my face before them, if I
changed my ground, as they cried up or cried down men, or things, or
opinions; if I wavered and shifted about with every change, and joined in
it, or opposed, as best answered any low interest or passion; if I held
them up hopes, which I knew I never intended, or promised what I well
knew I could not perform. Of all these things they are perfect sovereign
judges without appeal; but as to the detail of particular measures, or to
any general schemes of policy, they have neither enough of speculation in
the closet, nor of experience in business, to decide upon it. They can
well see whether we are tools of a court, or their honest servants. Of
that they can well judge; and I wish that they always exercised their
judgment; but of the particular merits of a measure I have other
standards. That the frequency of elections proposed by this bill has a
tendency to increase the power and consideration of the electors, not
lessen corruptibility, I do most readily allow; so far as it is
desirable, this is what it has; I will tell you now what it has not: 1st.
It has no sort of tendency to increase their integrity and public spirit,
unless an increase of power has an operation upon voters in elections,
that it has in no other situation in the world, and upon no other part of
mankind. 2nd. This bill has no tendency to limit the quantity of
influence in the Crown, to render its operation more difficult, or to
counteract that operation, which it cannot prevent, in any way
whatsoever. It has its full weight, its full range, and its uncontrolled
operation on the electors exactly as it had before. 3rd. Nor, thirdly,
does it abate the interest or inclination of Ministers to apply that
influence to the electors: on the contrary, it renders it much more
necessary to them, if they seek to have a majority in parliament, to
increase the means of that influence, and redouble their diligence, and
to sharpen dexterity in the application. The whole effect of the bill is
therefore the removing the application of some part of the influence from
the elected to the electors, and further to strengthen and extend a court
interest already great and powerful in boroughs; here to fix their
magazines and places of arms, and thus to make them the principal, not
the secondary, theatre of their manoeuvres for securing a determined
majority in parliament.
I believe nobody will deny that the electors are corruptible. They are
men; it is saying nothing worse of them; many of them are but
ill-informed in their minds, many feeble in their circumstances, easily
over-reached, easily seduced. If they are many, the wages of corruption
are the lower; and would to God it were not rather a contemptible and
hypocritical adulation than a charitable sentiment, to say that there is
already no debauchery, no corruption, no bribery, no perjury, no blind
fury, and interested faction among the electors in many parts of this
kingdom: nor is it surprising, or at all blamable, in that class of
private men, when they see their neighbours aggrandised, and themselves
poor and virtuous, without that _eclat_ or dignity which attends men in
higher stations.
But admit it were true that the great mass of the electors were too vast
an object for court influence to grasp, or extend to, and that in despair
they must abandon it; he must be very ignorant of the state of every
popular interest, who does not know that in all the corporations, all the
open boroughs--indeed, in every district of the kingdom--there is some
leading man, some agitator, some wealthy merchant, or considerable
manufacturer, some active attorney, some popular preacher, some money-
lender, &c., &c., who is followed by the whole flock. This is the style
of all free countries.
--Multum in Fabia valet hic, valet ille Velina;
Cuilibet hic fasces dabit eripietque curule.
These spirits, each of which informs and governs his own little orb, are
neither so many, nor so little powerful, nor so incorruptible, but that a
Minister may, as he does frequently, find means of gaining them, and
through them all their followers. To establish, therefore, a very
general influence among electors will no more be found an impracticable
project, than to gain an undue influence over members of parliament.
Therefore I am apprehensive that this bill, though it shifts the place of
the disorder, does by no means relieve the Constitution. I went through
almost every contested election in the beginning of this parliament, and
acted as a manager in very many of them: by which, though at a school of
pretty severe and ragged discipline, I came to have some degree of
instruction concerning the means by which parliamentary interests are in
general procured and supported.
Theory, I know, would suppose, that every general election is to the
representative a day of judgment, in which he appears before his
constituents to account for the use of the talent with which they
entrusted him, and of the improvement he had made of it for the public
advantage. It would be so, if every corruptible representative were to
find an enlightened and incorruptible constituent. But the practice and
knowledge of the world will not suffer us to be ignorant, that the
Constitution on paper is one thing, and in fact and experience is
another. We must know that the candidate, instead of trusting at his
election to the testimony of his behaviour in parliament, must bring the
testimony of a large sum of money, the capacity of liberal expense in
entertainments, the power of serving and obliging the rulers of
corporations, of winning over the popular leaders of political clubs,
associations, and neighbourhoods. It is ten thousand times more
necessary to show himself a man of power, than a man of integrity, in
almost all the elections with which I have been acquainted. Elections,
therefore, become a matter of heavy expense; and if contests are
frequent, to many they will become a matter of an expense totally
ruinous, which no fortunes can bear; but least of all the landed
fortunes, encumbered as they often, indeed as they mostly are, with
debts, with portions, with jointures; and tied up in the hands of the
possessor by the limitations of settlement. It is a material, it is in
my opinion a lasting, consideration, in all the questions concerning
election. Let no one think the charges of election a trivial matter.
The charge, therefore, of elections ought never to be lost sight of, in a
question concerning their frequency, because the grand object you seek is
independence. Independence of mind will ever be more or less influenced
by independence of fortune; and if, every three years, the exhausting
sluices of entertainments, drinkings, open houses, to say nothing of
bribery, are to be periodically drawn up and renewed--if government
favours, for which now, in some shape or other, the whole race of men are
candidates, are to be called for upon every occasion, I see that private
fortunes will be washed away, and every, even to the least, trace of
independence, borne down by the torrent. I do not seriously think this
Constitution, even to the wrecks of it, could survive five triennial
elections. If you are to fight the battle, you must put on the armour of
the Ministry; you must call in the public, to the aid of private, money.
The expense of the last election has been computed (and I am persuaded
that it has not been overrated) at 1,500,000 pounds; three shillings in
the pound more on the Land Tax. About the close of the last Parliament,
and the beginning of this, several agents for boroughs went about, and I
remember well that it was in every one of their mouths--"Sir, your
election will cost you three thousand pounds, if you are independent; but
if the Ministry supports you, it may be done for two, and perhaps for
less;" and, indeed, the thing spoke itself. Where a living was to be got
for one, a commission in the army for another, a post in the navy for a
third, and Custom-house offices scattered about without measure or
number, who doubts but money may be saved? The Treasury may even add
money; but, indeed, it is superfluous. A gentleman of two thousand a
year, who meets another of the same fortune, fights with equal arms; but
if to one of the candidates you add a thousand a year in places for
himself, and a power of giving away as much among others, one must, or
there is no truth in arithmetical demonstration, ruin his adversary, if
he is to meet him and to fight with him every third year. It will be
said, I do not allow for the operation of character; but I do; and I know
it will have its weight in most elections; perhaps it may be decisive in
some. But there are few in which it will prevent great expenses.
The destruction of independent fortunes will be the consequence on the
part of the candidate. What will be the consequence of triennial
corruption, triennial drunkenness, triennial idleness, triennial
law-suits, litigations, prosecutions, triennial frenzy; of society
dissolved, industry interrupted, ruined; of those personal hatreds that
will never be suffered to soften; those animosities and feuds, which will
be rendered immortal; those quarrels, which are never to be appeased;
morals vitiated and gangrened to the vitals? I think no stable and
useful advantages were ever made by the money got at elections by the
voter, but all he gets is doubly lost to the public; it is money given to
diminish the general stock of the community, which is the industry of the
subject. I am sure that it is a good while before he or his family
settle again to their business. Their heads will never cool; the
temptations of elections will be for ever glittering before their eyes.
They will all grow politicians; every one, quitting his business, will
choose to enrich himself by his vote. They will take the gauging-rod;
new places will be made for them; they will run to the Custom-house quay,
their looms and ploughs will be deserted.
So was Rome destroyed by the disorders of continual elections, though
those of Rome were sober disorders. They had nothing but faction,
bribery, bread, and stage plays to debauch them. We have the
inflammation of liquor superadded, a fury hotter than any of them. There
the contest was only between citizen and citizen; here you have the
contests of ambitious citizens on one side, supported by the Crown, to
oppose to the efforts (let it be so) of private and unsupported ambition
on the other. Yet Rome was destroyed by the frequency and charge of
elections, and the monstrous expense of an unremitted courtship to the
people. I think, therefore, the independent candidate and elector may
each be destroyed by it, the whole body of the community be an infinite
sufferer, and a vicious Ministry the only gainer. Gentlemen, I know,
feel the weight of this argument; they agree that this would be the
consequence of more frequent elections, if things were to continue as
they are. But they think the greatness and frequency of the evil would
itself be a remedy for it; that, sitting but for a short time, the member
would not find it worth while to make such vast expenses, while the fear
of their constituents will hold them the more effectually to their duty.
To this I answer, that experience is full against them. This is no new
thing; we have had triennial parliaments; at no period of time were seats
more eagerly contested. The expenses of elections ran higher, taking the
state of all charges, than they do now. The expense of entertainments
was such, that an Act, equally severe and ineffectual, was made against
it; every monument of the time bears witness of the expense, and most of
the Acts against corruption in elections were then made; all the writers
talked of it and lamented it. Will any one think that a corporation will
be contented with a bowl of punch, or a piece of beef the less, because
elections are every three, instead of every seven years? Will they
change their wine for ale, because they are to get more ale three years
hence? Do not think it. Will they make fewer demands for the advantages
of patronage in favours and offices, because their member is brought more
under their power? We have not only our own historical experience in
England upon this subject, but we have the experience co-existing with us
in Ireland, where, since their Parliament has been shortened, the expense
of elections has been so far from being lowered that it has been very
near doubled. Formerly they sat for the king's life; the ordinary charge
of a seat in Parliament was then 1,500 pounds. They now sit eight years,
four sessions: it is now 2,500 pounds and upwards. The spirit of
emulation has also been extremely increased, and all who are acquainted
with the tone of that country have no doubt that the spirit is still
growing, that new candidates will take the field, that the contests will
be more violent, and the expenses of elections larger than ever.
It never can be otherwise. A seat in this House, for good purposes, for
bad purposes, for no purpose at all (except the mere consideration
derived from being concerned in the public councils) will ever be a first-
rate object of ambition in England. Ambition is no exact calculator.
Avarice itself does not calculate strictly when it games. One thing is
certain, that in this political game the great lottery of power is that
into which men will purchase with millions of chances against them. In
Turkey, where the place, where the fortune, where the head itself, are so
insecure, that scarcely any have died in their beds for ages, so that the
bowstring is the natural death of Bashaws, yet in no country is power and
distinction (precarious enough, God knows, in all) sought for with such
boundless avidity, as if the value of place was enhanced by the danger
and insecurity of its tenure. Nothing will ever make a seat in this
House not an object of desire to numbers by any means or at any charge,
but the depriving it of all power and all dignity. This would do it.
This is the true and only nostrum for that purpose. But a House of
Commons without power and without dignity, either in itself or its
members, is no House of Commons for the purposes of this Constitution.
But they will be afraid to act ill, if they know that the day of their
account is always near. I wish it were true, but it is not; here again
we have experience, and experience is against us. The distemper of this
age is a poverty of spirit and of genius; it is trifling, it is futile,
worse than ignorant, superficially taught, with the politics and morals
of girls at a boarding-school, rather than of men and statesmen; but it
is not yet desperately wicked, or so scandalously venal as in former
times. Did not a triennial parliament give up the national dignity,
approve the Peace of Utrecht, and almost give up everything else in
taking every step to defeat the Protestant succession? Was not the
Constitution saved by those who had no election at all to go to, the
Lords, because the Court applied to electors, and by various means
carried them from their true interests; so that the Tory Ministry had a
majority without an application to a single member? Now, as to the
conduct of the members, it was then far from pure and independent.
Bribery was infinitely more flagrant. A predecessor of yours, Mr.
Speaker, put the question of his own expulsion for bribery. Sir William
Musgrave was a wise man, a grave man, an independent man, a man of good
fortune and good family; however, he carried on while in opposition a
traffic, a shameful traffic with the Ministry. Bishop Burnet knew of
6,000 pounds which he had received at one payment. I believe the payment
of sums in hard money--plain, naked bribery--is rare amongst us. It was
then far from uncommon.
A triennial was near ruining, a septennial parliament saved, your
Constitution; nor perhaps have you ever known a more flourishing period
for the union of national prosperity, dignity, and liberty, than the
sixty years you have passed under that Constitution of parliament.
The shortness of time, in which they are to reap the profits of iniquity,
is far from checking the avidity of corrupt men; it renders them
infinitely more ravenous. They rush violently and precipitately on their
object, they lose all regard to decorum. The moments of profit are
precious; never are men so wicked as during a general mortality. It was
so in the great plague at Athens, every symptom of which (and this its
worst amongst the rest) is so finely related by a great historian of
antiquity. It was so in the plague of London in 1665. It appears in
soldiers, sailors, &c. Whoever would contrive to render the life of man
much shorter than it is, would, I am satisfied, find the surest recipe
for increasing the wickedness of our nature.
Thus, in my opinion, the shortness of a triennial sitting would have the
following ill effects:--It would make the member more shamelessly and
shockingly corrupt, it would increase his dependence on those who could
best support him at his election, it would wrack and tear to pieces the
fortunes of those who stood upon their own fortunes and their private
interest, it would make the electors infinitely more venal, and it would
make the whole body of the people, who are, whether they have votes or
not, concerned in elections, more lawless, more idle, more debauched; it
would utterly destroy the sobriety, the industry, the integrity, the
simplicity of all the people, and undermine, I am much afraid, the
deepest and best laid foundations of the commonwealth.
Those who have spoken and written upon this subject without doors, do not
so much deny the probable existence of these inconveniences in their
measure, as they trust for the prevention to remedies of various sorts,
which they propose. First, a place bill; but if this will not do, as
they fear it will not, then, they say, we will have a rotation, and a
certain number of you shall be rendered incapable of being elected for
ten years. Then, for the electors, they shall ballot; the members of
parliament also shall decide by ballot; and a fifth project is the change
of the present legal representation of the kingdom. On all this I shall
observe, that it will be very unsuitable to your wisdom to adopt the
project of a bill, to which there are objections insuperable by anything
in the bill itself, upon the hope that those objections may be removed by
subsequent projects; every one of which is full of difficulties of its
own, and which are all of them very essential alterations in the
Constitution. This seems very irregular and unusual. If anything should
make this a very doubtful measure, what can make it more so than that, in
the opinion of its advocates, it would aggravate all our old
inconveniences in such a manner as to require a total alteration in the
Constitution of the kingdom? If the remedies are proper in a triennial,
they will not be less so in septennial elections; let us try them first,
see how the House relishes them, see how they will operate in the nation;
and then, having felt your way, you will be prepared against these
inconveniences.
The honourable gentleman sees that I respect the principle upon which he
goes, as well as his intentions and his abilities. He will believe that
I do not differ from him wantonly, and on trivial grounds. He is very
sure that it was not his embracing one way which determined me to take
the other. I have not, in newspapers, to derogate from his fair fame
with the nation, printed the first rude sketch of his bill with
ungenerous and invidious comments. I have not, in conversations
industriously circulated about the town, and talked on the benches of
this House, attributed his conduct to motives low and unworthy, and as
groundless as they are injurious. I do not affect to be frightened with
this proposition, as if some hideous spectre had started from hell, which
was to be sent back again by every form of exorcism, and every kind of
incantation. I invoke no Acheron to overwhelm him in the whirlpools of
his muddy gulf. I do not tell the respectable mover and seconder, by a
perversion of their sense and expressions, that their proposition halts
between the ridiculous and the dangerous. I am not one of those who
start up three at a time, and fall upon and strike at him with so much
eagerness, that our daggers hack one another in his sides. My honourable
friend has not brought down a spirited imp of chivalry, to win the first
achievement and blazon of arms on his milk-white shield in a field listed
against him, nor brought out the generous offspring of lions, and said to
them, "Not against that side of the forest, beware of that--here is the
prey where you are to fasten your paws;" and seasoning his unpractised
jaws with blood, tell him, "This is the milk for which you are to thirst
hereafter." We furnish at his expense no holiday, nor suspend hell that
a crafty Ixion may have rest from his wheel; nor give the common
adversary, if he be a common adversary, reason to say, "I would have put
in my word to oppose, but the eagerness of your allies in your social war
was such that I could not break in upon you." I hope he sees and feels,
and that every member sees and feels along with him, the difference
between amicable dissent and civil discord.
SPEECH ON REFORM OF REPRESENTATION IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS
JUNE, 1784
Mr. Speaker,--We have now discovered, at the close of the eighteenth
century, that the Constitution of England, which for a series of ages had
been the proud distinction of this country, always the admiration, and
sometimes the envy, of the wise and learned in every other nation--we
have discovered that this boasted Constitution, in the most boasted part
of it, is a gross imposition upon the understanding of mankind, an insult
to their feelings, and acting by contrivances destructive to the best and
most valuable interests of the people. Our political architects have
taken a survey of the fabric of the British Constitution. It is singular
that they report nothing against the Crown, nothing against the Lords;
but in the House of Commons everything is unsound; it is ruinous in every
part. It is infested by the dry rot, and ready to tumble about our ears
without their immediate help. You know by the faults they find what are
their ideas of the alteration. As all government stands upon opinion,
they know that the way utterly to destroy it is to remove that opinion,
to take away all reverence, all confidence from it; and then, at the
first blast of public discontent and popular tumult, it tumbles to the
ground.
In considering this question, they who oppose it, oppose it on different
grounds; one is in the nature of a previous question--that some
alterations may be expedient, but that this is not the time for making
them. The other is, that no essential alterations are at all wanting,
and that neither now, nor at any time, is it prudent or safe to be
meddling with the fundamental principles and ancient tried usages of our
Constitution--that our representation is as nearly perfect as the
necessary imperfection of human affairs and of human creatures will
suffer it to be; and that it is a subject of prudent and honest use and
thankful enjoyment, and not of captious criticism and rash experiment.
On the other side, there are two parties, who proceed on two grounds--in
my opinion, as they state them, utterly irreconcilable. The one is
juridical, the other political. The one is in the nature of a claim of
right, on the supposed rights of man as man; this party desire the
decision of a suit. The other ground, as far as I can divine what it
directly means, is, that the representation is not so politically framed
as to answer the theory of its institution. As to the claim of right,
the meanest petitioner, the most gross and ignorant, is as good as the
best; in some respects his claim is more favourable on account of his
ignorance; his weakness, his poverty and distress only add to his titles;
he sues _in forma pauperis_: he ought to be a favourite of the Court. But
when the other ground is taken, when the question is political, when a
new Constitution is to be made on a sound theory of government, then the
presumptuous pride of didactic ignorance is to be excluded from the
council in this high and arduous matter, which often bids defiance to the
experience of the wisest. The first claims a personal representation;
the latter rejects it with scorn and fervour. The language of the first
party is plain and intelligible; they who plead an absolute right, cannot
be satisfied with anything short of personal representation, because all
natural rights must be the rights of individuals: as by nature there is
no such thing as politic or corporate personality; all these ideas are
mere fictions of law, they are creatures of voluntary institution; men as
men are individuals, and nothing else. They, therefore, who reject the
principle of natural and personal representation, are essentially and
eternally at variance with those who claim it. As to the first sort of
reformers, it is ridiculous to talk to them of the British Constitution
upon any or all of its bases; for they lay it down, that every man ought
to govern himself, and that where he cannot go himself he must send his
representative; that all other government is usurpation, and is so far
from having a claim to our obedience, that it is not only our right, but
our duty, to resist it. Nine-tenths of the reformers argue thus--that
is, on the natural right. It is impossible not to make some reflection
on the nature of this claim, or avoid a comparison between the extent of
the principle and the present object of the demand. If this claim be
founded, it is clear to what it goes. The House of Commons, in that
light, undoubtedly is no representative of the people as a collection of
individuals. Nobody pretends it, nobody can justify such an assertion.
When you come to examine into this claim of right, founded on the right
of self-government in each individual, you find the thing demanded
infinitely short of the principle of the demand. What! one-third only of
the legislature, of the government no share at all? What sort of treaty
of partition is this for those who have no inherent right to the whole?
Give them all they ask, and your grant is still a cheat; for how comes
only a third to be their younger children's fortune in this settlement?
How came they neither to have the choice of kings, or lords, or judges,
or generals, or admirals, or bishops, or priests, or ministers, or
justices of peace? Why, what have you to answer in favour of the prior
rights of the Crown and peerage but this--our Constitution is a
proscriptive Constitution; it is a Constitution whose sole authority is,
that it has existed time out of mind. It is settled in these two
portions against one, legislatively; and in the whole of the judicature,
the whole of the federal capacity, of the executive, the prudential and
the financial administration, in one alone. Nor were your House of Lords
and the prerogatives of the Crown settled on any adjudication in favour
of natural rights, for they could never be so portioned. Your king, your
lords, your judges, your juries, grand and little, all are prescriptive;
and what proves it is the disputes not yet concluded, and never near
becoming so, when any of them first originated. Prescription is the most
solid of all titles, not only to property, but, which is to secure that
property, to government. They harmonise with each other, and give mutual
aid to one another. It is accompanied with another ground of authority
in the constitution of the human mind--presumption. It is a presumption
in favour of any settled scheme of government against any untried
project, that a nation has long existed and flourished under it. It is a
better presumption even of the choice of a nation, far better than any
sudden and temporary arrangement by actual election. Because a nation is
not an idea only of local extent, and individual momentary aggregation,
but it is an idea of continuity, which extends in time as well as in
numbers and in space. And this is a choice not of one day, or one set of
people, not a tumultuary and giddy choice; it is a deliberate election of
ages and of generations; it is a Constitution made by what is ten
thousand times better than choice--it is made by the peculiar
circumstances, occasions, tempers, dispositions, and moral, civil, and
social habitudes of the people, which disclose themselves only in a long
space of time. It is a vestment, which accommodates itself to the body.
Nor is prescription of government formed upon blind, unmeaning
prejudices--for man is a most unwise, and a most wise being. The
individual is foolish. The multitude, for the moment, are foolish, when
they act without deliberation; but the species is wise, and when time is
given to it, as a species it almost always acts right.
The reason for the Crown as it is, for the Lords as they are, is my
reason for the Commons as they are, the electors as they are. Now, if
the Crown and the Lords, and the judicatures, are all prescriptive, so is
the House of Commons of the very same origin, and of no other. We and
our electors have powers and privileges both made and circumscribed by
prescription, as much to the full as the other parts; and as such we have
always claimed them, and on no other title. The House of Commons is a
legislative body corporate by prescription, not made upon any given
theory, but existing prescriptively--just like the rest. This
prescription has made it essentially what it is--an aggregate collection
of three parts--knights, citizens, burgesses. The question is, whether
this has been always so, since the House of Commons has taken its present
shape and circumstances, and has been an essential operative part of the
Constitution; which, I take it, it has been for at least five hundred
years.
This I resolve to myself in the affirmative: and then another question
arises; whether this House stands firm upon its ancient foundations, and
is not, by time and accidents, so declined from its perpendicular as to
want the hand of the wise and experienced architects of the day to set it
upright again, and to prop and buttress it up for duration;--whether it
continues true to the principles upon which it has hitherto
stood;--whether this be _de facto_ the Constitution of the House of
Commons as it has been since the time that the House of Commons has,
without dispute, become a necessary and an efficient part of the British
Constitution? To ask whether a thing, which has always been the same,
stands to its usual principle, seems to me to be perfectly absurd; for
how do you know the principles but from the construction? and if that
remains the same, the principles remain the same. It is true, that to
say your Constitution is what it has been, is no sufficient defence for
those who say it is a bad Constitution. It is an answer to those who say
that it is a degenerate Constitution. To those who say it is a bad one,
I answer, Look to its effects. In all moral machinery the moral results
are its test.
On what grounds do we go to restore our Constitution to what it has been
at some given period, or to reform and reconstruct it upon principles
more conformable to a sound theory of government? A prescriptive
government, such as ours, never was the work of any legislator, never was
made upon any foregone theory. It seems to me a preposterous way of
reasoning, and a perfect confusion of ideas, to take the theories, which
learned and speculative men have made from that government, and then,
supposing it made on these theories, which were made from it, to accuse
the government as not corresponding with them. I do not vilify theory
and speculation--no, because that would be to vilify reason itself.
"_Neque decipitur ratio_, _neque decipit unquam_." No; whenever I speak
against theory, I mean always a weak, erroneous, fallacious, unfounded,
or imperfect theory; and one of the ways of discovering that it is a
false theory is by comparing it with practice. This is the true
touchstone of all theories which regard man and the affairs of men: Does
it suit his nature in general?--does it suit his nature as modified by
his habits?
The more frequently this affair is discussed, the stronger the case
appears to the sense and the feelings of mankind. I have no more doubt
than I entertain of my existence, that this very thing, which is stated
as a horrible thing, is the means of the preservation of our Constitution
whilst it lasts: of curing it of many of the disorders which, attending
every species of institution, would attend the principle of an exact
local representation, or a representation on the principle of numbers. If
you reject personal representation, you are pushed upon expedience; and
then what they wish us to do is, to prefer their speculations on that
subject to the happy experience of this country of a growing liberty and
a growing prosperity for five hundred years. Whatever respect I have for
their talents, this, for one, I will not do. Then what is the standard
of expedience? Expedience is that which is good for the community, and
good for every individual in it. Now this expedience is the
_desideratum_ to be sought, either without the experience of means, or
with that experience. If without, as in the case of the fabrication of a
new commonwealth, I will hear the learned arguing what promises to be
expedient; but if we are to judge of a commonwealth actually existing,
the first thing I inquire is, What has been found expedient or
inexpedient? And I will not take their promise rather than the
performance of the Constitution.
But no; this was not the cause of the discontents. I went through most
of the northern parts--the Yorkshire election was then raging; the year
before, through most of the western counties--Bath, Bristol,
Gloucester--not one word, either in the towns or country, on the subject
of representation; much on the receipt tax, something on Mr. Fox's
ambition; much greater apprehension of danger from thence than from want
of representation. One would think that the ballast of the ship was
shifted with us, and that our Constitution had the gunnel under water.
But can you fairly and distinctly point out what one evil or grievance
has happened, which you can refer to the representative not following the
opinion of his constituents? What one symptom do we find of this
inequality? But it is not an arithmetical inequality with which we ought
to trouble ourselves. If there be a moral, a political equality, this is
the _desideratum_ in our Constitution, and in every Constitution in the
world. Moral inequality is as between places and between classes. Now,
I ask, what advantage do you find, that the places which abound in
representation possess over others in which it is more scanty, in
security for freedom, in security for justice, or in any one of those
means of procuring temporal prosperity and eternal happiness, the ends
for which society was formed? Are the local interests of Cornwall and
Wiltshire, for instance--their roads, canals, their prisons, their
police--better than Yorkshire, Warwickshire, or Staffordshire? Warwick
has members; is Warwick or Stafford more opulent, happy, or free, than
Newcastle or than Birmingham? Is Wiltshire the pampered favourite,
whilst Yorkshire, like the child of the bondwoman, is turned out to the
desert? This is like the unhappy persons who live, if they can be said
to live, in the statical chair; who are ever feeling their pulse, and who
do not judge of health by the aptitude of the body to perform its
functions, but by their ideas of what ought to be the true balance
between the several secretions. Is a committee of Cornwall, &c.,
thronged, and the others deserted? No. You have an equal
representation, because you have men equally interested in the prosperity
of the whole, who are involved in the general interest and the general
sympathy; and perhaps these places, furnishing a superfluity of public
agents and administrators (whether, in strictness, they are
representatives or not, I do not mean to inquire, but they are agents and
administrators), will stand clearer of local interests, passions,
prejudices, and cabals than the others, and therefore preserve the
balance of the parts, and with a more general view and a more steady hand
than the rest.
In every political proposal we must not leave out of the question the
political views and object of the proposer; and these we discover, not by
what he says, but by the principles he lays down. "I mean," says he, "a
moderate and temperate reform;" that is, "I mean to do as little good as
possible. If the Constitution be what you represent it, and there be no
danger in the change, you do wrong not to make the reform commensurate to
the abuse." Fine reformer, indeed! generous donor! What is the cause of
this parsimony of the liberty which you dole out to the people? Why all
this limitation in giving blessings and benefits to mankind? You admit
that there is an extreme in liberty, which may be infinitely noxious to
those who are to receive it, and which in the end will leave them no
liberty at all. I think so too; they know it, and they feel it. The
question is, then, What is the standard of that extreme? What that
gentleman, and the associations, or some parts of their phalanxes, think
proper. Then our liberties are in their pleasure; it depends on their
arbitrary will how far I shall be free. I will have none of that
freedom. If, therefore, the standard of moderation be sought for, I will
seek for it. Where? Not in their fancies, nor in my own: I will seek
for it where I know it is to be found--in the Constitution I actually
enjoy. Here it says to an encroaching prerogative--"Your sceptre has its
length; you cannot add a hair to your head, or a gem to your crown, but
what an eternal law has given to it." Here it says to an overweening
peerage--"Your pride finds banks that it cannot overflow;" here to a
tumultuous and giddy people--"There is a bound to the raging of the sea."
Our Constitution is like our island, which uses and restrains its subject
sea; in vain the waves roar. In that Constitution I know, and exultingly
I feel, both that I am free and that I am not free dangerously to myself
or to others. I know that no power on earth, acting as I ought to do,
can touch my life, my liberty, or my property. I have that inward and
dignified consciousness of my own security and independence, which
constitutes, and is the only thing which does constitute, the proud and
comfortable sentiment of freedom in the human breast. I know, too, and I
bless God for my safe mediocrity; I know that if I possessed all the
talents of the gentlemen on the side of the House I sit, and on the
other, I cannot, by royal favour, or by popular delusion, or by
oligarchical cabal, elevate myself above a certain very limited point, so
as to endanger my own fall or the ruin of my country. I know there is an
order that keeps things fast in their place; it is made to us, and we are
made to it. Why not ask another wife, other children, another body,
another mind?
The great object of most of these reformers is to prepare the destruction
of the Constitution, by disgracing and discrediting the House of Commons.
For they think--prudently, in my opinion--that if they can persuade the
nation that the House of Commons is so constituted as not to secure the
public liberty; not to have a proper connection with the public
interests; so constituted as not, either actually or virtually, to be the
representative of the people, it will be easy to prove that a government
composed of a monarchy, an oligarchy chosen by the Crown, and such a
House of Commons, whatever good can be in such a system, can by no means
be a system of free government.
The Constitution of England is never to have a quietus; it is to be
continually vilified, attacked, reproached, resisted; instead of being
the hope and sure anchor in all storms, instead of being the means of
redress to all grievances, itself is the grand grievance of the nation,
our shame instead of our glory. If the only specific plan
proposed--individual, personal representation--is directly rejected by
the person who is looked on as the great support of this business, then
the only way of considering it is as a question of convenience. An
honourable gentleman prefers the individual to the present. He therefore
himself sees no middle term whatsoever, and therefore prefers of what he
sees the individual; this is the only thing distinct and sensible that
has been advocated. He has then a scheme, which is the individual
representation; he is not at a loss, not inconsistent--which scheme the
other right honourable gentleman reprobates. Now, what does this go to,
but to lead directly to anarchy? For to discredit the only government
which he either possesses or can project, what is this but to destroy all
government; and this is anarchy. My right honourable friend, in
supporting this motion, disgraces his friends and justifies his enemies,
in order to blacken the Constitution of his country, even of that House
of Commons which supported him. There is a difference between a moral or
political exposure of a public evil, relative to the administration of
government, whether in men or systems, and a declaration of defects, real
or supposed, in the fundamental Constitution of your country. The first
may be cured in the individual by the motives of religion, virtue,
honour, fear, shame, or interest. Men may be made to abandon, also,
false systems by exposing their absurdity or mischievous tendency to
their own better thoughts, or to the contempt or indignation of the
public; and after all, if they should exist, and exist uncorrected, they
only disgrace individuals as fugitive opinions. But it is quite
otherwise with the frame and Constitution of the State; if that is
disgraced, patriotism is destroyed in its very source. No man has ever
willingly obeyed, much less was desirous of defending with his blood, a
mischievous and absurd scheme of government. Our first, our dearest,
most comprehensive relation, our country, is gone.
It suggests melancholy reflections, in consequence of the strange course
we have long held, that we are now no longer quarrelling about the
character, or about the conduct of men, or the tenor of measures; but we
are grown out of humour with the English Constitution itself; this is
become the object of the animosity of Englishmen. This Constitution in
former days used to be the admiration and the envy of the world; it was
the pattern for politicians; the theme of the eloquent; the meditation of
the philosopher in every part of the world. As to Englishmen, it was
their pride, their consolation. By it they lived, for it they were ready
to die. Its defects, if it had any, were partly covered by partiality,
and partly borne by prudence. Now all its excellencies are forgotten,
its faults are now forcibly dragged into day, exaggerated by every
artifice of representation. It is despised and rejected of men; and
every device and invention of ingenuity, or idleness, set up in
opposition or in preference to it. It is to this humour, and it is to
the measures growing out of it, that I set myself (I hope not alone) in
the most determined opposition. Never before did we at any time in this
country meet upon the theory of our frame of government, to sit in
judgment on the Constitution of our country, to call it as a delinquent
before us, and to accuse it of every defect and every vice; to see
whether it, an object of our veneration, even our adoration, did or did
not accord with a preconceived scheme in the minds of certain gentlemen.
Cast your eyes on the journals of Parliament. It is for fear of losing
the inestimable treasure we have, that I do not venture to game it out of
my hands for the vain hope of improving it. I look with filial reverence
on the Constitution of my country, and never will cut it in pieces, and
put it into the kettle of any magician, in order to boil it, with the
puddle of their compounds, into youth and vigour. On the contrary, I
will drive away such pretenders; I will nurse its venerable age, and with
lenient arts extend a parent's breath.
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