The Project Gutenberg EBook of A Political Diary 1828-1830, Volume II
by Edward Law (Lord Ellenborough)
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
Title: A Political Diary 1828-1830, Volume II
Author: Edward Law (Lord Ellenborough)
Release Date: January 12, 2004 [EBook #10693]
Language: English
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A POLITICAL DIARY ***
Produced by Charles Aldarondo, Keren Vergon, Robert Fite and PG
Distributed Proofreaders
LORD ELLENBOROUGH'S DIARY
1828-1830
VOL. II.
A POLITICAL DIARY
1828-1830
BY EDWARD LAW
LORD ELLENBOROUGH
EDITED BY LORD COLCHESTER
[Illustration: fide et fiducia]
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. II.
LONDON
RICHARD BENTLEY & SON, NEW BURLINGTON STREET
Publishers in Ordinary to Her Majesty the Queen
1881
DIARY
_April 1, 1829._
The Duke of Wellington wrote to the King to ask if he had any objection to
raising the galleries. He had none. So we sent for Sir T. Tyrwhit, and had
him at the Cabinet dinner to ask him whether he could fix the galleries by
four to-morrow. He said _No_. So we must do as we can.
Forty foreigners applied for seats to-day after four o'clock.
In the House I made the second reading of the Bills an order of the day at
the desire of Lord Malmesbury and Lord Grey. It is more formal so, but the
second reading might have been equally well moved without it.
Lord Grey said a few words on presenting a petition expressing a hope to be
convinced on the subject of the Franchise Bill, but laying ground for
voting against it. Lord Malmesbury likewise expressed himself against it.
We shall be hard pushed on this Bill. The Duke says we have 122 sure votes
and no more upon it.
The Bishop of Chester read prayers, his wife having died about ten days
ago. Really some one of the other Bishops might have relieved him.
Lord Shaftesbury, in the absence of the Chancellor, sat as Speaker. I moved
the bills _pro formâ_ for him.
At the Cabinet dinner at Peel's, Peel said the Bishop of Oxford was ready
to speak at any time, and wished to follow a violent bishop. He may easily
find one.
We had much talk about our approaching debates. Peel, after the Duke was
gone, regretted his having taken the line of expressing his anxiety to
relieve himself from the obloquy cast upon him, and his having put that
desire forward as his reason for pressing the second reading of the Bill on
Thursday. The Duke having said so, we could not back him out. We might
avoid taking the same ground, but we could not alter it.
Aberdeen mentioned the case of the Candian blockade. I am sorry to see he
does not communicate beforehand now with the Duke. He never looks forward
to the ultimate consequences of his measures. Now he talks of convoying
English ships to Candia, and telling them they may go there safely, and if
stopped shall be indemnified. But if the English ship finds a Russian off
Candia, and is warned off, yet persists, under the expectation of
indemnity, we should be obliged to pay the indemnity. The Russians, having
given warning, would be justified in taking the vessel.
So if we give convoy, and the convoy ship persists, we should come to
blows. All these things should be foreseen. Aberdeen thinks Lièven is
ignorant of Heyden's having had any orders. He excuses him as having acted
in the spirit of the treaty, to _avoid the effusion_ of blood!
One thing is clear; we cannot permit Russia, as a belligerent, to defeat
the objects of the Treaty of London, and yet act with her under that
treaty.
_April 2._
Second reading Catholic Relief Bill. The Duke made a very bad speech. The
Archbishop of Canterbury drivelled. The Primate of Ireland made a strong
speech, his manner admirable. Both these against. The Bishop of Oxford had
placed himself at our disposal to be used when wanted. We put him into the
debate here, wanting him very much. The first part of his speech was very
indifferent, the latter excellent. Lord Lansdowne spoke better than he has
done for some time, indeed for two years. The Bishop of London against us;
but he made a speech more useful than ten votes, in admirable taste,
looking to the measure as one to be certainly accomplished, &c. The Duke of
Richmond spoke very shortly, but better than he has ever done, in reply. We
adjourned at 1.
229 members in the House. Room for thirty more; the House not oppressively
hot; numbers of women. The tone of the debate temperate.
_April 3._
A speech from the Bishop of Durham, full of fallacies and extravagant, but
having its effect.
The Chancellor spoke admirably, endeavouring to bring up Eldon, but the old
man would not move. He wanted more time to consider his answer, by which he
will not improve it.
A speech from Goderich, very animated in his way, and very heavy. The House
did not cheer him once. He pressed himself upon it with bad taste. He spoke
upon all the collateral and unimportant points. He swung his arm about like
a boy throwing a stone from a sling.
Lord Mansfield spoke, sleepily and ill-naturedly. I was exhausted, and
could not have answered him, had he said anything worth answering.
We adjourned at two till one to-morrow.
_April 4._
House at 1. A long absurd speech from Lord Guildford, which must have given
much pain to Lady Ch. Lindsay, who sat under the throne, and who must have
been much annoyed at seeing to what her family had fallen. We had then Lord
Lilford, who rested too much on his notes, but who has a good manner. He
drew his points well, and spoke like a man, not like a boy.
Lord Tenterden was not powerful. Lord Grey spoke better than he has done
since 1827. He made a speech too long, and indeed the last half-hour was of
no use. He beat the brains out of the Coronation Oath, as an obstacle to
Catholic Concession, and read a curious letter of Lord Yestor to Lord
Tweddale, dated April, 1689, before William III. took the Coronation Oath,
in which Lord Tester mentions that it was understood that the king had in
council declared his understanding of the sense of the Coronation Oath--
that it bound him in his executive capacity, not in his legislative. Lord
Westmoreland made an odd, entertaining from its manner, and really very
good speech. He supported the Bill.
Lord Eldon, who, after an ineffectual attempt on the part of Lord Redesdale
to speak, followed Lord Grey, made a very weak, inefficient, powerless
speech. He seemed beaten, and in some respects his memory had failed him.
Lord Plunket drew, with great power, a picture of the state of society in
Ireland as affected by the laws. The whole of his speech was powerful.
His speech and Lord Grey's were excellent.
After a few sentences from Lord Farnham we divided.
Present for 149
Against 79
----
Majority 68
Proxies for 70
Against 33
----
Total Content 217
Not Content 112
----
Majority 105
This will quiet Windsor. The King was to have received a number of
petitions to be presented by peers to-day. The Primate of Ireland was to
have gone, and the Irish Bishops. The latter went. If they had not gone,
the King would have made some excuse for not receiving them.
The majority must put an end to all agitation in England, and tranquillise
Ireland. Indeed as regards this question Ireland is tranquil. The conduct
of the Catholics has been as excellent as that of the Protestants. Hitherto
the announcement of the measure has produced effects beyond what was
anticipated from its adoption.
The Duke of Rutland, who was not expected, and indeed every doubtful vote
was with us.
The Protestants are subdued.
Lord Grey's speech, but still more Lord Plunket's, will have a greater
effect upon the public mind, than any which have yet been delivered.
Really it seems like a dream! That I should, if I lived, live to see this I
did expect; but that I should see it so soon, and that I should happen to
be a member of the Government that carried it, I did not expect. I must say
with what delight I view the prospect of having Catholics in Parliament. I
am sure it will do more for the happiness of Ireland, and for the strength
of the Empire, than any measure that could have been adopted.
_April 5. _
Dined with Lady Sandwich and met the Arbuthnots, with whom I had a long
talk. She told me the Duke wanted to bring in Lord Chandos, by way of
conciliating the Tories. She thought Lord Rosslyn ought to have the Privy
Seal, and that, considering their late conduct, the Whigs should be
preferred to the Tories, whom we should have at any rate. That it was
enough not to punish them by depriving them of their offices.
In all this I agree. I think if the Duke should go to the Tories and turn
his back upon the Whigs after what has taken place, he will make Opposition
very acrimonious, and our debates very disagreeable.
I told her if the Privy Seal was to be a Tory, I thought the Duke of
Richmond the best. He is the most popular man in the House of Lords, and a
good debater. The Duke and Lord Bathurst say he is cunning; but as far as I
can judge he acts fairly.
_April 6._
House. Second reading Franchise Bill. Opposed by the Duke of Richmond, Lord
Malmesbury, Winchelsea, and Clanricarde. Lord Holland spoke in favour of
the Bill as connected with the Relief Bill. The Whigs voted with us. Dudley
spoke in favour, just to separate himself from the Canningites, for whom
Haddington spoke, more reluctant than the Whigs.
Lord Winchelsea was very mad, wished to expel the bishops, to prevent
translations, equalise their sees, &c. We had 139 to 19. The minority
were--Dukes: Cumberland, Gloucester, Brandon, Richmond, Newcastle;
Marquises--Salisbury, Clanrickarde; Earls--Winchelsea Malmesbury, O'Neil;
Lords--Falmouth, Penrhyn, Boston, Grantley, Glenlyon; Earl Digby, Earl
Romney.
The Duke goes to Windsor on Saturday to get the King to consent to give the
Royal assent on Thursday, the day before Good Friday. The Duke of
Cumberland has been mischievous at Windsor. The King fancies he is in the
situation of Louis XVI. That he shall run down by Liberalism. The Duke of
Cumberland swears he will turn us out, let who will be Ministers.
_April 7._
Lord Eldon and others opened afresh the question as to the principle of the
Bill on the first clause. We divided with more than 2 to 1.
The Bishops and Lord Eldon got into a theological discussion.
The Chancellor made a strong attack upon Lord Eldon, who really spoke very
childishly.
We had as many women as ever, but a new set, and some of the prettiest
girls in London--Miss Bagot, Miss Sheridan, and others.
At Windsor, last Sunday, the Duke of Cumberland spoke very warmly indeed to
Aberdeen about the Duke of Wellington. He said he had sat by us as our
friend, till the King's Ministers joined in the _hoot_ against him. (This
was particularly Lord Bathurst, who shook his head at him and cheered
offensively.) He seems in speaking of the Duke of Wellington to have used
terms hardly to be expected.
He told the Chancellor to-day that he should, before the Bill passed,
declare he never could again feel confidence in His Majesty's Ministers;
that the country was ruined; and that he should leave it and never return.
The Chancellor told him he advised him not to make the last promise. I hope
he will make it and keep it.
I observed him afterwards address the Chancellor very warmly, after he had
attacked Eldon.
A man of the name of Halcomb has advertised for a meeting on Friday, on the
road to Windsor, to carry petitions to the King.
April 8.
Committee on Relief Bill. No division. Several amendments. Those of Lord
Tenterden very silly.
I said a very few words twice.
The third reading is fixed for Friday. When the Duke of Cumberland heard
the third reading fixed he left the House like a disappointed fiend. He did
not take his hat off till he had got half-way down.
Lord Eldon seems quite beaten.
_April 9._
Lord Eldon went to Windsor to-day with petitions. Yesterday Lord Howe and
three others went. I believe these peers have been: Duke of Newcastle,
Kenyon, Rolle, Howe, O'Neil, Bexley, Winchelsea, Farnham, and six bishops.
Cabinet at 2. A meeting is advertised for to-morrow, to take place at
Apsley House. Then to proceed to Slough or Salt Hill, or to Eton, to
deliver there a petition to the Duke of Cumberland, who is then to present
it to the King, and the people are to wait for an answer.
The Duke has written to the King, acquainting him with the plan, and
advising His Majesty to refuse to receive the petition except through the
hands of Mr. Peel.
Peel is going down to Windsor himself. The Duke writes to-night to tell the
King he is going, and to repeat his advice of this morning as coming from
the Cabinet.
If the King will not take Peel's advice we go out.
The Duke thinks the King will yield, and that the meeting will be a
failure. So have I thought from the first. There is no agitation in London.
No feeling, no excitement. The King will know Peel is coming in time to be
able to inform the Duke of Cumberland, and prevent his setting out.
In the House about nine the Duke received a letter from Sir W. Knighton,
informing him that he had _no doubt_ the King would take his advice
respecting the petitions. Eldon was there, and probably saw the letter.
House. Got through the report of the Franchise Bill. Third reading fixed
for to-morrow. I had to say a few words.
_April 11, 1829._
House. A long speech from Lord Eldon, containing no argument, and both flat
and bad.
Then a speech from Lord Harrowby, long and sensible; but heavily delivered
and not wanted. A long speech from Lord Lansdowne, still less wanted, and
very dull.
The Duke was obliged to say something civil to the Whigs, but he did it
sparingly, and _contre coeur_.
We had a majority of 104. The Franchise Bill was likewise read a third
time.
The mutual congratulations were cordial. The House is in good humour again.
All are glad to get rid of the question. The Duke of Cumberland, Falmouth,
and Winchelsea, perhaps Kenyon, are lost to the Government, but no others.
Lord Middleton voted with us, having been against on the second reading.
The Duke of Rutland against, having been with us before.
The Duke of Clarence was absent, being ill. He had fourteen leeches on his
temples.
The House was full of ladies. Mrs. Fox, Lady Jersey, Lady Pitt and her
daughters, Lady A. Brudenell, Lady Harrowby, Lady G. Wortley, Lord Eldon's
daughters, Lady Glengall, Mrs. and Miss Sheridan, the old Duchess of
Richmond, Lady Manners, Lady Rolle, Lady Haddington, and many others.
The intended row failed altogether. Only four carriages went down to
Windsor. Halcomb and his two friends saw an equerry. They were told their
petition must be presented through the Secretary of State, and went away
quietly.
The Duke of Cumberland said he must withdraw his support from the
Government; but he was temperate. In fact he was beaten.
The Duke of Norfolk was in the House, as happy as man could be.
_April 11._
Dr. Clarke and H. Fane both spoke of the Chancellor's speech in attack upon
Eldon, as in bad taste and offensive. I shall endeavour to ascertain
whether this is the general opinion. Not having heard Eldon, they cannot
know how very mischievous and disingenuous he was.
_April 12._
Met the Lievens, Lyndhursts, Sir J. Murray, and others at dinner, at the
Esterhazy's. The King has not yet sent back the commission to pass the
Catholic Bill.
The Lievens are more shy of me than ever.
Lord Bathurst seemed to be much pleased with my idea of carrying on the
Government of India in the King's name. He said it should be under a
Secretary of State for India.
The Chancellor approved highly of my notion of suggesting Herries for the
Government of Bombay, if the directors will not have Courtney. He is
useless to us, and a discredit. Besides, we want his place.
Had some talk with Vernon at Lady Jersey's. He has the Canning venom about
him still, and said we should still regret having lost Huskisson, &c.
I said NEVER. He was an able man, but he would never do as a member of a
Cabinet in which he was not chief. The Government would not have lived if
he had continued in. I told him I had become satisfied from my short
experience that a coalition Government could not conduct the affairs of the
country with advantage--especially where the difference was [blank].
The Duke of Cumberland is gone to Windsor. If the commission should not
arrive to-night I dare say the Duke of Wellington will go to Windsor early
to-morrow.
Lady Jersey was very loud in her dispraise of the Duke of Richmond. Every
one who knows him says he is very cunning. There is a mixture of good and
bad taste about him. He is popular, and he would make a good man of
business.
_April 13, 1829, Monday._
Chairs at 11. Informed them of Sir Sidney Beckwith's appointment to the
command at Bombay.
Told them my general idea was that it was necessary to fix a Lieutenant-
Governor at Agra. I showed them it could be done without expense. Sir
Charles Metcalfe should be the person appointed, with precise instructions
obliging him to a system of non-interference in the internal concerns of
the Malwa and Rajpoot States. Sir J. Malcolm would have interposed.
The treaties with the Rajpoot States generally secure their internal
independence. Those with the States of Malwa give us the right, and impose
upon us the duty of supervision. It requires, therefore, a most delicate
hand to bring the whole into one system animated by one spirit.
I said incidentally to-day, 'I will not sit here to sacrifice India to
England,' a sentiment which escaped me, but which I feel to be correct, not
only socially but politically.
Ashley came and bored me about a petition of some Hindoos and Mahometans in
Calcutta, who wish to be grand jurors. I told him I could not proceed
hastily in any matter of legislation, and that this was one of much
delicacy. I should speak to Fergusson.
A Cabinet had been fixed for 3. I concluded it was on account of a delay on
the King's part in giving the Royal assent to the Relief Bill. The Cabinet
was counter-ordered, the Commission having arrived at two.
The Chancellor had sent a note to the King with the Bills, calling his
attention to them. The King, on sending them back with the Commission
signed, thanked the Chancellor for having called his attention to the
Bills, and said he gave his assent reluctantly.
The Chancellor had sent a note last night to Watson, the Equerry, desiring
him to remind the King of the Commission.
So at a few minutes before four to-day the Chancellor, Lord Bathurst, and I
sat as Commissioners to give the Royal assent to the Relief Bill, and about
thirty-nine others. So many had been kept back to force an early decision.
The Indemnity Bill was one of the Bills, and the Militia Lists Bill
another. There were thirteen peers in the House, and seven or eight more
about. Lord Savoy, his son, young Lambton, Lady Petres, and her daughters,
Mrs. Fox, and some other ladies were there--Lady Stanhope. The old Duchess
of Richmond came too late.
I observed that in passing each other very close the Duke of Wellington and
the Duke of Cumberland took no notice of each other.
Lord Durham said to me, 'Now the King will turn you all out in revenge as
soon as he can,' to which I assented. He certainly will when he dares.
The Duke of Norfolk and Mr. Petres were in the House, giving and receiving
congratulations. All parties congratulate the Duke. Falmouth alone still
looks sad and sombre. The Duke of Wellington has a bad cold. He was very
hoarse, and wrapped himself in his cloak as soon as he had done speaking.
_April 14._
Saw Mr. Fergusson respecting a petition from Hindoos and Mahometans at
Calcutta, praying to be allowed to sit on grand juries. He thinks they
should--as they are allowed to sit on petty juries. If the matter had been
well considered, the privilege they now ask should have been granted before
that they have obtained.
Mr. Fergusson is, however, rather afraid of allowing them to sit on the
trial of Christians.
By the newspapers I see that there has been a quarrel at Teheran, between
some of the Russian Ambassador's suite and the populace, which led to an
attack upon the Russian palace, and to the death of the Ambassador and all
his people except two. This is an unfortunate event, as it will give the
Russians a new claim to indemnity, which they will exercise inexorably.
Probably they will insist on the junction of Persia in the attack on
Turkey, as the only satisfaction they can accept.
It is just possible that the example once given, and the people despairing
of pardon, a rising against the Russians may take place, and something of a
national feeling arise in Persia. But I fear this will not be the case. I
suppose our Minister was at Tabriz.
_April 15._
The Duke was at Windsor to-day to ask the King's permission to restore the
resigners. The King said he thought the Duke could not do better. He just
mentioned Wetherell's name as if he thought he was to be excepted from the
restoration, but desired to be _certior-factus_.
The King was cold. The Duke had to wait twenty minutes, the Duke of
Cumberland being with the King. However, I believe this delay may only have
originated in a necessary change of dress on His Majesty's part, as he was
sitting for his picture _in a Highland dress_. The Duke saw a large plaid
bonnet in the room, and he believes the King had still on plaid stockings.
The business of the restoration was finished in ten minutes, when the
conversation flagged, and the Duke was rising to go away.
However, something more was then said, and the interview in all lasted
twenty minutes. The King said he was delighted with Lord Winchelsea. He was
so gentlemanlike, and spoke _in so low a tone of voice!_ He likewise
thought Lord Farnham very gentlemanlike, and Lord Rolle more violent than
any.
The Duke had to wait twenty minutes before he could see Lady Conyngham.
They seemed to wish him not to see her. However, he did. She said all would
have been quiet if the Duke of Cumberland had not come over, and all would
be quiet when he went away. The King seemed relieved since the Bill was
passed.
On his return the Duke sent for George Bankes and offered him his place
again. Bankes asked two or three days to consider. The Duke gave him till
to-morrow.
It seems he has now a notion that he owed his place not to the Duke but to
some other influence. I think this has been insinuated to him since his
resignation. The fact is otherwise. The King had mentioned Bankes for other
situations, but not for the one he holds. On my return home I found Bankes
had called upon me.
After dinner we considered whether the prosecution of Lawless for his
conduct at Ballybeg should be persevered in.
Goulbourn, Peel, Lord Bathurst, Sir G. Murray, and I were for dropping it.
I think the Chancellor inclined the same way. The Duke and the rest,
Aberdeen being absent, were for going on.
I thought no benefit would be derived from success. Even success would
revive feelings and recollections which are dying away, and which we wish
to be forgotten. If we decline proceeding we can say we did so from the
fear of exciting dormant passions. If we proceed, we shall have no excuse
should we revive the memory of bad times.
Reference is to be made to Ireland to ascertain the feeling about it there.
Bankes came at twelve o'clock. He told me he had been with the Duke, and
had received from him the offer of his old office. He had asked permission
to consult one person, whose name he did not mention to the Duke,--it was
the Duke of Cumberland. He had called at the Palace and found the Duke of
Cumberland was at Windsor. He wanted to write to him to ask if he had any
objection to his taking the office again.
Bankes said he had attended none of the meetings at Lord Chandos's. He had
avoided as much as he could all communication with the Duke of Cumberland.
He had fully determined not to take a part with any new Government which
might be formed, unless it should clearly appear the King had been unfairly
dealt by, or unless there should be an attempt to make peers to carry the
Bill. The Duke of Cumberland had always said that he made him his first
object, and he had reason to think that he had mentioned him to the King,
and had been instrumental in his appointment. The Duke of Cumberland had
desired him to come to him (during the Bill), and had apparently intended
to name some particular office for him, but seeing his coldness had only
sounded him, and had received the answer I have mentioned above.
The Duke of Cumberland had told him it was an understood thing that all
were to be restored, and that he saw no reason why he should not take his
office again.
_This was ten days ago._
I told him I advised, if he thought it necessary to write to the Duke of
Cumberland at all, that he should merely state his intention to take his
office back again, refer to his conversation with the Duke himself upon the
point, and add _distinctly_ that, taking office, he could no longer have
any communication on political matters with a person who had declared his
hostility to the Government.
I advised him to send off his own servant on a post-horse at six o'clock
to-morrow morning, with a letter to the effect I have stated to the Duke of
Cumberland, and whether he received an answer or not, to go to the Duke of
Wellington and accept at 12.
I advised him to tell the Duke the whole state of the case, and all he had
done.
The Duke of Wellington did not seem by any means well to-day. He was
blooded yesterday.
_April 16._
Cabinet at 3. It seems Bankes called on the Duke this morning, but he was
engaged. I told him all that passed between Bankes and me last night. If
Bankes should go out the Duke means to offer his place to Sir J. Graham.
We met upon foreign affairs. Aberdeen read his instructions to Gordon, who
goes to Constantinople. They are unobjectionable.
We then considered what was to be done in consequence of this second
violation of their word on the part of the Russians in blockading Candia.
Count Heyden has written two letters to Sir Pulteney Malcolm. In the first
he justifies the blockade of Candia on the ground of its being necessary to
protect the Morea from the Pacha of Egypt; in the second he rests it on the
necessity of blockading the two extremities of Candia for the purpose of
watching Constantinople.
We cannot permit the Russians to make fools of us in this way--to promise
one thing as parties to the Treaty of London, and to do another as
belligerents.
After the Cabinet I asked the Duke whether he still wished me to press
Courtney upon the Directors. He said, Yes, he very much wanted his place. I
said it had occurred to me that _Herries_ might take the Governorship of
Bombay. It did not seem to have occurred to him. He said he thought Herries
would not go; but he evidently thought it would be a very good thing if he
would.
The Duke said he wanted to have the places of Courtney and Sir G. Hill, and
to bring in Lord Chandos and M. Fitzgerald. We mentioned Ashley. I
suggested Ashley's going to the Treasury, and Sir J. Graham taking his
place. This would, I dare say, be done, if we could get the place at the
Treasury.
I have not as yet heard a surmise as to the new Lord Privy Seal.
Lord O'Neil has signed the Duke of Richmond's protest against the Franchise
Bill. It is very hostile to the Government, and Lord O'Neil will probably
be put out.
The Duke of Richmond has been very imprudent. Had he taken a moderate line
he probably might have been Privy Seal. His time is now gone by.
_April 17._
Went by appointment to see Lady Jersey. Found there Duncannon and Lord
Sefton. Duncannon talked big about O'Connell's power, and in the same sense
in which he talked to Fitzgerald, wishing to induce the Government to let
him take his seat. I said we could not. It depended not on us, but upon the
law.
Lady Sefton came in afterwards for a few minutes, and Lord Rosslyn. Lady
Jersey talked a great deal about the restoration, and feared the Whigs
would imagine they were never to come in, and would form a violent
opposition. She mentioned Mr. Stanley as being much annoyed, he having made
a laudatory speech in favour of Peel.
I told her it would have been very harsh to have eliminated those who had
taken office under the idea that the Government was rather against than for
the Catholics, certainly _neutral_, and that it was a little unreasonable
to expect others to be turned out to make way for new friends.
_April 18._
The Duke thinks he could not offer the Privy Seal to Lord Grey, but he
would be conciliated by having a friend--that is, Rosslyn--in. If we could
get Lord Beresford out, Lord Rosslyn would go to the Ordnance.
The Duke says the King would make it a point of honour to resist the
introduction of Lord Grey, though in reality he was in communication with
Lord Grey in 1820-21, after the Queen's trial, and then intended to bring
him in and to turn out the then Ministers for the Milan Commission, he
having been himself at the bottom of that Commission. The Duke, the only
member of the Cabinet who was not mixed up with the Milan Commission,
induced the King to give up his idea of making a change.
Bankes received a letter from the Duke of Cumberland, very long, and
against his acceptance of office; but he begged Bankes to go down to see
him and talk it over. He did so. Bankes told him he would not accept if he
on consideration objected, but he was determined not to join any other
Government. The Duke of Cumberland spoke of himself as having been ill-used
by the Duke of Wellington. This was explained. The conference ended by the
Duke of Cumberland's acquiescing entirely in Bankes's acceptance of office.
Bankes saw the Duke of Wellington and detailed the whole to him.
_April 21._
Called on Sir H. Hardinge at Richmond. He told me the Duke had at first
great reluctance to have anything to do with the Whigs. By his account he
must have principally contributed to lead the Duke to adopt that view which
he has now of admitting Rosslyn, &c.
_April 22._
The Duke of Norfolk called, and, not finding me, left a note begging me to
ascertain privately from the Duke of Wellington whether the King would be
pleased if the English Catholics presented an address to him thanking him
for the Relief Bill.
Received a letter from the Duke of Wellington expressing a decided opinion
against any address from the Roman Catholics. He says, 'Everything has been
done that is possible to efface all distinctions between the King's
subjects on the score of religion, and this with a view to the general
benefit, and not to that of a particular body. I confess I shall think that
this measure has failed in attaining its object if there should be any
general act of a particular body.
'In respect to the King himself I am certain that the most agreeable thing
to him would be that all should remain quiet.
'We must have no distinct body of Roman Catholics except in the churches
and in affairs of religion. The less we act inconsistently with the
principle the better.'
I so entirely agree in opinion with the Duke of Wellington that, having for
my own amusement written an address for the Roman Catholics in the event of
their making any to the King, the first sentence I imagined was this: 'The
Roman Catholics of England approach your Majesty for the last time as a
body distinct from the rest of your Majesty's subjects.'
_April 25._
I had a good deal of conversation as to the next Director. There are three
city men candidates, but none are good--Lyall, Ellice, and Douglas.
Of Ellice no one knows anything. He is brother to the Ellice who married
Lord Grey's sister. Lyall is, or was, Chairman of the Committee of
Shipowners. Douglas is brother to Lord Queensbury. They say his is not a
very good house.
_April 28._
Read the correspondence between the Duke and Lord Anglesey. Then read a
memorandum of the Duke's in reply to one of Hardinge's on the subject of
the discipline of the British army. Hardinge wished to introduce the
Prussian [Footnote: Which did not include capital punishment. See
_Wellington Correspondence_, vol. v. p. 932.] discipline into ours. The
Duke shows that with our discipline we have more men fit for duty in
proportion to our numbers than the Prussians in the proportion of two to
one. That in Prussia the army is everything. There is no other profession.
All are soldiers--the officer lives much with his men--they are always in
masses, always in fertile countries.
In our service the worst men in the community enter the army. The officers
are gentlemen. They cannot mix with the men. Without discipline our army
would be inferior to others. It is not even now the favourite profession.
There is much jealousy of it. It is not popular with the common people. It
is difficult to find recruits even in times of distress.
I was in an army, the Duke concludes, which cannot be governed on the
Prussian principle. You cannot treat the English soldier as a man of
honour.
The Duke had been with the King, who was in very good humour. He had not,
however, got to close quarters with him as to the changes.
_April 29._
Cabinet at 12. A letter has been received from Lord Heytesbury, from which
it is clear that Russia will very soon resume altogether the exercise of
her belligerent rights in the Mediterranean.
Nesselrode communicated to him the blockade of Candia. Lord Heytesbury only
observed that 'it was a resumption of belligerent rights.' This Count
Nesselrode did not deny, and he said they could not long remain in the
false position in which they now were in the Mediterranean.
Count Heyden at the end of January blockaded Candia on pretexts arising out
of the state of Greece. In three weeks from that time he rested his
interception of the Egyptian vessels near Candia on the necessary exercise
of his rights as a belligerent. Lièven, when first spoken to, disavowed
Heyden. He now changes his tone, and it is evident that Russia now for the
second time breaks her word. The French do not behave much better. They
have 6,000 men in the Morea, and mean to keep them there notwithstanding
their engagement to withdraw their troops as soon as the Egyptians were
embarked. To be sure, they say if we insist upon it they will withdraw
them.
I have always been for getting out of the treaty. We have been dragged
along very unwillingly--we have been subjected to much humiliation. We seem
to me to have gained nothing by all our compliances. We have been led on
from the violation of one principle to that of another. Our position has
discouraged Turkey. We have been made the tools of Russia, and have been
duped with our eyes open. I think the sooner we get out of this false
position the better, and there is no time so favourable for us to hold
strong language as this, when by the settlement of the Catholic question we
are really strengthened, and when all foreign Powers believe we are yet
more strengthened than we are. The Duke is certainly for getting out. He
has long wished it.
A paper of Peel's was read suggesting the difficulties in which we should
still be placed by our moral obligation towards the Greeks, and by our
reasonable fear that on the principles of the Greek Treaty, to which we
have unfortunately given our adhesion, Russia and France may combine and
make a partition treaty. My expectation is that Russia and France would
soon quarrel, and I think I could before now have made them jealous of each
other, but we have done nothing.
After much conversation, V. Fitzgerald agreeing with me and the others
saying nothing, it was determined to insist upon the freedom of
communication with Candia under the protocol, to insist upon the Greeks
withdrawing from their advanced position near Prevesa _under the protocol_,
and to insist likewise upon the withdrawing of the French troops from the
Morea, according to the engagement.
I am not satisfied with this. Every part of our diplomacy has been
unfortunate. We have succeeded in nothing. I predicted if we became engaged
in the war, it would be ultimately on a little point and not upon a great
one. Our diplomacy cannot be defended. It is our weak point.
House. All the Catholics there. Every good old name in England.
The Duke of Norfolk is much pleased with the Duke of Wellington's answer to
his enquiry as to the propriety of addressing the King. I am going to send
him the Duke's original letter as a _record_.
The King certainly received the Protestant peers, and particularly those
who had been at Windsor, with great favour, and so the Bishop of Durham.
The Duke of Cumberland stood at the King's left hand, and quizzed the
people as they passed. He seemed _rayonnant_.
After dinner I had some conversation with Loch, the Chairman, as to
governing India in the King's name. He does not positively object. I think
I shall be able to carry that point. I consider it to be of the most
essential importance.
_April 30._
Cabinet at 12. Determined to fund eight millions of Exchequer Bills. No
taxes to be taken off or imposed. We had some conversation as to the East
Retford question. V. Fitzgerald communicated a proposal from Littleton to
propose the adjournment of all discussion upon the subject till next year,
as it is evident nothing can be done this year. Littleton proposed this
because he wished to disappoint the mischievous designs of some people.
(Palmerston particularly.)
It was determined to adhere to the line taken by the Government last year--
namely, to that of throwing East Retford into the hundred. The Duke was
decidedly of opinion that whatever we did we should do from ourselves, and
certainly not act in concert with an enemy. The Tories look to our conduct
upon this question as the touchstone.
Drawing-room. The King, as yesterday, very civil to the Brunswickers and
taking no notice of our friends. He took particular notice of the
Brazilians. Madame de Lièven is endeavouring to form a Government with the
Duke of Cumberland, the Ultra-Tories, the Canningites, and some Whigs.
The King is very Russian. I believe all this will end in nothing. The
Chancellor thinks they may try to make a change when Parliament is up, and
so have six months before them. They may think of it; but the only object
of such a Government would be _revenge._ They cannot repeal the Relief
Bill, nor do they wish to pursue a different line of policy either at home
or abroad.
The foreigners think that having settled the Catholic question we are ready
to draw the sword, and find a field of battle wherever we can. This the
Russians are afraid of, and hence arises in some degree their wish to
overthrow the Duke's Government; but the real foundation of all the Russian
intrigues is Madame de Lièven's hatred for the Duke, and her rage at
feeling she has overreached herself.
_May 1._
Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt was with the King for two hours to-day, the Duke of
Cumberland being in the room and the King in bed. The King is very much out
of humour, and abused everything and everybody. He is very angry at ladies
being admitted to the House of Lords, and particularly at their going in
such numbers the day the Duke of Norfolk took his seat. The Duke of
Cumberland has sworn he will not leave England till he has turned out the
present Ministers. He is the only colonel of the Horse Guards who ever does
duty--Lord Cathcart being absent and Lord Harrington incapable. When he
last got the gold stick from Lord Harrington he swore he would never let it
out of his hands. As gold stick he ordered the gates of the Horse Guards to
be closed the day of the Drawing-room, and thus obliged all the Ministers
who dressed in Downing Street to go all round.
He told Clanwilliam to-day with great satisfaction that the King never
could again be on good terms with his Ministers.
No arrangement is yet made with the Master of the Rolls. Everything waits
for the legal promotions. The King will be delighted with Scarlett
[Footnote: Sir James Scarlett, afterwards Lord Abinger.] as Attorney-
General, and the Chancellor tells me Bickersteth is to be Solicitor. I
recollect hearing of him at Cambridge. He is a very clever man and a good
speaker. Tindal is of course to be Master of the Rolls. I am most anxious
to give up the Privy Seal to Rosslyn.
_May 3._
Cabinet at 2. Decided the Government was to take the same line exactly this
year as to East Retford (that is, as to giving the two members to the
Hundred) that it took last year. However, as it is impossible to get any
Bill through the Lords this year, Peel will be very willing to accede to
any proposition for postponing the whole question till next session.
On the question of Irish Education and on that of the grant to Maynooth,
the vote will be as before--it being said that the state of the session and
the circumstances of the present period make it advisable that the question
of any change should be deferred. Indeed, Ministers have not had time to
consider it.
Many of Lord Anglesey's letters to Peel and of Peel's answers were read. We
have a very strong case against him on his letter to Dr. Curtis, which by a
letter from Dr. Curtis to the Duke we know Lord Anglesey directed Dr.
Murray to publish if it could be done with Curtis's consent, and which Dr.
Murray did publish without obtaining such consent.
Curtis's letter is dated January 2.
Lord Anglesey wrote to Curtis for the Duke's letter and his answer, and had
them two days before December 23, the date of his letter to Curtis.
Peel thinks the East Indian Committee should not be refused. It is better
for the East Indian Company that it should be granted than refused. I
entirely coincide with him.
_May 4._
Coal Committee at 12. Met Lord Bathhurst, with whom I had some conversation
as to the Duke's reading letters in answer to Lord Anglesey. He begged me
to go to the Duke, and try to induce him not to do so. I found the Duke
agreeing with me entirely as to the danger of the president, and disposed
to read only what might be absolutely necessary.
Lord Anglesey brought forward his motion for 'the letter of recall.'
The Duke answered him, and so well that even Lord Holland could not say one
word. So the thing ended.
The Duke had been assured by the King, and within the last fortnight the
King had given the same assurance to Aberdeen, that Lord Anglesey had not
_permission_ to read confidential letters.
Lord Anglesey stated that he had the King's permission.
The Duke certainly seemed to contradict him.
Lord Londonderry threw a note over to me suggesting that the contradiction
was so direct there might be an awkward explanation out of doors unless the
thing were softened down.
I mentioned this to Lord Bathurst. He thought not.
However, when he replied, Lord Anglesey treated the contradiction as
absolute, and Lord Bathurst told the Duke he must give some explanation,
which the Duke did, saying he did not mean to accuse Lord Anglesey of
declaring he had the King's permission when he had not, but only that he
had reason to think he had not. In fact, the King, as we always thought,
told the Duke one thing and Lord Anglesey another; and the only result of
the debate is that the King is proved to have told a lie.
Lord Wharncliffe, who overtook me as I was riding home, considered Lord
Anglesey to be blown out of water.
At Lady Brownlow's ball I talked with Lord Farnborough, Longford, and
Beresford. All thought the reading of the letters should have been stopped,
and that the Duke did wrong to read anything. We could not stop the reading
of the letters when the King's permission to read them was stated
distinctly by Lord Anglesey. The misery is that we have a lying master.
_May 5._
I called at the Treasury and saw the Duke. On the subject of what took
place yesterday he said, that having received the King's commands to
declare Lord Anglesey had not his permission to read the letters, he could
not do otherwise than make the observations he did. The gravamen of the
charge against Lord Anglesey as arising out of those letters is that in the
last he declares his intention of using them as public documents; and this
being the ground upon which the King had acquiesced in his being relieved,
for the King to have afterwards permitted the reading of those letters
would have been a withdrawal of confidence from his Ministers.
I met Lord Ravensworth and talked to him upon the subject. He seemed to be
in a sort of alarm as to what took place yesterday. This is superfluous.
The Duke's explanation that he did not mean to say Lord Anglesey had reason
to think he was permitted to read those letters was quite sufficient. The
Duke added that he had understood the contrary.
Lord Ravensworth seemed to think his Royal master came the worst off--which
is true.
He told me the Duke of Cumberland had been abusing every one at Lady
Brownlow's last night, and had declared, as he has before, that he would
not go away till he had us out.
Lord Anglesey is reported to be very ill to-day.
_May 6._
Cabinet dinner at Sir G. Murray's. The Duke saw the King to-day. He was in
good humour, and said the Duke was quite right in declaring Lord Anglesey
had not his permission to read the letters. It seems the King said the same
thing in the Duke of Cumberland's presence on Monday at dinner, and this
made the Duke so very angry that evening.
We had a very good division last night on the Retford question. Almost all
the Brunswickers voted with us--none against us.
In fact the Government is very strong.
There are disturbances at Manchester, which look rather serious.
_May 7._
Nothing in the House.
The meeting respecting the statue to the Duke of Wellington seems to have
finished in detestable taste. Hunt proposing a vote of thanks to Lord
Anglesey and O'Connell, and _Lord Darnley!_ speaking for it. Both these
said the Catholic Bill arose out of Lord Anglesey's Government. Lord
Darnley repeated the same thing to me to-day in the House. I told him the
contrary was the fact. That Lord Anglesey had placed the carrying of the
question in peril--that without his recall it could hardly have been
carried.
There have been serious disturbances at Manchester. The bakers' shops have
been broken open and robbed, and money extorted by fear. This arises out of
real distress; but it seems, as might be expected, that notorious thieves
lead on the mobs.
_May 8._
The disturbances at Manchester have more the character of robbery than of
riot. Baker's shops have been broken open and pillaged, and money has been
extorted.
At Rochdale an attack was made on the military. They behaved with extreme
forbearance; but at last fired, and killed and wounded many.
_May 9._
Dined at the Trinity House. Hardinge, whom I met there, told me Wood had
been asked by Lord Mansfield to go to the Pitt dinner on the 28th. Wood
said he did not know whether the Ministers would go or not. Lord Mansfield
said, 'Why, you must know, it is understood that as soon as Parliament is
up the Government will be changed. At this dinner we shall make such a
display of Protestant force as will enable the King to take us as his
Ministers.'
It is surprising to me that any able man as Lord Mansfield is should be so
deluded by the lies of the Duke of Cumberland. The country is not agitated,
it is not dissatisfied. It would repudiate, as an act of the basest
treachery, such conduct towards a Government which had been permitted to
carry a great measure, and which was displaced solely on grounds of
personal pique.
Manchester and its neighbourhood more quiet.
Had some conversation with Peel about the next member for the direction. He
inclines to Marryatt. Hardinge reported a communication from E. Ellice, who
canvasses for his brother, Russell Ellice. E. Ellice offers some votes in
the House of Commons if we will support his brother.
I believe E. Ellice would be a good man, but the brother is a nonentity. I
said we must strike at the mass and not at individuals. We must gain the
city by assisting a fit man on public grounds. Peel agreed in this
sentiment. I am sure it is the only wise course for any Government to
pursue.
_Monday, May 11._
The King has got the habit of taking large doses of laudanum. He sent for
the Chancellor yesterday, as usual, at two o'clock. When he got to the
palace the King had taken a large dose of laudanum and was asleep. The
Chancellor was told he would not wake for two or three hours, and would
then be in a state of excessive irritation, so that he might just as well
not see him.
_May 12._
The East Retford question was last night deferred till next session, so we
may, I think, finish all our business by about June 10; that is really
allowing full time.
O'Connell published yesterday an argument on his right to sit in the House
of Commons in the shape of a letter to the members. At first Lord Grey
thought it unanswerable (as founded on the provisions of the Relief Bill);
but at night he told me he had looked into the Bill and found it certainly
excluded him. A large portion of the letter is quite absurd, that in which
he assumes a right to have his claim decided in a court of law. Parliament
alone is by common law the court in which the privileges of its own members
can be decided.
_May 12._
House. Lord Lansdowne put a pompously worded question as to our intentions
with respect to the course of proceeding on Indian affairs.
I answered simply that we were as sensible as he was of the extreme
importance of the question. That for my own part my mind was never absent
from it, and that I had not been many days in office before I took measures
for procuring the most extensive information, which would be laid before
the House at the proper time. That the Government was desirous of forming
its own opinion on the fullest information and with the greatest
consideration; and that we wished the House to have the same opportunities.
That I was not then prepared to inform him in what precise form we should
propose that the enquiry should be made.
The Chancellor introduced the Bill for appointing a new Equity Judge, and
separating the Equity Jurisdiction from the Court of Exchequer. The latter
object, by-the-bye, is not to be accomplished immediately, but it is part
of the plan opened. He soothed Lord Eldon by high compliments to his
judicial administration and to the correctness of his judgments. The wonder
of the day is that Lord Eldon should have lived to hear a Chancellor so
expose the errors of the Court of Chancery as they were exposed by Lord
Lyndhurst to-day.
_May 13._
Recorder's report. The King not well. He has a slight stricture, of which
he makes a great deal, and a bad cold. He seemed somnolent; but I have seen
him worse.
Before the Council there was a chapter of the Garter. The Duke of Richmond
was elected. The knights wore their ordinary dress under the robe, which
was short, and had no hats. The procession was formed by Garter. The
Chancellor and Prelate of the Order and the Dean were present. It looked
rather like a splendid funeral. The Duke of Cumberland took a great deal
upon him.
Cabinet dinner at Vesey Fitzgerald's at Somerset House.
Much talk about Indian matters. Both Peel and Fitzgerald seem to be for
Free Trade, and _unreasonable_ towards the Company.
_May 15._
In the House of Commons yesterday the motion for a Committee on East Indian
affairs was negatived without a division, but promised for _early_ next
session, and papers promised immediately.
_May 16._
Chairs at 11. We spoke of the Charter. They rather dislike the notion of
using the King's name, and I fear Mr. Elphinstone and all the Indians will
give their evidence against the change. I may be outvoted, but I shall not
be convinced. [Footnote: This change was effected in 1858.]
_May 17._
Nothing political, except a grand dinner at the Duke of Norfolk's, given to
the Duke of Wellington, which was very fine and very dull.
The Duke told me he had read the Persian papers. The Russians had brought
it on themselves.
_May 19._
In the House of Commons last night O'Connell was heard at the bar. The
debate seems to have been temperate. It was decided on a discussion, 190 to
116, that he must take the Oath of Supremacy.
At the office had some conversation with Mr. Leach as to the plan of
governing India in the King's name--the Directors being made ex officio
Commissioners for the affairs of India. He seems to have some prejudices
against the plan, but he adduced no real objections. I have begged him to
put on paper all the objections which occurred to him.
Wrote a long letter to Lord W. Bentinck on all subjects connected with the
renewal of the Charter, and the general government of India.
Dined at the Freemasons' Hall with the Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge. There were present 200 persons. I thought they would be very
hostile to a Minister. However, when my name was mentioned by the Bishop of
Durham, as a steward, there was much cheering. The Bishop of London, who
was in the chair, begged me to return thanks for the stewards, which I did.
I spoke of course of the wish entertained by the Ministers that a Society
might prosper the interests of which were so much connected with those of
the Established Church--of their determination in their several departments
to further its objects. It was the duty of us all as Christians, but more
peculiarly that of the Ministers, to advance objects intimately connected
with the individual happiness of the people and with the stability of the
State. I said something too of the intrinsic strength of the Protestant
Church--of its rising in proportion to the difficulties which might
surround it, to the dangers--if dangers there were (the Primate had spoken
of them)--of its security in the zeal and ability of its ministers, and in
the purity of its doctrines.
On the whole I did well. I was loudly cheered--indeed, so much interrupted
as to be enabled to think what I should say next.
Indian business in the morning--Coal Committee.
_May 20._
Dined at the London Tavern with the Directors, at what is called a family
dinner, to meet Mr. Elphinstone, the late Governor of Bombay. He has been
thirty-three years absent from England, having left it at fifteen. He is
one of the most distinguished servants the Company has ever had. He seems
to be a quiet, mild, temperate man. I had some conversation with him, and
have fixed that he should come to the Indian Board on Tuesday. I wish to
have his opinion as to the expediency of governing India in the King's
name.
The Duke told Lord Bathurst and me the King had been very angry with him
for going to the Duke of Norfolk's dinner, and now openly expressed his
wish to get rid of his Ministers. The Duke wrote to the King and told him
it really was not a subject he thought it necessary to speak to him about,
that he dined with everybody and asked everybody to dinner, that had he
known beforehand who were to dine with the Duke of Norfolk, which he did
not, he could not have objected to any one of them. That the King himself
had dined with the Duke of Norfolk. That most of the persons invited were
either in his Majesty's service, or had been.
It seems the king desired it might be intimated to the Duke that he was
much displeased at the dinner, and that he and Cumberland damned us all.
I told the Duke and Lord Bathurst what occurred at the dinner yesterday,
with which they were much gratified.
_May 21._
Went to the Cabinet room at 2. Read papers, by which it seems that the
Russian army is very little stronger than at the commencement of the last
campaign, and that its materials are not so good. It has as yet no medical
staff. The resources of the principalities are exhausted; the cattle of the
peasants have been put in requisition; the ordinary cultivation of the land
has been neglected. The river is worse than last year. There are reports of
the successes of the Turks near Varna, and of that place being in danger.
The recruiting of the Turkish army goes on well.
House of Lords. The Chancellor's Bill, which creates a new Chancery judge.
Opposition from Lord Eldon, Lord Redesdale, and Lord Holland, all saying
they wished to see the whole plan before they agree to a part. Lord
Tenterden approved of the making of the new judge, but wished his functions
had been better defined.
The Duke of Cumberland said the Non-contents had it; but he said it too
late, and his people did not wish to divide.
Lord Londonderry would have voted against us. I fear he is half mad. The
House seems to treat him so.
The Chancellor told me the King did many things personally uncivil to the
Duke. He did not ask him to dinner to meet the Duke of Orleans. He wishes
to force the Duke to offer his resignation. This he is much too prudent to
do upon a mere personal pique.
The King, our master, is the weakest man in England. He hates the Duke of
Cumberland. He wishes his death. He is relieved when he is away; but he is
afraid of him, and crouches to him.
In reality the King never was better satisfied than with his present
Ministers. He knows they will not flinch--that he is safe in their hands.
_May 22._
In the House Lord Melville presented the petition of the City of London
praying, if the House persisted in ordering the production of their
accounts of property other than of a public nature, to be heard at the bar
by counsel. He moved that this petition should be considered on Tuesday. It
being expected that on Monday these very accounts would be produced in the
committee, and thus the order of the House rendered unnecessary. In this we
were beaten too. Indeed, our management under Lord Melville as Admiral does
not answer.
We shall certainly lose the London Bridge Approaches Bill.
Dined at Lord Hill's. A party chiefly military.
_May 24._
Cabinet at Peel's at 11 P.M.
The arrangements determined upon. Lord E. Somerset to have Sir W. Clinton's
office, and Trench Mr. Singleton's. Lord Rosslyn the Privy Seal. Lord
Chandos was proposed, I should rather say suggested, but rejected
immediately, as not of sufficient calibre for the Cabinet. Besides, his
elevation for the purpose of holding the Privy Seal would offend the
peerage, and be an insult to his father. It would not gain us the
Brunswickers, and we should have the Whigs hostile. It would be saying to
them, 'You shall never come in.'
Rosslyn's appointment will be most useful. He will be of value in the
Cabinet and invaluable in the House. His accession will break the Whigs, he
is so popular with everybody.
This is to be proposed to the King to-morrow. It is thought he will take no
step without asking the Duke of Cumberland. He may refuse altogether. Then
we go out. The legal arrangements cannot proceed, because Best [Footnote:
Afterwards Lord Wynford.] communicated with the Duke of Cumberland and
refused a peerage as the _condition_ of resignation. Alexander would go if
he could have his peerage and a pension. Leach will not go unless he is to
have a peerage and a pension of 7,000£ a year, a thing impossible.
_May 25._
Cabinet at 3. Waited a long time for the Duke. He came smiling and
victorious. The King said he would manage Best. To Rosslyn he made some
objection, and suggested Lord Dudley or Melbourne. This was referred to and
rejected by such of the Cabinet as could be on a sudden collected at the
Foreign Office. I was not there. I should certainly have rejected both,
although very willing to have Dudley. The other would never have done. With
Lord E. Somerset and Trench the King was well pleased. As the Duke left the
room the King said, 'Come, you must acknowledge I have behaved well to
you.' This he said frankly and good-humouredly. The Duke said, 'I assure
your Majesty I am very sensible of it, and I feel very grateful to you.'
Having thus established ourselves as a Government we were going to break
our necks by attempting to pass the Chancellor's Bill, which the House of
Commons does not like. However, after a talk, it was resolved to give it
up.
It seems the Tories have deserted us again. We are much in want of winter
quarters.
In the House we had the City of London petition. I took a more active part
than usual in the conversation.
Lord Rosslyn, having just lost his son, is gone to Tunbridge Wells, and the
offer of the Privy Seal will be postponed till after to-morrow, when the
King is to see Best at two, and it is hoped the Duke may be able to tell
Rosslyn that Scarlett is to be Attorney-General.
_May 26._
The King sent Knighton for Chief Justice Best, and desired him not to tell
the Duke of Cumberland; Best was sent for. So Best went, and accepted the
terms offered. Thus we shall get Scarlett, and the King and the Duke be
separated a little.
Yesterday the Duke of Wellington did his business with the King while the
Duke of Cumberland was hearing a clause in the House of Lords. The
Chancellor, knowing how the Duke of Wellington was occupied, kept the Duke
of Cumberland as long as he could.
_May 27._
Committee on London Bridge. Lord Londonderry, who came from the review in
his uniform just covered by a frock coat, spoke against time on a
collateral point for an hour and a half, and disgusted the Committee.
_May 28._
London Bridge Committee. Lord Londonderry a little better than before, but
not much. He is running down his character altogether. He has now formed an
alliance with the Duke of Cumberland, and through him made his peace with
the King. The Duke of Cumberland wishes to be reconciled to the Duke of
Wellington. In the House of Commons there is a small Ultra-Tory party, not
fifty. In our House I doubt whether there are twenty.
_May 30._
Chairs. Lord W. Bentinck seems to be so ill as to make it doubtful whether
he can remain in India should he recover. The letter is dated January 27.
He was then in danger. The vessel did not leave Calcutta till the 30th. The
news then was that he was better, and had sat up for six hours. It was a
_coup de soleil_.
London Bridge Committee.
The Duke showed me a letter from Lord Rosslyn, accepting most cordially the
Privy Seal.
I suppose we shall have a Council on Monday, or on some early day next
week, for me to give it up.
_June 1._
To the Cabinet room.
There is a report that Varna [Footnote: Varna was in the hands of the
Russians, having been taken in the previous campaign.] is _cernée_ by
40,000 men, Bazardjik taken, the Russians running from Karasan, and from
6,000 to 8,000 Russians, who had been thrown over the Danube at Hirsova,
driven into it at Czernavoda by the garrison of Silistria. [Footnote: These
reports seem to have been unfounded. Soon after this date the decisive
battle of Kouleftcha opened to the Russians the road to Adrianople.]
Clanwilliam wrote me he thought the Duke attached some credit to this last
rumour.
News from Calcutta of February 1 states that Lord William Bentinck was then
out of danger. Lady William, who was going to set off to join him, had
determined to expect him at Calcutta.
Lord Rosslyn's appointment is in the newspapers to-day. The 'Times' highly
delighted.
_June 2._
London Bridge Approaches Committee. Lord Londonderry very anxious to have
an adjournment over the Derby; however, he must attend to 'the last
concern.'
House. Anatomy Bill put off till Friday. The Bishops, Lord Malmesbury, and
many others very hostile to it.
It seems certain that the Russians have recrossed the Danube. I am inclined
to think they have been beaten.
_June 3._
The Bishop of Oxford is dead; a great Grecian is to succeed him.
The King is in excellent humour. The Duke of Cumberland rather going down.
We had some talk about the Anatomy Bill. The Duke is afraid of passing it.
Indeed, it is not a Government measure. Probably it will be withdrawn for
the year. The Bishops are very hostile to it.
_June 4._
London Bridge Committee from eleven till four. We made great progress in
our evidence, and, indeed, nearly proved our case. From four to five we had
a very painful discussion in consequence of some words which passed between
Lord Durham and Lord Beresford. We succeeded at last in settling the
difference.
Lord Beresford, having no good word at his disposal, said he did not second
the _evil deeds_ or _improprieties_ of noble lords. He really meant
_irregularities_, and irregularities only as a member of the Committee.
Lord Grey was present and much distressed. The Duke of Wellington's
authority induced both to become amenable to the wish of the Committee.
_June 5._
Anatomy Bill. Some talk; but a general agreement suggested by the
Archbishop of Canterbury, that the Bill should be read a second time, and
not proceeded with this session. The Duke of Wellington expressed his
general approbation of the principle, but thought postponement desirable.
He pledged himself to _cooperate_ in bringing in a Bill on the same
principle, and having the same objects, next year; but did not pledge
himself to bring it in himself.
_June 7._
Cabinet at half-past three. First question: whether we should extend the
time for putting an end altogether to the Brazilian slave trade from March
13 to September 13, 1830, for the equivalent of obtaining for ever the
right to seize ships fitted up for the slave trade, whether they had slaves
on board or not. The Brazilians have been encouraged by their Government to
interpret the treaty as permitting the return of any vessels quitting the
Brazils on slave expeditions before March 13.
Dr. Lushington, who was consulted by Aberdeen, seemed to think it was worth
while to obtain the concession, but still seemed to think that by extending
the time, we should permit the transportation of a very large number of
slaves, of whom many might be destroyed by ill-treatment, and that it was
hardly justifiable with a view to a distant advantage, to sacrifice
immediately and certainly a great number of persons.
This prevailed--the real fact being that Peel does not like awkward
questions in the House of Commons.
So the treaty remains as it is, and both parties will interpret it as they
please. There will be many disputes, for the interpretation is very
different.
_June 8._
Received a private letter from Colonel Macdonald at Tabriz, with copies of
letters received by him from a gentleman he had sent to Teheran on hearing
of the massacre of the Russian mission; and from another gentleman,
travelling unofficially, who first heard the report between Tabriz and
Kamsin.
These accounts only confirm what we had already heard of the arrogance and
violence of the Russians. They deserved their fate.
Colonel Macdonald says that General Paskewitz cannot dispose of more than
25,000, or, at most, 30,000 men, although he has a nominal force of 110,000
men under his command.
Colonel Macdonald says there has been no serious resistance on the part of
the Turks, except at Akhalsik.
He has done what he can to dissuade them from war with the Russians; but I
think the universal feeling of the people will propel them.
The insurrection at Teheran appears to have been instigated by the Mollahs
and the women, but it was evidently national, or it must have failed.
_June 10._
Council. Lord Winford kissed hands. He walked in with great difficulty on
two crutches, which he placed behind him and so leant back upon. The King
had a chair brought for him, and had him wheeled out. The man who pushed
his chair very nearly shipwrecked him at the door.
The Attorney-General (Scarlett), [Footnote: Afterwards Lord Abinger.] the
Chief Justice of the Common Pleas (Tindal), and the Solicitor-General
(Sugden), [Footnote: Afterwards Lord St. Leonards. Lord Chancellor 1862. ]
all kissed hands. The Chief Justice of the Common Pleas was sworn in as
Privy Councillor. Lord Rosslyn was sworn in as Privy Councillor and Privy
Seal. The King did not address a word to me, who gave up the seal, or to
Rosslyn, who received it.
House. Nothing of moment.
Dinner at Lord Bathurst's. Lord Rosslyn dined here.
Aberdeen read a paper lately received from the Russians, in which they
concede all we ask about blockades, &c., except as to the Gulf of Enos. The
Duke says he shall bring Lièven to the point about this, and generally
about their views. He feels the Government is stronger now than it was--
that the country is stronger, and we may insist more. He says the question
is, 'Shall we permit the ruin of the Turkish Empire?' I have long felt that
to be the case, and to that I answer 'No.'
We had some conversation as to the charter. The Duke seems rather inclined
to continue the _name_ of the Company. I am for the _name_ of the King.
_June 11._
The world has had imposed upon it a story of the Chancellor's _selling_ his
Church preferment. The 'Age' is to bring forward its charges on Sunday
next. This is an arrow from the Cumberland quiver.
I mentioned Lord Clare's wish to look forward to the Government of Bombay
or Madras to the Duke last night, and he did not by any means receive the
proposition unfavourably. I told Clare so to-day.
_June 13._
Gaisford has refused the Bishopric of Oxford--wisely, for he was only a
Grecian and had good preferment. He is a rough man too. I am glad he has
refused it. I do not think mere Grecians good bishops.
Lord Clare told me Glengall was to be the new Irish peer.
_June 15._
Committee as usual. Lord Londonderry more insane than ever. The Duke said
he had never seen anything more painful.
We made hardly any progress. The victory will belong to the _survivors_,
and I do not think Lord Durham will be one of them.
House. Lord Londonderry made a foolish speech, and the Duke an excellent
one, very severe upon him, and defending the City. If we do not get the
City by this Committee the City is impregnable.
Hardinge told me Lord Grey seemed out of humour. I do not think he is in
good humour.
_June 16._
At last some hope of a compromise respecting London Bridge.
_June 17._
The eternal Committee is, I trust, at an end. The agents have come to a
compromise, and if the Common Council should confirm the terms, as I
conclude they will, the thing will be at an end. We shall then have
Parliament up by Monday or Tuesday next.
Cabinet dinner at Lord Melville's. The Duke was astonished at Lord W.
Bentinck's strong and sudden step of transferring the Supreme Government
_pro tempore_ to Meerut. He said he always expected some wild measure from
Lord W. Meerut was in too exposed a situation.
Twenty thousand Afghan horse might ride in upon the seat of government if
placed in the north-west provinces. It is astonishing how much the Duke is
prejudiced by his old Indian feelings. Whatever _is_ he thinks best. Meerut
is ill and absurdly chosen, but Calcutta is certainly the worst chosen seat
of government.
We are to have a Cabinet on Saturday for the King's speech. On Monday or
Tuesday Parliament will be up. On Wednesday we dine at the India House, and
on the Monday following, the 29th, will be the fish dinner.
_June 18._
Called to compliment the Duke on the anniversary of Waterloo. Left with him
Lord W. Bentinck's minute and despatch on transferring the Supreme
Government Departments and all _pro tempore_ to Meerut, and a proposed
letter, censuring the Governor for having done this without previous
sanction, and directing the members of Council and the Departments to
return.
The Duke objects to any removal of the seat of government to the upper
provinces. It would there be exposed to the sudden inroads of cavalry. In
India a cloud of cavalry rises like a squall in the Mediterranean. At
Calcutta the Government, protected by the rivers, is safe, and always
accessible from England.
_June 19._
Rode to town. Met Rosslyn. He told me Lord Clanrickarde [Footnote: Lord
Clanrickarde was son-in-law of Mr. Canning.] intended to make some
observations on foreign policy this evening.
Had some conversation with the Duke. He doubted whether the Supreme
Government _could_ leave Calcutta and preserve its powers. I told him of
the newspaper report of to-day that leases for sixty years were to be given
to indigo planters, and this without any authority from home. He seems to
have suspected from the first that Lord W. would do some monstrous thing,
and certainly he does seem to be emancipating himself.
House. Lord Clanrickarde made his little speech. Aberdeen his. Then Lord
Holland, and then the Duke. Afterwards Goderich. Lord Holland talked as
usual very vaguely. No notice had been given, and few people knew there was
anything to be done. So ends the House for this year.
_June 20, 1829._
Cabinet. King's speech. Some time occupied in wording it, but no material
alterations. Aberdeen's the worst part. The King is made to _auspicate_ and
to pray, but not to trust that the Franchise Bill and the Relief Bill will
be productive of good.
The Chancellor has prosecuted the 'Morning Journal' for a libel accusing
him of having taken money for Sugden's appointment as Solicitor-General. I
heard him tell Lord Bathurst, with reference to another calumny against
him, that he had fortunately preserved through his secretary the grounds on
which he had given every living he had disposed of.
_June 21._
Had a visit from Loch. He wishes the despatch to Lord William to be worded
more gently, as he thinks Lord William _meant_ well. This shall be done.
_June 22._
Wrote draft paragraphs to the effect above stated to Lord W. Bentinck, and
added a paragraph giving the Duke's reasoning against the removal of the
Government from Calcutta to the north-west provinces.
I had some conversation in the House with Lord Lauderdale on China trade,
&c. He seems friendly to the Company and to the Government.
Went to the House at 4. Found a good many peers there. By mere mistake a
Bill, slightly and necessarily amended by the Lords, was not sent down to
the Commons, although directions to that effect were given, and it by
accident was placed amongst the Bills ready for the Royal assent. So it
received the Royal assent. It became necessary to pass a Bill to make this
Bill valid in law. Lord Shaftesbury thought our House ought to inform the
Commons we had discovered the error; but the Speaker, [Footnote: C. Manners
Sutton, afterwards Lord Canterbury.] to make a flourish, insisted on
announcing it first to the House of Commons. All the steps to be taken were
settled between the Speaker, Lord Shaftesbury, and Courtenay. When I went
down I found it had not been settled that anything should be done first by
us. I suggested that Lord Shaftesbury should acquaint the House with the
circumstance, and that we should appoint a Committee to inquire before the
message from the Commons came up. This was done.
We ordered a message to be sent, but before our messengers left the House
we heard the Commons would not receive a message, so I moved that the order
we had just made should be rescinded, and we had a second conference. The
Commons were well satisfied with our reply. The last sentence had been,
'The Lords hope the Commons will be satisfied with this explanation.' As we
in the first paragraph expressed our desire to preserve a good
understanding between the two Houses, and in the second one regret that
this mistake had taken place, I thought it was going too far to express _a
hope_ only that our explanation would be satisfactory.
We inserted 'the Lords _doubt not_,' instead of 'the Lords _hope_.'
At night received a letter from the Duke of Wellington, saying he thought
we might get Courtenay to resign at once and get in Lord Chandos. I am to
see him at ten to-morrow on the subject.
_June 23, 1829._
Wrote early to the Chairs and begged them to come to me immediately. Sent
Loch the Duke's note and told him why Lord Chandos's being brought in was
of so much importance. Saw the Duke at 10. The King was very much out of
humour yesterday. He wanted to make Nash a baronet. The Duke refused. The
King then went upon his Speech, which he did not like and had altered. He
left out the specific mention of the Relief and Franchise Bill, and there
he was right, and he converted the prayer that the measure might
tranquillise Ireland, &c., into a _hope_ that it would--thus making it a
little stronger, but that he did not know.
The Duke of Cumberland, on hearing of Castlereagh's appointment, said,
'Whoever ratted he would not,' alluding to Lord Londonderry, who has been
nibbling at the Cumberland faction. However, Lord Londonderry is much
annoyed at Castlereagh's taking office. He neither likes the expense of an
election for Downshire, nor losing a vote he thought he could dispose of.
Hardinge will not sit again for Durham. Without Hardinge Lord Londonderry
will have trouble enough there.
The King was much out of humour during the Chapter of the Garter, and said
everything was done wrong.
Saw the Chairs. They had just got a letter from Sir John Malcolm, resigning
from December 1, 1830. This would have been in any case a long time for
Courtenay to wait out of office; but they said the idea of his being
proposed had got wind, and several of the Directors were very adverse.
Neither of the Chairs likes him, and if they supported him they would do it
very reluctantly. As Loch goes out of office in April, and we cannot tell
who will be deputy, and six new Directors come in, there really are not the
means of saying to Courtenay, 'You are sure of your election,' and without
this he could not be asked to resign.
I took the Chairs to the Duke. He received them very cordially, told them I
had stated the circumstances to him, and he gave up the point.
We then talked of the legality of the removal of the Supreme Government
from Calcutta. On looking into the acts it seems very doubtful whether any
act done by the Governor-General in Council away from Calcutta would be
valid unless it were one of the acts the Governor-General might do of his
own authority. For instance, 'a regulation' issued by the Governor-General
in Council at Meerut would not be valid, because the Governor-General alone
could not issue one.
The Duke said Lord William did everything with the best intentions; but he
was a _wrong-headed man_, and if he went wrong he would continue in the
wrong line. Other men might go wrong and find it out, and go back; but if
he went wrong he would either not find it out, or, if he did, he would not
go back.
_June 24._
Sat as Commissioner to prorogue Parliament. The King's alteration in the
Speech certainly made it better and stronger. He now expresses his _sincere
hope_ the measures of the session will produce tranquillity, &c. People
thought the Speech rather short and jejune.
Dined at the 'Albion' with the Directors. The dinner was given to Lord
Dalhousie. There were there the Duke, the Chancellor, Peel, Sir J. Murray,
Lord Rosslyn and Goulburn, the Speaker, the Attorney General, Courtenay,
Ashley, and Bankes; Duke of Buccleuch, Lord Camden, Lord Montagu, Lord
Hill, Sir Herbert Taylor, Sir Byam Martin, Sir A. Dickson, Colonel Houston,
Lord Dalhousie, and Sir Sidney Beckwith, and their aides-de-camp; a great
many Directors, and in all rather more than 100 people.
The Duke, in returning thanks, spoke of the cordiality and good
understanding existing between the Directors and the Government, _which was
never more necessary to the Company than now_.
I said the good understanding would always exist while such men as Loch
were in the chair, and while I was at the Board of Control. I paid a high
compliment to Loch, and then congratulated them on the appointments of the
two Generals. Their mildness of manner, their benevolence of character, and
the goodness of their natures would obtain for them the affectionate
devotion of a grateful soldiery, and, educated in a school of continued
victories, they were the fittest leaders of an army which had never met an
enemy it had not subdued. I ended by saying I was sure they would devote
themselves to the maintenance under all circumstances, not only of the
efficiency, but of an object which they would pursue with equal interest--
_of the happiness and well-being of the native army of India_. I spoke
rather well, was attentively heard, and well received. I sat by the Duke of
Buccleuch. We had a good deal of conversation. He seems a fine young man.
Lord Rosslyn complained he could never see a draft till it was a month old,
and that there had been no new despatches placed in the boxes since he came
into office. I told him no one complained more of the same thing than
Aberdeen did when Dudley was in office, and I believe all Foreign
Secretaries had a shyness about showing their drafts till they were sent
off and unalterable.
_June 25._
At the office found a letter with enclosures from Colonel Macdonald, dated
Tabriz April 20. What he has been doing in Persia I do not know.
I have written to him to call upon me on Saturday.
Called on the Duke to tell him the substance--which is, that the Turks have
already 30,000 men and sixty pieces of cannon at Erzeroum. That a
dispossessed Pacha is in arms at Akiska. That the Russians have reinforced
the garrisons of Natshiran and Abbasabad, and have withdrawn all their
troops to the left bank of the Araxes, with the exception of those who
garrison Bayazid. The plague seems rife at Erivan. The Russians about Count
Paskewitz abuse the English very much.
_June 27._
The Chairs told me Lord W. Bentinck had extended to all persons the benefit
of the regulation as to coffee planters, _omitting, however_, all the
restrictive clauses. They think very seriously of this, and very justly.
The Calcutta newspapers consider the principle of colonisation to be
conceded.
We must abrogate this 'Regulation' without loss of time. I went to the Duke
to tell him of it. He said Lord W. Bentinck was not to be trusted, and we
should be obliged to recall him. He is gone down in a steamboat to Penang.
No news of much importance at the Cabinet room, except that Lord
Heytesbury's despatches confirm the account of the sickness of the Russian
army.
The Turks seem to have given the Russians a great smash at Eski Arnaut.
_June 30._
A battle near Schumla between the Russians and Turks. The Turks were
besieging Pravadi. Diebitsch marched from Silistria and moved upon their
communications with Schumla. The Turks seem to have been surprised. They
fought gallantly, however, and seem to have caused the Russians great loss.
Saw Arbuthnot. He came to the India Board to speak about his friend,
Russell Ellice, whom he wishes to make a Director. We afterwards talked of
the House and the Government. I think all will turn out well. We have six
months before us, but certainly at present we are weak in the House of
Commons, though I believe gathering strength in the country, and already
very strong there. If we play the great game, striking at the mass, we must
succeed. It would never do to go picking up individuals. We must do our
best for the country, and we shall have it with us. The worst of it is, the
King is the most faithless of men, and Cumberland is at work.
The Duke asked Hardinge the other day what he thought of the Government. He
said he thought that by losing Canningites and Brunswickers it was fifty
weaker than Lord Liverpool's, and these fifty go the other way, making a
difference of one hundred on a division. Lord Camden thought if the
Brunswickers would not come in we must get a few Whigs--Abercromby, Sir
James Graham, the Althorpe people. Stanley would come for anything good,
and Brougham too.
Arbuthnot asked me if I thought Lord Rosslyn would be cordial with us. I
said Yes. His letter of acceptance was most cordial, and with the Lords he
was on excellent terms. The only danger would be if Peel and the Commoners
were shy.
Lord Grey, I said, I did not think in very good humour, but he would differ
on foreign politics rather than on questions of a domestic nature. The Duke
will not be coquetting with him, because he says very honestly he should be
exciting expectations in Lord Grey which, while the King lives, he does not
think he can gratify.
Saw Mr. Elphinstone by appointment. I wished to have his opinion with
regard to the new settlement of Indian Government, which may take place on
the expiration of the present Charter. He seemed to think that the
Administration of the Government in the King's name would be agreeable to
the Civil and Military Services, and to people in England. He doubted
whether, as regarded the princes of India, it would signify much, as they
now pretty well understood us. He doubted whether the orders of Government
here would be better obeyed. He thought there might be an advantage in
keeping the King's authority in reserve, to be used only on grand
occasions. He confessed, however, that 'having been educated, and having
lived under the existing system, he was not best qualified to propose to
another. He had his prejudices.' He thought the best mode of arriving at
the truth would be by taking the opinions of practical Indians as to
reforms and alterations suggested by theoretical men.
I asked him to consider the expediency of dividing the territory as now
into three unequal Presidencies, of giving to the Governor-General the
labour of superintending the Administration in detail of the Bengal
Presidency--of having Members of Council. I told him there were many minor
points of detail discoverable only by those employed at home, which
required and must receive amendment. Such, for instance, is the
interpretation given to the Act of Parliament, by which a _regulation_ must
be sanctioned or rejected _in extenso,_ there being no power to alter a
word, or to reject part and take the rest.
Mr. Elphinstone seems to dread a long peace in India. We hold everything
together by the Native Army, and we cannot retain that unless we retain the
affections of the European officers. In the present state of our finances
this is difficult.
_July 1._
At half-past five received a letter from the Chairman, and the draft
relative to the removal of the Governor from Calcutta. The Court wished to
have it back to-day. That was impossible; but they have omitted words I
inserted in the _précis,_ and must restore, declaring that had the removal
been legal, still the Members of Council would have been ordered back. I
have now been obliged to give reasons for this addition, and the reasons
will be so much worse, as matters of record, that I have suggested to the
Chairman he had better substitute a draft containing the words.
I think we must detain the _Pallas_ that it may take out both letters--this
and the one relating to the leases which is not yet prepared, or we must
have an overland dispatch.
Delay is one of the inconveniences attending the present system of Indian
Government. I told the Chairman in my private note that if we allowed Lord
W. Bentinck to emancipate himself in this manner we should really be
abandoning all real control over the Government of India. I see clearly
there is a Bentinck party in the Court.
_July 2._
Saw Hardinge. We had some conversation upon the subject of the Government.
He seems more alarmed than I am. I trust to the King's fears and the Duke's
fortune; besides, we have the country.
Hardinge told me the King was very much out of humour. The admission of
Lord Rosslyn had not answered. None followed. Lord Durham, Calthorpe, and
others left Lord Lansdowne to coalesce with Lord Grey. Hardinge wished me
to try Herries again, with the view of opening the Mint by making him
Chancellor of the Exchequer in India; but I told him Herries said his
domestic circumstances made it impossible, and the Duke did not seem to
like it at all.
Herries thinks Lord Durham would be glad to be Minister at Naples; for my
part I am sure nothing will win Lord Grey but a place for Lord Grey
himself, and _that_, in the present state of the King's mind, the Duke is
not in a condition to offer.
_July 4._
Cabinet at half-past three.
The Duke read a list of the several points to be considered before the next
Session. I cannot recollect half of them. East India Charter; Bank Charter;
Usury Laws; East Retford; Duties on Sugar; Duties on Tobacco; Canada; West
Indies; Education in Ireland; Irish and English Churches; Poor in Ireland;
Public Works; Commission on Ecclesiastical Courts; Reform of English
Courts; Reform of Welsh Judicature; Reform of Courts of Equity; Scotch Law
of Entail; Salaries of Scotch Judges--_increase_; Salaries of English
Judges--_reduction_; Grand Juries, Ireland; Militia Laws; Stamp Duties,
&c., &c.
The only talk we had was about Irish Poor, and Public Works in Ireland. The
feeling seemed against anything like Poor Laws, and against Public Works
too. This is mine. The first productive of mischief, the second useless.
Undoubtedly it is a great hardship that the English parish should have the
burden of Irish poor, but on the other hand in many cases the payers of
poor's rates in these parishes have derived advantage from Irish labour.
Fitzgerald, Peel, and Goulburn are to look into this subject, and all
connected with Ireland.
Fitzgerald, Peel, Lord Rosslyn, and, I think, either Herries or Goulburn
seemed to think the opposition to the continuance of the China monopoly
would be much greater than we expected. Fitzgerald seemed desirous the
question of commerce should be reserved, and that of Government decided. I
told him the two were inseparably connected.
_July 6._
Wrote to Lord W. Bentinck telling him I much regretted the having been
obliged to send the two letters, relative to the removal of the Government,
and the leases--told him the Duke coincided in opinion with the Court.
I then expressed my surprise that the Local Government did not obey better.
Said they seemed to forget the orders of the Directors were the King's
orders transmitted through the channel of the Court and the Board. I added
I should endeavour to introduce into every branch of Indian Government the
subordination and the improvements now established in the King's
service--depended on his co-operation, &c. I sent the letter to the Duke
to ask him if I should send it.
_July 7._
At quarter to six a messenger arrived from the Duke, to whom I sent
yesterday my letter to Lord W. asking if I should send it? The Duke desires
to see the despatches to which it refers. I have accordingly begged Jones
to send them to him. I shall however be in town early myself to-morrow.
I told the Duke in my note I should stay in town till late to-morrow to
sign the letter as to the six regiments if they passed it. I am glad to
have an excuse for not going to Windsor to the Recorder's Report.
_July 8._
Office at 2. Wilson absent, so I could not transact any military business.
Carried the letters relative to the leases and the six regiments to the
Duke. He said mine about the regiments was _very good indeed_.
The Emperor of Russia seems to have laid himself out most ably at Berlin to
captivate the King, and the army, and the people.
Seymour's despatches are useful. He mentions _small_ things, which show the
character of men.
The Emperor does not disguise his desire of peace. He wants no _garanties
matérielles_ at the Bosphorus for safe passage. He asks the principle of a
pecuniary indemnity, but does not seem disposed to contest the details.
Bernstorff observed truly, we could not get out of the Greek Treaty without
the help of Russia, and Russia wanted us to get out of the way.
The Sultan begins to affect European manners. Calls upon ladies and talks
about education! Dines with a merchant! After all, considering his
education and his _entourage_, Sultan Mahmoud is the most remarkable man in
Europe.
_July 9._
Office at 2. Met Herries. Told him I should send him a statement of our
Indian loans, and place Leach at his disposal. We could then talk them
over, and see whether we could effect any financial operation. My idea is
that by offering some little higher interest in. India we might induce the
holders of the remittable loan to give up that privilege of receiving the
interest in England if resident here.
Saw Major Cunningham. He looks more than forty, well, certainly, but I
should doubt his doing much hard work. He does not think himself a good
person to command Irregulars. His Rohillas were almost in as good order as
Regulars.
He told me Lieutenant-Colonel Skinner was a man of large landed property.
He had raised his corps very much from his own estate and neighbourhood,
and was a sort of feudal chieftain. He has been educated like a native,
though the son of a Colonel in the Company's service.
Saw Sir Murray Maxwell. [Footnote: He had commanded the 'Alceste,' which
took out Lord Amherst as Ambassador to China twelve years before.] It
seemed to me Sir Murray wanted to be sent with a frigate to try to open a
commercial communication with Pekin. He thinks even Japan might be induced
to trade. The instant the Chinese found the ship was gone and Lord Amherst
meant to return by land they would have nothing to say to him. They
probably took him for a spy.
Sir Murray thinks the Chinese might be led to give a port to the northward.
He describes the Spanish population of Manilla as being very small--the
native population large. It is but four days' sail, with a good breeze,
from Manilla to Canton. Always a favourable wind. The harbour magnificent.
I think the whole object of his visit was to get a ship, and a sort of half
embassy.
_July 10._
Received a letter from Lord Clare, who saw the Duke yesterday. He says the
Duke was very kind and told him he should get all the information he could
before the Committee of next year. I shall most willingly assist him.
_July 11._
Cabinet. Talked of Ireland. The disposition to outrage seems increasing.
The Duke said we were responsible for the success of the measure of this
year, and we must put down the armed meetings. Warburton must be ordered to
do so. The Duke said emphatically if we do not preserve the peace of
Ireland we shall not be a Government. Peel is to write immediately. He
thinks the first appearance of a determination to put down these meetings
will have the effect of crushing them. We spoke of Poor Laws, Education,
and Grand Juries. Lord F. Leveson _despairs_ as to the two first. Upon both
the Government will form its opinion. I am glad to see that the more the
question of Poor Laws is considered the more the introduction of them
appears unadvisable, _or of any approach to them_. I have ever held this
opinion.
In Cabinet we again, having done so many weeks ago, considered whether any
extension of time should be given to the Brazilians for the termination of
their traffic in slaves.
Aberdeen seemed very indulgently inclined towards the slave dealers--not so
Peel and Fitzgerald. They seemed first of all to think it would be an
awkward Parliamentary case, and Peel protested against our becoming
responsible, as we should, for the horrible consequences which might attend
the continuance of the trade for six months. The Chancellor thought a
vessel leaving the coast of Africa, that is, engaging in the slave trade,
at such a period as would afford a reasonable probability of her arriving
on March 13, should be safe. I think February 13 was, after much desultory
discussion, fixed as the day after which no vessel should leave the coast
of Africa.
The Brazilians had offered as an equivalent for six months an agreement
that in future vessels fitted for the slave trade, even if they had no
slaves on board, should be seizable. It seemed to be the opinion, a little
exaggerated, I think, that no prospect of future prevention of slave-
trading could justify us in permitting for an instant the immediate benefit
we had within our grasp.
_July 12._
The great day in Ireland; but I hope its happening on Sunday may break its
effect. The orders for vigorous interposition, determined upon on Saturday,
will have been of no use in preventing collision to-day, or even to-morrow,
should the anniversary be postponed.
The Duke of Cumberland goes to Hanover, but he returns in October, and old
Eldon meets him then in London. They had a regular Cabinet to decide
whether he should go or not.
Read the court-martial of Lieutenant Lewis, of the Bombay Artillery, who
struck an officer in the presence of his wife. The Chairs wish to restore
him. It is impossible. There is an end of all moral and gentlemanlike
feeling if it be not understood that a man's person is sacred in the
presence of his wife. We presume a wife to have feeling, and a man to
respect it. _The blow_ alone would have been a good cause of dismissal.
Had a letter from the Bishop of Calcutta, who, on offering to execute
episcopal functions at the Cape, was told by Hay, of the Colonial Office,
that the cape was not in his Patent, and he could no do so. This is a
mistake. He can exercise episcopal functions, but not episcopal
jurisdictions.
Had a letter from Mr. Joliffe, of Merstham, [Footnote: The seat of the
Joliffe family, near Reigate, in Surrey.] proposing steam-boat navigation
to India. An application from Salisbury for a letter of recommendation to
Lord W. Bentinck, in favour of Mr. Chester. Told him this was not a good
time to ask a favour of Lord William, and it would be better to send the
recommendation with the man, who does not sail till October.
_July 15, 1829._
Office. Found a letter from Loch, suggesting the irregularity of my sending
for his officers, and communicating with them on the subject of despatches
to be sent to the Indian Government, and expressing a hope that nothing
would occur to interrupt the harmony which existed between us.
I said in reply that I have expressed a wish to see Colonel Salmond, and
afterwards to see Colonel Farant, merely from my desire to expedite
business, and to do it well. That it was mentioned in conversation with
Colonel Salmond and Mr. Wilson on Monday, that there was no irregularity in
that course, and that I immediately determined to desist from it. That I
believed I had so expressed myself at the time to Colonel Salmond.
I added that I could assure him I would not willingly, by endeavouring to
extend the limits assigned by Parliament to the power of the Board, or by
my manner of exercising that power, interrupt the harmony which so happily
existed between the court and me.
Went to the Foreign Office. I fear the defeat of the Turks near Shumla was
decisive; but still we have only Russian accounts, and they do _so lie_! It
seems certain the Russians took the opportunity of opening a negotiation.
The carelessness of the Turks in not keeping a good look-out towards
Silistria seems unaccountable, and they dawdled sadly before Pravady. The
new Vizier is very inferior to old Hussein Pacha, whose caution would have
avoided this catastrophe.
Dined with the East India volunteers. The officers of the regiment are all
clerks in the Company's service. The non-commissioned officers and privates
serve in their warehouses.
There are now 600 men. During the war they had three regiments, each 800
strong--all their own servants.
When my health was drunk I spoke of the Duke of Wellington's natural
fondness for India, of the high terms in which he always mentioned the
gallantry of the Indian army, and the purity of the Civil Service. I said
the Ministers were animated by his example, &c.
The Speaker told me he thought Mr. Stanley [Footnote: A curious instance of
the failure of political prophecies, even by men of judgment and
experience. Seventeen years later he was leader of a party, and twenty-
three years afterwards Prime Minister.] would never rise higher than he was
now. It had been a curious Session--all men endeavouring to avoid
committing themselves.
_July 16._
Loch showed me two letters of Sir J. Malcolm, in which he deprecates the
sending of more writers, and says _numbers_ may be diminished, but not
_salaries_, especially in the higher ranks; and if writers are sent they
must be provided for. I believe he is right. I had already suggested the
non-appointment of writers this year, and the Chairs seemed to acquiesce--
indeed, to have thought of it themselves.
Recorder's Report. Before the report Madame de Cayla, the Duchess D'Escars,
&c., were presented to the King. I had some conversation with Rosslyn and
Herries as to the Indian Question. Herries seemed to be afraid of the House
of Commons. Rosslyn a little, too, of public opinion as to the opening of
the China trade. They both seemed rather hostile to the continuance of the
present system. I said I considered it to be a settled point that the
patronage of India should be separated from the Government. The necessity
of making that separation led to one great difficulty. The necessity of
remitting home in goods 3,200,000£ led to another difficulty, and to making
the Government of India, wherever it might be placed, _mercantile_. The
East India Company would not, and could not, without the monopoly carry on
the concern.
Neither Herries nor Rosslyn seemed to admit the necessary separation of the
patronage of India from the Government.
I said that, if it might not be separated, it would be easy to make a
better and a cheaper government. I can see that Peel, Fitzgerald, Herries,
Rosslyn--perhaps Sir G. Murray--will be against the Company.
The Duke said it was clear to him that the remittances must be made in
goods, and could not be made by bills. He is for the monopoly.
In a few days the papers will be printed. A copy will then be furnished to
each member of the Government, and I shall receive their observations.
The Recorder's Report was a very heavy one. All the cases bad, and seven
ordered for execution.
The King seemed very well.
Stratford Canning and Lord Strangford were at the Court, to be presented on
their return.
Before the report we read the last Irish papers. The Duke of Northumberland
and Lord F. Leveson seem to think rather favourably of the condition of
Ireland. The belief of Peel and Goulburn, and, I believe, of the Duke, is
that _one_ example would settle all.
Lord F. Leveson says that the Brunswickers are encouraged _from St.
James's_ to expect that the Relief Bill will be repealed. Many wish for an
explosion, the Catholics less than the Protestants.
_July 19._
Hardinge and Wood dined with me. Hardinge says the Duke of Cumberland has
determined not to leave England, but to send for the Duchess and his son.
The Duchess of Gloucester did not before, and will not now, receive the
Duchess of Cumberland. Old Eldon wants a guarantee that no more Whigs will
be admitted. I believe he would be satisfied with none but his own
admission.
Hardinge seems to think we may not have a majority when Parliament meets. I
think he is wrong. I trust to the Duke's fortune and to 'the being a
Government,' which is much, and to the others not being able to form a
Government, which is more.
_July 22._
Had a letter from Loch. He does not like the disbanding of the six
regiments, but he says he brings it before the Court again on Monday,
having promised every possible information.
Read some of Colonel Tod's 'Rajastan.' I had rather see Rajastan or
Rajpootana than any part of India. It would really be interesting. Colonel
Tod seems to be an enthusiast about the country and the people. He was
there apparently at least sixteen years. The story of the beautiful
Princess of Oudeypore [Footnote: Krishna Komari. She was poisoned by her
father to avoid the hostilities of the rival princes who demanded her hand.
The father was still living when Colonel Tod wrote. The House of Oudeypore
was the only native reigning family who disdained to intermarry even with
the Emperors of Delhi. See Tod's _Rajasthan_, i. 066.] in Tod's book and
Sir J. Malcolm's is the most romantic and the most interesting I know. That
family of Oudeypore or Mewar seems to be the most ancient in the world. It
far surpasses the Bourbons and the House of Hapsburg.
_July 23._
Chairs at eleven. Told them of the danger in which they were, from the
feeling of the mercantile districts and of the country; that we could not
look Parliament in the face without having done all in our power to effect
reductions in a deficit of 800,000£ a year; that without a commanding case
no Government, however strong, could venture to propose a renewal of the
monopoly.
They were obliged to me for my information. I advised them to turn their
attention immediately to all the great points.
On the subject of the six regiments the Court differ from the view I took.
Loch gave me a long statement of facts, which I must read attentively, and
then communicate with the Duke.
They are so enamoured of old habits that they hesitate about desiring their
Indian Governments and the subordinate correspondents of these Governments
to place upon the back of their voluminous letters a _précis_ of their
substance!
After the Chairs were gone I saw Bankes and Leach, and while they were with
me Sir Archibald Campbell called. I saw him immediately. He is a fat,
rather intelligent-looking man, well mannered, and sensible. I talked to
him of the idea of exchanging Tenasserim. [Footnote: The furthest province
of the British territory towards Siam, extending along the coast south of
Pegu, and lately conquered from the Burmese Empire.] He did not like giving
up his conquest. I gave him one secret letter, and he will make his
observations upon it.
He left Lord William at the mouth of the Hooghly. They had found out the
removal of the Government was contrary to law. They had intended to be
itinerant for a year or two.
It is only in the Bengal army that the officers are old. There they rise by
seniority. In the Madras army they are made from fitness.
The Madras army, though most gallant, was quite unequal, from deficiency of
physical strength, to face the Burmese. The Burmese soldiers brought
fourteen days' provisions. All men are liable to be called upon. They never
had more than 120,000 in the field.
The English army took 2,000 cannon, and it was believed the Burmese had
2,500 left.
Sir A. Campbell says there have been 60,000 refugees from Ava--all now
settled in Tenasserim. I had thought there had never been more than 10,000,
and that some, about half, had returned.
Upon the whole, he seems enamoured of his conquests, but he did not adduce
any good reason against exchanging it.
At the Cabinet room. Saw Lord Rosslyn there, as I used to be last year,
_désoeuvré_ and bored, as all Privy Seals will be. He seemed dissatisfied
with the state of affairs in Ireland and in England. At Manchester there is
a fear of a turn-out of some more cotton-spinners. Every thing depends upon
the harvest.
The negotiations with the Turks came to nothing. The Grand Vizier's answer
to Diebitch is excellent.
The sickness amongst the Russian troops continues, and Diebitch has not
more than 40,000 men, even with Roth's corps.
The Ambassadors have been very well received at Constantinople. All are in
good humour there, notwithstanding the losses near Shumla.
The Emperor does not go to the army.
Lord Heytesbury represents Russia as being the least formidable of the
great Powers for the purpose of offensive operations, and seems to think
she contains many elements of convulsion.
Metternich is trying to cajole the Russians by pretended fears of
revolutionary principles.
They talk of a King in Columbia, and the French are intriguing to place a
French prince on the throne, after Bolivar.
_July 25, 1829._
Cabinet room. The Ambassadors seem to have been received most cordially at
Constantinople. We know no more of the Grand Vizier's losses. That he
experienced a complete defeat there can be no doubt.
In Columbia, the French seem rather inclined to place, after Bolivar, a
Prince of the House of Orleans on the throne, and it does not seem unlikely
that the Columbians may consider it their best arrangement.
The Emperor of Russia seems to be desirous of Peru, and the King of Prussia
has, at his request, sent the Baron von Müffling as his Minister to the
Porte to mediate.
The Irish accounts are very bad. Lord F. Leveson seems now to think very
seriously of the state of things. Doherty is come back much alarmed from
Barris, where he has been with Blackie on a special commission.
_July 28._
I recommended to the attention of the Chairs the establishment of steam
communication with India by the Red Sea.
_July 29._
Read _précis_ relative to Kotah.
These _précis_ will make me thoroughly acquainted with the history and
circumstances of the Rajpoot States, which are by far more interesting than
others.
There is a looseness and a vulgarity in the East India House writing, the
literature of clerks which is quite disgusting. Our clerks write better
than theirs, but they do not write concisely and correctly.
_July 30._
Read Lord Heytesbury's letters. He is very Russian. They have certainly got
the plague at Odessa, and in all the stations of the Russian army.
Met Peel at the Cabinet room. He said Ireland was in rather a better state.
He agreed with me in thinking the Brunswickers were the cause of all the
mischief. He believed the King had begged the Duke of Cumberland to stay,
and that the Duchess was certainly coming over. They wish to attack the
Ministry through the side of Ireland--to make a civil war rather than not
turn out a Government.
He had written to the Duke suggesting that we ought to have a Cabinet
respecting Ireland, and he thought the Duke would come to town on his
letter.
_August 1._
Had from Sir G. Murray papers relative to the Canada question, upon which
he wishes to have the opinion of the Cabinet to-morrow. The immediate
question is whether a Bill passed by the Colonial Legislature for altering
the state of the representation shall be confirmed by the Crown.
The state of Canada is such that I am convinced we ought in prudence to
place the revenue collected under the 14th Geo. II. at the disposal of the
Chambers, retaining, as they are willing to retain, a fixed salary for the
Government judges, independent of the annual vote.
_Sunday, August 2._
Cabinet at 4. Irish question. Lord F. Leveson seems to be much alarmed. He
wants to use the Bill of this year for the suppression of an expected
meeting at Derry, which meeting is to be unarmed, sing songs, drink toasts,
make speeches, and petition for a change of Ministers.
It was considered that the powers entrusted to Government by the Bill for
the suppression of the Roman Catholic Association were never intended to be
exercised for the putting down of such a meeting as that intended to be
held at Derry. If the Brunswickers there come out of their houses and have
a procession _causing fear_ and threatening the peace, the common law can
put them down. Care will be taken to have troops enough at Derry.
Lord F. Leveson likewise asks whether he shall proclaim martial law! Peel
very properly asks him what martial law is. In fact it is the absence of
all law--and can only be endured when a country is on the eve of rebellion
or actually in rebellion. [Footnote: This was exactly the description given
of it by Lord Beaconsfield with reference to Jamaica in 1866.]
It seems to me that Lord Francis is unequal to his situation. I wish we had
Hardinge there. He would never go wrong.
Herries told me he thought, after reading the papers I had sent him, that
there was more of care for the Company than he expected.
Peel has written a very good letter to Lord F. Gower, telling him that the
first thing they must do is to establish an _efficient police_, to be paid
for by Ireland--and of which the officers must be appointed by Government.
_August 3._
Saw Hardinge. He has perfected a very excellent system in Ireland by which
all the 30,000 pensioners are divided into districts, in each of which is a
chief constable who pays them. If they move from one district to another
they have a ticket, so that the residence and the movements of all are
known. Of 30,000 about 10,000 are fit for duty. Blank orders are ready at
the Castle, directing the march of these men upon five central points,
where they would be incorporated with the regiments, so that in a few days
the army could be reinforced by 10,000 men. There are others who are not
very capable of doing anything but mischief if against us. These would be
ordered to the garrisons.
I wish Hardinge was in Ireland instead of Lord Francis.
_August 6._
Chairs at 11.
Astell does not seem to like my letters relative to the delay in answering
despatches from India and in communicating events in India; and respecting
the amount of military stores sent to India, and the expediency of
enquiring whether their amount could not be diminished. Loch did not say
anything. It was an attempt at bullying on Astell's part, which I resisted,
and successfully.
_August 10._
The Russians appear to have passed the defiles on the northern side of the
Balkans, and almost without loss. There is, I conclude, a force near
Bourgas, but all that is to be hoped is that the Turks will be wise enough
not to fight. It was an unlucky appointment, that of the Grand Vizier. Old
Hussein never would have committed his fault.
R. Gordon has been magnificently received at Constantinople.
Polignac has been made Prime Minister of France. De Rigny is made Minister
of Marine. The Government is Tory, and I should think very favourable to
English alliance, not Greek, and certainly not Russian. If it should be
able to stand, it must be good for us. Received letters from Colonel
Macdonald from Tabriz. He says the Russians at Tiflis talk as if they were
going to war with us.
_August 11._
Received Persian despatches. The Persians will pay no more. They wanted to
go to war. No one would go as Envoy to Petersburg but an _attaché_. They
all thought they should be beheaded. Macdonald seems to have kept them
quiet.
Cabinet room. Met Lord Melville. Read Gordon's letters from Constantinople.
The Turks have not above 20,000 men there. They are not disposed to yield
at all. Gordon thinks if we declared we would fix in any manner the limits
of Greece, and maintain them, the Porte would not quarrel with us, and
would rather do anything than yield the point of honour by acknowledging
the independence of the Greeks.
The Russians mean to pass the Balkans with 60,000 men and march on
Adrianople. They send a large force by sea to Sizeboli to turn Bourgas.
Lord Francis Leveson holds out the apprehension of a long religious contest
in Ireland. [Footnote: Unhappily, like other pessimists, he seems to have
judged Ireland correctly.] I believe he looks only at the surface and
judges from first appearances.
_August 12._
A victory gained by Paskewitz over the Seraskier, whom he has taken
prisoner, with thirty-one pieces of cannon, &c., near Erzeroum--that is,
three days after the battle, Paskewitz, still in pursuit, was within forty
miles of Erzeroum.
Wrote two letters to the Duke--one on the subject of Sir J. P. Grant, who
has closed the Courts at Bombay because the Government would not execute an
unlawful process, and the other respecting Persian affairs, giving the
substance of the despatches which I enclosed.
We have a Cabinet to-morrow at 12 on Turkish affairs. I would not allow the
Russians to advance any further. I would send one from our own body,
_incognito,_ to Paris to talk to Polignac and endeavour to get him to join
us in an act of vigorous intervention which would give character to his
Government and save Constantinople. I would pass the English and French
fleets through the Dardanelles, and give Russia a leaf out of the Greek
Treaty. But I do not expect that this will be Aberdeen's course.
Drummond, whom I saw, said the Duke was delighted with the account of the
Jaghirdars of the Kistna. Granville is gone to Ireland.
The Duke was gone to Windsor. It is the King's birthday.
_August 13._
When the Cabinet was assembled the Duke said we were not to consider the
state of things at Constantinople, and what we should do. He thought the
Russians would get to Constantinople, and into it. If they did he thought
there was an end of the Ottoman Empire. He was doubtful whether, after the
innovations introduced, the Turks would cordially support Mahmoud,
[Footnote: Sultan Mahmoud, as is well known, remodelled the whole internal
organisation of the Turkish Empire. He was denounced as the Giaour Sultan
by old-fashioned Turks.] and already there were insurrections of the
Greeks. It was just what he predicted in his letter to La Ferronays, and
what Lord Dudley afterwards said in a letter to Lièven; the success of the
Russians was the dissolution of an Empire which could not be reconstituted.
It was too late to interfere by force, even if we had been disposed to do
so alone.
He thought France, if we did nothing, would be quiet--if we did anything,
she would take the other line. Polignac was a more able man than people
supposed, and he would adhere to the course he adopted. We might endeavour,
at any rate, to ascertain his feelings and intentions.
As to the Greek question we must have a conference, and consider the
suggestions of the Ambassadors, namely, that whatever we chose to make
Greece, should be declared independent, and guaranteed. Both the Duke and
Aberdeen thought France and Russia would both take the proposition into
consideration. The former as to _limits_, the latter for delay. France had
already told us that, provided we could agree upon the limits, she was
inclined to adopt the suggestion of the Ambassadors.
We asked whether the permanent occupation of Constantinople by Russia was
to be submitted to? The answer was, _No_, to be opposed by war. It seemed
to me and to Fitzgerald we had better endeavour to prevent, at a small
expense, even if alone, a measure we could only retrieve if it took place
at an enormous expense, if at all, and which would in all probability
effect the ruin of the Turkish Empire. I did not think affairs quite so
desperate. I thought the Russians might get to Adrianople, but not to
Constantinople, and that they could not maintain themselves at Adrianople
without the command of the sea. We had six ships at the mouth of the
Dardanelles, and these with the Turkish Fleet would open the Black Sea.
I was for passing our ships up to Constantinople and placing them at the
disposal of the Ambassador, for from hence we cannot give orders adapted to
circumstances. It was replied _that_ would be war. If war were to be
declared we should do as much mischief as possible, and go to Cronstadt,
not to the Black Sea. We should have our ships beyond the Bosphorus when
Russia occupied the Dardanelles, and shut us in. This would make us
ridiculous.
As the object is not to do mischief to Russia, but to save the Turkish
Empire, I should say that measure was to be effected at the Bosphorus, for
Constantinople, once taken, and the Ottoman Power annihilated, it would be
of no use to distress Russia.
Fitzgerald seemed to be of my opinion that, however desperate the chance,
we should do all we could to save Constantinople, and at any risk.
It was determined that our fleet in the Mediterranean should be reinforced
by three or four line-of-battle ships, on the principle that wherever any
Power had a large force, we should have one--not a very wise principle, it
seems to me, if we are never to use force. I interceded for a few powerful
steamers, with 68 pound carronades, and I think Lord Melville seemed
inclined to acquiesce.
Questions are to be put to Polignac to ascertain what he would do in
certain events. I said he never would open himself to Lord Stuart. It was
then suggested by the Duke that Aberdeen could write a private letter. This
will, I believe, be done. I said to Fitzgerald, who was next to me,
'Neither letter nor Stuart will get anything out of Polignac. One of
ourselves should go to Paris as an individual, see Polignac, and return
before the Conference.'
I suggested Rosslyn, as he had nothing to do. Fitzgerald said he could go
and return in a week, and seemed to wish to do so. However, nothing was
said openly; and with all the means of success in our hands, for, I think,
Polignac _might_ be brought into our views, we shall lose all by not using
proper instruments; just as we have lost the Greek question by persisting
in keeping Stratford Canning.
We had a good deal of conversation as to the limits of Greece. The Duke was
for adhering to the Morea. It was _really_ the best line. It was what we
had guaranteed. We had told the Turks we did not mean to go beyond it.
Aberdeen has always had a little private hankering after Athens, though he
ridicules it. He had no scruple about annexing Athens, although not yet
taken. I said I thought Polignac would be disposed to hold our language to
Russia, if we would make some concession on the subject of Greece, and
enable him to settle that question with _éclat_. He would then be supported
by France in any strong language he might hold, and would establish himself
by the experiment of his first fortnight of office.
However, the Cabinet seems disposed to look at accessories, not at
principles, at the minor objects rather than at _the one great object_,
which is inducing France to act with us to prevent the occupation of
Constantinople or to force its evacuation. Instead of yielding upon points
of minor importance, in order to carry the question, we are to insist now
on the minor points-the evacuation of the Morea by the French, and then, I
fear we shall weaken Polignac's Government, and lose our object.
Our foreign policy has certainly been, most unsuccessful. We have succeeded
in nothing.
The communication to be made to Polignac is to be made to him
confidentially, and he is to know it is not to be made to Austria. It is
considered that in any case Austria would support France and England if
they acted together, and any indication Austria might give of moving alone
would bring down Prussia upon her. This line, I think, well considered and
prudent.
It seemed to be thought that, if the Turkish Empire should be _dissolved_,
Austria might be inclined to share the spoils and be quiet; but if it were
only _weakened_, she would feel she suffered.
It seemed to be admitted by all that we ought to have taken a decided step
long ago. That we were too late, and that we were inexcusable.
I said a year ago Aberdeen would ruin us--he would gradually let us down,
not by any flagrant error, but by being always under the mark. The Duke,
occupied as he is as Prime Minister, wanted an efficient secretary for
Foreign Affairs, and he could not have had a worse.
Peel seems to think Ireland stands much better since the proclamation
respecting the attack made by the Ribbonmen upon the Orangemen in
Fermanagh. He seems to think the Irish Government ready enough when things
are brought to their notice, but that they do not read or attend to the
reports made to them.
_August 19._
I am inclined to think from what Colonel Hodgson says that leather might be
made in India as well as here. They have the hide of the buffalo. They want
the _tanning_, and some one must be sent from this country to teach them.
He told me of a Mr. Cotton who was long at Tanjore, where the iron is, and
I have written to him.
_August 22._
The Russians have taken Erzeroum, and have quite dispersed the Turkish army
in Asia. Every success of theirs in that quarter makes my heart bleed. I
consider it a victory gained over me, as Asia is _mine_.
_August 28._
The 'Courier' of last night throws doubts on the reported victory of
Kirkhilissa. The Sultan is said to be now ready to treat. The plague is in
the Russian army, and in the country before them. Had a long conversation
with Hardinge on Indian affairs.
_August 29._
Read a letter from Mr. Cartwright, the Consul at Constantinople, dated the
9th. The loss of Erzeroum is to be attributed to the Janizaries. In all
Asia they seem to be rising. The Russians are not expected to advance till
they are joined by 15,000 men, coming by sea. Thus our fleet would have
saved Constantinople.
Cabinet at half-past three. Before the Cabinet read Lord Heytesbury's and
Mr. Gordon's despatches. Lord Heytesbury seems to be a mere Russian.
_August 31._
Mr. Gordon describes the Turkish Empire as falling to pieces. The national
enthusiasm and religious feeling of the people seem to be gone. The Sultan
is unpopular. The populace of Adrianople desires the advance of the
Russians, so scandalous has been the conduct of the Asiatics. The Pacha of
Egypt gives no assistance, and thinks the weakness of the Porte constitutes
his strength. The people of Trebizond have invited Count Paskewitz.
Erzeroum was lost by the treachery of the Janizaries.
The Sultan has acceded to the Treaty of London. This accession is
qualified, but not in such a manner as to preclude negotiation. He has
consented to treat with Russia, to give freedom to the navigation of the
Black Sea, and to observe the Treaty of Akerman--but he stipulates for the
integrity of the Ottoman dominions in Europe and Asia. He has not, however,
sent Plenipotentiaries.
General Muffling, the Prussian, is arrived at Constantinople. He reports
the moderate views of the Emperor Nicholas, and states them.
The French Government, from the information it derived from its Minister at
Berlin, has instructed Count Guilleminot to declare to the Turks the terms
on which Russia will make peace. Russia requires the execution of the
Treaty of Akerman--indemnity--(but moderate) for the expenses of the war
and the losses sustained by her commerce, for which indemnity, as it seems,
she is willing to take Anapa.
She requires the free navigation of the Dardanelles for all nations. This
cession to be secured by treaty, not by territorial occupation.
The terms of the Turks are not very dissimilar; but as Count Diebitch has
orders to advance till preliminaries are signed, a catastrophe may take
place still.
Mr. Gordon managed to get a paper into the Sultan's own hands, which may
have led in some measure to this result. He naturally gave credit to the
information contained in the Despatches of Count Guilleminot, but the
French Government have no authority for their opinion as to the terms on
which Russia will make peace. No communication to that effect has been made
officially to them.
The French and Russian Ministers at the Conference said they could not act
on Mr. Gordon's letter, which is as yet uncorroborated by Count
Guilleminot. They could not yet act as if Turkey had acceded to the Treaty
of London.
The Russians would now declare the independence of Greece within the Gulfs
of Volo and Arta, and they wanted Aberdeen to take that instead of the
treaty. He thought he could get them to declare the independence of Greece
_within the Morea_--that they would be satisfied with that, and that, if
they would, we had better secure that for the Turks now, than run the risk
of the event of war and of the extension which might be given to the terms
which might be forced upon them under the Treaty of London.
However, even admitting that the Russians would be content with the
independence of Greece within the Morea (with Attica, [Footnote: Attica was
still held by the Turks, having been reconquered after its first occupation
by the Greeks.] by-the-bye), it was the opinion of the Duke and of every
one (but Aberdeen) that it would neither be generous nor honourable to
force upon the Turks in their distress terms which _they_, attaching much
value to the _suzeraineté_, might think less favourable than what they
might obtain under the Treaty of London, and that we should be drawing
ourselves into the embarrassment of what would be practically a new treaty
at the moment that we were beginning to entertain hopes of getting out of
that which had so long harassed us.
Upon the whole, I think the aspect of Eastern affairs is better than it has
been since we have been a Government.
Diebitch is said to have 35,000 men, and a reserve of 40,000. I doubt the
reserve being so strong. The 15,000 from Sebastopol have joined.
Paskewitz is made Grand Cross of St. George.
Diebitch will be so, of course.
The King, Peel said, is very blind. He has lost the sight of one eye. The
Duke said when he was at Windsor last, the King was particularly civil to
him, and Peel and the Duke were both of opinion that the King would be most
cordial with the Government if the Duke of Cumberland were away, and was
now more so than could be expected under his influence.
Aberdeen seems to have written the letter to Stuart, and Stuart to have
communicated it to Prince Polignac. Stuart's idea is that Polignac has had
too much to do in fixing himself to think much of foreign politics. He
expressed himself, however, disposed to consult with England as to the
measures which should be adopted if Russia should break her engagements.
Several representations have been made to France for the withdrawing of the
French troops from the Morea--but hitherto without effect. These troops
keep the country quiet, and enable the whole force of the Greek State to
act offensively. Thus, assisted by French and Russian money, the Greeks
have acquired possession of everything within the Gulfs of Volo and Arta,
except the Island of Negropont.
_September 1, 1829._
Read with attention a paper of Courtney's on Leach's observations. Wrote
some memoranda upon it, which I shall send with it to the Duke, when I have
got from Shepheard a statement of the benefit derived by the territory from
the fixed rate of exchange. It is a valuable paper. I have written to thank
him for it, and to ask him to give me the result of his considerations on
the mode of transferring the Government of India from the Company to the
King, without materially increasing the patronage of the Crown; and
likewise the view he takes of the alterations it would be desirable to
introduce, if the Company should continue to govern India, in the powers of
the Board of Control and in its relations with the Court.
_September 3._
The Directors are much afraid of the Russians. So am I, and the Russians
begin to threaten us. They hint that they have open to them the route to
Bagdad, and they announce the presence in Petersburg of an Afghan Chief,
and of Ambassadors from Runjeet Singh.
I feel confident we shall have to fight the Russians on the Indus, and I
have long had a presentiment that I should meet them there, and gain a
great battle. All dreams, but I have had them a long time.
I have some idea of a secret letter to Bombay, directing the Government to
take possession of the Island of Karak, [Footnote: A small island in the
Persian Gulf to the north-west of Bushire.] and of any other tenable point
to seal the Euphrates, in the event of the Russians moving down.
Loch wants to dethrone Runjeet Singh!
_September 4, 1829._
Saw Colonel Willoughby Cotton, who commanded _en second_ in Ava. He has
lately visited, as Adjutant-General of King's troops, all the stations of
the army in Bengal. He says no army can be in finer order. Lord Combermere
has weeded all the old men. The regiments manoeuvre beautifully.
Lord C. wishes to have two King's regiments cantoned under the Himalaya
Mountains, where the climate is as good as in England.
Runjeet Singh has conquered Cabul and Cashmere. He has French officers at
the head of his infantry and cavalry, and about five others. His artillery
he keeps under his own family. He has of regular troops 30,000 infantry,
and 10,000 cavalry, about eighty guns. All these easily assembled near the
capital.
He is old, and when he dies his two sons are likely to quarrel and call us
in.
The two ex-Kings of Cabul are living at Ludeana on pensions. Zemaun Shah,
the blind King, and his brother, who was King in Mr. Elphinstone's time.
Colonel Cotton speaks most highly of the Madras troops. They are more
disposable than the Bengal troops, more free from prejudice of caste.
He regrets the reduction of the bodyguard which conducted itself nobly in
Ava. I like a guard, and I would have an infantry as well as a cavalry
guard, to be formed by picked men.
Colonel Willoughby Cotton says Colonel Skinner is about 55. His son is a
merchant, and goes every year into Cashmere for shawls. Skinner has still
about 1,300 men, and is quartered not far from Delhi. His people fire the
matchlock over the arm at full gallop, and with correct aim. They strike a
tent-peg out of the ground with their lances.
_September 5._
Received an answer from the Duke. He thinks the question of the six
regiments begins to be serious, as the Court throw upon the Government the
responsibility of running the risk of a mutiny in the army--desires to see
the paper, which I have sent him, and says it must go to the Cabinet.
I feel satisfied I am right. If the Cabinet give in to the Court, they
weaken my hands so much that I shall be unable to effect any great reform.
They make the Directors the real Ministers of India, and almost emancipate
the Indian Government. So I told the Duke in my letter.
_September 7._
Office. Saw Sir A. Campbell. He came to offer himself for a command in
India. I spoke to him of his papers respecting war with the Burmese. He
says large boats carrying 100 men could go up to Aeng, the troops need not
land at Ramree. He was never an advocate for a diversion at Rangoon, and
thinks they make too much fuss about the frontier of Munnipore.
Saw a Mr. Cotton, for a long time collector of Tanjore. He is against
introducing the Ryotwaree settlement into that country, and by his account
it seems very ill adapted to it, for according to him the Murassidars are
there really proprietors, and with them the settlement is now made for the
village.
I sent for him to tell me about the iron I had understood to be in the
neighbourhood of Tanjore; but there is none, it is at Satara. He seems a
sensible man, and I must see him again.
The Turks seem to have endeavoured to back out of their accession to the
Treaty of London, or rather to clog it with insuperable objections. But Mr.
Gordon has brought them back again, and on August 12 all was right, but no
Plenipotentiaries sent. The Russians were said to be moving on Adrianople.
They had not above 35,000 men. There is a very bad account from Smyrna of
the state of the population in Asia. In fact the Duke of Wellington's
prediction is fulfilled. The Turkish Empire is breaking to pieces. By Lord
Heytesbury's account the Russians are very desirous of peace, and very
apprehensive that a popular tumult may put an end to the Sultan. It is
impossible to see the end of the calamities which would occur, complicated
as they would be, if such an event as the dissolution of the Turkish Empire
took place.
The new French Ministry is changing the municipalities. They hope to
succeed at the next elections. Lord Stuart considers M. de la Bourdonnaye
as the real head.
Polignac very prudently rests on his oars as to Greece, and properly
observes it is idle to make protocols here when the march of events may
have altogether changed the state of things before the protocols arrive.
_September 8._
Office at 11. Went to the Duke. He read to me a long letter he had written
on the question of the six regiments, in which he entered at length into
the state of the Indian army such as he knows it to be, and concludes in
favour of a revision of the line I had adopted with his approbation. He
said the Government of India was wrong--every line of the proposed letter
abstractedly right; but there was to be considered the expediency of
writing it.
I have written a letter to Lord W. Bentinck, stating confidentially the
grounds of the change of opinion as to the disbanding of the six extra
regiments. I added, 'However, such an event will not happen in your time,
nor I hope in mine,' or something to that effect.
_September 11._
Chairs at 11. Read to them the Duke's letter on the six regiments. Told
them I had written a private letter to Lord William to relieve his mind
from the censure intended for former Governments (a very small portion of
which is chargeable on him), and to caution him against similar errors.
Gave them the alteration I had intended to make in the draft respecting
pensions granted to King's soldiers enlisted into their army. They will
consider it.
_September 14._
Read the papers containing the correspondence with the local Governments
respecting the provision of stores in India. It is hardly credible, yet it
is true, that till within these few years the Medical Board indented upon
England for drugs which were produced in India! From Madras as late at 1827
they indented for file handles and blacksmiths' tongs! From Bombay in 1826
for wooden canteens and triangles! It is evident the local Governments have
never displayed any energy.
_September 16._
Received from the Duke his ideas on the subject of a campaign against Ava.
He would hold the great Dagon Temple at Rangoon, but only for the purpose
of having vessels in the river to co-operate with the army.
_September 17._
To-day has been an idle day. I have done nothing; but I have taken
exercise, and so acquired _health_, without which I cannot do business.
_September 20._
Met Mr. Conyngham of the Foreign Office. He told me the Turks were ready to
make the required concessions. Of the disposition of the Russians nothing
seems known. R. Gordon has of his own authority ordered up Sir Pulteney
Malcolm from Vourla to the Dardanelles. I suppose to carry away Englishmen
and their property in the event of an insurrection or of some terrible
catastrophe at Constantinople.
Lord Stuart, as I suspected, gives no opinion as to the probable result of
the political contest in France.
I had a letter from the Duke respecting half-Batta.
_September 24._
Cabinet room. Read all the letters from Petersburg, Paris, Berlin, and
Constantinople during the last fortnight, and the despatches sent during
the last month.
R. Gordon seems to have done very well. He and Guilleminot have acted
cordially together, and when they had induced the Porte to consent to make
peace on the terms prescribed by the Russians, Gordon managed very
prudently to get General Muffling to send his secretary to the Russian
head-quarters with the Turkish Plenipotentiaries. Muffling would have gone
with them to the Reis Effendi had he been well enough; as it was, he sent
his secretary, who afterwards went to the Russian head-quarters and was
thus enabled to state distinctly what had passed in the conference held
with the Effendi. I think it very possible that without the intervention of
the Prussian Minister, who was known to be acquainted with the feelings of
the Emperor, General Diebitch would not have agreed to an armistice. The
armistice seems to have been made on August 29. We know of it from Seymour
at Berlin.
Polignac seems excellently well disposed. He would act cordially with us if
he dared. At present he is obliged to cover all he does under the
instructions given to Guilleminot by his predecessor under a different
state of things, before the great Russian successes. He talks of a Congress
of the Powers interested, and of a joint declaration if Russia should not
adhere to her promise.
Russia may be kept to her promises by the fear of a revolutionary movement
in France. The French Opposition desire the success of the Russians, the
dissolution of the Turkish Empire, and the occupation of the Dardanelles by
the Emperor Nicholas, because they know that such events would lead to a
_sotto sopra_ in Europe, a general scramble in which they would get the
Rhine as their boundary. Generally, I have no doubt, young France wishes
for confusion.
Austria is alarmed and would do nothing. The Prussians hold that the
existence of the Ottoman Empire is not essential to the balance of power
(that is, some of them do), and they would be glad to see Austria and
Russia divide Turkey, Prussia having her compensation in Germany. However,
Muffling, going rather beyond his instructions, has been made to do good.
I think all things tend to the preservation of peace if there should be no
explosion at Constantinople or in France. The Ottoman Empire seems,
however, to be falling to pieces. The Government has been so oppressive
that the people will not fight for it. The Sultan has but 4,000 troops, and
it is said the appearance of 10,000 Russians would lead to the capture of
Constantinople.
Diebitch seems to dread the catastrophe which might ensue, and the
ambassadors have placed before him in strong terms the fatal consequences
of an explosion at Constantinople.
I must say R. Gordon has done ably and well.
The rascally Russians have been intriguing with our Ionian subjects, and
Aberdeen has written a very strong letter to Lord Heytesbury on the
subject.
Polignac, desirous as he is of withdrawing the French troops altogether
from the Morea, is at present afraid of doing so.
Aberdeen told me things were not going on well here. The King has quite
lost the sight of one eye, and the sight of the other is indistinct. It
gives him pain, too, and the fear of blindness makes him nervous. The Duke
of Cumberland is always about him, as mischievous as ever, but pretending
not to be hostile.
The Duke of Wellington gives the King up as a bad job. He sees him very
seldom. At first he liked seeing him and setting things to rights; but he
says he found what he did one day was undone the next, and he is in
despair. The King has no constancy. There is no depending upon him from one
day to another.
Aberdeen says the accession of Rosslyn has not produced the effect we
anticipated--that Lord Grey is very hostile. What we shall do for a
majority next session I know not, but I think we shall stand, [Footnote:
This might have been but for the events on the Continent in the year
following, which formed a new starting-point in the politics of a large
part of Europe.] although we shall not, I fear, be a strong Government. The
Catholic Relief Bill has destroyed our unity and the spirit of party. It
has likewise destroyed that of the Opposition, who have no longer any
rallying point. Thus the formation of a strong Government is difficult. The
Brunswickers cannot form one, and the King cannot be persuaded to make one
out of the Opposition. Indeed, that the Duke of Cumberland would never
advise. The Brunswickers will endeavour to make terms with us as a body--to
make martyrs of some of the old Protestants, particularly of the Duke and
Peel, and placing themselves at the head to go on as well as they could
with the rest of us. This will not do.
_September 26._
The Chairs, or rather the Court, somewhat impertinently object to the
addition I made to a recent draft, recommending an enquiry by practical and
scientific men as to the powers India may possess of producing many
articles of stores now sent from England. They say this is liable to
misconstruction, and then misconstrue it themselves. They suppose these
practical men, not being servants of the Company, to sit in judgment upon
the proceedings of the military Board. I have corrected their intentional
misconstruction, and have acquiesced in the substitution of a draft they
propose to send instead, which will, I hope, practically effect my object,
and therefore I have said we are willing our object should be attained in
the manner most agreeable to the Court of Directors.
It is very lucky I had just sent them my letter about stores. It will
appear to be written subsequently to theirs. They think to humbug and to
bully me. They will find both difficult.
_September 30._
Read the collection respecting the health of the King's troops. It is
incredible to me that so many things should remain to be done--nothing
seems to have been done that ought to have been done. I fear our finances
make the building of new barracks impossible at present. We could not build
proper barracks for all the European troops in India much under a million.
Still much may be done for their health.
_October 5._
Arrived in London at 3. To the Cabinet room, where I found Lord Bathurst,
come up to town for Seymour Bathurst's [Footnote: Hon. Seymour Bathurst,
fourth son of third Earl Bathurst, married October 6, 1829, Julia, daughter
of John Peter Hankey, Esq.] marriage, and afterwards Fitzgerald came in.
Fitzgerald was a fortnight in Ireland, and gives a bad account of it.
A letter from Metternich says peace was actually signed. Sir E. Gordon's
despatches give every reason to expect it soon would be. The peace cannot
last. I am inclined to think it would have been better for the Russians to
have occupied Constantinople, and for the Ottoman Empire to have been
overthrown that we might have known at once where we were, than to have had
such a peace as this. It is practically present occupation (for a year) of
_more_ than they now hold, for they are to have the fortresses ceded to
them. They exact 750,000£ for the pretended losses of their merchants, and
five millions for themselves. The indemnity to the merchants to be paid by
three instalments. On the payment of the first, Adrianople and a few places
on the coast to be given up. On the payment of the second everything to the
Balkan, and on the third Bulgaria. These payments occupy a year.
The five millions are to be paid in ten years, or sooner if the Turks can
manage it. The Principalities to be occupied till the payment. The Turks to
confirm the Government established during the ten years, and not to impose
any taxes for two years more.
All the fortresses on the left bank to be destroyed. None of the islands to
belong to Turkey. No Turk to enter the principalities. The princes to be
for life. All payments _in kind_ from the Principalities to cease, and
instead the Turks and the princes to _agree upon a compensation_! It is
unnecessary to go through the other articles relative to the
Principalities. The treaty contains a real cession of them to Russia.
The terms as to the navigation of merchantmen, their not being searched in
a Turkish port, the refusal of acquiescence in the demands of the Russian
Minister where any injury is pretended to have been done to a Russian, to
be _just ground for reprisal_, &c., are of a nature intolerable to an
independent Power, and not to be carried into execution.
On the side of Asia everything is ceded that can enable Russia to attack
either Turkey or Persia with advantage.
The terms imposed with regard to indemnities are extravagant and altogether
contrary to all the Emperor's promises. He has not deceived us; but he has
lied to us most foully. Sir R. Gordon seems to have done all that could be
done. Perhaps he has saved Constantinople from conflagration, and the
Empire from dissolution. He has managed to settle the Greek question,
Turkey consenting to everything the allies may determine under the protocol
of March 22. Sir R. Gordon has taken upon himself to order up the English
ships, and Guilleminot has ordered up the French ships, but they were still
at Smyrna when the dispatch came away. These ships, it is hoped, may be
some check on the Russians, and ostensibly they only go up to
Constantinople to save Christians. However, if the Russians advance they
will probably lead the Turks to fight. Gordon and Guilleminot have very
properly told the Sultan they will remain by him in any case.
The Turks declare the terms are, as regards payment, such as they have
really no means of complying with. The allies will make representations to
Petersburg to obtain a relaxation of these conditions.
In the meantime, while this was doing at Constantinople, Lord Heytesbury
was asking Nesselrode what the terms he intended to propose were, and
Nesselrode would not tell him. Lord Heytesbury's despatch and Gordon's are
both dated on September 10. The 12th was to be the day of signature. Lord
Stuart by Aberdeen's directions has been pressing Polignac very hard to
withdraw the French troops from the Morea, and Polignac has been obliged to
plead the weakness of his Government, and to put off Lord Stuart by
referring it to the Conference. I should say from what the papers show of
Polignac that he will not stand. I do not know what his antagonists may be,
but he is evidently not a powerful man.
A Liberal told Fitzgerald their object was now in France to make the King
of the Netherlands King of France, and give Holland to Prussia, taking
Belgium and everything to the Rhine to themselves.
I should say things looked ill everywhere, and unless we can make the
Emperor of Russia fear a convulsion in France, and determine to recede from
some of his stipulations with Turkey to satisfy the rest of Europe, we
shall have war, and war under the most unfavourable circumstances--that is,
if Austria be not as pusillanimous as she may be weak, for she ought never
to consent to the establishment of the Russians on the Danube.
The only line for the Turks to pursue is to promise everything; to
endeavour to perform everything, and to withdraw to Asia, leaving the rest
of Europe to settle who shall have Constantinople. _Now_ they could not do
that, as they are too weak; but six months hence they may.
We dine with the Duke on Wednesday--and shall then, I suppose, determine
what we are to do.
_October 7._
Cabinet at 3. All present except Lord Melville.
Aberdeen read a paper he had written before the peace was known, the object
of which was to show that the Ottoman Empire was dissolved, and that it
could not be reconstituted; that our views with regard to Greece should now
change with circumstances, and that we should endeavour to make it a
substantive state. To Turkey it could no longer signify whether Greece had
a more extended or more limited line of frontier, and our desire should be
to place a fit man upon the throne. France is willing to propose in the
Conference that to Turkey should be offered the alternative of a Greece
with extended limits under Suzeraineté, &c., according to the Protocol of
March 22, or a Greece with narrower limits, entirely independent.
The Duke said we must first have satisfaction for the insertion of the
Article in the treaty of peace which bound Turkey to the Protocol of March
22; Russia, as a party to the Treaty of London, having no right to settle
that treaty herself. Next, we should insist on an armistice between the
Greeks and Turks.
We must recollect that Turkey had bound herself to acquiesce in the
decision of the Conference upon the Greek Treaty--that is, to defer to our
mediation. Could we, as mediators, propose to Turkey to cede Attica,
Negropont, and other possessions she now holds? and would we willingly
bring the frontiers of the Greek state into contact with our Ionian
Islands?
If Greece were to have a sovereign, Prince Philip of Hesse Homburg would be
the best man for us--Austria would prefer him. France admitted that the
wishes of Austria ought to be consulted.
France, however, rather wished for Prince Charles of Bavaria. Russia for a
Duke of Saxe-Weimar.
Aberdeen seemed to think there would be no great difficulty in carrying our
point, and having Prince Philip of Hesse Homburg.
Peel said he thought we could not allow a treaty such as that signed by
Turkey to pass without a remonstrance on our part. We referred to a letter
of Dudley's, and to Aberdeen's recent instruction to Lord Heytesbury, and
likewise to the various declarations of moderation put forth by the Emperor
Nicholas. Several ways were started of expressing our opinion--a sort of
circular to the Powers which signed the Treaty of the Congress--a
declaration to Parliament.
The Duke suggested a remonstrance to the Emperor Nicholas to be
communicated in the first instance only to Russia.
This seems likely to be adopted, but we are to have another Cabinet to-
morrow.
In whatever we do we must endeavour to keep Austria out of the scrape, for
there is nothing the Russians would like so much as the opportunity of
marching to Vienna.
Not only it would be romantic for us alone to go to war to maintain the
balance of power, but it would, in this case, be absurd indeed, for, if our
armies had driven the Russians out of Turkey, we could not reconstitute the
Turkish Empire. It is dissolved in its own weakness.
Great dissatisfaction was expressed, and justly, at the conduct of Lord
Heytesbury, who has been humbugged by the Russians all along.
The King has run up a bill of 4,000£ for clothes in six months. All the
offices of the Household, except the Chamberlain's, which has 1,900£ in
hand, are falling into arrear, and if there should be an arrear upon the
whole civil list, it must come before Parliament.
Fitzgerald gives a very bad account of trade generally.
The King does not like us better than he did, and the Duke of Cumberland
means to keep his son in England, and educate him here, taking the 6,000£ a
year. He wants to drive the Government to make him Viceroy of Hanover.
The Cabinet dined with the Duke.
_October 8._
Cabinet at 3. A great deal of conversation of which the result was that a
remonstrance should be made to Russia on the subject of the terms of the
peace. This remonstrance will temperately but strongly, more by statement
of facts than by observations, show that the peace is not such as the
Emperor had given us reason to expect he would require, and that it in
reality threatens the existence of the Turkish Empire; that the destruction
of that Empire would seriously affect the peace of Europe by changing the
relative position of the several States.
Aberdeen wants a guarantee of the territorial possessions of Turkey, not of
its Government. [Footnote: It is observable that this guarantee seems to
have said nothing of the internal system of government, and so far to have
been unconditional. It would therefore have gone considerably beyond the
Anglo-Turkish Convention of 1878. It would also have applied to Europe as
well as Asia. It is a commentary on the statement of Mr. Gladstone, in
later days a colleague of Lord Aberdeen, that no statesman whom he had
known in former times would ever have listened to the idea of such an
engagement.] I think no one seems much inclined to agree with him. Such a
guarantee would impose obligations without conferring rights upon us. It
would be a guarantee which would give rise to infinite complications, and
which would embarrass us very much.
Without a guarantee we may succeed in bringing the great States to an
understanding that the distribution of the Turkish territories, in the
event of the falling to pieces of that State, must be a subject for the
decision of a Congress.
Austria has expressed herself very frankly. She is ready to do anything.
She sees the danger and desires to know our view of it. The real view of
France does not seem to be very different; but there is no dependence to be
placed upon a Government trembling for its life. Prussia will be satisfied
with the peace. Her sovereign is very weak, and the Prussians think their
interest is served by the progress of Russia in a direction contrary to
them, and in which she menaces Austria.
The smuggling case is said to tell against Lord Stuart. He writes
unintelligibly, and the French will not trust him--so I shall not be sorry
if we can get rid of him.
With Lord Heytesbury we are all dissatisfied, and have been from the
beginning. There is a Council on Monday, and we have a Cabinet on Sunday at
3, when we are to hear Aberdeen's letter, and may probably have the Treaty.
There seems a determination to effect an armistice by force if the
Conference will not order it in Greece.
We have nine good ships there. The Russians seven bad ones, and the French
two.
Before the Conference can proceed the 10th Article of the Treaty of Peace
must be declared _non avenu_--that which obliges the Porte to accept the
Protocol of March 22--all negotiation upon that Protocol having been
committed by Russia to the French and English Ambassadors, and it having
been expressly reserved to the Porte by us, that her objections should be
fairly weighed.
The French have taken advantage of the peace to order their troops home
from the Morea.
_October 9._
Read many of the Protocols of the early Conferences after the Russian,
declaration of war. I shall to-morrow read these again carefully and sketch
_my_ State paper.
If I was in opposition I should describe the details relative to the
Principalities, as showing the moderation of the thief who would stipulate
that men should sleep with their doors open, till they have ransomed
themselves by paying their uttermost farthing.
_October 10._
Received a letter from Sir J. Malcolm. He seems pleased with the secret
dispatches relative to Persia and the Pacha of Bagdad. He seems upon the
whole very much gratified, and very grateful.
He strongly presses the appointment of an Indian as his successor, and
mentions Sir Ch. Metcalfe and Jenkins. He likewise mentions a Mr. Chaplin,
of whom I never heard. I take Jenkins to be a cleverer man than Sir Ch.
Metcalfe, [Footnote: Afterwards Lord Metcalfe.] who rather disappoints me.
Had three letters by Petersburg from Colonel McDonald, the last dated in
August. The Persians, thoroughly alarmed, are doing all they can to satisfy
the Emperor Nicholas by punishing the persons engaged in the massacre of
the Russian mission; but they had an insurrection to quell on banishing the
High Priest, who was at the head of all. As they conclude all the bad
characters had a hand in it they mean to take the opportunity of punishing
them. Paskewitz is said to have from 20,000 to 22,000 men--to have
sustained no loss in the late engagements, but to suffer from the plague.
At Erzeroum the Mahometans are not only satisfied, but well pleased. The
Government of a Russian general is better than that of a Turkish Pasha.
The Prince Abbas Mirza is at last doing something towards making an army.
Major Hart, alone, however, keeps it together. The troops are as yet ill-
armed, but they have their pay. McDonald thinks the King not likely to live
long. He wants a cypher.
_October 11, Sunday._
Came up from Worthing to a Cabinet. Before we met read the last letters
from Lord Heytesbury, which show a degree of infatuation respecting the
Russians, which is quite wonderful.
Before we began to talk Rothschild called out the Duke of Wellington, and
offered at once all the money to pay the Russian Indemnity. He said he only
wanted the guarantee of England!
If the Russians remained in the Principalities there would be a general
war.
Irvine, an English loan jobber, saw the Duke yesterday with the same offer.
The joke is that Rothschild is to pay the money for the Turks, and to be
made King of Jerusalem.
Aberdeen began by begging we would first settle the Greek question. He
brought a paper the Russians were willing to deliver in containing a sort
of apology for the 10th Article, and declaring that it by no means
interfered with the powers of the Conference. We took a great deal of time
in considering whether we should not suggest some alteration in this
paper--some is to be proposed--not very essential.
We had a long discussion as to the name of the new State. At last it seemed
to be thought 'Sovereign Prince of Greece' was the best. Aberdeen thinks
he shall have little difficulty about the Prince. The Russians agree to the
description given; but I dare say they imagine we mean to describe a
different man. I suspect they think we want to give them Leopold.
Aberdeen read a letter he proposed sending to Lord Stuart, the purport of
which was that we wanted to know what he meant to do towards redeeming
France from the responsibility she had incurred and made us incur by giving
instructions to Count Guilleminot, stating the terms of peace and the
moderation of the Emperor--instructions which misled our Ambassador, and
induced the two Ambassadors to give assurances to the Porte which events
proved to be unfounded.
The letter, I think, likewise desired him to enquire in what form our joint
representations as to the amount of the indemnity were to be made. To these
the Ambassadors have pledged the two Cabinets.
There was a great deal more in the letter which is to be left out. It went
into the details of the treaty, or rather of its effects.
The offer is to be made to the Turks of an independent Greece, from the
Gulf of Volo to Missolonghi, or of a Greece under Suzeraineté, with
Negropont, and the line from Volo to the Gulf of Arta.
I think we are all agreed that at the commencement of the war it was our
interest to take as little as possible from Turkey--that now it is our
interest to make Greece a substantive State, which may hereafter receive
the _débris_ of the Ottoman Empire. [Footnote: This may explain the
apparently illiberal views of many of the Cabinet as to the Greek
boundaries. They saw the difficulty of any halting place outside the
Isthmus of Corinth, short of a wider boundary even than that ultimately
adopted.]
As to the really important matter, the remonstrance to Russia, nothing was
done. Nothing is, I conclude, written, and Aberdeen does not like Cabinet
criticism, nor do I think the Cabinet at all agreed as to what should be
said. Dudley's letters used to occupy us for days, and certainly they were
the better for it--although we lost a good deal of time occasionally.
Aberdeen said he would send it to me. I think I shall write an _esquisse_
myself. We are to have no more Cabinets for some time. The Chancellor
wishes to have the remaining fortnight of his holidays uninterrupted.
_October 12._
Went to town at quarter-past one. To the Foreign Office. The treaty arrived
last night. Lord Aberdeen took it with him to Windsor. It differs
materially from the _projet_. The Articles respecting indemnity are
_relégués_ to a separate transaction. The payment of 100,000 ducats is to
lead to the evacuation of Adrianople; 400,000 form the next payment, then
500,000, and 500,000, making the sum originally demanded for individual
losses; but, as I understand Mr. Backhouse, eighteen months must elapse
before Turkey can be evacuated to the Danube. I had much conversation with
him as to other points. On looking into the Act of the Congress I find the
Powers adhering to it may be considered as binding themselves not to
_disturb_ the territorial arrangements that Act establishes; but they are
not bound to _maintain_ them. Thus if France appropriated to herself Spain,
she would violate the treaty, but no Power signing the treaty would be
obliged, by virtue of that Act, to make war upon France for doing so.
That the general treaty contains no guarantee is evident from the specific
guarantee of the cessions made by Saxony to Prussia, which would have been
unnecessary if the spirit of the treaty had been that of existent
guarantee.
_October 13._
Cabinet room. Found Lord Rosslyn there. Read the treaty.
The King was very well yesterday. The Recorder's Report was so long that
half was deferred.
The last dispatches from Persia, which arrived on Friday, were opened at
the Foreign Office, and read by everybody. Aberdeen sent them to the Duke,
who has probably taken them to Walmer in his carriage. The Chairs sent for
them, and could not get them. I must put a stop to this. I have written to
Lord Heytesbury to beg he will in future forward letters to their address.
Wrote a 'proposed draft' to Lord Heytesbury, directing him, if he should
have reason to think the Russians intend to exact further concession from
Persia, to intimate that such an attempt will be considered by his Majesty
as unfriendly to himself as an Asiatic Power. I doubt my getting the Duke
to agree to the sending of this despatch; but I shall try.
_October 14._
Carried my proposed letter to Lord Heytesbury to Aberdeen, who agrees to
send it with a trifling alteration, at least one not very important. Read
to him my proposed letter to Lord Heytesbury on the Peace of Adrianople. He
seemed to approve of great part of it. He has done nothing at his yet, and
seems to think there is no hurry!
We shall stand very ill in Parliament if we have nothing to show. I think
mine is a good _cadre_ of a letter, but that specific instructions should
be given to Lord Heytesbury as to what he shall endeavour to obtain in a
separate despatch.
Read my drafts to Lord Rosslyn after dinner. He seemed to think the view I
took was the right, and that much of what I had written was very good, but
that it might be shortened. So I think.
_October 15._
Henry copied the draft to Lord Heytesbury, for the Duke, to whom I sent it
with a letter.
Showed the Chairs the draft to Lord Heytesbury on Persia. They were much
pleased with it. So was old Jones. Sent it to the Duke. In little doubt his
approving it.
Received from the Duke the Persian despatches which I gave to the Chairs.
The Duke had not read them.
Received from him a letter on the subject of half-Batta. He says as an
officer he should have thought there was a compromise in 1801. That it
should be looked into as a question of economy. That above all things in
dealing with an army you must _be just_.
The Duke thinks the publication of the letter of Lord Combermere's
secretary indiscreet and _wicked_, and is very angry with Lord Combermere.
A letter will be written to the Government on the subject, directing
enquiry.
_October 19, Sunday._
Read McDonald's despatches from Persia, and sent them to the Duke, with a
letter suggesting the heads of a letter to the Envoy.
The Russians have given up one of the two crores due, and allow five years
for paying the other. They mean, therefore, to rule Persia _by influence_.
However, there is a good Mahometan and Anti-Russian feeling beyond the
Euphrates, and if mischief happens, it is our fault.
Received a letter from Hardinge respecting half-Batta. He is for standing
firm and giving some general boon, as an addition to marching money, to the
whole army. That is my idea. I am sure it is the safest course.
Wrote to Loch, suggesting it, and at the same time advised him to answer
the paragraphs respecting half-Batta, and not give misrepresentations too
much head.
_October 20._
Two letters from the Duke, written very hastily. It is evident he did not
like my making a sketch of a letter to Lord Heytesbury, and that he does
not like any difference of opinion as to the Batta question.
On the first point I still think I was right. He mentions some ideas of
Russia ordering Diebitch across the Balkan, and even the Danube, of her
giving up the Principalities, &c. In short he says all we know is that
there is a peace--we do not know what it is--and it would be ridiculous to
remonstrate against we know not what.
My draft was written before these reports were spread; and I only, from
anxiety to have the despatch well written and soon, sketched what I thought
would do.
As to the reports, I have told Aberdeen I cannot believe Russia has on a
sudden ceased to be ambitious, or to use perfidy as a mode of accomplishing
ambitious ends. She may give out she will make these changes--she may make
some--but her object is to prevent all combination on the part of Austria,
France, and England. If we do not remonstrate against what is signed, we
shall lose all credit, if that which is executed should be comparatively
favourable, and we shall incur great blame if no relaxation takes place. A
remonstrance might be so worded as to do no harm to Turkey or to Europe,
and to do good to us.
The Duke's other letter was on the Batta question, upon which he does not
like contradiction, yet I think his course would lead to continued demands
on the part of all the armies. I have told him I shall be in town to see
the Chairs on Saturday, and will try to see him on Friday, and, if he
wishes, bring the Chairs to him on Saturday.
_October 21._
Received a long confused letter from Fitzgerald upon my project of a draft
to Lord Heytesbury. He was at Sudborn, [Footnote: Seat of Lord Hertford, in
Suffolk] where the Duke was. The Duke was not so much inclined to think the
Russians would make any considerable concessions as Aberdeen, but he
thought, and had made Fitzgerald think, it would be premature to
remonstrate. I have written to Fitzgerald and told him my opinion more at
length than I told Aberdeen yesterday.
_October 23._
Cabinet room. Read the despatches from Petersburg and Paris. All the hints
of the Emperor of Russia's intention of not retaining his army in Turkey
come through Paris, Nesselrode having on September 29 spoken thus
specifically to the Duke de Mortemart, and merely talked about taking less
money and making some change in the guarantees to Lord Heytesbury. I did
not see Aberdeen, who was engaged with the Spanish Minister.
I do not depart from my original idea that Russia does all this to gain
time, and with as much perfidy as she has shown throughout.
Polignac would take a loyal view if he durst.
I cannot see the Duke till Monday, as he does not return to London till
Sunday evening.
I saw Hardinge and had a long talk with him about Batta, &c.
_October 24._
Chairs at 11.
The Chairs say the Court have the matter entirely in their hands as to
Batta. They wish to have the opinion of the Cabinet, and to be governed by
that. I have written to the Duke to tell him so.
I am glad there is to be a Cabinet, because I think a Cabinet will take a
more popular view of the question than the Duke, and, as I think, a juster
view. I am for standing firm.
The Duke's letter on Persian affairs arrived while I was with the Chairs. I
read it to them. The Duke suggests that McDonald should raise his escort in
Persia--an excellent idea. He objects to Major Hart having an assignment of
land. He thinks Willock may be recalled. The officers not; but if the
prince will pay them, so much the better. I think the Duke may be right as
to the assignments of land. Upon all the other points I entirely agree with
him. Read last night a letter of Lushington's, or rather a minute, which
shows he is determined to remain.
Cabinet room. Cunningham came in and showed me a draft of Aberdeen's to our
Minister in Spain on the recognition by Spain of Don Miguel--finding
excuses for Spain, and saying we cannot do it. What I saw was the
_brouillon_ which had been sent to the Duke. It had his observations in
pencil, and it seems Aberdeen sends all his proposed despatches to him and
alters them at his suggestion. Certainly Aberdeen, left to himself, would
be a very incautious writer.
_October 26._
Office early. Saw Captain Hanchett on the subject of the navigation of the
Red Sea. He was there two years and a half. He says in going in you should
make Aden and wait there for a wind. Water can be had there. Avoid Mocha,
where the anchorage is dangerous and the water bad, and go to the Island of
Cameran, then straight up in mid channel. All the dangers are visible, and
in the mid channel there are none. Cosseir a good little harbour, the
danger is going up to Suez; but that easy for a steamer. He worked with
topgallant sails against the north-west monsoon. There is a breeze along
shore at all times. The danger has been occasioned by the timid sailing of
the Arabs, who always hug the shore, and anchor at night.
_October 27._
I omitted yesterday to mention that at the Foreign Office I saw some
despatches just received from Sir R. Gordon. I think the date of the first
was October 2. He had the day before at last got the Turks to ratify the
treaty, but it seems there was a hitch, and until the ratification the
officers did not set off to stop hostilities in Asia. A Pasha had advanced
on Philippopoli and General Geismar on Sophia. Diebitch threatened to
advance on Constantinople. However, the day after he wrote his threatening
letter he must have received the ratifications. The Sultan is very anxious
to get the Egyptian fleet to Constantinople, probably as a pledge for the
allegiance of the Pasha, and to show his greatest vassal obeys him. The
Turks say it is the moral effect of the presence of the fleet on their own
subjects that they want, that they have no idea of not acting faithfully.
Sir R. Gordon assures me they mean to preserve the peace and must.
He has written the representation the Turkish ambassador is to present to
the Emperor. It would be a good remonstrance for us, but it is not a good
one for the Turks. It is very well written, but it is quite European in its
style, and the Russians will at once know, as I did, the author.
The Turks intended to send a splendid embassy to Petersburg, and Halil
Pasha, once the slave of the Seraskier, now the Sultan's son-in-law, was to
have been the ambassador. He is their least officer. However, Diebitch
tells them they must not send it till they have the Emperor's consent. The
Turks have ready the first 100,000 ducats, to get the Russians out of
Adrianople.
I should say from these despatches that things do not look peaceful.
_October 28._
Had a letter yesterday from Mr. Elphinstone on Nazarre. It appears to be a
fine on descents, &c., of Jaghire lands. I think his opinion will be
different from Sir J. Malcolm's--the latter wishing to make the Jaghires
hereditary, or rather to give a fee simple interest to the actual
proprietor. Mr. Elphinstone, on the contrary, thinking they should be
resumed on death without heirs.
_October 29._
Read a work just published by Colonel de Lacy Evans, on the practicability
of a Russian invasion of India. The route would be first to China, across a
desert from the shores of the Caspian--from China by water up the Oxus, to
within 550 miles of Attock. The great difficulty is between the end of the
river, and the southern side of the Hindoo Koosh. This difficulty, however,
has been often surmounted, and the road is constantly travelled by
caravans.
I think it is clear that the invasion of India could not be attempted till
the third year; but when should we begin to take precautions? A Government
wholly Asiatic would not be still if the Russians took possession of China;
but ours, chained by European politics, would hardly move if they entered
Cabul.
We ought to have full information as to Cabul, Bokhara, and China.
My letter of last year directed the attaining of information; but I dare
say nothing has been done.
_October 30._
Received a Memorial from Mr. Fullerton, asking some remuneration beyond his
salary for past services. He has a claim _if we were rich_. I think he
should have 10,000 dollars. I dare say he thinks 20,000. Thoughtless
extravagance is the destruction of generosity and even of justice.
Upon the subject of the invasion of India my idea is that the thing is not
only practicable, but easy, unless we determine to act as an Asiatic Power.
On the acquisition of Khiva by the Russians we should occupy Lahore and
Cabul.[Footnote: It may be remembered that Lord Ellenborough strongly
disapproved of any occupation of Afghanistan, or interference with its
internal affairs, in 1840-42. At that time Russia had not advanced to
Khiva. It is clear that he would not have held the same opinion as to our
policy towards Afghanistan after the events of 1873-74.] It is not on the
Indus that an enemy is to be met. If we do not meet him in Cabul, at the
foot of the Hindoo Koosh, or in its passes, we had better remain in the
Sutlege. If the Russians once occupy Cabul they may remain there with the
Indus in their front, till they have organised insurrection in our rear,
and completely equipped their army. I fear there are passes from Balkh upon
Peshawur. If these could be closed and the enemy poured upon Cabul we
should know where to meet him. Now we, being at Cabul, might be cut off
from its resources by the descent of the enemy upon Peshawur.
There is some road from Roondorg through Cashmere, but I do not fear that.
The road an enemy would choose would be that by the Valley of the Cachgu.
We know nothing of these passes, nothing of the country beyond them,
nothing of the course of the Indus--but we should have full information so
as to be able to crush an advancing enemy, by making the whole country
hostile, which money would do.
To meet an invasion we must raise every regiment to 1,000 men.
168 Regiments
360 "
-----
1,008
504
------
60,480 Men, besides Artillery.
4,000 King's Inf. raised to 1,000 each Reg.
1,000 Do. four Regiments of Cavalry.
4,000 Four new Regiments.
2,000 Two new Cavalry.
Besides King's Artillery.
------
71,480
Besides the increase which would take place in the Irregular Corps,
particularly in Skinner's.
A smaller increase than this would not be sufficient; for we should require
20,000 men at Delhi, 20,000 in Lahore, and 60,000 in Cabul. I speak of
enrolled, not effectives--but with these augmentations the Regular Army
would only be
148,000 N.I.
24,000 King's.
-------
172,000
20,000 Native Cavalry.
6,000 King's.
-------
198,000
The out provisional battalions, local corps, &c., of 198,000, I do not
think above 100,000 could possibly be disposable, and there would not be
70,000 effectives. The Artillery must be very numerous. I omitted the
Company's English Regiments, about 3,000 men.
Of all nations the Russians are the least adapted for an enterprise of this
nature. They have neither medical staff nor commissariat, and the men are
without resource. A French army would be the best. I doubt the possibility
of Russia bringing more than 20,000 men to Cabul, and these could not
descend the mountains till the third year, if Cabul was occupied. What I
fear is an occupation of Khiva unknown to us. No preparation on our part--
no marching forward--so that in three or four months from leaving Khiva the
enemy might be at Cabul. I am sure we can defeat the enterprise. We ought
to defeat it before the enemy reaches the Indus. If 20,000 Russians should
reach the Indus, it will be a sharp fight.
_November 1, 1829._
A letter from the Duke. He returned the papers I sent him. He has doubts as
to the expediency of making the Commissary-General of Stores I proposed;
but he seems to have supposed I wished to do away with the Military Board.
I have explained what I meant.
He approves of my suggestions as to correspondence, but thinks every paper
must be sent home, and the collections formed here. I have explained that I
always intended every paper should be sent home, and I have told him that I
had the opinion of the clerks I consulted that the collections might be
framed in India, with a saving of time, and without diminishing the check
on the local Governments.
_November 4._
Received from Aberdeen his draft of a remonstrance to Russia, which, it
seems, must be sent at last. He has already shown it to the Duke and Peel.
There is no great substantive objection to it; but it is not very carefully
written. I shall send it to him tomorrow with many proposed alterations. In
the second box came Gaily [Footnote: H. Gaily Knight. Best known for his
works on the Normans in Sicily, and Ecclesiastical Architecture in Italy.]
Knight's letter to Aberdeen; which is a poor, flimsy production. A
peacock's feather in the hilt of a Drawcansir's sword.
_November 5._
Altered, not only verbally, but substantially, Aberdeen's paper, and sent
it to him.
Cabinet room. Read a Memorandum by Lord Heytesbury, of a conversation he
has had with the Emperor of Russia. The Emperor expects the early downfall
of the Porte--and a Revolution in France. Asks if another march to Paris
would be possible? Lord Heytesbury saw Nesselrode afterwards and told him
what the Emperor had said. Nesselrode said the Emperor always saw things
_en noir_. He had a different opinion. He did not think the Porte in
immediate danger, nor did he expect a French Revolution.
The other guarantees they talk of are further cessions in Asia,
specifically Batoum, or the occupation of Varna, or Silistria, instead of
the Principalities. The latter is worse, and the Turks will probably
consent to neither. They do not value the Principalities, and they know
Europe does.[Footnote: The Principalities, as commanding the lower course
of the Danube, were all important to Austria especially. Thus, occupation
by Russia, while it would have been felt as a menace to Central Europe,
would have left Turkey a compact state beyond the Danube.]
_November 6._
Saw Aberdeen. He is always gloomy about _divisions_. He is afraid of an
attack on Foreign Policy. He thinks the two parties will unite in that. He
hears there has been some approximation between Lord Grey [Footnote: Lord
Grey had been separated from the bulk of the Whig party since their
junction with Canning in 1827.] and Lord Holland. At the same time it is
said there is a notion of bringing in Lord Grey. I suspect this report to
have been fabricated by the Ultra-Tories to annoy the King.
He thinks the Duke is annoyed, more particularly at the King's not treating
him well, and at his Government not being well supported.
In fact, however, it is a Government which will not fall, for the King
hates the Whigs; the people do not regard them. He may like the Tories, but
he knows they cannot make a Government, and the Duke's Administration has
four-fifths of the country.
Received a letter from the Duke, telling me he had settled Colonel
McDonald's knighthood, and asking me if I should be ready to talk about
India on the 13th. I said about Batta certainly; about India I had rather
talk first to Lord Melville and him.
Wrote to the Duchess of Kent telling her a Bengal cavalry cadetship was at
her disposal for the son of Colonel Harvey.
There is a very interesting letter from an English officer at Adrianople
with respect to the state of the Russian army. It has suffered and suffers
most dreadfully.
I told Aberdeen if I had seen the account of the conversation between Lord
Heytesbury and the Emperor Nicholas before I read his proposed letter, I
should have suggested that much stress should have been laid upon the
effect the downfall of Turkey would have upon affairs in France.
Polignac seems confident he can stand. He thinks he has the Chambers. The
French behave ill in the settlement of the Greek business, and object
altogether to our man, Prince Philip of Hesse Homburg. They equally object
to Prince Frederick of Orange, and to Prince Leopold, whom Russia would
have had willingly. I wonder Aberdeen did not laugh when he was proposed.
They want to settle the thing without a Prince. I suppose they want a
Frenchman.
Aberdeen is for settling Greece as a Power into whose lap the broken parts
of Turkey may fall. He gives up Euboea. That is, the surrender of Euboea is
to be proposed to the Porte, with a frontier limited in other respects,
instead of the protocol of March 22.
The Turks who have left the Morea have no indemnity. The Turks who are in
the other parts of the new Greece remain. It is altogether a wonderful
business. These anti-revolutionary States combining to revolutionise a
rebellious province of an unoffending ally!
_November 11._
It seems the French do not like the idea of giving to the Turks the option
of an independent State with smaller limits, or of a State under
Suzeraineté with extended limits, contrary to the treaty, and sending at
the same time secret instructions to the Ambassadors to insist upon the
_entire_ independence of the new Greek State. The French seem likewise to
have been offended at the protocol having been settled between Russia and
us, before they were called in to give their opinion. No wonder. Certainly
our diplomacy has not succeeded. We have failed in all our objects.
_November 13._
Cabinet. I was first called upon to say my say upon the general Indian
question. I observed that the present prospective deficiency was one
million a year. That until we could ascertain whether that deficiency could
be diminished or done away with we were really not ourselves prepared to
come to a decision upon the future government of India; nor would
Parliament endure that the China trade should be closed upon the country
for twenty years more without first inquiring whether it was necessary. The
first question was, 'Can we make such a reduction of expenditure, or effect
such an increase in income as to enable the Government of India to go on
without any assistance direct or indirect from England?' If it can, then we
have the China trade in our hands. If it cannot, we have to decide whether
the necessary assistance shall be found by means of a continuance of the
monopoly or in some other manner.
I stated the increase of two millions in six years in the civil charges of
Bengal; that the Court had issued the strongest instructions, and the local
Government seemed to have a real intention to curtail expenditure. That I
had done something, and should do all I could, investigating every item.
Peel suggested a commission. I said that had occurred to me last year. The
Duke, however, objected to a commission as really superseding the Governor-
General and being the Government. Another objection certainly is the delay.
Difficulties would be thrown in its way, and we should at last be obliged
to decide without its final report, having thrown away our time here in
waiting for it.
I mentioned that the character of the local Government was 'disrespect and
disobedience.' That nothing but a long continuance of strict rule could
bring India into real subjection. It was this disobedience which was the
chief source of increased expenditure. It arose in a great measure from the
unequal hand which had been held over them--the indulgence of the Court of
Directors--and the great delays in the communication with India arising out
of the system of correspondence. I had endeavoured to remedy that, and
hoped to get an answer to letters within the year. It was now two years and
a half. I had likewise endeavoured to make arrangements for steam
communication by the Red Sea. I hoped to be able to send a letter to Bombay
in sixty days.
The Cabinet seemed generally to acquiesce in the expediency of only having
a Committee this year.
At first they all seemed to think the continuance of the government in the
Company a matter of course. I told them that even with the China trade the
Government could not now go on without great reductions of expenditure, and
that I hoped the Cabinet would not come to a hasty decision upon a question
involving so many important political and financial considerations. The
present system was not one of great expense, but it was one involving great
delay--and delay was expense, and not only expense but abandonment of
authority. It was in this point of view that I hoped the Cabinet would look
at the question when it came before them.
I mean to go quietly to work; but I mean, if I can, to substitute the
King's government for that of the Company. [Footnote: This was not carried
out till 1858, after the great mutiny.] I am sure that in doing so I shall
confer a great benefit upon India and effect the measure which is most
likely to retain for England the possession of India.
We afterwards spoke of the Batta question. I read Lord Wellesley's letter,
and stated the opinions of Sir J. Malcolm, Sir Archibald Campbell, and Sir
J. Nicholls.
I stated that it seemed the feeling in the army was excited more by the
apprehension of further reductions than by the establishment of the half-
Batta stations; that if concessions were made to the Bengal army, the other
armies would be discontented and further demands would be made.
The Duke said, as a soldier, and having been in India at the time, he must
say he thought the orders of 1828 [Footnote: Orders issued by Lord William
Bentinck, abolishing full batta or the larger scale of allowances to the
military at stations where half-batta only had been recognised, before the
Act of the Bengal Government allowing full batta in consideration of
officers providing themselves with quarters.--See Thornton's _British
India_, pp. 221-25.] a breach of faith--but these having been issued, he
thought we must stand to them. The general opinion was that as nothing
could be said or done till the arrival of despatches, there could be no
necessity for deciding.
I mentioned my Supreme Court Bill, which will be ready immediately.
I hope to save--ultimately 60,000 pounds a year in the Supreme Courts.
£
£1,000 on each Judge..... 9,000
1 Judge at Calcutta...... 5,000
1 Judge at M. and B...... 8,000
Recorder's Court......... 8,000
Fees at Calcutta........ 30,000
------
£60,000
Ireland is put off till Monday, that we may all read the papers. We dine
with the Duke to-morrow.
The French oppose all the people we name for the Greek coronet. They have
named Prince Charles of Bavaria, and the second son of the King of Bavaria
with a regency till he is of age! However, this folly they did not press.
We first named Prince Philip of Hesse Homburg, whom the French would not
hear of. Then Leopold! They did not like him. Prince Emilius of Hesse
Darmstadt was thought of. The French have suggested Prince John of Saxony,
second son of the King, a fine young man, about 28, but unknown. His elder
brother too may soon succeed to the throne, and he has no children.
Otherwise there is no objection to this Prince.
It seems to me they are running after trifles. Russia adheres to us as to
the Prince, or rather remains neutral, thinking I have no doubt that France
and England will quarrel about the feather.
The secret instruction which it was proposed to give to the Ambassadors is
now abandoned, France having objected. They were to have been ordered to
_insist_ upon Turkey taking one of two things of which she was to have
ostensibly the pure option. Now they are only clearly to intimate their
_wish_. However, it seems Russia will take a million of ducats less if
Turkey will make Greece independent. That is, she will give up a claim to
what she cannot get in order to effect that she has no right to ask.
The French Government have, by giving new rates of pension, got 1,600 old
officers out of the army, and filled important stations with friends of
their own. They think they shall stand.
I forgot to mention the Archduke Maximilian of Modena as one of the persons
talked of for Greece. It seems uncertain whether any one of these Princes
would take the coronet.
_November 14, Saturday._
Cabinet room. Rosslyn and afterwards Lord Bathurst there. Read the Irish
papers, that is, Lord Francis Leveson's private letters to Peel and Peel's
to him, with a letter from Peel to Leslie Foster, asking his opinion as to
education and Maynooth, and Foster's reply. The latter is important. He
thinks the political and religious hostility of the two parties is
subsiding. The chiefs alone keep it up. The adherents are gradually falling
off. To open the questions of education, &c., now, would be to open closing
wounds, nor would anything be accomplished. The priests would resist
everything proposed, and the Protestants would not be satisfied. The
Kildare Street Society, however defective, does a great deal of good, more
than could be expected from any new system we could carry at this moment.
As to Maynooth, to withdraw the grant would not diminish the funds, while
it would increase the bad feeling.
The increased prevalence of outrage, arising more from a disorganised state
of society than from politics or religion, and the _assassination_ plan,
must be met by an extensive police, directed by stipendiary magistrates;
and the expense of this police, and the indemnity to sufferers must be paid
by the barony in which the outrage takes place.
All Peel's letters are very sensible. Lord Francis Leveson's are in an odd
style, rather affected occasionally, and his ideas are almost always such
as require to be overruled. He is a forward boy; but I see nothing of the
statesman in him. We ought to have had Hardinge there.
Dined at the Duke's. A man of the name of Ashe is writing letters to the
Duke of Cumberland threatening his life if he does not give up a book in
MS.
This book of Ashe's is a romance detailing all sorts of scandals of the
Royal Family, and of horrors of the Duke of Cumberland. The book is
actually in the possession of the Duke of Wellington.
The King's violence, when there was an idea of Denman's [Footnote: The King
always resented an offensive quotation of Denman's as counsel during the
Queen's trial.] appearing for the Recorder, was greater, the Duke says,
than what he showed during the Catholic question.
Lady Conyngham has been and is very ill. There is no idea of the Court
going to Brighton.
_November 16._
Cabinet. France, Austria, and England to ask Don Pedro distinctly what he
means to do. We certainly cannot go on as we are with Portugal for ever.
Aberdeen fears France may acknowledge Miguel first, and thus take our place
with Portugal.
The Duke says if we can keep Spain on good terms with Portugal, and with
ourselves, the connection of France and Portugal does not signify, and we
are much better off than with Portugal against Spain and France. This is
true.
A long talk about Ashe, who has written a libel on the Duke of Cumberland,
which the Duke gave to the Duke of Wellington. Ashe wants it back, and
threatens if he has it not returned to him; but in a letter, and in such
terms that the Attorney-General does not think him liable to prosecution.
He might be held to bail, perhaps, but that would bring out the case. It
was decided to do nothing, but to take precautions against his doing
mischief. The Duke of Cumberland has been cautioned.
The Insurrection Act seems to be popular with Fitzgerald. Peel says it is
bad in principle, and has the effect of placing the higher classes in
hostility against the lower. The decision seemed to be to have a powerful
police--stipendiary magistrates--frequent trials--constables appointed by
Government--counties paying for additional police.
Peel suggests the division of Ireland into smaller districts, and the
acquiring a personal knowledge of individuals, and making the districts
responsible.
I believe the country is too populous, and the population too wicked, for
this plan to succeed.
The murderers will be brought in from a distance.
The state of demoralisation in which the country is is dreadful. Murders
are held to be of no account.
_November 17._
Read, as I came down to Worthing, Colonel McDonald's last despatches, and
his private letter, which I received last night. Sent them to the Duke, and
asked whether under the circumstances we should let Abbas Murza have some
thousand stand of arms, Colonel McDonald doing his best to secure ultimate
repayment.
The Persian cavalry raised by the Russians in their newly conquered
territories seem to have fought as well as any troops in their service.
Colonel McDonald says it is from a disciplined Persian army alone,
commanded by Russian officers, that he dreads the invasion of India. A
European force would be wasted by the climate. The Pasha of Suleimania had
too European a taste, and wanted to make regular soldiers without pay or
clothing. So his soldiers turned him out, and made his brother Pacha.
Colonel McDonald describes all that side of Turkey as going _au devant du
conquérant_. Such has been the wretchedness of their government.
_Worthing, November 18, 1829._
At 11 P.M. received a letter from the Duke of Wellington by a messenger,
telling me he regretted I had not met Lord Melville and him before the
Cabinet, and proposing, as he and Lord Melville both wished to go out of
town on Friday, that I should meet them either to-morrow, after 2, or on
Friday morning.
I wrote to say I would be with him at 3 to-morrow.
_November 19._
Met the Duke and Lord Melville.
After conversation on topics connected with the subject we came to the
point, which was that the Duke wished both to preserve the monopoly and the
Company as administrators of Indian affairs.
The Duke is much swayed by early recollections. He is besides very desirous
of having the City of London in his hands.
I admitted that the great and solid objection to placing the government of
India directly in the hands of the Crown was the consequent increase of
Parliamentary business, already too extensive to be well performed.
As to the China trade, if the Government of India can be conducted without
the assistance derived from it, I saw no reason for its continuance; but I
had rather continue the monopoly than lose the Company as a trading Company
to China, for I thought the trade might be greatly endangered were their
commerce to cease. I said that the continuance of the system of carrying on
the government through the instrumentality of the Company was not
inconsistent with giving to it the efficiency, the vigour, and the celerity
of the King's Government.
Lord Melville admitted the cumbrousness of the present system.
The Duke seemed to have no objection to alterations in details, provided
the principle were adhered to.
Both to-day and in the Cabinet on Friday last I was surprised by Lord
Melville's inertness.
The Duke wishes Leach's paper to be 'the case to be proved.' This may be
done, and yet the necessary improvements introduced.
Met Seymour, who had been with the Duke. He is just come from Berlin. He
seemed to say that the great success of the war was wholly unexpected by
the Emperor.
_November 20._
Wrote to Hylton Jolliffe to beg he would turn his attention to the subject
of steam navigation to India by the Red Sea, as a private speculation.
_November 21._
Read a letter from Sir G. Murray. It seems the Duke, Lord Melville, and Sir
George are to meet soon to consider whether some alteration should not be
made in the rules of the Order of the Bath. I suggested that it might be an
improvement to make civilians eligible to the lower grades of the Order. It
might occasionally be very convenient to make a man a K.C.B. for civil
service.
_Sunday, November 22._
Told Bankes what the Duke wished respecting the Charter; but I likewise
told him it had not yet been so determined in Cabinet, and that there was
no objection to our making the Government more rapid and vigorous, and less
like the Tullietudlem coach. I desired him to consider this _confidential_
to himself and the Commissioners.
_November 25._
Received a note from Bankes announcing that the Duke had accepted his
retirement from the office of secretary, and had consented to make him an
extra commissioner.
This has long been an idea of Bankes's, of which I never could see rational
ground. Indeed, he seems to acknowledge it is not his own idea, but that of
others, that on his return to the Government he should not have returned to
the same office. In fact it is the influence of the Duke of Cumberland, and
it is evident from the endeavour to detach Bankes from the Government now
that the Brunswickers still have hopes. It is like giving notice to Lot and
his family before the fall of fire and brimstone.
Bankes's letter is full of kind and grateful expressions towards me.
Indeed, we have always been on very friendly and confidential terms. I have
expressed my regret at his resolution. I told him I think he acts upon
mistaken views, and I assure him that in whatever position he may stand
towards the Board, it will afford me much pleasure and advantage to remain
on the same terms with him.
The Duke will be angry, and I do not think Bankes will soon get an office
again.
_December 2._
Read for an hour at the Cabinet room. There is a curious account of a
conversation between De Rigny and an Austrian friend at Smyrna. De Rigny
thinks very ill of the Government, and of the state of France. He too wants
the Rhine! He judges truly enough of the results of the treaty. 'England,
Austria, and France will talk, but nothing will be done.' He says Russia
was very foolish not to go on. She might have dared anything. However, the
army seems to have suffered severely. They acknowledge the loss of 130,000
men in the two campaigns.
Diebitch has partly evacuated Adrianople, leaving there, however, 6,000
sick and a battalion. The plague spreads in the Principalities, and they do
not know how to get the troops out of Turkey.
Zuylen de Neyvelt and others give a very bad account of the state of
Constantinople. They say the Turkish Empire _cannot_ hold together.
I do not like Lord Stuart's account of the state of the French Ministry.
They will bring in Villele, who is an able man, and he may save them; but
theirs is a desperate game.
The French seem to be disposed to go along with us in negotiating with the
Emperor of Brazil [Footnote: _i.e._ with the Emperor Don Pedro, father of
the ultimately successful candidate for the Portuguese throne, Donna Maria
de Gloria.] for the recognition of Miguel. There would be a stipulation for
amnesty, &c.
_December 3._
The Chairs talked of Lord William Bentinck. They are very much out of
humour with him and heartily wish he was at home. He has neither written
privately nor publicly, except upon trifling matters, for five months. He
has declared his opinion in favour of colonisation. He is very unpopular.
On the subject of Sir W. Rumbold he and Sir Ch. Metcalfe are very hostile,
taking extreme views on the different sides. This hostility upon one
subject will lead to difference upon others. The Government is not
respected--and certainly there has been no moment when it was of more
importance that the head of the Government should be respected than when it
is necessary to effect a great economical reform. They describe the feeling
at Madras as being still worse. There they did not think the governor an
_honest man_.
The Chairs expect a letter from Macdonald to the Secret Committee with
copies of his last despatches which I have already received through
Petersburg, so they are unwilling to accept a communication of them from
me. The letter, permitting Abbas Murza to purchase 12,000 stand of arms and
to pay for them by instalments, will therefore go without any reference to
the last despatches received.
Saw Aberdeen. He agrees with me in feeling much apprehension on the state
of France as well as of Turkey. He seems, however, to think more of the
state of parties here, and does not like the looks of the Duke of
Cumberland (who was nearly dying last week) and of the King. It seems the
King, although very well satisfied with measures of a public nature, is
annoyed at not carrying some small jobs.
There was a great party at Woburn lately, and the world of course say there
is an approximation to the Grey party. Aberdeen thinks the Woburn party
showed good wishes, and Lord Grey, it is said, does not mean to come up to
town. However, he is said to think he has been slighted, whereas the Duke
of Wellington _cannot_ do anything for him in the hostile state of the
King's mind.
I told Aberdeen confidentially of Bankes's going out, which is an
indication, no doubt, of continued hostility on the part of the Duke of
Cumberland.
Saw Hardinge. Talked on various public subjects, and then told him of the
probability that in three months Lord W. Bentinck would be recalled. I
asked him whether he could be induced to go as Governor-General. He
rejected the idea at first as unsuited to his rank in the army. I said we
could make him Captain-General. He seemed to think it was a great field for
a man who wished to obtain great fame, and if he was unmarried he would not
be disinclined to go, but I should think domestic considerations would
prevent him. I wish we had him as secretary in Ireland, but he is wanted
_everywhere_. He is so useful. He would be _most useful_ in Ireland.
Saw the Duke. I told him what the Chairs had said. He said he always
thought Lord William would not succeed. Who could we get to replace him? He
had always thought it did not signify as long as we had _one_ man in India;
but we must have _one_. I told him that, seeing the difficulty of
selection, I had thought it right to tell him what was likely to happen. I
should not be much surprised if he thought of Lord Tweddale, whom he
thought of for Ireland. I do not know him at all.
_December 6._
Read Sir W. Rumbold's letters, and the minutes in Council on the Hyderabad
case. Sir W. is a cunning, clever man. Sir Ch. Metcalfe shows too much
prejudice against Sir W. Rumbold; but he was at Hyderabad at the time, and
he may be right. I suspect it was a disgraceful business.
_December 9._
Loch has got a cadetship for me. Colonel Baillie lends it. He postpones a
nomination till next year in order to oblige me. I have thanked Loch, and
begged him to thank Colonel Baillie.
Wrote to Lady Belfast to tell her Mr. Verner had his cadetship. Begged her
to make his family and friends understand thoroughly that this was a
private favour I had led her to expect long before the discussion of the
Catholic question.
Wrote to Lord Hertford and enclosed an extract from my letter to Lady
Belfast.
Read a letter from Sir J. Malcolm, who is again troubled by Sir J. P.
Grant. He enclosed a letter of his upon the subject to Lord W. Bentinck.
The concluding paragraph of this letter refers to a letter from Lord
William of June 18, at which time the spirit of the Bengal army continued
bad.
Read a letter from Jones, who will set himself to work about the navigation
of the Indus. He says a Mr. Walter Hamilton speaks of the river being
navigable for vessels of 200 tons to Lahore, and that from Lahore to the
mouth of the river, 700 miles, is only a voyage of twelve days. And no
British flag has ever floated upon the waters of this river! Please God it
shall, and in triumph, to the source of all its tributary streams.
_December 11._
Read a letter from Lord Bathurst respecting the recall of Sir J. P. Grant.
He had imagined I had said he had resigned. He seems surprised I should
have supposed it possible a judge should be recalled without a formal
meeting of the Privy Council. I reminded him of Sir T. Claridge's case, not
half so strong as that of Sir J. P. Grant.
_December 12._
Read Fraser's travels.
_December 13._
A letter from Sir J. Malcolm, by which it seems that my letter to him of
February 21 has been copied and become public: much to his annoyance.
[Footnote: This was the letter with the expression about a wild elephant
between two tame ones which afterwards attracted so much criticism. It was
intended as a private letter to Sir J. Malcolm, but by a mistake of one of
his secretaries was copied as an official communication.]
He sends me his letter to Lord W. Bentinck upon the subject. It seems by
this letter, which adverts to other topics, that the spirit in Bengal is
very bad--that Lord W. has hitherto done nothing to check it, and that with
the press in his power he has allowed it to be more licentious than it ever
was before.
_December 14._
Found at Roehampton a letter from the Duke enclosing one addressed by Mrs.
Hastings to the King, applying for a pension. The King recommends it to the
consideration of the Court of Directors. I doubt the Court venturing to
propose any pension to the Court of Proprietors.
I had another letter from the Duke enclosing a letter to him from Sir J.
Malcolm and a copy of Sir J. Malcolm's letter to Lord W. Bentinck,
respecting the unauthorised publication of my private letter--the same I
received yesterday. Sir J. Malcolm speaks of an intended deputation from
the Bengal army to England, which Lord William was determined not to allow;
but Sir J. Malcolm seems to think that Lord William by his conduct at first
brought on much of what has taken place. He has relaxed the reins of
Government too much. I am satisfied that, without a change of form and
name, it will be very difficult to regain the strength the Government has
lost in India.
I shall see the Duke if I can to-morrow and suggest the appointment of Sir
J. Malcolm as provisional successor to Lord William. Sir J. Malcolm's
sentiments are known, and his nomination would show the feeling of the
Government here. It would be a hint to Lord William that we could replace
him at once and make him do his duty. It would, in the event of anything
happening to Lord William, guard against the mischiefs of an interregnum,
which is always a time of weakness and of job.
_December 15._
The Duke gone to the Deepdene. Wrote to him to say I would not fail to
bring the question of Mrs. Hastings's pension before the Chairs; but I
enclosed a memorandum showing all that had been done for old Hastings, and
reminded the Duke that the Court could not grant above 200£ a year without
the sanction of two Courts of Proprietors.
Cabinet room. Lord Heytesbury seems to have shown Nesselrode the protocol
about November 25. The Count was greatly agitated, and put himself into a
furious passion. Asked the use of it? Perhaps it would be difficult to say.
Supposed it was intended for Parliament--which is very true. Said it would
lead to a reply we should not like--create a paper war, prevent the two
Courts from remaining upon the friendly terms he had hoped were
re-established. The more angry he is, the more right I think we must
feel we were to send it.
There is a good paper of Aberdeen's to Sir R. Gordon, in which he considers
the Turkish Empire as falling, and our interest as being to raise Greece,
that that State may be the heir of the Ottoman Power. With this view he
considers it to be of primary importance that the Government of new Greece
should not be revolutionary, and the Prince a good one.
There is another good paper defending England against an accusation of
Metternich that we should have spoken in a firmer tone to Russia at an
earlier period. The King seems much taken with these papers, and writes
great encomiums upon them.
By Lord Stuart's account it appears probable that Villele will come in. The
Government mean to avoid all questions upon which it is possible to have a
difference of opinion, and to bring forward only measures of clear and
undeniable utility. They think that, if their opponents should endeavour to
throw out these measures, the Chambers will support Government.
France coincides with us entirely as to the Portuguese question; but
wishes, and she is right, that questions more specific had been put to the
Emperor Pedro. The intention seems to be to acknowledge Miguel on
conditions, when Pedro admits he can do nothing.
_December 16._
Read Lord Ashley's memorandum on the judicial administration of India. I
wrote a note on returning it in which I said he seemed to have taken great
pains to collect the opinions which had been given by different persons
upon the subject. Mine had been expressed by me in a letter to Sir J.
Malcolm on August 7, in which I declared my general concurrence in the
views entertained by him and intimated by him in his minute, giving an
account of his tour in the southern Mahratta country. I had added that I
was satisfied the more we could avail ourselves of the services of the
natives in the fiscal and judicial administration the better, and that all
good government must rest upon the village system. I told Sir J. Malcolm I
had come to my office without any preconceived opinions, that I had kept
out of the way of prejudiced men, and had allowed opinions to form
themselves gradually in my own mind as I acquired more knowledge from pure
sources. I could not, if I had written this passage on purpose, have had
one more suited to my purpose. It showed Ashley I was not _prejudiced_,
that my opinions were formed before I read his memorandum, and that I had
formed them by abstaining from the course he has pursued--for he allows all
sorts of persons to come and talk to him, and to inoculate him with their
notions.
I afterwards said that he would see by Sir Thomas Munro's memorandum of
December 31, 1824, that he thought we had succeeded better in the judicial
than in the fiscal administration of India, and in the criminal better than
in the civil branch of the judicial government. This I said to show I had
read Sir T. Munro's memorandum, which he did not give me credit for having
done; and that it was not so much to the judicial as to the revenue branch
that he should have directed his attention, with a view to improvements--
the field being greater.
I then said I did not doubt that there were capable natives to be found,
but I did doubt that they would be selected, for that the European servants
had disappointed me. The natives were better than I expected, &c., &c.
Saw the Duke. Suggested to him Sir J. Malcolm's being made provisional
successor to Lord W. Bentinck for the reasons I have mentioned. He thought
well of the suggestion; but said we must consider it, and mention it in
Cabinet, as Lord William was a great card, and we must not do anything to
offend unnecessarily him and his connection. The objection occurred to him
that had occurred to me, that Sir J. Malcolm would die if he went to
Calcutta. I hope he would not go there, that he would remain in the upper
provinces. But I look to the effect of the nomination upon the conduct of
people in India, and that of Lord William himself, more than to his actual
succession.
The Duke then said we must look not to India only, but to all Asia, and
asked me if I had read Evans's book. I told him I had; that in forty-eight
hours after I read it I had sent a copy to Macdonald and another to
Malcolm. I told him all the views I had with regard to the navigation of
the Indus and the opening of a trade with Cabul and Bokhara. He said our
minds appeared to have been travelling the same way. We must have good
information of what the Russians might be doing there. I reminded him I had
desired the Government a year ago to obtain information as to all the
countries between the Caspian and the Indus, and I intended now to give a
more particular direction. He said Macdonald should have his eye upon the
Caspian, and information as to those countries would be best obtained
through natives. I reminded him that that had been the suggestion in my
letter of last year. The Duke's opinion is that it is a question of
_expense only_. That if the Russians got 20,000 or 30,000 men into Cabul we
could beat them; but that by hanging upon us there they could put us to an
enormous expense in military preparation, and in quelling insurrections.
They could not move in that direction without views hostile to us, and by
threatening us there they would think to embarrass us in Europe. I proposed
that in the event of the Russians moving in that direction we should permit
the Government of India to act as an Asiatic Power. By money at least, he
allowed, without further orders, not to move in advance without
instructions. But the Duke is ready to take up the question here in Europe,
if the Russians move towards India with views of evident hostility.
He approves of a message going at once with orders to Macdonald.
_December 18._
Chairs. They will consider favourably Mrs. Hastings's case; but she must
address her representation to them.
I told them of my suggestion of making Malcolm provisional successor to
Lord William, and the reasons for it. They seemed to like the idea; but the
same objection occurred to them which had occurred to the Duke and to me--
that if Malcolm went to Calcutta he would die. I said I did not want him to
go. I did not look to his going. I looked to the moral effect of the
appointment upon Lord William and upon all their servants in India. They
want to get some political man of high rank and talents and determined
character to go. They are heartily sick of Lord William. Whom they want to
send I do not know.
I told them of my conversation with the Duke and went over the same ground.
They acquiesced in all I said. We shall have the missions to Scinde and to
Lahore, and the commercial venture up the Indus, and the instruction to
Macdonald. In short, all I want.
Despatches are at hand from Lord William, dated May 1, in triplicate, and
without the minutes which are referred to as containing the sentiments of
the Government. These despatches merely refer the subject to the
consideration of the Court.
One Jones, it seems, has written almost all the memorials, and is
considered a rebel more than a Radical.
We had a little conversation respecting the future Government of India. I
told them it must be a strong Government, and I doubted whether in its
present form it could secure obedience in India. It required more of
appearance. They seemed to feel that. Astell acknowledged there was nothing
imposing in the name of 'the Company,' and that the present Government was
fallen into contempt.
I told them I was satisfied that the patronage and the appeals should
always remain where they were. I paid them a high compliment, which they
justly deserve, upon the fairness of their conduct in deciding upon the
claims of their servants.
They feel their Government is weak in its last year; but that the Ministers
could not do otherwise than have a committee.
_December 18._
Wrote a letter to the Duke, which he may send to the King, stating the
result of my communication to the Chairs respecting Mrs. Hastings.
Requested information as to the trade of the Caspian, that carried on by
the caravans to Bokhara, and the general condition of that country,
desiring likewise that means might be taken to keep us constantly informed
of any movements made by the Russians towards the Sea of Aral, and of any
attempt to make establishments on the east coast of the Caspian.
Wrote to the Duke to tell him what was done and how entirely the Chairs
entered into his views.
_December 19._
Wrote to Loch to suggest that he should send Meyendorff's and Mouravief's
books to Macdonald.
Read a clever pamphlet on the China trade, and in coming down to Worthing
all the papers Hardinge sent me relative to the new pension regulations.
_December 20._
Read Meyendorff's 'Tour in Bokhara.' It contains all the information I want
as to the commerce between Bokhara and Russia. We can easily supply Bokhara
with many things the Russians now furnish, and with all Indian goods
cheaper by the Indus than the Ganges; but what the Bokharians are to send
us in return I do not well see, except turquoises, lapis lazuli, and the
ducats they receive from Russia. We may get shawls cheaper by navigating
the Indus.
_December 21._
Read the memorandum the Chairs gave me respecting the application of steam
navigation to the internal and external communications of India. It has
been prepared carefully and ably, and is very interesting. It suggests the
navigation of the Euphrates to Balis or Bir by steam, and thence the
passage by Aleppo to Latakia or Scanderoon. It likewise suggests that it
might be more expeditious to cross the desert from Suez to Lake Menzaleh,
or direct to the sea.
_December 22._
Wrote to Lord Hill, telling him of Sir G. Walker's dangerous illness, and
intimating the importance, under the present circumstances of Madras, of
having not only a good soldier as Commander-in-Chief, but a man possessed
of good civil qualities.
Sent a copy of this letter to the Duke.
_December 25._
Read a memorandum of Jones on the last mission to Lahore, and a very long
secret despatch in 1811 upon the subject of Runjeet Singh's attempt to
establish himself on the left bank of the Sutlege, and his retreat in
consequence of remonstrances and military demonstration on the part of the
British Government.
_December 26._
Called by appointment on Lady Macdonald, who came here to speak to me about
Sir J. Macdonald's salary and position at Tabriz. She says that after the
letter he wrote, representing the inexpediency of Sir H. Willock's
remaining as his first assistant and the non-existence of any necessity for
two assistants, if the Bengal Government do not recall Willock Sir J.
Macdonald cannot remain. She has likewise a good deal to say respecting the
salary. I think 9,000£ a year a proper salary. The Ambassador at
Constantinople has 8,000£ and a house; but Constantinople is on the sea,
and the charge of bringing European goods to Tabriz through Russia is so
considerable that 1,000£ a year ought to be added for the charge.
_December 29._
Received three letters from Lord W. Bentinck, of July 6 and 8 and August 2.
In that of the 6th he speaks of my private letter to Sir J. Malcolm,
published in the 'Calcutta Newspaper.' In that of the 8th he sends it to
me, the names being altered, and all between brackets being interpolated,
and in fact in the light of comment. In that of August 2 he speaks of the
temper of the army, &c., and all public subjects. I have sent the three
letters to the Duke.
I was glad to have my letter. I can defend every word in it. It contains
the simile of the elephants, which I am sorry for, as I fear those
described _as tame_ may be foolish enough to endeavour to show they are not
so by affecting a degree of vivacity beyond their nature; but still I can
defend it.
Lord William describes his position as not agreeable, having to effect the
odious work of reduction. [Footnote: Besides the burning question of 'Half-
Batta,' Lord W. Bentinck's administration was regarded as hostile in spirit
to that of his predecessors, and so disliked by those who had served under
them, especially by the military.] He says that in India no man thinks of
anything but MONEY, that the local government has incurred great odium by
carrying into effect the orders of the home authorities. He recommends Sir
Charles Metcalfe as a man standing by Malcolm's side, and fit for the
government of Bombay. I a little fear Sir Charles Metcalfe. He is rather
too vehement. I doubt whether he would be a safe man. I am quite sure
Courtney would be a very unfit man. The Governor of Bombay ought to be an
Indian, but who is there?
Lord William represents the Burmese Government as a barbarian Government.
He says they have sacrificed all who assisted us, and that the difficulty
in retroceding the Tenasserim provinces would be to know what to do with
the 35,000 people who have sought our protection.
This report makes the wisdom of our recent policy yet clearer than it
appeared before.
_December 31._
Read twenty papers on the opium treaties and management in Central India.
The Supreme Government have decided upon no longer limiting the extent of
cultivation in Malwa, and upon permitting the free transit of the drug.
This was expedient because undoubtedly our restrictions led to the most
hostile feelings on the part both of princes and people, to the injury of
the traders, to violent and offensive interference on our part in the
internal policy of foreign States, and to smuggling protected by large
bodies of armed men. The smugglers would soon have been Pindarries. This
system began only in 1825. It was forced upon the small States, and not
upon that of Gwalior, so that smuggling defeated the object.
_January 2, 1830._
Received from the Duke a note to say the publication of my private letter
to Sir J. Malcolm did not signify one pin's head, and it _will have_ done
good in India.
Wrote a long letter to Lord William Bentinck. I pressed upon him the
necessity of making the home and the local authorities draw together. I
told him he was suffering not for his obedience but for the disobedience of
his predecessors. Assured him of support, lamented the _ungentlemanlike_
tone of society evidenced by the insult of the commanding officers to him,
and by the publication of my private letter. I spoke in high terms of
Lieut. W. Hislop's report on the opium arrangements (which on reflection I
thought better than writing a letter to him), and I likewise spoke highly
of Mr. Scott, the Commissioner in Assam. Acknowledged the Government could
not have done otherwise than give up the opium treaties; but foretold a
large falling off in the opium revenue from over-cultivation in Malwa.
_January 3._
A letter from Clare on East Indian matters which I answered at length. Sent
Prendergast's pamphlet to Jones.
Read reports on the Delhi and Firuz Shah's canal, by which it appears my
plan of joining the Sutlege and Jumna is not visionary. It has been done.
The canal can still be traced. Delhi seems in distant times to have been
like Milan, in the midst of canals. The grand canal sent a branch through
the palace. The water has been again turned in the same channel. When the
water flowed into Delhi on the opening of the canal on May 30, 1820, the
people went out to meet it and threw flowers into the stream. In those
countries nothing can be done without water, and with water, and such a
sun, anything.
_January 4, 1830._
Head Eraser's journey and finished it. It is very interesting, and shows
how completely the Persian monarchy is falling to pieces.
_January 5._
Saw Wrangham. There is no news. The affairs of the Netherlands, he says,
look rather better, and Polignac is very stout and says he is very strong.
It seems great complaints are made of Lord Stuart, who gives little
information, and what little he does give is incorrect.
_January 6._
Vesey Fitzgerald will certainly not be able to attend the House this year.
His physicians say he would die in five minutes if he got up to speak. I
heard G. Dawson tell the Duke to-day. I rather suspect G. Dawson would like
Vesey's place.
The Duke has been much occupied with the Greek question. I have not yet
read any papers at the Foreign Office. He spoke to me of Bankes's going
out, which he regretted.
He had had some conversation last year at Belvoir with Lord Graham upon
Indian affairs, and had been quite surprised to find how much he knew. He
had thought he only knew how to comb his hair. The Duke thinks of Horace
Twiss for secretary. He had thought of Mr. Wortley, Lord Wharncliffe's son,
a very clever young man, but he wanted a _made_ man, not one to learn. I
shall suggest Ashley's taking Horace Twiss's place, and Lord Graham being
First Commissioner. This will force him to come forward. Then Wortley might
be Second Commissioner. Horace Twiss is a clever man, but rather vulgar.
However, he is a lawyer and a very good speaker, and will do very well.
_January 7._
I told the Chairs my views as to an alteration in the Supreme Court Bill.
They seemed to approve if the thing could be done. I had afterwards some
conversation with the Chancellor upon this subject. He admitted the force
of my reasoning, but desired to have a memorandum about it, which indeed
will be convenient to me as well as to him. It should state all the new
circumstances since the establishment of the Supreme Court which render its
existence less necessary than it was, and more inapplicable than ever to
the condition of India.
At the Duke's dinner I told the Duke and Rosslyn the substance of Lord
William's letters. The Duke said the act [Footnote: In combining to oppose
the Half-Batta orders. See Thornton's _British India_, vol. v.] of the
officers was mutiny.
The King is ill. He has lost a good deal of blood.
_January 8._
The King quite well again. In the morning began and nearly finished a
memorandum on the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court for the Chancellor.
Cabinet at 2. Conversation respecting the abolition of the Welsh
judgeships, and the addition of a judge to the Courts of King's Bench and
Common Pleas, or Exchequer. The two new judges would be Circuit Judges of
Wales. The Welsh gentlemen seem to be favourable to the change. The
attornies, who are numerous and powerful, very hostile. The Chancellor
introduces again his Bill of last Session. The Equity is to be separated
from the Common Law Jurisdiction of the Court of Exchequer. The subject was
only talked of, and decision deferred till Sunday next.
We then talked of Ireland. The Grand Jury Presentment Bill is not yet
prepared. The plan for a police is to place the nominations in the hands of
the Lord-Lieutenant. To send stipendiary magistrates when and where they
are wanted.
Peel's suggestions went much further; but Lord F. Gower seems to me to be
only a clever boy. He has as yet proposed _nothing_ worthy of adoption, and
he has often been near the commission of errors from which he has been
saved only by Peel's advice.
He wished to establish stipendiary magistrates in every county, the effect
of which would have been to disgust all the gentlemen magistrates, and to
lead them to the abandonment of their duty. He wished too to unite in all
cases the inspectorships of police with the office of stipendiary
magistrate, to avoid collision; but the duties of inspector are of a mere
ministerial and inferior character, and would not agree well with those of
a magistrate.
I must read to-morrow all the late protocols and despatches. The Russians
and French have agreed to make Leopold Prince of Greece, but the King
cannot endure the idea. Aberdeen thinks he has made a great conquest in
carrying the point of Leopold's election. I confess I cannot understand the
great advantage we derive from it. What an extraordinary scene! Those
monarchical states, the most adverse to revolution, combine to assist the
rebellion of a people against its sovereign, a rebellion commenced by
murder and continued by treachery, stained with every crime that ever
disgraced human nature! [Footnote: The massacres by the Greeks at
Tripolitza and Athens, the latter in direct breach of a capitulation, had,
according to a not unfavourable historian, cast a dark stain on the Greek
cause and diminished the interest felt for it in foreign countries.
(Alison, _Hist. Europe_, 1815-52, iii. 150.)] They destroy the fleet of an
unoffending Power in a time of profound peace in his own port. They thus
facilitate the attack of an enemy, and in the extreme peril of the defeated
sovereign they increase their demands in order to form a substantive State
out of the ruins of his Empire. They then elect a Prince unknown to the
people over whom he is to reign, and support him by equal assistance in
ships and money! Those monarchical states set up a revolutionary government
and maintain it in coparcenary! It was reserved for these times to witness
such contradictions. I do not think any one is very well satisfied with
them but Aberdeen. He is charmed.
_Sunday, January 10._
Cabinet. Conversation first as to an intended publication by Mr. Stapleton
of a 'Life of Canning,' in which he means to insert the substance, if not
the copies, of public papers relating to transactions not yet terminated.
He has had it intimated to him that he will do so at his peril. He holds an
office under the Government during pleasure. I said he had no right over
private letters relating to public subjects which only came to the
knowledge of the writer by his official situation. He should be told it was
a high breach of public confidence, and he should be displaced if he was
guilty of it. He will have a hint, but I fear not one sufficiently strong.
It is Lady Canning who thinks she can injure the Duke of Wellington, and so
publishes these papers. Stapleton is her editor. She demanded from Aberdeen
official letters of Canning's, and actually threatened him with a suit in
Chancery if he did not give them up. The Duke says he has copies of all
Canning's letters, and he shall publish if they do. [Footnote: Augustus
Granville Stapleton had been private secretary to Canning, and published
about 1830-31 _The Political Life of George Canning_, and nearly thirty
years later, _George Canning and his Times_. The latter work contains much
correspondence the publication of which might have been objected to at the
earlier date.]
We had Scarlett and afterwards Bosanquet in upon the Welsh Judicature
question. It was at last decided that the Equity Jurisdiction of the Courts
of Great Session should be sent to the Court of Exchequer, that power
should be taken to the King of directing the circuits to be held where he
pleased, and that the two new judges of the English Courts should do the
duty of the Welsh circuits. The proceedings to be assimilated to those of
the English Courts.
The saving by the reduction of the Welsh judges, after allowing for their
pensions, will leave an ample fund for the compensation of the officers
reduced.
I read Lord Stuart de Rothesay's last despatches and Lord Heytesbury's.
There seems to me to be great over-confidence in their strength on the part
of the French Ministers. I cannot help thinking they will fall. Villele
will have nothing to do with the Government under this House of deputies,
which declared his administration _deplorable_. He seems to stipulate for
their dissolution.
Halil Pacha takes to Petersburg fine presents for the Emperor and Empress,
and other presents he is to distribute 'selon son gré et en son nom' which
are enough to bribe all the ladies in Europe. There is a list of them
extending over seven pages.
It seems to be doubtful whether the French have not been endeavouring to
induce Mehemet Ali to revenge their quarrel with Algiers by marching along
the whole coast of Africa. The French are much out of humour with their
Algerine follies, and heartily tired of their expensive gasconade.
Mehemet Ali does not seem much inclined to send _his_ fleet to
Constantinople, although he has honour enough to send the Sultan's.
The Russians have launched two large ships (120 and 74), and they have
bought a double-banked frigate built in the United States.
_Monday, January 11._
At the Cabinet room, where I met Sir George Murray; read the letters
relative to the alterations in the judicial system of Scotland.
Read a letter from Loch, allowing me to show to the Cabinet Lord William's
letters. He wished them to be read, not shown, or rather not circulated;
but it is contrary to all rule, so I left them to-day on the Cabinet table.
The Duke told me yesterday he felt no concession could now be made,
although it was a mighty foolish thing to have had a quarrel about.
Got home at 5, dressed, and was going to business, when I found a note from
Drummond, desiring me to call on the Duke as soon as I could. I ordered the
carriage and went. Found the Chancellor there.
It seems there is a great hitch about Prince Leopold's nomination as Prince
Sovereign of Greece. The French have now proposed it. We desire it. Russia
acquiesces. We have always declared we did not care who was Prince
Sovereign of Greece, but we were resolved never to acknowledge as such a
man in whom we had not confidence. Some time ago the King of Prussia
applied through the Grand Duke of Mecklenburgh to the King for his vote in
favour of Prince Charles of Mecklenburgh, the brother of the late Queen of
Prussia and of the Duchess of Cumberland. This application was made through
the Duke of Cumberland to the King, and the King returned an answer through
the Duke of Cumberland. What this answer was is not known; but the King
having mentioned the circumstance to Aberdeen, and he to the Duke,
Aberdeen, by the Duke's desire, wrote through Sir Brook Taylor to the King
of Prussia, and civilly put him off. This letter of course the King saw,
and approved. The Duchess of Cumberland complains the answer of Aberdeen
was very different from that given through the Duke of Cumberland by the
King, and says it is an _intrigue_.
The King has been put up to this, and tells Aberdeen he knows his own
ground--that the people of England will not bear that 50,000£ a year shall
be paid by them to the Prince of Greece. He does not care whether Leopold
goes or no, but he is determined he shall leave his annuity behind him.
The articles in the 'Standard' and other papers, a few days ago, are
supposed to have had reference to this then intended rupture. Aberdeen goes
to the King to-morrow, and the Duke having seen all the Cabinet, Aberdeen
will, if it should be necessary, declare their concurrent opinion. The Duke
thinks the King will yield to Aberdeen; to avoid seeing him--if he is
obliged to go down, he will declare distinctly to the King that his Majesty
had better name whatever Minister he may wish to give his confidence to;
but that to whatever Minister he may choose to have, he ought to give his
confidence.
Certainly nothing can have been more scandalous than the King's conduct to
the Duke. He has never given his Government the fair support. Say what the
Duke will, he of Cumberland is believed.
The Duke had a note about the King the other day from Lady Conyngham,
written only to tell him the Duke of Cumberland had been four hours with
His Majesty.
That Prince Leopold will make an efficient King of Greece I do not believe;
but he is not likely to be hostile to England. Prince Charles of
Mecklenburgh, named by Prussia, would be really Russian, and the tool of
States not friendly to us.
Prince Leopold hopes, if he goes to Greece, that Government will purchase
the lands he has bought, for which he has given 40,000£ or 50,000£.
Determined to have my letter respecting the acquisition of information in
Central Asia and the navigation of the Indus sent to the Chairs _to-
morrow_, that _it may_ be sent, and be on record as _mine_, in the event of
His Majesty turning me out the next day, as he will very possibly do.
_January 12._
Henry [Footnote: The Honourable H. S, Law, Lord Ellenborough's brother.]
copied for transmission the letter in the Secret Department, and I took
care it should be sent to the India House in the course of the day, that if
I should be out to-morrow, I may have the credit of having originated a
measure which, if effected, will be of incalculable value.
Cabinet at 2. Aberdeen was gone to the King at Windsor. It seemed to be
expected he would do nothing, and that the Duke would be obliged to go down
to-morrow--the Duke thinks he shall succeed--and no one seems to dread a
_turn out_. I am not quite so sure. The mischief is that these _sécousses_
make a weak Government.
I found in the box of drafts the letter to Sir Brook Taylor respecting Duke
Charles of Mecklenburgh, which the King says he never saw or sanctioned. It
bears his initials and approval, which have been traced out in ink over his
pencil.
The Duke of Cumberland wants, if it be but for a week, a friendly
administration that he may get out of the Exchequer 30,000£ set apart for
the annuity for his son's education, but to which he is not legally
entitled, his son having been educated abroad. It is out of revenge for a
hostile cheer, and to get this money, to which Lord Eldon and Lord Wynford
have told him he has no right, that he is endeavouring to overthrow the
Government.
_January 13._
After I came home read the minutes of the Governor-General and Council on
the college at Calcutta. There is nothing so important as to preserve young
men, who are to govern an Empire, from idleness, dissipation, and debt.
This must be done. The Governor-General's own superintendence may effect
much. The suspension of the incompetent may do more; but while the habits
of expense are given at Hayleybury, and continued by their residence
without any control in the midst of a dissipated capital, nothing will
reform the system.
Cabinet dinner at Aberdeen's. He was an hour and a half with the King
yesterday. The King was much agitated in dressing himself for the
interview. The man who shaved thought he should have cut him twenty times.
He had taken 100 drops of laudanum to prepare himself for the interview.
Aberdeen says it is a _real_ quarrel-not a plot to get rid of us--the King
thoroughly hates Prince Leopold, and he has been made to think the
Ministers have slighted him in this matter. The Duke goes down to him to-
morrow. He can show the King that Leopold was first mentioned by France--
that he was made acquainted with the proposal or rather suggestion made by
France to Leopold on November 9, that he was then told we could not hear of
it till our candidates, Prince John of Saxony and Ferdinand of Orange, were
disposed of. The subject was again mentioned on November 24.
In point of fact the earliest day on which it could have been made known to
the King that France had distinctly proposed Leopold was Monday, and he was
told on the Tuesday.
The King seems to have been violently agitated. He said sneeringly to
Aberdeen, '_If I may be allowed to ask, is Prince Leopold to be married to
a daughter of the Duke of Orleans?_' [Footnote: This marriage took place in
August 1832, when Prince Leopold had become King of the Belgians, and the
Duke of Orleans King of the French.] Aberdeen said he had seen it in the
newspaper and knew nothing more of it. The King alluded to the possibility
of Government going out, admitted the inconvenience just before the meeting
of Parliament, but said he was immovable. Leopold might go to the devil,
but he should not carry English money out of the country. In the morning,
talking to the Duchess of Gloucester, he said, 'If they want a Prince of my
family, they might have had the Duke of Gloucester,' upon which the Duchess
burst out a-laughing.
The King seems thoroughly out of humour. He says 'Things seem going on very
ill in India. Do not you mean to recall Lord William?' He had been made
very angry in the morning by the 'Times' calling upon him to pay his
brother's debts, and this morning the 'Morning Journal' places in
juxtaposition the paragraphs in the 'Times,' and those for which it was
lately prosecuted.
Lady Conyngham is bored to death, and talks and really thinks of removing.
She was to make a grand attack on the King to-day. I suppose she finds the
Duchess of Cumberland gaining influence. Her note to the Duke the other
day, to tell him the Duke of Cumberland had been four hours with the King,
was intended to put him upon his guard.
The Duke does not mean to resign to-morrow, but to request, if he should
not succeed (which Aberdeen thinks he will not do), that the King will
allow the Cabinet to put their opinions in writing-which the King cannot
refuse. We shall then meet on Friday and decide what we shall do.
The Chancellor took me aside and said it would be a foolish thing to go out
about Leopold. So it would; but if we allow ourselves to be beaten in this,
we may be beaten round the whole circle of public questions.
When the Duke has proved the proposition was not made by us, that it came
from France, the King will say, 'Well, if you did not think it worth while
to propose him, why should you not reject him? Why adhere to him?'
I feel very indifferent about the result.
Dr. Seymour, Fitzgerald's physician, represents him as very ill indeed, and
in _danger_ if he does any business; but Peel, who saw him to-day, thinks
that much exaggerated.
_January 14._
Chairs at 11. I asked them to find out when Rothschild sold out his Indian
stock. It seems (by a note I received in the evening) that he began on
October 15, and at different times sold out 42,000£ stock. I sent the
Chairman's note to Goulburn.
About ten received the promised circular from the Duke. He was an hour and
a half with the King, when he was obliged to leave him in consequence of
his being unwell--and the King afterwards sent to desire he would come
again on Saturday.
For the first hour the King was in a state of irritated and contemptuous
indignation. However, the Duke thinks he brought him to feel he had nothing
to complain of in the conduct of his Government. He finished by getting
into better temper and a good tone; but the Duke thinks he should have
brought away his assent if he had been with him another hour. The Duke
wishes to hear the opinion of the Cabinet upon some points, and we meet at
two to-morrow.
_January 15._
The Duke gave the Cabinet an account of his interview with the King. The
King was with Munster and the Duke of Cumberland when he went; but the Duke
was admitted in about forty minutes, which time he passed with the Lady
Conyngham, who told him he must expect a storm.
The King was in bed, looking very ill. He said, 'Well, what is your
business?' and seemed at first most indignant. The Duke, however, corrected
his misapprehensions--showed him the dates, and proved that he had known
from the first that it was probable Leopold would be proposed by France.
The proposition was made by us to Prince Frederick of Orange on November
13, his final answer received on August 11 (there may be a slight error in
these dates, as I write from memory). In the meantime the King of France
had about November 29, when Leopold took leave of him, told him he would
propose him. This was known here immediately, and Leopold distinctly told
he could not be heard of till our own candidate was disposed of. The
regular proposal of Leopold did not arrive here till January 1, and was
communicated to the King with the _projet_ of a protocol, for it was no
more, on the 9th.
It was still only a proposition, and the Government now come to advise the
King to consent to it.
The Duke showed the King that there had been ten candidates in all:--
Prince Philip of Hesse Homburgh, Prince John of Saxony, Prince Frederick of
Orange, Prince Charles of Bavaria, Prince Otho of Bavaria, the Archduke
Maximilian, Prince Paul of Wurtemburgh, Prince Leopold, Prince Emilius of
Hesse Darmstadt, and Prince Charles of Mecklenburgh.
The seven first either declined or were rejected. Prince Emilius of Hesse
Darmstadt was an aide-de-camp of Bonaparte, and the King would not have
him, and with regard to the last, Prince Charles of Mecklenburgh, the Duke
showed the King he was much more nearly connected with Prussia, and so with
Russia, than with England. The King admitted this, and seemed to have been
brought into good humour, when he became so ill that he was obliged to beg
the Duke to leave him, and soon after sent him word he would see him in two
days. The Duke says he was really unwell, and in fact was taking physic all
the time he was with him.
The Duke showed the King that _he alone_ had not the power of nomination.
He had one voice out of three, and there were ten candidates.
'At any rate,' said the King, 'Claremont reverts to the Crown.' The Duke,
fearing he might wish to give it to the Duke of Cumberland, or somebody,
asked the Chancellor to-day to look at the Act of Parliament and tell us
what becomes of Claremont in the event of Leopold's being made King of
Greece. The Chancellor looked and thought Claremont would certainly remain
to Leopold, and if he died or gave it up go, not to the Crown, that is, not
to the King, but, by specific enactment, become a portion of the revenue
under the Woods and Forests. Of course Leopold will give up Claremont,
which is in fact a source of expense. The Duke said Leopold would be at
least innocuous, and he might be of use. The King asked how we could be
such fools as to think he would be of any use.
While the Duke was with the King the Duke of Cumberland was with Lady
Conyngham, and told her, amongst other things, that the 'Times' was the
Duke of Wellington's paper.
The 'Morning Journal' is _his_ paper, and uses the expressions he puts into
the King's mouth.
Aberdeen says Leopold is quite aware of all he will have to go through.
He has written to Lord Stuart to ascertain whether there is any truth in
the report of his being engaged to the daughter of the Duke of Orleans.
I cannot help thinking that is so, and that the French proposition
originates in that.
_January 16._
Read last night a very interesting report by Captain Wade of his mission to
Runjeet Singh in 1827.
Received a box from the Duke with a circular note saying the King is not
well enough to see him before Tuesday. He has seen no one since he saw the
Duke, and the Duke hears he was not mistaken in his judgment of the effect
he thought he had produced upon the King's mind; so I suppose this matter,
which looked threatening at first, may be considered as settled, although
not yet formally terminated.
The King will, I dare say, make another plunge when he finds Claremont will
not be at his personal disposal, as he seems to have imagined.
_January 19._
Read all day Sir Thomas Munro's Life, which contains a great deal of
interesting and valuable information. He was a very great man.
Talked to Hardinge of various matters. He was at Stowe when Lord Chandos in
the middle of the night received a note from his father, communicating one
from Sir. W. Fremantle, which informed him that the King was going to turn
us all to the right about. Lord Chandos said to Hardinge he would never
belong to a Government of which the Duke of Wellington was not a member.
_January 19._
Read the rest of the 'Life of Sir Thomas Munro,' a most valuable book. I
believe there are no books so really useful as the lives of great and good
men.
On my arrival in town, found a note from Hardinge, who thinks the despatch
as to watching the Russians and navigating the Indus quite perfect.
The Duke went to-day to Windsor. About eight he sent round a box containing
a note, saying that the King consented to Prince Leopold's being King of
Greece. So for the present, at least, we are safe again. I never had much
apprehension.
_January 20._
Cabinet dinner. Lord Bathurst not there. We had very little talk upon
public matters. The Duke had a bad cold. The opinion seemed to be that the
press of the session would be upon domestic matters, for the reduction of
establishments and taxation.
The King wrote to the Duke and _grumpily acceded_ to Leopold's appointment.
Leopold is very _uppish_ upon the subject. He was at Cobham to-day and
yesterday.
I am to see Peel on Sunday at half-past one on Indian matters.
_January 22._
At one, Privy Council to consider the petition of the E. I. C. for the
recall of Sir J. P. Grant. The Lord President, Lord Chief Baron, and Lord
Chief Justice of Common Pleas present. The committee reported that they did
not consider themselves warranted at present in advising Sir J. P. Grant's
removal, but they thought it right he should be directed to proceed home
that the several matters objected to him might be investigated.
I took the opportunity of the presence of two judges to get a legal opinion
as to Sir J. Malcolm's conduct in resisting the service of the Habeas
Corpus _ad testificandum_.
I took the opportunity likewise of laying before the two judges the change
of circumstances since the institution of the Supreme Court, and the
present reasons for making their jurisdiction without the limits of the
Presidency the exception and not the rule.
The judges seemed to enter into my view. The Lord Chief Baron suggested
that there might be a previous enquiry before the Country Court, which
might for that purpose be a sort of grand jury. [Footnote: _I.e._ when the
case was to be transferred to the Supreme Court.]
Lord Hill showed me a letter from Sir F. Watson addressed to Sir B. Taylor,
as the King's first aide-de-camp, and directing him as such, by the King's
command, to intimate to Lord Hill the pleasure it would give His Majesty to
know that Lord Hill had given Captain Scarlett, the son of the Attorney-
General, an opportunity of purchasing a majority. Captain Scarlett is a
very young captain--and Lord Hill feels the thing asked cannot be done. He
was going to see the Duke of Wellington about it. Not very long ago the
King gave away a regiment without asking Lord Hill--however, that was
settled; but it is clear that, unless Lord Hill is allowed to exercise the
fair patronage of his office, he will resign.
_January 26._
Cabinet. It seems the French have acceded to the proposals of the Pasha of
Egypt, and finding 50,000 men would be required to take Algiers, prefer his
operating with 40,000 of his own. He pretends to have made arrangements
which will secure an easy conquest, and promises to place Tunis, Tripoli,
and Algiers under regular governments, nominally under the Sultan, whose
consent he reckons upon, and capable of preserving the relations of peace
with other Mediterranean Powers.
The Pasha's army is commanded by French officers, and the annexation of
these States to Egypt would be their practical annexation to France. When
his army is disseminated along the coast of Africa, I might realise my
dream of taking Egypt from India.
We considered the proposed order in Council relative to the slave
regulations of the King's own ceded colonies. The Duke was evidently not
well, and he was rather out of humour. We were three hours and a half in
Cabinet. He made various objections to the proposed regulations. He
impressed upon us the danger of tampering with the rights of property. We
were doing that with property of an _odious_ character, which we should not
do in England. He pressed the effect in the West Indies and the example
everywhere. He seemed to complain that the regulations were different from
those agreed to in the summer. Sir G. Murray was very quiet. He is a very
sensible man, but he is overawed by the Duke, having been under him so
long.
Poor old Tierney is dead, for which I am very sorry. He was a very good
friend of mine.
_January 27._
Cabinet at four. There can be no Council to-morrow, as Greville has the
gout and Buller is in Cornwall.
There is to be an intimation sent to the Pasha to the effect that we
_disapprove_ of the proposed attempt to conquer Tripoli, Tunis, and
Algiers. France is to be told the same. I wished conditional orders to be
given to the Fleet, and that the Pasha should be told orders had been
given. It being doubtful whether French vessels might not convoy the
Egyptian fleet and transports, I thought we had better now consider what we
should do in that event; that we had better not threaten without
determining to execute our threat, and that we should consider how we
should deal with the French ships if we stopped the Egyptian--in short not
take a first step which might make a second necessary, without knowing in
our own minds what that second step should be. The Duke thinks the French
will back out when they know our _disapprobation_, and that at any rate the
Pasha would. I rather doubt this of either of them.
The French say they have a sort of quarrel with Tripoli, but none with
Tunis, and they enter into a scheme for conquering both as stepping-stones
to Algiers. Tunis in their hands would be more dangerous than Algiers.
Hardinge told me he had had a long conversation with Peel the other day on
the state of the country. He thought Peel seemed to have apprehensions, and
to think that if the King, through some intrigue of the Brunswickers, got
rid of the Duke, things would go very ill indeed; that the authority of the
Duke alone kept things quiet. England is in a bad state, because the
country gentlemen have ill-paid rents; but Scotland and Ireland do very
well, and the trade of the country is not depressed.
Cabinet dinner at the Chancellor's. The Duke of Montrose there, as it was
to have been a dinner for the sheriffs. I told the Duke of my notion of
altering the law of succession to property in India, and enabling all
existing proprietors to leave their estates as they please.
_January 28._
The 'Times' publishes my letter to Malcolm to-day, with comments.
Upon the whole I am glad the letter has been published. I think no one can
read it without seeing I am actuated only by public views, and that I am
determined to do my duty.
The editor of the 'Courier' called at the Indian Board and saw Bankes, and
asked whether he should say anything. Bankes said he would see me before he
gave an answer. I do not care about the publication, and the letter will
defend itself.
_January 29._
Chairs have received very bad accounts of the temper of the Madras army,
which has no cause of complaint. Lord W. Bentinck has been at last obliged
to lay his hand upon the press, and, as might have been expected, is much
more abused than if he had done so at first. The Radicals had begun to
consider him one of themselves, and so think him a traitor when he refuses
to go any further with them.
I went to the Duke and told him what they said. He is, as usual, sanguine,
and thinks it will blow over.
I told the Duke I thought he had better look out for a Governor-General,
for it might be necessary to recall Lord W. Bentinck. The objection to
making Malcolm provisional successor is that he would stay till he died in
order to be Governor-General one day. Otherwise his provisional appointment
would strengthen the local Government very much.
At the Cabinet they had all read my letter in the 'Times,' except the
Chancellor. I told him to read it.
Peel was indignant at the publication. Lord Rosslyn said Joseph Hume had
had the letter some time in his possession, and must have sent it to the
'Times.'
Peel said it was a very good letter. I said I was not ashamed of it.
They all laughed very much at the simile of the elephants.
Cabinet. Much discussion as to the terms of the speech. Aberdeen's part was
very ill done indeed. It underwent much alteration and was improved. That
regarding distress and remedies was postponed. There is no remedy, and it
is best to say so.
In the meantime the export of almost all manufactures is increased largely
in quantity, but the value is diminished. Still this proves continued and
increased employment, although at low wages. This is a state of things in
which we cannot try to make corn dearer or wool either. Nothing but the
extreme cheapness of our manufactures makes their export possible.
Aberdeen read his letter to Consul Barker respecting the. Pasha's designs.
The last paragraph, which intimated that the Pasha's persistence 'would too
probably lead to our decided opposition,' was omitted. It was thought that
the recommendation, 'to weigh well the serious consequences of a measure
highly objectionable to us, and to which other Powers could not but be
unfavourable,' was thought sufficient to stop the Pasha.
If the first words had stood, we must have used the same to France, and the
threat might have led to collision. In any case the Pasha would have
communicated the expressions to France.
The Duke and the Chancellor were to see Leopold to-morrow.
Another Cabinet to-morrow at four for going on with the Speech.
_January 30._
Hardinge called. He told me all was not settled as to Lord Chandos having
the Mint. He referred to the Duke of Buckingham, [Footnote: He had, as
appears from the Wellington correspondence, pressed for years his claims to
a seat in the Cabinet, with an importunity to which the Duke of Wellington
expressed his objection. His large parliamentary interest, which almost
made him the chief of a party of his own, made him appear entitled to
expect it.] who would rather have it himself, with a seat in the Cabinet.
Lord MountCharles goes out to annoy his father, and force him to give him a
larger allowance, unaccompanied by the condition of constant attendance in
the House of Commons.
Read the Duke of Northumberland's letter to Peel on the state of Ireland.
The Duke represents the Catholic Relief Bill as having produced none of the
evils anticipated by its opposers, if it has not produced all the benefits
expected by its supporters--as having upon the whole worked better than
could have been expected in so short a time and under such circumstances.
The disturbances he thinks confined to the counties of Tipperary, Clare,
and Roscommon; in the first produced by too high rents; in the second by
late collision and the want of proper management on the part of the
gentlemen; in the last by attempts to convert the Catholics, and the zeal
of new converts. The Catholic Union is dissolved. The great body of the
Catholics have abstained from the ostentation of triumph.
_Monday, February 1._
Bankes called this morning, but I did not see him. He saw Henry. He came to
say he was out, and S. Wortley in his place. When he understood Lord
Chandos did not take the Mint, he went to the Duke and offered to remain,
thinking his going out, with Lord Chandos's declining to come in, might,
taken together, embarrass the Government. However, the arrangement was
already made.
Read Lushington's minute on the Neilgherry hills. He wants to make an
English colony there. If he had, every man would make some excuse, desert
his duty in the hot months, and go to the Neilgherry hills.
Read the first volume of Gamba's 'Travels in South Russia.' He was Consul
of France, but writes like a Russian. He talks of restoring the commercial
communication with Asia by the Phasis, Caspian, and Oxus. All this is
absurd. Unless indeed the Russians, after occupying China, turn the Oxus
into its old course, and thus enable themselves to carry goods by water
carriage to the foot of the Himalaya, or rather within 250 miles of Cabul.
_February 5._
Received last night a note from the Duke asking me, if I could, to have a
Cabinet to-day on Batta. If I could not, to send Peel the letters of
Malcolm, &c.
I determined to have the Cabinet. Peel had not read till the day before
yesterday the Batta papers, and, although inclining to the opinion that the
present orders must be maintained, he thinks it, as it is, a serious
question for the Government to decide after the minutes of Lord William
Bentinck and the members of council, with the apprehension of a mutiny as
the possible result of our standing firm. I said if we gave way the other
armies would bring forward their demands--that it was a question, not only
between the Home Authorities and the army, but the Home Authorities and the
Local Government which had for sixteen years resisted the orders sent to
them.
The Duke cautioned the Cabinet as to the character of the Indian army,
which he said was a _mercenary army_, retained in obedience by nothing but
the wish to return to England; but he thought after what had taken place we
must resist, and adhere to our present orders. Peel wished all the members
of the Cabinet to read the minutes before they decided, and there is to be
a Cabinet on Sunday.
It was determined that if a question should be asked to-night, Peel should
say 'the orders had not been countermanded.' Peel observed very justly on
the state of things which seemed to exist in India. An army sending such
memorials to the Government, and the members of the Government writing
pamphlets against each other. In point of fact, years will be required to
restore a proper tone to the Government of India.
I mentioned to the Duke the mission of two Russian Poles to India and
Manilla, and that I suspected Russia of a wish to purchase Manilla. Neither
the Duke nor Aberdeen seemed to think the Spaniards would or could sell the
Philippines. However, Aberdeen will write to the man at Madrid to find out
whether any proposal to that effect has been made by the Russian
Government.
The members of the House of Commons consider their majority last night
fortunate. The House is very loose. In the majority and minority were the
most opposite parties. O'Connell went out with Sadler. The Brunswickers are
in high glee, and have sent for their valiant champion, Falmouth. In our
House they made a poor show.
Prince Leopold is not by any means disposed to take Greece without Candia,
and it was thought, from Lord Lansdowne's speech, he and others had advised
him to take this line. Aberdeen is very much embarrassed to find a
substitute.
_February 6._
Spring-Rice asked Bankes in the House last night whether the letter to Sir
J. Malcolm published as mine was mine. Bankes said that I had no copy of
it, and therefore could not say it was correctly given. It was a private
letter. Brougham, and Mackintosh, and that ass, M. A. Taylor, spoke in
reprobation of it. Mackintosh most unfairly and disingenuously pretended to
understand I endeavoured to get off by saying it was a private letter, and
said it would be an extenuation of my offence if I would disavow the
sentiments contained in it. What must he be himself to suppose I would
disavow what I had written! Upon the whole, the tone taken by Peel and
Bankes, but more especially by Peel, was too apologetical. I shall be
obliged to go to the House on Monday to have a question put to me by Lord
Lansdowne. I shall distinctly declare he may consider the letter as mine,
and that I am ready to defend every line of it. Wrote to Lord Wellesley to
offer to put his name upon the Committee on East India affairs if he would
attend. He declines on account of ill-health.
Received a note from Peel begging me to have the Chairs to meet him on the
appointment of the committee. I sent to the Chairman, and he came and met
Peel; but Astell was out of the way. We are to meet at half-past one to-
morrow. Peel did not seem to have looked much into the subject, which the
Chairman observed.
Saw Bankes. He is not certain of succeeding now to the secretaryship of the
Admiralty, but he expects it ultimately. He thinks the Duke of Buckingham
had nothing to do with Lord Chandos's rejection of the Mint: but does not
know how it went off. He thought that Lord Chandos had accepted, and the
Duke seems to have thought so too.
A very good account from Ireland. The country gradually and quietly coming
round.
_Sunday, February 7._
Cabinet. First, Batta. The Duke gave his decided opinion in favour of
adhering to the present order. After some conversation, but no opposition,
the Cabinet acquiesced unanimously in that decision, which has been mine
from the first.
I had a moment's conversation with Peel about the letter to Sir J. Malcolm,
and told him I would defend every word of it, elephants and all.
Then we had a good deal of discussion respecting the policy to be pursued
with regard to Cuba, against which the Mexicans are preparing to organise a
slave insurrection, for which purpose they have sent a Minister to Hayti.
It seems to be generally believed that Canning, about the year 1823, issued
a sort of prohibition to the Mexican and Columbian States to attack Cuba,
but no trace can be found in the Foreign Office of any such prohibition.
Sir R. Wilson means to ask a question upon the subject to-morrow. He says,
if you prohibit the Mexicans and Columbians from attacking Cuba, you should
prohibit the Spaniards from attacking them--which is fair--in fact the
expedition of Barradas was undertaken before we knew anything about it, and
if we had wished we could not have interfered.
The question as to what answer should be given to Sir R. Wilson, and what
policy pursued, was deferred till to-morrow.
In the meantime it appears that Mr. Robertson, who is at Mexico,
remonstrated strongly with M. de Bocaregna, respecting the objects of the
embassy to Hayti, and he was told by Aberdeen that he did quite right, and
that not only ourselves but other states might view with disapprobation an
attempt to excite a warfare of an uncivilised character in Cuba.
The French have assembled 35,000 men to attack Algiers. They promise not to
keep it. [Footnote: This promise was repudiated by the Government of July.]
They intimate their intention of assisting Mehemet Ali with a fleet; but in
the meantime they are satisfied at Constantinople that Mehemet Ali will not
move.
Aberdeen told Laval that we had informed the Pasha of Egypt that we should
view with disapprobation his attack upon Tunis and Tripoli without the
consent of the Sultan. Laval begged this might be repeated to him three
times.
Much conversation as to the state of the House of Commons. The Tories are
most radical. Sir R. Vyvyan told Holmes or Planta his object was to reduce
the Government majorities as much as possible, and to make the Government
as contemptible as possible. Sir E. Knatchbull leads about twenty-three. I
think the probability is that, unless we make some coalition with the
Whigs, we shall go to the ground between the two parties, [Footnote: This
eventually occurred on the Civil List question after the accession of
William IV.] both uniting against us upon some point (upon my letter to Sir
J. Malcolm as likely as any other).
I took home Sir George Murray. He expressed his surprise the Duke should
cling to the hope of reclaiming the ultra-Tories, whom he would not get,
and who were not worth having.
I confess I think he carries it on too long, although I am not surprised he
should have wished it at first.
Prince Leopold has given no reply to Aberdeen's letter, or to the offer of
the ambassadors.
Lord Holland gives notice to-morrow of a motion about Greece, and Lord
Melbourne moves for some papers respecting Portugal.
Lord Melville gives notice for me of the committee on East Indian Affairs,
and I am not to go down till Tuesday, that we may have out the letter to
Malcolm and other Indian matters all at once.
_February 8._
Wrote a memorandum for Peel and Bankes to this effect: 'That I had neither
copy nor recollection of the letter; but that I had no doubt the letter
published as mine was substantially correct. It was a confidential
exposition of the motives which induced me to recommend two judges to the
King. [Footnote: It was suggested that with these colleagues Sir J. Grant
would be like a wild elephant between two tame ones. Alluding to the method
of taming captured elephants in India.] It was never intended to be
published, nor did I expect it would be. The expressions, therefore, were
unadvised, but the sentiments were and are mine, deliberately formed upon
full consideration of the official documents before me.
Cabinet. It appears on looking into papers of 1825 and 1826 that so far
from our having prohibited Mexico and Columbia from making any attack upon
Cuba, we uniformly abstained from doing anything of the kind. The Americans
declared they could not see with indifference any state other than Spain in
possession of Cuba, and further their disposition to interpose their power
should war be conducted in Cuba in a _devastating_ manner, and with a view
to the excitement of a servile war.
We offered to guarantee Cuba to Spain in 1823 if she would negotiate with
the colonies with a view to their recognition.
Subsequently we were willing to enter into a tripartite guarantee of Cuba
to Spain with the United States and France.
The United States seemed not unwilling, but France held back.
Peel is to say there was no record of any prohibition, but that the United
States declared so, and it was possible Mr. Canning may have intimated a
similar disposition on our part. This is to keep open to us the faculty of
interfering if we please.
The Duke thinks my letter does not signify one pin. The simile of the
elephants evidently means no more than that an indiscreet judge was placed
between two discreet ones.
The Duke told me he had offered a Lordship of the Treasury to Ashley, who
had declined it. He then told him to make himself master of the Batta
question. Ashley said he had not seen the papers. He said, let him see the
papers. I told him I had sent them the moment I got them to him, and he had
desired me to send them to the Cabinet room, which I did. When they were
taken from the Cabinet room they went to the India Board, and Ashley might
have seen them. I had never kept any papers from him. We then talked about
the speech to be made in moving the committee. The Duke seems inclined to
have little said. Peel seems disposed to say little; but he knows little. I
think they are wrong. I am sure it is necessary to correct the erroneous
notions which have been propagated with respect to the trade. They will
otherwise acquire so great a head it will be impossible to beat them back.
However, this we are to talk over with Peel tomorrow.
General King, who voted against the address on Thursday, is turned out by
the King himself; the Duke having only mentioned the fact. I dare say the
King may be alarmed by the spirit shown by the House of Commons.
The suicide of . . . . on account of his wife's seduction by the Duke of
Cumberland, will drive the Duke of Cumberland out of the field.
_February 9._
Called on the Duke. He advised a very narrowed statement in moving for the
committee. I rather doubt his judgment upon this point. I fear the opinion
of the country will become settled, and that when the strength of our case
is brought forward it will be found unequal to the driving back of the
stream. However, I made a speech as he desired. Lord Lansdowne said a few
words.
Lord Durham then questioned me as to the authenticity of my letter to Sir
J. Malcolm. I acknowledged it was substantially correct, and declared I
could not have entertained any other sentiments without a dereliction of
duty. He expressed disapprobation, considering the letter as evincing a
determination to control the independence of judges. The Duke replied--then
Lord Melville--then Lord Holland--I last. I declared that, as my father's
son, I was the last man capable of harbouring a thought against the
independence of judges; but I would resist their usurpation, more
especially when they usurped powers withheld from them by Parliament as
dangerous to the peace of India and to the stability of the British power.
I said India could not bear the collision of the Supreme Court and the
Local Government. If we did not support the Government we should lose
India.
I was determined to maintain the integrity, the dignity, the authority, and
the unapproachable power of the Local Government, and especially to support
a man who, at that distance from England, acting in the faithful discharge
of his public duty, incurred the highest responsibility and the greatest
personal risk in defence of what he considered essential to the stability
of the British power in India. I believe I did well. They all told me I
should hear no more of it.
_February 10._
Saw Bankes. He says the House of Commons is loose indeed; but he thinks
Ministers will have a majority on the East Retford business. The worst of
it is that those who ought to be the friends of Government will not stay
out a debate. Last night Peel and Goulburn were left with a decided
minority, but the House was counted out.
Saw Hardinge. He seems to think there is no great danger, and he thinks the
House is in so loose a state that the accession of an individual or two
would not draw others; that Brougham may be quieted, and that the others do
not much signify.
In the meantime Abercromby has been made Chief Baron of Scotland. Another
Whig gone. A very valuable intimation to those who remain.
Lord Lansdowne brings in Zachary Macaulay, son of the old saint. [Footnote:
The late Lord Macaulay. He is erroneously described by his father's
Christian name.] They say a very clever man indeed, at least as a writer.
Hardinge told me the Duke told Mrs. Arbuthnot I spoke very well last night.
At dinner the Chancellor and Sir George Murray congratulated me on what had
taken place.
After the Cabinet dinner, much talk and nothing settled. The motion of Sir
J. Graham will, I think, be amended--and easily. There is a disposition,
very properly, not to give Portuguese papers. As to the Lord Holland's
motion on Friday no decision is come to.
Gave the Duke the petition of the Bengal half-castes.
Mr. Jenkins, who was for many years resident at Nagpore, called upon me and
offered himself as successor to Sir J. Malcolm. He said the Chairs were
disposed to him, if the Government had no objection. I said I was aware of
the services he had rendered, but that there were many distinguished
servants of the Company, and likewise persons of ability who had not been
in India, whose several qualifications must be considered. It was further a
point upon which I must of course communicate with the Duke of Wellington.
The man is a person of dry cold manner, not prepossessing.
I am disposed to think Mr. Chaplin the best Indian for the situation.
_February 11._
I think Polignac's Ministry must fall, and really, as regards himself, I
cannot feel regret, as he is the greatest liar that has exercised
diplomatist functions for a long time. I had thought better of him. If
their expedition ever sails for Algiers they will find what it costs to
send an expedition over sea. I think, however, they will succeed, and, if
they do, they will keep Algiers.
Sir R. Gordon entertains a very different opinion from that expressed by
Aberdeen as to the future fate of the Ottoman Empire. He thinks the events
of the late war prove little, and that the Sultan has learnt a lesson which
will induce him to treat his rayas better--that the war once over, all men
will return to their duty. However, he gives no good reasons for his
opinion. He states very fairly the difficulty of his own position. He says
he has hitherto believed it was the intention of his Government to support
Turkey. He has therefore had influence, because where he has advised
concession the Turks have understood we meant it should not be hurtful to
them--but now, how can he advise the Turks to yield to what is asked, when
he knows the Government think that the more is taken from Turkey, the more
is saved from Russia? Sir R. Gordon says his colleagues are by no means of
opinion that the Ottoman Empire is falling, and that France allows their
officers to go in numbers to serve with the Turkish troops.
Received a letter from Sir J. Macdonald in which he tells me the Turkish
Asiatic provinces are falling away from the Sultan.
He encloses a letter from a Mr. Sterling, giving a very interesting account
of his journey by Meshed and near Balkh to Cabul. He took a new road to the
north of the Paropamisan ridge. In Cabul he experienced no difficulty.
_February 12._
House. Lord Holland's motion of a resolution that the House would not be
satisfied with any plan for the pacification and settlement of Greece,
which did not secure to that state the means of independence by sea and
land, and leave the Greeks free to have their own Constitution. His
information was most inaccurate. Yet on this he founded his distrust of the
Government. Notwithstanding this distrust he was neither with them nor
against them, nor did he wish to turn them out. He made an indifferent
speech. Aberdeen a fair one ill delivered. The Duke spoke admirably. The
brains were beaten out of the motion. No division. Goderich and Clanricarde
and Melbourne spoke; Lord Melbourne poorly.
On the East Retford [Footnote: It will be remembered that this question had
led to the resignation of Huskinsson and his friends.] question last night
we had a majority of twenty-seven in a House of 226 members--the high
Tories voting with Government.
Bankes has now the offer of a Lordship of the Admiralty till Croker can be
got rid of; but he will not go. Castlereagh will have the Treasury
Lordship--that is, 600£ a year more for having been careless.
_February 13._
After seeing the Chairs spoke to the Duke about the Bombay succession. He
asked what I meant to do with Elphinstone? I considered he had left India
altogether. The Duke thought he must return--that he would go to Bombay
again with the expectation of afterwards going to Madras. I think the Duke
has an idea of making him Governor-General. I mentioned Mr. Chaplin. The
Duke mentioned Mr. Jenkins, of whom he thought highly. He had done well at
Nagpore, and he had had some correspondence with him when in India which
gave him a good opinion of him. The Duke spoke of Mr. Russell, but thought
he had been mixed up with the Hyderabad transactions. I then mentioned
Clare. The Duke thought him better than any of the others mentioned. That
it was a great thing to have a man of rank; he must be well supported; he
had not a very strong mind. However, on the whole he seemed better than the
others, and I am to propose him.
I am very glad to have Clare. I have a great respect and regard for him--
but I have a little hesitation as to his fitness. He will, however, be a
most zealous and honourable servant of the public, and his good manners
will keep people in good humour and in order.
Leopold has sent in his answer. I have not seen it yet. He accepts on
conditions.
The debate last night in the Commons is considered very favourable.
Dawson's amendment was adopted--and Planta and Holmes say the temper of
the country gentlemen is much improved. They are quite in spirits again.
A hint of Peel's, but a hint that the Government did not fear an appeal to
the country, seems to have had a good effect.
_February 14._
Cabinet. On Thursday Peel, in opening the Compensation Bill, will detail
the various legal reforms.
He is disposed to diminish gradually the number of crimes for which the
punishment of death is awarded. The Duke seemed reluctant and so did
others. However, the Chancellor did not object.
My father considered that where a man could not protect his own property
the law ought to protect it for him by higher penalties. However, now it
seems a man must protect his own property, and punishments are to be
proportioned more to the extent of the moral offence than to the necessity
for preventing crime.
Then we considered Leopold's answer. The man accepts provided--
1. There is a guarantee of the new State.
2. That the frontier is slightly altered.
3. That the three powers protect the present insurgents in Samos and
Candia.
4. That a loan of 1,500,000£ is guaranteed.
5. That he may have troops furnished to him.
6. He stipulates that the Greeks should have the power of declining him,
_le soussigné_, as their Prince.
A guarantee there will probably be, and therefore the alteration of
boundaries, which Leopold knew could not be listened to, is in fact
unnecessary.
Each power separately and individually may use its good offices with the
Porte for the protection of the Greeks in Samos and Candia, and indeed,
under the agreement as to an amnesty, each would be bound to do so; but no
triple agreement will be entered into, the object being to get out of the
Treaty of July 6.
Aberdeen seemed disposed to allow 1,000 men of each of the three Powers to
go to Greece. This would continue the triple action, and as these troops
would go, not against any external enemy, but against Greeks, the measure
would be somewhat in contradiction to the declaration the other night that
the Greeks and their Prince might make what Government they pleased. After
some conversation it seemed the general opinion that it would be better to
pay the cost of the troops than to have our own there, and in fact the same
money would enable Greece to have twice the number of Germans or Swiss that
she could have of British. This I thought. But I suggested that Greece
could not want a large sum down. A sum might be required for outfit, but
then an annual sum. Peel proposed the whole loan guaranteed should be
700,000£, of which 100,000£ to be paid down as outfit, and then 100,000£ a
year for six years at 5 per cent; the three Powers guaranteeing each a
third part of the interest. It is better to guarantee the loan, then to pay
money down. The loan, they say, can be made at three. Aberdeen says the
Greeks give a most flourishing exposé of their future finances, and he
thinks they will become a rich State, and the Powers be exposed to no
danger of being called upon for the payment of the interest. I think he
begins to love his Greek progeny.
The Duke only desired we would get out of the treaty. I suggested the
inexpediency of our joining in the guarantee. A guarantee gave no right of
intervention we should not otherwise possess, and it obliged us to
interfere when we might not desire to do so. However, I fear there will be
a guarantee.
_February 16._
Cabinet. There seems to be little doubt that the Emperor Pedro means to
direct an expedition from Rio against Portugal, Terceira being the point of
_rassemblement_. This is a practical answer to the question recently put by
us conjointly with France and Austria as to the intentions of the Emperor,
and therefore we are at liberty to act as if a specific answer had been
received. It seems Austria will be very unwilling to recognise Don Miguel;
France not.
The object of recognising him is to prevent a revolutionary war in Portugal
and the entrance of Spanish troops into Portugal to oppose it.
Whenever Miguel is recognised, I think Lord Rosslyn will be made Master-
General of the Ordnance, Lord Beresford going to Portugal as Minister, and
then the Privy Seal will be disposable. I dare say the Duke, out of good
nature, will offer it to Lord Westmoreland.
Aberdeen read the remonstrance he proposed sending to Spain against the
proposed expedition to Mexico.
Leopold met the Plenipotentiaries, and Aberdeen thinks he would have
acceded, but he evidently required the sanction of another person. The
French Ambassador used very strong language, telling him his Court would be
very much hurt indeed at finding him make these difficulties after all that
had passed, &c.
Peel told me he was disposed to grant the motion for any correspondence
between the Board of Control or any member of it, &c., with a direct
negative. To move the previous question was an admission of some error. I
was telling him the circumstances when it was necessary to attend to
Aberdeen's business. I must tell him to-morrow.
_February 17._
At the Cabinet dinner at Lord Melville's, talked to Peel and gave him a
copy of the report of the Privy Council and of my letter to Sir J. Grant.
He is disposed to take a high tone, and thinks men will follow him better
when he does than when he temporises. I am sure they will.
He says he would reduce everything so low as not to be beat upon
establishments. If he is beat upon unimportant questions he does not care,
and will not go out. They will not get a majority for stopping supplies,
and if they can agree upon motions, he is prepared to play the game of '83
[Footnote: Alluding to Pitt's course at the beginning of his first
Ministry. He retained office a whole Session in spite of the motions
carried against him, and in the general election of 1784 obtained an
overwhelming majority.] with them. I am sure he is right.
_February 18._
House. First a question from Lord Holland whether the orders to the Admiral
respecting Greek slaves, &c., would, after the settlement of Greece, apply
to Candiot Greeks. Then Lord Melbourne's motion for Portuguese papers. He
did not speak well--but very bitterly. Goderich spoke pathetically against
the Terceira affair--Lord Wharncliffe well with us--Lansdowne wide and
loose--the Duke very excellent--Aberdeen worse than usual, and very
imprudent, abusing Miguel and making awkward admissions.
It was quite established that Canning had nothing to say to the Portuguese
Constitution, and I think we shall hear no more of Terceira. Fifty-two to
twenty-one--no proxies.
_February 19._
Cabinet. Leopold's answer. He wants troops and money. After long talk it
was resolved the French troops might stay a year, till he could raise
others, and money should be given.
_February 20, 1830._
In riding with Lord Rosslyn had a long conversation with him upon Indian
matters. He had just been reading the despatches from Lord Stuart and Lord
Heytesbury upon these subjects. I told him I had anticipated all Lord H.
suggested and had done, I really thought, all that could be done. I am to
send him the secret letter. He thinks, as I do, that Aberdeen is in a great
hurry to get rid of the Greek question, and disposed to incur future
embarrassments to avoid present inconvenience.
Lord Rosslyn does not much like the division of last night, but I believe
it was a good one.
_February 21._
This morning looked through the finance accounts of the three years, ending
1819, and the three ending 1828, with a view to comparing the state of the
country with what it was before Peel's Bill. The increased consumption is
astonishing. The increase of British tonnage and in the number of seamen
since 1819 is equal to the whole tonnage and to all the seamen in the
foreign trade with Great Britain, although that is increased nearly in the
same proportion with our own.
The increased consumption of tea and coffee is 50 per cent. The number of
pounds in 1819 being about 30,000,000 of pounds, and now 45,000,000 pounds.
The import of foreign raw produce is much increased--of that produce which
competes with the landed produce of England.
Hardinge called. He thinks the Government quite safe now. Indeed, he never
had much apprehension. He regrets Sir James Graham's divergence from the
road which leads to office. He thinks he came up to London intending well;
but that he thought under present circumstances he could be a more
considerable man out of office than he would be in a subordinate situation.
The Duke of Northumberland says the salary of the Lord-Lieutenant may well
be reduced to 20,000£ a year.
_February 24._
Lord Rosslyn, who called upon me at the office, thinks I may go a little
too far in my directions with regard to Russian spies, that is, in a public
despatch. I had directed that if it appeared danger was likely to arise
from their return to Europe or from their passage into any Asiatic country,
their persons should be placed under restraint, and in all cases their
papers and letters got possession of. He suggests that this might be
mentioned in a private letter, or left to the discretion of the Local
Governments.
We had a long conversation on Lord Stanhope's motion for to-morrow, when
Whigs and Tories are to combine to beat us.
The division last night in the House of Commons on Lord J. Russell's motion
for giving two members to Manchester, Birmingham, and Leeds, was not
satisfactory. There were 140 for it, and only 188 against it. The Tories
stayed away.
_February 25._
House at 4 and until 2. Lord Stanhope's motion for a Committee of the whole
House on the internal state of the country. He made a weak speech, because
to get votes he abstained from stating the cause of distress, which in his
opinion is currency, or any remedy. Goderich and Lansdowne made good
speeches. Rosebery not a bad one, though as usual pompous. All suggesting
some remedies--all for reducing taxation, but against a Committee of the
House. Lord Radnor made a good vulgar speech. King spoke better than usual.
He proposed, but afterwards withdrew, an amendment for a Committee
upstairs. The Duke, who alone spoke on our side, did not speak well, and
some of his statements were hazardous. Lords Darnley and Bute declared
there was no distress near them.
We divided well. There being but fifteen present for Lord Stanhope's
motion, and ten proxies.
_February 26._
Chairs at 11. Went over with them the letter on Batta.
Lord Wharncliffe intends on Tuesday to propose examining the Chairman of
the East Indian Company.
_February 27._
Wrote a note to Loch to tell him of Lord Wharncliffe's intention. He does
not like the idea at all, and wishes to see me before the Committee sits. I
have named Monday at eleven. I told him my feeling was against his being
examined, as I thought it unfair; besides, he was not the best witness. I
told Lord Wharncliffe he should examine Lord Amherst.
At the Cabinet room I attempted to read the papers respecting Irish
education. My opinion is that it would be better to let the matter rest for
the present; the agitation of it may revive animosities, and if any good be
attainable, it may be attained at a more favourable period than the
present. I rather doubt whether it might not be yet more safely left to the
people themselves, as education in England and in Scotland.
_March 1._
Cabinet. We were to have talked about Irish education, but more important
matters intervened. There is a motion on Friday of Mr. Davenport's for a
Committee on the internal state of the country. Peel thinks there will be a
union of parties in favour of it. He feels it must be opposed. Some of the
friends of Government have said they must vote for it. He proposes that
Goulburn should to-morrow give notice of his intention of explaining his
views as to taxation on Monday week. Peel thinks that he can procure an
adjournment of the debate till after Goulburn's exposé.
Goulburn suggests taking off the whole of the beer tax, and remitting the
hop duty for this year, as well as remodelling it. He likewise proposes
lowering the duties on East and West India sugar, the former from 37_s_. to
25_s_., and the latter from 27_s_. to 20_s_.
As the revenue is decreasing, these reductions cannot be taken from it.
There must be a commutation. This he proposes to be a modified property
tax, to apply to landed property, all fixed property, and the funds as well
as all offices, but not to the profits of trade.
_March 2._
There seems to have been some incivility last night on the part of Sir
Charles Burrell and Sir E. Knatchbull against me, with reference to my
opposition to the Duke of Richmond's motion on the wool question last year.
_March 3._
Peel's. Met Bankes, Graham, and Ashley. It was, after talk, agreed that the
papers asked should be refused, unless in the course of the debate it
should appear that the granting of Grant's petition and the report of the
Privy Council would improve the division. I expect a regular attack upon
myself from all quarters. I would give a year of the House of Lords to be
there to throw grape-shot amongst the small lawyers.
Cabinet room. Read despatches relating to the expedition to Algiers, which
is certainly going.
Cabinet dinner at Peel's. The affair of the vacated offices becomes
serious, for it seems certain that it is necessary to take the declaration
again upon any new patent, and the Board of Admiralty should have taken the
declaration as well as Castlereagh--the Board of Control as well as me.
The Chancellor continues to have no objection to reducing the salaries of
the Supreme Court Judges.
_March 5._
Chairs at 11. I got rid of them as soon as I could, as I wished to go to
the Committee.
Loch showed me a letter from Lord William Bentinck, by which it appears
that the officers of the Cawnpore division of the army wished to have a
general meeting for the election of delegates to England. Sir J.
Whittingham forwarded their request to Lord Combermere, highly disapproving
of it. Lord Combermere directed the Adjutant-General to write a letter
coinciding with Sir J. Whittingham's opinions, and adding that he would be
the advocate of the army both in India and in England. Lord William
(Bentinck) is going up the country with the _Government_ and wishes to take
Lord Dalhousie with him. He expects very uncivil treatment, and says the
discontent is deep-seated. The same account is received from other
quarters.
The debate was adjourned last night. R. Grant made a speech in a moderate
tone, but disingenuous. Lord Ashley spoke good stuff apparently, but Henry
says he could not hear him. Lord Graham was unembarrassed and did well; but
the 'Times' hardly gives him ten words.
I sent a note to Peel to-day observing upon the disingenuousness of Grant's
speech. He told me he had been reading the papers, and saw it was no
question of judicial independence, but of judicial aggression, and he
thought the tone of the Governor who was in the right much better than that
of the Judge who was in the wrong. So I hope he will make a good speech.
_March 6._
Read letters from Sir J. Macdonald. They came by Constantinople. The only
news they contain is that the Russians certainly have the intention of
conquering Khiva and Bokhara. This comes from Chasanes Murza. I told the
Duke, who seems disposed to make it an European question.
I showed the Duke a most atrocious libel on royalty which has been
published in the 'Calcutta Gazette.' If the King saw it he would recall
Lord William by the Sign Manual. A letter must be written immediately in
the press. It is in such a state that our Government cannot stand if it be
permitted to go on uncontrolled.
I asked the Duke as to taxation. He said he thought it could be done
without income tax. To lay on income tax would be to weaken ourselves in
the opinion of all foreign Powers. Besides, it would prevent our reducing
the Four per Cents.
He calculated the loss of the beer duty at 3,500,000£. and, marine
insurance, cider, remission of hop duty, &c., would make the loss
4,500,000£.
To meet this he expected
£
Surplus of last year 1,700,000
Additional from general improvement 400,000
Additional malt by reducing beer duties 500,000
Increased duty on spirits 500,000
Reducing Four per Cents 750,000
Savings 1,400,000
Ireland, soap, &c. 450,000
Stamps 200,000
---------
5,900,000
4,500,000
---------
1,400,000
There may have been more; but he spoke, and I write from memory.
I told him I thought that with a diminished duty on beer and an increased
duty on spirits he could not expect an increase of 500,000£ on spirits. He
admitted that was the weak point. He said he was sure we could not carry an
income tax while we had a million surplus. If we have a good harvest, I
have no doubt the increase on malt will be great; but I apprehend there
must be a repayment of beer duties, and if there should be, the loss will
be enormous.
_March 8._
Sent Mr. Elphinstone a letter giving an account of the travels to the North
of the Paropamisan range into Cabul.
The Duke said we really must look out for a new Governor-General. I
suggested Hardinge. He said Hardinge had not as yet station enough in the
opinion of the public, in the army, or in Parliament. He wished him to be
Secretary in Ireland. It would have been much better if he had gone there
instead of Lord F. Gower, and Lord P. to the War Office. To be sure, then
we should not have had the reductions Hardinge had effected. He had, as I
knew, always wished Hardinge to go to Ireland.
I observed that Hardinge was rising every day in public estimation, which
the Duke acknowledged, and I added that I was sure none would do the duty
better, for he had firmness and habits of business. The Duke seems to think
of Elphinstone. He said he was a very clever man. I told him I had been an
hour and a half with Elphinstone last night. I told the Duke all my notions
respecting individual responsibility, members of Council, &c., and that I
had begged Elphinstone to think of them. The Duke seemed generally to
approve of them. It seems Lord Wellesley never would go to Council. I do
not wonder at it; but the Duke used to tell him he was Governor-General _in
Council_--that he ought always to go there.
_March 10._
Dined with the Duke. Cabinet dinner. Only the Peers there. The others
detained by Lord Palmerston's motion on Portugal, on which there was a
majority of two to one, 150 odd to 70 something. Huskisson made a very bad
dull speech. We talked about a successor to the Speaker. They seem to think
he will not resign now, as he would not get a good pension in the present
temper of the House.
The candidates are Sir J. Beckett, Littleton, G. Bankes, Wynn of course. I
mentioned Frankland Lewis as a good man, which he would be. I dare say the
Chairs will think he should be elected unanimously.
It seems there must be a Bill of Indemnity for not taking the declaration,
two Bishops, Chester and Oxford, not having taken it. The Duke finds he has
at Dover, as Lord Warden.
We had some little conversation about the income tax, which the Duke is
very hostile to, and I am glad we shall not have it.
_March 11._
The Russians have at last sent their reply to our expostulatory note. I
have not had time to read it. Lord Heytesbury calculates that the last war
cost them 12,000,000£, but they endeavour to conceal the amount.
Peel told me the House was quite excited against the Bombay judges, and
that the division fairly represented its real opinion.
_March 12._
There was but one black ball in the election of Lord Clare, and the Chairs
think that was put in by mistake; no one objected.
_March 13._
Read Sir H. Parnell's pamphlet on taxation.
Cabinet room at two. I had only got half through the Russian answer when
the Cabinet met for the subject of taxation.
I rather expected to find that the Duke had had communications with
Goulburn, and that the idea of a property tax was given up. However, that
seemed not to be the case. It was determined the whole beer duty should be
given up in any case.
£
The expected revenue is 50,250,000
The expected expenditure 47,930,000
----------
Surplus 2,320,000
Add by reduction of Four per Cents 777,000
By 1_s_. 6_d_. on British,
and 2_d_. on Irish and Scotch Spirits 400,000
By stamps in Ireland 220,000
3,717,000
Deduct beer tax, £3,200,000, but the loss to
the revenue from the probable increase of malt,
calculated at 2,500,000
----------
1,217,000
Probable increase of revenue 450,000
----------
Sinking fund 1,667,000
The conversion of stock into annuities is proceeding at the rate of
1,000,000 pounds a month, and the increased annual charge already is
250,000 pounds. Certainly to this extent the estimated three millions of
surplus might be fairly reduced; but to reduce the surplus to 1,200,000
pounds or 1,600,000 pounds would be an entire abandonment of the system
adopted by the Finance Committee and the Government.
It seemed to me that the members of the House of Commons were all in favour
of the income tax; all the Peers against it. The Duke was strongly against
it. He apprehended the reduction of establishments, and particularly the
pressure of the tax on men of 1,200 pounds a year, and under.
If I imposed the income tax, I would make it the means of a thorough
reconciliation between the higher and lower classes. In this manner only
would it be effectual and make a strong Government.
I object greatly to Goulburn's deductions from the old income tax. He
excepts _occupiers_; that is, as regards land occupiers, quite right; but
he excepts manufacturing capital and capital engaged in commerce. Now, why
should the man who has 100,000 pounds in a manufactory, and makes 10 per
cent, on that sum, pay nothing, while the man who invests his 100,000
pounds in the funds gets only 3 1/2 per cent, and pays 5 per cent, out of
that reduced profit? The man who has a manufacturing or _commercial
capital_ is a _saving man_. He can afford to pay something to the State,
and why should he not? So the lawyer who may be making 10,000 pounds a
year is to pay nothing. If he takes 5,500£. a year and becomes a judge, he
pays 137 pounds 10 shillings. Yet his interest is still for life.
In all this there seems to me unfairness.
If the tax be imposed as it is proposed, it will be very difficult to
include afterwards the classes now exempted. It will be impossible to take
off the tax, and whenever a tax is unpopular, those upon whom it presses
will say, 'Take it off. It is only adding 1/4 or 1/2 per cent. to the
income tax.'
A real property tax is the fairest of all taxes--but an income tax is the
most unfair even when it affects all income; but when it affects the income
of some who have a life interest, and not the income of others in the same
situation, it is most unfair indeed.
It is quite erroneous to suppose that those who pay an income tax are the
only persons who suffer from it. The reduction of establishments, the
diminished consumption, the increased economy in every article of
expenditure on the part of those affected by it have necessarily the effect
of reducing the wages of labour. The labourer may buy some things cheaper,
but he has less wherewith to buy.
_Sunday, March 14._
Saw Hardinge at two. Told him how we stood as to the question of taxation.
He said he thought the income tax would be popular, but agreed with me in
thinking it should be established on strictly just principles.
Cabinet at three. Goulburn read a new statement showing the surplus this
year, if we reduced beer and leather, and next year too. The surplus this
year is about 2 millions. Next year about 1,500,000£.
The income tax reaches the funds, and the Irish, and the parsimonious, and
the rich--so far it is good, but it likewise reaches the man of 100£ a
year. It tends to diminution of establishments, to diminished demand for
labour. To create an alteration in demand generally.
It was proposed to exempt professions and trades. This was unjust, and it
would have led to an entire separation and hostility between the landed
proprietors and the united body of labourers and manufacturers.
These last would have joined on all occasions in urging a further and still
a further increase of income tax, and would never have consented to a tax
on consumption. The income tax would finally absorb all other taxes.
Another great objection to the income tax now is that it would have the
effect of perilling the reduction of the 3 per cents.
The Duke, Rosslyn, and I were decidedly against income tax. Lord Bathurst
and Lord Melville, as well as the Chancellor, less decidedly so, but still
in favour of abiding by the reduction of the beer and leather tax. Aberdeen
said nothing, neither did Sir G. Murray, so they were understood to go with
the majority.
Goulburn acknowledged the discussion had to a great extent changed his
opinion, and that he was not then prepared to propose the tax.
Herries seemed much in its favour; but more, as it seemed to me, because he
wished to maintain a large surplus according to the decision of the Finance
Committee than for any good reason. Peel was decidedly for a property tax.
He wished to reach such men as Baring, his father, Rothschild, and others,
as well as absentees and Ireland. He thought too it was expedient to
reconcile the lower with the higher classes, and to diminish the burthen of
taxation on the poor man. I accede to the principle; but I doubt whether
taxes on consumption do really press more heavily on the poor man than an
income tax. What he has to look to is not the actual price of the article
he wants, but the proportion which his wages bear to that price. It matters
little to him what the price of candles may be, if he has not money
wherewith to purchase them. That system of taxation is best for the poor
man which most tends to increase the funds for the employment of labour;
and every disturbance in the system, every alteration of demand, does
intrinsic mischief.
After this matter was decided, Peel behaving most fairly, and declaring he
would support the decision of the Cabinet whatever it might be, and that in
this case the decision of the Treasury was to be principally looked to, we
talked of Queen Donna Maria, in whose name Don Pedro has established a
Regency in Terceira.
I read Leopold's letter to Lord Aberdeen, in which he refers to his letter
of February 11, for the statement of his views in taking the Greek coronet,
saying that he only acceded from courtesy, and as a matter of form, to the
protocol, and further urging some alteration in the frontier. He has made
an application for a joint guarantee by the three Powers of a loan of
60,000,000 paras, or 2,400,000£. Now we only agreed to guarantee 50,000£ a
year, and that for troops. Nothing will be said upon this point till he has
withdrawn his letter. He seems to be Aberdeen's pet. I do not think, had
the Greeks searched Europe, they could have found a man whose character was
more congenial to their own.
_March 17._
Leopold has withdrawn his obnoxious letter.
_March 18._
House at five. Debate on the Duke of Richmond's motion for a select
Committee on the state of the labouring classes, and the effect of taxation
upon the productive powers of industry.
A most dull debate, till Lord Holland spoke. I answered him. Lord Lansdowne
next, then the Duke. I spoke, showing the impracticability of the
Committee. I however showed up Committees rather too much. This Lord
Lansdowne took hold of, not very fairly, but he did it well.
We had in the House 69; they 39.
With proxies we had 140 to 61. My uncle voted in the minority, and so did
Coplestone. Dudley, Lord Malmesbury, Lord Gower, voted with us.
The Whigs, Brunswickers, and Canningites were in the minority. The Duke of
Cumberland was there.
I find we have some recruits--in proxies Lord Lauderdale, Duke of Bedford,
Downshire, Lord Wilton; and Lord Jersey sits behind us. He has now Lord
Lauderdale's proxy. All this is consequent upon Lord Rosslyn's accession.
Lord Grey has now no one left. No one expressed a wish to turn out the
Ministers.
_March 19._
It seems that in the House of Commons Huskisson made a friendly speech,
finding he can do no harm, and Lord Althorp a very friendly one. In short,
everybody seems to be of opinion that the worst thing that could be done
would be to turn out the Government.
Peel says, and so does Herries, that the House is in favour of an income
tax. That what we have determined upon is the best for this year, but that
next year there must be an income tax.
Cabinet. Leopold wants more money. It was agreed he should have 70,000
pounds a year loan guaranteed to him for seven years, instead of 50,000
pounds.
The holders of 4 per cents. are to have the option of 100 pounds stock 3
1/2, or 70 pounds stock 5 per cents. Trustees may only convert into the 3
1/2 per cents.
_March 20._
Chairs at 11. They have made some alterations in the letter to the Indian
Government respecting their conduct, and have praised Lord William for his
_perseverance_, &c. This is contrary to the Duke's view and to mine. I
shall see whether I can allow their amendments.
I find they have likewise altered much in the letter relative to Batta.
_March 23._
The Duke, Lord Bathurst, and Rosslyn went away at 2 to the Cabinet, where
they decided against the Jew Relief Bill. The bishops have intimated that
they must unanimously oppose it.
Debate on Lord Clanricarde's motion on the eternal Terceira question. The
Duke spoke very well. The House was flat. The division with proxies 126 to
31, 4 to 1. We have now of Whig proxies Bedford, Lauderdale, Wilton,
Downshire, Belhaven, Meldrum, and Lord Jersey.
_March 24._
Cabinet dinner at Sir J. Murray's. Considered what course should be adopted
upon P. Thompson's motion for a committee to revise taxation. Peel still
hankers after the property tax, and rather unwillingly opposes this motion.
However, it will be done on the ground that the remission of such a
question to a committee would derange, by existing apprehensions and hopes,
the whole industry of the country. In fact it would likewise vest the
Government in the committee. Peel, Planta, and Holmes all think the
division will be close. I do not apprehend that, if the debate be well
conducted.
Had a long conversation with the Duke upon Indian matters. The
recollections of his youth are strong upon him, and he still clings to the
old forms.
_March 25._
Read some evidence before the Commons on the China trade.
Committee. Examined Mr. Elphinstone. He gave very good evidence.
House. A flat discussion on the Kentish petition.
_March 26._
We had two to one last night. The House not very full. It seemed by no
means the wish of the House to have a property tax; quite the contrary.
Mr. Elphinstone re-examined by Lord Lansdowne and others. He gave a very
good evidence, and quite knocked up colonisation.
_Monday, March 29, 1830._
Office at 2. Looked over regulations, &c., relative to the half-castes and
considered their question. Came to a decided opinion against their
admissibility to offices which can be held by natives.
When Lord Carlisle presented the petition I said very little, expressed
compassion for their situation, and a wish to relieve it in any manner
consistent with the conservation of our empire and the well-being of the
great body of the native population. I said what they asked was not
equality of rights, but privilege.
Lord King's resolutions on the Corn Laws. A dull debate which lasted till
nine--no division. The Duke did not speak well, and it was unnecessary for
him to speak at all.
_March 30._
Committee. Examined Mr. Chaplin, who gave a very good evidence. He is
decidedly against the employment of half-castes.
I told the Duke at the Committee that I had written to the King immediately
on Clare's appointment, and afterwards to Sir F. Watson, when I sent the
warrant and had got no answer. The Duke said he would enquire about it. He
thought he should have spoken to the King _before_. However, he would
settle it.
_March 31._
Committee at 1. Examined Mr. Ricketts, the half-caste, when Lord Carlisle
had examined him in chief. Mr. Ricketts did not seem to know much about the
law. It was odd enough to observe him looking round to me after every
answer.
We had afterwards Mr. Baker, a strong contrast indeed with Mr. Ricketts. He
gave very curious evidence relative to the trade of the Arabs of Malabar
with Scinde, the Persian Gulf, and the Red Sea.
_April 2._
Cabinet. Question whether the French should be allowed to hire 9,000 tons
of transports now in the river for the expedition against Algiers. The Duke
was strongly against it. The French had behaved so ill to us, concealing
their objects from us, and revealing them to other Courts, besides
intriguing with the Pasha of Egypt.
Aberdeen was for giving the permission. He thought the French would
consider it quite a hostile measure if we refused permission. However,
permission will not be given.
Leopold is still negotiating about the money, and it seems doubtful whether
he will not resign at last.
_April 3._
The Company have got into an awkward scrape. It seems they have not made
out their account of the prime cost of their tea as merchants do, that they
have charged all losses whether from fixed rate of exchange or other
causes, whereas merchants in general state prime cost on a calculation of
the price in the place where the article is purchased, the other
calculations going in diminution of profit.
I begin to think the maintenance of the monopoly will be impossible. I have
long thought it very inexpedient. It would leave a sullen, settled feeling
of discontent in the minds of the manufacturers and merchants of England.
_April 6._
Wrote to the Duke to tell him I had not yet received the Duke of
Devonshire's memorandum respecting Sir W. Rumbold, and that in the meantime
I was getting into as small a compass as possible the information he
desired.
I added that the liberation of the Nizam changed our position with respect
to Sir W. Rumbold, and I should be glad to speak to him about it.
I reminded him of Lord Clare's appointment, not yet approved by the King.
_April 8._
Cabinet at 2. The Committee on the Bank Charter to be taken out of
Huskisson's hands.
The King was not well yesterday. The Duke recollected Clare's appointment,
and thinks I shall have the warrant in a day or two.
_April 9._
Wrote to Wrangham, begging him to send me the Cabinet box I desired the
Cabinet messenger to take to my house yesterday. I think it contained the
papers relative to Russian projects against India.
I have been so unwell the last two days I have been unable to do any public
business.
_April 12._
Had some conversation with Hardinge. He thinks the Duke will not remain in
office above a year more, and that Peel will then be Minister, and that
Peel looks forward to that now. I said I feared he would be a very Radical
Minister.
Hardinge thinks Sir G. Murray would be very well satisfied to be Master-
General, that he feels the Colonial Office is above him. I doubt, however,
if he would like leaving it. If Peel was Minister he would have all the
Ministers he could in the House of Commons.
From what Hardinge heard from Croker I am inclined to think that foolish
fellow and others imagine they could go on without Peel.
I do not think it impossible we may have a dissolution of Parliament if
there should be a good harvest.
_April 12._
Sent the letter and list of Russian papers about China to the Duke. Wrote
to Aberdeen and told him so. Observed at the same time that I should be
very glad to make some arrangement with the Portuguese for excluding opium
from their Indian ports; but I feared the present state of our relations
with Portugal was not favourable for our doing so.
_April 13._
Found in London the papers I had sent to the Duke. He says he is sorry he
has read them. He had thought better of Sir Ch. Metcalfe. The only one of
the four who writes _common sense_ is Elphinstone.
_April 15._
The King was apparently very ill indeed yesterday.
Received a medal struck for the native troops engaged in the Burmese war
from Loch, and another to be transmitted to the King.
_April 16._
Saw Hardinge, who called upon me at R.
The King has really been very ill, but certainly not worse than the
bulletin made him.
Sir H. Halford does not go down to-day, nor will there be any more
bulletins.
Hardinge seems to be dissatisfied with Peel, who he says is cold and never
encourages any one. All this is very true.
I think Hardinge rather looks to the Colonial Office. He thinks Sir G.
Murray does not do the business well, and that he would be perfectly
satisfied with the Ordnance. Hardinge does not like Ireland, yet, I think,
he will find he goes to Ireland. The Duke certainly wishes it.
The Duke of Clarence is very fond of Hardinge, and tells him all he means
to do when he is 'King William.' This seems much confined at present to
changes in uniforms. He means to make the Blues _red_, and to have gold
lace for all the Line, and silver lace for all the Militia.
_April 17._
Saw Sir A. Campbell at 1. He came about his claim upon the Company. I told
him I transacted all business of that nature in writing. I gave him
information as to the proposal of the Chairs, which is to give him staff
allowances for a year, instead of Batta, by which he would gain about
15,850 R., or about 1,580£. What he wants is about 25,000£, or the
difference between that and the value of his pension of 1,000£ a year--that
is, 15,000£.
Went to the Foreign Office. No news there or at the Treasury of the King.
The report is that he is better.
Read there for an hour and a half.
Polignac offers, if it were desired, to sign a Convention upon the
principles laid down in Aberdeen's despatch as to Algiers.
He seems out of humour altogether with Leopold; Villele seems to have no
great disposition to come in, although his friends have. He says the
Opposition will in any case have 180 votes in the new Chamber.
Spain will withdraw her Minister and have only a Chargé d'Affaires at
Lisbon if Don Miguel will not grant the amnesty.
France does not remonstrate against the abolition of the Salic Law in
Spain, as she precluded herself by treaty from the succession. The law was
otherwise in the old Spanish monarchy. [Footnote: The Salic law was
introduced by Philip V. of Spain, the first Bourbon king, whose own claim
was through his mother, daughter of Louis XIV., who had renounced the
succession.] The abrogation of the Salic law is directed against Don
Carlos, &c., and the King naturally wishes his own child to succeed, be the
child male or female.
Saw Mr. Downie on the part of Mr. Chippendale, the man who was removed by
the Sign Manual from the service of the India Company. The Court and the
Bengal Government did not view his offence in the same light. The poor man
is ruined, but the feelings of humanity must not interfere with the
interests of the public service. His removal was a good hint to the whole
body of civil servants, and did good.
_April 18._
Brought Lord Clare home after church, and showed him my letter to Mr.
Elphinstone respecting the chiefs of Kattywar and the Guicowar. Talked over
the policy to be pursued with regard to them.
He is to leave England in September, and means to go to Marseilles.
_April 19._
Lord William seems to have been much gratified by my letters in May and
June affording the pledges of my support and the assurances of my
confidence. Afterwards, however, he received my letter of July, intimating
censure for the relaxations of the rules restricting the residence of
Europeans, and a difference of opinion as to the Government leaving
Calcutta. His letters are in a very good tone and temper.
I sent all the letters to the Duke.
_April 20._
Drove to the Foreign Office and saw Aberdeen. Went to enquire how the King
really was, for the bulletin of yesterday says his difficulty of breathing
continues. Aberdeen said the King really was not so ill as the bulletin
represented him to be. There was no present danger. The Duke thinks he
understands the King's case exactly, and says he has no water on the chest,
as is reported, but is _rather fat_. It is said the seat of pain is the
prostate gland. The people about him are seriously alarmed.
Advised Hardinge, who dined with me, to come forward on the Terceira
question, which he seems inclined to do. Peel will be much obliged to him.
I told him I thought the strong position was this: 'We are at liberty to
prevent that which, if we permitted, would be a cause of war.' I think I
shall write a memorandum for him.
_April 21._
Wrote to Astell to ask if he would buy the Russian China papers. I told him
at the same time that a Russian ship was going at the charge of the Russian
Government to India, Swan River, and China as a commercial feeler.
Cabinet at 2. The King is rather better, but in a precarious state. The
embarrassment in his breathing comes on in spasms. His digestion is good,
and they think there is no water. The Duke will urge him to have regular
bulletins published. He goes down tomorrow. He has not seen him since this
day week. The King is in excellent humour with everybody, and never was
more kind to the Duke.
There has been a short difference between the King and Peel. The King
having sent a pardon to Ireland for a Mr. Comyn, who burnt his house to
defraud his landlord, &c., Peel insisted, and the man will be hanged; the
Lord Lieutenant having taken upon himself to give a reprieve only, and not
to promulgate the pardon.
The Duke described the King as a bold man, afraid of nothing if his
Ministers would stand by him, and certainly neither afraid of pain or of
death. I did not think this of the King. In general he has been supposed to
be a coward.
In Cabinet it was decided to authorise and advise the Lord Lieutenant to
put into execution the law for suppressing the association against that
which O'Connell is now endeavouring to organise, and at the same time to
give silk gowns to Shiel and two or three other Roman Catholic barristers,
omitting O'Connell. However, this last measure will be mentioned to the
King, although a King's letter is not required.
We had afterwards a talk, and a long one, about Algiers.
Prince Polignac sent a despatch to the Duc de Laval, giving explanations
satisfactory upon the whole, but mixed up with matter accusatory of us. Of
this despatch the Duc de Laval was not authorised to give a copy. We want a
written declaration of their views, none other being official. They are
afraid of their Chambers, and of giving a pledge to England different from
that which they have given to other Powers, and with which other Powers
have been satisfied. Peel thinks they will promise to abstain from
permanent occupation, and exact an amount of indemnity so large, with
occupation as a security, as to make that occupation permanent. If they got
possession of Algiers, I do not believe they will ever give it up--say
what they may.
Peel objected to me saying what declaration would satisfy us, as in the
event of their deceiving us, or quibbling, it would then seem to be our
folly which had led to it.
All seem to view the comparative statement of the prices of teas in the
same light that I do, as fatal to the monopoly.
_April 23._
Rode to the Treasury to enquire after the King; but there were so many
waiting to see the Duke I did not wait. The King is rather better.
_April 24._
A letter from Lady Macdonald enclosing one from the Nain Muhan to herself,
very complimentary and really pretty. She is to be at Tabriz in October.
The King has had two good nights.
Peel's letters to the Lord Lieutenant respecting the suppression of the new
Association and the appointment of Catholic King's Counsel was circulated.
_Sunday, April 25._
Read Aberdeen's and the Duke's speeches on the Terceira question, and
afterwards wrote a memorandum for Hardinge's use, bringing into a short
compass all the strong points of the case.
Mr. Sullivan called upon me after church, and told me his son remained in
India. It is very extraordinary that he should be glad of this, as he must
be without the hope of ever seeing him.
_April 26._
Cabinet at 3. The King has had another good night. He has, however, had
another attack. His pulse is in a weak state. He seems oppressed by fat. He
is become alarmed about himself, which much increases danger in such a
complaint. Consequently all the _entourage_ is alarmed too.
The drawing-room and levee are to be postponed _sine die_. Trade and
agriculture are both flourishing. The only embarrassment arises out of the
uncertainty as to the King's health.
Leopold is to have a loan of sixty millions, guaranteed in equal portions
by the three Powers. The loan to have a sinking fund of 3 per cent, to be
paid in equal portions in eight years. The guarantee is to Leopold and his
descendants, being sovereigns of Greece.
Thus he has obtained almost all he asked, and what he most wanted, the
money.
Peel seems to think the King's death by no means improbable. If it should
take place, Parliament would adjourn till after the funeral, and then be
dissolved.
In the House Lord Durham, in presenting a petition against the East Indian
monopoly, said he gathered from what had fallen from His Majesty's
Ministers that they were determined to maintain it.
I said, 'I cannot admit that anything which has fallen from me, or, in my
presence, from any of my noble colleagues, can justify the noble lord in
assuming that His Majesty's Government have formed any determined opinion
upon the subject.'
_April 27._
House. East Retford case. The Duke showed me a letter from Halford which
gives a very alarming account of the King. He went on much the same till
half-past three this morning, when Halford was sent for and remained till
half-past eight. The embarrassment of breathing was considerable. The King
was rather better at half-past ten, when the bulletin was dated. Halford
says he can tell more than he can write. He does write that there is
_water_, and it is evident the King is very much alarmed.
From the letter I should say he could not live many weeks.
In the House Lord Strangford told me that Sir W. Seymour [Footnote:
Recently appointed a judge at Bombay.] was dead. He died in December--a
short time after the birth of his son.
Really the mortality amongst judges is awful.
_April 28._
Went to Guildhall to be present at the trial of Serjeant Kearney for the
assault on Astell. I was not called as a witness. The man was very
intemperate indeed, and abused Astell very much. He spoke of my kind
interference, &c., but made a mistake in imagining that I had advocated
with the Chairs the loan he asked of 250£. I came away as soon as the
Recorder began to sum up. It was curious to see how justice was
administered. The Recorder, an old twaddle, who talked half the time with
the accused, and allowed him to make speeches instead of putting questions,
and Sir C. Hunter, Sir J. Shaw, and another alderman!
Went to the office at 3. Loch, with whom I had some conversation at
Guildhall, told me he had heard the explanation Melville intended to give
of the matter of prime cost, and he thought it satisfactory. Wortley said
Arbuthnot by no means thought it satisfactory, but was to put the
questions. Wortley said Arbuthnot told him the Duke had read the evidence
and was himself satisfied the monopoly could not be maintained.
Cabinet dinner at Lord Bathurst's. The Duke was at Windsor this morning. He
did not see the King because the King refused to see the Duke of
Cumberland, and begged the Duke would not see him unless it was very
pressing, that the rebuff to the Duke of Cumberland might be less.
Accordingly, the Duke sent in on paper what he had to say, and he got two
signatures, although they were given very reluctantly. The King says it is
_unkind_ in those about him to urge him to sign, as they know how
distressing it is to him. In fact _yesterday_ it would have been death to
move his arm. We are to meet on Friday to consider what shall be done. Some
means must be devised of getting signatures, for his state may last some
months. He was ill for four hours yesterday evening. Halford was with him
all the time, and held his hand. Halford says he is sure the King would
have died had he not been there. He was nearly dead as it was. However,
after this attack, which began at half-past two, he had a solid dinner and
slept well, and this morning he woke much relieved, but _with a dropsy_--
that is, an external dropsy, the water being between the skin. Knighton
thinks some must be upon the chest; but the two others are inclined to
think not. He may live days, weeks, or even months; but I doubt his living
weeks. On Sunday he saw the women, and on Monday too. He was then alarmed
about himself. Now he mistakes water for gout, although his legs are
swelled to double their usual size. The physicians do not undeceive him.
However, the public will find it out. He has not read the newspapers for
two days _He_ is much relieved by the effusion of water.
It seems the medical men when they read the first bulletin said, 'It must
end in water.'
Lord Rosslyn has looked into the Acts, &c., and finds there is no
difficulty at all about the money vote on the Bills. They all went on at
the accession of the present King.
The Duke was requested by the physicians and the people about the King not
to mention Shiel's proposed appointment; to make it, if he thought it
essential, but to spare the King all discussion. Of course, as it is
thought the King would be agitated, the Duke has neither mentioned it nor
done it.
There was in circulation a letter from the Duke of Northumberland
expressing his extreme satisfaction at the decision of the Government with
respect to the putting down of the new associations, and likewise with
respect to the making of the Catholic silk gowns.
The bulletins are to be now shown at St. James's; a lord and groom-in-
waiting will be there.
Received a letter from Sir J. Dewar [Footnote: Chief Justice of Bombay and
a colleague of Sir W. Seymour. They were the two judges referred to in the
letter to Sir J. Malcolm.] to inform me of the death of Sir W. Seymour. He
died more of the fear of dying than of fever. His apprehension for Lady
Seymour affected him very much. She was confined the day he was taken ill.
_April 29._
Halford thinks worse of the King. There have been other attacks of
embarrassment of breathing. I do not myself think he will live a fortnight.
There was an excellent division on Terceira about 2-1/2 to 1. Hardinge was
not wanted.
_April 30._
Cabinet. The King very ill yesterday. The least exertion brings on an
attack. Halford thinks he has water in the abdomen and chest. He had some
sleep, and was better in the morning when they issued the bulletin, which
says his symptoms were alleviated. However, the bulletin so little
corresponds with his real state that they think he saw it. It seems to be
now more an affair of days than of weeks. It may happen at any moment.
Peel suggested the possible case of both Kings dying before an Act
appointing a regent, and we may be called upon to provide for it. The
Duchess of Clarence would be Queen Regent.
We talked about a Bill for enabling the King to give authority for the
affixing of the Sign Manual.
To avoid delay and the examination of physicians Rosslyn proposed that, if
the King would sign it, there should be a message.
It will be arranged that there shall be two Ministers present-one to
countersign, the other to affix the stamp.
The Attorney- and Solicitor-General were called in. They evidently thought
the King's mind was gone as well as his head, for they proposed a
delegation of the Royal authority.
Planta called upon me to ask more particulars as to the office of Signer of
the Writs. It seems it comes in lucky time to oblige Lord Chandos, who has
long wanted something for a Mr. Wentworth, and nothing could have happened
more conveniently for the Government.
_May 1._
Met Lord Rosslyn, who told me he and Lord Bathurst met every committee day
Lord Londonderry and Lord Durham on the Coal Committee. Sometimes they
could not get a fifth, and then they adjourned joyfully. Both Lord
Londonderry and Lord Durham continued most wrong-headed upon the question.
_May 2._
I rode as fast as I could to town as soon as church was over (for the Duke
had wished to see me before he went to church, thinking I was in town), and
in Brompton met Lord Rosslyn, who told me there was no Cabinet, and that
the Duke had found the King better than he expected.
Rode at once to Apsley House. The Duke was gone out, having left word he
should be back soon if I came. I waited an hour. When he returned he told
me he had no idea I was out of town, or he would not have written. Lord
Combermere had asked to see him, which he could not refuse.
The Duke said that on Friday the King was much better. The miracle which
the physicians had said could alone save him seemed accomplished. Great
quantities of ether-quantities much greater than are usually given-had
apparently restored him, and all were in good spirits, when, feeling
himself much better, he drank a great deal and was actually sick! Thence
the indifferent night of Friday. On Saturday he was better again, and when
the Duke saw him, seemingly very well, quite alive--in very good humour
with everybody, and quite without nervousness. However, he passed a bad
night, as the bulletin says, probably in consequence of having drunk again.
Sir H. Halford was quite in tears on Saturday, not more on account of the
King's state than on account of his own professional disappointment. He had
thought on the Friday that he had accomplished a miracle. They have treated
the King as if he had been a hospital patient, and have _épuisé'd_ the
resources of art boldly applied to his case.
The King did not express the least apprehension to the Duke; but to the
women he speaks of his danger, and as if he was a dying man. The Duke
thinks he does this to try and vex Lady Conyngham.
The thing most surprising to me is the Duke's opinion of the King's firm
courage. He said he had seen him not only now, but before, when he was
considered not to have twenty-four hours of life in him, yet he, knowing
his situation, was perfectly firm.
Before the Duke came I had some talk with Holmes, whom I met with Drummond.
Holmes said they could finish the session by the end of July if they acted
with that view. I fear it will last much longer if the King lives, and if
he dies, that we shall have a six weeks' session in August and September.
Holmes said he did not think the King's illness by any means diminished the
strength of Government. He thought the friends of Government were rather
more disposed to come down, and he could on any great question get 300.
He had gone round on Wednesday to the reporters, and had told them they
would never have a holiday if they reported speeches on a Wednesday, so
they did not, and they will not. This will put an end to all speechifying
on holidays.
_May 3._
Cabinet. Saw a letter from Halford to the Duke. The King was 'in a most
distressing, not to say alarming, state' from eight to-day evening to half-
past three. He cannot get sleep. Halford says it was 'a gigantic struggle.'
The Duke saw Lord Combermere to-day, having received the letters I sent him
before the interview. The Duke told him the Government were parties to the
disapprobation expressed by the Court of Directors.
Lord C. threw the whole blame upon Lord W. Bentinck. He had carried the
order into execution without communication with him, 'and had told the army
if they objected to it, they might memorialise.'
This _I do not believe_.
Lord C. said the army was not in a state approaching to mutiny, and never
had been.
He had not said it was in his minutes (but he did in a letter); as to the
minutes of the other members of Council, he was not responsible for them.
They were civilians. Besides, Lord W. wished to go up the country. He had
received in July a letter telling him he was not to go except in a case of
emergency, then the Government was not to move from Calcutta, and he
endeavoured in his minute and the others in theirs to make an apparent case
of emergency that they might move.
As to the last point there is an anachronism, as the orders not to leave
Calcutta _as a Government_ arrived after the minutes were recorded.
The Duke told Lord Combermere that all the orders for reduction of
expenditure having proved inefficacious, it was necessary for the
Government here to take reduction into their hands, and it was very natural
and obvious to enforce an order twice repeated and already obeyed at the
other presidencies.
When the army assumed the tone which appeared in the memorials, it was
impossible for the Government to do otherwise than insist upon the
enforcement of the order. They had expected from him that his whole
influence would have been used to strengthen the Government and to prevent
any ebullition of feeling on the part of the army. Lord Combermere left the
Duke very angry. If the King had been well he would have joined Lord
Anglesey. As it is, I expect he will oppose the Government. Lord Hill saw
him for a few minutes, and had only some unimportant conversation with him.
He told Lord Hill he had made thirteen or fourteen lacs. He made seven lacs
by prize money at Bhurtpore.
The French have not yet given a written explanation as to Algiers. Their
army is said to be in very fine order.
Leopold seems to have insinuated that our yielding on the subject of the
loan was sudden and late, &c. Aberdeen understood him to allude to the
King's illness, and to impute our concession to the wish to get him out of
the way. He took no notice of it, and treated the thing as settled.
Preparations have been made for the event of the King's death.
Peel has been obliged to leave London, as his father is dying.
_May 4._
Committee. No witnesses. Walked with Lords Bathurst and Rosslyn to the
Duke's. The bulletin is good. The King had some sleep and is better.
Halford's account, too, is better. The King slept six hours, but the water
was so much increased about the legs that they have made punctures to draw
it off. Upon the whole the account leads one to suppose the thing will be
protracted.
In the House of Commons last night, Goulburn was obliged to withdraw the
vote of 100,000£. for Windsor Castle and refer it to a Committee upstairs.
The expectation of a dissolution is acting powerfully on votes, and he
would have been beaten. The Duke approved entirely of his having withdrawn
the motion.
The continuance of the King in this state would be highly inconvenient
indeed. There would be no possibility of carrying on the money business in
the House of Commons.
In the House of Lords we had a motion from Lord MountCashel for an address
for a commission to enquire into the abuses of the English and Irish
Church. No one thought it worth while to reply to him.
_May 5._
Read and altered a letter relative to the new arrangement of civil
allowances.
Elphinstone approved generally of what I proposed--which is.
1. To depose every chief who shall harbour banditti.
2. To oblige them to give up refugee criminals under the same penalty.
3. To engage as many as possible to abandon their heritable jurisdictions.
4. To remit the arrears.
5. To form a local corps in which the chiefs and their relations should be
officers (with only two or three Europeans) to maintain order. This corps
to be a sort of bodyguard to the Resident. The robbers to be admitted as
privates.
6. Troops to be brought if necessary from Cutch.
7. Every measure to be adopted to encourage the growth of cotton.
These things I shall throw into a letter, which, however, will not be sent
till Clare goes out.
We talked of native education. I read to E. my alterations of the letter of
last July relative to his plans for education, with which he seemed
satisfied.
He seems generally to approve of my views upon that subject, particularly
of uniting the English with the native classes at the several colleges, and
teaching the natives useful knowledge.
They should be examined in the regulations of the company.
Office, but first saw Hardinge, who seems full of the Duke of Clarence,
with whom he is high in favour, as having, urged by Wood, had several
things done for the young FitzClarences.
He said the Duke thought the King might live four months.
Cabinet dinner at the Chancellor's. The Duke saw the King, who looked very
well, and seemed cheerful and in good humour.
He was very ill yesterday. Black in the face, and the ends of his fingers
black. They think he will go off suddenly in one of these attacks.
Little water came from one leg, and they will scarify it again.
O'Reilly, who probably performed the operation of scarifying, and who must
know the state of the King, whom he saw daily, declared positively
yesterday to Lord Maryborough, and with a face of surprise, that there was
no water.
The Duke of C. saw the King on Sunday, and was at Windsor and probably saw
him to-day.
The Duke of Sussex has lent the King an easy chair, and affectionate
messages have passed between them.
The Bishop of Chichester is now at Windsor, the Lord and Groom and Equerry
in waiting, two physicians, besides O'Reilly and Sir Wathen Waller and
Knighton.
When they told the King they must make a puncture in about four hours, he
desired it might be made at once if it was necessary.
The Duke told the King he had told Sir H. Halford he would always find him
intrepid--with which the King was much pleased.
He said when he saw a thing was necessary he always made up his mind to it.
Wortley told me the Household betted the King would be at Ascot.
By-the-bye, Wortley did very well last night in not allowing Wynne to lead
him into a speech on the half-castes. He spoke very officially and
properly. I complimented him upon it. In fact it is an act of forbearance
in any man, but especially in a young man, to throw away a speech.
Precedents have been looked into, and every necessary step is known, should
the King die.
The Duke will immediately go in uniform to the Duke of Clarence and advise
him to come to his house in town.
A sketch of the speech will be prepared, but kings like making the
declaration to the Privy Council themselves, as it is the only thing they
can do without advice.
Peel's father died on the 3rd.
_May 6._
Left my card with Lord Combermere, who called yesterday.
The bulletin states the King to have been better yesterday, but to have had
a bad night.
The private letter to the Duke says he passed the night wretchedly, and
with much inquietude. They find it necessary to make further punctures, and
have sent for Brodie.
The King spoke to Halford for some time with much composure and piety as to
his situation.
Lord Bathurst looked into the precedents in Queen Anne's reign, and at the
declarations of several kings on their first meeting their Privy Council.
House. A good and useful speech from Lord Goderich on the funded and
expended debt. He showed that the receipt from taxes was about the same as
in 1816, although 9 millions had been taken off, and that the interest of
the National Debt would, in 1831, be reduced 44 millions below its amount
in 1816.
Cabinet at half-past ten at Aberdeen's. A letter from Leopold, endeavouring
to throw upon us the blame of delay for two months, and treating
acquiescence in his terms of loan as a _sine quâ non_. Now the terms we
propose are not _exactly_ the same, as we make a payment by annual
instalments a part of it, and I expect he will break off at last; but he
will wait till the King is actually dead.
_May 7._
A very good account of the King. He has passed twenty-four hours with
mitigated symptoms.
Dined with Sir J. Murray. I must next year have an Indian dinner.
_May 9._
Read as I went to town to Cabinet, and returned in the carriage Cabell's
memorandum on the Hyderabad transactions.
The Duke read the letter he had received from Sir H. Halford. It gave a bad
account of the King. Yesterday was a day 'of embarrassment and distress,'
and he is swollen notwithstanding the punctures made by Brodie. He is
anxious about himself, and must know his danger, yet he talks of the
necessity of having a new dining-room at the Cottage ready by Ascot.
We had much conversation respecting the law asserting his power of
disposing of his property by will.
The Chancellor was not there. He went to Windsor.
The other matters considered were merely the mode of dealing with several
questions to be brought on next week. It seems to be clear that no
dependence whatever can be placed in the House of Commons. Every man will
vote for his constituents.
No answer has been received from Prince Leopold.
My apprehension is that the King cannot live ten days.
Lord Londonderry went to Windsor yesterday and saw the physician. He had a
dinner afterwards at his villa, and told every one, the Lièvens being
there, that the King was much worse than he had ever been. This was untrue,
for the Duke left Windsor after Lord L., and when he left the Castle the
King certainly was not worse, but rather better. I have no doubt Lord L.
managed to tell Wood, [Footnote: Lord Londonderry's brother-in-law, having
married Lady Caroline Stewart, also sister-in-law of Lord Ellenborough.]
and Wood would tell the Duke of Clarence, who would think he was ill-used
and deceived.
_May 10._
The Duke will read the Hyderabad memorandum as he goes down to Windsor on
Wednesday.
I told him of the alteration in the treaty with Nagpore.
The Chancellor was at Windsor yesterday. He did not see the King. The
physicians seemed to think it could not last a week. He is greatly swollen,
and generally.
Lord Bathurst went to Windsor to-day. His account was a little better, but
his expectation did not go beyond a fortnight. In the meantime the
physicians are afraid of telling the King of his danger.
Sir W. Knighton sat up with him last night, and was much alarmed by one of
the attacks, not having seen one before. However, he did not call Sir H.
Halford.
The probability is that the new Parliament will meet in the last week in
July.
The Speaker says the House of Commons is like a school two days before the
holidays. They do not know what mischief to be at.
Lord Rosslyn seems to think all sorts of intrigues are going on, and has
some little doubt as to the Duke of Clarence. I have none.
House. E. Retford again. Wrote to Lord Holland when I came home to call his
attention to the Hickson Nullity of Marriage Bill. I cannot take a part;
but he must do so if he wishes to preserve his grandfather's clause.
_May 11._
Heard from Lord Holland, who is fully alive to the consequences of the
Bill. He thinks I am right not to take a part.
There was an indigo-planter before the Committee to-day. It seems, as I
supposed, to be just as unnecessary for indigo-manufacturers to be indigo-
growers as it is for maltsters to be great farmers. This man took out no
capital and he had no licence; yet he was permitted to reside and take a
lease, and the agency houses lent him money at 10 and 12 per cent.
The judge, Sir T. Strange, was a sensible man. He deprecated the
introduction of English law into the provinces.
The King is getting weaker, which the physicians dread more than his
spasms. It is thought he can hardly last a week.
Read the memorandum on Hyderabad a second time, and sent it with the
proposed letter and alterations to the Duke.
Prepared materials for Lord Stanhope's motion about shipping on Thursday.
_May 12._
Cabinet dinner at Lord Rosslyn's.
The Duke saw the King to-day. He said there was a decided alteration since
Wednesday last. He was now in appearance an invalid, but not a dying man.
His body is very much swollen. They took several quarts of water from his
feet yesterday. He is good-humoured and alive. His eyes as brilliant as
ever. His voice a little affected. His colour dark and sodden.
The Duke thinks he may die at any time; but may live a fortnight or ten
days--Knighton thinks so too. The other physicians think worse of him.
He called for the 'Racing Calendar' yesterday. They were afraid he would
call for the newspaper.
Knighton found he was not aware there were now any bulletins.
Knighton proposed to him the taking the sacrament, as he did not take it at
Easter. He said he would think about it, but to be better before he took
it. His taking it now might lead to the publishing of more bulletins.
He continues to take the greatest interest in the improvements at the
lodge.
After dinner we talked only of the things necessary to be done on a demise.
Lord B. seemed to say we _could not_ have the Duchess of Clarence as
Regent, because there was no precedent. I trust this will be got over.
Leopold has written an unsatisfactory answer to the last letter about the
loan. However, he goes.
The Porte has acquiesced in the arrangements of the protocol, so Leopold is
Prince Sovereign of Greece.
The Duke read Cabell's memorandum to-day. He thinks Cabell proposes doing
more than should be done. He has a strong feeling as to the scandalous
nature of the whole transaction. Lieutenant-Colonel Arabin has been
infesting the Chancellor upon the subject.
_May 13._
Dined at four. Rode to the office and back, and to the House.
Prepared for Lord Stanhope's motion for returns on shipping, &c.
The Duke had a great deal of information, and answered Lord Stanhope. I
spoke, however, afterwards, as I had some new facts. Then E. Retford till
nine.
Read letters from Sir John Macdonald and a paper he enclosed from
'Blackwood's Magazine' in 1827 on the invasion of India by the Russians.
_May 14._
Colonel Briggs called. He is a clever man. He will prepare for me a
memorandum on the composition of the native army. He seems equally
conversant with revenue, judicial, and military matters.
House. E. Retford as usual. The King is much relieved by the draining of
the water from the punctures; but the wounds gave him much annoyance last
night. The fear is they may lead to mortification. Lord Rosslyn and I go
down on Sunday to Windsor to enquire.
_May 15._
Astell has sent to Lord Combermere the letter lately despatched to India in
which the conduct of the several members of Government is commented upon as
regards the Batta question. Lord Combermere only asked, as far as I
recollect, to know upon what grounds his conduct has been censured. I told
Astell to tell him the censure rested entirely on official documents with
which he must be acquainted. The Duke was very angry with Astell, when I
told him of it after the Cabinet, and expects a question in the House of
Lords.
I told Astell the letter ought not to have been given. It reveals what has
been done with regard to the Batta question, and the news may possibly
reach India through the press before the Government obtain it.
Cabinet at half-past four. Not only have the Turks acceded to the
arrangement for Greece, but the Greeks have done so too. Leopold adheres to
his memorandum of March, and wants the power of drawing as much as he
pleases of the loan at any time.
He will be invited to meet the Plenipotentiaries or to send a person to
meet them to discuss this point. The people about him say he means to break
off. If he should, Peel thinks we could not do it upon a better point, and
he is right.
The King is decidedly better. The Duke saw him to day. He was looking more
healthy. He has had some refreshing sleep. He is more likely to live than
to die. The only danger is from mortification in consequence of the
punctures; but his constitution is so good that in all probability he will
avoid this danger. This wonderful recovery quite changes our position. In
all public business we must now calculate upon his living--at least till
the end of the Session.
Lord Morpeth is to make a motion for the repeal of the Banishment Clause in
the last Libel Act. To the repeal of that clause, which is inoperative
against the common libeller, we have no objection, and the Attorney-General
is pledged to it; but the House of Lords would not like, and the King would
not endure, the repeal of that provision without the substitution of some
other security. That proposed by the Attorney-General is the requiring
security to the amount of 500L. from two sureties that the editor shall pay
_fines_ on account of libels. This is reasonable, and would to some extent
prevent the putting up, as is now done, men or women of straw as editors,
who have no means of paying fines. The other proposal of the Attorney-
General, that the types should be seizable to whomever they may belong, is
objectionable and would hardly be carried. Peel is very sorry the question
is stirred at the present moment. The press is generally with us or
quiescent, and the 'Morning Journal,' [Footnote: It had been obliged to pay
heavy damages for a libel on the Duke of Wellington.] a paper instituted to
oppose the Government, has within these few days been given up altogether
from the want of support. Certainly this is not the moment at which it is
desirable to appear to commence an attack upon the Press--and the Attorney-
General can do nothing that will not be suspected by them.
The Duke has written a memorandum on the Hyderabad affair.
_May 16._
Read the Duke's memorandum; he mistakes the law. However, I cannot write
notes upon his memorandum without the Act of Parliament. The King had an
indifferent night, but still feels better. I only met Lord Bathurst, who
told me so. He had not seen the private letter.
Had a long conversation with Lady C. Wood at Lord Camden's about the
Clarences. It seems there has been a great deal of hope excited in the
Spencers.
They expect Lord Holland to be made Minister, and their son Bob or Lord
Darnley to be first Lord of the Admiralty!--_Nous verrons_.
It seems the Duchess of Clarence and the Duchess of Kent were and are great
friends, and the Duchess of Clarence is very fond of the young Princess.
_Monday, May 17._
At eleven set off with Lord Rosslyn for Windsor. We drove to the visitor's
entrance. After a time Sir A. Barnard came. Lord Rosslyn said we did not
presume to ask to see the King, but we were anxious to know how His Majesty
was, and to present our humble duty to him.
Sir A. asked if we would see Knighton? Lord Rosslyn said it would be very
satisfactory. However, no Knighton came, but a message through Sir A.
Barnard that Sir Wm. Knighton had gone in to the King and had mentioned we
were there, and His Majesty had expressed himself very sensible of our kind
attention. This I conclude is Knighton's own message, and that the King
will never hear we have been. Sir A. Barnard seemed in excellent spirits
about the King. He had a good night, and is certainly much better. He talks
of being able to go to Ascot and to stand up in the carriage, though he
could not go up into the stand.
We met the Bishop of Chichester going back to town. I suppose he thinks he
shall not be wanted.
Rode down to the House. East Retford.
The Duke's private account of the King is excellent.
_May 18._
Committee. Examined Colonel Briggs, who gave very good evidence indeed.
Ordered the attendance of six witnesses for Tuesday, whom we shall
endeavour to despatch, and that will enable everybody to go to Epsom on
Thursday and Friday.
The King much better. All his symptoms alleviated.
To-morrow the Duke will get from him his signature to the message for a
_stamper_. There are to be three signatures of Ministers, that is, of Privy
Councillors, to authorise the stamper, who is to be nominated by the King
to affix the royal stamp to instruments in the King's presence.
By the account from Marseilles, it appears that there are 11 sail of the
line and 28 frigates in the French expedition, in all 97 sails--about 350
transports, carrying 75,000 tons. There will be 30,500 infantry, besides a
very complete equipment of artillery, &c., 75 battering guns, 4,000 horses.
The Luke of Angoulême's (the Dauphin's) visit has delayed the expedition
four days. They will probably be on the sea _to-day_.
Rosslyn was talking yesterday of the _danger_ from this expedition, and the
annexation of Algiers to France. I do not fear it--we can, if we manage
well, make it very costly by bringing forward the people of Tunis and
Morocco, not near the coast, but almost from the desert. We must take care
to secure Tunis, and then the French will be no gainers by their move.
Lord Londonderry made a very foolish speech about foreign policy in putting
off his motion, which stood for the 25th. Aberdeen promised the Greek
papers on _Monday next_.
_May 19._
The Duke saw the King to-day and found him looking better than he did at
the last Council.
The drain from the legs is now very small. He was annoyed last night by
them and sent for Halford, who sent off for Brodie; but there was nothing
of importance. They cannot yet say that he will not ultimately die of this
complaint. Knighton thinks he will be an invalid all his life. Tierney says
they cannot tell for a week whether there is any mischief remaining about
the chest. The Duke wished to speak to him about the stamp; but he made an
excuse about his legs requiring some dressing, and the Duke, seeing he did
not choose to talk about business, went away.
It seems clear that Leopold means to abdicate.
The Attorney-General has made his libel preventive measure a poor weak
inoperative thing, ridiculous, and unconciliating.
The French Chambers are dissolved as a _coup de théâtre_ on the sailing of
the expedition, and they are to meet on August 3, by which time they expect
to hear of its success.
A union of parties is expected on the Greek affair. I am not sorry for it.
The Huskissonians and Whigs are drawing nearer together. The Tories, on the
other hand, are rather approximating to us--so that by the beginning of
next Session men will be at last in their right places.
_May 21._
The King had a bad night. The private letter gave a bad account. He has
been _drinking again_, very irritable, _intolerably_ so. Halford says,
would neither sit in a chair nor lie in a bed, &c. Halford at last held
strong language, and I believe told him his life depended on his obeying
his physician.
I am very much disappointed indeed at this. I hoped he was really getting
better and would live.
Aberdeen is to allow the instalments of the loan guaranteed to Leopold to
be paid in four instead of eight years if he can keep him to his
principality by doing so.
The French were off on the 18th. There is a partial change in their
Ministry.
_May 23._
Rode to the Cabinet at three from Roehampton. The bulletin is that the King
had had embarrassments in his breathing.
The Duke waited two and a half hours before he saw him yesterday. The King
signed the two messages, and then said 'the Duke has just caught me in
time!' and in an instant there was a gurgling in his throat. He seized
Knighton's arm. The Duke ran for Halford, went out into the gallery where
he did not find him, then into another room where he was. Halford
immediately took a bottle from the table and gave the King something which
seemed to relieve him.
The Duke thinks the King was in pain three or four seconds; but it was a
minute and a half before he was relieved. He then did not speak; but made a
motion with his hand for the Duke to go.
He had just before been talking of going to Ascot and then to Aix-la-
Chapelle.
The King was perfectly satisfied with the proposed arrangement for the
stamp.
He asked the news, was told Leopold was behaving very ill, and agreed.
As to Algiers he was told the note of the French Minister was
unsatisfactory, and that it was under consideration whether a note should
not be presented. He thought it right.
The Duke's opinion is that if the King should be seized with one of those
attacks when no one was with him, he would die.
The opinion of Halford and the others is that the disorder is mortal; but
he may live six weeks or two months.
The punctures are healed. They are afraid of opening them again for fear of
mortification, and can only proceed by medicines.
The King's state seems distressing. He can neither remain quiet in his
chair or in his bed. He is in a state of constant restlessness.
The Duke of Cumberland was there to-day, but the King had desired he might
not see him.
Leopold has declined. He sent a note to that effect on Friday night at
twelve o'clock--very well written, not by himself. Aberdeen thinks
Palmerston wrote it. He takes popular ground, and cannot impose himself
upon _a reluctant people_. The fact is Friday's bulletin wrote his letter.
The Duke thinks he will be shown up. The papers presented to-morrow will be
no more than it was before intended to present; but Aberdeen will announce
the _evasion_ of the sovereign, and say that that circumstance will render
necessary the production of other papers which will be presented as soon as
they can be printed. The whole discussion will turn upon Leopold's conduct.
Aberdeen will be in the position of the manager of a country theatre who,
just as the curtain is about to be drawn up, is obliged to come forward and
announce that the amateur gentleman who had solicited the part of Macbeth,
who had attended all the rehearsals, and whose only difficulty, which was
about money, seemed to be in a fair way of adjustment, had unexpectedly
intimated his intention to withdraw in a printed address to the galleries.
Forsooth there should have been an appeal to the people of Greece on the
subject of their Government! An appeal to the people of Newgate on the
subject of the new police! [Footnote: This sentiment, however severe,
represents the feeling about the Greeks of many Englishmen at that time,
and especially of those who, as in the case of naval officers employed in
Greek waters, had seen much of them during the war. Their struggle for
independence was undoubtedly disgraced, not only by cruelty, but by a
treachery and disregard of faith which, though perhaps attributable to past
subjection and oppression, was peculiarly odious to English observers. Lord
Ellenborough adopted this view.]
By a letter of C. Capo d'Istria's, dated 25 M., April 6, written
immediately after his receipt of one from Leopold (after his acceptance),
it appears that Leopold had intimated his intention to change his religion.
He must have had about forty-eight hours to consider the point.
Lord Melville had heard that Leopold had consulted Lord Grey and Lord
Lansdowne without acquainting one that he had seen the other.
_May 24._
Rode to the office at four to receive the manufacturers. Mr. Crawford was
there, Finlay being ill. I told them of my plans as to the Indus. I
directed their attention to the point of bringing out in evidence the
effect the stoppage in China had upon the general trade of the East. I
again desired them to show, if they could, why British manufactures did not
go to China by the country trade.
Met Aberdeen. Told him I thought, on consideration, that a reply to Leopold
would lead to an answer from him, to which the Plenipotentiaries could not
reply without entering into an undignified discussion with Palmerston, who
would be the real controversialist.
There should be an answer, but it should be addressed to the Residents, and
what could not be addressed to them might be stated in Parliament, that is,
all relating to letters, conversations, &c.
I dare say Leopold will publish to-morrow. It is unlucky the French have
troops in the Morea. If they had not, I should be disposed to leave the
Greeks to settle their affairs as they pleased, giving them no money. They
would soon become reasonable.
The bulletin had 'The King had a sleepless night.'
House at five. The message and address. The Opposition made no objection to
the address, which was carried _nemine dissentiente_. Lord Grey seems to
expect a delegation of the royal authority. I told Lord Holland I thought
he would be satisfied.
Then Aberdeen presented the Greek papers, and, having explained their
contents, stated the change of circumstances since Friday night. He
represented Leopold as having made preliminary objections on other points,
but none on any but money since February 20, when he accepted. Within these
few days other grounds have been taken, and the abdication is on these
other grounds.
There was much movement amongst the Opposition. Aberdeen was accused of
unfairness. Lord Durham opened the fire, and I prevented Aberdeen from
answering him. The others--Darnley, Lord Londonderry, and Lord Winchelsea,
all for Leopold. In short there is a general union of all those who prefer
the rising to the setting sun. We shall have a personal debate.
We went into E. Retford. I sat by the Chancellor, and worked the Bill for
the King's relief.
In the House of Commons little was said upon these points. Aberdeen did
well. He can make a biting speech as well as any one, and in a quiet way.
_May 25._
The King passed yesterday uncomfortably. He was a little relieved by
medicines during the night. Water is forming again.
House. The Chancellor explained very well the objects and details of the
King's Relief [Footnote: Relieving him from the necessity of constant
signatures.] Bill. The only objections made were to reading it to-morrow,
and it was conceded that it should be read on Thursday--to its duration,
and it was conceded that should last a month. Lord Grey, I hear, says it is
too complicated, that it would have been better to appoint a Custos Regni.
I hope he will say that on Thursday.
There is but little hope of the King's living till the Bill is passed.
_May 26._
Hardinge, whom I met in the Park, told me Sir J. Graham informed him there
was to be an opposition _à l'outrance_. That Lord Anglesey was to be
Minister Lord Grey would serve with him. Palmerston was to be made a great
man of. Huskisson to have nothing but revenge. The Duke of Richmond was to
be had at all events. All this is childish.
House. I expected nothing but the Chancellor's Bill, and went at half-past
five, expecting to find Eldon in the midst of his speech; but I found Lord
Durham talking about Greece, and soon engaged in the talk myself. Lord Grey
was decidedly in opposition. I called the attention of the House to this,
that our conduct was to be judged of by the papers on the table--the
resignation of Leopold was not alleged to have taken place in consequence
of any act of the Government. If noble Lords chose to put on one side the
conduct of the Government, and to make this a mere personal question as to
the conduct of Leopold we were prepared to enter into the discussion. In
speaking of Leopold I said he 'was connected with this country by some of
its dearest recollections.'
Cabinet dinner. The King's digestion is affected now; but otherwise he is
well. He has had many attacks of embarrassed breathing; but none serious.
The Duke of Clarence was in the room with him (the Duke of W. being
present) for a quarter of an hour today. The King talked of his own danger.
He said, 'God's will be done. I have injured no man.' This he often
repeated. He said, speaking of his own danger to the Duke of Clarence, 'it
will all rest on you then.' He was in very good humour, very angry,
however, with Leopold--his anger brought on a slight spasm.
He afterwards talked of going to Ascot, and told the Duke to manage that he
might be able to go to Aix-la-Chapelle.
He is much pleased with the conduct of both Houses about his Signature
Bill. After dinner Aberdeen read His proposed answer to Leopold to be
addressed to the Residents with a copy of Leopold's letter. It was full of
admissions, many of which Peel noticed. Aberdeen was going to meet Laval
about it. I objected to sending a copy of the letter to Leopold, as that
would as much lead to a reply as if they answered him directly. This the
Cabinet seemed to feel; and if there is a letter to the Residents it will
be printed with the other papers only, and not communicated.
_May 27._
Privy Council at one. The Archbishop of Canterbury ordered to frame a
prayer for the King's recovery.
Cabinet. King's Signature Bill amended. Then Aberdeen read a letter from
the Residents in Greece giving an account of all that took place from the
notification of the protocol to the Senate to their adhesion. Unfortunately
this letter was not sent to Leopold as it ought to have been, when he on
the 15th sent Capo d'Istria's letter to Aberdeen, and it is thought we
cannot publish it. It shows that the adhesion was entire.
No answer to his letter is to be published. We are to wait till we can have
a protocol. Laval would not sign any joint letter to the Residents. Being
so near he prefers waiting for the orders of his Court.
House. King's Signature Bill passed, with some amendments. It is to last
till the end of the Session.
The King's command is to be signified by _word of mouth_, a very
inconvenient mode to a sick man.
East Retford for a House.
All Columbia is at war again. The Mexicans are urging the Haytians to land
5,000 men in Cuba. Peel fears war will begin there by the Americans taking
Texas.
Fitzgerald writes from Paris that he thinks the French will not retain
Algiers. That an energetic demand on our part would have drawn from
Polignac a distinct disavowal of the intention. That he does not think the
channel (Lord Stuart) a good one.
I think Fitzgerald would not at all dislike being made Ambassador at Paris.
It seems there is a very sore feeling indeed excited by de Peyronnet's
appointment. He thinks the only safety of the Government is in throwing
themselves upon the ultra-Royalists.
The King is a little better. His stomach begins to bear a little light food
again.
_May 28._ The account of the King not good.
Cabinet. Found them talking about Scotch boroughs. Aberdeen presented the
papers relative to Leopold in the House. Some conversation as to the
correctness in point of form of presenting them printed. The rule is to
present papers written by the King's command, and to have them printed for
the immediate use of the House.
The Commons passed the King's Signature Bill without a word.
I thought it necessary to determine at once who should be the new judge at
Bombay, and upon full consideration thought Awdry the best man. The
Chancellor had no objection, and I immediately wrote to Awdry to tell him I
should advise the King to appoint him.
_May 29._
Before the Cabinet met Hardinge and walked some time up and down Downing
Street with him. He told me the Duke had proposed an exchange between him
and Lord F. Leveson. Hardinge declined; however, he was at last induced to
acquiesce. There cannot be a better thing for him, for the Government, and
for Ireland, than his going there. I have always told him so. We may now be
satisfied things will go on well there. Lord F. Leveson is a mere boy, and
quite unequal to the situation. Hardinge will do admirably and be very
popular. So will she. They will like an Irishwoman.
_June 1._
The King had a quiet night. In other respects he is much the same.
_June 2._
Employed all the morning on the Greek papers. Cabinet dinner at Peel's. The
King rather better. They have opened punctures above the knees. 400 papers
were stamped. Lord Farnborough was the stamper. The King was perfectly
alive to all that was going on.
A steamboat has made the passage from Bombay to Suez in a month and two
days, leaving Bombay on March 20 and reaching Suez on April 22. The letters
arrived here on May 31. The steamboat was detained ten days for coals.
There was no steam conveyance from Alexandria to Malta, so we may reckon
upon gaining fourteen days at least upon this passage. Besides, the steam
vessel was probably a bad one.
_June 3._
House. Aberdeen, in reply to a question of Lord Londonderry's, promised all
the protocols of Paris! A most voluminous mass of dull twaddle. The House
postponed Miss Hickson's divorce case to Lord Salisbury and East Retford.
We had only 18 to 69! The Duke seemed very angry, and I heard him speaking
to Lord Bathurst of some peer who went out without voting, whose conduct
seemed to make him very indignant.
_June 4._
House. All seems quiet again. Nothing more said about Leopold. There was to
be a meeting to-day at Lord Lansdowne's which the Duke of Newcastle was
expected to attend. Palmerston was at the last. [Footnote: The conjunction
of these names indicated an alliance of Whigs, Canningites, and Tories
irritated by the Roman Catholic Bill.] Rosslyn does not know whether Lord
Grey was.
The King not going on well by the bulletin; worse by the private account,
which, however, I did not see. He has lost his appetite and grows weaker.
The Duke has not yet read my Nagpore letter; but he will to-morrow. He
seems to agree with me in general views upon the subject of our policy
towards the native States.
_June 5._
Chairs at 11. They are dissatisfied with Malcolm for sending a steam vessel
into the Red Sea, because he had no important intelligence to communicate!
I shall never make these people feel they are at the head of a _State!_
The bulletin to-day is very alarming. The Duke had not returned at half-
past 4; but soon after he was seen coming into town looking very
melancholy. The Duchess of Gloucester arrived an hour later. I thought the
Duke had stayed to be there at the King's death. Knighton sent up to
Goulburn to desire a warrant might be sent down to be stamped conveying the
King's fines, &c., belonging to the Privy Purse.
Goulburn very properly refused to send the warrant till he had seen the
Duke. This looks as if they did not expect 24 hours.
He was as ill as possible when Aberdeen saw him yesterday for a few
minutes.
A Cabinet is summoned for half-past 3 to-morrow.
All is still again in the House of Commons, as well as with us. They have
found the Leopold line will not do.
_June 6._
Cabinet at half-past 3. They all say Scarlett did ill. He did not fight
gallantly, and he fought without judgment.
The Duke said he thought the King was _really_ suffering yesterday; but
from several circumstances he thought he would live three or four weeks.
The physicians said eight days. He was better than when Aberdeen saw him on
Friday. No stamping was done. Peel went down to-day. It was hoped some
papers would be stamped. Peel had not returned when the Cabinet separated
at 5.
Aberdeen brought forward the question of a Bill it is thought necessary to
introduce in consequence of slave-dealing by Brazilian subjects having now
become piracy.
Goulburn seems to be unable to fix any time for the conclusion of the
Session in the event of a demise. I fear it will be necessary to sit a long
time to get the necessary votes. There are no less than fifty subjects
unvoted.
_June 7._
House. In going down met Goulburn, who said the account of the King was
very bad. Halford had suggested it would be better for the Duke to go down;
which he did. Peel thought the King very much changed indeed in the week
which had elapsed since he last saw him.
_June 8._
Cabinet at 3. The diplomatic expenses were carried only by 18, and the
abolition of the punishment of death for forgery was carried by 13. This is
a very serious state of things; with such a Parliament there is no
depending upon the carrying of any measure, and Peel is quite disgusted. As
to the Forgery Bill it will be difficult to find juries to convict when a
majority has decided against the punishment of death. I am satisfied that
the property of many will be exposed to much danger by the abolition of the
punishment of death.
One Ashe who has libelled the Duke of Cumberland, or written a threatening
letter, will be prosecuted as if he had done the same thing against any
private individual.
The Fee Bill will be altered in the Committee (which out of delicacy is
indefinitely postponed) and the commissioners continued by endorsement.
This is a very ingenious device, saving all the difficulty of dealing with
patent offices and of sharing the present fees.
Lord Combermere has written a letter to the Duke explaining and defending
his conduct. This is a trouble brought upon us by Astell. He has written
rather an impertinent answer to my letter respecting the 600£ for the
Russian papers, or rather some one has written it for him and he has only
signed it.
I find Mr. Archibald Campbell, who applied yesterday to me for an
assistant-surgeoncy, is Campbell of Blytheswood, a good voter and a great
friend of Lord Melville's, and others. I have given him the surgeoncy. I
told Planta, who is much pleased.
The Duke was sent for because the physicians intended to acquaint the King
with his danger.
He was restless yesterday. The bulletin says he passed a very distressing
day. He walked across the room, however, and will probably last some days.
In the House, East Retford till 8, when I came away.
_June 9._
A better bulletin. Office before 12. Settled with Wortley the 'reasons' for
abolishing the College. [Footnote: Haileybury.]
At 3 Sir P. Freeling came. Went with him and Wortley to Lord Melville's.
There will be no difficulty in getting the steam vessel to Alexandria.
Read Colonel Macdonald's Journal for January, February, and to March 10. It
is not so interesting as the last portion, or rather not so entertaining.
These make no doubt from the account of Khosroo Murza and of the others who
went to Petersburg, that the conquest of India by the route of Khiva and
Bokhara is the favourite object of the Russians, and the whole people seem
animated by hatred of England.
Cabinet dinner _chez moi_. The Duke did not see the King to-day; the Dukes
of Clarence and Cumberland being there, whom he did not wish to see. The
King is better. There is coagulated lymph in his legs, one thigh, Tierney
thinks, is a little swelled. He has had no embarrassment of breathing for
thirty-six hours, and slept yesterday as soundly as a child.
The man who was with the Queen and the Duke of York when they died is with
the King now. When the King was sleeping yesterday Knighton said to him,
'This is not the sleep of death!' The other answered, 'Lord, sir! he will
not die!' They think the King has never thought himself in danger, not even
when they told him he was. He seemed flurried, however, or they thought so,
for a moment, and then they endeavoured to unsay; but the King, who was
quite firm, said, 'No, no! I understand what you think. Call in the Bishop
and let him read prayers.'
Last night he was talking a great deal to Knighton, and was as amusing as
ever. In constitution and in mind he is certainly a wonderful man. I have
no doubt that the feeling that he is always in representation makes him
behave in the face of death as a man would on the field of battle.
_June 10._
The King passed a restless night. He is weaker than he has been yet.
East Retford. Salisbury concluded his case.
_June 11._
House. I expected to get away immediately; but Lord Londonderry made a
motion for papers, which led to a discussion of an hour and a half. He was
put down entirely by Aberdeen, who really, with a bad manner, said very
good things. At last Lord Londonderry chose to say the Contents had it and
did not divide, so that the motion was negatived _nemine contradicente_.
Most scandalously many went out, not voting against the motion after
Aberdeen had declared it would be injurious to the public service to give
the Papers.
The King rather better, but weaker.
_June 12._
Chairs. They did not come till half-past 11. I began to think they had
taken huff and did not mean to come at all, as I had taken no notice of
Astell's letter. However, they came. They do not much like my Nagpore
letter, which it seems is contrary to the line of policy laid down by the
Court and approved of by Wynne. I told them I took the responsibility upon
myself. They were ministerial only. My opinion was confirmed by that of
Jenkins and of the Duke.
Met at dinner, at Hardinge's, Arbuthnot, with whom I had some conversation
about the Report he is writing on the China Evidence. He is to show it to
me. The Duke saw the King, who is much better. The King said he would defer
taking the sacrament till he was well; but he takes it to-morrow as a
_convalescent_.
_June 13._
Cabinet at half-past 3. First considered the line to be adopted on the
Forgery Bill, which seems to be to allow it to pass unaltered, throwing the
whole responsibility on the House of Commons; but Peel is to see the
bankers and merchants that he may ascertain what their opinions are now the
Bill has passed the Commons abolishing the punishment of death for forgery.
Peel's idea is that no conviction would be obtained.
I believe the French and the Russians are so alarmed by the effect produced
in France by the continued exhibition of democratic violence in Greece and
successful rebellion, that they would be disposed to enter into our views
with respect to the nomination of a prince rather than leave the question
open; but that they will procrastinate if they find we will unite with them
in giving money which may keep Greece in a state of tranquillity. As to
Capo d'Istria, he first wished to prevent the nomination of any prince and
to keep the government to himself. When he found that would not do, he
endeavoured to frighten Leopold into subserviency; but if he finds he can
get money without having a prince, he will frighten other princes and
remain there himself.
It is like paying money in consequence of a threatening letter. If it is
done once there is no stopping.
I said I believed the dissolution of the Acarnanian army, happen as it
might, would be better than its maintenance, and that the state of anarchy
into which it was pretended Greece would fall if it had not money, would be
a better foundation of improvement than the state of military thraldom in
which it is now held.
Peel proposed that Dawkins should be instructed under circumstances of
imminent danger to advance money not exceeding 20,000£, and this would be
the best way of doing it. The Duke has great repugnance to giving anything,
and objects to doing what might be considered an unconstitutional act. He
hopes Aberdeen will be able to persuade the other Powers to give 30,000£
each, leaving us out of the subscription.
The thing was left undetermined. I suggested that it was by no means
impossible a question might be asked by some 'friend of Greece' whether we
intended to give or had given money in consequence of Capo d'Istria's
representations, and then what we had done would come out. In fact if the
King was well the matter would be brought before Parliament.
His illness creates great embarrassment. It is doubtful whether the
Government can command majorities on questions on which a defeat under
ordinary circumstances would lead them to resign; but it is known that now
they cannot resign and cannot dissolve, and the Opposition has no other
effect than that of interfering with the conduct of public business.
A powerful man would place this strongly before the country and bring the
House to a sense of its duty.
The Duke showed me the letter he had written to Lord Combermere in reply to
his, upon my Memorandum. It is _excellent_.
There is to be a great fight upon sugar. Charles Grant makes a proposition,
and Goulburn proposes to modify his original proposition by suggesting the
addition of 6_d_. a gallon to Scotch and Irish spirits and to rum, thus
leaving the proportional burthen nearly the same. In addition to this he
proposes lowering the duty on the inferior kinds of sugar.
The French Expedition was in Palma Bay on May 31, awaiting the arrival of
the last division, which was expected the next day.
_June 15._
The King much better. He has been in good spirits about himself, and has
expectorated, which is thought a good sign.
In the House of Commons Goulburn's altered plans seem to have succeeded
with all parties as far as first impression goes.
_June 16._
At the Cabinet dinner spoke to Lord Melville and Goulburn about the
embarrassments of the civil servants. Both are very much indisposed to
grant the papers asked for by Hume on the subject. I shall write to
Arbuthnot to do what he can to prevent their being given.
The Duke got a number of papers stamped--indeed all the arrears, about 400.
The King paid more attention to them than he ever did while he was well. He
recollected everything.
The Duke did not think him so well as when he last saw him. The physicians
do not like this catarrh. The Duke thought his hand was hotter than usual,
that he was larger, and that altogether he was not so well. His judgment
has hitherto been so correct that I attach much importance to it.
Peel spoke after dinner with much _ennui_ of his position in the House of
Commons. He complained that it really was not worth a man's while to be
there for so many hours every night. The sacrifice was too great. He said
the Radicals had brought the House into such a state that no man could do
business but themselves. He seemed not well, and thoroughly out of humour.
We had some discussion about the Forgery Bill. We are to see the Governor
and deputy-governor of the Bank, &c. The Duke is much indisposed to
acquiesce in the Commons' amendment.
Peel thinks that after the vote of the House of Commons no verdicts will be
obtained; but may not a contrary vote of the House of Lords turn public
opinion into its former course? I think it may.
_June 17._
In French newspaper a bad report of the French fleet, which is very much
dispersed. One division was in sight of the shore on May 30 when it came on
to blow, and they ran to Majorca. The other divisions will have gone to the
rendezvous on the African shore, where they will have met no men-of-war and
much bad weather. The star of Napoleon is set.
Lord Combermere has written another letter to the Duke, in which he
acknowledges his error as to the compact in 1796 and 1801, and says he was
led into it by Col. Fagan. He restates all he before said on the other
points, and still wishes his letter to go to the King.
The King seems to have had a good night. I did not hear the private
account.
_June 18._
Received last night from Astell a letter in which he speaks of an intended
address of his respecting the Nagpore letter. I have told him he has
already privately told me his opinion--that the Act of Parliament has made
no provision for a representation on the part of the Secret Committee if
they disagree with the Board, and I cannot receive any such representation
officially. I have further told him that I think any more delay will be
injurious to the public service.
Wrote a letter to Runjeet Singh to go with the horses. Showed it to Lord
Amherst, Clare, and Auckland. Lord Amherst and Clare were delighted with
it. Showed it to the Duke, who approved. Saw the Duke.
The King alarmed the princesses yesterday, but the Duke of Clarence did not
think him so ill. I saw the Duke of Clarence's letter to the Duke of W.
Halford thinks the expectoration is an additional evil.
_June 19._
At 11 Privy Council to hear the appeal of Elphinstone (that is, East India
Company) against Ameerchund Bidruchund, a case of booty. Remained till
half-past two, when I was obliged to come away, having a dinner at
Roehampton. Indeed I do not think that upon a point affecting the revenues
of India I ought to vote as a judge.
Brougham ridiculed the Directors who sat there in a mass, nine of them.
Fergusson spoke of "the Court." Brougham said he was not surprised he
should make that mistake seeing such an array of directors. Brougham put it
_ad verecundiam_ to the directors whether they would vote upon a question
in which they were directly interested, and in which they had already
appeared by Counsel.
They were and will be very sulky. They will stay away and decline
supporting Government.
The bulletin is bad.
Two most impertinent letters from Lord Arbuthnot and Mr. Arbuthnot asking
for, or rather _demanding_, cadetships. They will find I am not to be
bullied.
_June 21._
The King expectorated blood yesterday. He is failing in strength, and now
certainly dying.
Read a memorandum of Wilson's on a proposed remodelling of the army. It is
founded on my idea of bringing it into the form it formerly had, with fewer
European officers and more native officers, in higher ranks. He proposes
having two more European Non-Commissioned officers, a Subadar Major, and
another Subadar, and several minor things.
_June 22._
Cabinet. The Duke thought the character of the Government would be affected
if we gave up the Forgery Bill in the Lords, not in consequence of any
change of opinion, but of a majority of 13 in the House of Commons. I am
satisfied the law, as it is, ought to be maintained. In the House Lord
Lansdowne made a speech on moving the second reading, and Lord Winchelsea
and the Duke of Richmond said they should vote for the Bill as it was--
none, however, taking religious objections, Lord Lansdowne throwing out
that he would consent to make the bill temporary. The Chancellor made a
very good speech, expressing his general objections to the Bill as it
stands, and reserving his reasons for the Committee.
The King is rather worse and weaker.
In the House of Commons last night a mine was sprung and all parties, Whigs
and Tories, East and West Indians, united by a trick on the sugar duties.
However, we had a majority.
_June 23._
It seems Peel and Herries and even Goulburn himself rather doubts whether
the sugar arrangement will work, and Peel has some doubt as to his
majority. Altogether he is very much out of humour, or rather _ennuyé_, and
a very little would induce him to give up.
Cabinet dinner. The Duke saw the King and some stamping took place. The
King was much worse than on Saturday. The expectoration is matter from the
lungs. Knighton says that if they can keep the bowels right he may live a
month. Halford says if he was an ordinary man he should think he would not
live three days. Tierney says his pulse almost failed while he was asleep
this morning, and he thought he would have died. The Duke says he thinks
more with Knighton than the others.
The King was perfectly alive to all the business done. He talks of going to
the Cottage still.
Much talk at the Cabinet dinner as to what should be done as to
dissolution; but all depends on the time of the King's death, and the state
of public business then.
Peel, Herries, and all seem to think the Low Party gains, and will gain
strength. Hume, on Whitbread's retirement, is to come in for Middlesex.
_June 24._
House. Galway Franchise Bill read second time Counsel were to have been
heard; but the petitioners declined having them. I fear we shall have a
sharp debate about it to-morrow, and Lord Grey be directly opposed to the
Duke, and the worst of it is I do not believe our case is very good.
Hardinge and Wortley both say we are in a great scrape with these sugar
duties, and Ireland, which was all with us, is hostile again on account of
the spirit and stamp duties.
Walked as far as Mrs. Arbuthnot's with the Duke. He told me his view of the
Galway Franchise Bill, and is very certain of his case. He feels Goulburn
has satisfied no one with his sugar duties.
The King seems much worse by the bulletin; but the private account was not
much so. He was said to be worse when Lord Hill left Windsor. I really
believe that we are so bothered with sugar duties and other things that an
immediate demise and immediate dissolution would be best for us, and for
the country.
_June 25._
Went to the Duke about the Galway Bill before the House met. The Duke spoke
very well and made a very good case. Lord Grey well, but the Chancellor
demolished his speech, and placed the question on such good grounds that it
was useless to speak afterwards; nor was there much subsequent debate. The
Duke of Buckingham made a speech against us, in which he mistook every
point, and gave me a great disposition to follow him; but I knew if I did I
should have a whole hornet's nest upon me, and I wished to keep Durham and
Radnor in check, or answer them. Had I spoken the debate would have lasted
three hours more. As it was we got away by nine. On the division we had 62
to 47. Not brilliant. Our case was excellent. I had feared it would be
indifferent. The Chancellor had got it up admirably. Lord Londonderry, the
Dukes of Newcastle and Richmond, Calthorpe, all the Canningites, of course
voted against us. Dudley was in the House at one time, but he did not vote
against us, nor has he once since he went out.
The King much weaker.
_June 26._
At half-past eight this morning I received a Cabinet box containing the
bulletin signed by Halford and Tierney of the King's death, and Halford's
private letter to the Duke of Wellington. The letter stated that the King
had slept for about two hours and woke a little before three. Soon
afterwards, Sir W. Waller only being in the room, he suddenly put his hand
to his breast, and said, 'Good God, what is the matter? This is death?' He
then sent for Halford. He and the others came, and so soon afterwards as I
have said, he expired without the least struggle or pain.
Peel summoned a Cabinet at half-past ten. We met and talked of very little
but in what dress we should go to the Council, which was to be at twelve.
It was agreed we should go in black, shoes and stockings, but not full
dress. However, after I left the room the Duke arrived, and said the King
[Footnote: The Duke of Clarence now became William IV] intended to appear
in uniform, so the Duke, Lord Bathurst, Rosslyn, and Sir J. Murray, who
were there, put on their uniforms. The group at the Council was most
motley. Lords Grey, Lansdowne, Spencer, Tankerville, Sir J. Warrender, and
some others being in black full dress. Lord Camden and some more in
uniform, which several sent for after they arrived, as Salisbury and
Hardinge. The mass, however, in plain black, some in colours. The Royal
Dukes came in full dress.
We waited a long time before the Council, almost two hours, a time occupied
in audiences.
The Duke of Cumberland got the King to send for Lord Eldon, who went in for
a minute only. The Duke of Cumberland received his gold stick, and seemed
very active. The Duke of Wellington, Lord Bathurst, Rosslyn, the
Chancellor, and Sir R. Peel went in together, and personally acquainted the
King with the late King's death. The King said he might not have an
opportunity of seeing that day the rest of his late Majesty's confidential
servants; but he told those present that all had his confidence, and that
they would receive his _entire, cordial, and determined support_. He told
the Chancellor in a private audience not only the same thing, but that if
at any time he should hear reports of his ceasing to place confidence in
his Government, they were not to be believed. If he had any fault to find
he would at once tell them.
When the Duke and the others came out from the King we all went to the
ball-room, where we began to sign the proclamation, and a few, the Royal
Dukes and others, had signed, when we were called to the Privy Council
Room, where the King soon arrived, attended by the household of the late
King. He took his seat, and read his declaration. He read it with much
feeling, and it was well imagined, and will have a good effect. The Lord
President entreated it might be printed.
I should have mentioned that before the King came in the Council made the
usual orders, with the addition of an order for defacing the late King's
stamps, which was accordingly done by the clerk of the Council.
When the declaration had been read the King took the Scotch oath in the
usual form, the Lord-President reading it to him, and the King holding up
his right hand.
He then said it was a satisfaction to him to find such a Privy Council, and
requested them all to take the oath.
This the Royal Dukes did first, then the Speaker, that he might go to the
House of Commons. Then the Archbishop and the Chancellor together, then the
Dukes, with the Lord President and Privy Seal, then the Marquises, then
others according to their rank. When all had taken the Privy Councillor's
oath the Lord Chancellor took his, and the Clerk of the Council was sworn
by the Lord President. The King then retired, and the Council ordered as
usual respecting the disposal of the late King's body.
After the swearing in we signed the Proclamation. Some remained to alter
the Liturgy. Queen Adelaide is to be prayed for, and the rest of the Royal
family.
The Duke of Norfolk was there as Earl Marshal. He observed he was the only
person there who was not a Privy Councillor, and expressed a wish to be
one. The Duke mentioned it to the King, who readily assented. He observed
there had been no Duke of Norfolk a member of the Privy Council since the
time of James II., and that that Duke of Norfolk was a Protestant. The Duke
of Norfolk, however, will consider the oath before he takes it. He would
have taken the Earl Marshal's oath to-day, but it was not there.
We met in Cabinet at 4.
The only innovations I yet hear of are in the dress of regiments. The King
intends, as he told Lord Farnborough, to live at Windsor. He intends to
have a battalion of the Guards at Edinburgh, and a regiment of the Line at
Windsor.
I went in, by some misdirection, the wrong way, and found Wood and Sir Ch.
Pole waiting for the King. Wood, whom I met near the Horse Guards, as I was
riding down to the Cabinet, told me the King had rehearsed his declaration
to him, Sir Ch. Pole, and Lord Errol, before he went into the Privy
Council.
There was no grief in the room in which we waited. It was like an ordinary
_levée_.
The Chancellor went down to the House between the Cabinet and the Council,
and took the oaths.
The Lord Steward was sent for by Peel, and only arrived a quarter before
four at the House of Commons.
Lord Holland, Grey, and others seemed to think the Proclamation ought to
have been made to-day, and I think it might have been just as well.
The Duke of Wellington was much cheered by the people. The Duke was called
out of the Cabinet to see Halford, but we had a long conversation as to the
course to be pursued with respect to the Parliament, and especially with
respect to the Regency question.
The House must sit next week, as the sugar duties expire on Saturday next,
and Goulburn seems disposed to propose a Bill for the continuance of the
present duties for a time; to take money on account for miscellaneous
services; to throw over the judicial Bills and end the session at once.
The stumbling block is the Regency question--whether it should be brought
forward now, and if brought forward, who shall be Regent.
Peel seems to think we can hardly avoid bringing it on; as the session
would have lasted two months in the event of the late King's living, why
should it not now, when the reason for Parliament sitting is so much
greater? And what would be the situation of the country if the King should
die, leaving a minor Queen?
Peel suggested appointing the Queen Regent for a year. I said, depend upon
it, when the King once has her as Regent he will never consent to change
her, and if you appoint her for a year you appoint her for the whole time.
He afterwards suggested her appointment for a year after the King's death
on account of the probability of her pregnancy. To this I objected, the
state of distraction in which the country would be placed during that year.
It is impossible consistently with the constitution to have an Executive,
of which the existence shall be dependent on the good pleasure of
Parliament.
Peel then suggested the giving to the King the power of naming either the
Queen, the Duchess of Kent, or any member of the Royal family. The
objection to this is that he ought to name one of the two first--that we
got no security against a bad nomination, which we ought to do.
The views we ought to have are these: to give all possible strength to the
monarchy. This we do not, if we permit a frequent change of the Executive;
if we diminish the power of the Crown while in the hands of a Regency. We
want to give stability to the Government, and this can only be given by
making the Queen Regent. If we do that we provide, as far as human wisdom
can, for a stable Government of seven years.
We can in no case _name_ any other person than the Queen, because she may
become pregnant, and in that event it would be monstrous to make the
Duchess of Kent Regent. All we can do, then, is to give the King the option
of choosing the Queen or the Duchess of Kent. He will name the Queen, and
she will be the best.
It has been observed that all Kings of England die either on Saturdays or
Sundays.
_June 27._
Came up to a Cabinet at half-past three. We had a great deal of
conversation as to the course to be pursued. The Chancellor said that in
the event of a minor succeeding to the throne, all the minor's acts would
be valid, and under the responsibility of ministers the Great Seal might be
put in the minor's name by the minor's sign manual to an Act creating a
Regency.
It was determined to take the opinion of the Attorney- and Solicitor-
General upon this point.
On the supposition that the law is as the Chancellor states, we considered
what should be done. All turns upon our being able to get a temporary Act
for the sugar duties, and if we cannot get that we are _really_ no longer a
Government. It was determined to carry through the Beer Bill and Beer Duty
Bill, to throw over Stamps in Ireland, and carry Spirits. To take a sum of
800,000£ on account of miscellaneous estimates, and 250,000£ on account of
the civil list.
These last points were decided at a Cabinet at Sir R. Peel's, which
assembled at eleven, and sat till near one; at which the Attorney- and
Solicitor-General delivered their opinion, in conformity with that of the
Chancellor as to the legal competency of a minor sovereign.
The Attorney-General reminded us that if the King died before the new
Parliament assembled, the old Parliament would revive.
Peel talked a good deal of the Regency. He is much in favour of making the
Queen Regent for a year after the King's death, to provide for the possible
pregnancy. It seems the principle of all Regencies has been to make the
guardian of the person Regent. It is curious that the case should never
have been provided for of a Queen being left pregnant of an heir apparent,
and that it should never have occurred. The difficulty would be infinite.
I consider the death of the King to have been one of the fortunate events
which have often saved the Duke of Wellington. I really do not know how we
could have gone on, had he lived two months.
The King wishes to make Lord Combermere a Privy Councillor, thinking all
gold sticks have been so. We find he is misinformed, and the Duke means to
show him the list of gold-sticks not Privy Councillors, and at the same
time to tell him how Lord Combermere stands, having within these few months
been censured by the Government. The Duke will show the King the
correspondence which passed lately, and leave it to him to decide. There
would be no objection to making him a Privy Councillor some months or a
year hence.
Brougham made a violent speech against Lord Conyngham for not being in
readiness to swear in the House of Commons.
_June 28._
Went to St. James's at eleven. The Household, the Royal family, and the
Ministers only were there. The King was dressed in plain black. He went to
a large window looking into the courtyard, and stood forward. There were
but few people there at first, the Horse Guards and the Heralds. The King's
band played God Save the King, and those who were there cheered, upon which
numbers of people came round from before the Palace and filled the
courtyard. They then cheered well.
As the King passed through the line we formed for him to go to the window
he came up to me and said he must begin by chiding me for not coming to him
yesterday. In fact he had forgot I was a Cabinet Minister, and he therefore
would see me to-day. I said 'it was my first and I hoped it would be my
last fault.' After the Proclamation he sent for the Duke of Wellington, and
when the Duke left him, for me. He asked about China. I told him how we
stood there. That there was an interruption which would probably prevent
the arrival of any ships this year; that orders had been given for a double
investment next year. I said the state of affairs generally was by no means
satisfactory. The King said he was afraid Lord W. Bentinck had not been
doing well. I said I feared he had let down the dignity of his office, and
had when he first went there run after popularity too much, and allowed the
press to get ahead. It would now be very difficult to check it. I added
that he went to make great reductions and had made some. That that had
rendered him unpopular. He was honest and well-meaning. The King said he
should go down to Bushey soon, and as I was living near he would have me
over at eleven o'clock some morning, and give me some hours to make him
acquainted with the state of India. I told him of the secret letter to the
Bengal Government about the Nagpore Treaty, and the principles laid down,
of which he highly approved. He then expressed apprehension of Russia. I
told him all that had been done upon that subject, and of the present to
Runjeet Singh, and the navigation of the Indus, with all which he seemed
much pleased. I said I would send him the secret letters, and get together
information that would bring the whole state of India before him as
concisely as possible. As I was led to mention Sir J. Macdonald, I asked a
coat for him, and the King granted it, thinking it very proper.
The Duke attends the opening of the King's will at 12.
The late King died, as was thought, of fatness about the heart. The dropsy
was gone.
Cabinet. We had none at St. James's, but there was a council. The Duke of
Norfolk attended to be sworn in as a Privy Councillor. We found, on
reference to the Act of last session, that he must have taken the oath
within three months before his receiving any office of trust or profit. So,
on my proposal, the Petty Bag was sent for, and the Chancellor held a court
of Chancery in the ball-room, where the Duke took the oath. He was
afterwards sworn in, as were the Duke of Bedford, Sir S. Canning, Sir J.
Mackintosh, Lord Bexley, and two or three others who were not in time
yesterday. There were a good many orders in council, but of no moment.
There was the usual proclamation against vice and immorality.
The King did very well. He was very gracious to all who approached him, and
had something to say to every one. He took little notice of Sir. J.
Mackintosh.
Lord Bathurst had to change a sheriff. The King, when he heard the name of
the new one (sheriff of Suffolk, I think), said, _'He is a Whig.'_ Lord
Bathurst said, 'He is a very good man, I believe, Sir, and is recommended
by the Duke of Grafton.' 'Oh!' said the King, 'I do not mean to say it is
wrong; only remember, _he is a Whig_.'
After the council we went to Peel's, but we remained but a short time, the
Duke going to the House and Peel too before 4. In our House not a word was
said. In the Commons Brougham, who seems, as Frankland Lewis told me, half
frantic, made rather an apologetic speech for his attack upon the Lord
Steward, but again hinted at intentional disrespect towards the House of
Commons, not on the part of Ministers in that House, but of persons
elsewhere. He reminded Peel that whatever accession of strength Ministers
might have recently obtained, they could not carry on the Government
without the confidence of the House of Commons.
His speech was very mysterious, and hardly any one understood it. Some
thought he alluded to the accession of Lord Grey to the Government; that
must have rested upon foolish rumour. He alluded, I conclude, to the King's
support, now well known. What symptoms of disrespect for the House of
Commons he may have discovered I know not. Probably he chooses to imagine
them, to produce an effect.
He is evidently mad with disappointment. He could not well be wooed in such
a temper, even if he were to be wooed at all.
After the House I rode to leave my name at the Princess Augusta's, and
forgot the Duke of Cumberland, who lives close by; then I went to the Duke
of Gloucester's, where I met F. Lewis, who told me of Brougham's speech and
so on. I went with Wood to the Princess Sophia of Gloucester's. He told me
all the King said of the late King's error in not frankly supporting his
Government, and of his own determination to do so. He had been long in the
habit of saying, 'the Queen is not with child.' There had been a report to
that effect. Rode to the Duchess of Kent's and Duke of Sussex's. Met Lord
Graham, Mr. and Mrs. Arbuthnot, and the Chancellor. Rode on with the
Chancellor to Kensington. As we were coming away from the Palace we heard
the trampling of horses behind us, and turning round, saw the King coming
full tilt with his lancers; we had but just time to wheel round and salute
His Majesty, who seemed much amused at seeing two of his Ministers amongst
all the little children who were running by his carriage, and the
Chancellor, so lately in all the gravity of his official robes, mounted on
a little white New Forest pony of Lady Lyndhurst's. I rode on to
Roehampton, dined there, and rode back.
At 10 a Cabinet at Peel's. We framed the message. Peel was very flat. The
measure of immediate dissolution is one he does not half approve. He wished
to settle the Regency question. He has been put out of humour by having his
opinions upon that point not at once acquiesced in. He sees all the
difficulties of our position, and does not meet them with energy and
_elan_. He certainly is not an agreeable person to transact business with,
but he is a very able man.
The accounts from Ireland are very bad. The potatoes are exhausted at
Limerick, Tralee, and other places, and the new crop will not come in till
August. At Limerick some stores have been forced, and the troops attacked
with stones.
At Tralee there was a subscription of 450£ for the purchase of potatoes;
300£ was expended, and the Mayor of Tralee and other _gentlemen_ bought
some of these potatoes, which were offered at a reduced price to the
people, for _seed_! Can any country be tranquil in which resident gentlemen
can do such things? A discretionary power has been given to the Lord
Lieutenant to expend 3000£ in food, should it become necessary, without
further reference.
About 180 peers have taken the oaths. I fear we shall be beaten upon the
Forgery Bill; we have a very narrow margin indeed, not above six or eight
without bishops. It is supposed the bishops will stay away. I fear those
will stay away who would, if present, vote with us, and all who are against
will come. If this should be the case we must be defeated.
The King was perfectly reasonable about Lord Combermere. The Duke showed
His Majesty the letters which had passed, and the King said he should not
think of it. He told Peel and Lord Melville he wished the Royal Academy to
remain open till after the King's funeral, that he might see the
exhibition, and said Peel should attend him when he went. This Peel thinks
very foolish, and his disposition seems to be to turn the King into
ridicule, and to throw the suspicion of insanity upon all his acts. This is
the _tactique_ of the Whigs. The King takes the Sacrament on Sunday, and
has desired the two English and one Irish archbishop to attend. This they
call 'an indication.'
_June 29._
At half-past ten went to Lord Rosslyn's, to arrange with him the Lords'
Address. Went with him to Peel's, to show it to him. He was reading when we
went in, and hardly looked up. He heard the Address which I read, and
approved of it; but he hardly took any notice of us or of it. He seemed
really ill, and quite broken down.
Called on Hardinge. We had some conversation respecting the state of the
Government. His idea is that the strength of the Government in the House of
Commons is much injured by Peel's being in a subordinate situation to the
Duke. That if he was Chancellor of the Exchequer and First Lord of the
Treasury, things would go on better, the Duke taking a secretaryship of
State. This would do very well in the House of Commons, but very ill in the
Cabinet. He is for getting Mr. Stanley, and suggests (or Rosslyn did, or
both, for having talked to both on the same subject I may confound them)
that Lord F. Leveson should be made a peer. I think that a good idea. He is
of no use in the Commons, and his peerage would open a place which Mr.
Stanley could fill.
Rosslyn thinks Aberdeen's notions upon foreign politics have, together with
his assumption of independence which is of recent date, made the Duke
rather sore, and that he would not be sorry to have another Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs. Lord Rosslyn wants to have Lord Grey in, and
says he would as soon be First Lord of the Admiralty as Foreign Secretary.
Rosslyn would, I think, like to go to Ireland as Lord Lieutenant. He would
willingly give up the Privy Seal to Aberdeen. He thinks Sir G. Murray would
make an excellent Governor General. I fear he would be too indolent. He
said he knew, if there was a vacancy, the Duke would be glad to make him
Master General.
I had said I believed Lord Beresford would go to Portugal as Minister, if
Miguel would be on good terms with us. It seems Goulburn would be glad to
be Speaker. That would open a proper office for Herries, and his offices
might be divided, Lord Althorpe having the Board of Trade.
I really think some arrangement must be made to give us strength in the
House of Commons. Saw the Duke at two. He approved of the address. Rosslyn,
was with him. I told him how ill Peel seemed. He said he would go to see
him.
House. The Duke moved the Address. He gave a character of the late King as
one of the most accomplished, able, and remarkable men of the age. I saw
Lord Grey smile a little, but the House generally was grave and formal.
Lord Grey assented to the Address, but _laissait entrevoir_ that he should
be hostile to the Address to-morrow, hinting at the Regency. The same thing
was done in the Commons.
The Duke told me the late King had three disorders which must have proved
fatal, and he died of bursting a blood-vessel in the stomach. He had a
concretion as large as an orange in his bladder, his liver was diseased,
and his heart was ossified. Water there was not much, and all proceeding
from the interruption of circulation about the heart. I read the report,
signed by Halford, Tierney, Brodie, and A. Cooper.
We had East Retford again. Lord Londonderry, whom Lord Durham puts forward
as his tool, moved an adjournment. The question was postponed till Friday.
Afterwards the Duke of Buckingham, when most peers had gone away, moved the
same thing, and then Lord Londonderry twice. We had majorities but gave it
up at last. The Chancellor is heartily tired of the whole thing. The Duke
went away while Lord Londonderry was explaining in answer to his speech, to
the noble Lord's great annoyance.
I rode home with the Duke, who spoke of Lord Londonderry as a madman. He
said Peel had not taken a sufficiently high line. He did not like the
position he stood in in the House of Commons. The Duke said no Government
was ever beaten by its enemies, but many have been by their friends.
The King was very amenable and good-natured to-day.
_June 30._
Occupied all the morning in looking at the precedents in the case of
regency. There are two modern contradictory precedents, 24 Geo. II. and 5
Geo. III., and no experience of either, nor has there been a minority since
Edward VI. in 1547.
It is clear the sovereign is sovereign whatever be his age, and the Act
appointing a regent must have his assent. Whatever has at any time been
done, has been done or sanctioned by Parliament. Parliament cannot
supersede the Royal authority.
It is remarkable that Parliament in 1811 made provision for the care of the
King's person in case of his death; but none for the care of the kingdom in
the event of the Regent's death, although the Princess Charlotte was but
fifteen.
House at 5. The Duke moved the Address in a very short speech, not
adverting to the regency. Lord Grey followed and declared his opinion of
the incapacity of Government as exhibited in their measures during the last
five months. Goderich said 'nothing had been done,' and was for going on
with the business. Lord Harrowby wished a short Regency Bill to be passed,
giving the regency to the Queen for six weeks, to provide for the case of
pregnancy. The Chancellor made a speech, not long, admitting the law to be
as stated, that is, that the sovereign immediately on accession possessed
all Royal power. Eldon spoke against us, and treated the question of a King
_en venire sa mere_ with jocularity. I followed, and observed gravely upon
his jocularity on such a subject; then stated my view of the question, and
expressed my regret and surprise at Lord Grey's declaration, added I was
happy to know at last where we were, who were our friends and who were our
enemies.
Then got up the Duke of Richmond, totally misrepresenting what I had said
as to Lord Eldon and Lord Grey, and endeavouring to make them appear as
personal attacks to which no gentleman could submit. Lord Londonderry
followed in the same tone. (After the Duke of Richmond I explained that I
had not attributed improper motives to Lord Grey, nor attacked Lord Eldon's
character.) We had afterwards Lord Lansdowne, Lord Harewood giving his
first vote for the Government after the Catholic Question, and _that_
because it was the first measure of the new King. A foolish reason, but I
dare say many voted on the same ground. Lord Wharncliffe spoke against us,
Lords Bute and Wicklow and the Duke of Buckingham for us, Lord Radnor
shortly against. The Duke replied. Then Lord Grey spoke, and observed, of
course, upon what I had said, but not angrily, and I made an explanation
which was satisfactory, and set us quite right again. He had imagined me to
say he owed a debt of gratitude to the Government for the measure of last
session. I said he had expressed gratitude, but we had not claimed it,
because we only did our duty. In the lobby during the debate Lord Jersey
told me he was afraid Lord Grey might have misunderstood the meaning of
what I said about gratitude, and begged me to set him right immediately if
it was so.
We had 100 to 54. A very good division. We went, at ten, to Goulburn's to
dinner, and expected soon to see the members of the House of Commons, and
to hear of as good a division there as in the Lords, but after an hour we
heard the division had only been 185 to 139. This made us a little flat,
and Lord Bathurst drank no more champagne.
I intentionally committed the Government thoroughly with the Whigs, for
after Lord Grey's declaration it was idle to expect a vote from them, and
our people were pleased, as I knew they would be. The Duke of Bedford and
Lord Jersey voted with us. So did Dudley.
I shall have work enough now, as they have ten or twelve speakers, and we
but three.
_July 1._
Looked over the debates on the Forgery Bill this morning. Committee at one.
Examined a manufacturer of camlets and bombazines from Norwich. House.
Forgery Bill. The Chancellor made an admirable speech, Lord Lansdowne
followed him, then Lords Wynford, Tenterden, and Eldon all against the
bill. We divided 77 to 20. The Duke was delighted, he said, '_How very
right we were._' So said the Chancellor. Peel would have given it up. Now,
I think one large majority will set public opinion right again. The
Chancellor said all that was contained in Peel's two speeches and much
more. Peel and Brougham were under the throne.
Lord Bathurst, with whom I walked home from the House at three, when we
talked of Goulburn's becoming Speaker, suggested Hardinge as Chancellor of
the Exchequer. He would be an excellent one.
I met Goulburn in the Park this morning. He did not seem much pleased with
the House last night. I see there were strong words indeed in the second
debate, Brougham talking of the _parasites_ of the Duke of Wellington. Peel
asked whether he presumed to call him a parasite? There was great
confusion, and it ended by Peel's making an explanation for Brougham, in
which Brougham acquiesced. Several members, amongst the rest, I hear,
Castlereagh, were going to call Brougham out.
In the House Lord Bathurst told me Wortley had stayed away from the
division last night, and had sent in his resignation. Soon after I received
a note from Wortley telling me so, expressing great regret that he could
not vote for a course of measures which excluded a Regency Bill. His regret
was increased by my kindness and encouragement. I have sent his letter to
the Duke, having shown it to Lord Bathurst in the House. I wrote an answer
to say I felt great regret at his not being able to adopt our line, and
expressing my personal regret at losing him, and my acknowledgments for the
assistance I had derived from him.
His father and father-in-law both voted against us last night. He says in
his note he has taken his line entirely on his own view.
I had some talk with Dudley in the lobby of the House. I began by saying he
had acted very handsomely by us. He said he was friendly to the Government,
and above all things unfriendly to Lord Grey and the Duke of Newcastle. The
motion of last night he called pure faction.
Salisbury told me he stayed away to-night not liking to vote against us, on
account of yesterday's declaration of war. The Duke of Gordon told me he
was much pleased with me last night. I do not, however, think I spoke as
well as usual.
Bankes I had some talk with. He said the Duke of Cumberland was hostile to
the Duchess of Kent and Leopold. He would prefer the Queen as Regent. He
had been much with the King for the last six weeks, and there was a good
understanding between them. Bankes asked if I had left my name with him. I
told him I had, and I believed all the rest had. By some mistake of a
servant the summons to the Privy Council did not reach the Duke of
Cumberland till the day after the accession, and he was very angry. It had
been sent to Kew. He is satisfied now. Goulburn has hit upon a _mezzo
termine_ which answers for the present session. He has reduced the duty on
West Indian sugar to 24,9., and on East Indian sugar to 32s. The duty on
other sugar to be 63s. I did not fail to tell Dudley and Bankes in what
strong terms the King had expressed his determination to support the
Government. They were both 'colpiti.' Dudley had had no idea terms so
strong had been used. He comes to the Council to be sworn in on Saturday.
_July 2._
Chairs at eleven. They have sent a representation on the subject of the
Kattywar draft, impugning, as I understand, for I have not yet read it, the
power of the Board to give orders in the Secret Department which do not
require secresy.
I told the Chairs distinctly that I intended to take upon the King's
Government the whole responsibility of the foreign policy of India.
I saw Wortley, who thanked me very much indeed for my note of yesterday
evening. He was much distressed, and evidently regrets extremely that he
has tendered his resignation. He adheres, however, to his opinion that the
Regency question should have been settled at least provisionally before
Parliament separated. He was going to see Peel and afterwards the Duke.
He told me the Government could not be conducted in the House of Commons
unless some more Ministers would speak-that there must be a change.
I called at Hardinge's. He told me the same thing, and that he had talked
about it to the Duke yesterday and made him promise to place the
ministerial seats in the House of Commons at Peel's disposal. Hardinge is
for having Edward Stanley. He spoke of Wilmot Horton, but he is not of
Cabinet calibre. I think Hardinge is disposed to displace Murray rather
than either of the others. He talked again of making Peel First Lord of the
Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the Duke Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs--Aberdeen going to Ireland. Aberdeen would not go
there, I think. I told Hardinge Lord Bathurst had suggested him as
Chancellor of the Exchequer. He would not hear of it.
It seems Brougham was almost drunk the other night. Hardinge and several
others were getting up to question him when Peel stopped them. He pulled
Hardinge down by the coat. Hardinge says Peel managed admirably.
In the House spoke to the Chancellor and Lord Bathurst, and told them I had
heard we must have an addition of strength to the Treasury Bench. They both
said they believed so too. Lord Bathurst again mentioned Hardinge.
Spoke to the Duke about Wortley. He said he had written a kind note to him,
and told him he had been too hasty. He should have spoken to some of the
Ministers first. The Duke evidently intends the thing to blow over.
Spoke to Lord Wharncliffe about the same thing. He said he would neither
have voted nor have spoken against Government on Wednesday if he had had an
idea of Wortley's resigning, because it gave the appearance of concert, and
there really was none. He did not know of the letters till after they had
been written. I said Lord Harrowby's taking the same line, both voting and
speaking, gave the appearance of concert. He said he thought Wortley
altogether wrong. That a young man, having joined a Government, had no
right, for a difference on a single point, to resign. If he differed upon a
system of policy it was another thing. I said I thought it would be allowed
to blow over. He afterwards talked to the Duke, and I have no doubt Wortley
will remain.
Lord Bathurst says W. Horton is a gentleman. I doubted it. He rather wishes
to have Wilmot in office. But the person to be got is Mr. Stanley.
We had a discussion on a motion of Lord Londonderry's whether we should
proceed with East Retford or not. I followed Lord Grey and spoke very
quietly but, I think, reasonably, for going on. I said if we were obliged
to postpone any measure, the last we should postpone should be one deeply
interesting to the House of Commons and affecting their privileges.
I think we did all Peel could require. We had 45 to 13. I remained till
eight, but I could stay no longer.
Lord Londonderry attacked me again, and said instead of planting a dagger
in the side of Lord Grey I should have applied a _healing plaster!_ His
comparative civility to the Government to-day was to conciliate their
support to Sir R. Gresley for Durham.
The Duke told Hardinge yesterday I was always ready. I was a little too
lively, but I was of great use.
_July 3._
The King has done two popular things. He has allowed a passage to be made
from Waterloo Place into the Park, and he has dismissed all the late King's
French cooks! He will have no foreigners about him.
The foreign Ministers were all introduced to him to-day. He was very
gracious, Aberdeen said, but he did not choose his topics quite so well as
the late King, who had much tact and grace, neither does the King speak
French well.
Lord Combermere came and had an audience to present a picture of the King
of Delhi, painted by an Indian artist. It seemed not ill done, and had the
appearance of an ordinary picture, but when placed against the light was a
transparency. Lord Combermere did not remain long with the King, and when
he came out he seemed annoyed. He remained some time, and the Duke was
afraid he remained to be sworn in, in consequence of some incautious
promise of the King. It was arranged that Buller, who had a list of the
Privy Councillors, should turn him out with the rest who were not so, when
the Council began. However, he went away a little before.
The Duke of Montrose has resigned, and the King has placed the office at
the disposal of the Duke of Wellington.
Peel seems to think Lord Graham is dissatisfied and unfriendly. It seems he
has been heard complaining of vacillation, &c., on the part of the
Government, and does not attend well.
The Queen has named Lady Wellesley and Mrs. Berkeley Paget as two Ladies of
the Bed-chamber. Valletort is to be in some high situation about the Queen.
Lord Errol, her Master of the Horse.
I conclude Lord Conyngham will resign, but it is not known.
The Duke goes to Windsor to-morrow respecting the late King's papers, the
Duke of Cumberland having meditated an _enlèvement_.
Peel thinks Brougham really rather mad, and would not be surprised to hear
he was confined. Last year he was melancholy, and his friends and _he
himself_ feared he might commit suicide. Now he is in an excited state.
Peel speaks of him as a most wonderful man in ability.
It seems that last night the leaders came down to make an attack, but the
followers, not having been consulted, would not support. R. Gordon came
over to Herries and said he should vote with Government. Hume, who in the
morning had sent to ask Planta whether Government intended to oppose him
for Middlesex (a question Planta was desired not to answer till the end of
next week), was very civil, and disposed to let business pass. It is not
impossible that the House of Commons may have done their business by this
day week.
I am to look at the Beer Bill, and have already begun to read the Commons'
debates upon it.
_July 4._
Read all the debates on the Beer Bill, made notes, and considered the
subject. The Queen seems to have selected her maids of honour from the
neighbourhood of Bushey. This is amiable and very right.
_July 5._
I proposed to Wortley, as Edward Stanley was an acquaintance of his, to
give him a hint not to commit himself against the Government just now; but
he says he does not know Stanley intimately enough.
I asked him whether he did not find the Duke of Wellington very kind. He
really had the kindest heart of any man I ever knew. When I looked up I saw
the tears in his eyes.
Clare told me he heard all the Whigs in our House, except Lord Lansdowne,
were determined to push us _à l'outrance_; but Lord Lansdowne thought the
Duke must endeavour to strengthen himself during the vacation. He could not
do it now, as it would be a confession of weakness; but he thought he would
do it before Parliament met. However, the others would not hear him.
There was a meeting at Lord Althorpe's yesterday, but I have not heard the
result.
Talked to Clare about the affairs of Kattywar, and promised to give him
precise instructions before he left England.
He will remain at Bombay, I think. He tells his mother three years, but he
will remain till he has made some money and done something worth going
there to do. He has got Elphinstone to make a list of the civil servants
_with their characters_.
The King took the sacrament yesterday with the Royal Family, and afterwards
received the bishops and the judges. He made long speeches to both. Thirty
minutes to the first, and twenty to the second.
Polignac seems quite firm, although certain he shall be in a minority of 1
to 2 or 3. It is expected he will _evade_, and that Villele may be able to
go on with the new Chamber.
No news from Algiers. 15,000 men are assembled at Toulon as a reserve.
_July 6._
Cabinet. Peel said the Lord Advocate would resign if we did not pass the
Scotch Judicature Bill, so we must struggle through with it. The Welsh
Judicature Bill is to be passed too. This will keep us sitting some time.
The Commons will have finished on Friday.
House. We had the second reading of the Beer Bill. I said a few words to
show the inaccuracy of one of Lord Malmesbury's conclusions; but I must
speak in detail in the Committee.
_July 7._
Last night we had 247 to 93, a great division. The Tories in general voting
with us.
Looked over again all the papers relative to the Beer Bill.
In my way back from Roehampton met Lord Ravensworth, who told me the King
had the gout, and that he had given the Guelphic ribbon to his three sons-
in-law. He likewise told me what I knew before, that the Duke of Montrose
had resigned.
I told him of the dismissal of the French cooks, which horrified him.
Cabinet dinner at Herries's. All the House of Commons pleased with their
division. They got three county members to speak for others. The Whigs did
not like the motion, and were unwilling to divide. Robert Grant divided the
House. The King was delighted with the division.
He came to town to-day, almost for nothing, and received the Duke and
others. He sent for Lord Rosslyn and told, him he had made his regiment the
Queen's Own.
He has changed the uniform of the navy, which is to be blue with red cuffs
and facings. He wore the uniform so to-day.
Aberdeen introduced Prince William of Prussia. The King desired him to
stay, and said he should never receive foreigners except in his presence,
and never but in his naval uniform. He should wear the military uniform now
and then, but as little as possible.
All the cavalry are to be in red.
No news from Algiers. The Duke thinks they must be rather in want of
provisions. The French are all in a state of sentiment, as Bourmont's
second son has been dangerously wounded. Certainly the way in which it is
mentioned in the dispatch is good, and indeed Bourmont, a very clever man,
and first under fire with his four sons, will soon be popular with an army.
Polignac seems to be insensible rather than bold. He thinks all will go on
well still.
The present intention is that we should all be in gala at the funeral, with
black scarfs, &c.
I have asked several to dine at Roehampton and go from thence.
The Queen is to be present, I suppose, in the King's pew. The King is
certainly to be chief mourner.
We had a great deal of talk after dinner about elections. I fear they have
not been attended to in time. It is hoped Seaford will be conquered from
Lord Seaford, and that the two Grants will be thrown out. We have nobody
for Surrey and nobody for Middlesex.
_July 8._
House. Answered the Duke of Richmond on the sale of Beer Bill. The Duke
seemed very well satisfied, and the House was very attentive and cheered
frequently. We had on a division 60 to 15.
_July 9._
Lord Radnor made some observations upon the continuing of the Irish Arms
Bill without explaining the reason, the Bill having been introduced in
troublesome times and expiring at the end of this Session. Lord Grey
supported him. It is clear Lord Durham and Lord Radnor evidently intend to
make us look about us and not do work in a slovenly manner. I cannot find
fault with them.
Lord Durham moved the printing of the Appropriation List, which was
negatived without a division, as unusual; but I dare say he will ask
questions as to some of the items.
_July 10._
As I was coming home from the office I called on Hardinge. He considers the
division to have been invaluable to us here and even to France. Certainly
the French funds rose when it was known the present King held the same
course as his predecessor. Hardinge thinks many men are disposed to support
the Duke's Government under the idea that all sorts of calamities would
attend the weak Government which must succeed it. He thinks Palmerston the
best man to have in Goulburn's place, Goulburn going to the Speakership. He
thinks W. Horton would be better than Frankland Lewis as his successor at
the War Office, it being necessary in either case to get Lord F. Leveson
into the House of Lords. Fitzgerald has written to Hardinge, and seems
eager about politics. I wish he was well and could come into office again.
I do not know that the Duke or anybody would have any objection to
Palmerston coming in by himself; but I doubt Huskisson's ever being in
office again while the Duke lives. Neither will the Grants come in--indeed
it is to be hoped they will both be turned out of their seats.
_July 12._
Office. Backhouse brought the account of Sir J. Macdonald's expected death;
the date, May 12. Sir Henry Willock will take charge of the mission _ad
interim_. He may be a sensible man, but the loss of Macdonald is severe. I
do not know how we shall replace him.
Cabinet at 2. The business was the eternal slave question--what answer
should be given to Brougham to-morrow. He is expected to propose some
pledge of proceeding _legislatively_ in the next session as to the
admission of slave evidence and other points. A Bill has been prepared
making slave evidence admissible, and it would probably have been
introduced but for the early termination of the session. However, there
seems to be great reluctance to embark in a contest with the Colonial
legislatures. The foolish resolutions moved by Canning are deeply
regretted. I was the only man who objected to them, when, two years after
they had been found of no avail, it was proposed that the Lords should
concur in them. Peel objects to any pledge on the part of Parliament, more
particularly on the eve of a dissolution. It is thought that _by paying
from our funds_ for an improved judicature in the West Indies we may induce
the colonies to acquiesce in the admission of slave evidence, although
imposed by the interposition of Parliament. I doubt it, and if we pass a
law to which the colonies are adverse, which they will regard as being _no
law_, how are we to execute it? We may make judges and pay them, but we
must procure submission to those judges, and further, we must make
_jurymen_.
All these difficulties I foresaw when the Lords adopted the Commons'
resolution; but I suppose Canning forced it upon Lord Bathurst and the
Cabinet.
House at 5. Debate on the Scotch Judicature Bill. Lord Wynford made a
miserable speech, which proved he knew nothing about the subject. The
Chancellor was very angry with him, and once interrupted him improperly.
The debate was dull, and there was no division.
_July 13._
Went to St. James's at half-past one. A few Privy Councillors were there to
be sworn in, amongst the rest the Duke of Hamilton.
The Duke of Wellington had to talk over the King about giving a lodge in
Bushey Park to one of the FitzClarences for his life, and about gazetting
the Queen's household. He found the King very reasonable indeed.
The King means to give his Ministers a grand dinner. He intends asking the
Speaker and the two Gold Sticks, but _not_ the _third_, the Duke of
Cumberland.
The Duke of Buckingham is Lord Steward. A bad appointment. The office of
Lord Chamberlain was offered by the Duke of Wellington to the Duke of
Bedford, Lord Rosslyn going to make the offer. The Duke of Bedford was much
gratified, but declined on the ground of his health. The office was then
offered to Lord Jersey, who accepted willingly.
House. The Chancellor made an excellent speech on the Welsh Judicature
Bill, and it was read a second time without a further word. The Forgery
Bill passed with a motion of Lord Holland's _pro formâ_ that he might
protest.
We had Sir Jonah Barrington for a short time. He is very roguish and sly.
There are no particulars yet of the capture of Algiers, except that the
fleet co-operated.
The French seem to have been highly delighted.
_July 15._
Sir G. Murray, Goulburn, and Herries came down to Roehampton at four to
dinner. At five we set off for Windsor. The day was beautiful, and all the
world made it a holiday. Carriages of all sorts and hackney coaches were on
the road all the morning to Richmond. I never saw so many persons there,
and chiefly of the class of shopkeepers. London was quite empty, but the
Park quite covered with the people. It seemed to be a day of general
recreation.
Arrived at Windsor at a quarter after seven. There were a few Lancers along
the road from Frogmore, where the King and Queen were, but no crowd. Near
the town there were a great many waggons. We turned to the right at the end
of the Long Walk and drove through the park to the great gate of the
Castle. Within the court were Horse and Foot Guards. We entered at the
visitors' entrance, and went to St. George's Hall, where we all assembled.
A great many were already come. They began forming the procession at half-
past seven, and it was all formed so as to move before nine. I walked with
Lord Hill. There were ten or twelve barons, a number of judges, six or
eight bishops, and upon the whole a fair representation of the peerage and
the Privy Council. There was a double line of Life Guardsmen within the
castle, without Foot Guards, and the Blues in the chapel. We did not see
the body as we passed. A screen of black concealed the room in which it lay
in state. I imagine the King was in the room. As we returned it was open.
It struck nine as we came to the Round Tower. A rocket was fired as soon as
the body moved, to give notice to Linden for the firing of the minute guns.
The bands of the several regiments played the Dead March in Saul, &c., as
the procession passed. The Foot Guards stood close together with arms
reversed, every fifth man having a flambeau. The platform was, in most
places, open on both sides. There was a good deal of air, but the night was
warm. Had there been rain, or had it been cold, some must have died. There
were but few people on the right of the platform in the inner court, but in
the outer court there was a dense mass of people, and all the roofs were
covered. There was hardly a whisper. All the people seemed very decent in
their dress, and their conduct was perfect. The procession entered at the
great door of the chapel and turned to the left, went down to the end of
the aisle and then turned, facing the door of the inner chapel. In the
space we thus went round were the Eton boys. In the chapel there were some
persons on the right of the altar. I could not well see who they were, as
there was a sort of haze, but they were all in uniform. With this exception
the chapel was empty. We were all placed as we entered in the seats and
stalls. The body was drawn upon a carriage. It was too heavy to be carried.
The King had a vast number of attendants, such as equerries, &c. Half of
them captains in the navy. The attendants pressed rather too close upon
him. He was in black with the collars of all the orders. He nodded
occasionally as he recognised people; but when his countenance was still he
looked very grave. He is become very like his father. The assistant
mourners, who were Lords Goderich, Sidmouth, Granville, Grantham, Carlisle,
and some others, had no seats and stood during the service. The last who
entered were the Guard, the colours preceding. These came half way into the
aisle, the colours depressed. The colonels of the battalions and the
general, Sir H. Vivian, came in with their caps on and swords drawn, and
stood to the right and left of the King, but not near him. The banners were
depressed on the two sides of the grave. Over the grave was a black canopy,
on the top of which was an enormous crown. The music was good. The service
was very ill-read by the Dean Hobart, and the Garter could not make himself
heard when he recited the King's titles. Lord Jersey walked as Lord
Chamberlain, Lord Conyngham as Steward. He broke his staff into the grave.
Lord Cholmondeley was there as Lord Great Chamberlain, and sat on the left
of the aisle in a stall opposite the passage. On the other side was the
Earl Marshal. When all was over the King went out by the small door on the
left near the King's closet, and so by the cloister to the platform. As
soon as he appeared the Guard received him with presented arms and God Save
the King. We all returned by the way we came. There was tea in St. George's
Hall but we went on, and finding Goulburn's servant, followed him to the
carriage, which was on the other side of the entrance gate, and so got away
even before the King. We were at Roehampton by half-past one. The whole
procession lasted about two hours and a half or rather less--that is, from
the first move to the end.
It was very well arranged. Pohlman, our Deputy Black Rod, who is a Herald,
was the acting person, and did his duty admirably. There was no
interruption, no confusion, but everything managed as if we had been
drilled and did the same thing every day. And so King George IV. is gone to
his grave with all the pomp of royalty, and splendid the pageant was; but
it was considered a mere pageant even by his household, who had lived so
intimately with him for years. There was no regret. A coronation could
hardly be gayer; but the procession was gravely done and decently.
The magnificence of the castle aided the spectacle and made royalty appear
almost as imposing in death as at the moment when the Crown was assumed in
the Abbey.
We had supper and they all went to London.
Huskisson and Palmerston were there. Huskisson very sulky and sour.
Palmerston very cordial, as if he thought he might come in, I should be
glad if he did.
It seems the Duke of Buckingham hints that he must have something more than
the stewardship for his seven votes. No one likes his appointment, and we
all feel as if an alliance with the Grenville party would bring us ill-
luck.
_July 16._
House. Administration of Justice Bill. A great many amendments made by Lord
Tenterden. We struck out a clause by which Le Blanc would have been obliged
to sit to tax costs every day in the year. Lord Eldon said the Bill as it
was originally drawn was more like a string of resolutions at the London
Tavern than an Act of Parliament.
The Attorney-General was very angry indeed at the alterations made in the
Bill, and threatened to throw it over in the House of Commons.
Nothing said about the Libel law; but Lord Holland is to say something on
the third reading. Sir Jonah's case. W. Goady spoke. He spoke so slow, it
was like a banker paying in sixpences to gain time. He was so dull I went
away for fear of falling asleep. The Duke stayed and slept.
The Duke remained at Windsor all night. I met him as he was coming down to
the office to-day. He said he had remained to see the King and give up to
him the late King's snuff-boxes, &c., which were all in a great box.
Lord Wharncliffe told me he thought Duncombe, Bethel, Lord Morpeth, and
Ramsden would come in for Yorkshire. Afterwards we heard Brougham was to
stand. It will have a very bad effect if Hume and Brougham come in for
great counties. Yet I dare say they will.
Wortley goes down to stand for some Scotch boroughs, which will lead to the
County of Forfar.
Long Wellesley has been arrested by Gosling the Banker for 4,000£, on which
it was found that he had but 3,000£ in the books in the Bank, so he
remained in durance for the other 1,000£ till he found five people, each
willing to be bound for 200£. This disposes of him for Essex. He had given
out that he had 30,000£. An express has been sent off to a Mr. Lloyd, the
son-in-law of the old Eliab Harvey, to stand for Essex. I know the man. He
was at Ryde in 1813, and at Cowes in 1826. His daughters are rather pretty
girls. I suggested Tower, who would have done very well for Essex.
_July 17._
St. James's at 2. The Lord Mayor and Aldermen first came up with their
address, then the same with the Common Council. The King received the
addresses, which were very loyal, on the throne. He read the answers very
well. The Ministers stood on his left and the household on his right. About
seven gentlemen pensioners were on each side from the door to the foot of
the throne. The Lord Mayor, &c., were introduced by the Lord Chamberlain.
It was well done, and is rather an imposing ceremony.
Cabinet. First a question as to what should be done about Ashe, the man who
wrote a libel on the Duke of Cumberland, which he sent to him and now
reclaims. He has written many letters indicative of an intention to
assassinate, and is now come up from Carlisle on foot, and has been walking
opposite the Duke's house for three hours, having first written another
letter of a threatening nature.
Lord Wynford wrote to Peel on the Duke of Cumberland's part; but the Duke
will not exhibit articles of the peace. Colonel Peter gave Ashe 5_s_. and
he went away.
The question was what could be done with him? I suggested that, as in the
case of an expected duel, a magistrate on mere information that a breach of
the peace was apprehended would take persons into custody and hold them to
bail; so here the same thing might be done, one of the letters distinctly
threatening a breach of the peace. This would secure the man till it could
be discovered whether there was legal ground to indict him for the letters.
This will be done.
We then came to the consideration of the East Retford question. All the
press were for giving up the Bill. I took some part in the discussion.
However, Peel was so strongly for the Lords going as the Commons had done,
and for preventing the appearance of disunion in the Cabinet, that his
wishes were acceded to, and we support the Bill. The Duke _thinks_ it will
be thrown out, and I _hope_ it will. It will be very difficult to make a
speech in favour of the Bill which will not commit us to a bad precedent.
However, I shall try. Peel was very obstinate and disagreeable. In fact the
interfering with the existing franchise never was made a Cabinet question.
The giving the franchise to Bassetlaw [Footnote: The Hundred of Bassetlaw,
forming the existing borough of East Retford.] rather than to Birmingham
was, and it was because after an agreement that we should all vote for
Bassetlaw, Huskisson voted for Birmingham and then resigned, that the
separation took place.
These questions never were made Government questions before, and it is much
better they should not be.
Peel thinks he will not be able to oppose reform in general if we do not
show a disposition to punish individual cases of corruption.
I did not get away till seven, and then went to Hardinge's to bring him
down to Wilderness. [Footnote: Seat of Lord Camden, near Sevenoaks.] He
told me the Speaker had been with the Duke and did not resign just now.
There had been a question whether he should not; but it was thought we
might be damaged at the elections if we made any change now. The Duke asked
Hardinge what he thought as to taking Huskisson and Palmerston back again?
Hardinge declared against having Huskisson, but recommended Palmerston. I
dare say as soon as the elections are over something will be done, and that
Palmerston will be offered the Chancellorship of the Exchequer.
Peel once wanted Edward Stanley, but it seems he has wavered a good deal.
Unless his manner should change it would be impossible to go on with him as
Minister; but I trust in God we shall never lose the Duke.
_July 19._
Received at nine a card from Lord Bathurst informing me that the Queen
would be in Downing Street at ten. Went in plain clothes as I was desired.
Found the Queen was to be there to see the Guards, whom the King was to
inspect. The Ministers were invited and the connections of the Bathursts.
We were presented to the Queen, and kissed her hand. After the parade,
which the King attended on foot, he joined the party, and they had
breakfast. However, before that I went away. At one again at St. James's.
The two Universities came up with addresses to the King and Queen. Oxford
first. They very properly put their doctors first. The address was read by
the Vice-Chancellor, and then, after the Queen's reply, the doctors and
proctors, and a few others who formed the deputation, kissed the King's
hand. As the Queen has no separate apartment the King retired, the Queen
entered with her household and ladies, and then the same ceremony was gone
through, the Ministers remaining on the left behind the ladies. The Queen
read pretty well. She was obliged to rise each time to give her hand to be
kissed. Cambridge came afterwards with the Duke of Gloucester and all the
Peers, who belonged to the University, in their gowns at the head. This
destroyed the character of the collegiate body. However, those only were
presented who were presented of the Oxford deputation. The King went beyond
his written speech to the men of Cambridge, and put us in a fright.
However, it was good-humoured, and of no great harm--a sort of joke.
I came away as I had business. Afterwards there was a Council, and the
Lords Lieutenant were admitted to take the oaths.
House. East Retford. The Chancellor made a capital speech, and we had a
better division than case, 29 to 7. Lord Durham spoke temperately and well.
Lord Grey well too. We had Wynford with us. There is no explaining that
man. The Duke of Cumberland voted against us, and Eldon spoke.
At St. James's. Lord Westmoreland told me that yesterday at a great dinner
the King gave his household he gave as a toast, 'The land we live in, and
let those who don't like it leave it.'
This and many other things show his feelings towards the Duke of
Cumberland.
The King reviews a regiment every morning this week. He has been on
horseback within these six weeks, but he has a rupture, and is now rather
afraid of riding. He is going to change the uniforms of the Lords
Lieutenant.
We expect to prorogue on Friday and dissolve on Saturday.
_July 20._
Then East Retford. Lord Wharncliffe moved a resolution with the view of
giving the franchise to Birmingham instead of the Hundred. Dudley spoke for
Birmingham and well. I spoke shortly. I guarded myself against being
considered as pledged to any other measure, intending to decide all
measures according to the special circumstances of the case.
The Duke was not so cautious as I was, and spoke strongly against giving
the franchise to great towns. [Footnote: No one expected it to occur in two
years' time.] Lord Holland said to the Chancellor, 'He will live to see it
done.' I think I may, and therefore was cautious.
We had 39 to 16.
So ends the business of this Session.
_July 21._
Went at ten to the Duke of Wellington's, where the King and Queen were to
breakfast after an inspection of the 2nd Life Guards. The day was beautiful
and the people in excellent humour. The King first went with the Queen to
the Regent's Park barracks, and then to the Knightsbridge barracks. When
they came to the Duke's the King went to the window and was well cheered.
They then called for the Queen, who went to the window and was very well
received indeed.
Yesterday evening the King walked out alone into St. James's Street. He
found Watson Taylor and took his arm. The mob pressed upon him so much that
Watson Taylor's shoes were trodden down at heel. While the King was alone
an Irish woman came out of an alley and kissed him. This and a lecture from
the Duke have cured him of walking out alone. At least he has promised not
to do so again.
House at 2. Aberdeen says the King spoke very well to the foreign Ministers
to-day. There was an extraordinary number of naval officers, and the
fullest _levée_ I ever saw. The King recognised very cordially all his old
friends. He was very gracious indeed to Elphinstone, whom he saw for the
first time. He was imprudent enough to make a sort of speech to the West
Indian deputation, and pledged himself warmly to support their interests.
This I saw. After I was gone I hear Astell and Campbell came up with the
address of the East India Company, and that he spoke in similar terms to
them. This the foolish Astell will publish everywhere.
The Duke says he goes away when the King begins to speak. I really covered
my face when he began to speak about the Catholics to the deputation from
Cambridge. What he said to them, which was no more than an indifferent
joke, has been variously misrepresented and not at all understood. It must
have been imperfectly heard.
The King is angry with the Duke of Gloucester for slurring over a part of
the address from Cambridge, which was very loyal, and for not kissing his
hand. He has reason to complain of this. The Duke of Gloucester kissed the
Queen's hand with marked devotion.
The Duke of Sussex has been already infusing poison into the King's ear and
talking of invasions of the property of the Church. This the King told
Peel. Those who observed the Duke of Sussex at the levee thought he seemed
very triumphant, and received his Whig friends with a smile which said, 'We
shall do them yet.'
He was invested with the Thistle to-day. The King asked all the knights
presented to drink a bottle of claret with him in October.
Blomberg was up with an address. The King said, 'You and I know each other
of old. You need not be presented. By-the-bye, you may as well dine with me
to-day.'
The King made an extemporaneous reply to the address of the Canons of
Windsor the day after the funeral. They begged to have a copy. He
endeavoured to recollect it for them, and sent it to Peel. Peel found some
curious historical inaccuracies.
The Duke of Wellington thinks we shall gradually bring the King round, and
induce him to move more quietly. To thwart him directly would have a bad
effect; but he may be led. In the meantime he is very well in health.
The King has promised to dine with Leopold, who has asked the Duke, but not
Aberdeen. The Duke thinks the King should not dine with him now. The two
other Powers having manifested the greatest dissatisfaction with Leopold's
conduct, and we having intimated it in the House, it would be incongruous
and injurious for the King to dine with him. Leopold has written one if not
two letters complaining of the conduct of the Allied Powers.
We went to the House for fear Lord Durham should play us a trick, and it is
perhaps fortunate we did, for he was there and made a protesting speech,
which was followed by one from Westmoreland on the East Retford Bill.
However, we had a majority in the House, and there was no division.
_July 22._
Rode to town. Cabinet. Considered the King's Speech. Peel had introduced a
plagiarism from the first speech of the old King, 'Born and educated in
this country, I glory in the name of Briton.' However, the whole sentence
would not do, and it was omitted. I assisted in working the sentences into
form, and breaking them up into short ones. Went away to dress for the
Council, thinking the whole settled. Council at three. First the deputies
of the two Houses carried up the joint address respecting Sir Jonah
Barrington. Then the King being alone, and saying he was ready for his
Ministers--none being there but me--I went in, and first asked him to allow
Clare to wear the uniform the late King gave him. This led to a long talk
about uniforms for Indian Governors, and I had some little difficulty to
carry my coat without having a general consideration of the whole question
of Governor's uniforms. I then told the King of the approaching death of
Sir J. Macdonald. He asked whom we proposed sending in his place? I told
him it did not entirely depend upon the King's Ministers, but that I
thought, if we recommended a very fit man, we should get the Chairs to name
him.
The King said, 'You heard what I said to the East India Company yesterday?'
I had not, but I bowed, and he added, 'I told them they should not be
unfairly dealt with. There is a run on them, and the notions of people are
very much exaggerated with regard to the question.'
I said the question would require and receive the most mature consideration
from his Ministers before they ventured to offer any advice to his Majesty
upon the course to be pursued.
The King said in about ten or twelve days he should be able to give me a
day or two for Indian matters.
I thought I had given time to the others to arrive, and rose. I should
mention that he spoke of Algiers, and said he suspected there was an
understanding about it between the Russians and the French.
I said I did not entertain much fear of the French having Algiers. With a
little money we could raise Morocco on one side and Tunis on the other, and
harass them from the interior, and while we took care they had not Tunis,
Algiers was comparatively unimportant. With Tunis, Malta, and Corfu we
should hold our hands across the Mediterranean.
I went out and found them come. The Duke went in. The King gives up dining
with Leopold. He gave it up the moment the objections to it were mentioned
to him.
The speech was, I found, much improved after I went away. The King said he
thought nothing could be better, and indeed it is a very good speech. He
said he thought the reference to the Catholic question was unavoidable, as
it was the great measure of the Parliament; and it was particularly proper
that he should refer to it as he had voted for it, really thinking that the
Church would be more secure by means of Catholic admission than by their
exclusion.
I thought the King seemed a little tired. Well he might be. He had been at
an inspection of troops, the Grenadier Guards and the Lancers, from ten to
one, and the day was very hot. He inspected the troops on foot.
The Duke of Wellington passed the King at the head of his regiment, and
Lord Rosslyn at the head of his. Lord Rosslyn is delighted with the
opportunities of wearing his uniform, and playing the general officer
again.
_July 24._
Council at 11. Parliament dissolved. The seals were delivered to the
Secretaries and to Goulburn. Herries kissed hands.
Sir G. Clark becomes Under-Secretary to the Home Department. W. Peel goes
to the Treasury. Charles Ross comes into Clark's place. Macnaughten goes
out.
_July 26._
Dined at St. James's. The King of Wurtemburg, the Ministers, Foreign
Ministers, Household, and Knights of the Garter there, in all 80. After
dinner the King made a speech which made his Ministers' hearts fail within
them. However, we were _quitte pour la peur_. He only spoke of his love of
peace. The only thing painful was that he should speak at all, and before
his servants, like a chairman of a public meeting.
At the Duke of Wellington's on Sunday he made a speech, praising very much
the Duke, and declaring his entire confidence in him. This was before the
Foreign Ministers. The speech was a little warlike, I believe. The Duke's
reply very short indeed, and peaceful. The King should recollect that what
he speaks is as important as what is written in a State Paper.
_July 28._
Levée. Before it a Council, _standing_, in the King's closet, for swearing
in Privy Councillors. Sir R. Wilson was presented on his restoration to the
army, and holding the King's hand in his expressed his gratitude.
The King made an energetic reply, and then there was a short rejoinder from
Sir R. Wilson. I could not hear what was said. We afterwards shook hands
cordially with Sir R. Wilson, whose restoration pleases everybody.
The French Government have dissolved the Chamber without allowing it to
assemble; have placed the press under restriction, and altered the mode of
electing deputies, so as, as far as I can understand, to give to _les plus
imposis_ the power of electing a majority.
No letter has been received by any Foreign Minister or by us. The whole was
kept a profound secret. The report to the King respecting the press, which
is made the foundation of the Ordonnance, is a long violent declamation,
very weakly written indeed. [Footnote: These were the celebrated Ordinances
which cost Charles X. his crown.]
_July 28._
Cabinet at half-past three. I was rather late, and found them considering
what should be said by Lord Stuart at Paris, respecting the late violent
measures of the French Government. They had decided that Lord Stuart, if
Prince Polignac endeavoured to draw from him in conversation his opinion,
should say he was directed to offer none. They seemed inclined to tell him,
if Prince Polignac required his opinion by offering an explanation, to say
we considered the measure adopted was in violation of the Charter. At my
suggestion, if Polignac asked his opinion more formally and offered no
explanation, he was directed to request the explanation might be in
writing, and he would transmit it to his Court, or it might be made through
the French Ambassador here. The French Ambassador, however, knowing nothing
of what was doing, left England on Monday, and would meet the news on his
road to Paris.
At six o'clock on Tuesday evening a row was going on, and a Guardsman had
been killed. This was resistance when the police broke the types, &c., of a
press which would go on. The idea is, that the Chamber of Deputies will
meet, considering the dissolution to be illegal.
Matuschevitz openly inveighs against the measure. It is doubtful whether
Metternich did not advise it. He sent a long paper from Johannisberg,
giving his views on the present position of the French Government.
The King of Wurtemburg had an interview of two hours with the Duke of
Wellington yesterday. He is very anxious on the subject of France. He says
the people of Wurtemburg will cry out that a similar measure is intended
against them--that everywhere the two extreme parties will be placed in
collision. Bulow thinks the same. The Duke advised the King of Wurtemburg
to avoid Paris on his return; but the King has some _emplettes_ to make,
and goes there. The Duke advised him then, if he must go for his
_emplettes_, to stay only a day. He said he would not stay above five or
six! Thus is every consideration of real importance sacrificed to motives
of private fancy and convenience!
Lea informed Aberdeen that a vessel was fitting out in the Thames with
Spanish refugees and arms to endeavour to raise an insurrection in Spain.
After some time they found the vessel, and to-day she was detained. She had
sixty-nine men, and about 150 stand of arms on board. They sank the printed
proclamations which were picked up. Torrijos and Valdes were to be the
leaders. Torrijos was to join below the revenue vessels. Some of the men
had 10£ each, given to them by the Spanish Committee, to aid their voyage
to Rio. There is some doubt under what law they are to be indicted, and the
Attorney and Solicitor-General are out of town.
Received a letter from Lord Heytesbury, enclosing one he had received from
Captain Campbell, announcing the death of Sir J. Macdonald.
_July 29._
The Duke told me he had seen Rothschild that morning, who had recent
intelligence from Paris. The Guards were faithful, but the 53rd Regiment,
which was at the Hôtel de Ville, had joined the people, and so had
individual soldiers of other regiments. The people and the National Guards
were arming. The Chambers had assembled. The King was not at Paris. He was
nought to be at Compiègne.
The Duke thought Henry had better not go to Paris, that one party or the
other would soon attack the English.
Called on Elphinstone. Offered him Persia. He was much obliged, but said
nothing would induce him ever to go to Asia again.
Spoke to him of Monteith. He knows him, and a little doubted his
discretion. He promised to find him, and send him to the Duke if he was in
town; but he thought he was at Algiers. Spoke to him of Jenkins and Briggs.
He says Jenkins is the abler man.
Saw Lord Essex and Lord Clinton. They had heard the Duke of Orleans was
proclaimed Regent.
_July 31._
Went to town early. Called at the Duke's to hear the news. None had arrived
since yesterday morning. The Duke said he considered the King dethroned,
and we should soon have to consider whether we should acknowledge the new
Government. I observed that our course must depend very much upon the
manner in which the French effected their Revolution. The King had put
himself decidedly in the wrong, and if they make their Revolution as we
made ours in 1688, there was no reason why we should not acknowledge the
new Government, be it what it might. The Duke said the foreigners were
already coming to know what we thought and meant to do. We should have them
all in our train, and provided we took a reasonable course on the question
of Algiers, and others which might arise, we should do very well. The
mischief was that this event would place the two parties in presence on
every occasion, and every trifling difference would resolve itself into one
of Liberal and anti-Liberal. I said I feared whatever party predominated,
even if the King regained his power, France would be precipitated into a
war, for no party would be able to maintain itself in quiet times. The Duke
said the King's Government was becoming very dangerous. It had, as was
shown in the case of Algiers, and their discussions with us, no more
morality than that of Buonaparte, and it had the favour of European Powers
as an ancient dynasty, while it was prepared to act upon the principles of
a new one. Now, under a Government of Revolutionary origin, all their Acts
would be viewed with disfavour and suspicion.
The Duke spoke very strongly against Canning's policy, in admitting France
to the Triple Alliance [Footnote: By the Treaty of London with reference to
Greece.] and thus bringing her into a prominent station in Europe again.
She would naturally have risen again in good time. The time should not have
been anticipated by us.
The Duke agreed with me in thinking the Government here would be
strengthened by what was occurring in France.
I lamented Brougham's success in Yorkshire, and viewed with some
apprehension the increased power it would give him. He said Yorkshire was
quite radicalised by having four members. No gentleman could bear the
expense--the middle classes had it all to themselves.
At a quarter to four I called at the Treasury and found Rothschild had
received intelligence down to the 29th, at 4 P.M. Drummond showed me the
Duke's letter to Peel which contained this account:--That there was
fighting all Wednesday, the 28th, and Thursday, till 3 P.M. There had been
a terrible massacre, but the troops got the worst of it. The people were
led by the students of the Ecole de Droit, and of the Ecole Polytechnique.
The 53rd Regiment, which it was said yesterday had joined the people, had
in fact surrendered. The people had armed themselves at the Arsenal. On the
night of the 28th the Guards retook the Hôtel de Ville, but were driven out
again, and retired to the Louvre. The firing did not cease at the Tuileries
till past 3 P.M. The people pillaged it when the troops retreated, and the
tri-coloured flag was hoisted there, and on the column in the Place
Vendôme. The Ministers escaped by subterraneous passages from the
Tuileries, and were with the King, who had a great many troops about him at
St. Cloud. La Fayette commanded the National Guard, and was a member of the
Provisional Government. Generals Gerard, Lafitte, and Casimir Perrier were
the others. C. Perrier was deputed to the King at St. Cloud.
No couriers were allowed to leave Paris. These letters were sent by private
servants to the first stage.
I told all this to Henry, but he goes. So do many others. There were thirty
people applying for passports when he went for his. On the other hand many
English come away.
_August 2._
There is a great deal of information in the 'Times.' The result is, that
the King's offer to change his Ministers and to recall the Ordonnances was
not accepted, and the Duke of Orleans accepted the office of Lieutenant-
General of the kingdom. His address is quite in the spirit of the
Revolution.
The Guards are disorganised and desert.
The Swiss only are said to remain with the King, who it is thought is gone
to Nantes.
Lord Stuart says if the Royalists do not resist, the French will invade
Belgium in three months. The Deputies, at first in very small numbers, not
more than thirty, nor at any time much above sixty, seem to have been
irresolute. They were decided by others, and indeed the whole seems to have
been done by the people. There is no appearance of previous concert. If
there were leaders, they were the boys of the Ecole de Droit and the Ecole
Polytechnique. Polignac seems to have been firm after the beginning of the
fight, and when Lafitte and others went to Marmont at the Tuileries, in the
middle of the tumult, he declared concession impossible.
The Guards at St. Cloud told the King they would protect him, but would not
advance again to Paris. General [blank] seems to have had 6,000 men at
Versailles, but the people would not admit him. At Rouen there was great
ferment, and forty pieces of cannon were sent by the people to the
assistance of Paris. The troops seem to have been ordered upon Paris from
all quarters. The total loss of life is estimated at 5,000.
The people were becoming impatient, and cried _Vive la République! Vive
Napoleon II._! This, it is said, determined the Duke of Orleans to accept:
and the Deputies offered, because they feared the establishment of a
Republic would be the signal of general war.
I do not hear of the pillage of private houses. The churches have been
pillaged and the palaces ransacked. The priests thought fit to fire from
the Archbishop's palace, which led to the death of many and to the pillage
of the palace.
The Duke said they had done everything in the most offensive way, re-
establishing the tri-coloured flag, &c. They seem determined to force the
Revolution down the throat of Europe. He spoke of the Duke of Orleans'
address. I said I supposed he was obliged for his own safety to throw
himself at once into the Revolution. The more natural thing would have been
for the French to have sent for young Napoleon. The Duke said he heard
young Napoleon was getting hold of French pamphlets, &c.
The Duke of Orleans asked Lord Stuart's advice as to accepting the Crown.
Lord Stuart reminded him of his oath, and told him the Powers of Europe
which restored the Bourbons could never recognise him.
On consideration I think we should endeavour to induce the Powers which
signed the Treaty of Vienna to declare that they are determined to maintain
the territorial arrangements made by that treaty; but that they will not
interfere with the internal Government of France.
I think this declaration, made at once, would perhaps prevent any attempt
on the part of the French to make war for the frontier of the Rhine.
The elections go well for us, except Canterbury, where Lord Fordwich has
beat our man, Henry B. Baring, the husband of Lady Augusta.
_August 3._
The accounts from Paris state that the Due de Mortemar, who had been
appointed Minister by Charles X. himself, saw it was too late, and that the
only chance for the House of Bourbon was in the placing the Duke of Orleans
in the office of Lieut.-General.
This he proposed himself to the Duke of Orleans, who wrote to the King, and
in accepting the office said his conduct would show with what views he did
it. Then he issued a tri-colour proclamation! Lord Stuart says this was
done at the last possible moment. The proclamation was received with cries
of _Vive la Republique! Vive Napoleon II._! However, these cries ceased,
and it was hoped things would go on quietly. Sebastiani and B. Constant
expressed hopes that in a few months men's minds would be tranquillised,
and things placed on a regular footing It seems that the King is at
Trianon, with about 4,000 guards. He talked of resigning to the Dauphin, if
he had not already done so. It will probably be too late, and the Dauphin
is supposed, I believe very justly, to be implicated in all that has
passed.
Lord Stuart states the loss of the troops at 3,000. That of the people at
6,000. Of course these calculations are very vague, and probably
exaggerated. It would appear as if there had been more preparation on the
part of the insurgents than was imagined. The decisive measure, that of the
Bank refusing discounts, was of course suggested by Lafitte. The Royalists
are much in want of money. They left forty-two millions in their caisses,
and 150 millions at the Bank! Bourmont was to leave Algiers on the 25th.
Probably he was called home to be present at the crisis.
The King's troops still remaining in force at St. Cloud, the barricades are
continued.
Everybody seems to think the military force was as ill-managed as
everything else. Marmont acted _mollement_.
We have been beaten at Canterbury, and what is worse at Norwich, where a
brother of Peel's has been driven out by Robert Grant, the most decided
enemy of the Government. No one declares himself the opponent of
Government, and as such asks support; but our candidates do not succeed at
popular elections.
_August 4._
To London early. The King of France is supposed to be gone towards
Cherbourg. We fear he will come here. The Duke said the King seemed
disposed to receive him, and reminded the King that the Pretender had been
three times ordered out of Paris on the representations of this country. I
was glad to find a very general feeling that the King of France could not
be permitted to remain if intrigues were allowed by him. That he could have
no more than a refuge. Peel seemed to feel this most strongly. The Duke
seemed to think there had been previous concert on the part of the
_patriots_.
The King is violent against the Duke of Orleans.
Our Duke of Orleans, as I call him, the Duke of Sussex, sticks close to the
King whenever he appears.
The Duke of Cumberland has resigned the Blues in a huff because they are
placed under the Commander-in-Chief. However, he wore the uniform to-day at
the levée.
We have a Cabinet to-morrow at 4, on Civil List and Regency. Indeed we know
not how soon we may meet Parliament. Perhaps on September 15.
The Queen received the address of the London clergy. She had her whole
_état major_.
_August 5._
At four Cabinet. Talk about the Civil List. There are pensions to the
amount of about 7,000£ a year which the present King will pay, and he will
pay 6,000£ a year to Mrs. Fitzherbert, her charge on Brighton. She had
10,000£ a year before. Many pensions are struck off, one of 500£ to Sir J.
Lake, many others, to jockies, &c.
It seems the late King borrowed 50,000£ for himself and as much for the
Duke of York, on the revenues of Hanover, which sums have been paid off.
The King of France abdicated, and so did the Dauphin, in favour of the Duc
de Bordeaux, in a letter addressed by them to the Duke of Orleans, in which
his Lieut.-Generalship was treated as emanating from the King. The Duke of
Orleans in his speech to the Chambers announced the abdications, but did
not say they were in favour of Henry V. Hence the people of Paris, hearing
the King made difficulties, supposed he had receded from his original
promise--whereas he only said his original promise was conditional, _and
had not_ been fairly made known. Be this as it may, 35,000 men set off for
Rambouillet to take him, 10,000 were sent afterwards by the Duke of Orleans
to protect him, and he has 7,000 at Rambouillet, chiefly cavalry and
artillery, for the same purpose. I think there must be a smash.
Stuart and Pozzo went to the Duke of Orleans to represent the personal
danger of the King, and to desire that measures might be taken to preserve
his life. The Duke is represented as having been _très ému_, and as having
said that his character depended upon the preservation of the King's life,
and the measures I mentioned were immediately taken.
Chateaubriand and Hyde de Neuville are for the Due de Bordeaux.
Stuart has, I know not why, counselled the Duc de Bordeaux's friends to be
quiet.
The Duke of Wellington thinks there is Radicalism in everything-that the
Lieut.-General will have no power.
The King went in grand state through the City to the Tower. He had six
carriages and six. At the Tower the Duke gave him a breakfast. He then went
on to Greenwich by water, and returned to London by land. He was very well
received.
_August 6._
At the dinner we had the Ministers, Household, and Trinity House. Chairman
and deputy-Chairman of the East India Company, Governor and deputy-Governor
of the Bank, Lord Mayor, and Ward and Thompson, members for the City. The
King made speeches and gave toasts as if he was Duke of Clarence at the
Trinity House. He alarmed and pained us, but he did less mischief than I
should have expected; and as all the people present were real friends, he
only let down the dignity of the Crown.
He gave the healths of the Ministers, and afterwards of the Duke of
Wellington. Some things he said very well. The Duke answered very well.
There is so much good feeling about the King that his errors of taste are
pardoned. He will improve, and wear his robes more gracefully.
_August 7._
Cabinet. Determined that the principle of the Regency Bill should be that
the mother of the Sovereign should be Regent. The Regent to have unlimited
power. If any limitation, it should only be placed upon the creation of
Peers, and a Council of Regency should exist only for that purpose.
We separated till the 23rd.
_August 9._
In coming down to Sandgate read James's and Cabell's memoranda on the
progress of the British Government in India, and our foreign relations.
As I was coming out of Maidstone met the candidates coming in. Sir E.
Knatchbull in a cocked hat, attended by thirty or forty gentlemen in black,
all covered with dust, preceded by about six blue flags, and followed by
some carriages with ugly women. Then came T. Law Hodges (why _Law_ I do not
know), with many light blue flags, and some low people--few gentlemen. The
numbers, however, of the Hodges colours and people were greater than that
of the Knatchbull squad. Not a cheer for either. The whole thing flat and
ridiculous--worthy of Hogarth. There were some people collected in
Maidstone, but not so many as on a market day--there were none on the
roads.
By the 'Times' I see the Chamber has modified the Charter, and has
proclaimed the Duke of Orleans King of the French; at least has offered him
the Crown on the condition of his acceptance of the modified Charter.
The Chamber of Peers is put by. It is only advised to _eliminate_ the last
seventy-six peers.
_August 10._
Briscoe comes in for Surrey, to the exclusion of Jolliffe, our friend.
Certainly the popular elections have all been unfavourable to us. In fact
the Tories have not yet recovered their good-humour, and the Government has
some furious enemies, and no warm friends. I do not think we can go on
without an accession of speaking strength. Our measures must be modified to
meet the circumstances of the times, and so far I have no fear.
_August 13._
Cabinet room. Read Lord Stuart's despatches. There is little in them that
is not in the newspapers. He says the Revolution has been brought about by
small proprietors acting under the influence of bankers and lawyers. The
troops have shown no great popular feeling. Many have taken the opportunity
of going home.
The new King's oath-taking was flatly received. As long as he can keep La
Fayette with him he is master of Paris.
Lord Stuart seems to have behaved prudently in merely acknowledging the
receipt of the communication from Marshal Jourdan of his being appointed
foreign secretary. The Neapolitan Ambassador wished to have a note
generally agreed upon. All the Ambassadors say they are so sure England
will judge rightly, that they will, without instructions, follow in our
wake.
La Fayette has originated the idea of a mission of deputies of the National
Guard to London to thank the English people for their sympathy. Lord Stuart
hopes the King will induce La Fayette to give up this mischievous and
foolish scheme.
_August 18._
Lord J. Russell is not returned for Bedford. He lost it by one vote. He has
published a good address, and is evidently very indignant.
Brougham has had questions put to him by Martin Bree, which he has answered
satisfactorily to the venereal doctor. It would have been good fun had they
fought.
The only merit of the French Revolution seems to be that it has not been
vindictive. If they are wise they will not touch the lives of the
Ministers. The new King calls his eldest son Duke of Orleans. All the
daughters are to be Princesses of Orleans, distinguished by their Christian
names.
This is like Henry IV.'s policy in reserving the Duchy of Lancaster. He
wishes to be able to make room for Henry V. He has given up his property to
his eldest son's little children, and would probably, if he were displaced,
emigrate quietly, as he has often done before, and leave his children in
possession.
When Brougham accused the Duke of Wellington of advising Polignac, the
whole meeting of his own friends expressed dissent. It is incredible that
he should be so foolish as to believe such a thing, or as to attempt to
make others believe it.
_August 19._
I see by the 'Sun' that the ex-King of France is arrived at Portsmouth. I
am very sorry for it, although he will not be received by the King, and
will probably sail immediately. He may require refitting, for I dare say he
brought off little from Rambouillet. His packets are accompanied by two
French vessels of war, and all the French vessels at Spithead hoisted the
tri-coloured flag when he was known to be there.
_August 20._
It seems the Royal party have landed at Cowes.
_August 23._
Went to the Cabinet room to read despatches. Lord Stuart represents the
Government as by no means settled; anxious to remain at peace, and to
prevent revolution, but not secure. Things which are essential the new King
is obliged to ask humbly of La Fayette, who is now really Sovereign.
La Fayette wanted to dissolve the Chamber. The King rightly thought that to
do so now would be to make a Convention. [Footnote: I.e. as in 1792.]
Some persons are gone off to bring Napoleon II., but the Austrians will
stop them on the way.
The Prussians on the first intelligence of the events at Paris sent orders
to their Minister to come away, but he was directed not to do so without
concert with his colleagues. They met, and agreed to recommend him to stay.
The disposition of Metternich and Nesselrode, who met at Toplitz or
Carlsbad, I forget which, was the same and reasonable--to leave France to
settle her own affairs quietly, and only to interfere if she invaded the
peace of other States.
The Duke has left a memorandum on the Cabinet table showing clearly from
treaties that this is not a case in which we are bound to interfere. We
engaged to support a constitutional monarch against revolutionary
movements, but the monarch having violated the constitution has broken the
condition. France may still form a part of the Congress of Europe, in
'Union or _Pacific Concert_,' with the four great Powers. The treaty of
offensive alliance between those Powers is dormant, while France remains
under a constitutional King.
The Duke properly thinks that the sooner, after having taken a decent time
for deliberation, we can recognise the Duke of Orleans, the better for him
and for us.
He expects at no distant period war, as the consequence of these events,
and I fear he may be right. It will arise by the imitation of the Spaniards
and Portuguese, and the ambitious sympathy of the French.
It is evident that Russia means to indulge France with Algiers.
_August 23._
Received a letter from the Duke respecting Rajpootana. He thinks the
cession of territory will only lead to new demands on our part, and advises
that, unless it should be necessary to give some instruction, the letter
should not be sent. He thinks, too, that as no brevet has been given to
King's officers in Ava, none can be given to those of the Company. I am to
see him tomorrow upon these points.
Cabinet at 3. Showed Herries the answer I proposed sending, respecting the
Interest Bills, of which he entirely approved.
Peel was not at the Cabinet.
Read the Duke of Orleans' letter to the King, which is proper. He says he
laments and wishes he could have prevented the fall of the eldest branch of
his family. He _devoted_ himself to prevent misfortunes which would have
endangered the peace of Europe. He avows pacific intentions.
The King is to receive General Baudrand, who brought the letter in the
Levee, which will be before the Council on Wednesday.
The King of the French will be acknowledged. A letter will be written to
our Ministers with the great powers stating our reasons for doing so. This
will be read to the Foreign Ministers here.
I suggested that it might be as well to make the letter substantially the
Duke's Memorandum, and particularly to remind France that the Quadruple
Alliance still existed. We shall have the drafts of the letter tomorrow.
Parliament to be prorogued to October 26.
To-morrow the Brazilians will acknowledge Miguel as the Regent, if he will
marry Maria da Gloria. Then came some absurd conditions. However, the thing
is to be considered to-morrow. Aberdeen's idea is that there is no doing
anything with Don Pedro, and that we must acknowledge Don Miguel as soon as
he will grant an amnesty.
We were to have a Council on Wednesday for the prorogation. The King will
not much like this, as he wanted to go to Ascot, but he may have it as
early as he likes, and he ought to receive General Baudrand soon. We may
have the Council at 10, and he may be at Ascot in excellent time.
_August 24._
The Council is at 1. At 1 I went to the Duke. Told him of my recent letters
to the Chairs. He said we must not make bankrupts of the Company, if we
would use them hereafter. I said it was my duty to state the case of the
public, as the Board were guardians of the territorial revenue.
A letter from Count Moltke, requesting to see me. I have appointed to-
morrow at 3.
Cabinet at 3. Aberdeen read the proposed letter from the King to King Louis
Philippe. With a few trifling alterations it was adopted.
The Duke called on Marmont to-day, and received from him a military account
of the affair at Paris. Marmont said he knew nothing of the Ordonnances,
and disapproved of them. He was at the King's levée on the Tuesday, and was
told there were _quelques inquiétudes_ at Paris, and to take the command of
the troops. He found only 7,000 men. Polignac, forgetting any were _en
congé_, thought there were 12,000. He occupied the Places de l'Hôtel de
Ville, de la Bastille, de Victoire, and de Vendôme in sufficient force. His
troops were not attacked. He withdrew them at night, and reoccupied the
Posts in the morning. Then the attack began. The troops maintained
themselves, but he found it necessary to withdraw them to the Louvre, the
Tuileries, the Pont Neuf, and the Place de Vendôme. In the Louvre he had
two battalions of Swiss; two battalions of the Line in the Place de
Vendôme; the Guards in the Tuileries. He kept open his communication with
the country by posts at all the avenues leading to the garden of the
Tuileries and the Bois de Boulogne, Champs Elysées, &c. The battalion at
the Place de la Bastille could not retreat by the straight road, and was
obliged to march all round Paris, crossing the river at the bridge nearest
Charenton, and coming to the Tuileries by the Faubourg.
The two battalions in the Place de Vendôme went over to the people. He then
sent one battalion from the Louvre to the grille of the Tuileries garden,
opposite the Rue de Rivoli, and so protected his flank. On Thursday he had
lost 1,800 men, killed and wounded; and 1,200 _égarés_--besides the two
battalions; but he had received a reinforcement of 3,000 men. The troops
were _extenués de fatigue_. When Lafitte and the others came to him he told
him he could not order the fire to cease. He was attacked.
If the fire of the people ceased, his troops would not fire. He fairly told
the King it was not _une commotion_, nor even _une insurrection_, but _une
Révolution_. There were not above thirty or forty people behind the
barriers, but all the windows were occupied by armed men. He counselled
concession, but Polignac would not hear of it. He said Polignac was
_l'homme le plus présomptueux_ he had ever seen.
When the Louvre was attacked the Swiss ran out towards the Tuileries and
carried with them a battalion he had in the Place de Carrousel, as well as
two guns he had with him. The rush was such he could hardly get upon his
horse, and the men ran so fast that a person he sent after them on
horseback found them almost at the extremity of the Tuileries garden.
However, some returned to protect the retreat of about sixty men whom he
had got together to defend the grille at the Arc de Triomphe in the Place
de Carrousel. They were just enabled to retreat.
Marmont is violent against the Swiss, who were, he says, retained in the
French service by higher pay and privileges for _this very thing_, and yet
they ran away in this shameful manner.
Marmont means to go to Italy for a year. After that he hopes he can return
to France. He has no wish to emigrate.
If the account in Lord Stuart's report be correct, France is in a
deplorable state. In many parts of the country no taxes are paid, and the
Republican party has not lost hope.
The conditions of what Don Pedro considers a conciliatory arrangement are
entirely inadmissible. They are founded upon the marriage of Donna Maria da
Gloria, and England, France, and Austria are to guarantee her against any
_injure_ she may receive from her husband. Certainly we may safely say
these terms are inadmissible, and so break off all negotiations with Don
Pedro, who, since these terms were proposed by him, has recognised the
independent Regency of Terceira. By-the-bye, one of his terms is the
payment, by Portugal, of all the expenses incurred by himself for Donna
Maria.
It seems the draft of a decree of amnesty has been sent to Lisbon, and if
Miguel will pass that decree we are to recognise him.
The Chancellor and others seemed to think this was an awkward time, and we
had better wait a little. I think so too. However, undoubtedly our early
recognition of Miguel might lead to the prevention of a Portuguese
Revolution.
There was much conversation respecting the Bank Charter. It seemed to be
the general opinion that Government should take it upon itself to arrange
terms with the Bank, which terms will be prohibition to any other Bank to
issue notes within twenty-five miles of London. This being granted, the
Bank will do the public business for 100,000£ a year less. The whole
question of country banking, whether it is to be with limited or unlimited
responsibility, a limited or an unlimited number of partners, is to be left
open to Parliament.
I suggested that the most important question was the revision of taxation.
My view now is that we must take off some of the taxes which press most on
the poorer classes, and have an income tax. I dislike an income tax as much
as any one. To me it is a very oppressive tax, but I believe it may become
necessary.
Walked to the corner of Hyde Park with Lord Rosslyn. Had some conversation
with him respecting the changes necessary in the Government before we meet
Parliament. He says Lord Althorpe will not come in without Lord Grey, and
he is not sure Lord Grey would not stipulate for Lord Durham. The latter is
out of the question on account of his temper. I do not think the Government
could go on with the Duke and Lord Grey. Of the Huskissonians, Palmerston
is the only one. To E. Stanley there is no objection.
_August 26._
At 3 Count Moltke came to the office. He had two Danish claims to speak
about.
Dinner at the Albion for Clare. There were present of the Ministers, Peel,
Rosslyn, Goulburn, Herries; then Lord F. Leveson, Calcraft, the Solicitor-
General, W. Peel, Lord G. Somerset, Planta, Gen. Macdonald, Col. Fitz-
Clarence, Lord Tenterden. Of Clare's friends Glengall, Agar Ellis, Sneyd,
Lord Templeton, besides H. Vyner, and Upton, who go with him.
I spoke feebly, not being well; besides, I did not think it in good taste
to make a great speech; but to leave Clare's the first speech of the day.
Peel made a very good speech; but too much of it. Clare really spoke very
feelingly and well. He spoke a little too much of his gratitude to the
Court.
I had some conversation with Loch. I was as well received as I expected,
and better, considering the run that has been made at me. The Duke went off
to Walmer Castle, very wisely, for he wants sea air; but Clare would have
been more pleased had he been present, and the Directors too. The
Ministers' healths were well received.
_August 28._
Received from Elphinstone his remarks upon the proposed letter to Bombay,
respecting native education, of which he generally approves. He strongly
urges the sending out of European professors, young men, acquainted with
English literature, to learn the language there, and teach the natives. I
have sent the extract from his letter to Astell, suggesting that the
Universities of Oxford, Cambridge, Dublin, and Edinburgh should each name
those from whom should be selected the necessary number. I have observed
that the object of native education is of such importance that the state of
the finances must not prevent its accomplishment.
_August 30._
Wrote a very long letter to Hardinge on the present position of the
Government and our policy. I gave my opinion that any accession of men
which destroyed the unity of the Duke's Government would do harm. That we
must meet our difficulties by measures. That the first was a revision of
taxation, that no men we could get would add moral strength to the
Government, and the Whigs would not support unless they had half the
Government. That the question of Reform could not be made an open question.
It was best for the country that parties should be decidedly separated. It
might then choose which it preferred, and men would be obliged to take a
side. We had better be out with character than in with a detachment of the
enemy, in possession of a gate. Still TALK we must have, and we want a
financier. I said of myself that I cared little about office. I should
without reluctance acquiesce in retirement if the Duke could fill my office
more advantageously, and I believe Rosslyn would do. I thought Rosslyn
would like Ireland or Paris.
I do not think it improbable Hardinge may send this letter to the Duke.
_August 31._
An insurrection at Brussels, the houses of the Ministers burnt. The troops
fired and killed many. They, not being 1,500, retired to the park, and
formed before the palace. An evening paper I got at Ashford says the
nobility had joined the people, and the troops had acceded on condition of
keeping their arms, and guarding the palace. If this Revolution takes the
line of union with France, war is almost inevitable. It may be only for a
more popular form of Government, but what the people of the Netherlands
desire is annexation to a great State. They are ashamed of being Dutch.
Most fortunately all our manufacturers are in full employment, and the
harvest is abundant. The peace and constitution of England have depended
upon fine weather.
Clare, from whom I heard to-day, tells me Lord Wellesley assures him there
is to be a Revolution in Spain, and named the day. The nobles are supposed
to be at the head of it. This may all be true, for our Ministers never find
anything out; but my apprehension is that there will be a low, ill-
supported revolutionary movement.
Received a letter from Lady Londonderry. She first wishes me to obtain, if
I can, Ward's exchange to a better climate. This I have told her I have
already endeavoured to do; but that I have no expectation of Aberdeen's
doing it.
Lady L. says her brother was two hours with the Duke, and as long with Lord
Grey. The latter would have acted a second part, but the Duke would not
admit him. I have told her I think she must have misunderstood Lord
Camden's account, and that she may be assured it is not the Duke's
character to fear an equal.
I sent her letter to Hardinge, and asked him if he knew anything of the
affair. I cannot imagine when it can have taken place. Lord Camden was an
odd person to employ. He knows so little of Lord Grey. Rosslyn would have
been the natural envoy if it proceded from the Duke; but I think it must
have been a volunteer of Lord Camden's.
_September 2._
Read the papers relative to the Danish claims. Canning seems to have
decided one case, that of the Danish East India Company, hastily. However,
we cannot undo a decision of a Secretary of State.
The other case, that of the private individuals at Tranquebar, has been
determined in their favour.
_September 3._
Had a long conversation with Herries, with whom I rode for a long time,
respecting affairs, both here and abroad. He is rather downcast. However,
he thinks this Belgian insurrection will be put down. Rothschild has
exported 800,000£ in silver and 400,000£ in gold to meet his bills when
they become due--diffident of having anything paid to himself.
_September 5._
Cabinet room. Found Lord Rosslyn there. He told me the substance of a
report I did not see of Col. Jones, who was sent by the Duke to the
Netherlands, and is returned. He says the Prince of Orange is with 1,600
men in the park and palace at Brussels; 5,000 men are close at hand under
Prince Frederick of Orange, at Vilvorde, and two bodies of 10,000 each are
marching upon the same point. The troops at the palace have twelve guns.
All the troops show a good disposition.
The first deputation from Brussels was rather insolent. They were treated
accordingly, and told to return without cockades, &c. They did so, and the
Prince agreed to go into Brussels without troops. There was a great crowd,
and for a moment he was separated from the staff and the Garde Bourgeoise,
and alone in the midst of the people. He leapt his horse over a barrier and
so got back. A Commission of very respectable men has been appointed to
investigate grievances. So the thing will rest till the meeting of the
States on September 13.
There is a letter from Lord Heytesbury giving an account of his
conversations with the Emperor of Russia. The Emperor is violent against
the Bourbons; says very correctly that his treaties only oblige him to
maintain a constitutional King. Still he may recognise, but shall always
consider the Duke of Orleans as a usurper.
Prussia seems very prudent; disposed to recognise, but to state the
condition of peace--that the territorial possessions of 1815 shall be
maintained. Austria seems to be less prudent. Metternich sent to Bernstorff
the answer he intended to give, which required a declaration of not having
any intention to interfere in the affairs of France, but required a pledge
as to the observance of the Treaty of 1815 before recognition. Bernstorff
very prudently advised Austria to recognise unconditionally.
The Spaniards seem to have been in great consternation at first.
The Minister (Addington) thinks the King and Queen are so popular, and the
public interest is so much directed to the Queen's approaching
accouchement, that no revolutionary movement of importance is likely to
take place. He deprecates, however, the commencement of any such movement,
because he thinks it would enable the Apostolical Party [Footnote: The name
given in Spain and Portugal to the Absolutist and Clerical Party.] to
induce the King to dismiss his present quiet Ministers, and have recourse
to measures of rigour, which would infallibly ruin the dynasty. Spain, and
indeed all the Powers, seem to look for instruction to England, and there
can be no doubt that all will recognise and all be quiet. Salmon, when he
communicated to the King the events in France, said, 'Your Majesty sees how
dangerous over-zeal is in a Minister. No one could be more devoted to the
Royal Family than Prince Polignac.'
The King said, 'I see it.'
However, notwithstanding this, they say he is so weak that he may adopt a
violent course.
Nothing can be more correct than the conduct of M. Molé, the French
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. He is most anxious to preserve
peace in Europe, the new King's Government in France, and himself in
office. He is much alarmed by the events in Belgium, and wished our
Minister to join the French Minister at Brussels in recommending some
concession to the King of the Netherlands. The Duke has, as Rosslyn told
me, written a memorandum to serve as the basis of Aberdeen's dispatch, very
civil indeed to Molé, very much satisfied with the disposition evinced by
the French Government, but, in our ignorance of the real state of things,
declining to advise the King of the Netherlands.
It is very amusing to see the French Government most _liberally_ permitting
the Bonaparte family to return to France, and most _prudently_ sending
circulars to all the Ministers of the Powers which signed the protocols of
1815, urging them in the name of that treaty not to allow the members of
the Bonaparte family to leave their present residences.
It seems this is very necessary; for although their partisans can do little
without their presence, they might do much with it.
Martignac has got together sixty members of the Chamber of Deputies who
will act _en masse_ for royalty.
There is no military force to keep people in order, and the National Guard
does not like doing so. In fact the Revolution is not over. Things may go
on as they are, but we have as yet no security. The French seem heartily
sick of Algiers. It costs a great deal of money. Tropical products will not
grow there. The climate does not suit the French troops, who have besides a
most extraordinary _maladie de pays._ They must send 15,000 men more there
to maintain it, as now they have no more than the town. They are willing to
give it up to the Sultan if he will renounce tribute, &c.
I never considered the acquisition of importance to France. I always felt
we might vex the French to death by the use of a little money which would
at any time have brought forward all the Arabs from the desert. The port
will only hold a few vessels.
The Emperor of Russia proposes to cut the Greek question short by proposing
the crown at once, without the intervention of France, to Prince Frederick
of Orange, and if he should refuse, then to Prince Charles of Bavaria, who
we know will accept.
I should say from all I have read to-day that if France should make an
aggressive movement all Europe would be united against her as in 1813; but
if she remain quiet within her own frontier no Power will wish to molest
her.
It is satisfactory to observe the increased prudence and reasonableness of
the great States; their general union, and the deference which in the hour
of danger they all show to the opinion of England.
There are some apprehensions, I hear, of riots at Manchester. There is no
cause for them. All men can get work. I would put them down with a strong
hand.
_September 6._
Saw at the office Colonel Monteith.
The King of Persia has about six millions sterling left in his treasury in
gold and silver, besides jewels unsaleable on account of their high price,
but which might be estimated at four millions more.
There will be a civil war on the death of the Shah.
Abbas Mirza might succeed if he had energy, but he is the weakest man on
earth. Probably all the Rajahs will be put down and some new dynasty
established.
The chiefs are not likely to serve the Russians at any time. The Persians
are fine men and make excellent soldiers, bearing heat and cold, but not
wet and damp. Officers there are none.
The Russians lose 10,000 men a year in Georgia and Caucasus, and it costs
them about 500,000£ a year. They have never conquered the country.
The cession lately obtained from Turkey has enabled the Russians to put
down the robbers who lived in Abkasia; [Footnote: The country at the
western end of the Caucasus.] but it is of no value for purposes of
offensive war--of some for defence.
It is cheaper in the proportion of 100 to 220 to send goods to Tabriz by
Trebizond than by the Persian Gulf.
The Imaum of Muscat carries on a large trade in opium between the Red Sea
and China. He carries British manufactures to the Indus, and trades
extensively with Cochin China, where sugar is half the price it is in
India.
The officers of the Crown Prince's army all speak Turkish. It is more
important to have at the head of it a man of energy than one conversant
with Persian.
His rank should be increased, as now he is made to rank below the last
member of the Mission.
The disturbed state of Persia has driven much trade to the Indus which was
carried on by the Euphrates.
Persia may now be considered not as a monarchy, but a Federative State, all
the King's sons being independent Princes.
Colonel Monteith was at Algiers--the only Englishman in the army. There may
have been twenty foreigners in all. He had letters of introduction and got
there in a transport, taking his chance of being sent back. He was with the
intendant of the army, and at the siege was attached to a division.
Bourmont offered to receive him in his family. Bourmont was hated and
despised. He seemed to take very little trouble about the army, and to
leave everything to the generals of division. On the 19th, the day of the
battle, he lost 600 men by not advancing sooner. The moment he advanced the
enemy fled. The loss was 2,200 men in all, yet fifty were never to be seen
dead and wounded together. The loss was by skirmishing at long shots along
the whole of the line. This sometimes lasted all day, and the troops, being
young, were too foolhardy. The Arabs are a miserable race, half naked.
Everything beyond Algiers seems a desert. For eight miles round Algiers the
cultivation is beautiful, and the villas more numerous than near any town
he ever saw. A profusion of water. The town, miserable in the extreme,
inhabited by Moors and the descendants of Turks, about 50,000. The port is
formed by one pier which hardly protects two or three frigates. There is no
safety in the bay.
There were 3,000 Turkish soldiers in Algiers, and about 7,000 in the
country. These kept order. Now they are sent away the French may colonise
extensively, but they cannot keep the country with the present inhabitants.
The Dey had ten millions sterling in gold and silver, a treasure which had
been accumulating since the time of Barbarossa. [Footnote: A famous corsair
of the sixteenth century.] He claimed 400,000£ as his own, and was allowed
to carry it away. The French enquired about the jewels of the Regency. The
Dey said there were no jewels but those which belonged to his wives, and
_la galanterie Française_ would respect them as private property. So they
did.
There was a magazine containing 250,000£ of things in the trinket line.
There were 150 ornamental daggers, all the presents of European princes,
&c. Colonel Monteith saw one officer coolly put into his pocket a watch set
in diamonds, which had evidently been given by a King of England, worth, he
supposed, 2,000£.
General Lavardo pillaged more openly than any one. He had thirty soldiers
employed in carrying off his pillage.
The affair at Belida was accidental. Bourmont went out with 1,600 men and
invited the chiefs to meet him. They were coming peaceably; but some Arabs
saw the French artillerymen taking their horses down to water without their
guns, and they could not help attempting to steal. The artillerymen beat
them off; but the firing having begun was soon converted into a battle.
Bourmont beat them off, but thought it expedient to retreat.
The beach was particularly favourable for landing. The weather fine, and
there was plenty of time to prepare.
The thing best done was by General Valagi, who in eighteen hours raised a
continued work of a mile and a half. He had 1,600 sappers and miners.
Colonel Monteith is in admiration of this entrenchment, which was
beautifully finished, and was capable of resisting 30,000 regular troops.
The Arabs are miserably mounted. The Dey's two best horses were not worth
30l. each.
Duperre he thought a man willing to do all, but quite overpowered by the
management of 100 ships of war and 500 transports. His reports are all
lies. Bourmont's are nearest the truth. The ships, with the exception of
those which were in the Levant, were not in good order. There seemed to be
no discipline.
The army never wanted either water or provisions. Water was within three
feet of the surface everywhere. In the gardens on the side of the hills
towards Algiers the water was found at the depth of twenty feet.
Nothing could be more perfect than the equipment of the army. They
calculated the cost of the expedition at four millions.
I see by the newspapers that the Prince of Orange yielded the point of the
colours to the deputation from Brussels. He seems to have conceded a great
deal, but to have acted with great personal courage and decision. It is
expected that the Commission he appointed have asked for the separation of
Holland from Belgium, and the establishment of a Federal union only; two
countries under one King with distinct legislatures, armies, &c. The great
towns are quiet. Holland ready to march upon Brussels.
I shall not be satisfied unless some of the Bruxellois are hanged for
pillage.
The answers of the King seem to have been firm and judicious.
It is impossible not to admire the constancy of the troops, who bivouacked
for eight days in the park.
The French Government seems too weak or too timid to prevent outrage in
Paris. The printers' devils will have no machinery for printing! It is
entertaining to see those who make all revolutions suffer by them.
_September 7._
Saw Greville at the Treasury. He told me he had got from Lord Chesterfield
that Palmerston had no objection to come in. Lord Melbourne had; but they
required the sacrifice of Aberdeen, Bathurst, and Arbuthnot. There must be
some mistake about this condition. I told Greville if he could get a _fact_
to communicate it to the Duke.
It is feared the Prince of Orange is gone away to the Hague. He promised
Colonel Jones he would be firm.
_September 8._
The Prince of Orange certainly went to the Hague. He was received there
enthusiastically. The proposition he takes is for Federal union. I fear he
must submit to some modification of that, or encounter real opposition and
civil war.
_September 9._
Hardinge gives me rather an indifferent account of Ireland. Great animosity
still existing between the Catholics and Protestants in the _lower_ ranks;
in the higher, peace. A revolutionary disposition raised in the middle
classes by the example of Prance. Great dissatisfaction in consequence of
the proposed taxation of last session.
He told the Duke, and so did Arbuthnot, that he might dispose of their
offices if he wanted them. He seems to think Peel is tired and anxious to
withdraw--annoyed at the idea of being unpopular, an idea the defeat of his
brothers has given him. This makes him less energetic than he should be
with respect to the measures necessary to strengthen himself in the House
of Commons.
_September 10._
It seems the desire of separation is general in the Netherlands. It is the
result of national prejudice and vanity. The Dutch seem just as violent the
other way, and the deputies were rather in danger at Rotterdam. The
separation will probably defeat the objects of the great Powers in 1814,
for it is idle to expect such terms of Federal union as will enable the two
States to act cordially together.
_September 11._
By withdrawing his troops from the palace, and going to the Hague, the
Prince of Orange has ruined his cause. He has appeared to give it up.
_September 13._
Read on my way to London the intelligence obtained by Lord Heytesbury
relative to the Russian trade with Tartary and on the Caspian. It is very
full and satisfactory.
The 'Times' has a sensible article on the state of France; the want of
materials to form a constitutional monarchy, the growing dissatisfaction
that _more_ is not done in a revolutionary sense, and the irresponsible
power of a deliberative army of 800,000 men.
Ghent and Antwerp seem to cling to the connection between Holland and
Belgium, and I begin to hope that if France is tranquil the Bruxellois and
Liègeois may grow tired and become reasonable. Men cannot play at
barricades long when no one attacks them.
_September 14._
House of Lords. I had to wait half an hour for the seals, which were
carelessly carried off by Lady Lyndhurst in her carriage.
Talked to Rosslyn. He told me Aberdeen was led to expect another revolution
in France. The paper they were going to prosecute was an _affiche_ calling
upon the French people to overthrow _l'aristocratie bourgeoise_, which was
as bad as the other, and to divide the lands.
In the Netherlands the people and their leaders are divided, and if Antwerp
and Ghent, &c., remain firm, it signifies little what Brussels does.
Brussels will be brought into terms by distress.
Rosslyn thinks some of the Whigs as well as of the Tories will be alarmed
by events on the Continent and support Government.
He hears of no negotiations for accessions.
The people of Brunswick, very justly provoked, have turned the Duke
[Footnote: This was the eccentric Duke who died a few years ago at Geneva,
bequeathing his whole property to the city, who have erected a monument to
him.] out of the town and burnt his palace. He escaped with ten Hussars. He
deserves his fate. I believe he is mad. He is a complete _vaurien._
When Parliament is prorogued, as to-day, the peers are without their robes.
The Chancellor was in his legal dress. The Commons appear without a summons
by their clerks, and the Chancellor merely desires the proclamation to be
read. However, as it is held, _improperly,_ to be the first day of the
sitting of Parliament, the return of the Scotch peers is laid on the table.
All this is sanctioned by precedent, but contrary to reason.
_September 20, 1830._
Wrote a long letter to Hardinge upon the political consequences of
Huskisson's death, [Footnote: He was killed, as is well known, at the
opening of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway.] urging the introduction
of Palmerston and Stanley. The latter to Vent the junction of the Whig
aristocracy with the Radicals.
I am sure, if measures are not taken immediately, we shall have all the
Huskissonians, Whigs and Ultra-Tories (the last are insane), united against
us.
Received from Sir J. Malcolm a letter with some enclosures about suttees.
He has reluctantly and fearfully abolished suttee, making it culpable
homicide to assist, and murder to force the victim. He has done it, I
think, wisely by a repeal of a clause in one regulation and an amendment.
Thus not putting it vainly forward as Lord William did in a pompous
document.
He has abolished the Military Board, I believe, very wisely; but there may
be a difficulty with the Duke, if I cannot do it without talking to him
about it. I believe Sir J. Malcolm is quite right, and that there would
have been no hope of preserving a system of real economy had the Military
Board been permitted to remain.
I am curious to see his measure of checks on expenditure, that if it be
good it may be adopted at the other Presidencies.
Received some letters from Lord W. Bentinck. Lord Dalhousie has been very
ill, and the command of the army would fall, Lord William says, into the
weakest hands, if anything happened to him.
The spirit of the army was becoming better, I gather from Lord William's
letter, but it required much attention. I have been thinking all day of
what measures may be adopted for improving it.
_September 21._
Office. Read to Cabell my memorandum on the alterations which might be
introduced into the army, which I wrote hurriedly this morning. He was long
in the military department, and can be of much use. Cabinet room. I think
the result of Lord Stuart's dispatches is that the moderate party are
gaining strength. I should say the facts we see in the newspapers lead to a
different conclusion.
The Ministers and the old leading members of the Chamber of Deputies act
manfully against the crowd. Their declarations of intention are
satisfactory. I really believe they mean to act honestly if they can.
Austria seems to have hesitated about the acknowledgment of the King of the
French after the receipt of a dispatch from Petersburg, and Metternich, who
seems to be growing weak, wavered after he had received General Belliard
very cordially.
Prussia, that is _the King,_ hesitated about signing the letter to Louis
Philippe when he heard of the doubts of Austria. The result, however, is
that all _entrainés_ by us will acknowledge; the Emperor of Russia, who was
the most reluctant, having determined to do so if the others did. I should
say there is this satisfactory conclusion to be drawn from what we have
seen, that if France showed a disposition to aggrandise herself all Europe
would be against her.
The object of the French Government is to place France exactly in the
position in which she stood a fortnight before the ordonnances--that is,
Talleyrand's wish, and he has _rédigé_ his own instructions.
Read Aberdeen's letter, dated the 17th, stating the necessity of
maintaining cordial intercourse with and between Spain and Portugal, and
intimating that on the promulgation of an amnesty according to the terms
recently communicated England will resume diplomatic relations with Miguel,
but not otherwise.
Spain seems to be sensible. There was a movement of folly about Royalist
volunteers which was put down, and the Government seems by no means
disposed to give way to Absolutists. If the Queen should have a son Spain
will probably be tranquil.
Talleyrand pretends the French will be reasonable about Algiers. I do not
wish them to be so. I believe they could not have made a worse purchase.
They will find the possession very expensive. Their troops will hate it,
they will have nothing beyond their outposts, and it is no port.
My first opinion is strengthened, that they could not be worse than if they
were left as they are.
_September 24._
The populace and the burghers at Brussels have quarrelled, and fought a
little. It seems the Liberals and the Catholics, [Footnote: They have
formed the two opposing parties in the Belgian Chambers since the country
became an independent State. They had temporarily united against Protestant
Holland.] as the others are called, have been long diverging. The deputies
and men of property, excepting M. de Stassart, have become alarmed. The
Prince de Ligne and D'Aremberg and others have left Brussels. On the 21st,
probably the 20th, in the evening a proclamation was published at Antwerp
by Prince Frederick of Orange, noticing the excesses of the populace, and
announcing that the troops would relieve the burgher guard. This must have
been done in concert with the influential persons of the town who are
alarmed for their property. The Liégeois are very violent. They will be
expelled from Brussels. No more can get there, as the road is interrupted.
The Dutch have but 20,000 men, of whom the Belgians are as three to five.
The Belgians had begun to desert, but they did not join the Bruxellois in
any numbers. The hanging of some of the Brussels mob would have an
excellent effect.
The Government of France seems to become weaker, and to permit things which
discredit it.
A night or two ago some _ouvriers_ insisted on going into the King's
bedroom, after he was gone to sleep, woke him, and made him make a speech
sitting up in his bed. Twelve departments have united against indirect
taxes, and few pay those which are direct. Meanwhile, the Algerine treasure
has been pillaged by the officers of the army, and ships clearing for
Toulon go elsewhere to land it. They want a loan, while the fallen
Government would have had a surplus. They will find the raising of a loan
difficult. The French are displeased by the coldness of Austria and
Prussia, and by the marching of Austrian and Prussian troops.
The King of Saxony has resigned, or rather he has associated his nephew
with himself as Co-Regent; the brother waiving his claim to the throne.
The Landgrave of Hesse Cassel was met by a deputation requiring him to do a
number of public acts, and amongst the rest the dismissal of all
mistresses. It seems the Electoral Prince has one to whom he is going to be
married.
The Duke of Brunswick lately galloped off _lui Troisième_ while his palace
was burning!
These are odd times!
However, here people seem to be inclined to be quiet. Even the Common
Council have by a large majority decided against congratulating or noticing
the French people.
_September 26._
Brandreth told me there was a report of the Belgian troops having entered
Brussels, and of a great massacre. There will be news to-morrow as the wind
is down.
_September 27._
No direct news from Brussels yet. There has been fighting for two days, and
it was known at Antwerp that the first regiment that entered was nearly
destroyed. It seems the invitation of one section was a ruse.
There are to be no Cabinets for eight or ten days, the Civil List not being
prepared. When we do meet we are not to separate.
There seems to be every expectation of a new Ministry in Paris, and in the
revolutionary sense.
I saw Aberdeen. He rather expects it.
Read the report of the Commission appointed to form the articles of
accusation against the Ministers. It is a party speech, with little points
and prettinesses, affecting moderation, and full of rancour. It is a nation
which has no idea of justice.
_September 28._
Cabinet room. Dispatches of the 24th and 25th from Sir Ch. Bagot; but none
from Mr. Cartwright. When Sir Ch. Bagot wrote last thirty hours had elapsed
without official intelligence, although the distance is only thirteen
hours. It was known there had been hard fighting, that it was necessary to
take in succession every house in the Rue Neuve Royale, that the troops
were in possession of the upper part of the town, and a proposition had
been made by the lower town for a cessation of hostilities, after which
they had recommenced.
It is evident the resistance has been most serious. 20,000 French are in
the town, and these probably direct the defence. All clubs, and councils of
all sorts, had ceased to have power two days before the attack. There has
been perfect anarchy. The troops behaved admirably. They were much
exasperated. No assistance had been sent by the country.
Aberdeen is confident the King's troops have been driven out, because no
official accounts were sent. The Duke, and all the military men, say the
non-arrival of dispatches proves nothing but that the affair was not over.
During an engagement a general can think of nothing but victory. The
importance of the result is incalculable.
At Paris the National Guard have dispersed a meeting of lookers on, who
were led by curiosity to crowd about a riding school in which the Society
of Les Amis du Peuple met the day after they were denounced by Guizot in
the Chamber as agitating France. Two officers of the National Guard entered
the riding school, and warned the meeting of the danger they were bringing
upon public tranquillity. On the representation of the second they
adjourned.
At dinner at Lord Rosslyn's the Duke said the French Government could not
go on as it was. The chief of the National Guard necessarily commanded
everything. The National Guard might become janissaries. I think the
Government may go on as it is _in form,_ but it will vary _in substance_
from day to day. Management, a little good fortune, and a few examples of
determination may make it a fair Government; a single error may produce
anarchy.
The Duke gave an excellent account of the feeling at Liverpool, Manchester,
and Birmingham. At Manchester it was better than at Birmingham, but there
they received very coldly Tennyson's speech about giving them members, and
at last put an end to it by striking their glasses with their knives, which
made such a ringing that Tennyson was obliged to sit down. He deserved this
for his bad taste.
The Duke was astonished by the machinery. Those who have witnessed the
improvements of late years expect progressive improvements so great that
they say a man who laid out 100,000£ now in the best machinery would, if he
refused to adopt the new improvements they anticipate, be without profit in
five years and be ruined in ten.
The rapidity of motion is so great in the steam carriages that even the
Duke with his quick eyes could not see the figures on the posts which mark
the distance at every quarter of a mile, and when two steam carriages
crossed no face could be seen. [Footnote: This was on the Manchester and
Liverpool Railway, then just opened, and describes the first impression
made by railway travelling.] It was like the whizzing of a cannon ball. The
cold is great, and they must have some defence against the wind, through
which they pass so rapidly.
A new canal without locks, which brings coals to Birmingham in two hours,
which by the old canal required nine, is more magnificent even than the
railroad, splendid as that is. The railroad cost a million. For several
days after it was opened the proprietors made 250£ a day.
The King has the gout. The Duke goes to Brighton to-morrow. We dine with
him on Thursday. Cabinets will not begin till next week.
_September 29._
No news in the newspaper from Brussels. No dispatches from Sir Ch. Bagot or
Mr. Cartwright arrived at the office; but a gentleman who left Brussels at
five on Sunday reports that they were then fighting in the town, but the
troops had the worst of it.
The Consul at Ostend reports that the King's troops evacuated Brussels on
Sunday night; that reinforcements from the country were pouring into
Brussels; that there had been an attempt at insurrection at Ostend, which
was put down for the time by the Governor, who killed two and wounded six;
that eleven or twelve men had marched in from Bruges, which was in
possession of the Bourgeois; that Ghent was expected to rise, and in a few
days all Belgium would be separated from the King.
A son of Holmes of the Treasury arrived at the Foreign Office at four, and
said he had left Ostend at three yesterday, when there was a report that
the Dutch had made another attack and had recaptured the park.
It seems they never had more than the park. They had to take, and did take,
the Rue Royale. They were more thoroughly masters of the Place Royale. They
planted guns against the town, which were answered by guns from the rebels.
At five on Sunday the latter were gradually advancing, and picking off the
troops in the park.
The first day some rockets were fired and eighteen houses burnt; but Prince
Frederick ordered the discontinuance of this, the only efficacious mode of
attack.
Lord Blantyre was killed. He was lame and on a sofa, but curiosity led him
to crawl to the window and peep out, when a ball struck him in the
forehead. Lady Blantyre and his children were with him. He was much
esteemed. He was in the Peninsula, and a gallant officer.
I think the employment of European officers in civil situations under
native princes may be very useful to their subjects; and while we do not
ourselves employ natives in high situations, to force all native princes to
employ them is to make a striking contrast between their Government and
ours, very injurious to ours.
Jones seemed to hesitate and to think I committed myself. However, I feel
sure of my ground.
A letter from Lord Cleveland, expressing a wish to have the Vicarage of
Ilchester, and offering an equivalent living in Shropshire, or Cheshire.
I sent his letter to the Bishop of Bath and Wells, saying I should be much
obliged to him if he could make the arrangement, Lord Cleveland being a
faithful and powerful supporter of Government.
Told Lord Cleveland I had transmitted his letter with a strong
recommendation.
I made my letter as agreeable to the Bishop as I could, but I dare say he
will refuse. Very likely he has given away the vicarage. I told Lord
Cleveland I thought it probable.
_September 30._
The Consul at Antwerp writes a long foolish letter in much alarm.
Mr. Cartwright's reports are come. He describes a horrible carnage. The
events much as we know them. Sir A. Bagot says his Russian colleague has,
with the consent of the King and the Dutch Ministers, written home to say
Belgium can only be preserved by foreign aid.
At dinner at the Duke of Wellington's met Talleyrand and Vaudreuil. The
others there were Aberdeen, Goulburn, Herries, Murray, Beresford, Lord F.
Somerset, and Rosslyn.
Talleyrand is not altered since 1815, except that he speaks thick. He has
not even changed his hairdresser or his tailor.
Lord Rosslyn showed me a letter from Lady Janet, who was in Brussels during
the fight. She walked about frequently, and was treated with civility by
the armed burghers. A few grape-shot fell into the courtyard, and she
picked up one. She was at the Hotel de Brabant in the Rue Neuve. There was
no pillage, nor any riot. The loss of the people was great. She left the
town on Sunday (I think) with a passport from Count Hoogwoorst, and got
round to Antwerp.
The troops are said to have lost only 600 men. Prince Frederick is about
two leagues from Brussels, on the road to Louvain, waiting for heavy guns.
This is the report. I suspect he will retreat altogether.
_October 1._
On consideration thought it would be better to have a secret letter on the
press, authorising the Government to allow their servants to be connected
with the press. To this letter I thought it advisable to add an exhortation
to redoubled zeal on the part of the Company's servants on account of the
unsettled state in which the minds of men must be until it was decided
under what form the future Government of India should be administered, and
I directed the Government to make all thoroughly understand that no
possible change could effect the public debt, or the rights of the natives
or the just expectations of the European servants. My reason for thinking
the officers of Government should be permitted to be concerned in the press
is this, that if none but those who are unconnected with the Government,
and who, according to the existing system, cannot be connected with it,
manage the press, the probability is that everything will be said against
the Government and nothing for it.
I showed the proposed letter to the Duke. He thought it would be better to
pay people for writing than to employ the Company's servants, and that the
concluding paragraphs would lead the Government to suppose it was quite
decided that the Company should be put an end to. It is wonderful the sort
of prejudice he has in favour of the Company. He thinks that unless
Directors selected writers and cadets we should have an inferior sort of
people in India. I have no objection to the patronage being in a corporate
body, but I am satisfied the present system leads to a degree of delay
which is more mischievous than misdirection. He acknowledges, however, that
the service is much changed. The exhibition made by Courtenay Smith has
produced a strong impression upon his mind. He has done more injury to the
Company in his mind than all the evidence. He still seems unwilling to make
his opinion up against the continuance of the monopoly. It must fall,
however.
The King wishes to have Sir E. Barnes appointed provisional successor to
Lord Dalhousie. The Duke thinks him a better man than Sir R. O'Callaghan,
who was suggested by Lord F. Somerset. I suggested that it would be
expedient to unite the influence of Governor-General with that of
Commander-in-Chief, and make Lord William Bentinck provisional successor.
The Duke seemed to think Lord William could not execute both duties, and
that it was better to adhere to the general usage of separating the two
offices. It seems that after Lord Hastings' return the Court intimated a
disposition to separate the offices in future. I can do nothing against the
King, the Duke, and the Horse Guards; but I am satisfied it would have been
better to send Sir E. Barnes as second in command to the Governor-General.
The King (Lord F. Somerset told me) was desirous of doing away with the
Company's European regiments. He could not do a better thing. He has
likewise some notion of bringing the army under himself. The Duke thinks it
must be a _local army,_ and certainly it must. [Footnote: In accordance
with this view Lord Ellenborough opposed the eventual amalgamation of the
Queen's and the Indian army.] I believe it is better to make it an army of
three Presidencies, not one army. My doubt is whether it would not be
advisable to allow exchanges from the King's army to the Company's.
Everything would be beneficial that raised the tone of the Indian army.
The Duke showed me a draft letter he had written for Aberdeen to Lord
Stuart, informing the French Government that the King of the Netherlands
had required the assistance of his allies to re-establish his authority in
Belgium. That it was as much the interest of France as of other Powers to
put down a revolution not carried on by the higher or the middle, but by
the lowest classes of the people. That we were desirous of concerting with
France, as one of the contracting parties to the Treaty of Vienna, what
course should be now adopted. It could not be supposed the Allies would
forego the advantage of the union of Belgium and Holland for which they had
sacrificed so much.
This was the substance of the letter. It will not be sent without the
concurrence of the Cabinet, which will be summoned the moment Peel comes to
town, and he is hourly expected.
I think this letter prudent, inasmuch as whatever may happen it will place
us in the right; but I do not expect that France will do anything against
the rebels, or sanction the doing of anything.
The Duke considers, as indeed is clear enough, that it is idle to expect
the future submission of Belgium to the King of the Netherlands. It may be
possible to place it under a Prince of the House of Nassau. I do not think
the Duke sees his way; but he expects war.
_October 2._
Cabinet. Aberdeen's letter to Lord Stuart. It is founded upon the Duke's
memorandum, but much extended _à l'Indienne_. I think none approved of it
but Lord Bathurst. I objected to the statement that the treaty of 1815
imposed upon us _obligations_. It may give us _rights_, but it imposes no
obligation. Then the principle of non-interference is advanced as just and
wise, but there are peculiar circumstances attending the position of the
Netherlands which make a difference.
There is an assertion that the troubles in Belgium have been fomented by
French agency, although not assisted by the Government, and a direct
reference is made to the Barrier Treaties. France is requested to concert
with us and the Allies to _suppress_ the anarchy which exists in the Low
Countries. She is at the same time reminded that in no case can the Allies
consent to renounce the security given to them by the Treaty of Paris in
consequence of an insurrection amongst the lower orders at Brussels. Of
this a great deal will be left out. Peel seemed to be rather averse to the
whole tenor of the letter, which looks like an invitation to put down the
insurrection by force. He sketched in a few words a letter which would be
innocuous.
The Duke's object is to make an effort to induce France to act with us to
settle the Belgian affairs amicably. They cannot be settled _without_
France, without a war. But is there any hope that the French Government
will venture to give us her _appui_? If they be self-denying enough to
renounce the hopes of annexing Belgium to France, their fears of the
Jacobins will not allow them to do so. My expectation is that they will say
they neither have interfered nor will interfere to dissolve the union
between Holland and Belgium. That they will not interfere in the internal
concerns of other States.
Some think they will go farther and declare they will not allow other
_Powers_ to do so. I do not expect this.
Every word of this letter must be well weighed, for every discontented man
in England and in France will criticise its words and its spirit. There is
no writer more unsafe than Aberdeen.
Rosslyn did not seem to like the letter at all, but he said little. I
whispered to Peel that I wished he would bring a letter to-morrow. _Short_.
It was at last agreed alterations should be made, and we are to meet at one
to-morrow.
Peel takes the letter home, and will, I trust, cut it down.
The King Charles X. is in danger of being arrested, of which he naturally
has a great horror, and he desires to be allowed to go to Holyrood House,
where he would be safe. At Lulworth they are afraid of the Due de Bordeaux
being kidnapped. The pretence is the getting masters from Edinburgh for the
children.
It may be feared that the placing him in a royal residence may look or be
represented as looking like recognition. On the other hand his removal from
the southern coast to Scotland is a renunciation of intrigues with France.
It would be inconvenient if the King should wish to go to Edinburgh next
year. Charles X. is to be told he cannot stay there after the spring.
However, he will probably live there all his life.
It would be a revolting sight to see a King imprisoned for debt, and all
gentlemen, all men of feeling, would have cried out _shame_!
We are right in feeling, but in policy I am not sure.
Nieuport has fallen as well as Ostend. The Bruxellois are drilling, and
threaten to attack Prince Frederick. Probably Van Holen drills them to keep
them quiet.
Many people have applied to Falck [Footnote: Dutch Minister.] for passports
for Brussels, going in reality to join the rebels. Today two Irish
labourers asked for passports! Brussels will become the sink of Europe, and
every unquiet spirit will go there.
The Duke thinks our attempt to make France act in concert with us the only
chance of preserving peace.
I fear its preservation is almost desperate. One thing is in favour of it,
that all the European States desire it yet more than we do.
I cautioned them to-day not to take any advanced position from which it
would be difficult and discreditable to retreat. The people would not go in
with us in a war to avert a distant danger, nor indeed for any object not
commercially interesting.
It came out accidentally in the course of conversation respecting the loan
to the Netherlands that we had lent 20,000£ to the Greeks; the sum to be
repaid by bills to be drawn by our Commissioner whenever the loan we are to
guarantee may be made--that is, we are to be paid out of our own money.
Of this loan I knew nothing, and my impression is that when it was
earnestly pressed by Aberdeen such objections were stated on the ground of
illegality that the decision was against it. Certainly nothing was decided
in favour of it. I recollect having said I would rather advance a portion
of the money myself than be a party to the transaction.
_October 3._
Cabinet. The Consul at Ostend announces that nothing remains to the King of
the Netherlands but Antwerp. The troops have everywhere laid down their
arms. On the 1st the Brussels papers announce that orders had been issued
by the provisional Government for arresting all the Dutch officers.
Peel read first the dispatch written by Aberdeen with the omissions agreed
upon, and then his own substitutions. His is much the best. It speaks of
'composing troubles' instead of 'suppressing anarchy,' avoids all mention
of interference, and altogether is a more prudent paper, touching the
Barrier very slightly. It was understood that Peel's was adopted.
It is determined to allow the King, Charles X., to go to Holyrood House,
but he will be told there is no furniture, or very little, and that he can
only stay six months, and that no expense can be incurred on his account.
He has admitted no one to an audience, but many have been to Lulworth to
ask for places.
Talleyrand says they have found an _ébauche_ of Polignac's, telling
Bourmont that his proposal that the money taken at Algiers should be given
to the Legion of Honour could not be complied with, as the King intended to
distribute it amongst his most faithful friends. They pretend they do not
intend to make use of this because there is no proof of its having been
sent; in fact they do not use it because it reflects credit on Bourmont.
Lord Rosslyn, with whom I walked as far as Pimlico Palace, showed me the
Treasury list of the House of Commons. 311 decided friends and 189 enemies-
that is 500; the remainder, consisting of moderate Tories, violent Tories,
good and bad doubtfuls, as well as Huskissonians (the latter 13), are more
likely to be against us than for us.
Rosslyn still hankers after a coalition, but reform has made it impossible.
We might have had this time last year Sir J. Graham. We might even now have
Palmerston, [Footnote: It appears from Lord Palmerston's published papers
that this was an error. He had already determined to act with the Whigs,
and not to take office without Lord Grey and Lord Lansdowne. See Ashley's
_Life of Lord Palmerston_, vol. i. p. 211.] but the Duke seems determined
to go on as he is, Peel and all, even Bathurst, seem to have a correct view
of the danger; but I see no flinching.
_October 4._
Saw the Duke. Suggested that we must soon consider what should be done with
respect to the China trade. If we were to give up the monopoly we had
better do so at once, on the first day of the Session, with a good grace,
and not make ourselves appear to do it with reluctance. The Duke said we
must certainly consider it. Had I talked with the Chairs about it? I said
no. I had thought it best to wait till the Cabinet had come to a decision
as to what should be done. I had privately advised them to turn over in
their minds the plan of the Company going on with the Government slightly
varied, but without monopoly.
The Duke said he could not make up his mind without hearing first what the
Chairs had to say. I observed that if they, that is Astell, thought the
Government hesitated, they would certainly say they could not go on without
monopoly. However, the Duke seemed to think it was impossible for the
question to come before the Cabinet before we had talked with the Chairs.
So I have asked him and Loch to meet at the Treasury at twelve on Monday.
I should like to see Tucker and Stuart, but I must do it privately, as I
have no principle to go upon in consulting with individual Directors.
The Duke seems very reluctant to give up the monopoly, and to have very
exaggerated ideas of the value of the Company's intervention.
He showed me a letter he had received from Molé, in which he takes a very
moderate view of the Belgian question. Expresses the most earnest desire
for peace, as war would place everywhere the two extreme principles in
conflict. France will not interfere, neither can she suffer others to
interfere, in the internal affairs of the Netherlands. He hopes to be able
to arrange everything amicably.
A letter the Duke showed me from Rothschild's brother is still more
satisfactory if the view taken in it be correct. He says France will, _with
England and the Allies_, amicably settle the question; but she will not
have to be excluded.
He mentions Leopold as a probable King of Belgium.
The Court of Turin [Footnote: The first French Republic had made a similar
non-recognition a plea for seizing Savoy.] seems to be in a great fright
because the French Government took huff at their not recognizing at once.
They were afraid to do so till they heard what the great Powers did.
M. de la Tour says they can bring 60,000 or 90,000 men into the field, if
Genoa is guarded for them by a fleet; but Genoa would require 14,000 men.
On that place they must retreat.
The Spaniards seem to be going on well. They mean not to be _empressés_
with their recognition, but are advised not to be the last.
There have been insurrections at Hanau, Swerin, and I know not where else.
The Diet intend to vary the law of the Empire and to allow any neighbour,
whose assistance may be asked, to give it at once.
The Emperor of Russia received General Athalia very graciously, but he
keeps him waiting for his answer. Lieven professes himself well satisfied
with our reasons for immediate recognition. So does Metternich. In fact
they cannot do without us, and if we lead they must follow.
_October 5._
Cabinet. Goulburn's Civil List. He transfers to the Consolidated Fund all
the salaries heretofore partly paid by the Civil List, and in diplomacy
there is a reduction of 28,000£ a year.
It is supposed there can be no reduction in the great departments in the
article of tradesmen's bills, or in the Board of Works.
The King gives up the Droits [Footnote: 'Droits of Admiralty.'] without any
compensation. This is all a loss to the privy purse.
It seems possible to reduce perspectively many officers in England and in
Ireland who do not really contribute to the state of the crown. This,
however, did not occur to Goulburn but to Peel.
The account of Liege is very bad indeed. Things there seem going on in the
style of the French Revolution.
Nothing can be better than the account from France. They will be pleased by
the letter read to them. All they feared was the attempt to exclude them
from all concert in the settlement of Belgium. They think neither the King
nor Prince Frederick can return to Brussels; but the Prince of Orange may,
and this will, I think, be finally settled.
_October 6._
Council at 2. Talleyrand was presented. He backed to the window and read a
speech in which there were several erasures. He declared the determination
of France to pursue the course so wisely followed by England of non-
interference. He spoke of himself as 'Ministre d'une Royaute votée à
l'unanimité.'
The King did not much like receiving him, and was a little nervous. To what
Talleyrand said about noninterference the King answered it was a very good
thing, especially when exercised _de bonne foi_. This he said by Aberdeen's
advice.
I read the King of the Netherlands' letter. He asks distinctly for
_military assistance_.
Cabinet dinner at the Duke's. The Prince of Orange is gone to Antwerp. This
the Duke thinks the very worst step that could have been taken; the only
mistake the King has made. In fact the King was unwilling, and ever since
the affair of Brussels there has been a coolness between the King and the
Prince. The Duke fears the consequences of the Prince's going, because he
is a man devoted to popularity-vain. The Duke and Talleyrand were talking
about popularity. The Duke said those who loved it never loved it with
moderation. Talleyrand said, 'Il n'y a jamais de modération, où il n'y a
pas de _goût_--et il n'y a pas de gout dans l'amour de la popularité!' The
Duke asked Talleyrand what sort of a man the Duke of Orleans was. 'Un
Prince de l'Ecole normale.' Of the Queen he said, 'Elle est bonne femme, et
surtout grande dame--c'est ce qu'il nous faut.'
Talleyrand said he had given the King a piece of advice, '_to go to
Neuilly_'--that is, to rescue himself from the vagabond cortége.
Talleyrand is very well pleased with the letter sent to Paris, and the
foreign Ministers are satisfied.
The King (our King) seemed to me to be very weary to-day. Aberdeen said he
was a good deal distressed at the state of Europe, and rather anxious.
Lord and Lady Holland and Rothschild appear to be the only people besides
the Ministers who have called on Talleyrand. Lord Holland is very much with
him. Lord Holland is doing all he can to save the lives of the French
Ministers--for the interest of the French Government, not of the Ministers
themselves. He has written to La Fayette and to the King.
_October 7._
I forgot on what authority it was mentioned yesterday, but it was mentioned
as a fact that the Liberaux would not have done anything unless they had
been certain of the Duke of Orleans. So afraid were they of a revolution
that they would have submitted to the Ordonnances rather than run the risk
of it.
_October 9._
At Canterbury heard more particulars of the machine-breaking now going on
in the neighbourhood. Notice is given, and the frames are broken. One
gentleman boasted at market they should not break his, as he had armed men
to protect them. They on the same night set fire to his rickyard. Sir Henry
Oxenden's sons went out to meet them, when they came according to notice to
break Sir Henry's machines. One man spoke for the rest. He acknowledged Sir
Henry seldom or ever used his machine, and that he was the landlord in Kent
who gave most to the poor; but they must do as they were ordered; they
would, however, do as little as they could, and they only sawed off a
shaft.
The farmers now leave their thrashing machines out in the fields to be
broken.
The rickyard of one gentleman was set on fire because he committed a man
for machine-breaking. He lost 6,000£, nothing being insured.
It seems suspicions are entertained that the machine-breakers are not all
of the station they assume. They all wear smock frocks, but their language
is better than their dress. When money was offered them, if they wanted it,
by the Oxendens, they said they did not want money, they obeyed orders.
It is reported, but this must be an exaggeration, that 500 assembled lately
on a Down near Mr. Brockman's.
The magistrates have no good evidence against any. Some Bow Street officers
are here. Lord Winchelsea and Sir Edward Knatchbull have been here at every
meeting of the magistrates, although they live eighteen miles off.
The Provisional Government of Belgium have declared the independence of the
country and the defeazance of the House of Orange. In the meantime the
Prince of Orange is arrived at Antwerp, as Viceroy, with a Belgian Etat
Major Civil.
It seems probable the Chamber of Deputies will abolish the punishment of
death for political offences, and so save Polignac.
The levy of 108,000 men will hardly make the French army 240,000 effective,
for it was not full before the Revolution, and numbers have deserted;
besides the disbandment of the Guards, which was 25,000 men.
_October 11._
Cabinet. Aberdeen read Lord Stuart's account of his interview with Molé.
Molé suggests an immediate conference, and thinks the Prince of Orange may
be made Sovereign of La Belgique. No communication will be held by the
French Government with the Provisional Government of Belgium. They will
communicate through the King.
It is proposed to have the Conference here. The Ministers of Austria,
Prussia, and Russia have expressed their readiness to acquiesce in anything
proposed by this country. They may inveigh against the diplomacy of
England, but in moments of danger all rally under our wing.
Molé distinctly admitted that the existence of the present Government of
France depended on its remaining on good terms with England and Prussia,
and the affairs of Belgium gave them an opportunity of showing _la droiture
de leurs principes_, &c.--in short, of gaining a good character.
It was decided against guaranteeing the sum of 500,000£ the Dutch wish to
raise here. There would be no end to such loans if we once began to assist
the credit of foreign States. Parliament would not approve of the measure.
To the Dutch Government it is important that this Administration should
remain, and likewise that their own credit should not be injured in all
Europe by the confession of weakness which their recourse to us implies.
To guarantee a loan is to give money, and to do that is to assist one of
the parties to lose the mediatory character, and, in fact, put ourselves
out of the Congress.
Hardinge can reduce 57,000£ a year in net and on the Civil List, 30,000£ on
the Pension List, and 27,000£ on officers of State.
We had some talk about details, but Goulburn does not reduce as much as
Hardinge.
Had some talk with the Duke and Peel respecting the fires in Kent, and the
breaking of frames. Five are in prison. The Duke thinks smugglers are at
the bottom of it.
There has been alarm at Carlisle. The officers in command of the castle
apprehended an attempt to surprise it and seize the arms. Men had been seen
measuring the wall. Sir J. Graham was alarmed about it. Orders will be
given to provision for thirty days all the places where arms are kept, the
town included, where there are 600,000 stand of arms. In the meantime all
classes are more comfortable in this country than they ever were, and this
alone keeps down insurrection. There are leaders but no troops.
Hardinge reports that the spirit in Ireland is _disimproved_ since the
events in Belgium.
There is to be an Anti-Union Society, which, as soon as it meets, will be
put down under the Act.
_October 12._
At nine went to Apsley House. Met the Chairs. We went in to the Duke. Our
conversation lasted two hours. As they are to send in a _procès verbal_, it
is unnecessary for me to state it. The substance was that, supposing the
monopoly to be taken away, they would administer the Government of India as
heretofore on one of two conditions; either closing their account with the
public and receiving payment in full, or an equivalent annuity for all
their property in India, in which case they would require no guarantee of
the present dividend; or making over all their property, and taking a
perpetual guarantee of the dividend.
The public to make good in either case all deficiency of Indian revenue,
and in either case the Company to be the agents for the territory,
providing all necessary sums here and receiving repayment at a rate of
exchange to be paid from time to time fairly.
The Chairs were given to understand that the public being liable to the
making good of Indian deficiency, we should require a strict control over
the whole expenditure _here_, as well as in India.
They show, especially Campbell, a disposition to leave off trading and
become gentlemen. They were told by the Duke that if they did so we must be
at liberty to revise our arrangement with them. We might as well go to the
Bank as to them, if we were to treat with a body not commercial.
The Duke seems much pleased with his foreign prospects.
M. de Choiseul was waiting to see him. I suppose on the affair of Holyrood
House.
It seems probable that the French will abolish the punishment of death, and
so save Polignac.
_October 14._
Found at the office several papers giving accounts of Radical meetings in
Lancashire. All the old Radicals are reappearing on the scene. They do not
as yet seem to be attended by any numerous assemblies, never above 200 or
300.
A letter from a clergyman at Wrotham speaks of burnings near that place,
and of the bad conduct of the people who interfere with the working of the
engines, and seem to rejoice in the destruction.
Read all the papers relating to the education of the Princess Victoria, who
seems to have been admirably brought up.
At the Cabinet room read a long and excellent letter of Hardinge's
respecting the state of Ireland.
The 87th Regiment at Newry, when paraded for church, refused to march
without music, to which it had been accustomed in the south. It had been
discontinued in the north to avoid displeasing the Orangemen.
The captain sent for the Lieutenant-Colonel Blair, who was at first
disobeyed, but he placed a drum to have a drum-head court martial, and then
they marched. The Duke says it is, and always has been, the worst regiment
in the service. It ran away at Salamanca and exposed him to being taken
prisoner. It has always been unmilitary, and from the same cause, a
disposition to seek popularity on the part of its officers. Hardinge
proposes embarking it at once for the West Indies. The Duke prefers
bringing it to Dublin, where there are other regiments to keep it in order,
and soon sending it to England, and by detachments at no distant period to
Botany Bay. They do not expect there will be any further exhibition of
mutinous spirit. The only mischief of this is the effect at this time.
There have been apprehensions of an attempt to scale the Pigeon House, and
a full garrison has been ordered into it, with directions to add to its
defences on the seaside so as to protect it from escalade.
Hardinge can bring twenty guns together in a very short time, at any point
in Dublin. He talks of arming the students in Trinity College in the event
of an explosion.
They rather expect an explosion about the 18th or 19th, when probably there
will be the first meeting of the new Association.
This it will be the first object to put down by the Act of 1829. The
meeting to petition for the repeal of the Union will be permitted.
Hardinge is quite himself on horseback. The only fear is that he should be
too lively. Peel seems to think he is; but it is a great comfort to have
him there instead of Lord Francis Leveson, who was always wrong.
The King of the Netherlands has called his States at the Hague, the
Constitution requiring them to meet this year in Belgium. He takes
advantage of the provision in the Constitution which permits him to call
the States in Holland in case of war. They fear the loss of Antwerp. The
Prince of Orange thinks things look better.
The Netherland Ambassador is much annoyed at the refusal of pecuniary
assistance; but, as was expected, the Dutch have got their money, only
paying a little more for it.
Our depots are only 160 strong. We have hardly a battalion. One or two at
least of those which were going abroad will be retained for a time.
The Duke of Brunswick does not much like abdicating. The Duke of Wellington
thought he had brought him to make his brother Governor-General for his
life, retaining the succession for his children. However, Aberdeen seems to
have blundered him back again. He is to go to see the King on Saturday. The
King desired he might come early, that he might not be obliged to have him
to dinner, and he desired Aberdeen would remain in the room.
Pozzo thinks the French Government is gaining strength; but they are very
inefficient in preventing armed men from assembling on the frontiers of
Spain.
The French have exercised such coldness towards the Belgians that they are
become unpopular. De Potter was French while he had hopes of becoming so.
Now he is a Republican.
The Austrians will send troops into the Sardinian dominions if there is any
insurrection. [Footnote: They had similarly interfered to put down the
Constitutional movement in Piedmont which followed on the Neapolitan
revolution of 1821.] This by invitation.
The Queen of Spain has, it is said, a son. [Footnote: It was a daughter,
afterwards Queen Isabella II., born October 10, 1830. The alteration of the
succession in favour of the female line led to a civil war on Ferdinand
VII.'s death. A son might have secured peace, but probably without a
Constitution.] This event would, it is thought, secure Spain against any
revolutionary movement.
_October 15._
Called on the Duke. Settled with him the alterations necessary in the
Chairs' memorandum of the conversation on the 12th. He thought we had gone
too far in leading them to expect they should be repaid the money they had
sunk in the territory while they held the Government.
Received from him the opium letter. He thinks the principle good, but
considers it is not fair to make the Scindians prevent the transit of
opium. We cannot prevent them, for they are independent; but unless we
endeavour to persuade them, and succeed in doing so, we shall lose our
opium revenue.
_October 16._
Chairs at 11. Head over with them my alterations of their protocol. Astell
did not seem to see the greatness of the variations. Campbell did, and
particularly observed upon the words, 'value of the fixed property in India
which might be adjudged to appertain to the Company in their commercial
capacity.' He wanted an admission of the justice of the claims, leaving
nothing for adjustment but their amount. I said we could not admit claims
without examination, the nature of which we did not yet know. All we could
admit was that the claims were such as should be submitted to examination,
and their validity decided upon just principles.
Astell wished to go back again and recommence the discussion. I said he
knew I could decide nothing without the Cabinet, and he nothing without the
Court; all he had to do now was to bring the subject before them.
He asked whether they were distinctly to understand that the Cabinet had
decided upon the termination of the monopoly? I said that the question not
having yet been before the Cabinet I could not give an answer officially;
but when the First Lord of the Treasury and the President of the Board of
Control desired to know what the course of the Court would be in the event
of its being proposed that the Court should administer the Government
without monopoly, I thought it was not difficult to draw an inference.
_October 19._
Sent to the Duke a memorandum on his letter. Read at the Cabinet room. The
King of the Netherlands is much annoyed at the desertion, as he thinks it,
of his allies. He now proposes a Congress of the Four Powers and _France_
at Breda or Cleves. He admits France very unwillingly, and by no means
acquiesces in the reasoning in favour of the advance we made.
Sir Ch. Bagot seems to think the Prince of Orange will be losing the
affection of the Dutch without gaining the Belgians.
The German Confederation is arming in the neighbourhood of Hanau for the
preservation of the peace. They have put 6,000 or 7,000 men in motion, and
have a reserve of 15,000 or 18,000.
The excitement against Polignac and Peyronnet increases, and the Ministers
run the hazard of their places by attempting to save them. I fear that is
hopeless. The Spanish Radicals seem to find it would be dangerous to pass
the frontier.
_October 20._
Office. Cabinet room. The Prince of Orange has written a most offensive
letter to the King of the French, almost insinuating that the troubles in
Belgium are fomented by France, and saying that by a declaration against
the Belgians France would show her good faith, and secure the recognition
of Russia. The French Cabinet is much offended at the silence of the King
of the Netherlands, and Count Molé is going to write to the Dutch Minister
upon the subject.
Nesselrode seems to see great difficulties in the intervention of France in
the settlement of Belgium--the union of Belgium and Holland having been
made _against_ France. The Russian Minister at the Hague has general
directions to follow the course of England upon all points not provided for
by his instructions.
There is a great fall in the Funds to-day; partly, it is said, in
consequence of those who desired to keep up the Funds being no longer able
to do so; partly from the general aspect of affairs. My surprise is that
the Funds have not fallen before, and much more.
Cabinet dinner at the Duke's. Showed the protocol of our Conference with
the Chairs. The heads of the speech were read. Aberdeen's will not do at
all. To my surprise he intended to announce the recognition of Miguel, he
having engaged to do a great act of justice; that is, to publish the
amnesty. He will not do it till a British Minister arrives at Lisbon; that
is, he makes us, whom he has once deceived, dependent upon his word. This
would be a very incautious step on our part. We meet on Friday to consider
the speech in detail.
We had a good deal of conversation about the Duchess of Kent's allowance,
which is to be much increased. It is proposed to give her 20,000£ a year.
She has now 12,000£ for herself and the Princess, out of which she pays
interest and insurance upon 12,000£ she borrowed on the Duke of Kent's
death for her outfit.
The King has about thirty people at dinner every day, belonging to the
Household. His expense must be enormous in living.
_October 21._
Read in the newspaper the King of the Netherlands' speech. It is querulous
and angry. I really thought the Proclamation _extraordinary_ of the Prince
of Orange a forgery; but it is genuine, and he throws off all connection
with Holland, declaring the independence of Belgium, and placing himself
practically at the head of the Rebellion!
On Monday night at a dance at the Lodge, Hardinge saw accidentally in an
evening newspaper, shown to him for another purpose, the advertisement of
the Anti-Union Association, and by seven o'clock the next morning the Lord
Lieutenant's Proclamation prohibiting it was placarded in the streets. This
is decision. There was no riot. Persons in general were satisfied the act
was right. O'Connell is alarmed. The Duke of Leinster is ready to sign a
declaration in favour of the Union. All is safe in Ireland with Hardinge's
promptitude. I wish he could remain and not come over to Parliament.
_October 22._
Saw Campbell, who was very nervous and anxious, and I at night wrote a
letter to Lord Hill in favour of his son--more, I admit, from a father's
feelings than from a conviction of being right.
It seems the Lord Lieutenant not having been near Dublin when the
Proclamation was issued by Hardinge, he must have had a blank Proclamation
in his pocket, and have issued it without the opinion of the law officers.
He has good debatable Parliamentary grounds of defence; but he has trodden
upon the margin of the law. Not the worse for that in these times, when it
is most important that every one should see the Government are vigilant and
determined.
Valdez, who entered Spain with a few hundred men, has been smashed at once.
At the Cabinet we had a long discussion respecting the Regency question.
Aberdeen started the objection that the proposed measure was destructive of
the principle that the King could not die. On the other hand it was
contended that we maintained that principle. We made a Regent for _a King_.
We acknowledged _a King_; but we deferred taking the oath of allegiance
till we knew who he was. The difficulties attending the _unkinging_ of a
Sovereign on the birth of a Prince nearer to the present King seem greater
than any attending the measure proposed. It was ultimately determined that
the Chancellor should consult the judges and the law officers.
_October 23._
Cabinet. Twenty-six magistrates at Canterbury sentenced to three days'
imprisonment threshing machine breakers, who pleaded guilty! Such has been
the terror struck into them! Sir E. Knatchbull was in the chair.
We went through the speech--not deciding absolutely upon the words; but
generally upon the substance.
Then arose a conversation as to the Regency which, in this last hour, is
thought a point of importance. The Chancellor seems alarmed and unwilling
to move the suspension of the rights of the presumptive heir until the non-
existence of an heir apparent be ascertained, without the opinion of the
judges. It is admitted there is no written opinion to guide us. The analogy
of property is in favour of the heir presumptive; that of peerage in favour
of the heir apparent _in utero_.
_October 24._
Cabinet at 4. Read two letters from Hardinge. By his account all the men of
property will support the Government and the Union.
The press is coming round--_bought_. A Mr. Conway, an able writer, is
furious against O'Connell, and, upon the whole, the Press is on our side.
Hardinge dilates with delight upon his military preparations and plans of
defence, and seemingly will be disappointed if he cannot put them into
execution.
The Belgian Ministers resigned after the Prince of Orange's Proclamation.
He is left without advisers. He has endeavoured to get Sir Charles Bagot to
join him, and Grasioff. He sends for Cartwright. He seems much embarrassed.
In fact he is in heart a Belgian, and would sacrifice everything to be King
of Belgium. He never knew the Dutch, and not unnaturally likes the Belgians
better. They are indignant at his conduct in Holland, and with reason. He
seems to intend to rule the Dutch by means of the Belgians. This he cannot
do.
The Duke of Wellington always thought him a silly fellow.
The Provisional Government is going to send some mission here.
We had a long talk about the Regency. Really it does us little credit to
begin now, within ten days of the meeting of Parliament, to consider that
question seriously.
The Chief Justices will be asked whether, supposing the Queen to be
pregnant at the death of the King, the next living heir would succeed? How
in the event of the birth of a child the _de facto_ Sovereign is to be put
aside? And what should be done if the Queen only may be with child? The
difficulty consists in the oath of allegiance, which must be altered and
made conditional. But what a curious position the Queen Victoria would be
placed in, if a baby were to oust her after eight months of reign!
I think the course adopted will be this--to make an oath of allegiance
conditional, saving the rights of a child to be born; to appoint the Regent
who would be named for the Princess Victoria, with the provision that on
the birth of a child the child's mother shall be Regent.
_October 25._
Cabinet at 4. Peel read letters he had received from Mr. Foster, the
magistrate of Manchester, Mr. Hulton, of Hulton, and a manufacturer whose
name I forget. They all give an alarming account of the state of
Manchester. The colliers have turned out in some districts, and where they
have turned out the mills are necessarily stopped. This has thrown numbers
out of employment. These colliers can earn 10_s_. a day; that is, as much
as many clergymen. The spinners can earn 5_s_. a day. Yet they turn out.
This seems to be a manoeuvre like that of Lafitte when he refused to
discount bills. To stop the supply of coal is to throw all mills out of
work, and every one out of employment. The question is, Shall the masters
resist? If they do, there will be an early collision. If they do not, they
may defer it, but not long. Concession was counselled six weeks ago, on the
ground that, after the events in Belgium and in France, collision was
dangerous; and this even by bold men. It seems there are 3,000 infantry, 3
guns, and about 600 or 800 cavalry near Manchester. Perhaps some howitzers
may be sent, but more force there is not. Peel at the Cabinet wrote a
letter to Mr. Taylor, saying that under ordinary circumstances he should
have counselled resistance or rather non-concession; but now it was a
doubtful question whether a collision at Manchester would not lead to
collision in many other places, and was our force sufficient? He was
desired to see Mr. Hulton, Sir E. Bouverie, and others, and to consider
what could be done, particularly whether Volunteer Corps could be formed.
The delegates who went to Mr. Chappell seem to be amenable to the law and
get-at-able. This will be done.
The law officers came in and were asked as to the power of the Crown to
permit the formation of Volunteer Corps. They were desired to consider the
point. By the Act of 1794 there seems to be no doubt about it.
Hardinge is arrived. He has been calling out O'Connell. I am sorry for it,
for O'Connell had declared he would not fight. O'Connell had called him the
Duke's aide-de-camp. So far it does good, that it lowers O'Connell still
more, and destroys the value of anything he might say against Hardinge.
_October 26._
Called on Hardinge. He says the accounts from Manchester to-day are worse.
In the House Lord Hill showed me a letter (from Sir E. Bouverie, I think),
giving a very alarming account--30,000 out of work, and apprehension of
early collision.
Parliament opened. Took the oaths. Office. Lord Dalhousie was so ill on
June 4 that I have no idea of his being now Commander-in-Chief in India.
Received a summons to a Cabinet at four _precisely_, and went to the
Foreign Office; but nobody came. I think it must have been summoned to meet
at Peel's house. The times are so critical that I should be sorry to lose a
Cabinet. I could not find out that any summonses had been sent from the
Foreign Office. There was a crowd of people in Downing Street, who had, I
dare say, followed the Duke from the House of Lords. There were a good many
about the House. All quite quiet.
_October 27._
_Levée_ at two. Addresses from the Church of Scotland, and the Lord Mayor
and Corporation of Dublin. Dr. Chalmers was with the Church of Scotland.
The Recorder of Dublin, Mr. Shaw, who is member for Dublin, made a speech
before he read the address--a thing quite unprecedented, and which might be
very inconvenient. The speech itself was innocent. The _levée_ by no means
full.
Peel had an audience of the King, and in half an hour the King slept twenty
minutes. He says he never knew any man so much altered in three months. His
somnolency increases. He slept during an interview with Aberdeen yesterday.
When the Duke saw him he was alive enough.
Cabinet. Prince at the Chancellor's. Some conversation respecting the
burnings in Kent. Peel thinks they were effected by a chemical process, by
some substance deposited hours before, and igniting when the perpetrators
are far off. The persons who met Lord Winchilsea expressed detestation of
the burnings, and went away to break threshing machines, but a man who
committed persons for breaking threshing machines had his ricks burnt;
another suffered the same thing who defended his threshing machines. I
believe the two offences to be committed by the same persons. The
magistrates are supine and terror-struck; but they have no police, no
military. Sir E. Knatchbull doubts whether they would arm as yeomen. Peel
does not seem to me to view with sufficient alarm the effect these burnings
will produce upon men's minds, and the example of impunity. Nothing was
said about Manchester. All seemed to think less seriously of our dangers
than they did some days back.
The law officers mean to give in their report on the case put to them to-
morrow. They will say it is not provided for. The Chancellor has the judges
at dinner on Friday, and he will then obtain theirs.
_October 28._
Captain Harvey of the 4th Dragoons called by the King's desire to say the
King of Persia told him when he was at Teheran that he was hurt at not
receiving a letter from the King. I told Captain Harvey the King had
announced his accession to the Shah of Persia as he had to other
sovereigns. Captain Harvey was interpreter to his regiment. It seemed to me
that he rather wished to command the Persian troops. He is brother to the
tutor to Prince George of Cambridge. He is a very gentlemanlike man.
The French insist on having the conferences respecting the settlement of
Belgium at Paris, if there are to be any regular conferences. They cannot
permit Talleyrand to act for them. The French would be jealous of him, &c.
We had wished to have the conferences here for the very reason that we
thought Talleyrand would do his utmost to have the credit of preserving
peace. I see there will be no Congress. The French think that, if they
stand still, the fruit will fall into their mouths. The folly of the Prince
of Orange will ruin his party in Belgium. The ambition of the Belgians will
induce them to attempt to form a separate State, which after much disorder
will be found impracticable; and as they will not become Dutch, they _will_
become French. Then we shall have a war, and present forbearance only
postpones it. All the Volunteers who are acting in Belgium are French. All
the forces in the field are commanded by Frenchmen. French money is
employed. The French are really now carrying on the war covertly.
Russia is paralysed by the devastating progress of the cholera morbus which
has reached Moscow. The Emperor is gone to Moscow to establish order and
obedience, for the civil and military authorities are quarrelling, and the
troops are unwilling to form the cordon. All cordons I believe to be
fruitless. It would be as wise to form a cordon against the wind. The
disease advances, however, along the high roads and navigable rivers. It is
the most extraordinary plague we have had.
Prussia cannot act for fear of disorders at home, and Austria is literally
the only power to which war is possible. The French dare not go to war for
fear of a Republic.
It seems the French Ministry will be partially changed, the Due de Broglie
and Guizot going out. The Due de Broglie seems to be a pedantic coxcomb.
I pity the King of the Netherlands, who is a good man. To be hated by two-
thirds of his subjects, betrayed by his foolish son, and abandoned as he
thinks by his allies, must be great trials to him; while, although the
Dutch adore him and really love him, they will not give him money, and I
have a little doubt whether they will fight much. Probably, however, the
fear of pillage will make them do that for themselves.
Read a very well-written pamphlet in reply to Brougham's two. I suspect the
writer is Philpotts. It is too powerful for an ordinary man, and far beyond
Croker. Neither is it in his style. Brougham has made Ridgway put forth a
letter stating that he never communicated upon the subject of the pamphlet
with Brougham--which is no denial that it is Brougham's.
It is a good and useful pamphlet, and will teach the Whigs good manners by
showing them they cannot commit aggression with impunity. There is no part
much better done than that in which the falsehood and absurdity are shown
of what was said in the Brougham pamphlets respecting me. To be sure my
champion had a good case. What was said about me rather leads me to think
Lord Durham or T. Moore had a hand in it.
_October 29._
The letters from Manchester recommend resistance on the part of the
masters--that is, non-concession. This will put the colliers to the
necessity of adopting _force_, and in the defence of property we should
commence the contest, which can only be deferred, with great advantage. Mr.
Foster thinks the views of the Union have been shaken by the increase of
force near Manchester; and that, although there might be much disturbance,
the event would not be doubtful. One committee of the Union has proposed
acquiescence in the masters' terms.
The accounts from Kent are bad. Peel has offered to send down a magistrate
and police officers, and to go to any expense.
He was to receive Mr. Hammond, Plumptree, Lord Camden, and others to-day.
Poor Lord Camden, in the meantime, has the lumbago.
_October 30._
Cabinet. A very bad account of Manchester. No means of raising Volunteer
corps. Little hope of uniting the masters. The operatives triumphant. No
disposition, however, on their part to come to blows, and a confidence on
the part of the magistrates that a fight would be in their favour; but then
they must have _troops_, keep all they have, and get more if possible.
Mr. Taylor recommends that constables should have the power of arresting
_picketers_ without warrant.
Went through the speech. It will do very well now.
Spoke to the Duke about Indian finance, and told him the result. He wished
to see all the papers, which were not yet quite ready. In the meantime
nothing is to be done, and we are to appoint the Committee.
The Attorney and Solicitor-General deprecate the prosecution of a libel
transmitted for their opinion, and say they think it unadvisable to
prosecute without the sanction of Parliament! What this means I do not
know, unless it means that they are cowed.
There is an infamous article in the _Times_ to-day, against the conduct of
the farmers and country gentlemen, and there are worse in the _Morning
Chronicle_.
Had some conversation after dinner at St. James's with Frankland Lewis. He
longs for the Grants. I told him it would not do, and what sort of a man
Charles Grant was. Frankland Lewis does not seem to like his office, but he
says he shall bring it into order if he remains there, and make it a Privy
Councillor's office without drudgery. He and, indeed, all seem to wish they
were better and more boldly led in the House of Commons. All we want is
that.
_October 31._
Cabinet. On Monday the 25th the Prince of Orange left Antwerp. He embarked,
and intended to go to see his father, and then to come to England! On the
26th General Mellinot marched in and went on to Breda, with 5,000 men. On
the 27th (there having been a parley on the 26th), the populace attempted
to seize the arsenal. The citadel fired. The, town was on fire when Mr.
Cartwright came away, and is nearly destroyed.
At Maidstone two or three ringleaders were seized very gallantly by the
magistrates, and carried off to the gaol by the cavalry at a canter.
However, there are but thirty-four troopers there. So four troops have been
sent from Windsor, a depot from some other place, and two guns from
Woolwich. All this was rendered necessary by an intended meeting on
Penenden Heath to-morrow. March, the Solicitor of the Treasury, is gone
down.
There was much conversation about the state of the Press, and a resolution
taken to prosecute, notwithstanding the unwillingness of the law officers.
Scarlet appears to be quite cowed by opposition and the Press.
This Press may be bought, but we have no money. Five-sixths of the Foreign
Secret Service money are preoccupied by permanent old charges--the Secret
Service money of the Treasury is preoccupied in the same way.
There is a small sum of droits which may be turned over to the Privy Purse,
and then by the King to the Government, but it is not more than 3,000£. It
is thought that perhaps some of the pensions on the Secret Service money of
the Treasury may be turned over to the Foreign Office. The Treasury money
is the only money applicable to the purchase of newspapers.
We twaddled a great deal over the speech. It was proposed by Peel to insert
a paragraph referring to the disturbed state of the country. He will write
it, and we shall consider it in a Cabinet at St. James's to-morrow at one,
before the Council.
Lord Bathurst is more alarmed than any one; but Peel is a good deal alarmed
too.
There is _danger_, for there are many to attack and few ready to risk
anything in defence. It was otherwise in 1793.
The Duke thinks that with every disposition to do mischief there is no
conspiracy, or we should have heard of it.
_November 1._
Cabinet at St. James's at one. The Lord-Lieutenant has prohibited, by
Proclamation, the meeting of the Volunteer Society. Very properly and
consistently. It was a much more dangerous society than the other. He is a
firm man, not to be turned from the course he thinks right.
O'Connell has not been spoken to in the clubs he has entered. At Brookes's
they turned their backs upon him.
There was no meeting at Maidstone. Probably they had intimation of the
movements of troops. Lord Beresford told me there were 3,000 artillerymen
at Woolwich, enough to serve guns for an army.
Went through the speech again. Aberdeen is the most obstinate man I ever
saw, about the mere _words_ of his part of the speech. We lost half an hour
at least in talking about words to-day. Peel read his concluding sentence,
which is very good. He laments the outrages, and the attempt to disturb the
concord between portions of the empire whose union is essential to their
mutual strength and happiness, declares the King's determination to exert
the powers confided to him by the Law and the Constitution for the
punishment of sedition, and ends by expressing a firm reliance on the
loyalty of the great body of the people.
As far as I could judge by the King's countenance when the speech was read,
he acquiesced, and thought it right, but was pained at being obliged to
hold such language.
I had prepared a paragraph to be used in case it had been thought right to
say anything about India. For my own part I thought it better not. We could
not produce a measure this year, and it would hardly be fair by the Court
to declare to Parliament that we thought the monopoly must be put an end to
without having previously acquainted them with our determination. The Duke
said he had seen nothing yet to satisfy him that the revenues of India
could meet the expenditure without the China trade. I think his reluctance
increases to put an end to the present system. My disposition to terminate
the existence of the Company increases the more I see of them.
_November 2_
House at five. Lord Bute made a very long, heavy speech. Lord Monson a very
little one, not bad. The stuff would do; but he has neither stature nor
voice.
We then had Lord Winchilsea, Lord Camden, Duke of Leinster, and Lord
Farnham. Lord Winchilsea right in tone, but desiring inquiry into
agricultural distress. This, too, was the burden of a mouthy speech made by
the Duke of Richmond, whom I had nearly forgotten. Lord Farnham spoke, as
he always does, well. He deprecated the dissolution of the Union, but
desired relief for Ireland. This, too, was desired by the Duke of Leinster,
who spoke very firmly, as all did, against agitators.
Lord Grey said it was a moment of great _danger_ and _importance_.
Fortitude, caution, and wisdom were required. He spoke strongly against the
dissolution of the Union, and against the disturbers of the public peace
everywhere. He used the words of the speech, _grief_ and _indignation_. He
joined in the determination to put down sedition by law. Rejoiced no new
laws were asked for. Approved of the prompt recognition of King Louis
Philippe; lamented the _necessity_ of the French Revolution. Said 'all
Revolutions were in themselves evils,' although they might produce eventual
good. Expressed his hope, for the honour of France and for the interests of
Liberty, that they would not sully a Revolution hitherto unstained by a
single act of vengeance. This part of his speech was very well worded and
spoken. He objected to the terms in which the passage respecting the
Netherlands was worded, as seeming to cast all the blame upon the Belgians,
and so to make our mediation less effectual. He likewise objected to the
making the Portuguese Amnesty a seeming condition of the recognition of
Miguel. Of the recognition itself he did not complain, as he had so long
been King _de facto_. These objections were fair.
Lord Farnham having suggested the necessity of preparing for war, Lord Grey
said the preparation should be by gaining the hearts of our own people--and
he advocated, but very temperately, Reform. He did not, however, allow that
there was any abstract right to a particular mode of constituting a
Legislature. The right of the people was to a _good Government_, and to
whatever form of Legislative Assembly might seem best to secure that
Government.
His speech was good, and temperate, as well as firm. The Duke of Wellington
followed him. He declared his intention to oppose Reform. He said we were
not bound to interfere for the maintenance of the Amnesty further than by
advice and remonstrance, not by war.
I should mention that Lord Grey seemed pleased by the abandonment of the
droits. He was not very well, and at times was almost unable to proceed.
Upon the whole the tone of the debate was very good, and will do good.
_November 3._
Office at eleven to see Col. Houston.
Upon the whole the debate in the Commons was satisfactory. Peel was very
much cheered. O'Connell spoke well, and was heard in perfect silence.
Brougham made an ordinary speech; theme a bad one, violent.
There was much row in the streets yesterday; but all occasioned by attacks
upon the police, and attempts to rescue pickpockets. The Guards were called
out rather hastily. Colonel Rowan who commands the police has begged they
may be left to themselves. They are quite strong enough.
Cabinet dinner at Lord Rosslyn's. No House of Commons people there. The
Prince of Orange is come. He has written to the King, and is to see him to-
morrow. It seems there are 7,500 men in the citadel of Antwerp, which can
only hold 2,000, and has provisions only for two months. The forts of Lillo
and Liefkenshoek are ill-garrisoned; so is Breda, and so is Bergen-op-zoom.
The Dutch have not 4,000 men in the field near Breda. The question is,
whether the evacuation of the citadel of Antwerp would not be advisable for
the purpose of getting out the 7,500 men. It seems that if Flushing be
held, the Scheld is of no use. The Conference respecting Belgian affairs
meets to-morrow, Talleyrand being sole representative of France. The first
object will be to establish an armistice.
After dinner we had some conversation respecting the debate in the Commons
of last night. Peel is disgusted at not being supported by the three
Cabinet Ministers present, who knew the whole subject which had been so
often discussed in Cabinet--yet not one of them rose to answer Brougham.
The Duke is very angry with them, and says he shall take an opportunity of
advising Peel in their presence never to rise till Brougham has spoken, let
others be abused as they may. If the three mutes will not speak, it is
clear they will not remain in very long.
I consider a debate to be a battle, in which the chief should be able to
put every man into the fight, as he would every battalion, with a view to
the ultimate object; he himself being the reserve.
_November 4._
It seems Sir G. Murray did speak last night, but he went further than he
intended on Reform, and so rather damaged our position as a Government.
Office. Saw Mr. Sullivan. He seems a sensible, liberal man. His evidence
would be a death-blow to the government of the Company. He says the cotton
of Coimbatore is carried to Tinnevelly and thence to Madras by country
boats, where it is taken up by the China ships. It might be sent directly
to the sea on the Malabar coast, the distance being 300 miles. There is no
obstruction to the cultivation. The country is under a Ryotwar settlement.
The unequal demand of the Company is very injurious. Their great demand at
some periods encourages cultivation and raises prices exorbitantly--the
next year there is no demand at all. They now purchase by contract. The
contracts are too large for the native merchants, and fall, as jobs, into
the hands of Europeans. Sufficient notice is not given of the contract. The
native merchants have from one lac to one and a half.
Great injury is sustained by the tobacco monopoly. The Company's officers
sell it as retailers. The Government is, as I always thought, practically
in the hands of the natives. They require European co-operation, but if
they combine against their European superior he can do nothing. House at
five. Lord Winchilsea made a violent tirade against the Administration,
without any motion before the House. The Duke made a few observations on
the point of order very quietly, and we rose.
_November 5._
St. James's at half-past one. The clergy of the Province of Canterbury were
there, with their address on the accession. They were not expected, and
there were no gentlemen pensioners. However, they delivered their address
to the King on the throne, and a very good address it was. Peel had to
write the answer in a hurry.
Recorder's report. One man left for execution for a street robbery
accompanied with violence.
The Recorder gave but a bad account of the disposition of the City. The
Chancellor seems a good deal alarmed, and so does Peel. Every precaution is
taken, but I cannot help fearing there is a conspiracy of which we know
nothing. Aberdeen suspects connection with France.
We are to inquire into the circumstances of the fires in Normandy, which
seem very much to resemble ours. We have had one near Godstone, and another
at Fair-lawn, in Kent; the sufferers unoffending persons. The object seems
to be to spread general terror. It is clear that they are effected by the
discharge of some chemical preparation, which ignites after a time. No
watching has any effect. Fires take place where no one has approached.
Goulburn told me he thought Sir G. Murray had said much more than he
intended, purely from want of habit of speaking; still he had done much
injury.
The new French Ministry is formed, and Lafitte is at its head. He pretends
to have the same views as the late Ministry; but it is impossible to
suppose the French can resist the offer of Belgium. We shall have no war if
we can preserve internal peace and the integrity of the Constitution.
_November 6._
A letter from Hardinge, who seems to think we stand ill, not for want of
numbers, but of speakers. Astell told me the Duke's declaration against
Reform had injured him in the City.
Saw Wortley, and had a long conversation with him respecting the state of
the Government. He thinks we cannot go on. The Duke's declaration against
Reform has made it impossible for any to join him, and upon the question of
Reform it is doubtful if we should have numbers enough.
We talked over possible Governments on the supposition that Lord Grey was
at the head, and that Peel remained in. In walking away I was overtaken in
Downing Street by Lord Graham, who had been waiting to speak to me on the
same subject. He seems to think our fall not so immediately necessary as
Wortley does. I then called on Hardinge, who had been with the Duke this
morning. Hardinge had candidly told the Duke that if he had a minority on
Reform, or a small majority, he would advise him to resign; and previously
to tell the King in what a situation he stood. If he had a good majority he
might perhaps get some to join; but if not, the position of the Government
would be as bad in February, or worse, than it was now. The Duke said he
thought things might do still. He had a number of young men who depended
upon him. He would take care to give the King timely notice. The King had
behaved very well to him. Indeed I know the Duke feels very strongly how
admirably and how kindly the King has behaved.
Lord Maryborough had been to Hardinge to express his fears for the Duke's
life, and the Duke has received many letters informing him there is a
conspiracy to assassinate him on Tuesday, as he goes to Guildhall.
Hardinge said every precaution should be taken, but he begged Lord
Maryborough not to tell the Duke his apprehensions. Hardinge, however, has
the same; and fears there may be an attempt that day to make London a scene
of barricades like Paris and Brussels. Troops will be disposed at intervals
in bodies of half battalions, with provisions, and there will be 1,000
cavalry. Two guns will be ready with the marines at the obelisk, and two in
the park. Hardinge observed to the Duke that he knew he had bolts inside to
the doors of the carnage, and added, 'I shall take pocket pistols!' The
Duke said, 'Oh! I shall have pistols in the carriage.' Hardinge asked the
Duke to take him, which he does. Arbuthnot goes with the Duke, too. I wish
I could manage to follow him in my carriage. I shall buy a brace of double-
barrelled pocket pistols on Monday. Hardinge showed me his.
The Duke has made himself very obnoxious by declaring his resolution to
oppose Reform, which in fact, however, he did not do in such terms as has
been said.
Hardinge told me there was a proposal to Palmerston and others in the
summer, and they at once started the difficulty of Reform, which put an end
to the negotiation. If I thought Reform would tranquillise the country I
should be quite satisfied with a change of Ministers which would produce
internal contentment, but that I do not expect.
I shall take care to have records in the office to show the line I was
prepared to take on the East Indian Monopoly, and the steps already taken.
I shall likewise leave a memorandum upon the alterations I propose in the
army.
_November 7, Sunday._
All the morning occupied with a letter on the Salt question. At half-past
two rode to the Cabinet robin. The Cabinet was to meet at three. We did
not, however, all assemble till four, the Duke having been with Peel at the
Home Office.
Before the Duke came we had all been talking of the Lord Mayor's Day, and
the manner in which we should go into the City and return, and the
precautions taken against riot.
The Duke and Peel came together, and it was evident from the first words
the Duke spoke that he and Peel had made up their minds to put off the
King's visit to the City. The Chancellor seemed almost to take fire at the
idea of this, but the Duke very quietly begged him to hear the letters
before he decided. The Duke then read various letters he had received, all
warning him against going, as there was a plot to assassinate him, and
raise a tumult. One of them was from Pearson, a Radical attorney. There was
one from a coachmaker, saying he was satisfied, from what his men told him,
there was such a design, and offering to come with eighteen of his people
and guard the Duke. There was another offer, in a letter not read, to the
same effect. There was an examination of a man who serves a Radical
printer, and who formerly lived with Cobbett, which showed the intention to
exist of attacking the Duke. The impression seemed to be general that the
attempt would be made. There was a letter from the Lord Mayor elect
(Alderman Key) to the Duke, telling him there was an intention amongst
disaffected persons to excite tumult and confusion, and to attack him; that
he could not be in safety without a guard, and a strong one; and that if an
attack was made _in one quarter_ the civil force would not be sufficient.
The Duke said he would not go. Peel, who had received many letters
informing him of the intention to assassinate him, said if he went he would
go privately, and come away privately. He observed that if our force, the
disposition of which was mentioned, and was admirable, succeeded in putting
down a riot along the line of the procession, he could not answer for the
security of life or property in other parts of the town. We had information
that the Duke's house would be attacked while he was in the City, and it
was to be feared that fires might take place to exercise terror and create
a diversion.
The feeling in the Duke's mind was that we should not be justified in
giving an occasion for the shedding of blood, by means of a crowd of our
own making. The consequences of the collision would be incalculable, and
might affect all parts of England.
The consequences of putting off the King's visit were not lost sight of;
the effect it would produce on the Funds, and on public confidence--all
that would be said against the Government as weighing down the King by its
unpopularity.
The letter it was proposed to send was written, and the Duke and Peel went
with it to the King at a little before seven.
While they were gone the feeling of the Cabinet underwent a change. Lord
Bathurst first observed that it would put an end to the Government, and
carry Reform. The Chancellor was most unwilling to postpone the King's
visit. It would be said we did it for our sakes only, and sacrificed him.
Lord Bathurst thought the King would take the advice, but be very angry,
and get rid of us.
There would be a violent storm in Parliament, and the mobs would come to
our houses. All these feelings rested upon the supposition that the
procession could return without a tumult, but the letter had been written
on the supposition _that it could not_; which was the correct one. The Duke
and Peel came back and told us the King had thought the advice quite right,
and had behaved as well as possible. The tears were in his eyes while the
Lord Mayor's letter was read. He said he had already determined in his own
mind to bring the Duke and Peel back in his own carriage. The Duke thought
the King had rather expected the advice, and that his mind was relieved by
it.
We knew the Queen was much alarmed; but it had been said that the King
would not hear of there being any danger.
The account of the King's manner of receiving the advice seemed to
tranquillise those who had before been dissatisfied with the resolution
which had been come to. We then went to the Home Office, where we found
Alderman Thompson, Mr. Oldham (the Chairman of the Entertainment
Committee), Lord Hill, Lord F. Somerset, Sir W. Gordon, General Macdonald,
and Mr. Phillips. There were two City men I did not know.
The Duke told them the course we had determined to adopt. Alderman Thompson
said he anticipated the decision--that it could not be announced in more
proper terms. There would be disappointment undoubtedly, but he thought
people in general would be satisfied with the reasons. He was almost in
tears, and indeed all were much affected--the _cause_ of the measure being
the apprehended danger to the Duke.
Just as the letter was going off Alderman Thompson observed that although
he had no doubt the letter from the Lord Mayor elect was written by his
authority, as it was in a handwriting in which a letter had been received
from him by the Entertainment Committee, yet it was not in the Lord Mayor
elect's handwriting, nor was it dated or signed by him as the other letter
was. It was immediately determined that it must be ascertained whether the
Lord Mayor elect had authorised the sending of the letter before Peel's
letter to the Lord Mayor was delivered.
Many began to think there was a hoax, and certainly the forgery of one
letter would have thrown suspicion upon all the rest.
We were to meet at half-past ten. In going down at half-past ten I called
upon Hardinge, who was in his dressing-gown. His servant gone to bed. He
did not seem at all surprised.
Went on to the Cabinet room. Found every word of the letter was in the
Lord Mayor elect's own handwriting.
Mr. Phillips, Sir R. Binnie, and Col. Rowan came in, and Lord F. Somerset,
and Sir W. Gordon. The artillerymen and marines, of whom there were to have
been 500, with two guns, at the Obelisk, are not to be moved up. All the
other troops are to remain, and every precaution to be taken, as an attempt
to create disturbance may be expected on Tuesday.
After we had disposed of this matter we spoke a little of Civil List and
Regency. Notice is to be given to-morrow of the two bills, _as if we were
still a Government_, but I now think nothing but general alarm can enable
us to weather the question of Reform.
_November 8._
The letter to the Lord Mayor is in the _Times_, and the measure is
temperately approved of.
At the same time the result of the Conference on the affairs of Belgium is
announced--namely, the declaration that there must be an armistice. This
will, I trust, give more solid expectations of peace than men have
entertained since the King's Speech. The opening of the West India ports to
American ships is likewise announced. Both the measures are well-timed.
Rode down to the Horse Guards. Overtaken by the Duke, who said he heard
that people were delighted with the measure of postponing the King's visit
to the City. However, whether they _would say so_ was another thing. He
spoke with much feeling of the King's kindness. He said he had behaved as
well as possible.
Some boys hooted, but in general people took off their hats.
Dodd, the coachmaker, told me the people in his neighbourhood were almost
all well-disposed. There were very few Radicals. Colonel Jones had told him
he could get very few people to attend his meetings, and none who were
respectable.
Met Hardinge. He considers it to be the end of the Government. We met Lord
Hill, who lamented the measure, but concluded it was necessary. Went to the
office, where I saw Wortley. He thought it a sad business, and fatal to the
Government. He said London had been full of reports yesterday. Wynne was
talked of for the India Board.
Hardinge's idea (as well as the reports) was that Leach would be
Chancellor, and Brougham Master of the Rolls.
All the world was much amused by the Chancellor's giving a dinner to Lord
Grey, Brougham, Lord Lansdowne, and others. They themselves must have been
much amused, and the Chancellor's not getting to dinner till a quarter past
eight, and going away at a quarter-past ten, must have satisfied them that
something was in the wind.
Desired Jones to make out the appointment of Leach's son to a clerkship
immediately, and signed it in the course of the evening.
House at five. It was very full. Every Whig who is above ground and some
who are half under it were present. After an hour of talk about everything
but the only thing men were thinking of, the Duke of Richmond outed with it
in an offensive manner, and he is the last man who should have done so. The
Duke made his explanation very well. Lord Grey afterwards spoke in a very
bad temper, with personal civility, however, to the Duke. The Duke replied,
which prevented my speaking at all. Lord Grey had spoken 'of measures
tending to bring this country into the situation in which France was the
time of the late Revolution;' words which should have been taken up, but
the Duke's rising after him prevented it.
Upon the whole I think the measure is considered right, and people are very
glad; indeed, the danger is no longer hanging over their heads. I hear that
in the Commons Peel did admirably, and that he was cheered by the whole
House when a Colonel Davies _sneered_ at the letter from the Lord Mayor to
the Duke. Brougham made as mischievous a speech as he could.
The Chancellor gave notice of the Regency Bill for Friday.
I do not think our friends see our danger, and they will never forgive us
if we go out of office without absolute necessity.
_November 9._
Looked into the Salt question in the morning. Cabinet at two. There was
last night a meeting at the Rotunda; about 2,000 people within, and 3,000
or 4,000 without. About half-past ten they dispersed, and from 200 to 600
ran down to Westminster, first going to the House, which was up, and then
to Downing Street. The police licked them well, and sent them off. They
came so quick that a man who headed them, and brought information to the
Home Office, where Peel and the Duke were, could not, by hard running, get
in advance above a minute, and they had passed the Horse Guards before the
Duke, who went there by the back way from the Home Office, had got into the
courtyard. He was going out at the door when the porter told him the mob
was passing. One man was taken, in whose pocket was found his will, leaving
his body to form a rampart against the troops, &c.
It was determined to endeavour to induce the mob to disperse as soon as the
Rotunda was full, and then to read the Riot Act as soon as the law
justified it, and to disperse them by police. There will be common
constables there besides. Mr. Chambers will be there; and if he sends for
assistance to the Horse Guards, two bodies of fifty each, each headed by a
magistrate, will go over Westminster Bridge, one by Stamford Street, the
other by the Blackfriars Road, to the Rotunda.
There will be about 300 or 400 new police there. I suggested to Chambers
the having a boat ready to take a note to the Horse Guards, as his
messenger might be impeded in the streets. Persons are flocking in from
Brixton and Deptford, and by the Kentish roads.
Mr. Chambers represents the mob as very cowardly.
There are two shorthand writers at the Rotunda. The speeches are not very
seditious.
The _Times_ is turning against us, and I hear the Press is worse than it
was--none of the newspapers fighting our measure well.
After the Duke was gone there was a little said about Reform. Many
defections announced--the Staffords, young Hope, Lord Talbot, the Clives
very unwilling to vote against it, thinking the public feeling so strong. I
suggested that neither the Duke nor Peel had gone further than to say that
no proposition had yet been made which seemed to them to be safe, and that
we might perhaps agree to a Committee to inquire into the state of the
Representation, and afterwards defeat the specific measures. Peel said he
thought the terms of the motion did not signify. It was 'Reform, or no
Reform!' He never would undertake the question of Reform. Lord Bathurst, of
course, was against me, and generally they were; but they had, before my
suggestion, said, 'Had we not better, then, consider what we shall do?'
Afterwards they said nothing.
Peel and the Duke both think the measure generally approved, and Peel is
satisfied with the House of Commons. Goulburn, on the other hand, thinks
the general feeling is against us.
House. Nothing said. There was a crowd at the door, and much hooting. I had
to drive my horse through it. While we were in the House the mob was
removed by the police. Not knowing this, Clanwilliam and I came home in the
Duke's carriage. There was no mob till we passed Bridge Street, where there
were a good many people who recognised the carriage, and followed it
hooting. They ran into Downing Street, and we passed on through the Horse
Guards. I was glad to find a Grenadier at the Duke's. Clanwilliam said he
had ten or twelve there.
Altered the Bill respecting the fees of officers in the Superior Courts,
and sent it with a letter to Lawford, appointing eleven on Thursday for
seeing him at the office.
_November 10._
Office. Wrote a placard and showed it to Peel, who will have it printed.
The tide is turning. Carlisle began to abuse the Duke last night, and found
it would not do. Some cried out, 'He gained the Battle of Waterloo!' and
Carlisle was obliged to begin to praise him. He then tried to abuse the new
police, but that would not do, and he was obliged to praise them too.
There was a good deal of rioting in different parts of the town. The City
Police was inefficient, and at Temple Bar rascals were masters for some
time. The new police, however, gave them a terrible licking opposite
Southampton Street, and not far from Northumberland House. They got licked,
too, in Piccadilly--and the whole was put down by the Civil Power.
The military were so arranged that, had they been called for, they would
have enveloped the rioters. The thing may be considered as nearly put down,
and the Government strengthened by it.
The Funds have risen to-day, and are as high as before the postponement of
the King's visit--indeed higher. So much for Lord Clanricarde's speech.
Cabinet dinner at the Duke's. The King is anxious about the duration of his
Government. He would concede on the subject of Reform, although he is
against it. Peel told him he thought that by opposing all Reform in the
first instance the Government would be able to make better terms
afterwards. The King said either course had its conveniences and
inconveniences. He did not decide between them; but he evidently inclines
to concession.
It seems the Queen _now_ declares herself much disappointed at not going to
Guildhall, and the Fitzclarence family are turning against the Government,
wishing, as the Duke says, to be Dukes and Duchesses, which is impossible.
On Tuesday night 4,000 troops could have been collected in St. James's Park
in ten minutes. There were 2,000 police near Whitehall as a grand reserve.
The Lord Mayor wrote to Peel acknowledging the total inefficiency of the
City Police. The contrast between the City and Westminster was most
striking.
The Press is turning against us. Like cats, they are leaving the falling
house.
In the House of Commons this evening there was an almost unanimous shout
when Peel admitted that the new Bishop of Exeter was to hold the living of
Stanhope _in commendam_. It seems all unite upon that question, which is an
unlucky one, although the interference of Parliament is quite irregular.
There was much talk about the Regency question after dinner, and I left
them talking still at half-past eleven.
On Friday the Chancellor should open the question to the House, and we are
not prepared, having called Parliament together for this specific purpose!
We have neglected the Press too much. The Duke relies upon the support of
'respectable people,' and despises the rabble; but the rabble read
newspapers, and gradually carry along with them the 'respectable people'
they outnumber.
I do not think the being out of office for a Session would be of any
ultimate disadvantage to me. I am sure I should enjoy better health, and I
should have much more to do in the House. I should be enabled to regain my
proper place.
_November 11._
Office. Saw Wortley. He says the spirits of our friends are improved, and
those of our foes lowered, the few last days as to Reform. Cabinet at two.
A fire at Melton-Constable. The country round Battle and Hawkhurst almost
in insurrection. Troops sent there The accounts from France good. The
French Government acknowledges the right of the Diet to drive the Belgians
out of the Duchy of Luxembourg, which is a part of the German Empire. They
have instructed Talleyrand to promote the interests of the Prince of
Orange.
Regency Bill. Decided that the Princess Victoria shall be considered Queen,
and the oath of allegiance taken to her with the reservation of the rights
of any child that might be born. If the child should be born, the Queen
Dowager to be Regent. During the Princess's minority the Duchess of Kent.
The Duke saw the King to-day, and found him very well satisfied with the
postponement of the dinner, and tranquil.
House. The Duke of Buckingham told me they had formed their Government, and
expected to be in in a week. They think the Duke will resign after Tuesday.
Lord Grey to be Foreign Secretary. The Duke of Richmond to be First Lord of
the Treasury. Palmerston and Grant Secretaries of State. Lansdowne
President. The Government to be as Tory as possible. The Chancellor to
remain.
Lothian told me all the best old friends of the Government were against
Philpotts. I told him the reasons why Parliament should not interfere; with
which he was satisfied, and was sorry he had not heard them before.
Lord Camden spoke to me on the same subject. I wish we could get rid of
Philpotts. He will damage us more than Reform.
The Funds have risen to 84 3/4; that is, 7 1/2 per cent, in three days. I
believe this is the consequence, not only of the broken heads, but of the
idea that the Duke will be firm and not run away.
We had a two hours' talk about agriculture; the Duke acquiescing in a
motion of Salisbury's for a Committee on the Poor Laws.
_November 12._
Wrote a note to Hardinge, suggesting to him the expediency of calling upon
Dr. Philpotts and placing before him the hopelessness of his keeping
Stanhope, the damage to himself of a vote of Parliament, and to the Church
from the example of Parliamentary interference, leading him to propose the
exchange of Stanhope for a living near Exeter, and I mentioned Dr. Barnes.
If this could be managed we should turn evil into good, and avoid the
division we must lose. The Funds rose to 853/4, and then fell to 84 3/4,
being still a rise. In the City they think the Government will stand.
There have been threatening notices as near as Colnbrook. In Sussex and
Kent things are very bad. I did not, however, see Peel to-day. There was
nothing in the House.
_November 13._
It seems Peel and Scarlet licked Brougham well yesterday. The temper of the
House is said to have been rather good. Hardinge told me Goulburn made an
indifferent speech. Philpotts has so good a case that he looks confidently
to the result of the debate. We agreed that there was no reason-why the
_congé d'élire_ should not issue. Philpotts himself decides that it should,
happen what may as to Stanhope.
We had some talk as to the division on the Civil List. Peel is for refusing
a Committee, and the separation of the diplomatic expenditure, and will not
yield because he is weak. I think he is right. The better face we put upon
it, the more votes we shall have.
Hardinge suggested the placing of Doherty in Arbuthnot's office. Nothing
could be better than that arrangement; but he thought, and I think, the
Duke would not displace Arbuthnot. Arbuthnot knows more about my office
than any one else. Where would they put me?
We had some conversation respecting the Regency. It was determined to
legislate as _little_ as we could.
_November 14._
Cabinet at four. Peel is of opinion that the fires are in many cases
perpetrated for stock-jobbing purposes. They are certainly done by persons
from London.
He said he was satisfied that, whatever might be the division on Reform,
the question was carried. Admiral Sotheron, Lindsay, he thought [blank],
and I think he mentioned another, voted for it. If the county members did,
and it was thrown out by the representatives of Scotch and English
boroughs, it was impossible to stand much longer. He read a paper,
circulated for signatures in the parish of St. Ann, in which the
subscribers declare their readiness to be sworn in as special constables,
and their determination to protect property. At the same time they declare
their opinion that there ought to be a Reform, first in the House of
Commons; but of Church and State. This he considers the commencement of a
Burgher Guard. I cannot understand his reasoning; if he thinks Reform must
be carried, surely it is better to vote a general resolution, and to fight
the details. By objecting to the general resolution we shall probably be
turned out, and have much less power to do good out of office than if we
were in.
It seems to me that obstinacy, and the fear of being again accused of
ratting, lead to this determination to resist when resistance is, in his
own opinion, fruitless.
Clive, whom I saw to-day, is for a modified Reform; but he will vote for us
in order to keep the Duke in.
We had a long conversation about the Regency, and agreed upon the substance
and form of the Bill. Aberdeen wanted again to open the whole question, on
which he has no fixed opinion. He has come round entirely. First he thought
the right was in the presumptive heir; now he thinks it must be in the
child _in utero_.
It appears certain that at Carlisle the 9th was looked to as the day of
signal to them and to all England. It seems the plan was to attack the
Guildhall and massacre all in it. There would have been a smash, but a most
signal defeat, for there would have been 250 cavalry, and from 700 to 800
Volunteers there (the East India Volunteers and the Artillery Company),
besides a battalion within reach.
Sir Claudius Hunter has published in the _Sunday Times_ a denial of the
speeches attributed to him, and a statement of the City force. Their
ordinary force is fifty-four men! With Volunteers, Artillery Company,
Picket men, Firemen, Lumber Troop, &c., they would have had about 2,250.
_November 15._
House. A very temperate speech of Lord Durham, and a very good one of Lord
Suffield, respecting the new police. Lord Bathurst observed to me they
spoke as if they expected to come in. I mentioned Salisbury's motion for a
Committee which is to be made on Monday next, and Lord Bathurst said 'Shall
we be alive then?' He has a serious apprehension of being out.
The Chancellor made a most excellent speech in moving the first reading of
the Regency Bill, and was cheered on both sides of the House. It seems as
if the measure would be unanimously approved. Lord Eldon seemed to say he
should advise the Duke of Cumberland to acquiesce in it.
The ultra Tories were to have a meeting to-day--thirty-eight of them--to
decide what they should do about Reform. Yesterday the report was they
joined us; but the Duke of Richmond will do all he can to make them go
against us, and, if they do, I suppose we shall be obliged to make our
bows.
_November 16._
Goulburn opposed the submitting the Civil List accounts to a Committee, and
was defeated. We had 204 to 233. Majority against us, 29. Hobhouse asked
Peel whether Ministers would resign, to which he got no answer. Brougham
rose and said Ministers would have time for consideration.
I suppose this division must be considered to be fatal to us. Henry is
going off to take chambers. He means to apply himself to the Law. He is
rather in a hurry. For my own part I am by no means sorry to be out of
office. I think I shall be better able to regain my proper station in
Opposition than I could have done in office, and the emoluments are of no
value to me now.
Office. Saw Wortley. He is glad that the division against us has been upon
the Civil List, rather than upon Reform. He thinks we should resign to-day,
and thus throw upon the Whigs the burden of bringing forward Reform as a
Government measure. Probably Brougham would postpone his motion if we
resigned.
At about half-past three I received a note from Sir Robert Taylor desiring
my immediate attendance at St. James's. I dressed and went, and in a few
moments was admitted to the King. I met Lord Melville coming away. The King
desired me to sit down, and asked me whether I had any expectation of the
division of last night? I said no--I thought that upon any question
connected with the Civil List we should have had a majority; that the
question itself was one of little importance; but, as the Committee had not
been granted before, Sir R. Peel thought it would be a confession of
weakness not to oppose it now, and I thought he was right. The King said it
was probably chosen as a question merely to try strength.
The King asked me what had taken place between the Government and the
Company. I told his Majesty, and added an outline of the plan I had for the
new military arrangements, of which he seemed highly to approve. I then
said I supposed I must take leave of his Majesty. He said in one sense his
Ministers seemed to think they could not go on.
I said I could not but express my sentiments, which were I was sure those
of all my colleagues--the sentiments of deep gratitude to his Majesty for
the constant kind and honourable confidence he had placed in us.
His Majesty said he thought it his duty to give the full support of the
Crown to his Ministers. He had confidence in those he found at his
brother's demise; and since July 26, which was the commencement of our
troubles, he had regarded with admiration that which was most important in
their conduct, their Foreign Policy. He had a feeling of entire
satisfaction with them.
I said it must likewise be satisfactory to his Majesty to feel that his
late Ministers, fully aware of the real difficulties of the country, would
never be led by any personal or party feelings to do anything which could
be _prejudicial_ to the country, and that whatever might be their
differences in principle from his new Ministers they would ever support his
Majesty's interests.
The King was much affected, and had the tears in his eyes all the time I
was speaking to him. I then rose and kissed his hand, and he shook hands
with me, and wished me good-bye for the present. I asked for the _entrée_,
which he gave me very good-naturedly. As I came away I met Rosslyn going
in. The three Fitzclarences were in the lower room, seemingly enjoying our
discomfiture.
House at five. The Duke had already declared that the occurrence which had
taken place elsewhere had induced him to think it his duty to tender his
resignation to the King, and his Majesty had been graciously pleased to
accept it.
Lord Grosvenor asked a question as to the appointment of a successor to Mr.
Buller, and Lord Bathurst said none had been made.
It is a sad loss to Wm. Bathurst, who would have been Clerk of the Council
if the Government had lasted three days longer.
Nothing was said. Lord Grey has been sent for by the King.
I went through all the protocols on the table, and have left hardly
anything but two unanswered letters to my successor--one respecting the
rate of Exchange between territory and commerce; the other respecting
Hyderabad affairs.
_November 19._
Office. Saw Cabell, Jones, and Leach. They had all the tears in their eyes.
Old Jones could hardly help bursting altogether into tears. Left directions
with Leach for placing certain papers before my successor, showing the
state of the finances and expenditure prospectively, and the position in
which we were as to the renewal of the Charter.
Cabell will place the Hyderabad papers before my successor, with my letter
to Astell, and his reply.
Called on Hardinge, who was not at home.
I can only leave a memorandum in the office showing the nature and extent
of the military alterations I projected.
Called on the Duke. He told me Peel came to him in a very nervous state on
Monday night. Arbuthnot and Goulburn were with him. It was clear that the
majority would have been against us if there had been a House of 500. The
Duke sent for the Chancellor, who said as soon as he heard of the division
he thought the game was up--that we could not go on. The Duke went to the
King in the morning, and told him it was better he should resign
immediately, and so force the new Government to bring forward their measure
of Reform. It was better for the country. The King asked the Duke's opinion
of Lord Grey, and whether he had ever had any communication with him. The
Duke said No. The King knew the personal objections the late King had to
Lord Grey, and he could not, although often pressed by Lord Grey's friends,
have any communication with him without either deceiving _him_ or deceiving
the King; and he would not do either. The King asked what sort of a man
Lord Grey was? The Duke said he really did not know. He had the reputation
of being an ill-tempered, violent man; but he knew very little of him. He
had never had any political conversation with him. The King was much
agitated and distressed.
I told the Duke what passed at my interview with his Majesty yesterday.
Drummond, Greville, and Sir J. Shelley, whom I saw in the ante-room,
congratulated me on being out, but condoled on Lord Durham's being removed
out of my way. He goes Minister to Naples _vice_ Lord Burghersh,
_dismissed_. It is understood Brougham will not _positively_ take my
office.
Levée. The Duke of Buckingham told me the King was much out of spirits. He
expressed himself much pleased with his Ministers.
The King desired Lord Camden to come and see him frequently--every three or
four days.
The Duke of Newcastle, Lord Falmouth, Sir E. Knatchbull, Sir R. Vyvyan,
will not support the new Government. Having had their revenge they mean to
put their knees in our backs and do all they can to get out the others.
They are sorry for the work they have performed, and regret their vote.
They had intended to stay away on the question of Reform--now they mean to
vote against it.
Lord Anglesey goes to Ireland; a very bad appointment. The Duke of
Devonshire would have been a very unexceptionable one.
None of the Whigs or Whig Radicals were at the levée, but a good many
Tories. We were there as usual as Ministers, and those who had business
with the King went in to him as usual.
I proposed to Herries, Goulburn, Arbuthnot, and others, that we should in
each department prepare a statement of what has been done since the Duke
came into office. This we shall do to-morrow.
I likewise proposed we should have a large sheet of paper with columns for
the new Ministers, and in each column their pledges with the dates.
Croker has promised to undertake a newspaper, probably the 'Star.'
Arbuthnot told us before dinner that as yet no progress had been made by
Lord Grey, except in getting Lord Althorp after much solicitation. Brougham
has again in the House of Commons to-night declared he has nothing to do
with the new Government, and will positively bring on his motion on the
25th. The new Government wish to postpone the question till March, when
they promise to bring in a Bill.
Lord Lansdowne is said to be much dissatisfied, and the Palmerston party
think they have not enough offered to them. It is evident that Brougham
prefers power to temporary emolument and distinction, and he will be very
dangerous acting at the head of the Whig Radicals.
The Duke said 300 people had called upon him to-day--amongst the rest Lord
Cleveland, with whom Lord Grey was early this morning, and whom he in vain
endeavoured to induce to go to Ireland.
William Bankes, whose father did us most mischief on Monday, and who did
not vote with us, came to ask the Chancellor for a living to-day!
Lord Grey was much agitated when he was with the King, and has expressed
himself as very much struck by the strong terms in which the King declared
his approbation of his late Ministers.
My fear is that the Whigs will not be able to form a Government. It is of
much importance to the country that their incompetence should be exhibited,
and the fallacy of the grounds upon which they have been attempting to
obtain popular favour. We shall never be strong until it is proved they
cannot form a Government. Again I say my fear is they will be unable to
take the first step. It was considered that we ought to transact all the
ordinary business of our several departments.
_November 18._
Called on Hardinge. He is out of spirits. Yesterday at the meeting of the
_employés_ Lord G. Somerset asked Peel if he would lead them--to which Peel
gave a damping answer. Hardinge feels that he is capable of business, that
his circumstances require he should exert himself and be in office; and, as
he would not take office without the Duke's acquiescence, he thinks it
rather hard he should be deprived of a Parliamentary leader, and thus of
the means of coming in.
I told him Peel would be in Opposition in a fortnight, as soon as he
recovered his health and his spirits. There has been a report that the Duke
had declared he would not take office again--which is untrue.
Office. Saw Jones. Received a letter from the Chairs asking whether I had
given Sir J. P. Grant authority to appeal to my sanction for his remaining
in India, notwithstanding the Order in Council for his return. My answer is
_No_. I add that I imagine the misapprehension arose out of some private
communications from Sir J. P. Grant's friends, of the purport of a
conversation with me which must have been inaccurately reported to him. I
showed my draft reply to Lord Rosslyn, and begged him to show it to Grant's
son.
The report Hardinge gave me was that Lord Wellesley was to succeed me.
End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of A Political Diary 1828-1830, Volume II
by Edward Law (Lord Ellenborough)
*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A POLITICAL DIARY ***
***** This file should be named 10693-8.txt or 10693-8.zip *****
This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
https://www.gutenberg.org/1/0/6/9/10693/
Produced by Charles Aldarondo, Keren Vergon, Robert Fite and PG
Distributed Proofreaders
Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
will be renamed.
Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project
Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you
do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is
subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
redistribution.
*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
https://gutenberg.org/license).
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an
individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in
a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check
the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning
the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
copied or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked
to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
that
- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is
owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments
must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License. You must require such a user to return or
destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
Project Gutenberg-tm works.
- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
of receipt of the work.
- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the
Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with
the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy
is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
opportunities to fix the problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS," WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists
because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
people in all walks of life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org.
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
https://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at
809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
[email protected]. Email contact links and up to date contact
information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
page at https://pglaf.org
For additional contact information:
Dr. Gregory B. Newby
Chief Executive and Director
[email protected]
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To
SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
particular state visit https://pglaf.org
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including including checks, online payments and credit card
donations. To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily
keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
Each eBook is in a subdirectory of the same number as the eBook's
eBook number, often in several formats including plain vanilla ASCII,
compressed (zipped), HTML and others.
Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks replace the old file and take over
the old filename and etext number. The replaced older file is renamed.
VERSIONS based on separate sources are treated as new eBooks receiving
new filenames and etext numbers.
Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
https://www.gutenberg.org
This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
EBooks posted prior to November 2003, with eBook numbers BELOW #10000,
are filed in directories based on their release date. If you want to
download any of these eBooks directly, rather than using the regular
search system you may utilize the following addresses and just
download by the etext year.
https://www.gutenberg.org/etext06
(Or /etext 05, 04, 03, 02, 01, 00, 99,
98, 97, 96, 95, 94, 93, 92, 92, 91 or 90)
EBooks posted since November 2003, with etext numbers OVER #10000, are
filed in a different way. The year of a release date is no longer part
of the directory path. The path is based on the etext number (which is
identical to the filename). The path to the file is made up of single
digits corresponding to all but the last digit in the filename. For
example an eBook of filename 10234 would be found at:
https://www.gutenberg.org/1/0/2/3/10234
or filename 24689 would be found at:
https://www.gutenberg.org/2/4/6/8/24689
An alternative method of locating eBooks:
https://www.gutenberg.org/GUTINDEX.ALL
