The pirates of the New England coast, 1630-1730

By Dow and Edmonds

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Title: The pirates of the New England coast, 1630-1730

Author: George Francis Dow
        John Henry Edmonds

Author of introduction, etc.: Ernest H. Pentecost

Release date: February 3, 2025 [eBook #75282]

Language: English

Original publication: Salem, Mass: Marine Research Society, 1923

Credits: Steve Mattern, Terry Jeffress and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced from images made available by the HathiTrust Digital Library.)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PIRATES OF THE NEW ENGLAND COAST, 1630-1730 ***





[Illustration: VIEW OF THE HARBOR AND TOWN OF BOSTON IN 1723

From an engraving in the British Museum after a drawing by William
Burgis]




                       THE
                     PIRATES
                     OF THE
                   NEW ENGLAND
                      COAST
                    1630-1730


                       By

               GEORGE FRANCIS DOW
 Curator of the Society for the Preservation of
             New England Antiquities

                       and

               JOHN HENRY EDMONDS
          Massachusetts State Archivist

                 INTRODUCTION BY
        CAPT. ERNEST H. PENTECOST, R.N.R.


                 [Illustration]


             MARINE RESEARCH SOCIETY
              SALEM, MASSACHUSETTS

                      1923




             PUBLICATION NUMBER TWO

                     OF THE

             MARINE RESEARCH SOCIETY
                  SALEM, MASS.


               COPYRIGHT, 1923, BY
           THE MARINE RESEARCH SOCIETY


                   PRINTED IN
          THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
           BY THE JORDAN & MORE PRESS
              BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS




                   THIS VOLUME
               IS DEDICATED TO THE
            MARINERS AND MERCHANTS OF
            NEW ENGLAND WHO SUFFERED
            LOSS OF LIFE OR PROPERTY
                 AT THE HANDS OF
                     PIRATES




PREFACE


There is scarcely a sandy beach on New England’s long and deeply
indented coastline that has not connected with it some traditionary
tale of the landing of pirates or their buried treasure. Many of these
half-forgotten tales may have had an origin in the operations of early
smugglers or in the evasion of the British Navigation Acts, but it
is undoubtedly true that pirates did frequent this coast, beginning
with the early days of its settlement, and during their periodical
appearances, robbed and destroyed shipping almost at will. In gathering
material relating to this subject no attempt has been made to include
the traditionary lore. The public records of the time supply an
astonishing amount of detailed information, but the principal source
for first-hand information on the operations of pirate vessels during
the first twenty-five years of the eighteenth century, the period
when piracy was most frequent and least controlled, is the “History
of the Pirates” by Capt. Charles Johnson. It has been claimed that
the author at one time sailed in a pirate ship and therefore wrote
from a personal knowledge of many of the events described. It seems
impossible that anyone could have obtained such a circumstantial
narrative of illicit life on the open sea unless he had lived in
intimate personal acquaintance with a number of those who took part in
the stirring actions recounted. Some of his tales are so extraordinary
that they seem improbable--impossible of belief. And yet, the portion
of his history relating to the North Atlantic coast has been verified
by original records and items of current news in the newspapers and
found to be a truthful relation in all essential details. With so
much corroborative evidence at hand it is only fair to concede the
probability that other portions of his “History,” not verified at this
time, are also based upon fact.

The account of piracy to be found in the following chapters is based
upon original documents in the Massachusetts State Archives, in the
records of the Vice-Admiralty Courts, the Courts of Assistants and the
Quarterly Courts. Printed accounts of trials have supplied valuable
information and many details that have greatly enriched the narrative
have been gleaned from newspapers published at the time. Intermingled
are personal anecdotes and details recorded by Captain Johnson, of
captures, murders and injuries inflicted upon the officers and crews of
plundered merchant vessels.

Many friends have aided in the preparation of this volume. Capt. Ernest
H. Pentecost, R.N.R., of Topsfield, has freely placed at our disposal
his collection of voyages and books on piracy and related subjects. He
also has critically examined the manuscript and given it the benefit
of his technical knowledge of things nautical. Mr. John W. Farwell
of Boston has generously permitted the reproduction of portions of
several rare maps in his fine collection of early charts and maps.
Mr. Julius H. Tuttle, Librarian of the Massachusetts Historical
Society, and Mr. George Parker Winship, Librarian of the Harry Elkins
Widener Collection, Harvard College Library, have kindly allowed the
reproduction of early engravings and title pages of rare books. Cordial
thanks also are due to Mr. Howard M. Chapin, Librarian of the George
L. Shepley Library, Providence; Mr. Charles H. Taylor, Mr. William W.
Cordingley, the Bostonian Society and the Society for the Preservation
of New England Antiquities, all of Boston; the Peabody Museum of Salem;
and to all others who in any way have furthered the production of this
volume.




CONTENTS


       PREFACE                                               v

       TABLE OF CONTENTS                                   vii

       LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS                                ix

       INTRODUCTION BY CAPT. ERNEST H. PENTECOST, R.N.R.  xvii

     I THE BEGINNINGS OF ENGLISH PIRACY                      1

    II DIXEY BULL, THE FIRST PIRATE IN NEW ENGLAND WATERS
         AND SOME OTHERS WHO FOLLOWED HIM                   20

   III JOHN RHODES, PILOT OF THE DUTCH PIRATES ON THE
         COAST OF MAINE                                     44

    IV THOMAS POUND, PILOT OF THE KING’S FRIGATE, WHO
         BECAME A PIRATE AND DIED A GENTLEMAN               54

     V WILLIAM KIDD, PRIVATEERSMAN AND REPUTED PIRATE       73

    VI THOMAS TEW, WHO RETIRED AND LIVED AT NEWPORT         84

   VII JOHN QUELCH AND HIS CREW, WHO WERE HANGED AT
         BOSTON AND THEIR GOLD DISTRIBUTED                  99

  VIII SAMUEL BELLAMY, WHOSE SHIP WAS WRECKED AT
         WELLFLEET AND 142 DROWNED                         116

    IX GEORGE LOWTHER, WHO CAPTURED THIRTY-THREE
         VESSELS IN SEVENTEEN MONTHS                       132

     X NED LOW OF BOSTON AND HOW HE BECAME A PIRATE
         CAPTAIN                                           141

    XI CAPTAIN ROBERTS’ CURIOUS ACCOUNT OF WHAT HAPPENED
         ON LOW’S SHIP                                     157

   XII THE BRUTAL CAREER AND MISERABLE END OF NED LOW      200

  XIII THE STRANGE ADVENTURES OF PHILIP ASHTON             218

   XIV NICHOLAS MERRITT’S ACCOUNT OF HIS ESCAPE FROM
         PIRATES                                           270

    XV FRANCIS FARRINGTON SPRIGGS, THE COMPANION OF
         NED LOW                                           277

   XVI CHARLES HARRIS, WHO WAS HANGED AT NEWPORT WITH
         TWENTY-FIVE OF HIS CREW                           288

  XVII JOHN PHILLIPS, WHOSE HEAD WAS CUT OFF AND
         PICKLED                                           310

 XVIII WILLIAM FLY, WHO WAS HANGED IN CHAINS ON
         NIX’S MATE                                        328

   XIX PIRATE HAUNTS AND CRUISING GROUNDS                  338

    XX PIRATE LIFE AND DEATH                               353

       APPENDIX
           I CAPTAIN PLOUGHMAN’S COMMISSION                371
          II CAPTAIN PLOUGHMAN’S INSTRUCTIONS              373
         III DYING SPEECH OF CAPTAIN QUELCH                376
          IV JOHN FILLMORE’S NARRATIVE                     379
           V AN “ACT OF GRACE”                             381

       INDEX                                               383




ILLUSTRATIONS


 BOSTON HARBOR FROM THE SURVEY IN THE “ENGLISH
   PILOT,” Part IV. London, 1707             _Front end-paper_

   From an original in the Harvard College Library.


 VIEW OF THE HARBOR AND TOWN OF BOSTON IN
   1723                                         _Frontispiece_

 From an engraving in the British Museum after a drawing
   by William Burgis.


 FAC-SIMILE OF THE TITLE-PAGE OF CAPT. CHARLES
   JOHNSON’S “HISTORY OF THE PIRATES,” London, 1724          1

   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.


 MAP OF THE WEST INDIES ABOUT 1720, SHOWING “THE
   TRACTS OF THE SPANISH GALLIONS”                          10

   From Herman Moll’s “Atlas Minor,” London, 1732, in the
   Harvard College Library.


 CAPT. HENRY MORGAN, THE BUCCANEER, BEFORE PANAMA           14

   From an engraving in Johnson’s “General History of the
   Lives and Adventures of the Most Famous Highwaymen,
   Murderers, Pyrates,” etc., London, 1734, in the Harry
   Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard College Library.


 FAC-SIMILE OF THE TITLE-PAGE OF REV. COTTON
   MATHER’S “PILLARS OF SALT, AN HISTORY OF SOME
   CRIMINALS EXECUTED IN THIS LAND,” Boston, 1699           26

   From an original in the Harvard College Library.


 RICHARD COOTE, EARL OF BELLOMONT, GOVERNOR OF
   MASSACHUSETTS, 1699-1700                                 42

   From a rare engraving in the Harvard College Library.


 VIEW OF CASTLE WILLIAM, BOSTON HARBOR, ABOUT
   1729, AND A MAN-OF-WAR OF THE PERIOD                     54

   From the only known copy of an engraving probably by
   John Harris, after a drawing by William Burgis.


 AN ARMED SLOOP NEAR BOSTON LIGHTHOUSE IN 1729              62

   From the only known copy of a mezzotint by William
   Burgis, published Aug. 11, 1729, and now in the
   possession of the United States Lighthouse Board.


 SAMUEL SEWALL, CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE SUPERIOR
   COURT IN MASSACHUSETTS, 1718-1728                        66

   From an original painting in possession of the
   Massachusetts Historical Society.


 FAC-SIMILE OF THE TITLE-PAGE OF “A FULL ACCOUNT
   OF THE PROCEEDINGS IN RELATION TO CAPT. KIDD,”
   London, 1701                                             82

   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.


 JOSEPH DUDLEY, GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS, WHO
   PRESIDED AT THE TRIAL OF CAPTAIN QUELCH                 102

   From an original painting in possession of the
   Massachusetts Historical Society.


 FAC-SIMILE OF THE TITLE-PAGE OF “THE TRIAL OF
   CAPT. JOHN QUELCH FOR PIRACY,” London, 1704             106

   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.


 FAC-SIMILE OF THE TITLE-PAGE OF REV. COTTON
   MATHER’S “FAITHFUL WARNINGS TO PREVENT FEARFUL
   JUDGMENTS,” Boston, 1704                                112

   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.


 REV. COTTON MATHER, PASTOR OF THE SECOND (NORTH)
   CHURCH, Boston, 1685-1728                               114

   From a mezzotint by Peter Pelham after a portrait
   painted in 1728.


 FAC-SIMILE OF THE TITLE-PAGE OF “THE TRIAL OF
   EIGHT PERSONS INDITED FOR PIRACY,” Boston, 1717         116

   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.


 SPANISH DOUBLOON                                          126

   From the original gold coin, found on the beach at
   Wellfleet, Mass., where Bellamy’s pirate ship was
   wrecked in 1717 and now in the possession of Charles
   H. Taylor.


 SPANISH PIECE OF EIGHT                                    126

   From the original eight real piece in the cabinet of
   the    Massachusetts Historical Society.


 FAC-SIMILE OF THE TITLE-PAGE OF REV. COTTON
   MATHER’S “INSTRUCTIONS TO THE LIVING FROM THE
   CONDITION OF THE DEAD,” Boston, 1717                    130

   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.


 CAPT. GEORGE LOWTHER AT PORT MAYO                         138

   From an engraving in Johnson’s “General History of the
   Lives and Adventures of the Most Famous Highwaymen,
   Murderers, Pyrates,” etc., London, 1734, in the Harry
   Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard College Library.


 THE IDLE APPRENTICE SENT TO SEA                           142

   From an engraving by William Hogarth in the “Industry
   and Idleness” series, published in 1747. The young
   reprobate is being rowed past Cuckold’s Point on the
   Thames where may be seen a pirate hanging from a gibbet.


 A BARQUE IN THE WEST INDIES ABOUT 1720                    146

   From an engraving in Lobat’s “Nouveau Voyage,” Vol. II,
   Paris, 1722, in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.


 A BRIGANTINE IN THE WEST INDIES ABOUT 1720                146

   From an engraving in Lobat’s “Nouveau Voyage,” Vol. II,
   Paris, 1722, in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.


 CAPT. EDWARD LOW IN A HURRICANE                           152

   From an engraving in Johnson’s “General History of the
   Lives and Adventures of the Most Famous Highwaymen,
   Murderers, Pyrates,” etc., London, 1734, in the Harry
   Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard College Library.


 ONE OF LOW’S CREW KILLING A WOUNDED SPANIARD              204

   From an engraving in Johnson’s “Historie der Engelsche
   Zee-roovers,” Amsterdam, 1725, in the Harvard College
   Library.


 FAC-SIMILE OF THE TITLE-PAGE OF “ASHTON’S MEMORIAL:
   THE STRANGE ADVENTURES OF PHILIP ASHTON,”
   Boston, 1725                                            222

   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.


 PIRATES BOARDING A SPANISH VESSEL IN THE WEST INDIES      238

   From an engraving in “The History and Lives of the most
   Notorious Pirates,” by an old Seaman, London, n.d., in
   possession of Capt. Ernest H. Pentecost, R.N.R.


 MAP OF THE BAY OF HONDURAS SHOWING RATTAN
   ISLAND AND PORT MAYO                                    242

   From the map in “Voyages and Travels of Capt. Nathaniel
   Uring,” London, 1726, in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.


 MAP SHOWING RUATAN ISLAND IN THE BAY OF HONDURAS
   WHERE PHILIP ASHTON ESCAPED FROM PIRATES                256

   From a map in the “American Atlas,” by Thomas Jefferys,
   London, 1776, in the possession of John W. Farwell.


 “SWEATING” ON CAPTAIN SPRIGG’S PIRATE VESSEL              278

   From an engraving in “The History and Lives of the most
   Notorious Pirates,” by an old Seaman, London, n.d., in
   possession of Capt. Ernest H. Pentecost, R.N.R.


 PIRATES KILLING A CAPTURED MAN                            284

   From an engraving in “The History and Lives of the Most
   Notorious Pirates,” by an old Seaman, London, n.d., in
   possession of Capt. Ernest H. Pentecost, R.N.R.


 FIGHT ON A PIRATE SHIP                                    284

   From an engraving in “The History and Lives of the Most
   Notorious Pirates,” by an old Seaman, London, n.d., in
   possession of Capt. Ernest H. Pentecost, R.N.R.


 WILLIAM DUMMER, LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS,
   WHO PRESIDED AT THE TRIAL OF CAPT.
   CHARLES HARRIS FOR PIRACY                               296

   From the portrait by Robert Feke in possession of the
   Trustees of Dummer Academy.


 “VIEW OF NEWPORT, R. I., IN 1730,” SHOWING, AT THE
   LEFT, GRAVELLY POINT, ON WHICH THE PIRATES WERE
   HANGED IN 1723                                          308

   The original painting really represents the town at a
   somewhat later date. Reproduced from a lithograph copy
   made in 1864, now in the George L. Shepley Library,
   Providence, R. I.


 FISHING SHIP AND STATION ON THE NEWFOUNDLAND
   COAST ABOUT 1710                                        314

   From an insert in Herman Moll’s “Map of North
   America,” London [1710-1715], in the possession of
   John W. Farwell.


 FAC-SIMILE OF THE TITLE-PAGE OF REV. COTTON MATHER’S
   “THE CONVERTED SINNER ... A SERMON PREACHED ... IN THE
   HEARING AND AT THE DESIRE OF CERTAIN PIRATES, A LITTLE
   BEFORE THEIR EXECUTION,” Boston, 1724                   324

   From an original in the library of the American
   Antiquarian Society.


 FAC-SIMILE OF THE TITLE-PAGE OF “THE TRYALS OF
   SIXTEEN PERSONS FOR PIRACY,” Boston, 1726               328

   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.


 FAC-SIMILE OF THE TITLE-PAGE OF REV. BENJAMIN
   COLMAN’S “SERMON PREACHED TO SOME MISERABLE
   PIRATES,” Boston, 1726                                  334

   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.


 FAC-SIMILE OF THE TITLE-PAGE OF REV. COTTON
   MATHER’S “VIAL POURED OUT UPON THE SEA,”
   Boston, 1726                                            336

   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.


 CAPT. BARTHOLOMEW ROBERTS                                 340

   From an engraving in Johnson’s “General History of the
   Pirates,” London, 1725, in the possession of George
   Francis Dow.


 CAPT. JOHN AVERY TAKING THE GREAT MOGUL’S SHIP            346

   From an engraving in Johnson’s “General History of the
   Lives and Adventures of the Most Famous Highwaymen,
   Murderers, Pyrates,” etc., London, 1734, in the Harry
   Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard College Library.


 CAPT. EDWARD TEACH, COMMONLY CALLED “BLACK BEARD”         350

   From an engraving in Johnson’s “General History of the
   Lives and Adventures of the Most Famous Highwaymen,
   Murderers, Pyrates,” etc., London, 1734, in the Harry
   Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard College Library.


 FAC-SIMILE OF THE TITLE-PAGE OF “THE TRIALS OF
   FIVE PERSONS FOR PIRACY, FELONY AND ROBBERY,”
   Boston, 1726                                            354

   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.


 THE PIRATE SHIPS “ROYAL FORTUNE” AND “RANGER”
   IN WHYDAH ROAD, JAN. 11, 1722                           360

   From an engraving in Johnson’s “General History of
   the    Pirates,” London, 1725, in possession of George
   Francis Dow.


 NIX’S MATE, BOSTON HARBOR, IN 1775, WHERE CAPTAIN
   FLY WAS GIBBETTED IN 1726                               368

   From an engraving in the “Atlantic Neptune,” Part III,
   London, 1781, in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.


 MONUMENT ON THE SHOAL, FORMERLY NIX’S MATE, IN
   1637 AN ISLAND OF MORE THAN TEN ACRES                   368

   From a photograph made about 1900.


 MAP OF CAPE COD IN 1717, SHOWING THE LOCATION OF
   THE PIRATE WRECK                           _Back end-paper_

   From a chart surveyed and published by Capt. Cyprian
   Southack of Boston, now in possession of John W.
   Farwell.




INTRODUCTION


Why did men go a-pirating, or “on the account” as the pirates called
it? The sailors said it was few ships and many men, hard work and
small pay, long voyages, bad food and cruel commanders. “Hard ships
make hard men.” “Many sailed but few returned.” “No kind words on deep
water.” “No law off soundings.” “We live hard and die hard and go to
Hell afterwards.” These are some of the sea sayings that have come down
to us from long ago, and they go to prove that the narrow channel of
sailor men was narrow indeed and full of rocks and shoals which could
only be cleared by very careful steering.

The sea was ever a hard calling, especially in the days of which this
work treats. The men before the mast were little better than slaves:
“Growl you may but go you must” was the saying. Small pay (which
they “earned like horses and spent like asses”), scanty food and
often stinking water with generally hard usage turned many an honest
sailorman into a desperate pirate.

Sea captains thought it good policy to keep their men as “busy as the
Devil in a gale of wind” to prevent them doing a job o’ work for that
Gentleman with the long tail, who, it was said, took especial interest
in the doings of “those who go down to the sea in ships.” “Six days
shalt thou labour as hard as thou art able, the seventh, holy-stone
the main deck and chip the chain cable.” Capt. Thomas Phillips wrote
in 1693, that “nothing grates upon the seamen more than pinching their
bellies, or treating them with cruel or reproachful words.”

One can easily imagine a group of hard-bitten men sheltering under the
lee of the long boat on a dirty night; wet, cold and tired; listening
with hungry interest to the yarns of an “old stander” who had been “on
the account,” telling of the time he sailed with Bart Sharp or “Long
Ben” Avery; picturing with many a brave oath, that other channel,
the broad one, straight, with smooth water, pieces-of-eight to port,
dollars and doubloons to starboard, snug harbors in tropic isles, dusky
maids, punch, tobacco and grub in plenty, laced coats and chains of
gold.

There is another side to the picture, not so pleasant, to be sure,
but easily dimmed by a noggin of rum or a swig or two of flip. ’Tis
naught, after all, but the yard-arm of a man-of-war with a man on the
end of a tricing line with his flippers seized to his sides; and on a
seashore, a wooden erection with a something hanging--something that
looks uncommonly like a sailorman, watching, with wry face, the ebbing
and flowing of the tide. But there’s nothing in the picture to make one
of the right sort go about ship. Better a short choking sensation than
a long starving in merchants’ employ or scurvy rotting for a pay ticket
on board a king’s ship.

Capt. Charles Johnson tells us in his book on pirates, that one “Mary
Read, a female pirate, being asked by her captain, before he knew
she was a woman, why she followed a life so full of danger and at
last to the certainty of being hanged, replied: as to the hanging she
thought it no great hardship, for were it not for that every cowardly
fellow would turn pirate and so infest the seas that men of courage
would starve. That if it was put to her choice she would not have the
punishment less than death, the fear of which kept dastardly rogues
honest; that many of those who were now cheating the widows and orphans
and oppressing their poor neighbors who had no money to obtain justice,
would then rob at sea and the ocean would be as crowded with rogues
as the land, so that no merchant would venture out and the trade in a
little time would not be worth following.”

There is an old saying that “Peace makes pirates.” The lawless
scamps--“sweepings of Hell and Hackney”--who manned the privateers were
especially prone to go a-pirateering in times of peace. They could
not or would not settle down to steady work and small pay or be bound
by laws and conventions. They loved roving and loot too well. Better
to hang a sun-drying than to live with “a southerly wind in the shot
locker.” It was but a step, after all, and that a short one, if half
be true that has been written of privateers by men of regular navies.
But perhaps they were a little prejudiced. Many rich prizes were taken
by the private ships of war, often robbing the regulars of the chance
of filling their pockets. Those who manned the King’s ships, like all
others that used the seas, suffered from loot hunger and to satisfy
the same would often sail very close to the wind, so close, in fact,
that several of the King’s captains were caught flat aback and made a
stern board towards the rocks. Some cleared by discharging their golden
ballast, others, by the wind of influence.

Coasters and fishermen were not so apt to turn pirates. Their work was
hard and risky; but fresh food, “full and plenty,” and shore influence
kept them steady. They were not as a rule of such an adventurous type
as deep-water seamen. Occasionally, however, some lusty young fisherman
or coaster would go a-roving. Perhaps some maid had been unkind or too
kind.

Some sailed under the “Jolly Roger” because they thought that he
who dared, toiled and ventured, deserved as great a percentage of
the profits as he who sat at home in personal safety and comfort
and handled the pen. It was their only chance of getting even with
the merchants and that chance a good one. Governments had little to
spend on pirate chasing; besides, who could better stand a little
cash-letting than the money-fat merchants. But well as they might
have been able to stand it they roared so during the operation that
governments were forced at last, Acts of Grace having failed, to
send men-of-war to cruise against “the gentlemen of fortune following
the sea.” They effected little. After one pirate-hunting squadron had
returned unsuccessful, sailors’ yarns floated around that told of the
commodore’s ship springing a leak out Madagascar way, and of great
store of powder, shot and rum being landed to lighten her. The leak
stopped as suddenly as it began and when the boats’ crews landed to
bring off the powder, shot and rum, all had disappeared. The yarns went
on to tell that when the commodore was taking a walk on shore, he found
several small kegs stowed under a palm tree down by the water’s edge,
and how heavy they were, and how carefully they were kept in the after
cabin of the Commodore’s ship, and that the officers said they had
nothing in ’em but honey; but Barney Brown, the boatswain’s mate, swore
his Bible oath that he heard the clink of coin when a-rolling them
along the deck.

There’s no doubt that many were worthy, but only Kidd was hanged.

The news of Captain Avery’s rich prize, the Mogul’s ship, with her
cargo of wealth and beautiful women, including, it was said, one of
the Great Mogul’s daughters, made many an old tarpaulin hitch up his
breeches and turn his quid. The fame of the beauty of the fair captives
was such that the mariners lost all their admiration for the Boston
Kates and Wapping Pegs of the ports where sea-faring men mostly took
their ease. “No! damme, no! Might as well ask a man to thirst for a sup
of sour beer when good rum’s to be had.” So off they’d go a-pirating,
hoping to capture something of the Miss Mogul sort with something to
keep her on.

The Peace of Ryswick forced hundreds of West India privateers or
buccaneers who had preyed on the Spaniards, to seek for purchase under
the black flag in all seas and from all nations.

Spain’s jealous policy regarding trade with her over-sea subjects, and
monopolies such as enjoyed by the East India Company, were resented
by all free merchants. Ships were fitted out and loaded with suitable
cargoes for the illegal trade. These interlopers were fast and well
manned and armed to enable them to wrong the _guarda costas_.

With a fair whack of luck great gains were made; but some failed to
get their whack; found shore officials suffering from honesty, a very
uncommon disorder among them in those days and easily cured by most
anything of value. But some of the patients required such enormous
doses, that rather than give the medicine and by so doing make a broken
voyage, the interlopers would throw the bones with Davy Jones. They
had the ship, they had the guns, and many a willing hand and if they
lacked black bunting there was store of black tarpaulin with artists of
sufficient skill to paint “the Skull and Bones.” Hurrah for the “Jolly
Roger”! A “gold chain or a wooden leg”! We’ll take what we can’t make!

When a prize was taken the pirate quartermaster would seek for recruits
from among the prisoners. Every lad of them of spirit, impressed by
the sight of such a bold swaggering crew rapping out their first-rate
oaths and well ballasted with punch, with their bravery of laced hats,
ribbons and pistols, was ready enough to square away for the broad
channel.

Although many were willing, few volunteered to sign the pirate
articles. The many wanted the plea of force, to let go, in case of
getting on a lee shore in a law storm. It was a very light anchor,
more like to drag than hold, but “better a kedge than nothing at all.”
Landsmen, the pirates despised, nor pricked they the halt, lame or
feeble.

The pirate wind was an ill wind, but it blew wonderful luck to those
merchants who loaded ships to their scuppers with fiery Jamaica,
red-hot brandy, gunpowder, small arms and cannon balls, and sent
them off to trade with some negro king, ’twas said. On the voyage
they would call at a lonely isle for wood and water and there they
would meet other ships manned by the most open-fisted merchants ever
known. No wrangling over a bale or two. Such bargains, the like of
which never could have been made even with the most unsophisticated of
dusky potentates. It was true, these merchants lacked the gravity of
their kind; tossed the bowl about a good deal; and swore,--well, like
pirates! And so home with a rich cargo.

With such a reputation for reckless daring, why, it may be asked,
were the pirates not more successful when engaging ships of war?
John Atkins, surgeon on board the “Swallow,” man-of-war, that took
three pirate ships on the Guinea coast in 1722, tells the reason.
“Discipline,” says the Doctor, “is an excellent path to victory; and
courage, like a trade, is gained by an apprenticeship, when strictly
kept up to rules and exercise. The pirates though singly fellows of
courage, yet wanting such a tie of order and some director to unite
that force, were a contemptible enemy. They neither killed or wounded a
man in the taking; which ever must be the fate of such rabble.”

From whatever source the pirates sprang, they were, taking them by and
large, brisk, courageous men, who were for making hasty estates at the
expense of the public and ever athirst for the juice of the sunny isle,
that magic fluid which helped them to forget that last pilot of many a
good pirate,--the Man with the Silver Oar.

                                                ERNEST H. PENTECOST.




[Illustration:

                               A GENERAL

                                HISTORY

                                OF THE
                        _Robberies and Murders_
                         Of the most notorious

                               PYRATES,

                               AND ALSO
           Their _Policies_, _Discipline_ and _Government_,

          From their first RISE and SETTLEMENT in the Island
          of _Providence_, in 1717, to the present Year 1724.

                                 WITH

        The remarkable ACTIONS and ADVENTURES of the two Female
                Pyrates, _Mary Read_ and _Anne Bonny_.

                         To which is prefix’d
     An ACCOUNT of the famous Captain _Avery_, and his Companions;
              with the Manner of his Death in _England_.

            The Whole digested into the following CHAPTERS;

                   Chap. I. Of Captain _Avery_.
                        II. The Rise of Pyrates.
                       III. Of Captain _Martel_.
                        IV. Of Captain _Bonnet_.
                         V. Of Captain _Thatch_.
                        VI. Of Captain _Vane_.
                       VII. Of Captain _Rackam_.
                      VIII. Of Captain _England_.
                        IX. Of Captain _Davis_.
                         X. Of Captain _Roberts_.
                        XI. Of Captain _Worley_.
                       XII. Of Captain _Lowther_.
                      XIII. Of Captain _Low_.
                       XIV. Of Captain _Evans_.

                       And their several Crews.

                          To which is added,
           A short ABSTRACT of the Statute and Civil Law, in
                          Relation to PYRACY.

                      By Captain CHARLES JOHNSON.

 _LONDON_, Printed for _Ch. Rivington_ at the _Bible_ and _Crown_ in St.
   _Paul’s Church-Yard_, _J. Lacy_ at the _Ship_ near the _Temple-Gate_,
   and _J. Stone_ next the _Crown_ Coffee-house the back of _Greys-Inn_,
   1724.
]




CHAPTER I

THE BEGINNINGS OF ENGLISH PIRACY


“As in all lands where there are many people, there are some theeves,
so in all Seas much frequented, there are some Pyrats.” So wrote Capt.
John Smith, the one-time Admiral of New England, when commenting in
1630 on the “bad life, qualities and conditions of Pyrats,”[1] and this
characterization remained true for many years after his day. Piracy
was as old as the art of transportation by water and until suppressed
by force in comparatively recent times it was a favorite trade among
seamen when times were hard or temptations great.

The reign of Queen Elizabeth (1558-1603) was characterized by a great
development of the maritime power of England. This was the time when
Drake and Hawkins and other great navigators fought with the ships
of Spain and brought fame and fortune to English seamen. Much of the
fighting at sea, however, was but little removed from freebooting and
it is now difficult to judge what was legalized warfare and what was
piratical capture. Notwithstanding the frequent opportunity for brave
men to attack rich Spanish ships common piracy flourished and in 1563
there were over four hundred known pirates sailing the four seas.[2]

When James I (1603-1625) came to the throne he resolved to live at
peace with all nations and so found little employment for a navy.
In the first year of his reign he recalled all “letters of marque,”
and two years later, by proclamation, forbade English seamen to seek
employment in foreign ships. In consequence many poverty-stricken
seamen became pirates, urged on by their necessities. “Some, because
they became sleighted of those for whom they had got much wealth; some,
for that they could not get their due; some, that had lived bravely,
would not abase themselves to poverty; some vainly, only to get a
name; others for revenge, covetousnesse, or as ill; and as they found
themselves more and more oppressed, their passions increasing with
discontent, made them turne Pirats.”[3]

By 1618, there were ten times as many pirates as there had been during
the whole reign of Queen Bess. About the only voyage open to an English
seaman at that time was the fishing venture of Newfoundland, which
was toilsome in the extreme and full of exposure and hardship. The
dirty carrying trade to Newcastle, for coals, while a good school for
seamen, was despised and thought beneath the ability of an active man,
and the long voyage to the East Indies was tedious and dangerous. As
for the navy--berths were few and the food poor, the pay was small
and the service a kind of slavery. Ordinary seamen received only ten
shillings a month, which was raised to fifteen shillings when Charles
I (1625-1649) became king. But even this small wage was subject to a
deduction of six pence for the Chatham Chest founded in 1590 for the
relief of injured and disabled seamen.

Peter Easton was one of the most notorious of the English pirates
during the reign of James I. In 1611 he had forty vessels under his
command. The next year he was on the Newfoundland coast with ten of
his ships where he trimmed and repaired, appropriated provisions and
munitions and took one hundred men to man his fleet.[4] On June 4,
1614, Henry Mainwaring, was at Newfoundland, with eight vessels in his
fleet. Mainwaring became even better known than Easton and a few years
later was pardoned and placed in command of a squadron and sent to
the Barbary coast in an unsuccessful attempt to drive out the pirates
located there. While he was on the Newfoundland coast he plundered the
fishing fleet of carpenters and marines and the provisions and stores
that he needed. Of every six seamen he took one. From a Portuguese
ship he looted a good store of wine and a French ship supplied him
with 10,000 fish. Some of the fishermen deserted their vessels and
voluntarily went with him. In all he took four hundred men, many of
whom were “perforstmen,”[5] and then sailed back across the Atlantic
to continue his impartial plundering of the ships of Spain and other
nations.

It was an easy matter for the English pirates to obtain bread, wine,
cider and fish and all the necessaries for shipping on the Newfoundland
coast as the fishermen were unarmed and moreover did not stand
together. Not many pirates went there, however, as the voyage across
the Atlantic was long and the prevailing winds apt to be westerly or
northwesterly during the summer months. Notwithstanding, the fishing
fleets suffered so much from these attacks that by 1622, men-of-war
were sent out to convoy and remain on the station during the fishing
season. In 1636, three hundred English fishing vessels were in the
fleet that sailed for home under convoy.

The Irish coast was another favorite resort where pirates went to
careen and obtain provisions from the country people. Broadhaven was
a favorite rendezvous. The Irish coast not only was a good place to
provision but also there “they had good store of English, Scottish and
Irish wenches which resort unto them, and these are strong attractions
to draw the common sort of them thither.”[6]

Mainwaring in his account of English piracy at this period, supplies an
interesting description of their methods of attack.

“In their working they usually do thus: a little before day they take
in all their sails, and lie a-hull, till they can make what ships are
about them; and accordingly direct their course so as they may seem
to such ships as they see to be Merchantmen bound upon their course.
If they be a fleet, then they disperse themselves a little before
day, some league or thereabouts asunder, and seeing no ships do most
commonly clap close by a wind to seem as Plyers.[7] If any ships stand
in after them, they heave out all the sail they can make, and hang out
drags to hinder their going, so that the other that stand with them
might imagine they were afraid and that they shall fetch them up. They
keep their tops continually manned, and have signs to each other when
to chase, when to give over, where to meet, and how to know each other,
if they see each other afar off.

“In chase they seldom use any ordnance, but desire as soon as they can,
to come a board and board; by which course he shall more dishearten
the Merchant and spare his own Men. They commonly show such colours as
are most proper to their ships, which are for the most part Flemish
bottoms, if they can get them, in regard that generally they go well,
are roomy ships, floaty[8] and of small charge.”

Mainwaring also comments on the ease with which successful pirates
might obtain a pardon and of this he spoke with personal knowledge of
how it was done, writing, “if they can get £1000 or two, they doubt
not but to find friends to get their Pardons for them. They have also
a conceit that there must needs be wars with Spain within a few years,
and then they think they shall have a general Pardon.”

Capt. John Smith in his “True Travels,” relates that the pirates
prospered exceedingly and became a serious menace to trade so that
“they grew hatefull to all Christian Princes.” Their increase in number
finally induced them to establish a rendezvous on the Barbary coast
in Northern Africa.[9] Ward, Bishop and Easton, all Englishmen, were
among the first to go there, and were soon joined by others,--Jennings,
Harris and Thompson and some who were hanged, at last, at Wapping
on the Thames. The Mediterranean was the center of a rich commerce
and these outlawed seamen banded together in small fleets, plundered
impartially the vessels of Genoa, Malta, England or Holland. Success
brought on indolence and the riotous, debauched life they led after
a time deprived them of leaders of spirit, so that the Moors began
to dominate their operations.[10] Some pirates were enslaved, others
became renegades and accepted the Mohammedan faith and all, at last,
became merged into the Barbary corsair and for nearly two centuries
sailed out of ports in Algiers and Tunis and were the terror of
mariners, not only about the Strait of Gibraltar but for some distance
up and down the Atlantic coast,--robbing, enslaving or exacting tribute
from all so unfortunate as to fall into their hands. Another group of
rovers made their home port at Sallee harbor, on the west coast of
Morocco. The “Salley rovers” were a great danger to vessels engaged in
the Guinea trade.

From this it will be seen that piracy in European waters, in the
early years of the seventeenth century, had its origin in a lack of
legitimate employment for seamen. This condition was brought about
by a period of peace and aggravated by an imperfectly developed
maritime commerce that could not be quickly increased in order to find
occupation for idle men. “I could wish Merchants, Gentlemen, and all
setters forth of ships,” concludes Captain Smith, “not to bee sparing
of a competent pay, nor true payment; for neither souldiers nor Sea-men
can live without meanes, but necessity will force them to steale; and
when they are once entered into that trade, they are hardly reclaimed.”

Another contributing factor, that later helped to supply suitable
material for piratical ventures, may be found in the character of
the shifting population of the American colonies. In all frontier
settlements, in all parts of the world and at all times, there exist
irresponsible and lawless elements sloughed off by more perfectly
controlled governments. This was true in the early days of the seaport
towns along the Atlantic coast. Prisoners of war, poor debtors,
criminals from the gaols and young men and boys kidnapped in the
streets of English towns, were shipped across the Atlantic and sold to
planters and tradesmen for a term of years under conditions closely
approaching servitude. It became a trade to furnish the plantations
with servile labor drawn from the off-scourings of the mother country.
Even the English government took a hand and in 1661 “a committee
was appointed to consider the best means of furnishing labor to the
plantations by authorizing contractors to transport criminals, beggars,
and vagrants. Runaway apprentices, faithless husbands and wives,
fugitive thieves and murderers were thus enabled to escape beyond the
reach of civil or criminal justice.”[11] Once landed in the colonies
and having tasted the hardships of forced labor, a roving disposition
was soon awakened and runaway servants were almost as common as
blackbirds. Numbers of these men joined marauding expeditions and
eventually became pirates of the usual type.

Undoubtedly privateering was the principal training school that
taught adventurous men to accept a roving commission not only
against Spaniards but against men of all nations. Like pirates, the
privateersmen lived on spoil and while legally restricted in their
attacks to the vessels of an enemy nation it was easy sometimes to
overlook the color of a flag if an honest living was not at hand and
one was far from home. In fact, it has been said that “privateers in
time of war are a nursery for pirates against a peace.” A stirring
description of an attack on a Spanish ship is given in the “Accidence
for all Young Seamen,” published in London in 1626, and written by
Capt. John Smith, the “Admiral of New England.” It may well serve as an
account of what took place at that time on nearly every privately armed
vessel attacking an enemy.

“A sail, how stands she, to windward or leeward, set him by the
Compass. He stands right a-head. Out with all your sails, a steady
man at the helm, sit close to keep her steady. He holds his own. Ho,
we gather on him. Out goeth his flag and pennants or streamers, also
his Colours, his waist-cloths and top armings, he furls and slings his
main sail, in goes his sprit sail and mizzen, he makes ready his close
fights fore and after. Well, we shall reach him by and by.

“Is all ready? Yea, yea. Every man to his charge. Dowse your top sail,
salute him for the sea. Hail him! Whence your ship? Of Spain. Whence
is yours? Of England. Are you Merchants or Men of War? We are of the
Sea. He waves us to leeward for the King of Spain, and keeps his luff.
Give him a chase piece, a broadside, and run a-head, make ready to tack
about. Give him your stern pieces. Be yare at helm, hail him with a
noise of Trumpets.

“We are shot through and through, and between wind and water. Try
the pump. Master, let us breathe and refresh a little. Sling a man
overboard to stop the leak. Done, done. Is all ready again? Yea, yea.
Bear up close with him. With all your great and small shot charge him.
Board him on his weather quarter. Lash fast your grapplins and shear
off, then run stem line the mid ships. Board and board, or thwart the
hawse. We are foul on each other.

“The ship’s on fire. Cut anything to get clear, and smother the fire
with wet cloths. We are clear, and the fire is out. God be thanked!

“The day is spent, let us consult. Surgeon look to the wounded. Wind up
the slain, with each a piece or bullet at his head and feet. Give three
pieces for their funeral.

“Swabber make clean the ship. Purser record their names. Watch be
vigilent to keep your berth to windward; and that we loose him not in
the night. Gunners sponge your Ordnances. Carpenters about your leaks.
Boatswain and the rest, repair the sails and shrouds. Cook see you
observe your directions about the morning watch. Boy. Hulloa, Master,
Hulloa. Is the kettle boiling. Yea, yea.

“Boatswain call up the men to Breakfast; Boy fetch my cellar of
Bottles. A health to you all fore and aft, courage my hearts for a
fresh charge. Master lay him aboard luff for luff. Midshipmen see the
tops and yards well manned with stones and brass balls, to enter them
in the shrouds. Sound Drums and Trumpets, and St. George for England.

“They hang out a flag of truce. Stand in with him, hail him amain,
abaft or take in his flag. Strike their sails and come aboard, with the
Captain, Purser, and Gunner, with your Commission, Cocket, or bills of
loading.

“Out goes their Boat. They are launched from the ship’s side. Entertain
them with a general cry, God save the Captain, and all the Company,
with the Trumpets sounding. Examine them in particular; and then
conclude your conditions with feasting, freedom, or punishment as you
find occasion.”

During the middle years of the seventeenth century the West India
waters were covered with privateers commissioned to prey upon Spanish
commerce. Not only did the home government issue these commissions but
every colonial governor as well, so that thousands of men were out of
employment when a peace was declared. Merchants then took advantage
of such conditions and poorly paid and poorly fed their seamen and
this bred discontent and made willing volunteers when the first pirate
vessel was encountered.

Not infrequently it was difficult to separate privateering from piracy.
John Quelch, who was hanged in Boston for piracy, in 1704, preyed upon
Portuguese commerce as he supposed in safety and not until he returned
to Marblehead did he learn of the treaty of peace that made him a
pirate. In 1653, Thomas Harding captured a rich prize sailing from
Barbadoes and in consequence was tried in Boston for piracy, but saved
his neck when he was able to prove that the vessel was Dutch and not
Spanish. In 1692, the Governor and Council of Connecticut were informed
that “a catch and 2 small sloops, with about 30 or 40 privateers or
rather pirates,” were anchored off East Hampton, Long Island, and had
sold a ketch to Mr. Hutchinson of Boston and bought a sloop of Captain
Hubbard, also of Boston.

Newport, R. I., sent out many privateers. In 1702 it was reported that
nearly all of the able-bodied men on the Island were away privateering.
The town also profited frequently from the visits of known pirates,
as in 1688, when Peterson, in a “barkalonga” of ten guns and seventy
men, refitted at Newport and no bill could be obtained against him from
the grand jury as they were neighbors and friends of many of the men
on board. Two Salem ketches also traded with him and a master of one
brought into “Martin’s Vineyard,” a prize that Peterson “the pirate,
had taken in the West Indies.”[12] Andrew Belcher, a well-known Boston
merchant and master of the ship “Swan,” paid Peterson £57, in money and
provisions, for hides and elephants’ teeth taken from his plunder.

The ill-defined connection between privateering and piracy was fully
recognized in those days and characterized publicly by the clergy. In
1704 when Rev. Cotton Mather preached his “Brief Discourse occasioned
by a Tragical Spectacle in a Number of Miserables under Sentence of
Death for Piracy,” he remarked that “the Privateering Stroke so easily
degenerates into the Piratical; and the Privateering Trade is usually
carried on with an Unchristian Temper, and proves an Inlet unto so much
Debauchery and Iniquity.”

The Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, by which peace was made between England
and Spain, was signed in 1668, but the colonial authorities were
so little concerned by the depredations of the English privateers
on Spanish commerce in the West Indies that their commissions were
not revoked until 1672 and even then, for a time, the doings of the
adventurous, privately armed vessels were not scrutinized too closely.

The Peace of Ryswick in 1697 put an end to most of the privateering in
the West Indies and sixteen years later England’s wars with France,
over the Spanish succession, lasting for nearly a half-century,
ended with the treaty of peace signed at Utrecht. By its terms Great
Britain received Newfoundland and Nova Scotia, and the right to send
African slaves to America. While the notable battles of this war had
been fought on land yet, in many respects, it had been a conflict
between naval powers and the peace released a great many men who found
themselves unable to obtain employment in the merchant shipping. This
was particularly true in the West Indies where the colonial governors
had commissioned a large number of privateers. When adventurous spirits
have been privately employed under a commission to sail the seas and
plunder the ships of another nation, it is but a step forward to
continue that fine work without a commission after the war is over. To
the mind of the needy seaman there was very little distinction between
the lawfulness of one and the unlawfulness of the other.

[Illustration: MAP OF THE WEST INDIES ABOUT 1720, SHOWING “THE TRACTS
OF THE GALLIONS”

From Herman Moll’s “Atlas Minor,” London, 1732, in the Harvard College
Library]

Another training school for pirate ships also existed among the
buccaneers who flourished in the West Indies during the last half
of the seventeenth century. Spain at that time claimed sovereignty
over all the lands lying in or about the Caribbean Sea, a territory
which she looked upon as a great preserve over which to exercise
absolute control and from which to extract the wealth of the mines.
Manufactures were forbidden and commerce with other nations was not
permitted. Clothing and supplies of all kinds, wines, oil, and even
some kinds of provisions must be purchased from merchants in distant
Spain. No foreigner might land under pain of death and no foreign ship
was permitted to anchor in any of their harbors. Twice each year a
splendid fleet left Spain, bound for Mexico and the Isthmus of Panama,
laden with all kinds of merchandise required by Spanish-America. On
the arrival of the galleons a great fair was held where the traders
met and for forty days Porto Bello, the city of the deadly climate,
was thronged by the merchants of Peru, cargadores and sailors from the
ships, negroes and native Indians.

By the year 1630, small settlements had been established by the
English on the islands of Bermuda, St. Christopher, Tortuga and the
Barbadoes, and Frenchmen were on Hispaniola; but before many years St.
Christopher and Tortuga were ravaged by Spanish fleets, the women and
children murdered and all able-bodied men condemned to slavery in the
mines. The limitations of English navigation laws at this time were
crowding the home ports with unemployed seamen; some took to begging on
the high roads, but the more adventurous found their way to the West
Indies where twice each year journeyed the fleet of great ships laden
with gold and silver from the mines of Mexico and Peru, pearls from
Margarita and precious gems gathered from two continents. Here, too,
came the scum of Europe and on the island of Tortuga a settlement grew
that was frequented by lawless vagabonds coming from everywhere who
lived variously by hunting, planting and piracy.

The name “buccaneer,” afterwards applied to these rovers, was derived
from the hunters who smoked the flesh of the wild cattle that they
killed, over a “boucane” or wood fire. Two centuries and a half later,
the French half-breeds canoeing in the Canadian backlands spoke of “la
boucane” when they lighted their camp fires. The hunters went to the
mainland in large parties and killed the wild cattle for their hides.
“After the hunt was over” writes Esquemeling,[13] the historian of the
buccaneers, “they commonly sail to Tortuga to provide themselves with
guns, powder and shot, and necessaries for another expedition; the
rest of their gains they spend prodigally, giving themselves to all
manner of vice and debauchery, particularly to drunkenness, which they
practiced mostly with brandy.” The tavern keepers and the hangers-on
of both sexes, watched for the return of the buccaneers, “even as at
Amsterdam, they do for the arrival of the East India fleet.”

It was a Frenchman, known among his associates as “Peter the Great,”
who first played the uproarious game of piracy on the Spanish fleet.
With only twenty-eight men he cruised off the coast of Hispaniola in
an open boat at the time of year when the galleons passed on their
homeward voyage. On sighting the fleet he followed during the night
and notwithstanding the fact that the Vice-Admiral had been told of
the suspicious craft, so confident was he of the strength of his ship
that she was allowed to straggle from the convoy. When the boatload
of desperadoes ran alongside they scuttled their craft and boarded
the Spaniard yelling like demons. They were dressed in their usual
manner, in shirts soaked in the blood of wild cattle, leather breeches
and moccasins of rawhide, and the Vice-Admiral, sitting in his cabin
playing cards, may well have imagined, as in fact he cried out--“The
ship is invaded by devils.”

After the news of the rich capture reached Tortuga, many of the
buccaneers turned to piracy and in a few years the Spanish seas were
infested with small fleets of pirate vessels which obeyed fixed laws
and were governed by a single chief. Desperate men in every European
port came out to join them and in time many thousand men recognized
the command of the great captains of the “Brethren of the Coast,”
as they styled themselves. Before the end of the first year that
followed the capture of the Spanish galleon, twenty large vessels
had been taken, two great plate ships had been cut out of the harbor
of Campeachy and a trade in looted merchandize had sprung up between
Tortuga and Europe that soon made the piratical settlement one of the
richest in America.

The “Brethren of the Coast” established among themselves a code of laws
the larger number of which related to captured booty. All offences
against these laws were severely punished, the commonest penalty being
“marooning” which consisted of landing the offender on an uninhabited
key or island with only a small supply of food. The most desperate
might well shrink from such an end. The invariable practice required
that everything should be held in common and at the last be divided
into shares according to a fixed ratio. The captain drew the largest
number, of course, and the sailing master, carpenter and surgeon came
next. There was also a tariff by which to indemnify those who were
mutilated while fighting. For a right arm, six hundred Spanish pieces
of eight were awarded or a corresponding value in slaves. The left arm
was worth only five hundred pieces of eight, and a leg was of equal
value. An eye was worth one hundred and a finger the same. The booty
brought into the pirate rendezvous at Tortuga was enormous. Frequently
pirates would land bringing in five or six thousand pieces of eight
per man and a single vessel once brought in loot amounting to 260,000
pieces. Huge sums were gambled away in a single night and drunken
buccaneers would sometimes buy pipes of wine and force every passer-by
to drink or fight.

The success of the buccaneers before long paralyzed Spanish commerce
and fewer ships were sent to the American colonies so that the
“Brethren,” then numbering several thousands, began to plan attacks
upon land. The first Spanish settlement assaulted was Campeachy, on
the coast of Yucatan. An Englishman named Lewis Scot led this attack
which resulted in much loot and the almost entire destruction of the
city. Another Englishman named Davis took Nicaragua and plundered
the churches of vast quantities of plate and jewels. L’Olonnais, a
Frenchman, with eight vessels filled with men, fell upon Maracaibo and
after much hard fighting brought away 260,000 pieces of eight and a
great amount of jewels and plate. “But,” writes Esquemeling, “in three
weeks they had scarce any money left, having spent it all in things of
little value, or lost it at play. The taverns and stews, according to
the custom of the pirates, got the greatest part.”

Capt. Henry Morgan, the leader of the expedition against Panama,
achieved the greatest fame among all these lawless chieftains. Charles
II knighted him and made him governor of Jamaica, where he turned upon
his late companions and waged a bitter warfare. An early exploit of
Morgan was the taking of Puerto Velo, one of the strongest fortresses
in New Spain. Surprising the sentry at night he easily captured the
outer defences. The prisoners were placed in a room with several
barrels of gunpowder and as they were blown into the air the buccaneers
assaulted the citadel. The cloisters had been seized and the priests
and nuns were forced to climb the scaling ladders before the men, “the
religious men and women ceasing not to cry to the governor and beg him
to deliver the castle, and so save both his and their lives,” writes
Esquemeling. The castle surrendered at last, though “with great loss of
the said religious people.” The loot amounted to over 250,000 pieces
of eight and much other spoil which was soon squandered at Port Royal,
a pirate town in Jamaica that supplied almost unlimited resources for
debauchery.

[Illustration: SIR HENRY MORGAN, THE BUCCANEER, BEFORE PANAMA

From an engraving in Johnson’s “General History of the Lives and
Adventures of the Most Famous Highwaymen, Murderers, Pyrates,” etc.,
London, 1734, in the Harry Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard College
Library]

The capture of Panama took place in 1671. Morgan’s fleet sailed from
Jamaica and with only twelve hundred men he crossed the Isthmus. The
Spaniards learned of his coming and carried away or destroyed all food
stuffs along the route so that when the buccaneers came in sight of
the South Sea, after a nine days’ march, they were nearly famished and
in desperate straits. A few days’ rest put them in condition again and
with many revengeful oaths they fell upon the defences of the city with
irresistible fury. No quarter was given on either side. Soon Panama was
in flames. It was four weeks before the fires at last were extinguished
and over two hundred great warehouses, seven thousand houses, huge
stables that sheltered the horses and mules that transported the golden
ingots of the King of Spain, and many other buildings were entirely
destroyed. The plunder was immense. On the way back a dispute broke out
and when Morgan reached the ships he scuttled all but one and set sail
with only his chosen followers. Such treachery was unforgivable and he
never afterward led the “Brethren of the Coast.”

Morgan became governor of Jamaica with strict orders to enforce the
treaty concluded between England and Spain and relentlessly persecuted
those of his late associates who neglected to accept the royal pardon
which provided grants of lands to all buccaneers who would abandon the
sea and become planters. By proclamation all cruising against Spain
was forbidden under severe penalties. Many of the English filibusters
accepted the pardon while others became logwood cutters in the Bay of
Honduras or raised a black flag and preyed upon the ships of every
nation.

The pirate commonwealth at Port Royal was abandoned and such Englishmen
as continued to rove joined their French brethren who frequented the
island of Tortuga, or crossed the Isthmus and preyed upon the Spanish
towns in Peru and the shipping of the Great South Sea. They also
captured immense booty at Acapulco where the Spanish ships landed the
riches of the Philippines. The peace of Ryswick in 1697 settled the
disputes between France and Spain and also sounded the knell of the
French filibusters. Before long the buccaneers were absorbed in the
population of the various islands in the West Indies and the Spanish
galleons again sailed peacefully through the tropic seas.

Another strong influence that led to insecurity on the high seas
and eventually to outright piracy was the operation of the English
Navigation Acts. European nations were in agreement that the
possession of colonies meant the exclusive control of their trade and
manufactures. Lord Chatham wrote, “The British Colonists in North
America have no right to manufacture so much as a nail for a horse
shoe,” and Lord Sheffield went further and said, “The only use of
American Colonies, is the monopoly of their consumption, and the
carriage of their produce.”[14]

English merchants naturally wished to sell at high prices and to buy
colonial raw materials as low as possible and as they were unable to
supply a market for all that was produced, the colonies were at a
disadvantage in both buying and selling. By the Acts of Navigation
certain “enumerated articles” could be marketed only in England.
Lumber, salt provisions, grain, rum and other non-enumerated articles
might be sold within certain limits but must be transported in English
or plantation built vessels of which the owners and three-fourths of
the mariners were British subjects. Freight rates also advanced as
other nations, notably the Dutch, had previously enjoyed a good share
of the carrying trade.

The first Navigation Act was passed in 1647. It was renewed and its
provisions enlarged in 1651, 1660, 1663 and later. Before long it was
found that these attempts to monopolize the colonial markets resulted
in a natural resistance and smuggling began and also an extensive trade
with privateers and pirates who brought into all the smaller ports of
New England captured merchandise that was sold at prices below the
usual market values. Matters went from bad to worse and servants of the
Crown frequently combined with the colonists to evade the obnoxious
laws. Even the royal governors connived at what was going on. This
was particularly true in the colonies south of New England. Colonel
Fletcher, the governor of New York, commissioned numerous privateers
and received a fee, the equivalent of one hundred dollars per man.
These vessels when well away from local jurisdiction became pirates in
earnest and ravaged the Red Sea and brought home rich cargoes of East
India goods in which the members of the governor’s council obtained
their share. Hore, a famous privateer and pirate, was very successful
in this trade and Thomas Tew, another freebooter, divided his time
between New York, Newport and the Madagascar coast. He was on the
black list of the East India Company but Governor Fletcher entertained
him at his table and when the Lords of Trade remonstrated, the artful
governor replied that he wished to make Captain Tew a sober man and in
particular “to reclaime him from a vile habit of swearing,”[15] and as
for coming to his table, that was but a common hospitality.

In Rhode Island, the president and four assistants granted these
commissions with the condition that the colony was to share in any
captures. In 1649, Bluefield or Blauvelt, a Dutch privateersman,
brought a prize into Newport, which the governor found was taken during
a truce. But there was no man-of-war in the harbor to enforce the law
and as the townsfolk wanted to buy the cargo and the sailors wanted
the prize money, everybody was satisfied. At a later time Governor
Bellomont of New York complained of the Admiralty Court at Newport as
too “favourable” to piracies and in Queen Anne’s time, Connecticut and
Rhode Island were both complained of because “Her Majesty’s and ye Lord
High Admiral’s dues are sunk in condemning prizes.”[16]

At Stamford, Conn., a prominent citizen had a warehouse “close to the
Sound,” where he received illicit goods and afterwards shipped them to
Boston and other ports. The shore of eastern Long Island was haunted
by smugglers and pirates. Sometimes the wind lay in the other quarter
and a privateersman was adjudged a pirate and hanged. This happened in
Boston in 1704 to John Quelch who had captured Portuguese vessels. But
contemporaries say that officialdom was after a goodly share of the
gold dust that he had brought in. Usually, however, the enterprising
rover lived out his days in the character of a “rich privateer” and
died respected by friends and neighbors.

There were pirates and pirates. Some were letters-of-marque and
legitimate traders and enjoyed the protection of merchants and
officials on shore, while others were outlaws. In 1690, Governor
Bradstreet of the Massachusetts Colony was complaining of the great
damage done to shipping by “French Privateers and Pirates,” and
four years later, Frontenac, the governor of Canada, was asking for
a frigate to cruise about the St. Lawrence against the New England
“_corsaires et filibusters_.” There is no doubt these French privateers
were a considerable menace to New England shipping and that there was
need for privately armed vessels to protect the coast, a task not easy
or desirable; so why should one scrutinize too closely semi-piratical
captures made by so useful friends? In 1709, in mid-winter, a French
privateer appeared off Cape Cod and Governor Dudley ordered Capt.
Abraham Robinson of Gloucester, to man his sloop and sail in pursuit.
It was not an inviting enterprise, especially at that season of the
year, and when the drums went about the town beating up for volunteers,
enlistments languished and the expedition was finally given up. The
minister of the place afterwards wrote to the governor, making excuses
saying “it made them quake to think of turning out of their warm beds
and from good fires, and be thrust into a naked vessel, where they
must lie on the cold, hard ballast, instead of beds, and without fire,
excepting some few who might crowd into the cabin.”[17]

The agents sent over by the Lords of Trade and Plantations were unable
to make progress against the flagrant evasions of the Navigation Acts.
Randolph, who arrived in Boston in 1679, was the most active of these
agents, and when he seized several vessels for irregular trading,
the courts decided against him and “damages were given against his
Majesty.”[18] He afterwards complained of those privateers that were
fitting out for the Spanish West Indies and writes of Mr. Wharton of
Boston, as “a great undertaker for pyratts and promoter of irregular
trade.” “New England rogues and pitiful damned Scotch pedlars,” he
termed those who opposed him. The pirates or privateers were supplied
with provisions by vessels from the mainland and prize goods were taken
in payment. Vessels were often fitted out at Rhode Island and manned in
New York and Arabian gold was to be found in both colonies; “in fact,
’tis the most beneficiall trade, that to Madagascar with the pirates,
that was ever heard of, and I believe there’s more got that way than
by turning pirates and robbing.” So wrote the New York governor, and
later, he again wrote to the Lords at Whitehall: “The temptation is soe
great to the common seamen in that part of the world where the Moores
have so many rich ships and the seamen have a humour more now than ever
to turne pirates.”[19]

The profits of piracy and the irregular trade practiced at that time
were large, indeed, and twenty-nine hundred per cent profit in illicit
trade was not unusual, so there is little wonder that adventurous
men took chances and honest letters-of-marque sometimes seized upon
whatever crossed their course. The pirate, the privateer and the armed
merchantman often blended the one into the other.


FOOTNOTES

 [1] _True Travels, Adventures and Observations of Captain John Smith_,
London, 1630.

 [2] Oppenheim, _The Administration of the Royal Navy_, p. 177.

 [3] _True Travels, Adventures and Observations of Captain John Smith_,
London, 1630.

 [4] _Purchas, His Pilgrimage_, Vol. IV, p. 1882.

 [5] Perforst, _i.e._, forced.

 [6] Mainwaring, _The Beginnings, Practices and Suppression of Pirates,
ca. 1717_. MS. in British Museum.

 [7] To ply: to beat up against a wind.

 [8] Floaty, _i.e._, draw little water.

 [9] As early as 1613, English pirates were established at Mamora, at
the mouth of the Sebu River on the Barbary Coast. That year about
thirty sail were using the port.

[10] By 1618 there were one hundred and fifty Turkish vessels to only
twenty English at Algiers.

[11] Doyle, _English Colonies in America_, Vol. I, p. 383.

[12] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. 35, folio 61.

[13] John Esquemeling, _The Buccaneers of America_, London, 1684.

[14] Viscount Bury, _Exodus of the Western Nations_, Vol. II, London,
1865.

[15] _New York Colonial Documents_, Vol. IV, p. 447.

[16] _New York Colonial Documents_, Vol. IV, p. 1116.

[17] Babson, _History of Gloucester_, p. 138.

[18] _Andros Tracts_, Vol. III, p. 5.

[19] _New York Colonial Documents_, Vol. IV, p. 521.




CHAPTER II

DIXEY BULL, THE FIRST PIRATE IN NEW ENGLAND WATERS AND SOME OTHERS WHO
FOLLOWED HIM


The doubtful honor of having been the first pirate to plunder the
small shipping of the New England colonists belongs to one Dixey Bull
who was living in London in 1631 and who came over late that fall
and for a short time was living at Boston. He probably was sent over
by Sir Ferdinando Gorges and certainly was associated with him in a
large grant of land lying east of Agamenticus, at York, on the coast
of Maine. He came of a respectable family but was of an adventurous
disposition and soon after reaching New England became a “trader for
bever,” spending much of his time on the Maine coast bartering with the
Indians and the scattered white settlers.

In June, 1632, he was trading in Penobscot Bay when a roving company
of Frenchmen in a pinnace came upon him and seized his shallop and
stock of “coats, ruggs, blanketts, bisketts, etc.” These Frenchmen had
previously rifled the trading post on the Penobscot maintained by the
Pilgrim Colony at Plymouth, where “many French complements they used,
and Congees they made.”[20]

Having lost his slender stock of trading goods Bull seems to have
become desperate and getting together a small company of wanderers,
located here and there along the coast, he proposed a venture against
the French. Governor Winthrop relates that Bull added to his own crew
“fifteen more of the English who kept about the East,” and with these
men he sailed along the coast in the late summer hoping to fall in
with some Frenchmen and so retrieve his losses. But the French kept out
of sight and badly in need of supplies he took and plundered two or
three small vessels owned by colonial traders and from them forced four
or five men to join his company.

The next venture was to sail into the harbor at Pemaquid and loot
that trading station of goods to the value of over £500. He met with
practically no resistance while the plundering was going on and the
goods were safely got on board the shallop. But just as they were
weighing anchor, a well-aimed musket shot from shore killed the
second in command. This was the first blood that had been shed and as
the entire company, so far as known, had had no previous piratical
experience, the fatal outcome and the sight of human blood seems to
have been somewhat of a shock. Capt. Anthony Dicks, a Salem skipper,
fell into their hands not long after and some of them told him of what
had happened at Pemaquid and expressed great fear and horror so “that
they were afraid of the very Rattling of the Ropes.”[21]

Bull tried to persuade Captain Dicks to pilot them to Virginia which
may have been an excellent refuge at that time for a New England
pirate, for a contemporaneous Puritan writer describes the Virginia
colony as “a nest of rogues, whores, dissolute and rooking persons.”
The Salem skipper, however, refused to serve Bull and his company and
so the voyage to Virginia was abandoned for the time and it was decided
to continue attacks on other trading posts. The company then adopted
a body of articles to govern their acts and among them a law against
excessive drinking. “At such times as other ships use to have prayer,
they would assemble upon the deck, and one sing a song, or speak a few
senseless sentences, etc. They also sent a writing, directed to all the
governors, signifying their intent not to do harm to any more of their
countrymen, but to go to the southward, and to advise them not to send
against them; for they were resolved to sink themselves rather than be
taken: signed underneath, _Fortune le garde_, and no name to it.”[22]

The threat of piratical attack on the trading posts was soon spread
abroad by men returning from the Penobscot and then “perils did abound
as thick as thought could make them.” Late in November the authorities
in the Massachusetts Bay sent out a pinnace with twenty armed men
to join with four small pinnaces and shallops and about forty men
already sent out from Piscataqua and the united expedition in time
reached Pemaquid where it lay windbound for nearly three weeks. This
was the first hostile fleet fitted out in New England and the first
naval demonstration made in the colonies. Samuel Maverick who lived on
Noddle’s Island, now East Boston, was the “husband and merchant of the
pinnace sent out to take Dixie Bull.”

The pirate shallop was nowhere to be found and after two months of
winter weather the hostile expedition returned home. Early in February,
1633, three men who had served under Bull and deserted, reached their
homes. They claimed that he had sailed eastward and gone over to the
French. Governor Winthrop, two years later, repeated this version of
his disappearance, but Capt. Roger Clap of Dorchester, relates in his
“Memoirs,” that Bull at last safely reached England. Whatever his
fortune or fate he disappears from New England leaving behind him the
badly earned fame of having been the first pirate captain in these
waters.

Dixey Bull’s captures do not seem to have been followed by any other
piratical venture in New England for some years. Shipping sailing to
and from England was obliged to run the gauntlet of the Dutch and
French privateers and the so-called pirates sailing out of Flushing and
Ostend made several captures that effected the fortunes of the Boston
traders. Nov. 12, 1644, the Great and General Court of Massachusetts
granted a commission to Capt. Thomas Hawkins of Boston “to take any
ship that shall assault him, or any other that hee shall have certeine
knowledge to have taken either ship or ships of ours, or to take any
ship that hath commission to make prize of any of ours.” Fourteen
days later he sailed for Spain in the “Seafort,” of four hundred
tons, a ship that he had just built and which was loaded with bolts,
tobacco, etc. As he neared the Spanish coast very early one morning
he thought he saw some Turkish vessels and preparing for attack stood
towards them. Unhappily the ship soon went aground about two miles
from the shore and nineteen were drowned. Captain Hawkins was a London
shipbuilder who came to New England in 1632 and engaged in shipbuilding
and commerce. It was his grandson Thomas, who was tried in Boston in
1690 for piracy as is told elsewhere in this volume.

At the Nov. 12, 1644 session of the General Court, a commission was
also granted to Capt. Thomas Bredcake for twelve months, to take
Turkish pirates, thereby meaning the Algerines who were a constant
danger to shipping trading with Spain. John Hull, the Boston
mint-master, records in his diary in 1671 that William Foster, one of
his neighbors, had been taken by the Turks as he was going to Bilboa
with fish. He afterwards was redeemed and reached home safely in
November, 1673.

Capt. Thomas Cromwell of Boston, master of the ship “Separation,”
obtained a commission in 1645 from the Earl of Warwick, the Lord
Admiral of the Long Parliament, and after capturing several rich
prizes in the West Indies, came into Massachusetts Bay and was forced
by a strong northwest wind to take refuge in Plymouth Harbor where
he remained for two weeks. There were about eighty men in his crew
and they “did so distemper themselves with drink as they became like
madd-men; ... they spente and scattered a great deale of money among
the people, and yet more sine than money.”[23]

From Plymouth, he sailed for Boston where he presented Governor
Winthrop with a sedan that he had captured. It had been sent by the
Viceroy of Mexico as a present to his sister and by capture reached
Puritan hands. Captain Cromwell had formerly been known about Boston as
a common sailor and on his appearance possessed of a great fortune, the
Governor offered him for his use one of the best houses in the town.
But the captain refused and took lodgings in “a poor thatched house”
saying that in his former “mean estate that poor man entertained him,
when others would not, and therefore he would not leave him now, when
he might do him good.” Governor Winthrop says of Cromwell:--“He was
ripped out of his mother’s belly, and never sucked, nor saw father nor
mother, nor they him.”[24] He died in Boston in 1649, and by will gave
to the town “my six bells.”

Another Boston man who sailed under a commission from the Long
Parliament was Capt. Edward Hull, the brother of John Hull, the
mint-master who made the “pine tree shillings.” His vessel, the barque
“Swallow frigott,” was owned by his father and brother and he had sent
them word that he was engaged in a design for the good of the English
nation and for the glory of God. He sailed from Boston in the spring of
1653, and captured several vessels from the French and the Dutch and
while in Rhode Island waters sent some of his men to Block Island with
orders to seize the trading stock in the house of Capt. Kempo Sebada,
which afterwards was valued at nearly one hundred pounds. He then sold
the bark and dividing the plunder went for England. Sebada afterwards
brought suit for damages against the Hulls, the owners of the bark; but
they claimed that the vessel was engaged in privateering wholly without
their knowledge and consent and the court gave the verdict to them. It
is interesting to note that Edward Hull is styled a “pirate” in the
court records and that his father deposed that when he learned of his
son’s exploits he did not protest for fear that he would never see him
or the vessel again.

Rev. Cotton Mather, the pastor of the North Church, Boston, in his
“History of Some Criminals Executed in this Land,” relates the story
of the seizure of the ship “Antonio,” in 1672, off the Spanish coast.
She was owned in England and her crew quarrelled with the master and
at last rose and turned him adrift in the ship’s longboat with a
small quantity of provisions. With him went some of the officers of
the ship. The mutineers, or pirates as they were characterized at the
time, then set sail for New England and on their arrival in Boston they
were sheltered and for a time concealed by Major Nicholas Shapleigh, a
merchant in Charlestown. He also was accused of aiding them in their
attempt to get away. Meanwhile, “by a surprizing providence of God, the
Master, with his Afflicted Company, in the Long-boat, also arrived;
all, Except one who Dyed of the Barbarous Usage.

“The Countenance of the _Master_, was now become Terrible to the
Rebellious _Men_, who, though they had _Escaped the Sea_, yet
_Vengeance would not suffer them to Live a Shore_. At his Instance and
Complaint, they were Apprehended; and the Ringleaders of this Murderous
Pyracy, had sentence of Death Executed on them, in _Boston_.”

The three men who were executed were William Forrest, Alexander Wilson
and John Smith. As for Major Shapleigh; he was fined five hundred
pounds which amount was afterwards abated to three hundred pounds
because “his estate not being able to beare it.”

The extraordinary circumstances of this case probably induced the
General Court to draw up the law that was enacted on Oct. 15, 1673.
By it piracy became punishable by death according to the local laws.
Before then a kind of common law was in force in the colony based upon
Biblical law as construed by the leading ministers. Of course the laws
of England were theoretically respected, but Massachusetts, in the
wilderness, separated from England by three thousand miles of stormy
water, in practice actually governed herself and made her own laws.

“The Court observing the wicked and unrighteous practices of evill
men to encrease, some piratically seizing of shipps, ketches, &c.
with their goods, and others by rising up against their commanders,
officers, and imployers, seizing their vessells and goods at sea,
exposing theire persons to hazard, &c. for the prevention whereof,
and that due witnes may be borne against such bold and notorious
transgressions,--

    “This Court doeth order, & be it hereby ordered & enacted,
    that what person or persons soever shall piratically or
    ffelloniously seize any ship or other vessell, whither in the
    harbour or on the seas, or shall rise up in rebellion against
    the master, officers, merchant or owners of any such ship or
    other sea vessell and goods, and dispoyle or dispossess them
    thereof, and excluding the right owner or those betrusted
    therewith, every such offender, together with their complices,
    if found in this jurisdiction, shall be apprehended, and, being
    legally convicted thereof, shall be put to death; provided
    allwayes, that any such of the said company (who through feare
    or force have binn draune to comply in such wicked action),
    that shall, upon their first arrival in any of our ports or
    harbours, by the first opperturnity, repaire to some magistrate
    or others in authority, and make discovery of such a practise,
    shall not be liable to the aforesaid poenalty of death.”[25]

In July, 1684, this order was revised and it became unlawful for
any person to “enterteyne, harbour, counsel, trade, or hold any
correspondence by letter or otherwise with any person or persons
that shall be deemed or adjudged to be privateers, pyrates, or
other offenders within the construction of this Act.” The highest
commissioned officer in any town or harbor was also impowered to issue
warrants for the seizure of suspected privateers and pirates and he
could raise and levy armed men to inforce the apprehension of such
persons.

[Illustration:

                      Pillars of Salt.

                         An HISTORY
                          OF SOME
               CRIMINALS Executed in this Land
                            FOR
                       Capital Crimes.
                  With some of their Dying
                          Speeches;

                  Collected and Published,
            For the WARNING of such as _Live_ in
            Destructive _Courses_ of Ungodliness.

                      Whereto is added,
         For the better Improvement of this History,
            A Brief Discourse about the Dreadful
              _Justice_ of God, in Punishing of
                       SIN, with SIN.

                        Deut. 19, 20.
 _Those which remain shall hear & fear, and shall henceforth
          commit no more any such Evil among you._

                 _BOSTON_ in _New-England_.
 Printed by _B. Green_ and _J. Allen_, for _Samuel Phillips_
     at the Brick Shop near the Old Meeting House, 1699.
]

On the evening of July 6, 1685, a small ketch hailing from New London,
Conn., came to anchor before the town of Boston and the next morning
the master, Capt. John Prentice, appeared before the General Court and
gave information that he had been chased by a pirate until he had come
in sight of the Brewster’s, at the mouth of the harbor. He deposed
that while at New London, on July 1st, a sloop had put into that port
commanded by one Captain Veale, and with him was one Harvey who was the
merchant on board. Captain Veale asked Captain Prentice if he might
“set his mast by the said Prentice’s Katches side,” which was done.
A little later there came in a vessel from Pennsylvania commanded by
Capt. Daniel Staunton who at once accused Veale and Harvey of piracy
committed in Virginia. Staunton went before the local magistrate and
repeated his charge and demanded that Veale and Harvey be arrested and
tried as pirates. But the magistrate was a little uncertain of his
authority and asked for security. While the matter was being discussed
Harvey “went away from them in great hast, & got on bord & speedily
sailed away in the said Sloop.”

Not long after Captain Prentice set sail in his ketch and on clearing
the mouth of the harbor he saw a shallop at anchor with Veale’s and
Harvey’s sloop hove to near by. A boat passed from the shallop to the
sloop and soon the sloop stood to seaward firing guns several times
and catching sight of Captain Prentice’s ketch made after her, the
chase continuing until darkness came on when the course of the ketch
was changed and in the morning nothing was seen of the sloop. Three
days later, however, early in the morning, the sloop was sighted ahead
under easy sail and after a time she bore up toward the ketch. Captain
Prentice then ordered guns to be fired and also “spread his antient”
and braced to for the sloop to come up. But Captain Veale brought to
as well and kept to the windward for about an hour all the while
firing guns. A severe thunder storm then coming up the sloop fell to
the leeward but continued in chase of the ketch until the Brewster’s,
off Boston harbor, came in sight, when the sloop bore away towards Cape
Ann and Captain Prentice came to an anchorage before the town without
further molestation.

Captain Prentice also reported that one Graham was in command of the
shallop seen in company with Veale and that fourteen men were said to
be on board. Captain Veale, while at New London, tried to buy of John
Wheeler several small carriage guns offering three times their value.
At the time he was well supplied with money. Nicholas Hallam, a sailor
on board the ketch, testified before the magistrates that the men on
board the suspected sloop had some silver plate with the letters and
marks scratched out and also some fine clothing, including a plush
cloak, a broadcloth petty-coat trimmed with broad gold lace and also “a
pair of staies of cloth-of-Tishue.”[26]

The Court at once ordered drums to be forthwith beat up for a
convenient number of volunteers not exceeding forty to man Mr. Richard
Patteshall’s brigantine. Soon the Court was informed that the men
did not readily offer themselves to the service of the country in
the expedition against Veale and Graham, whereupon it was ordered
“for their Incouragemt that free plunder be offered to such as shall
Voluntarily list themselves or that a sufficient number of men be
forthwith Impressed to that service.” Those willing to serve were
directed to report “with sufficient & compleate Arms” to Mr. John Vyall
at the ship Tavern “where Capt. Sampson Waters will enter their names
& direct them presently to goe on board the Brigantine whereof Mr.
Richard Patteshall is master.”

The directions given to Capt. Sampson Waters required him “in all
difficulties to consult with Mr. Richard Pattishall endeavoring to
maintain a good correspondence with him.” All goods seized were to be
brought back for a legal condemnation; prisoners were to be brought
to Boston for trial and care was to be taken to “beware of killing any
of the enemy unnecessarily or exposing your own company to any hazard
without necessity.”[27]

The expedition at last got away and after cruising about the Bay for
several days returned empty-handed like many other similar expeditions
that were sent out in following years.

Piracy now began to be more common on the New England coast.
Buccaneering in the West Indies was disappearing and some of these bold
adventurers raised a black flag against all nations. Desperate sailors
out of a berth also became rovers. The number of sporadic appearances
of these men in northern waters can only be touched upon in these
pages. They came upon the coast and then sailed away leaving little
behind save a mention of their coming.

In the summer of 1687 the ketch “Sparrow,” Richard Narramore, master,
owned by Nicholas Paige of Boston, arrived in the harbor from the
Barbadoes and the Isle of Eleuthera. She had sailed from Boston ten
months before bound for Virginia with English goods. Captain Narramore
loaded with provisions at Maryland and at Roanoke and then sailed
for the Barbadoes where the lading was sold for plate and money. At
the Isle of Eleuthera he loaded with dyeing wood and took on board
eighteen passengers under an agreement that they should be landed at
Newfoundland for forty pieces of eight, per man, passage money. One of
these men, John Danson, shipped as mate and came to Boston in the ketch
but the rest changed their minds as to their intended destination and
asked to be landed at different points. Two men were put ashore at the
easternmost end of Long Island; six landed at Gardiner’s Island; five
at “Martin’s” Vineyard; one was taken to the “Sackadehock” on the Maine
coast and two were left at “Damaras Cove” near there. Captain Narramore
claimed that he had learned the names of none of these men; but he
admitted that they had brought on board two heavy chests which were
taken off at Gardiner’s Island.

Strange stories began to circulate about the wharves and Captain
Narramore and his mate were soon sent for by the magistrates. A
search of Danson’s chest discovered nine hundred pieces of eight--not
a very large fortune for a successful pirate! Danson deposed that
he had sailed from Boston four years before in a private man-of-war
commanded by one Henley, “bound for the Rack,” and afterwards had gone
into the Red Sea where they had plundered and taken what they could
from the Malabars and the Arabs. He left Henley and took passage with
one Wollery, a consort of Henley, for the Isle of Eleuthera where he
shipped with Captain Narramore. He acknowledged that Henley was now
considered a pirate. Thomas Scudder, one of the passengers who had come
to Boston, had gone on board a ketch bound for Salem, where his family
lived, and Christopher Goffe had gone ashore at Gardiner’s Island.[28]

A warrant was issued for the arrest of Scudder and the seizure of any
plate, money or goods in his possession. The sheriff in Essex County
also arrested several other supposed pirates who were sent to Boston
for examination.

Christopher Goffe came into Newport, R. I., in a ship commanded by
William Wollery who was supposed to have come from the Great South Sea.
A shot was fired across their forefoot whereupon they came to anchor
but the next day sailed for Andrews Island where the vessel was burnt
and the men dispersed.[29] In November, 1687, Goffe appeared in Boston
and surrendered himself in pursuance of His Majesty’s “Proclamation for
Calling in and Suppressing Pyrates and Privateers.” He was then very
sick and weak and gave a bond, also signed by two Boston citizens, that
as soon as he recovered he would go to England and receive the King’s
pardon.

Nothing seems to have come of the lengthy investigations made by the
magistrates. The plate and money that had been seized was returned to
Captain Narramore and John Danson and two of the suspected passengers
who had been taken--Edward Calley and Thomas Dunston--were freed and
their money, plate and “a parcel of stones” returned to them.

About the same time a man named William Douglass applied to Edward
Randolph, the English Agent, for relief. He had been a passenger on
board a small vessel sailing between the Barbadoes and the Carolinas
and had been taken by Henry Holloway, the pirate, from whom he had
escaped as the pirate ship rode at anchor in Casco Bay, Maine.

Christopher Goffe recovered from his sickness and in August, 1691, was
commissioned by Governor Bradstreet, to cruise with his ship “Swan”
between Cape Cod and Cape Ann and off the Isles of Shoals for the
safeguard of the coast. This came about as the result of the capture
at Piscataqua, now Portsmouth, N. H., of a vessel commanded by Capt.
Thomas Wilkinson, inward bound from Cadiz. She was taken by two
privateers commanded respectively by Capt. Thomas Griffin and Captain
Dew. Captain Griffin landed at Portsmouth and sent a letter to the
Governor in which he claimed that he carried a privateering commission
and that he had mistaken Captain Wilkinson for a French vessel said to
be on the coast. But as he had found prohibited goods on board he had
seized her after firing three great shot and a volley of small arms.
Captain Griffin wrote that he feared if he brought the prize to Boston
he “should be unkindly dealt with.” He also quite gratuitously accused
the Bostonians of furnishing the French at Fort Royal with arms,
ammunition and cloth in truck for beaver and other goods. Griffin and
Dew first carried their prize into the Isle of Shoals and afterwards
into the river at Portsmouth where part of the cargo was disposed of
without trial or adjudication.

Meanwhile, Captain Goffe was anchored near Portsmouth. On August 14th
he wrote to the Governor:--“I shall obay your honors Comand in making
Seasuer of Capt. Griffin and Capt. Dew If it lies in my power to meet
with them ... one of them is now in site standing of and on between
this place and the Isle of Sholes.... They sayle two foot to ower
one.... Ower Bread and beare is all most Expended.” A few days later he
asked to be recalled to Nantasket to provide necessary supplies, “the
Docters chest Espeshely,”[30] and there the episode seems to have ended.

The ketch “Elinor,” William Shortrigs, master, came to anchor at
Nantasket road, near the mouth of Boston harbor, early in the afternoon
of Nov. 20, 1689. She was inward bound from the island of Nevis, loaded
with sugar and indigo, and the wind failing and the flood tide being
almost spent, the captain was obliged to anchor as most of his men were
sick or disabled with the cold. Leaving the vessel in charge of James
Thomas, he took his mate and one other man and started for Boston in
the ship’s boat to get help to bring the vessel into harbor. Provisions
also were running short. The next day his owner, Mr. Thomas Cooper,
was unable to secure a permit to bring her up because there had been
smallpox on board but on the 22d he told the captain that she might be
brought up as far as the Castle, so four men were sent down the harbor.
The next morning they returned and astonished the captain with the news
that the ketch had disappeared from her anchorage. Mr. Cooper at once
sent out a “hue and cry” according to law and hired a sloop to go in
search of the missing ketch which was found two days later run ashore
within Cape Cod hook.

About seven o’clock in the evening of the day on which Captain
Shortrigs had started to row up to Boston, Thomas was between decks
and had just called the boy to turn the glass and mind the pump, when
he heard a noise on deck and going up to investigate found that four
armed men and a boy had come aboard. One of the men at once gave Thomas
a blow on the head with the butt of his musket and ordered him to keep
quiet. Soon after he was forced under the half-deck and the scuttle was
shut and a tarpaulin put over it. The leader of the party then came
down into the cabin and asked how many were on board, finding four men,
two boys and a woman, all sick save Thomas and one of the boys. The
armed men then cut the cable, which was about half in, and two of them
went aloft to cut the gaskets and loose the sails after which a course
was taken for Cape Cod.

The next morning was Friday and early in the day they came to anchor at
Cape Cod and shot a musket to call a shallop. The leader asked Thomas
if he would go to England with them when they were revictualled and
when he refused they threatened his life. When the shallop came out
to them an agreement was made for a supply of provisions which were
brought out the next morning, but only a small supply--a gallon of rum,
some biscuits and some cheese. The shallop-men said the ketch must be
brought in nearer shore. About midnight, at full sea, they loosed the
cable and let it run out and not long after the ketch went ashore. At
low water the armed party went off and soon disappeared.

Such was the homely tale of the appearance and disappearance of the
ketch “Elinor.” The sequel was soon found in the new stone gaol in
Boston where William Coward, Peleg Heath, Thomas Storey and Christopher
Knight were to be seen confined and in irons. What became of the boy
does not appear. Thomas Pound, Thomas Hawkins, Thomas Johnston and
other more valorous pirates were also confined there at the same time.
Justice moved swiftly that year and notwithstanding the claim made
by Coward, the leader of the party that boarded the ketch, that his
crime had been committed upon the high seas without the jurisdiction
of the court, he was found guilty of piracy and sentenced to be hanged
on January 27, 1690.[31] His companions also were found guilty and
sentenced to death but afterwards reprieved and eventually allowed to
go free.

The story of the capture of James Gillam, a notorious pirate in his
time, is best told by the Earl of Bellomont, Governor of Massachusetts,
in a letter written to the Council of Trade and Plantations on Nov. 29,
1699.

“I gave you an account, Oct. 24, of my taking Joseph Bradish and Tee
Wetherley, and writ that I hoped in a little time to be able to send
news of my taking James Gillam, the Pirate that killed Capt. Edgecomb,
commander of the Mocha frigate for the East India Co., and that with
his own hand while the Captain was asleep. Gillam is supposed to be
the man that encouraged the ship’s company to turn pirates, and the
ship has been ever since robbing in the Red Sea and Seas of India. If
I may believe the reports of men lately come from Madagascar, she has
taken above £2,000,000 sterling. I have been so lucky as to take James
Gillam and he is now in irons in the gaol of this town, and at the
same time we seized one Francis Dole, in whose house he was harboured,
who proves to be one of Hore’s crew, one of Col. Fletcher’s pirates,
commissioned by him from N. York. Dole is also committed to gaol.
My taking of Gillam was so very accidental, one would believe there
was a strange fatality in that man’s stars. On Saturday, 11th inst.,
late in the evening, I had a letter from Col. Sanford, Judge of the
Admiralty Court in Rhode Island, giving me an account that Gillam had
been there, but was come towards Boston a fortnight before, in order to
ship himself for some of the Islands, Jamaica or Barbadoes; that he was
troubled he knew it not sooner and was afraid his intelligence would
come too late to me; that the messenger he sent knew the mare Gillam
rode on to this town. I was in despair of finding the man because Col.
Sandford writ to me that he was come to this town so long a time as a
fortnight before that. However, I sent for an honest constable I had
made use of in apprehending Kidd and his men, and sent him with Col.
Sandford’s messenger to search all the inns in town for the mare, and
at the first inn they went to they found her tied up in the yard. The
people of the inn reported that the man that brought her thither had
lighted off her about a quarter of an hour before, had then tied her,
but went away without saying anything. I gave orders to the master
of the inn that if anybody came to look after the mare, he should be
sure to seize him, but nobody came for her. Next morning, which was
Sunday, I summoned a Council, and we published a proclamation wherein
I promised a reward of 200 [pieces of eight] for the seizing and
securing Gillam, whereupon there was the strictest search made all that
day and the next that was ever made in this part of the world, but we
had missed of him, if I had not been informed of one Capt. Knot as an
old pirate, and therefore likely to know where Gillam was concealed.
I sent for Knot and examined him, promising him, if he would make an
ingenious confession, I would not molest him. He seemed much disturbed,
but would not confess anything to purpose. I then sent for his wife
and examined her on oath apart from her husband, and she confessed
that one who went by the name of James Kelly had lodged several nights
in her house, but for some nights past he lodged, as she believed, in
Charlestown, cross the river. I knew he went by the name of Kelly. Then
I examined Capt. Knot again, telling him his wife had been more free
and ingenious than him, which made him believe she had told all, and
then he told me of Francis Dole in Charlestown, and that he believed
Gillam would be found there. I sent half a dozen men immediately over
the water, to Charlestown and Knot with ’em; they beset the house and
searched it, but found not the man, Dole affirming he was not there,
neither knew he any such man. Two of the men went through a field
behind Dole’s house and passing through a second field they met a man
in the dark (for it was 10 o’clock at night) whom they seized at all
adventures, and it happened as oddly as luckily to be Gillam; he had
been treating two young women some few miles off in the country and was
returning at night to his landlord Dole’s house. I examined him, but
he denied everything, even that he came with Kidd from Madagascar, or
ever saw him in his life; but Capt. Davies who came thence with Kidd,
and all Kidd’s men, are positive he is the man and that he went by his
true name Gillam all the while he was on the voyage with ’em, and Mr.
Campbell, Postmaster of this town, whom I sent to treat with Kidd,
offers to swear this is the man he saw on board Kidd’s sloop under the
name of James Gillam. He is the most inpudent, hardened villain I ever
saw. That which led me to a search after this man was the information
of William Cuthbert, which I sent your Lordships with my packet of
July 26th, wherein he says that it was commonly reported that Gillam
had killed Capt. Edgecomb with his own hands, that he had served the
Mogul, turned Mohammedan and was circumcised. I had him searched by a
surgeon and a Jew in this town: they have both declared on oath that he
is circumcised. I recommend the perusal of the evidence I enclose as
what will inform you of the strange countenance given to pirates by the
Government and people of Rhode Island. In searching Capt. Knot’s house
[a sma]ll trunk was found with some remnants of E. India goods and a
letter from Kidd’s wife to Capt. Thomas Pain, an old pirate living on
Canonicot Island in Rhode Island government. He made an affidavit to
me when I was at Rhode Island that he had received nothing from Kidd’s
sloop, when she lay at anchor there, yet by Knot’s deposition he was
sent with Mrs. Kidd’s letter to Pain for 24 ounces of gold, which Knot
accordingly brought, and Mrs. Kidd’s injunction to Pain to keep all the
rest that was left with him till further order was a plain indication
that there was a good deal of treasure still behind in Pain’s custody.
Therefore I posted away a message to Gov. Cranston and Col. Sanford to
make a strict search of Pain’s house before he could have notice. It
seems nothing was then found, but Pain has since produced 18 ounces and
odd weight of gold, as appears by [Gov.] Cranston’s letter, Nov. 25,
and pretends ’twas bestowed on him by Kidd, hoping that may [pass for]
a salvo for the oath he made. I think ’tis plain he foreswore himself
and I am of opinion he has a great deal more of Kidd’s goods still in
his hands, [but] he is out of my power and being in that government
I cannot compel him to deliver up the [rest]. Your Lordships will
find in Capt. Coddington’s narrative, sent with my report Nov. 27, an
inventory of gold and jewels in Gov. Cranston’s hands, which he took
from a pirate. I see no reason why he should keep them, [but] so far
from that, that he ought to be called to an account for conniving at
the pirates making that Island their sanctuary, and suffering some to
escape from justice. If there be an order sent to him to deliver all
goods and treasure which he has at any time received from privateers or
pirates into my hands for the use of his Majesty, and that upon oath,
I will see the order executed and give a faithful account thereof.
Four pounds weight of the gold brought from Gardiner’s Island, which
I formerly acquainted your Lordships of, and all the jewels belonged
to Gillam, as Mr. Gardiner’s letter to Mr. Dummer, a merchant in
this town and one of the Committee appointed by me and the Council
to receive all the treasure brought in Kidd’s sloop, will prove, and
there is some proof of it in Capt. Coddington’s narrative and Capt.
Knot’s deposition. I am told that as Vice [Admiral] of these provinces
I am entitled to 1/3 part of Gillam’s gold and jewels; I know not wh
[ether I] am or no, but if it be my right I hope you will represent to
the King accordingly. ’Tis a great prejudice to the King’s [service]
that here is no revenue or other fund to answer any occasion of His
Majesty’s. I [have been] forced to disburse the 200 pieces of eight
out of my own little stock, and also to defray my expenses in going to
Rhode Island to execute the King’s Commission; both accounts I now
send and beg your Lordships’ favour in promoting. Capt. Gullock tells
me that 15 or 16 of the ship’s company that would not be concerned with
Gillam went home in the _America_ belonging to the E. I. company. I
should think an advertisement in the _Gazette_ requiring some of those
men to appear before one of the Secretaries of State to give their
evidence would be proper.

“Your Lordships will meet with a pass among the other papers to Sion
Arnold, one of the pirates brought from Madagascar by Shelley of N.
York, signed by Governor Basse, which is a bold step in Basse after
such positive orders as he received from Mr. Secretary Vernon, but
I perceive plainly the meaning of it, he took several pirates at
Burlington in West Jerzey and a good store of money with them as ’tis
said: and I dare say he would be glad they [?should] escape, for when
they are gone who can witness what money he seized with ’em? I know
the man so well that I verily believe that’s his plot. John Carr
mentioned in some of the [?papers to] be in Rhode Island was one of
Hore’s crew. There are abundance of other pirates in that island at
this time, but they are out of my power. Mr. Brinley, Col. Sanford,
and Capt. Coddington are honest men and of the best estates in the
island, and because they are heartily weary of the maladministrations
of that Government, and because I commissioned ’em, by virtue of H.
M. Commission to me, to [make] enquiry into the irregularities of
those people, they are become strangely odious to ’em and are often
affronted by ’em; neither will they make ’em Justices of the Peace,
so that when they would commit pirates to gaol, they are forced to go
to the Governor, for his warrant, and very [comm]only the pirates get
notice and avoid the warrant. Gardiner, the Dep. Collector, is accused
to have been once a pirate, in one of the papers enclosed. I doubt he
will forswear himself rather than part with Gillam’s gold which is
in his hands. ’Tis impossible for me to transmit to the Lords of the
Treasury these proofs against Gardiner, being so jaded with writing,
but I could wish they were made acquainted with his character and would
send over honest, in[tellige]nt men to be Collectors of Rhode Island,
Connecticut and N. Hampshire, and that they [would] hasten Mr. Brenton
hither to his post or send some other Collector in his room. I could
wish Mr. Weaver were ordered to hasten to N. York. Captain Knot in one
of his depositions accuses Gillam to have pirated four years together
in the South Sea against the Spaniards. We have advice that Burk, an
Irishman and pirate, that committed sea-robberies on the coast of
Newfoundland, is drowned with all his ship’s company, except 7 or 8,
somewhere to the southward, in the hurricane about the end of July or
the beginning of Aug. last. ’Tis good news, he was very strong and said
to have had a good ship with 140 men and 24 guns.”[32]

John Halsey was a Boston privateersman who heard of the good fortune of
those who scoured the Red Sea and the Arabian coast and so abandoned
cruising on the banks of Newfoundland and set a course for Madagascar.
He was the son of James and Dinah Halsey and was born Mar. 1, 1670. As
a boy he followed the sea and in time became master of small vessels
trading with the Southern Colonies and the West Indies. In April, 1693,
while master of the sloop “Adventure,” of Boston, he testified in
court in relation to a seaman shipped by him the previous November on
a voyage to Virginia. At that time he deposed that he was twenty-three
years old.

While Joseph Dudley was governor, he was given the command of the
brigantine “Charles,” and sent out with a privateering commission to
cruise against French vessels on the fishing banks. From there he went
to the Canaries where he took a Spanish “barcalonga” which he plundered
and sunk. Having determined on a free life in the Indian Ocean he
wooded and watered at one of the Cape Verdes and then stood away for
the Cape of Good Hope and Madagascar.

For a time Captain Halsey was followed by ill-fortune. He was
nearly taken by a Dutchman of sixty guns and later was chased by the
“Albemarle,” East Indiaman, and only got clear because he could show a
better share of heels. In the Strait of Babelmandeb, a Moorish fleet
of twenty-five sail came upon him and the brigantine was only saved
from being taken when they fell to with their oars. Three days later
their luck changed and two English ships fell into their hands after
brisk fighting. The loot amounted to over £50,000 in money and also
many bale goods, so they steered for Madagascar where they shared their
booty. Here, Captain Halsey fell sick of a fever and died in 1716 and
was buried with great ceremony. His sword and pistols were laid on his
coffin, which was covered with a ship’s jack, and minute guns were
fired. He was a brave man and died regretted by his men and the friends
he had made in Madagascar. “His Grave was made in a Garden of Water
Melons and fenced in with Pallisades to prevent his being rooted up by
wild Hogs, of which there are Plenty in those Parts.”[33]

Another Massachusetts pirate was Joseph Bradish of Cambridge, who was
born there Nov. 28, 1672. In March, 1698 he was in London, England, out
of a berth and so shipped as boatswain’s mate on board “the ship or
hakeboat Adventure,” Thomas Gulleck, commander, bound for the island of
Borneo on an interloping trade. The ship was about 350 tons burthen and
carried twenty-two guns. The following September, while at the island
of Polonais for water, most of the officers and passengers being on
shore, the rest of the ship’s company cut the cable and ran away with
the ship. There were about twenty-five men aboard and Joseph Bradish
was chosen their commander because of his skill in navigation. Sail
was made for Mauritius where they refitted the ship and took on fresh
provisions and then a course was set for New England.

Not long after rounding the Cape of Good Hope a sharing was made of
the money found on board which was contained in nine chests stowed in
the breadroom. Each man received over fifteen hundred Spanish dollars
and the captain was assigned two and a half shares. Later there was a
sharing of the broadcloths, serges and other goods in the lading of the
ship.

The “Adventure” arrived at the east end of Long Island on March 19,
1699 and Captain Bradish went on shore at Nassau Island taking with
him most of his money and jewels. He sent a pilot on board to bring
the ship around to Gardiner’s Island, but the wind not favoring, Block
Island was made instead. Two men were then sent to Rhode Island to buy
a sloop but the Governor, suspecting them to be pirates, ordered them
seized. A day or two later several sloops sailing near the “Adventure”
were hailed and after some bartering one of them was bought and another
hired. The sloopmen were allowed to take what they pleased out of the
ship and having transferred their money and some of the richer of the
lading to the two sloops, the “Adventure” was sunk. Some of the crew
were set ashore at different landings where they reached farmhouses and
purchased horses and departed for parts unknown.

Captain Bradish and others of his company ventured into Massachusetts
early in April, but the news of their arrival at Long Island had
preceded them and soon the captain and ten of his men were lodged
in the stone gaol in Boston where Caleb Ray, his kinsman, was the
gaol-keeper. Bradish and his men were examined by the authorities and
several of them confessed. Money and goods to the value of about £3000,
were seized and Bradish’s jewels, which had been left with Col. Henry
Peirson at Nassau Island, were sent for and taken to New York to be
inventoried. Ten or more of his crew were also captured on Rhode Island.

Bradish lay in gaol for nearly two months and it does not appear that
he was placed in irons which was the fate of Captain Kidd a few weeks
later. Governor Bellomont ordered Kidd placed in irons weighing sixteen
pounds and not content with that paid the gaoler forty shillings a week
above his salary in the hope of keeping him honest. This all came about
because Bradish was allowed to escape. Caleb Ray, the gaol-keeper, was
a relative of Bradish, a fact unknown to the authorities, and doubtless
not many days passed before family influences were exerted in his
behalf.

On the morning of June 25th, Ray found the prison door open and
Bradish and Tee Wetherly, one of his company, who had but one eye,
were missing. The Governor was angry and finding the Council slow to
take action he became still more enraged. Learning that prisoners had
mysteriously escaped at other times, Ray finally was dismissed and a
prosecution ordered.

Meantime, Bellomont had devoted much of his time to pirates and piracy.
Kidd had been taken and his spoil sequestered. A ship had arrived at
New York bringing sixty pirates from Madagascar and a vast deal of
treasure. The New York owners were said to have cleared £30,000 by
the voyage. He learned that about two hundred Madagascar pirates were
intending to take passage for New York in Frederick Phillips’ ships
at £50 each. A great ship had been seen off the Massachusetts coast
supposed to be commanded by Maise, the pirate, and laded with much
wealth taken in the Red Sea. There was a sloop in at Rhode Island,
undoubtedly a pirate as the crew went ashore daily and spent their gold
freely. He also was occupied in manning out a ship to go in quest of
the “Quidah Merchant,” Kidd’s ship, left by him in the West Indies.
Long reports were sent to the Lords of Trade and Plantations by the
busy Governor in one of which he mentions “having writ myself almost
dead.”

[Illustration: RICHARD COOTE, EARL OF BELLOMONT, GOVERNOR OF
MASSACHUSETTS, 1699-1700

From a rare engraving in the Harvard College Library]

When Bradish and Wetherly stole out of gaol they made their way to the
eastward and Governor Bellomont offered a reward of two hundred pieces
of eight for the recapture of Bradish and one hundred pieces for
Wetherly. He also wrote to the Governors of Canada and St. Johns. There
happened to be in Boston at the time, an Indian sachem, Essacambuit,
who had come to make submission in behalf of the Kennebeck Indians
and the reward sent him on the trail of the fleeing pirates with such
success that they were taken and brought into the fort at Saco. On
Oct. 24th, they were again in Boston gaol, this time well secured with
irons. During the following months they made two unsuccessful attempts
to escape. Once they broke through the floor, but that failing them
a night or two later they filed off their fetters, whereupon they
were manacled and chained to one another. “I believe this new gaoler
I have got is honest; otherwise I should be very uneasy,” wrote the
Governor.[34]

On Feb. 3, 1700, the man-of-war “Advice” arrived in Boston harbor
for the express purpose of conveying Kidd, Bradish and other pirates
to London, for trial before an Admiralty Court and on April 8th they
arrived there, still in irons.

Justice was summarily meted out to Bradish and his men and their fate
became well-known to sailormen and pirates in all seas. Twenty years
later when Capt. Bart. Roberts captured a Boston-bound ship, the
captain was told by some of the pirate crew that they never would “go
to Hope-Point, to be hang’d up a Sun drying, as Kidd’s and Braddish’s
Company were; but that if they should ever be overpower’d, they would
set Fire to the Powder, with a Pistol, and go all merrily to Hell
together.”


FOOTNOTES

[20] Bradford, _History of Plymouth Plantation_, Boston, 1856, p. 293.

[21] Capt. Roger Clap’s _Memoirs_, p. 35.

[22] Winthrop’s _Journal_, New York, 1908, Vol. I, p. 96.

[23] Bradford, _History of Plymouth Plantation_, p. 441.

[24] Winthrop’s _Journal_, New York, 1908, Vol. II, p. 273.

[25] _Records of the Massachusetts Bay Colony_, Vol. IV, Part II, p.
563.

[26] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. LXI, leaf 280.

[27] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. LXI, leaf 280.

[28] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. CXXVII, leaf 10.

[29] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. CXXVII, leaf 191.

[30] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. XXXVII, leaf 117.

[31] See chapter on Capt. Thomas Pound.

[32] _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, 1699, pp.
551-554.

[33] Johnson, _The History of the Pirates_, London, 1726.

[34] _Calendars of State Papers, America and West Indies_, 1699, p.
1011.




CHAPTER III

JOHN RHOADE, PILOT OF THE DUTCH PIRATES ON THE COAST OF MAINE


In the summer of 1674, while the Dutch were yet in control of New
York, the privateer frigate “Flying Horse,” came sailing into the
harbor. Her commander, Capt. Jurriaen Aernouts, had been commissioned
by the governor of Curacao, “to take, plunder, spoil and possess any
of the ships, persons or estates” of the enemies of the great States
of Holland, which meant the English and the French at the time the
commission was issued. But when the Dutch captain reached New York
he was much surprised to learn of the treaty of peace, signed nearly
six months before, which made it illegal for him to prey on English
shipping. The war was still on with France, however, so he decided to
sail northward for the fishing banks and the Gulf of St. Lawrence.
While the “Flying Horse” was recruiting and preparing for sea, Captain
Aernouts accidentally made the acquaintance of a coasting pilot from
Boston, Capt. John Rhoade, an adventurous character who told the
captain that he was well acquainted with the coast along the French
colonies at the north; that their forts and defences were weak and
if taken by surprise it would be easy conquest for him of a rich fur
country. Rhoade said that he had recently been at Pentagoet (now
Castine, Maine) and had exact information as to the strength of the
French garrison there. The Dutch captain submitted the project to his
officers and crew and it was unanimously favored. Captain Rhoade then
enlisted, took the oath of allegiance to the Prince of Orange, and was
made the chief pilot of the “Flying Horse.”

The Dutchmen landed at Pentagoet on Aug. 1, 1674, and as the fort was
garrisoned by only thirty men it soon surrendered. The commander of
the fort, M. de Chambly, was also the Governor of Acadie and for him a
ransom of one thousand beavers was demanded, an amount he was unable to
furnish. With the Governor on board, the “Flying Horse” sailed eastward
and every French fort and trading post as far as the St. John river
was captured. Captain Aernouts proclaimed all this territory a Dutch
conquest, naming it New Holland, and at every point where he landed he
buried a bottle containing a copy of his commission and a statement
of his conquest. Laden with the plunder of Acadie, the “Flying Horse”
reached Boston the last of September and the Dutch captain applied to
Governor Leverett for leave to remain in the harbor in order to repair
his ship and dispose of his plunder. This was granted and soon the
frigate lay at anchor before the town. The Colony gladly purchased the
cannon that had been taken from the French forts and the Boston traders
bought the rest of the spoil.

The Massachusetts fur traders now applied to Captain Aernouts for leave
to trade in the newly conquered territory, a privilege they had always
paid well for in the past. But they were disappointed, for the Dutch
officers claimed that this conquest had been made by the sword and
that the fur trade was of great value to the States of Holland, so all
requests for leave or license were refused. The owners of two Boston
vessels, however, disregarded the warnings of the Dutch officers and
set sail, and probably others followed.

When Captain Aernouts was ready to depart, which was about the first of
November, he left in Boston two of his officers, Capt. Peter Roderigo,
a “Flanderkin,” and Capt. Cornelius Andreson, a Dutchman, and also
Captain Rhoade and a Cornishman, John Williams, and gave these men
and their associates, authority to return to New Holland and there to
trade and keep possession until further instructions were received.
They induced four or five others to join them and before the month had
gone they had purchased a small vessel, the “Edward and Thomas,” Thomas
Mitchell of Malden, part-owner, who shipped with the company, which
was commanded by Roderigo, and hired another, the “Penobscot Shallop,”
commanded by Andreson, and after arming them as well as they could,
they sailed down the harbor with the flag of the Prince of Orange at
each topmast. At Pentagoet, they found that Englishmen from Pemaquid
had recently been there and carried away iron and other materials found
in the ruins of the fort. Farther eastward, Edward Hilliard of Salem
was found in a small vessel, and when ordered to come on board he
immediately submitted and said he was ignorant that he was trespassing
on their authority and further complained of the bad voyage he had
made thus far. He was dismissed with a warning and his vessel and
peltry returned to him. Not long after they came upon a Boston vessel,
commanded by William Waldron, who had been refused a permit to trade.
He was recognized at once and his vessel made a prize but after a time
returned to him. His peltry, however, was seized.

Among the men who had applied for a permit to trade and been refused
was George Manning, who commanded a shallop called the “Philip,” owned
by John Feake, a Boston merchant. Nevertheless he had sailed and on
December 4th Captain Roderigo came upon him at anchor in “Adowoke Bay
to ye Estward of Mount deZart.” The shallop was boarded, the hatches
opened and all the peltry taken away. Captain Manning had in his cabin
a loaded pistol and planned to shoot Captain Roderigo but a boy on
board warned him to look out for himself and drawing a cutlass the
“Flanderkin” laid about him. There was some firing of guns but no one
was killed. Manning was confined on board the Dutch boat and the next
day it was proposed to burn his shallop and set him adrift in his boat.
Rhoade told him he deserved to be turned ashore on an island and there
be compelled to eat the roots of trees. Manning had received a flesh
wound in one hand and was cut about the head. There is much confusion
in the testimony bearing on the encounter and doubtless some lying,
but it is plain that Manning continued in command of his shallop and
accompanied the Dutchmen in their later operations.[35]

A small barque owned by Major Shapleigh of Piscataqua in New Hampshire
was taken shortly and found to have traded for peltry and also to have
brought provisions from Port Royal to the French at Gamshake on the
St. John river. The peltry and provisions were seized and the barque
dismissed. The Dutchmen, when on trial in Boston, claimed that this
barque had transported French from Port Royal to the St. John river and
supplied them with ammunition so that when Captain Roderigo arrived
that winter they were able to defend themselves and he was obliged to
return to Machias in Maine, where he had established a trading post.

The Dutch carried on a prosperous trade with the Indians that winter at
Machias and there was always the hope that the tri-colored flag of the
United Provinces might appear over a fleet coming to their assistance.
On March 10th, 1675, a vessel flying an English flag appeared off
shore. It was commanded by Thomas Cole of Nantasket. A boatload of
men, well armed, came ashore and finding only four men at the trading
post these were soon overpowered. The Dutch flag was pulled down, the
men taken prisoners and the winter’s store of peltry and trading goods
carried off. The Dutch afterwards testified in court that Cole ordered
Randall Judson’s[36] arms bound behind him and then put him ashore
where he remained for four days and nights without shelter or food, and
this was early in March on the eastern Maine coast.

It was to be expected that sooner or later the news of the capture
of the trading vessels would reach Boston. The shallop commanded by
George Manning was owned by John Feake, a Boston merchant, and Feb.
15, 1675, he appeared before Governor Leverett and the Magistrates
and made his complaint, that property had been piratically seized
and his vessel detained. He named Captain Rhoade as the principal
offender. William Waldron and others had already presented a protest.
Mr. Feake proposed that Capt. Samuel Mosely, afterwards the famous
Indian fighter, be instructed to organize an expedition to proceed to
the eastern parts and seize Rhoade and his company, and the Council at
once assented and ordered that no shipping in the harbor bound eastward
should be permitted to sail until after Captain Mosely and his company
had departed. Captain Mosely had recently been in command of an armed
vessel that had cruised about the island of Nantucket to protect Boston
interests against suspected attacks by the Dutch, and he was ready for
any new adventure. He received his instructions on Feb. 15, 1675 and
soon after sailed for the eastward. Before reaching the Dutchmen he
fell in with a French vessel which he induced to join his enterprise.
He provided her with men and ammunition and when these vessels bore
down on Captain Roderigo’s little fleet, Manning, who had gone into the
Dutch service at a wage of £7 per month, at once joined the new-comers
and without taking the trouble to haul down the tri-colored flag flying
from his topmast, opened fire on the Dutch vessels. Taken by surprise
and attacked by three vessels carrying English, French and Dutch
colors, resistance was soon over. The prisoners were closely confined,
their vessels were plundered of the peltry obtained during the winter’s
barter and their remaining trading stock was turned over to Boston
men who had accompanied the expedition and these traders were left
to continue the barter with the Indians while the victorious Captain
Mosely sailed back to Boston where he arrived on April 2d. Again, had
commercial greed brought about military attack. The Dutch, at war with
France, had seized French territory which previously had been exploited
by colonial traders, who, deprived of their rich opportunity for gain,
now seized the Dutch outpost.

The Court of Assistants met at Cambridge on April 7th and ordered
the pirates, as the prisoners were styled, confined in the prison at
Cambridge. The Dutch vessels and their fittings were appraised and left
in the hands of John Feake who had made the complaint of the alleged
piracy. At the examination of the prisoners, the day they reached
Boston, they frankly declared what had been done by them and justified
in writing their supposed authority. A special Court of Admiralty was
then summoned to meet on May 17th, but before the day arrived John
Feake, the complainant, was dead and buried. On May 4th, he had gone
on board a ship in the harbor, just arrived from Virginia, and while
in the great cabin with Captain Scarlett, one of the appraisers of
the Dutch vessels, in conference with the supercargo of the ship and
others, there was a great explosion resulting in the death of Feake,
Scarlett and the supercargo, and the wounding of nine others. The great
Increase Mather preached a sermon “Occasioned by this awful Providence.”

The Court of Admiralty sat on the day appointed and shortly declared
the Dutch vessels and their cargoes lawful prizes to be delivered to
the heirs of Feake as satisfaction for the injury done to the shallop
commanded by Manning. The Court then adjourned. A week later it
reassembled and Peter Roderigo and Cornelius Andreson were placed on
trial, charged with piratically seizing several small English vessels
and making prize of their goods, etc.[37] A verdict of guilty was
declared against Roderigo and he was sentenced to be hanged. Not long
after he petitioned the Great and General Court for his life and on May
12th “the Court judged it meete to grant the petitioner a full & free
pardon, according to his desire in his petition.” Roderigo found his
way again to the eastward and in June of the next year served in the
company of Capt. Joshua Scottow in Indian fighting about Black Point,
near Scarborough, Maine. On the other hand Andreson, who owned during
his examination that he had taken two English vessels, Waldron’s and
Hilliard’s, was not found guilty of piracy and the Court sent the jury
out again with instruction to “find what they could against him.” The
jury obediently brought in a verdict of guilty of “theft and robbery,”
based on the seizure of the peltry. He, too, was sentenced but later
pardoned.

It is a curious circumstance that this Cornelius Andreson should
shortly join the independent military company organized by Captain
Mosely to fight Indians in King Philip’s War which broke out soon
after the trials were concluded. Andreson also appears in Capt.
Thomas Wheeler’s company and fought bravely and with renown in the
attacks about Brookfield. At one time he was sent out as “Captain of a
forlorne” hope[38] and afterwards marched to Groton. On Oct. 13, 1675
he was about leaving the country and nothing is known of his later
history. Undoubtedly he was the “buccaneer,” mentioned by New England
historians as going with Captain Mosely against Philip near the end of
June. After the trial of Andreson, the Court again adjourned and on
June 17th the other prisoners were brought to trial. Capt. John Rhoade,
when asked why he fought against the King’s colors, replied that the
attacking vessels had fought under French, Dutch and English colors and
he thought that his company would be given no quarter, and therefore he
fought. Richard Tulford acknowledged that he had acted in company with
the others and had gone ashore at Casco Bay and brought off sheep said
to belong to Mr. Mountjoy, and that Thomas Mitchell had sent him. The
testimony of Peter Grant and Randall Judson was similar. John Thomas
said that he had sailed from Boston with Captain Roderigo and was
present at the taking of the vessels and when asked if he didn’t kill
a Frenchman he denied but confessed “that hee did shoote at him, but
knew not that hee hit him.”[39] John Williams told under examination
that he was a Cornishman and had sailed out of Jamaica with Captain
Morrice, but was captured by the Dutch and taken into Curacao, where
he had joined Captain Aernout’s privateering voyage and on reaching
Boston had remained and gone to the eastward with Captain Roderigo. He
had been ashore at Machias when the rest were captured. Thomas Mitchell
testified that he lived near Malden, Massachusetts, and that he had
come last from Pemaquid. He claimed that the English vessels had been
taken against his will, but he had eaten of the stolen mutton and also
had piloted his vessel from the St. John river to Twelve Penny harbor
where they had plundered one Lantrimong and killed his cattle. Edward
Uran of Boston, a former fisherman of the Isles of Shoals, had gone on
the expedition in Mitchell’s shallop and offered similar testimony.

The Court of Assistants presided over by Governor Leverett, found
Rhoade, Fulford, Grant and Judson each guilty of piracy and sentence
was pronounced directing that they be hanged “presently after the
lecture.” Thomas and Williams were acquitted and discharged. Mitchell
was ordered to pay treble satisfaction to Mr. George Mountjoy, i. e.,
£9.12.0 for the four stolen sheep, and Uran was to be “whipt with
twenty stripes.”

A week before the time set for the executions, King Philip went on
the warpath and all else, for the time, was forgotten in the fearful
danger of the emergency. The executions were postponed again and again.
Fulford before long was released without conditions[40] and Rhoade,
Grant and Judson were banished from the Colony after paying prison
charges and furnishing sureties, and there the affair ended so far as
they were concerned. As for the conquest of French Acadia in behalf
of the United Provinces, when the Amsterdam authorities learned of
what had taken place they at once recognized the services of John
Rhoade of Boston, the pilot of the Dutch cruiser, and authorized him
to hold possession of Acadia and to carry on unlimited trade with the
natives. This was on Sept. 11, 1676, and over a year after he had
been sentenced to death for piracy while carrying out the very policy
now laid down by the nation that had subjugated the territory. He had
acted clearly within his rights and any exceptions that might have been
taken were questions between the United Provinces and England, then at
peace for some time, and so the matter was then regarded outside the
Massachusetts Bay Colony.

When the news of the trial and condemnation of the Dutch officers
and their associates reached the States-General, their ambassador
to England was immediately instructed to demand the release of the
prisoners, the restoration of the territory and the punishment of the
offending authorities, and after much procrastination the Council
addressed an order to “The Bostoners in New England,”[41] requiring
a speedy answer to the complaint. Governor Leverett’s answer calmly
recited what had been done by the Colony and stated that there had not
been any violation of the peace between the two nations. Meanwhile,
Captain Rhoade’s commission had reached him and he undertook to use the
authority conferred upon him and got into trouble in consequence, for
he sailed into the river St. George and undertook to trade there and
was taken prisoner and with his vessel and goods sent to New York. The
Dutch West India Company of course protested and demand was made for
the release and indemnification of Captain Rhoade. This was on May 21,
1679. The complaint was renewed and much correspondence followed but
nothing very definite appears as a result. The main issue was lost in a
maze of diplomatic correspondence and evasive reports, and so ended the
conquest of Acadia by the Dutch and the charges and counter-charges of
piracy on the Maine coast.


FOOTNOTES

[35] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. LXI, leaves 117, 118.

[36] He was one of the colonists who had joined Captain Roderigo in
Boston.

[37] _Records of the Court of Assistants_, Vol. I, p. 35.

[38] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. LXVIII, leaf 7.

[39] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. LXI, leaf 72.

[40] He belonged in Muscongus, Maine, and had married a daughter of
Richard Pearce.

[41] _Massachusetts Historical Society Colls._ 4th Ser., Vol. II, p.
286.




CHAPTER IV

THOMAS POUND, PILOT OF THE KING’S FRIGATE, WHO BECAME A PIRATE AND DIED
A GENTLEMAN


In front of the South Station in Boston, there is an intersection of
wide streets known as “Dewey Square.” It is very firm ground today,
but in 1689, the year in which these events took place, this space was
tidewater and into it projected Bull’s wharf. On shore, near the head
of the wharf, was a tavern with a swinging sign in front displaying on
either side a beefy looking animal that was labelled “The Bull.” At
about eleven o’clock on the night of Thursday, August 8, 1689, six men
and a boy came down to the water’s edge not far from the tavern and
went on board a two-masted, half-decked fishing boat, of the type known
at that time as a Bermudas boat, and hoisting sails soon disappeared
down the harbor in the direction of the Castle. The leader of the party
was Thomas Pound, pilot of the frigate “Rose,” which had arrived at the
Boston station three years before.

One of the results of the recent insurrection against the authority of
Governor Andros had been the seizure of Captain George, of the “Rose,”
by the townspeople, who also struck the frigate’s topmasts and brought
her sails ashore. On August 3d, Governor Andros had escaped from the
Castle, but had been recaptured in Rhode Island two days later and by
easy stages was being brought back to Boston at the time when Thomas
Pound and his party planned their expedition here described.

[Illustration: VIEW OF CASTLE WILLIAM, BOSTON HARBOR, ABOUT 1729, AND A
MAN-OF-WAR OF THE PERIOD

From the only known copy of an engraving probably by John Harris, after
a drawing by William Burgis]

Thomas Hawkins, who owned the boat, had agreed with Pound to put his
men ashore at Nantasket, the consideration being two shillings and
six pence, but when the boat reached Long Island, about halfway to
the agreed destination, Hawkins was ordered to anchor, and there they
remained until early in the morning. Before daylight Pound told Hawkins
that he had changed his mind about going to Nantasket and said that his
party would like to go fishing. So the anchor was hauled aboard and
soon the boat was sailing down the harbor. When near Lovell’s Island,
the sounds of men launching a boat were heard and one of Pound’s men
at once said, “There they are,” and soon after a small boat with five
men in it, came alongside and boarded Hawkins’ boat. These men were
armed and Pound and one of his men, Richard Griffin, a gunsmith, also
had brought guns. Pound now took command and ordered the fish casks
thrown overboard and then directed that an easterly course be made
which soon carried the boat into deep water beyond the Brewster Islands
at the entrance to the harbor. He told Hawkins that he and his men had
agreed to take the first vessel they met and proceed in her to the
West Indies, to prey on the French. Hawkins seems to have acquiesced
willingly and thereafter to have been the sailing-master while Pound
commanded the expedition.

Isaac Prince of Hull, the master of a small deck-sloop, had been out
in the Bay after mackerel and with a good catch was about four or five
leagues off the Brewsters, bound in, when he was hailed from Thomas
Hawkins’ boat bound out. Hawkins brought his boat to the windward of
the sloop and asked Captain Prince if he had any mackerel and water to
spare and then bought eight penny worth of fish and was given three
or four gallons of water. The curiosity of the fishermen was aroused
because Hawkins was careful not to bring his boat alongside the sloop
but held her by the quarter of the fisherman. The crew on the sloop
also noted through the cracks in the deck or covering of the Bermudas
boat, some ten or twelve men who seemed to be keeping out of sight,
and abaft a man, whose body was out of sight, was seen to peer at the
fishermen and then quickly draw back, so Captain Prince asked Hawkins
where he was bound, and he replied to Billingsgate,[42] and when asked
how he came to be so far to the northward, Hawkins replied “It’s all
one to me.” The two vessels then separated, but when the fishermen
reached Boston, they went at once to the Governor and reported the
suspicious conduct of Hawkins, whom they said “seemed very cheerful and
Merry.”[43]

When near Halfway Rock, only two or three hours after parting with
the sloop, Hawkins came up with the fishing ketch “Mary,” Helling
Chard,[44] master, owned by Philip English, the great Salem merchant
who was accused of witchcraft three years later. The ketch was coming
in from sea with a full fare of fish when Captain Hawkins hailed and
after a show of arms took the vessel. Captain Chard knew Hawkins and
also recognized one of his men, “a Limping privateer called Johnson.”
When he reached Salem on Monday, August 12th, Chard reported that when
Hawkins came on board the ketch on Friday, he pushed him away from the
helm and said the ketch was his prize. Later Hawkins told him that as
soon as they could take a better vessel and supply themselves with
provisions, they intended to go to the West Indies and plague the
French, and they expected forty more men who had enlisted to join them
shortly. Hawkins’ men were supplied with firearms but had only “two
gallons of powder” aboard and so few bullets that as soon as the ketch
had been taken they set to work at once melting up all the lead they
could find to make bullets. Saturday night Captain Chard and two of his
men were set free and sent away in the Bermudas boat and Hawkins and
his crew, in the ketch, steered a course to the northeast, taking with
them John Darby[45] of Marblehead, who went voluntarily, and forcing
a boy who could speak French, intending to use him as an interpreter.
When Chard brought the news to Salem, information was sent at once
to the Governor and Council and a vessel manned by the Salem and
Marblehead militia was ordered out “to seeke after and surprise ye said
Ketch,” but it returned to harbor without finding Pound and Hawkins.

Captain Pound, meanwhile, had ordered a course for Falmouth, Maine,
which was reached early Monday morning. The ketch came to anchor about
four miles below the fort and sent ashore a long boat with three men
in it, one of whom was John Darby, who was known to Silvanus Davis,
the commander at Fort Loyal. While two of the men filled water casks,
Darby reported to Commander Davis that the ketch had come from Cape
Sable where it had been taken by a privateer brigantine that had robbed
them of some lead and most of their bread and water. He also said that
Captain Chard, the master of the ketch, had hurt his foot and needed
a doctor. One was sent for and went out to the ketch immediately. It
was all a part of a scheme to secure his services for the proposed
expedition, but the doctor lost his courage and declined the post,
but when he came back to Falmouth, he had a variety of tales about
the ketch,--sometimes that there were few on board and that they were
honest, and at other times that there were many on board.

It was noticed that the doctor, after he came back from the ketch, was
much in conversation with the soldiers belonging to the fort which
aroused the suspicions of the commander so that at night, after all the
soldiers were in their quarters, he charged the guard to keep a close
watch on the water side of the fort. He little thought at the time that
he was placing his trust in men who already had planned to desert.[46]
For so it turned out and as soon as the rest were asleep the guard and
sentinels robbed the sleeping soldiers of everything “except what was
on their backs,” took all the ammunition they could lay their hands
on, including a brass gun and going down to a large boat, that was
afloat just below the fort, went on board the ketch. Commander Davis
was greatly upset over what had happened, and well he might be, for he
lacked a sufficient number of men to properly garrison the fort from
Indian attack and had no vessel to engage an enemy that might attack
by sea. As it turned out, the fort was attacked by French and Indians
the following May and forced to surrender when women and children and
wounded men were mercilessly slaughtered.

The morning after the soldiers deserted, there being little wind,
Commander Davis sent two men in a canoe to demand of Captain Pound that
the soldiers be sent back to the fort. He laughed at the request and
not only refused to return any of the arms and clothing that had been
stolen from the sleeping soldiers but threatened to go into the harbor
and cut out a sloop at anchor belonging to George Hesh.

After helping himself to a calf and three sheep feeding on an island
in the bay, Pound set sail for Cape Cod, and early on the morning of
the 16th came upon the sloop “Good Speed,” John Smart, master, owned by
David Larkin of Piscataqua, lying at anchor under Race Point, at the
tip of the Cape. A boatload of armed men took possession of the sloop
and as she was a larger vessel than the ketch she was taken over by
the pirates and Captain Smart and his men were given the ketch and set
free. Pound told Captain Smart that when he reached Boston “to tell
there that they knew ye Gov^t Sloop lay ready but if she came out
after them & came up w^{th} them they sh^d find hott work for they w^d
die every man before they would be taken.”

Smart reached Boston on the 19th with this audacious message. The
Great and General Court was in session at the time and an order was
immediately adopted to fit out the sloop “Resolution,” Joseph Thaxter,
commander (which had been built during the Andros administration as a
Province sloop, but in some way had got into private hands), with a
crew of forty able seamen, to cruise along the coast and “strenuously
to Endeavour the Suppressing and seizing of all Pirates, Especially one
Thomas Hawkins, Pound and others confederated with them,” being “very
careful to avoid the shedding of blood unless you be necessitated by
resistance and opposition made against you.” And as for “those men who
shall go forth in said Vessel ... It’s ordered that they be upon usual
monthly wages, and upon any casualty befalling any of the said men by
loss of Limb or otherwise be maimed that meet allowance and provision
be made for such.”[47] Captain Thaxter in the “Resolution,” was no more
successful in his search for pirates than the vessel that had been sent
out from Salem for the reason that the pirate sloop was constantly
moving about and after another capture at Homes’ Hole had sailed
through the Sound before a north-easterly gale and finally brought up
in York river, Virginia.

Soon after Pound took possession of the sloop “Good Speed,” he put in
to Cape Cod and sent some of his crew ashore, in charge of Hawkins, to
get fresh meat. They killed four shoats and after wooding and watering,
the sloop sailed around the Cape to “Martyn’s Vineyard Sound,” and
on August 27th, sighted a brigantine at anchor in Homes’ Hole. Pound
ordered “a bloodie flagg” hoisted and running up to the brigantine
ordered her master to come aboard the pirate sloop. The brigantine was
the “Merrimack,” John Kent of Newbury, master, and he at once obeyed
the command, and after reporting his destination and cargo, the vessel
was plundered of twenty half-barrels of flour, and sugar, rum and
tobacco. Captain Kent was then allowed to go.

Sailing out into the Sound the sloop ran into a stiff northeaster and
was forced away to Virginia where Pound found his way into York river.
Easterly winds kept him at anchor here for over a week. This happened
at a very fortunate time for the man-of-war ketch at York river had
sunk shortly before and the ship on the station was being careened.
The sloop made into the mouth of James river and there lay aground
for a day before they could get her afloat again. While the men were
at work on the sloop, Pound and Hawkins went ashore. There they met
two sailors, John Giddings and Edward Browne, who were looking for
adventures and at night these men came off to the sloop on a float
bringing with them a negro they had kidnapped belonging to a Captain
Dunbar. They also brought out some other spoil in the shape of an old
sail, a piece of dowlas, and some galls and copperas. The next day the
weather moderated and the sloop made sail to go out into the bay. She
hadn’t been out very long before Hawkins noticed that they were being
followed by another sloop so all sail was crowded on and the strange
sloop began to fall behind and at length gave up the pursuit and went
back into James river.

From Virginia, Pound sailed directly for the Massachusetts coast and
came to anchor in Tarpaulin Cove, on the southeast side of Nanshon
Island in Vineyard Sound. Here they filled their water casks. A Salem
bark,[48] William Lord, master, homeward bound from Jamaica, was also
at anchor in the Cove and as she was evidently more than they cared to
tackle, Hawkins went on board and offered to trade sugar for an anchor.
Captain Lord was ready to trade and he also purchased for £12, the
negro that had been brought from Virginia, and gave a draft on Mr.
Blaney of the Elizabeth Islands in payment.

Not long after coming out of Tarpaulin Cove, Pound sighted a small
ketch, commanded by one Alsop, who escaped into Martha’s Vineyard
harbor when he found that he was being chased and even then the ketch
might have been taken if the inhabitants hadn’t gathered and made a
show of defending her.[49] This happened on a Sunday. Pound and his
company then went over the shoals about the same time that Captain Lord
sailed for home. Near Race Point, at the end of Cape Cod, Hawkins went
ashore with a boat’s crew and making some excuse went inland over the
dunes and didn’t come back. After waiting a while the men returned to
the sloop and reported his desertion. Hawkins afterward claimed that
while at Tarpaulin Cove he had been recognized and told if ever he came
back to Boston he would be hanged. Probably he thought he would try to
save his skin if possible or at least drop out of sight for a time.

After leaving the boat’s crew Hawkins walked south along the shore and
finally fell in with some Nauset fishermen to whom he told his story
of escaping from Pound and something of his adventures. He asked their
protection in case Pound and his men should attempt to find him. The
Nauset men, however, made short work with Hawkins and after fleecing
him thoroughly turned him loose to shift for himself. Fortunately he
met Capt. Jacobus Loper,[50] the master of a small sloop, whom he had
known in Boston and who was about setting sail for Boston and so was
shipped for the voyage. On the way Hawkins talked freely about his
doings. He was particularly bitter over his treatment by the Nauset
fishermen and said they “ware a pasel of Roughes & if he got Cleer at
Boston from this troble that was now on him, as he did not question
but he should, he would be Revenged on them for theire base dealing for
they be wors pirats than Pounds & Johnson.”[51] He told Captain Loper
that when he left Boston their company had intended to go privateering
and expected to get a commission at St. Thomas. But when he was asked
if he proposed to go all the way to the West Indies in the small
Bermudas boat in which they left Boston, “he was upon this surprised &
wholly silent.” Loper told him “that it apeered by his words that he
would first take a biger vessell as he before said & did: & that he was
a foole & would hang himself by his discorce then he answered, by God
thay kant hang me for what has bin don for no blood has bin shed.”[52]
As he neared Boston his courage began to fail and soon he proposed to
Captain Loper that for old acquaintance’ sake he conceal him on board
and send the sloop to Salem with oysters and so allow him to escape
to the Dutch man-of-war lying there at anchor. This was a privateer,
the “Abraham Fisher, a Scotch Rotterdammer.” Loper, however, thought
best to turn him over to the Boston authorities and soon Hawkins was
shackled and safely lodged in the new stone gaol.

Captain Pound, meanwhile, in no way distressed by Hawkins’ desertion,
was busily at work robbing vessels in the vicinity of the Cape.
On Saturday evening, Sept. 28, 1689, he sighted a small sloop and
gave chase and brought her to anchor under the Cape. She was from
Pennsylvania. Not having any salt pork on board she was allowed to
go and Pound sailed back over the shoals hoping for better luck in
Vineyard Sound. At “Homes his Hole” he found the sloop “Brothers
Adventure,” of New London, Conn., John Picket, master, just coming out,
having been forced in by bad weather. She was bound for Boston and
was loaded with the very provisions that Pound had been in search of
and a boat’s crew of armed men soon induced Captain Picket to come
to anchor beside the pirate sloop. The loot amounted to thirty-seven
barrels of pork, three of beef and a good supply of pease, Indian corn,
butter and cheese. Having at last obtained the provisions so necessary
for a southern voyage, Captain Pound anchored in Tarpaulin Cove while
the rigging was overhauled and everything made shipshape for the
intended voyage to “Corazo”--Curacao, the Dutch colony near the South
American coast. The Netherlands were then at peace with England and
there Pound could refit before going out to prey upon French shipping
out of Martinique. He lay in Tarpaulin Cove for two days and was nearly
ready to set sail when a sloop appeared off the anchorage and steered
directly for him. Pound at once came to sail and stood away with the
sloop in hot pursuit.

[Illustration: ARMED SLOOP NEAR BOSTON LIGHTHOUSE IN 1729

From the only known copy of a mezzotint by William Burgis, published
Aug. 11, 1729, and now in the possession of the United States
Lighthouse Board]

It was now less than two weeks since that Sunday morning when Captain
Pound had chased a small ketch into Martha’s Vineyard harbor. The
island at that time was a part of the colony of New York and as soon
as the pirate was gone, Matthew Mayhew, the local Governor, sent
a messenger, riding post, to inform the Governor and Council at
Boston of the presence of the pirate so that shipping bound westward
might be warned of the danger. The Council did more than that for
it commissioned Capt. Samuel Pease, late commander of the Duke of
Courland’s ship “Fortune,” two hundred tons and twelve guns, to go to
sea at once in the sloop “Mary,” with a crew of twenty able seamen in
search of the pirate. Benjamin Gallop was commissioned lieutenant and
the “Mary” was supplied with a barrel of powder, fifty pounds of small
shot, and cartridge papers and match. Captain Pease was instructed to
endeavor to take the pirates by surprise if possible and “to prevent ye
sheding of blood as much as may bee.”[53]

The Council meeting was held on Monday, Sept. 30th and the “Mary”
sailed from Boston that evening every man on board being a volunteer.
When Captain Pease reached Cape Cod he learned that Pound had gone
westward so he sailed on, over the shoals, expecting to find him at
Tarpaulin Cove. On Friday morning when off Woods Hole, a canoe came out
with the information that the pirate was at Tarpaulin Cove:--

“Upon which Wee presently gave a great shout, and the word was given to
our men to make all ready which was accordingly done, the wind being
SSE, and blew hard. Quickly after we were all ready we espied a Sloop
ahead of us. We made what saile we could, and quickly came so neere
that we put up our Kings Jack, and our Sloop sailing so very well we
quickly came within Shot, and our Captain ordered a great Gun to be
fired thwart her fore foot. On that a man of theirs presently carryed
up a Red flagg to the top of their maine mast and made it fast. Our
Captain then ordered a musket to be fired thwart his forefoot. He not
striking we came up with him and our Captain commanded us to fire on
them which accordingly we did, and also called them to strike to the
King of England. Captain Pounds standing on the quarter deck with his
naked sword in his hand flourishing, said, come aboard, you Doggs, and
I will strike you presently or words to that purpose. His men standing
by him with their Guns in their hands on the Deck, he taking up his
Gun, they let fly a volley upon us, and we againe at him. At last
wee came to Leeward of them, supposing it to be some Advantage to us
because the wind blew so hard and so our weather side did us good. They
perceiving this gave severall Shouts supposing (as we did apprehend)
that we would yield to them. Wee still fired at them and they at us as
fast as they could loade and fire and in a little space we saw Pounds
was shot and gone off the deck. While we were thus in the fight two of
our men met with a mischance by the blowing up of some gun powder which
they perceiving by ye smoke (we being pretty near them) gave severall
shouts and fired at us as fast as they could. Wee many times called to
them, telling them if they would yield to us we would give them good
quarter, they utterly refusing to have it, saying ‘Ai yee dogs, we
will give you quarter by and by.’ We still continued our fight, having
two more of our men wounded. At last our Captain was much wounded so
that he went off the deck. The Lieutenant quickly after ordered us to
get all ready to board them which was readily done. Wee layed them on
bord presently and at our Entrance we found such of them that were
not much wounded very resolute, but discharging our Guns at them, we
forthwith went to club it with them and were forced to knock them downe
with the but end of our muskets. At last we queld them, killing four
and wounding twelve, two remaining pretty well. The weather coming on
very bad and being desirous to get good Doctors or Surgeons for our
wounded men, we shaped our Course for Rhode Island and the same night
we secured our Prisoners and got in between Pocasset and Rhode Island.
The next day being Saturday, the fifth of October we got a convenient
house for our wounded men, got them on shore and sent away to Newport
for Doctors who quickly came and dressed them. Our Captain being shot
in the arm and in the side and in the thigh, lost much blood and
continued weak and faint, and on Friday after, being the eleventh day
of October, he being on board intending to come home, we set saile and
were come but a little way before he was taken with bleeding afresh, so
that we came to an anchor againe and got him on shore to another house
on Rhode Island side, where he continued very weake. In the afternoon
he was taken with bleeding again and with fits. He continued that night
and losing so much blood, on Saturday morning, the twelfth of October,
departed this life. We buried him at Newport, in Rhode Island, the
Monday following. That Monday at night we set saile from Rhode Island
and arrived at Boston on Saturday the 18th of October with fourteen
Prisoners. The Bloody Flag was not put above Pounds his vessell before
we fired at them.”[54]

The prisoners were duly lodged in Boston’s new stone gaol which had
a dungeon in it, walls four feet thick, and all kinds of irons to
keep them there. The “treasure,” including the sloop, was appraised
at £209.4.6. As the owners of the sloop declined to pay the salvage
ordered on her, she was condemned to her captors. Captain Pease
left a widow and four orphans. In December they were “in a poor
and low condition” and the General Court passed a bill providing
for a “collection” in the several meeting houses for their relief.
The wounded pirates were doctored by Thomas Larkin, whose bill for
attendance amounted to £21.10.0. Pound had been shot in the side and
arm “& Severall bones Taken oute.” Thomas Johnson lost part of his jaw;
Buck had seven holes in one of his arms; Griffin lost an eye and part
of an ear; Siccadam was shot through both legs; and Browne, Giddings,
Phips, Lander and Warren had various wounds.

Pound and Hawkins and the rest of their company lay in prison until
January 13, 1690, before they were brought to trial. Hawkins had been
examined by the aged Governor Bradstreet and the Magistrates on October
4th and Pound had given his version of their doings the day after he
had been placed in gaol. Hawkins was tried first,--on January 9th,
and found guilty at one session of the Court. Pound and the rest of
the indicted men were brought to trial on the 17th and found guilty
of felony, piracy and murder and Deputy-Governor Thomas Danforth
pronounced sentence of death, that they “be hanged by the neck until
they be dead.” Pound, Hawkins, Johnson and Buck were ordered to be
executed on January 27th.

Samuel Sewall, the diarist, rode into Boston a little before twelve
o’clock on the day of the trial having spent the night at Braintree.
It had been a cold ride and a snowstorm was threatening. After dinner
he went to the Town House where the Court was sitting and then in
company with the Reverend Cotton Mather, went to the gaol to visit
the condemned prisoners. Mr. Mather never failed to attend to
this detail of his professional work and Pound and the others were
thereupon counseled and prayed with. Mr. Waitstill Winthrop, one of
the magistrates who had tried the pirates, was not satisfied with the
verdict or sentence and immediately after the trial bestirred himself
to obtain for them a reprieve. He went about obtaining the signatures
of influential persons and finally headed a committee that went before
the Governor and petitioned that reprieve be granted. Sewall records
in his diary that he was one of those who called on the aged Governor
and asked that Pound and Buck be respited, and he further relates that
Mr. Winthrop, Col. Samuel Shrimpton, one of the magistrates, and Isaac
Addington, the clerk of the court, followed him to his house with
another petition asking that Hawkins be reprieved. Sewall signed it and
the Governor granted the reprieve barely in time to save Hawkins’ neck
for he was on the scaffold and ready to be turned off when the order
reached the sheriff. “Which gave great disgust to the People; I fear
it was ill done”--writes Sewall. “Some in the Council thought Hawkins,
because he got out of the Combination before Pease was kill’d, might
live; so I rashly sign’d, hoping so great an inconvenience would not
have followed. Let not God impute Sin.”[55] And so it happened that
the only entertainment found by the crowd that had gathered to see the
hanging was the turning off of Thomas Johnson, “the limping privateer.”

[Illustration: SAMUEL SEWALL, CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE SUPERIOR COURT IN
MASSACHUSETTS, 1718-1728

From an original painting in possession of the Massachusetts Historical
Society]

On February 20th, on petition of Thomas Hawkins and others, the
sentence of death was remitted on Hawkins, Warren, Watts, Lander,
Griffin, Siccadam, Buck and Dunn on payment of twenty marks[56] each
in money, to reimburse the charges of the prosecution and imprisonment
or else be sold into Virginia. Pound’s name was not included with the
others but four days later, he was further reprieved from execution
at the instance of Mr. Epaphras Shrimpton and sundry women of quality.
Who these “women of quality” were is not known but Thomas Hawkins’s
sisters had married the leading men of the Colony and may have
joined in the petitions. One sister had been the second wife of Adam
Winthrop, brother of Waitstill Winthrop, who worked so earnestly for
the reprieves. At that time she was the wife of John Richards, one of
the magistrates, who had tried the pirates. Another sister was the wife
of Rev. James Allen of the First Church. Hannah Hawkins had married
Elisha Hutchinson, another of the magistrates, and Abigail, married the
Hon. John Foster, while Hawkins lay in prison. Certainly these were
“women of quality,” and it seems strange, at this late day, that one so
well connected should have surreptitiously “gone privateering,” or, in
plainer language, have engaged in piracy.

On April 20, 1690, the “Rose” frigate, John George, commander, lying
before the town of Boston, whose sails had been returned by the King’s
command, sailed from Nantasket for England, and carried Thomas Hawkins,
the pirate, whose sentence had been remitted, and Thomas Pound, his
captain, whose sentence had only been respited. The “Rose” went into
Piscataqua where she lay for a month waiting for two mast ships to
finish their lading and on May 19th sailed in convoy. On the 24th,
off Cape Sable, they met a privateer, “or Pirot,” of thirty guns and
well manned, from St. Malo, France. She came up under English colors
and when hailed from the “Rose,” answered “Will tell you by and by.”
Soon after she hoisted French colors and fired a broadside and not
less than three hundred small arms. The “Rose” returned the fire to
good purpose and the nearest mast-ship also engaged the Frenchman. The
other mast-ship having only two guns stood off. At a distance of half a
musket-shot the fight obstinately continued for nearly two hours.

“The Rose had her Mizzon shott down, her Ensign, her sails and Rigging
much torn, but so bored the French Man’s sides that his Ports were
made Two or three into one. It was almost quite Calm, else we had Run
Thwart him with out Head, and possibly might have sent him Low enough,
but we had not winde enough, so we Lay on his Quarter which we fired
so that he was necessitated to cutt down and Cast into the Sea, which
was so much as to burn in our View half an hour as it floated in the
Sea. We saw his Captain and Lieutenant fall & believe we could not have
killed less than a hundred of his men. His Tops were full of Grenadiers
and Fuzes which we saw fall like Pidgeons, and Multitudes of his Men
lay Slaughtered on his Decks. We would have taken him for Certain would
our heavy Ship have workt, but he was a quick Sailor and so gott away.
Captain George and Mr. Wiggoner were slaine with Musket shott, 5 Common
men more were slain, and 7 desperately wounded. Mr. Maccarty’s man
Michael lost his arm. Paul Main, Sam Mixture and Thomas Hawkins the
Pirate, were amongst the slain.”[57]

Such was the end of Hawkins. As for Captain Pound,--he reached England
safely and on July 8th, after his arrival at Falmouth, wrote to Sir
Edmund Andros, then in London, announcing his return and sending the
latest news from New England together with a short account of the fight
with the privateer. Pound published in London in 1691, “A New Mapp of
New England,” of which only one copy is now known,[58] and which served
as a basis for other charts for nearly fifty years after. The charge
of piracy seems to have been dismissed at once for on Aug. 5, 1690,
he was appointed captain of the frigate “Sally Rose,” of the Royal
Navy. In 1697 his ship was stationed at Virginia under his old patron
Governor Andros. In 1699, he retired to private life and died in 1703,
at Isleworth, county Middlesex, a “gentleman,” and respected by friends
and neighbors.[59]


CAPTAIN POUND’S COMPANY OF PIRATES

_Captain Thomas Pound_, pilot and sailing master on the “Rose”
frigate; embarked from Boston in Hawkins’ boat; wounded in the fight
at Tarpaulin Cove, shot in the side and arm and several bones taken
out; found guilty but reprieved; sent to England where the charge
was dismissed; given command of a ship, and died in 1703 in England,
honored and respected.

_Thomas Hawkins_, son of Capt. Thomas Hawkins, a Boston privateersman,
and Mary his wife; found guilty but reprieved; sent to England but on
the voyage was killed in an engagement with a French privateer off Cape
Sable.

_Thomas Johnston_, of Boston, “the limping privateer”; embarked from
Boston in Hawkins’ boat; wounded in the fight at Tarpaulin Cove; shot
in the jaw and several bones taken out; found guilty and hanged in
Boston, Jan. 27, 1690; the only one of the company who was executed.

_Eleazer Buck_, embarked from Boston in Hawkins’ boat; had seven holes
shot through his arms in the fight at Tarpaulin Cove; found guilty but
pardoned on payment of twenty marks.[60]

_John Siccadam_, embarked from Boston in Hawkins’ boat; shot through
both legs in the fight at Tarpaulin Cove; found guilty but pardoned on
payment of twenty marks.

_Richard Griffin_, of Boston, gunsmith, embarked from Boston in
Hawkins’ boat; shot in the ear in the fight at Tarpaulin Cove, the
bullet coming out through an eye which he lost; found guilty but
pardoned on payment of twenty marks.

_Benjamin Blake_, a boy, who embarked from Boston in Hawkins’ boat.

_Daniel Lander_, came on board in a boat at Lovell’s Island, Boston
harbor, and probably from the frigate “Rose”; shot through an arm in
the fight at Tarpaulin Cove; found guilty but pardoned on payment of
twenty marks.

_William Warren_, came on board in a boat at Lovell’s Island, Boston
harbor, and probably from the frigate “Rose”; shot in the head in the
fight at Tarpaulin Cove; found guilty but pardoned on payment of twenty
marks.

_Samuel Watts_, came on board in a boat at Lovell’s Island, Boston
harbor, and probably from the frigate “Rose”; found guilty but pardoned
on payment of twenty marks.

_William Dunn_, came on board in a boat at Lovell’s Island, Boston
harbor, and probably from the frigate “Rose”; found guilty but pardoned
on payment of twenty marks.

_Henry Dipper_, a member of Governor Andros’ company of red coats,
commanded by Francis Nicholson, the first English regulars to come
to Massachusetts, brought over in 1686; came on board in a boat at
Lovell’s Island, Boston harbor, probably from the frigate “Rose”;
killed in the fight at Tarpaulin Cove or died of wounds soon after.

_John Darby_, a Marblehead fisherman, one of the crew of the ketch
“Mary,” of Salem, captured by Pound; voluntarily joined the expedition
and was killed in the fight at Tarpaulin Cove; left a widow and four
children living at Marblehead.

_A Boy_, one of the crew of the ketch “Mary,” of Salem, captured by
Pound; forced to join the expedition to serve as an interpreter as he
could speak French.

_John Hill_, a member of Governor Andros’ company of red coats,
commanded by Francis Nicholson, the first English regulars to come
to Massachusetts, brought over in 1686; was stationed at Fort Loyal,
Falmouth, Maine, where he held the rank of corporal; deserted and
joined the expedition; killed in the fight at Tarpaulin Cove.

_John Watkins_, a soldier, one of the garrison at Fort Loyal, Falmouth,
Maine; deserted and joined the expedition; killed in the fight at
Tarpaulin Cove.

_John Lord_, a soldier, one of the garrison at Fort Loyal, Falmouth,
Maine; deserted and joined the expedition; killed in the fight at
Tarpaulin Cove.

_William Neff_, son of William and Mary Neff, born in 1667, in
Haverhill, Mass.; his father, while in the military service against
Indians, died in February, 1689, at Pemaquid, Maine; a soldier and one
of the garrison at Fort Loyal, Falmouth, Maine; deserted and joined
the expedition; was found not guilty of piracy as it was shown that he
was “enticed and deluded away from the Garrison by his corporal,” John
Hill; the Court discharged him he paying for a gun belonging to the
country’s store.

_William Bennett_, a soldier, one of the garrison at Fort Loyal,
Falmouth, Maine; deserted and joined the expedition; was in prison at
Boston, where he may have died as he never was brought to trial.

_James Daniels_, a soldier, one of the garrison at Fort Loyal,
Falmouth, Maine; deserted and joined the expedition; killed in the
fight at Tarpaulin Cove.

_Richard Phips_, a soldier, one of the garrison at Fort Loyal,
Falmouth, Maine; deserted and joined the expedition; wounded in the
head in the fight at Tarpaulin Cove; was in prison in Boston where he
may have died as he never was brought to trial.

_John Giddings_, joined the expedition at York River, Virginia, was
wounded in the fight at Tarpaulin Cove and imprisoned in Boston, where
he may have died as he never was brought to trial.

_Edward Browne_, joined the expedition at York River, Virginia, and
was wounded in a hand in the fight at Tarpaulin Cove; at the trial was
found not guilty.


FOOTNOTES

[42] Now the town of Wellfleet.

[43] _Suffolk County Court Files_, No. 2539: 1.

[44] Elsewhere written Allen Chard.

[45] John Darby probably was one of the four pirates who were killed
Oct. 4, 1689, in the fight with the Colony sloop “Mary,” Captain
Pease, at Tarpaulin Cove. He had a wife and four children living at
Marblehead. His estate was inventoried on June 17, 1690, and his widow
on July 2, 1690, married John Woodbury of Beverly.

[46] These men were Corporal John Hill, John Watkins, John Lord,
William Neff, William Bennett, James Daniels, and Richard Phips.

[47] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. CVII, leaves 277-279.

[48] In Hawkins’ deposition called a _brigantine_.

[49] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. XXXV, leaf 10a.

[50] Captain Loper was a Portuguese whaler and oysterman who had been
on the Cape since 1665.

[51] _Suffolk Court Files_, No. 2539: 13.

[52] _Ibid._

[53] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. XXXV, leaf 31.

[54] _Suffolk Court Files_, No. 2539: 9.

[55] _Diary of Samuel Sewall_, Vol. I, p. 310.

[56] £13.6.8.

[57] _Gay Transcripts_, _Phips_ (Mass. Hist. Society), Vol. I, leaf 31.

[58] In the Library of Congress collection.

[59] Charnock, _Biographia Navalis_, Vol. II, p. 401.

[60] £13.6.8.




CHAPTER V

CAPT. WILLIAM KIDD, PRIVATEERSMAN AND REPUTED PIRATE


Long after sunset in the evening of June 13, 1699, there came riding
over Boston Neck, a weary horseman who inquired his way to the Blue
Anchor Tavern, and after a hasty supper was directed to the fine brick
house of Mr. Peter Sergeant where the Governor, the Earl of Bellomont,
lately arrived from New York, was lodging. It was “late at night” when
he reached the house but the Governor at once received him on learning
that the stranger was Joseph Emmot, a New York lawyer with important
news. In the Governor’s study the lawyer announced that he had come in
behalf of Capt. William Kidd, the proscribed pirate, who had sailed
from New York, Sept. 5, 1696, on a privateering venture against the
pirates that went out from New England and New York and made captures
about the island of Madagascar and on the Arabian coast.

Captain Kidd’s appearance just at that time probably was not wholly
unexpected by the Governor, as will be seen later, but his return
unhappily called for an immediate decision as to what course should be
pursued, for Governor Bellomont had a personal interest in the venture
that had sent Kidd into the Eastern Seas. It was he who had obtained
from the King the commission under which Captain Kidd sailed and he
had also written the sailing orders by which Kidd was directed to
“serve God in the best Manner you can” and after reaching “the Place
and Station where you are to put the Powers you have in Execution:
and having effected the same, you are according to Agreement, to sail
directly to Boston in New England there to deliver unto me the whole
of what Prizes, Treasure, Merchandizes, and other Things you shall
have taken.... I pray God grant you a good success, and send us a good
Meeting again,” concludes the noble Earl.

The King’s commission to Captain Kidd was issued Jan. 26, 1696, and
directed him to apprehend Thomas Tew of Rhode Island, Thomas Wake
and William Maze of New York, John Ireland and “all other Pirates,
Free-booters, and Sea Rovers, of what Nature soever ... upon the
Coasts of America or in any other Seas or Parts.” In substance it was
a special commission for the capture of Captain Tew and other known
pirates, added to the usual powers granted to the privateer.

Associated with Bellomont in this venture were Lord Somers, the Lord
Chancellor; the Earl of Orford, the First Lord of the Admiralty; the
Earl of Romney and the Duke of Shrewsbury, Secretaries of State; Robert
Livingston, Esq. of New York, and Captain Kidd;[61] who had together
subscribed £6000, with which to purchase and refit the ship “Adventure
Galley,” 287 tons burthen, armed with thirty-four guns. Livingston and
Kidd were to pay one-fifth of the cost and the remainder was to be met
by the titled members of the Government in London.

The Government undoubtedly was interested in the suppression of piracy
along the American coast and elsewhere, but the particular interest
of Bellomont and his associates seems to have been in the “Goods,
Merchandizes, Treasure and other Things which shall be taken from the
said Pirates,” one-fourth part of which, by agreement, was to go to the
ship’s crew. The remainder was to be divided into five parts, “whereof
the said Earl is to have to his own Use, Four full parts, and the other
Fifth Part is to be equally divided between the said Robert Livingston
and the said Wm. Kidd.”

The agreement provided that Captain Kidd was to man the galley with
a crew of one hundred men shipped under a “no purchase,[62] no pay”
contract, and in case prize goods to the value of £100,000 or more
were brought to Boston in New England and delivered to the Earl of
Bellomont, that then the galley should become the property of Captain
Kidd as a “Gratification for his Good Service therein.” If the venture
was unsuccessful, all charges were to be repaid to Bellomont by Mar.
25, 1697, “the Danger of the Seas, and of the Enemy, and Mortality of
the said Captain Kidd, always excepted,” and then the galley and her
fittings were to become the property of Livingston and Kidd.

Nearly three years had passed since Captain Kidd had sailed from
New York. In August, 1698, the East India Company had complained of
piracies said to have been committed by him and four months later
the Lords of Trade issued a letter urging the apprehension of “the
obnoxious pirate Kidd.” In December, 1698, when a general pardon was
extended to pirates who should surrender themselves, Kidd and “Long
Ben” Avery, who was famous for his piracies on the Arabian coast, were
excluded from the “Act of Grace.”

On May 15, 1699, however, Bellomont wrote from New York to the Lords of
Trade:

“I am in hopes the several reports we have here of Captain Kidd’s being
forced by his men against his will to plunder two Moorish ships may
prove true, and ’tis said that neare one hundred of his men revolted
from him at Madagascar and were about to kill him when he absolutely
refused to turn pirate.”

Richard Coote, the first Earl of Bellomont, had been appointed Governor
of New England and New York in 1695. He made his headquarters in New
York and it was not until May 26, 1699, that he visited Boston. On June
1, 1699, Captain Kidd reached Delaware Bay. Did Bellomont know that
he was coming and go to Boston to meet him, in accordance with their
mutual agreement and also because he was afraid of the consequences if
he tried to arrest him in New York as instructed by the Lords of Trade?
On Dec. 6, 1700, Bellomont wrote from New York to Secretary Vernon:

“I own I wrote to Kidd to come to New York after I knew he had turned
pirate. Menacing him would not bring him but rather wheedling and that
way I took and after that manner got him to Boston and secured him. If
I was faulty by the letter I wrote by Burgesse, I was no less so by
that I sent by Cambel which brought him to Boston.”

Whatever the circumstances or coincidence, Governor Bellomont came over
the road from his New York government and arrived in Boston on Friday,
May 26, 1699, where he lodged with Mr. Peter Sergeant in what was
afterwards known as the “Province House”--the home of the provincial
governors--and here he received “late at night” on the evening of
June 13th, Mr. Joseph Emmot, the New York lawyer who specialized in
admiralty cases.

The Governor afterwards reported to the Council of Trade and
Plantations that during that midnight conference he learned that
Captain Kidd was on the coast in a sloop (Emmot would not say where)
and had brought with him sixty pounds weight of gold, a hundred weight
of silver and a number of bales of East India goods and that Kidd had
left near the coast of Hispaniola, in a place where no one but himself
could find, a great ship loaded with bale goods, saltpetre and other
valuable commodities, to the value of at least £30,000. Emmot brought
word that if the Governor would give Captain Kidd a pardon he would
bring the sloop and treasure to Boston and afterwards go for the great
ship. Emmot also delivered to Bellomont two French passes which Captain
Kidd had taken on board two Moorish ships that he had captured in the
seas of India, “or, as he alleges by his men against his will.”[63]
These two ship’s passes were evidence that the prizes taken were lawful
spoil under his commission. It was the suppression of this evidence and
Captain Kidd’s inability to produce them at the time of his trial that
contributed largely to his conviction and execution.

When Governor Bellomont learned of the great value of the booty brought
back by Captain Kidd he probably experienced conflicting emotions.
Here was plunder to the value of £40,000 or more in which he and his
associates might have had a considerable interest and yet, it must slip
through his fingers because it chanced that Kidd had been proscribed
as a pirate on Nov. 23, 1698, at the instigation of an interfering
East India Company. Bellomont’s instructions from London required that
Kidd, his late associate and co-partner, should be arrested and as he
had been sent to New York with a special mission to suppress piracy and
unlawful trading and there seemed to be no way out by which he might
now share in the loot, unless Kidd could be cleared of the charge of
piracy, there was nothing for him to do but to secure Kidd and send him
to London for trial in accordance with the English law. He therefore
sent for Duncan Campbell, the postmaster in Boston, a bookseller, who
like Captain Kidd, was a Scotchman and an old acquaintance of the
captain and instructed him to go with Emmot and obtain from Kidd a
statement of what had taken place during his voyage.

Campbell and Emmot sailed from Boston in a small sloop on the morning
of June 17th and about three leagues from Block Island met the sloop
commanded by Captain Kidd who at that time had sixteen men on board.
Seemingly both captain and crew felt reasonably sure of Bellomont’s
protection, but Campbell brought back word to the Governor that they
had heard in the West Indies of their having been proclaimed pirates
and therefore the crew would not consent to come into any port without
some assurance from Bellomont that they would not be imprisoned or
molested. Captain Kidd had related in much detail the occurrences of
his privateering voyage and had protested with much earnestness that
he had done nothing contrary to his commission and orders aside from
what he was forced to do when overpowered by his men who afterwards
deserted. The crew on board the sloop also solemnly protested their
innocence of piracy. Kidd sent word to Bellomont that if so directed he
would navigate the sloop to England and there render an account of his
proceedings.[64]

Duncan Campbell returned to Boston on June 19 and reported to the
Governor in writing and the same day a meeting of the Council was held
at which Bellomont announced for the first time the return of Captain
Kidd and presented the report just made by Postmaster Campbell. The
Governor also exhibited a draft of a letter which he proposed to send
to Captain Kidd and this was approved by the Council and given to Emmot
with instructions to deliver it to Kidd. This letter was in substance a
safe conduct and in part reads as follows:[65]

“I have advised with His Majesty’s Council, and shewed them this
letter, and they are of the opinion that if your case be so clear as
you (or Mr. Emmot for you) have said, that you may safely come hither,
and be equipped and fitted out to go and fetch the other ship, and I
make no manner of doubt but to obtain the King’s pardon for you, and
for those few men you have left, who I understand have been faithful
to you, and refused as well to dishonour the Commission you have from
England.

“I assure you on my Word and Honour I will perform nicely what I have
promised though this I declare beforehand that whatever goods and
treasure you may bring hither, I will not meddle with the least bit of
them; but they shall be left with such persons as the Council shall
advise until I receive orders from England how they shall be disposed
of.”

Captain Kidd seems to have taken Bellomont’s assurances at face value,
but nevertheless he decided to get rid of most of his valuable cargo
before sailing for Boston; so he set a course for Gardiner’s Island
at the eastern end of Long Island, where Emmot left him and returned
to New York in a small boat. Kidd lay at anchor here for several
days. Three or four small sloops appeared in which chests and bales
of goods were transshipped and finally Kidd sent for John Gardiner,
the owner of the island, and asked him to take charge of a chest and a
box containing gold dust with several bales of goods, all of which he
assured him were intended for Governor Bellomont. Gardiner consented
and gave him a receipt. Meanwhile Mrs. Kidd[66] and her children had
come from New York, and taking on board Benjamin Bevins, a pilot, Kidd
sailed around the Cape and reached Boston Harbor on Saturday, July 1st,
where tide waiters were put on board the sloop and the captain and his
wife found lodgings at the house of Postmaster Campbell.

The Governor was sick with the gout when Kidd reached Boston, but on
Monday, July 3d, he met with the Council and Captain Kidd was sent for
and questioned. He asked leave to make a detailed report in writing.
The next day he was present with five of his company and was questioned
further and allowed more time in which to prepare his report. On
Thursday morning at nine o’clock, he was sent for again and informed
the Council that his report would be ready that evening. It was at
this meeting that the Governor first informed the Council that he had
instructions to arrest Kidd and his men and that afternoon the warrants
were issued. It chanced that the constables looking for Captain Kidd
came upon him near the Sergeant house where the Governor lodged and
when Kidd found that he was in danger of arrest he ran into the house
with the constables after him, in the hope of finding a refuge in the
Governor’s study. It was a dramatic situation and Captain Kidd at once
found that Bellomont’s fair assurances of protection were worthless.

At first Kidd was confined in the house of the prison-keeper, but after
a day or two he was ordered placed in the stone gaol and kept in irons.
His lodgings were searched and in two sea beds were found gold dust and
ingots to the value of about £1000 and a bag of silver containing money
and pigs of silver. Even the household plate and clothing belonging to
Mrs. Kidd were seized, though afterwards restored.

On July 26th, Governor Bellomont wrote to the Lords of Trade and
Plantations giving a full account of what had taken place and asked
what should be done with Kidd and other pirates then in custody.
At that time a pirate could not be convicted in the Province of
Massachusetts and be punished by death. The English statute provided
that pirates should be tried before a High Court of Admiralty sitting
in London and this made it necessary to send Kidd to England.

On Feb. 6, 1700, His Majesty’s ship “Advice” arrived in Boston harbor
with orders to convey Kidd, Bradish and other pirates to England
for trial. Ten days later they were safely on board and on April
8th Kidd was in England, arriving just as Parliament was proceeding
in “An humble address to his Majesty to remove John, Lord Somers,
Lord Chancellor of England, from his presence and counsels forever.”
Lord Somers with other members of the existing Government had been
associated with Bellomont in sending out Kidd and his return in irons
just at that time, accused of piracy, supplied ammunition for the
Opposition and made his case a political issue.

Another powerful influence was working for Kidd’s destruction. He had
been denounced as a pirate by the East India Company which enjoyed
a monopoly of English trade in the Indian Seas and confiscated the
ships and goods of private traders as it pleased. Kidd was accused of
seizing two ships belonging to the Great Mogul with whom the East India
Company desired to remain on friendly terms. His defense was that the
two captured ships sailed under French passes issued by the French
East India Company and therefore they automatically became enemy ships
and lawful prizes, when taken by him. It was upon the existence of
these two French passes that his life then depended. Even his enemies
admitted that their introduction as evidence at his trial would go a
long way to clear him of the charge of piracy. The original documents
had been turned over by him in good faith to Bellomont and in turn had
been sent to the Lords of Trade. They were before the House of Commons
during the examination of Kidd, but when he was brought to trial before
the Court of Admiralty, they had strangely disappeared and Kidd was
deprived of the very cornerstone of his defense. Political exigencies
demanded that he should become a scapegoat and the life-saving passes
disappeared. Strangely enough, however, they were not destroyed at the
time and have recently come to light[67] in the Public Record Office,
so that two centuries after Captain Kidd was ignominiously executed for
piracy it becomes possible to reestablish his fame as a master mariner
of good repute and a privateersman who attacked only the ships of the
enemies of the King of England.

Captain Kidd remained in gaol for over a year before he was brought to
trial and then not for piracy, as he had expected, “but being moved and
seduced by the instigations of the Devil ... he did make an assault in
and upon William Moore upon the high seas ... with a certain wooden
bucket, bound with iron hoops, of the value of eight pence, giving the
said William Moore ... one mortal bruise of which the aforesaid William
Moore did languish and die.” William Moore had been the gunner on the
“Adventure Galley,” Captain Kidd’s vessel, and during an altercation,
Kidd had struck him on the right side of the head with an iron-bound
bucket. He died the next day in consequence. Kidd’s defense was that
Moore was the leader of a mutinous crew; but it is evident from
the minutes of the trial that there was no question as to what the
verdict would be. At the most he should only have been convicted of
manslaughter. The jury found him guilty of murder.

Having made certain that Kidd would be hanged, the Court next ordered
him brought to trial under an indictment for piracy. He asked
postponement until his papers and particularly the two French passes
could be obtained and submitted as evidence, but without avail. The
Lord Chief Baron, in summing up the evidence even went so far as to
suggest that they existed only in Kidd’s imagination. With the East
India Company forcing a prosecution and the Lord Chancellor and other
high officials in danger should he make damaging disclosures, it was
only a question of time. Kidd hadn’t a ghost of a chance for his life.

After sentence had been pronounced, Captain Kidd said: “My Lord, it is
a very hard sentence. For my part I am innocentest of them all, only I
have been sworn against by perjured persons.” And he told the truth.

[Illustration:

                       A FULL

                       ACCOUNT

                       OF THE

                     PROCEEDINGS

                   In Relation to

                     Capt. KIDD.

                   In two LETTERS.

         Written by a Person of Quality to a
           Kinsman of the Earl of _Bellomont_
           in _Ireland_.

                      _LONDON_,

 Printed and Sold by the Booksellers of _London_ and
                _Westminster_. MDCCI.
]

On May 23, 1721, he was hanged at Execution Dock, on the Thames water
front at Wapping, after which his body was placed in chains and
gibbetted on the shore near Tilbury Fort, in the lower reaches of the
river.

Captain Kidd as he is recalled today is a composite type. All the
pirates who have frequented the New England coast have become blended
into one and that one--Captain Kidd. A credulous public even denies him
his own name and sings of Robert Kidd in the famous ballad:--

    My name was Robert Kidd, when I sail’d, when I sail’d,
      My name was Robert Kidd, when I sail’d;
    My name was Robert Kidd, God’s law I did forbid,
      And so wickedly I did, when I sail’d.

           *       *       *       *       *

    I’d a Bible in my hand, when I sail’d, when I sail’d,
      I’d a Bible in my hand, when I sail’d;
    I’d a Bible in my hand, by my father’s great command,
      But I sunk it in the sand, when I sail’d.

           *       *       *       *       *

    I murder’d William Moore, as I sail’d, as I sail’d,
      I murder’d William Moore, as I sail’d;
    I murder’d William Moore, and left him in his gore,
      Not many leagues from shore, as I sail’d.

           *       *       *       *       *

    I’d ninety bars of gold, as I sail’d, as I sail’d,
      I’d ninety bars of gold, as I sail’d;
    I’d ninety bars of gold, and dollars manifold,
      With riches uncontroll’d, as I sail’d.

           *       *       *       *       *

    Come all ye young and old, see me die, see me die,
      Come all ye young and old, see me die;
    Come all ye young and old, you’re welcome to my gold,
      For by it I’ve lost my soul, and must die.


FOOTNOTES

[61] Capt. William Kidd was born in Greenock, Scotland, about 1655
and probably was the son of Rev. John Kidd who suffered the torture
of the boot. In August, 1689, he arrived at the island of Nevis, in
the West Indies, in command of a privateer of sixteen guns that had
been taken from the French at Basseterre by the English members of her
crew. The next year his privateer took part in Hewetson’s expedition to
Mariegalante; but in February, 1691, while he was on shore, his company
deserted him and ran away with the vessel. Most of the crew were former
pirates and liked their old trade better. A month later he reached New
York where he obtained command of another privateer and before long
brought in a French ship. The last of May, 1691, the Government sent
him out in pursuit of a French privateer which he followed so leisurely
that she escaped. Arriving at Boston, June 8th, he received proposals
to go in search of the privateer which were not satisfactory to him and
further negotiations were without result, so that complaint was made to
the Governor of New York that Kidd neglected a fair opportunity to take
her. In August, 1695, he was in London, in command of the brigantine
“Antego,” and while there testified as to the irregularities existing
in New York. Two months later, on October 10th, he signed articles with
the Earl of Bellomont which sent him to the Indian ocean and later to
Execution Dock on the Thames.

[62] Prizes.

[63] _Calendars of State Papers, America and West Indies_, 1699, pp.
366-367.

[64] _Calendars of State Papers, America and West Indies_, 1699, p. 371.

[65] The original letter is now preserved in the Boston Public Library.

[66] Captain Kidd married in May, 1691, Sarah Oort, the widow of John
Oort, merchant of New York.

[67] See Paine, _The Book of Buried Treasure_, page 104, for a
photographic reproduction.




CHAPTER VI

THOMAS TEW, WHO RETIRED AND LIVED AT NEWPORT


Privateering was a thriving business during the last half of the
seventeenth century, and commissions were issued in large numbers by
all the colonial governors in America.

In 1691, Thomas Tew, a young seaman hailing from Rhode Island in
New England, came into Bermuda with gold in his pockets and after a
time purchased a share in the sloop “Amity,” owned by merchants and
officials living on the island, among whom were Thomas Hall, Richard
Gilbert, John Dickenson, Col. Anthony White and William Outerbridge.
The latter was a member of the Governor’s Council. Tew claimed to
belong to a good Rhode Island family that had been living there since
1640,[68] and having interested his part-owners in the “Amity,” a
privateering commission was obtained from the governor and beating up a
willing crew of volunteers, the sloop, with Tew in command, was shortly
on her eastward passage.

It was afterwards claimed by one Weaver, counselor for the King in the
prosecution of Governor Fletcher of New York, that during Tew’s stay
at Bermuda “it was a thing notoriously known to everyone that he had
before then been a pirate”;[69] and a sailor who had known him well
testified that he “had been rambling.” When Tew sailed from Bermuda
there went in company with him another privateer sloop commanded by
Capt. George Drew, fitted out by the governor, and the commissions
issued to these captains instructed them to take the French factory at
Goree, on the river Gambia, on the west coast of Africa.

On the voyage out a violent storm came up; Captain Drew’s sloop sprung
her mast and the two vessels lost sight of each other. A morning or
two after the gale had spent itself Captain Tew ordered all hands on
deck and told them that they probably realized the proposed attack on
the French factory would be of little value to the public and of no
particular reward to them for their bravery. As for booty, there was
not the least prospect of any. Speaking for himself, he had only agreed
to take a commission for the sake of being employed and therefore he
was of the opinion they should turn their thoughts to bettering their
condition and if so inclined he would shape a course that would lead
to ease and plenty for the rest of their days. The ship’s company
undoubtedly were prepared for Captain Tew’s proposal for we are told
that they unanimously cried out, “A gold chain or a wooden leg--we’ll
stand by you.”[70]

A quartermaster was then chosen to look out for the interests of the
ship’s company and instead of continuing the voyage to Gambia, a
course was made for the Cape of Good Hope and in time the Red Sea was
reached. Just as they were entering the Strait of Babelmandeb, a large
and richly laden Arabian vessel hove in sight carrying about three
hundred soldiers and much gold. Tew told his men that this was their
opportunity to strike for fortune and although it was apparent that
the ship was full of men and mounted a great number of guns, the Arabs
would be lacking in skill and courage; which proved true for she was
taken without loss. Each man’s share in the gold and jewels amounted
to over three thousand pounds sterling and the store of powder was so
great that much was thrown overboard.

From the Strait they steered for Madagascar where the quartermaster
and twenty-three others elected to leave the ship and settle there
proposing to enjoy a life of ease in a delightful climate producing
all the necessaries for existence. The rest of the company remained
with Captain Tew who planned to return to America. The sloop sailed but
before getting out of sight of land sighted a ship and Tew, thinking to
return home somewhat richer, stood towards her and when within gunshot
hoisted black colors and fired a gun to windward. The stranger hove to
and fired a gun to leeward and hoisting out a boat Captain Tew soon
learned that he had intercepted Captain Mission, a famous pirate in
those parts who had come out from France with a privateering commission
and some time before had established a settlement on Madagascar and
named it Libertatia.

Captain Tew was invited on board the “Victoire,” Captain Mission’s
ship, and after being handsomely entertained was invited to visit the
pirate colony that had been set up at Libertatia. On returning to the
sloop and telling his men what he had learned, the company consented
and Mission’s ship was followed until the harbor was reached which they
were much surprised to see was well fortified. The first fort saluted
them with nine guns and the company on shore received Captain Tew and
his men with great civility. He was soon invited to take part in a
council of officers to consider what should be done with the large
number of prisoners brought in by Mission. Seventy-three of these men,
English and Portuguese, took on and the rest were set at work on a dock
in process of construction about half a mile above the mouth of the
harbor.

Tew and his men were charmed with the settlement and the new friends
they had made and here they remained until Captain Mission, desiring
to strengthen his colony, decided to send a ship to Guinea to seize
slaving ships frequenting that coast. He offered the command of this
expedition to Captain Tew and gave him a crew of two hundred men
composed of thirty English and the rest French, Portuguese and negroes.

Tew didn’t sight a vessel until in the Atlantic, north of the Cape of
Good Hope, where he fell in with a Dutch East Indiaman of eighteen guns
which he took with the loss of but one man and secured several chests
filled with English crowns. Nine of the Dutchmen joined his company and
the rest were set ashore in Soldinia Bay. On the coast of Angola he
took an English vessel with two hundred and forty slaves aboard among
whom the negroes in his crew found relatives. These men told the slaves
of the happy life they lead in Madagascar where none lived in slavery
and so prepared, their leg irons and handcuffs were taken off and a
course was made for Libertatia where the captured slaves were set at
work on the dock.

After his return Captain Tew was given command of a sloop mounting
eight guns and manned with one hundred men and with the schoolmaster in
command of another sloop of about the same size, made a voyage around
Madagascar charting the coast and discovering the shoals and depths of
water. Tew’s sloop was called the “Liberty.” The schoolmaster commanded
the “Childhood”; and the expedition was absent nearly four months.

Not long after this Captain Tew proposed that he should return to
America and arrange with merchants to send to Madagascar ship’s stores,
clothing and a variety of luxuries needed for the safety and comfort
of the pirate colony. Some of his men also wished to return to their
families, and so the “Amity” was refitted and Tew set a course for
the Cape and soon was in the South Atlantic bound for the island of
Bermuda. Contrary winds prevented, however, and running into a brisk
gale he sprung his mast and after beating about for a fortnight at last
made his old home at Newport, R. I., where he was received with much
respect when his prosperous “privateering” voyage became known.

From here he dispatched an account to his part-owners in Bermuda and an
order for them to send an agent to receive their share in the produce
of the voyage and a few weeks later a sloop arrived, commanded by one
Captain Stone, who, some years after testified that when he presented
his order to Captain Tew from the Bermuda owners, he found that part of
the money was buried in the ground at Newport and for the remainder he
was obliged to go to Boston.[71]

Outerbridge, the councillor, received £540 left by Tew in Boston and
his entire share in the proceeds of the voyage amounted to over £3000,
which reached him in the form of “Lyon dollars and Arabian gold.” The
pieces of Arabian gold were then worth about two Spanish dollars and
soon were common in Rhode Island and New York. Tew’s share in the
proceeds amounted to about £8000.

Some ten years later, when Kidd and Bradish had been hanged and the
Council of Trade was busily engaged in stirring up matters supposedly
overlooked or forgotten, an officious agent of the Council appeared
at Bermuda and began to uncover the close relations existing between
pirates and prominent merchants and officials in the islands. Some of
the facts concerning Outerbridge, Colonel White and others then came
out and were reported to London. The agent was George Larkin and he
brought a commission as Judge of an Admiralty Court which very soon was
ignored and when his true activities were recognized he was threatened
and various complaints were made under oath and at last he was arrested
“by the Marshall with a file of musqueteers and taken to the castle,
a forlorne place, where there is but one room and the waves of the
sea beat over the platform into it in stormy weather.... The Clerk
of the Justices came to the Islands, a fidler in a Pyrate ship and
the proceedings here against me differ in few circumstances from the
Inquisition till they come to the Rack.”[72]

Captain Tew when in Boston had applied to the governor for a new
privateering commission and been refused but found no considerable
objection in Rhode Island although it cost him £500. In New York, he
found Frederick Phillips not averse to making profitable voyages to
Madagascar and soon the ship “Frederick” was dispatched with a full
cargo and seven years later the Rev. John Higginson of Salem, when
writing to his son Nathaniel, in command of Fort George, at Madras,
reported the current rumor that Phillips had attained an estate of
£100,000, much of it gained in the pirate trade to Madagascar.

Having completed his arrangements, Tew set sail with a commission
authorizing him to seize the ships of France and the enemies of the
Crown of England and in a few weeks had rounded the Cape and was at
anchor in the harbor at Libertatia.

Not long after his return he went out with Captain Mission on a cruise
to the Red Sea, each in command of a ship manned by about two hundred
and fifty men including many negroes. Off the coast of Arabia Felix
they came upon a large ship belonging to the Great Mogul with more than
a thousand pilgrims on board bound for Mecca. The ship carried one
hundred and ten guns but made a poor defence and was boarded and taken
without the loss of a single man. After a consultation it was decided
to put the prisoners ashore near Aden, but as they wanted women, over
one hundred unmarried girls, from twelve to eighteen years old, were
kept notwithstanding their tears and the lamentations of their parents.
With the large ship in company they made their way back to Libertatia
where they found in her hold a vast quantity of diamonds, besides rich
silks, spices, rugs and wrought and bar gold.

The prize was a heavy sailer and of no use so she was taken to pieces
and her guns mounted in two batteries near the mouth of the harbor.
The settlement was now so strongly fortified that there was little
danger of successful attack from shipping. By this time they had also
cleared and cultivated a considerable area of land and had in pasturage
over three hundred black cattle. The dock was finished and all were
living comfortably and happily each supplied according to taste and
nationality with several white, yellow or black wives.

One morning a sloop that had been sent out to exercise the negroes,
came back chased by five tall ships which proved to be fifty-gun ships
flying the Portuguese flag. The alarm was given and all the forts and
batteries manned. Tew commanded the English and Mission commanded the
French and the negroes. The two forts at the entrance to the harbor
didn’t stop the ships, though one was brought on the careen, but once
inside, the forts, batteries, sloops and ships gave them so warm a
reception that two of them sank and many men were drowned. Having
entered just before the turn of the tide, the other ships, with the
help of the ebb tide, made haste to escape; but they were followed by
the ships and sloops in the harbor and in the bay, after a running
fight, one was taken that greatly increased the store of powder and
shot in the magazine. The other two escaped but in crippled condition.
This was the engagement with the pirates that made so much noise in
Europe and America.

Captain Tew was now made admiral of their fleet and proposed building
an arsenal, which was agreed upon. He also proposed going on a cruise,
hoping to meet East India ships and bring in some volunteers, for
he thought the colony at that time more in need of men than riches.
The flagship “Victoire” was accordingly fitted out and manned with
three hundred men and Tew put to sea intending to call first at the
settlement made by his former quartermaster and men, where, coming to
anchor, he went ashore. The governor, _alias_ quartermaster, received
him civilly but could not be persuaded to agree upon a change in his
comfortable situation where his company enjoyed all the necessaries of
life and were free and independent of all the world.

Late that afternoon, while they were drinking a bowl of punch, a
violent storm came up suddenly with so high a sea that Captain Tew
could not go out to his ship. The storm increased and in less than two
hours the “Victoire” parted her cables and was driven ashore on a steep
point where everyone on board was drowned in sight of Tew who could
give no assistance. Not knowing which way to turn he remained with his
former men hoping that Captain Mission in time might come in search of
him, which happened a few weeks later.

One morning two sloops came to anchor off-shore and soon a canoe was
hoisted out and brought Captain Mission ashore. He brought doleful
news. At dead of night two great bodies of natives had come down on
the pirate settlement and slaughtered men, women and children without
mercy. The absence of the three hundred men on the “Victoire” and the
sailing about the same time of another pirate ship, the “Bijoux,” had
so weakened the settlement that the natives soon prevailed through
sheer force of numbers and Captain Mission escaped with only forty-five
men. He was able, however, to bring away with him a considerable weight
of rough diamonds and bar gold.

The two captains condoled with each other over their misfortunes and
Tew at last proposed that they abandon further roving and return to
America where, with the riches that remained to them, they could live
in comfort and safety for the rest of their lives. Mission was a
Frenchman and could not think of retiring from active life until he
had visited his family, but he gave up one of the sloops to Tew and
divided with him the diamonds and gold that had been saved.

A week later the two captains sailed, Mission having fifteen Frenchmen
and Portuguese in his sloop and Tew taking thirty-four English in the
sloop commanded by him. They shaped a course for the Guinea Coast, but
off Infantes, before reaching the Cape, they were overtaken by a storm
in which the unhappy Mission’s sloop went down within a musket shot of
Captain Tew who could give no assistance.

Captain Tew continued his course for America and reached Newport
safely where his men took their share of diamonds and gold and quietly
dispersed as they thought best while Tew settled down among his
former acquaintances to spend a tranquil life. He lived unquestioned
and with his easy fortune might in time have married the daughter
of some neighbor and spent the remainder of his days as a retired
privateersman. One of his company, Thomas Jones, who had formerly
sailed with “Long Ben” Avery, married Penelope Goulden and also settled
down and lived in Rhode Island, but others, who continued to live there
or elsewhere in the province, soon squandered their shares and began
soliciting him to make another voyage. For a time he refused until
at last a considerable number of resolute lads came in a body and so
earnestly begged him to head them for one more voyage that he finally
agreed.

His frequent journeys to New York in connection with shipments to
Madagascar and more recently for the purpose of disposing of some part
of his store of diamonds, had given him an acquaintance with Governor
Fletcher, so in October, 1694, he presented himself at the Governor’s
mansion for the purpose of obtaining a privateering commission.
Governor Fletcher, like some other colonial governors, was always ready
to turn “an honest penny” and on Nov. 8, 1694, Tew was in possession of
the desired commission it having cost him exactly £300.

It was afterwards claimed by the Attorney General of New York in a
report to the Earl of Bellomont, the succeeding governor, that it was
well-known in New York that Captain Tew had been roving in the Red Sea
and had made much money. “He had brought his spoil to Rhode Island and
his crew dispersed in Boston where they shewed themselves publicly. In
1694 or 1695 Tew came to New York, where Governor Fletcher entertained
him and drove him about in his coach, though Tew publicly declared that
he would make another voyage to the Red Sea and make New York his port
of return.... He fitted out his sloop in Rhode Island, whence he sailed
to the Red Sea and there died or was killed. His crew picked up another
ship at Madagascar.”[73]

Governor Bellomont sent numerous dispatches to the Lords of Trade
describing in much detail the relations of his predecessor in office
with those who had sailed “on the account,” armed with privateering
commissions issued by Fletcher. He wrote that many pirates in the Red
Sea and elsewhere had been fitted out in New York or Rhode Island. The
ships commanded by Mason, Tew, Glover and Hore were commissioned by
Governor Fletcher. Everybody knew at the time they were bound for the
Red Sea, “being openly declared by the captains so as to enable them
to raise men and proceed on their voyage quickly.... Captain Tew, who
had before been a notorious pirate, on his return from the East Indies
with great riches visited New York, where, although a man of infamous
character, he was received and caressed by Governor Fletcher, dined and
supped often with him and appeared publicly in his coach. They also
exchanged presents, such as gold watches, with each other.”[74]

Governor Fletcher, on the other hand, protested that Captain Tew had
produced a commission from the Governor of Bermuda and accordingly
he had granted him another to make war against the French. “Captain
Tew brought no ship into this port. He came as a stranger and came to
my table like other strangers who visit this province. He told me he
had a sloop well manned and gave bond to fight the French at the mouth
of Canada river, whereupon I gave him a commission and instructions
accordingly.... It may be my misfortune, but not my crime, if they turn
pirates. I have heard of none yet that have done so.”

“Tew appeared to me,” wrote the disingenuous governor, “not only a man
of courage and activity, but of the greatest sense and remembrance
of what he had seen of any seaman that I ever met with. He was also
what is called a very pleasant man, so that some times after the day’s
labour was done, it was divertisement as well as information to me
to hear him talk. I wished in my mind to make him a sober man, and
in particular to cure him of a vile habit of swearing. I gave him a
book for that purpose, and to gain the more upon him I gave him a gun
of some value. In return he made me a present which was a curiosity,
though in value not much.”[75]

Tew’s commission was signed by Gov. Benjamin Fletcher and countersigned
by his private secretary, Daniel Honan, but his bond was signed by
Edward Coates, a notorious pirate, so it was said, and by John Feny, “a
Popist tailor of this city and a beggar.”[76]

Meanwhile, reasonably certain of securing his commission, Tew had been
busily engaged in fitting out his sloop for the new venture. He made no
bones about his intentions and such was his sense of security that he
talked freely with neighbors and also strangers.

A traveller passing through Newport in October, 1694, records that
he then saw three vessels fitting out. One of them, a sloop, was
commanded by Thomas Tew or Tue, whom he had known in Jamaica, twelve
years before. “He was free in discourse with me and declared that he
was last year in the Red Sea; that he had taken a rich ship belonging
to the Mogul and had received for his owner’s dividend and his sloop’s
twelve thousand odd hundred pounds, while his men had received upwards
of a thousand pounds each. When I returned to Boston there was another
barque of about thirty tons ready to sail and join Tew in the same
account. I was likewise advised of another that had sailed from the
Whore Kills in Pennsylvania, and that one or two were since gone on the
same account. I understand that two of the four that I saw are returned
with great booty.”[77]

“Captain Tew had a commission from the Governor of New York to cruise
against the French,” afterwards wrote Governor Bellomont. “He came out
on pretence of loading negroes at Madagascar, but his design was always
to go into the seas, having about seventy men on his sloop of sixty
tons. He made a voyage three years ago in which his share was £8000.
Want was then his mate. He then went to New England and the Governor
would not receive him; then to New York where Governor Fletcher
protected him. Colonel Fletcher told Tew he should not come there again
unless he brought store of money, and it is said that Tew gave him
£300 for his commission. He is gone to make a voyage in the Red Sea,
and if he makes his voyage will be back about this time. This is the
third time that Tew has gone out, breaking up for the first time in New
England and the second time in New York. The place that receives them
is chiefly Madagascar, where they must touch both going and coming. All
the ships that are now out are from New England, except Tew from New
York and Want from Carolina. They build their ships in New England, but
come out under pretence of trading from island to island. The money
they bring in is current there and the people know very well where they
go. One Captain Gough who keeps a mercer’s shop at Boston got a good
estate in this way. On first coming out they generally go first to
the Isle of May for salt, then to Fernando for water, then round the
Cape of Good Hope to Madagascar to victual and water and so for Batsky
[_sic_] where they wait for the traders between Surat and Mecca and
Tuda, who must come at a certain time because of the trade wind. When
they come back they have no place to go to but Providence, Carolina,
New York, New England and Rhode Island, where they all along have been
kindly received.”[78]

Captain Tew sailed from Newport in the sloop “Amity,” in November,
1694, and was joined by Captain Want in a brigantine and Captain
Wake[79] in another small vessel that had been fitted out at Boston.
Want was Tew’s mate on the first voyage and returned with him and
spent his share of the plunder in Rhode Island and Pennsylvania. On
the present voyage, Thomas Jones of Newport was also associated with
him. One Captain Glover, in a ship owned by New York merchants, is also
said to have joined Tew’s fleet and to have remitted to his owners the
value of the vessel. Probably Tew’s gold may have made the restitution
possible.[80]

In June, 1695, Captain Tew was at Liparau island at the mouth of the
Red Sea, where with other English vessels he joined the fleet commanded
by Captain Avery. Tew at that time had a crew of about forty men. After
lying there some time Avery sent a pinnace to Mocha and took two men
who gave them information as to the ships coming down. They then stood
out to sea and five or six days later the Moors’ ships, twenty-five in
number, passed them in the night. Hearing of this from a captured junk
they followed. The “Amity” was a bad sailer and fell astern and never
came up. The rest of the fleet overtook one of the Moorish vessels and
captured her after having fired three shots and found on board £60,000
in gold and silver. Soon another ship was taken after a fight of three
hours. The loot of this vessel was so great that each of the one
hundred and eighty men engaged received as his share over £1000. There
was a great quantity of jewels and a saddle and bridle set with rubies
designed as a present for the Great Mogul.[81]

After this fight, mention of Captain Tew disappears from all
contemporary sources of information save the passing allusions made
by the Attorney General of New York in his report to the Earl of
Bellomont (see page 93). It therefore is highly probable that there
may be foundation for the statement by Captain Johnson in his “History
of the Pirates,” that Captain Tew “attack’d a Ship belonging to the
Great _Mogul_; in the Engagement, a Shot carried away the Rim of
_Tew’s_ Belly, who held his Bowels with his Hands some small Space;
when he dropp’d it struck such a Terror in his men, that they suffered
themselves to be taken, without making Resistance.”


FOOTNOTES

[68] Richard Tew came from Maidford, co. Northampton, England, and
settled at Newport, R. I., in 1640, where he was a prominent citizen.
He served as deputy and assistant and was named in the charter granted
in 1663. Thomas Tew undoubtedly was his grandson. It was a well-known
family in Rhode Island and highly respected.

[69] _Calendar of State Papers, America and the West Indies_, 1699, p.
44.

[70] Johnson, _History of the Pirates_, London, 1726.

[71] _Calendar of State Papers, America and the West Indies_,
1702-1703, p. 1014.

[72] _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, 1702-1703, p.
237.

[73] _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, 1697-1698, p.
860.

[74] _Ibid._, 1697-1698, p. 473.

[75] _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, 1697-1698, p.
587.

[76] _Ibid._, 1697-1698, p. 473.

[77] John Graves, in a letter printed in the _Calendar of State Papers,
America and West Indies_, 1696-1697, p. 744.

[78] _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, 1696-1697,
pp. 259-260.

[79] Captain Wake was an old pirate who had received a pardon in King
James’ time.

[80] Jeremiah Basse, writing to the Secretary of the Council of
Trade in a letter that reached London on July 26, 1697, reported as
follows:--“In all I am told that there are gone from Boston, New York,
Pennsylvania and Carolina, from each one ship and from Rhode Island
two.... The Nassau met one of these rovers at the Cape Bonne Esperance
homeward bound from India. I was told by the mate of her that being
fearful lest the Dutch should make prize of her they got leave to put
some chests of money on board her, which chests were so heavy that
six men at the tackles could hardly hoist them in. The chests were
given back to the rovers at sea, who announced that they were bound to
Madagascar. The persons expected to return are Tew’s company, and all
those that sailed from New York and Rhode Island. It is expected that
they will try to conceal themselves in the Jerseys or Pennsylvania
being little inhabited about the harbour, they reckon themselves safe
there. I am told that some persons have already been preparing for
their reception there.”--_Calendar of State Papers, America and West
Indies_, 1696-1697, p. 1203.

[81] _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, 1696-1697,
pp. 260-262.




CHAPTER VII

JOHN QUELCH AND HIS CREW WHO WERE HANGED IN BOSTON AND THEIR GOLD
DISTRIBUTED


About the middle of May, 1704, there came to anchor in the harbor of
Marblehead, the “Charles,” a brigantine of some eighty tons burden,
commanded by one Capt. John Quelch. This newly-built vessel had been
fitted out the previous summer by Charles Hobby, Col. Nicholas Paige,
William Clarke, Benjamin Gallop and John Colman, leading citizens and
merchants of Boston, as a privateer to prey upon French shipping off
the coast of Acadia and Newfoundland. She was commissioned on July 13,
1703 by Governor Dudley in the usual manner and her commander, Capt.
Daniel Plowman, was then given his instructions governing his conduct
while in the pursuit of pirates and the Queen’s enemies.

After receiving her equipment and while riding at anchor off
Marblehead, Captain Plowman was taken sick and on Aug. 1, 1703 sent
a letter to his owners informing them that he was unable to take her
to sea on account of his severe illness. He may have realized at the
time the character of the crew that he had shipped, for he wrote
proposing that the owners of the “Charles” come to Marblehead at once
and “take some speedy care in saving what we can. The Lieutenant
the Bearer can give you a full Account.” One of the owners went to
Marblehead the next day but found the captain too sick to see him. A
survey of the situation resulted in a recommendation to his associates
that the vessel be sent out as planned but under another captain.
This intelligence reached Captain Plowman and he aroused sufficiently
to send another letter urging that the vessel be sent to Boston
and declaring that “it will not do with these people” (meaning his
crew), to send the vessel out under a new commander and the sooner
the guns and stores were landed on shore the better it would be
for all concerned. However, before the owners could take effectual
measures in relation to the vessel, she went to sea. It afterwards
appeared that before sailing, the crew, under the lead of one of their
number, had locked Captain Plowman in his cabin and John Quelch, the
lieutenant-commander, had come on board and after a conference with the
crew had taken command and steered a course to the southward. Sometime
after Quelch assumed command the captain was thrown overboard, but
whether alive or dead is not known.

In November, 1703, the “Charles” was off the coast of Brazil and during
the next three months Quelch made nine captures,--five brigantines (the
largest being about forty tons), a small shallop, two fishing boats,
and a ship of about two hundred tons loaded with hides and tallow and
carrying twelve guns and about thirty-five men. These vessels were the
property of subjects of the King of Portugal, an ally of the Queen of
England, and from them Quelch secured rich booty including a hundred
weight of gold dust, gold and silver coins to the value of over one
thousand pounds, ammunition, small arms and a great quantity of fine
fabrics, provisions and rum.

When Quelch planned his descent on Portuguese shipping he may not have
known of the treaty of amity and alliance between Great Britain and
Portugal that was signed in Lisbon on May 16, 1703, and which contained
the following section:--

    “XVIII. Piratical ships, of whatever nation, shall not only not
    be permitted or received into the ports which their Portugueze
    and Brittanic Majesties, and the States General of the United
    Provinces, possess in the East Indies, but shall be deemed the
    common enemies of the Portugueze, the English and the Dutch.”

However that may be, Quelch was well aware that few gold mines existed
in the dominions of the French King, with whom England was at war, and
that the loot of French ships promised less valuable spoil than might
be found in the South Atlantic. His avarice led to his undoing.

Not long after the “Charles” came to anchor in Marblehead harbor,
on her return from pillaging Portuguese shipping, the crew began to
disappear. Some of them went to Salem and from there found their way
to Cape Ann, while others went to Rhode Island. The sudden departure
of the vessel less than a year before was recalled and the fishing
village became very skeptical of the story told by Captain Quelch of
the recovery of great treasure from a wreck in the West Indies. The
_Boston News-Letter_, the first newspaper published in the Province of
the Massachusetts-Bay, had begun publication only a short time before
and the fifth number issued announced the arrival of the “Charles” in
the following words:--

    “Arrived at _Marblehead_, Capt. _Quelch_ in the Brigantine that
    Capt. _Plowman_ went out in, are said to come from _New-Spain_
    & have made a good Voyage.”--_Boston News-Letter_, May 15-22,
    1704.

The owners of the vessel having previously learned nothing of the
fortunes of their privateering venture became suspicious. Not long
after her sudden departure they had concluded that she was bound for
the West Indies and had written to various West India ports in the
hope of obtaining some trace of the missing vessel and recovering
their property, but without success. Colman and Clarke now filed a
written “information” with the Secretary of the Province and the
Attorney-General. This was on the twenty-third of May, the day
following the publication of the news of the arrival of the “Charles,”
and the Attorney-General, Paul Dudley, the son of the Governor, at once
set out to capture Quelch and his crew. Judge Samuel Sewall, Acting
Chief Justice of the Superior Court, who was returning from a visit to
relatives in Newbury, records in his diary that he stopped that day to
“Refresh at Lewis’s [in Lynn], where Mr. Paul Dudley is in egre pursuit
of the Pirats. He had sent one to Boston.”

The next day, May 24th, Lieutenant-Governor Povey, acting during the
temporary absence of the Governor, issued a proclamation announcing:--

    “Whereas _John Quelch_, late Commander of the Briganteen
    _Charles_ and Company to her belonging, _Viz. John Lambert_,
    _John Miller_, _John Clifford_, _John Dorothy_, _James Parrot_,
    _Charles James_, _William Whiting_, _John Pitman_, _John
    Templeton_, _Benjamin Perkins_, _William Wiles_, _Richard
    Lawrence_, _Erasmus Peterson_, _John King_, _Charles King_,
    _Isaac Johnson_, _Nicholas Lawson_, _Daniel Chevalle_, _John
    Way_, _Thomas Farrington_, _Matthew Primer_, _Anthony Holding_,
    _William Rayner_, _John Quittance_, _John Harwood_, _William
    Jones_, _Denis Carter_, _Nicholas Richardson_, _James Austin_,
    _James Pattison_, _Joseph Hutnot_, _George Peirse_, _George
    Norton_, _Gabriel Davis_, _John Breck_, _John Carter_, _Paul
    Giddins_, _Nicholas Dunbar_, _Richard Thurbar_, _Daniel Chuley_
    and others; Have lately Imported a considerable Quantity
    of Gold dust, and some Bar and coin’d Gold, which they are
    Violently Suspected to have gotten & obtained by Felony and
    Piracy, from some of Her Majesties Friends and Allies, and
    have Imported and Shared the same among themselves, without
    any Adjudication or Condemnation thereof, to be lawful Prize.
    The said Commander and some others being apprehended and in
    Custody, the rest are absconded and fled from Justice.”

All officers, civil and military, were commanded to apprehend the said
persons and secure their treasure.

[Illustration: JOSEPH DUDLEY, GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS, WHO PRESIDED
AT THE TRIAL OF CAPTAIN QUELCH

From an original painting in possession of the Massachusetts Historical
Society]

Within two days the assiduous Mr. Dudley had safely landed in Boston
gaol Quelch, Lambert, Miller, Clifford, Dorothy, Parrot and Wiles.
William Whiting lay on a sick bed at Marblehead and was likely to
die. Two others were sick at Marblehead. James Austin was in gaol
at Piscataqua (Portsmouth) and another pirate was in Salem gaol. On
Friday, May 26, news from Newport, R. I., reached Boston that five of
Quelch’s crew had bought a small decked boat and sailed the day before,
it was supposed, for Long Island; but the news of the piracy arriving
by an express from Boston about the time of their departure, one of the
men had been seized and was being sent to Boston the constable of each
intervening town delivering the prisoner to the constable of the
next town and so on in like order.

Gov. Joseph Dudley having returned to Boston and not content with the
proclamation issued by the Honourable Mr. Povey, issued a new one over
his own name in which he included the name of Christopher Scudamore
among the suspected pirates and also stated definitely that their gold
and treasure had been taken from the subjects of the Crown of Portugal,
“on whom they have also acted divers Villanous Murders.” All sheriffs
were required to publish immediately the proclamation in the principal
towns and cause it to be posted up in all other towns. A proclamation
was also issued by Governor Cranston in Rhode Island. Soon Scudamore,
Lawrence and Pimer were in custody and several parcels of gold dust
were in the possession of the authorities.

The Governor was very keen to secure the gold dust brought in by Quelch
and on the 6th of June he appointed a Commission of Inquiry consisting
of Samuel Sewall, Acting Chief Justice of the Superior Court,
Nathaniel Byfield, Judge of the Court of Admiralty, and Paul Dudley,
Attorney-General, “to repair to Marblehead, & to send for and examine
all persons of whom they shall have Information or just ground of
suspition, do conceal and detain” gold and treasure brought in by the
pirates, “either at Marblehead or parts adjacent, and to take what they
shall find into their hands; as also to secure any of the Pirates.”
The next day the Commission rode to Salem arriving there about eight
o’clock in the evening and were informed by Samuel Wakefield, the
water bailey,[82] of a rumor that Captain Larramore, in the “Larramore
Galley” at Cape Ann, had turned rogue and several of Quelch’s company
designed to go off in her. The Commission at once issued a warrant to
Wakefield to go to Gloucester and investigate the matter and if true
to seize the men. He got away from Salem about midnight. By this time
about seventy ounces of gold and an equal weight of silver plate had
been brought to the Council in Boston by different persons who had
received it from Quelch or his men.

The next morning, June 8th, in a heavy rain, the Commission rode over
to Marblehead and held a court before an open fire at Captain Brown’s
house and there they spent the night. About six o’clock the next
morning, before they were out of bed, an express arrived from Cape
Ann bringing information of “9 or 11 Pirats, double arm’d, seen in
a Lone-house there.” Colonel Legg of Marblehead, the colonel of the
Essex South Regiment, was sent for and directed to order out at once
companies for service at Cape Ann and like orders were sent to Colonel
Wainwright at Ipswich, the colonel of the Essex North Regiment. Judge
Sewall records in his diary that he incorporated in his letter to
Colonel Wainwright, as a gentle prod to that estimable gentleman, the
information “we were moving thither our selves to be Witness of his
forwardness for Her Majesties Service.”

Judges Sewall and Byfield then rode over to Salem and Major Stephen
Sewall, clerk of the Inferior Court, got a shallop, the “Trial,” and
the pinnace belonging to Salem Fort and with about twenty men of his
military company started for Cape Ann by water while Sewall and
Byfield, escorted by a troop of horse, went overland. At Beverly, the
local troop were starting and at Manchester the military company “was
mustering upon the top of a Rock.” Excitement was rampant but there was
no great anxiety to hunt pirates. Meanwhile Attorney-General Dudley and
Colonel Legg had sailed for Gloucester direct from Marblehead and on
arriving learned that Captain Larramore had already sailed and taken
the pirates on board at the head of the Cape near Snake Island. Judge
Sewall records what followed.

“When we came to Capt. Davis’s we waited Brother’s arrival with his
Shallop Trial, and Pinnace: When they were come and had Din’d, Resolv’d
to send after Larramore. Abbot was first pitch’d on as Captain. But
matters went on heavily, ’twas difficult to get Men. Capt. Herrick
pleaded earnestly his Troopers might be excus’d. At last Brother
offer’d to goe himself: then Capt. Turner offer’d to goe, Lieut.
Brisco, and many good Men; so that quickly made up Fourty two; though
we knew not the exact number till came home, the hurry was so great,
and vessel so small for 43. Men gave us three very handsom cheers;
Row’d out of the Harbour after sun-set, for want of wind. Mr. Dudley
return’d to Salem with Beverly Troop. Col. Byfield and I lodg’d at Cape
Ann all night; Mr. White pray’d very well for the Expedition Evening
and morning; as Mr. Chiever had done at Marblehead, whom we sent for to
pray with us before we set out for Gloucester. We rose early, got to
Salem quickly after Nine. Din’d with Sister, who was very thoughtfull
what would become of her Husband. The Wickedness and despair of the
company they pursued, their Great Guns and other war like Preparations,
were a terror to her and to most of the Town; concluded they would not
be taken without Blood. Comforted our selves and them as well as we
could.”

Major Stephen Sewall with his company of volunteers in the shallop
and pinnace followed the course of the “Larramore Galley” and reached
the Isles of Shoals about seven o’clock the next morning where they
sighted the galley as they approached. The men were “rank’d with their
Arms on both sides the shallop in covert; only the four fishermen were
in view.” As the expedition drew near they saw the boat belonging to
the galley go ashore with six hands including three of the pirates,
“which was a singular good Providence of God” as Judge Sewall piously
commented afterwards. When the shallop approached nearer Larramore’s
men at last saw the large number of men on board and “began to run
to and fro and pull off the aprons from the Guns, and draw out the
Tamkins [tampions], but when Major Sewall ordered his men to stand and
show themselves ready to fight Larramore quickly abandoned all signs
of resistance. Seven of the pirates were seized and with them over
forty-five ounces of gold dust. The officers of the galley were also
taken and with the galley in tow the expedition triumphantly returned
to Salem “without striking a stroke or firing a gun.” While passing
Gloucester, there being little wind, the men from the Cape were sent
ashore at Eastern Point with the information that two of the pirates
William Jones and Peter Roach, had mistaken their way and were still
on the Cape. Strict search was immediately made by the town’s people
and “being Strangers and destitute of all Succors they surrendered
themselves and were sent to Salem Prison.”

Before the return of the expedition a warrant had been issued for the
apprehension of Captain Larramore and the _News-Letter_ of June 5-12
announces that two more of the pirates, Benjamin Perkins and John
Templeton, were in custody and that “His Excellency intends to bring
forward the Tryal of _Quelch_ and Company now in Custody for Piracy
within a few days.” This prompt decision was in keeping with the
haste displayed thus far and boded ill for the looters of Portuguese
treasure. Their ill-gotten spoil was reputed to be immense and
much of it was likely to fall into the hands of the Court, in fact, a
considerable weight of gold had already been secured making certain the
distribution of handsome rewards and large fees to the informers and
all officials concerned in their capture and prosecution. Twenty-five
of the pirates were then in custody. The “Charles,” when she arrived
at Marblehead had forty-three white men on board and of this number
eighteen got away without capture.

[Illustration:

                               THE

              Arraignment, Tryal, and Condemnation,

                               OF

                       Capt. John Quelch,

                And Others of his Company, _&c._

                               FOR

 Sundry _Piracies_, _Robberies_, and _Murder_, Committed upon
   the Subjects of the King of _Portugal_; Her Majesty’s Allie,
   on the Coast of _Brasil_, &c.

                               WHO

 Upon full Evidence, were found Guilty, at the _Court-House_ in
    _Boston_, on the Thirteenth of _June, 1704_. By Virtue of
    a Commission, grounded upon the Act of the Eleventh and
    Twelfth Years of King _William_, _For the more effectual,
    Suppression of Piracy_. With the Arguments of the QUEEN’s
    Council, and Council for the Prisoners upon the said Act.

                             PERUSED

 By his Excellency _JOSEPH DUDLEY_, Esq; Captain-General and
   Commander in Chief in and over Her Majesty’s Province of the
   _Massachusetts-Bay_, in _New-England_, in _America_, &c.

     To which are also added, some PAPERS that were produc’d
                     at the Tryal abovesaid.

                              WITH

    An Account of the Ages of the several Prisoners, and the
                  Places where they were Born.

                            _LONDON_:

        Printed for _Ben. Bragg_ in _Avemary-Lane_, 1705.

                      (Price One Shilling.)
]

The Governor’s announced intention of a prompt trial resulted in the
holding of a Court of Admiralty at the Town House in Boston. The
building stood at the head of what is now State Street and on Tuesday
June 13, 1704, Joseph Dudley, Esq., “Captain-General and Governor in
Chief of the Provinces of the _Massachusetts-Bay_ and _New-Hampshire_
in _New-England_ in _America_,” sat as President of the Court and with
him were Lieutenant-Governor Thomas Povey; the Lieutenant-Governor of
the Province of New-Hampshire, John Usher; Nathaniel Byfield, Judge of
the Vice-Admiralty; Samuel Sewall, First Judge of the Province of the
Massachusetts-Bay; Jahlael Brenton, Esq., Collector of Her Majesty’s
Customs in New England; Her Majesty’s Council in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, twelve in number; and Isaac Addington, Esq., the
Secretary of the Province. That morning Major Sewall, attended by a
strong guard, brought to Boston the pirates that had been confined in
Salem and gave to His Excellency a full account of his adventures while
in pursuit of Quelch’s men. The _News-Letter_ states that “The service
of Major _Sewall_ and Company was very well Accepted and Rewarded by
the Governor,” and this is borne out by an entry in the Council records
showing that £132.5.0 was ordered “paid out of the Treasure imported by
the said Pirates,” to Major Sewall, Captain Turner and other officers
of his company. This amount included a “gratification” made to these
gentlemen for special services rendered.

The Court of Admiralty having assembled and proclamation for silence
having been made, the statute made during the reign of King William,
“An Act for the more effectual Suppression of Piracy,” was read and
John Valentine, a Notary Publick, was sworn by the Governor as Register
of the Court. The President of the Court and his Associates were then
sworn in turn and the Court was opened by three proclamations as a
“Court of Admiralty for the Tryal of Pirates.” A warrant was sent to
the keeper of the prison to bring Capt. John Quelch before the Court
which then adjourned for dinner to reassemble at three o’clock in the
afternoon. At that time “_Matthew Pymer_, _John Clifford_, and _James
Parrot_ (the first of whom had surrendered himself quickly after his
Arrival to his Excellency the Governor) were brought to the Bar, and
Arraigned upon several Articles of Piracy, Robberry, and Murder, drawn
against Captain _Quelch_, and others his Accomplices.” These three men
pleaded guilty and then were ordered to “stand within the Bar, and to
be Sworn as Witnesses on Her Majesty’s behalf.” Quelch was next brought
to the bar and on being arraigned pleaded not guilty and asked the
Court if he “might not have Council allow’d him upon any Matter of Law
that might happen upon his Tryal,” and also that time be granted to
prepare for the same. The Court replied that the articles under which
he had been arraigned were “plain Matters of Fact,” but it did assign
as council for the prisoner, James Meinzies, a Scotchman living in
Boston, an attorney-at-law of ability who afterwards became Register
of the Court of Vice-Admiralty. He seems to have defended the accused
with skill and learning and to have called the attention of the Court
to important objections to its course of procedure; but his personal
relations with the Court and the unpopularity of his side of the case
may have been an influence indicating how impolitic it was to contend
too persistently against the obvious opinions of the Court. Twenty
other prisoners were arraigned and then the Court adjourned until the
next Friday morning at nine o’clock when further time was prayed for
and adjournment was made until the following Monday morning, the Court
refusing Attorney Meinzies motion that meanwhile “the Queen’s witnesses
might be kept asunder until the Prisoners came upon their Tryals.”

On Monday, June 9, 1704, Quelch was brought for trial and his irons
were taken off. The nine articles of his indictment accused him of
piracy, robbery and murder. As “Lieutenant” of the brigantine “Charles”
he had neglected the orders of the owners and refusing to set on
shore Matthew Pymer and John Clifford (witnesses for the Queen), who
“dreading your Pyratical Intention, earnestly desired the same,” had
directed a course for Fernando Island off the coast of Brazil, and
while thereabouts had piratically taken various vessels belonging to
subjects of the King of Portugal, “Her Majesty’s good Allie,” among
them a ship of about two hundred tons burden, killing the captain and
wounding several of the crew and from the several vessels had secured a
rich booty. The chase of the ship had lasted for nearly two days. One
of the Queen’s witnesses testified that it was Scudamore, the cooper of
the brigantine, who had killed the Portuguese captain with a petard,
but there was some dispute among the men as to which of them it was
who killed him. From the various testimonies it appeared that Captain
Plowman’s cabin door had been fastened with a marlin spike which was
done by order of Anthony Holding who planned with others to seize the
vessel. When Quelch came on board he didn’t object to what had been
done or what was planned. Holding, who was among those who had escaped,
was really the ringleader but Quelch was made commander, perhaps
because he understood navigation.

There were three negroes in Quelch’s company--Cæsar-Pompey, Charles,
and Mingo, who also were tried, for, as the Queen’s Advocate, Mr.
Dudley, said in open court, “The Three Prisoners now at the Bar are of
a different Complexion, ’tis true, but it is well known that the First
and most Famous Pirates that have been in the World, were of their
Colour.” The two first were shown to be Mr. Hobby’s slaves and that
they didn’t run away from their master but were forcibly carried away
by Captain Quelch. They were not active during the voyage and only did
as they were commanded. They were the cooks on the brigantine and also
sounded the trumpet when ordered. The Court cleared them whereupon they
were “ordered upon their knees.”

Among the crew of one of the captured vessels was a Dutchman,
originally from Jutland, who entered himself for the remainder of the
voyage, but because the company voted that he should not have a full
share in the loot he threatened to inform against them when he came on
shore with the result that he was given a gun and some powder and shot
and set ashore at once.

Although by the civil law at that time the testimony of an accomplice
was not admissible, yet the Court permitted the greatest latitude in
the testimony of witnesses and also disregarded the prevailing rules
of procedure in not excluding interested witnesses. At no time did it
appear that Quelch had killed the Portuguese captain; in fact, the
testimony showed that Scudamore probably was the man who did it. The
prosecuting Attorney-General in his speech to the Court said that the
accused

“After obtaining a Commission to draw the Sword to fight the open and
declared Enemies of Her Sacred Majesty, instead of drawing it against
the French and Spaniards, they have sheathed it in the Bowels of some
of the best Friends and Allies of the Crown at this bay ... instead
of fighting for Honour with the French, or Money with the Spaniards,
they must go and surprize a few honest and peaceable Men, and our good
Friends.”

And so it came about that Quelch, Lambert, Scudamore, Miller,
Peterson, Roach and Francis King had sentence of death pronounced
against them. Fifteen of the crew who had pleaded “not guilty,”
withdrew their pleas and asked for the mercy of the Court. The
sentence of death was passed upon them but only two of the fifteen
were executed. The rest remained in prison until July 19th of the next
year when “Her Majesty’s most gracious pardon” was communicated to the
Council and in open Court their chains “were knocked off,” on condition
that they enter the Queen’s service. At the time of the trial two of
the men had been acquitted on paying the prison fees. Wilde broke out
of prison in September, 1704, but was apprehended the following June
and again committed to close prison.

Quelch came from Old England as did most of his crew. He was born
in London and was about thirty-eight years old. Scudamore had been
apprenticed to a cooper in Bristol, England; Miller came from
Yorkshire; Peterson was a Swede; Roach was an Irishman; and King was
born in Scotland. Of the New England men, John Lambert may serve
as an example typical of the rest. He was born in Salem and at the
time of his execution was about forty-nine years old. His father and
grandfather were fishermen and he, too, doubtless followed the sea
although in deeds he is called a “ship wright.” At the time that he
sailed with Quelch he was married and had children. In his testimony
during the trial he claimed that he was sick in the gun room at the
time the captain was confined in his cabin and that he was forced to go
on the voyage to the south. However, during the voyage he was as active
as the rest and accepted his share of the spoils, but claimed that
if he had not accepted, the company might have killed him or set him
ashore on some desolate island where he would have starved to death.
However that may be he suffered death with the others. A broad-sheet
issued at the time, giving an account of the “Behaviour and last Dying
Speeches of the Six Pirates, that were Executed on Charles River,
Boston Side, on Fryday, June 30, 1704,” states that on the gallows
Lambert “appeared much hardened and pleaded much on his Innocency: He
desired all men to beware of Bad Company; he seemed in a great Agony
near his Execution.”

Previous to the day of the execution “the Ministers of the Town had
used more than ordinary Endeavours to Instruct the Prisoners, and
bring them to Repentance. There were Sermons Preached in their hearing
Every Day; And Prayers daily made with them, And they were Catechised;
and they had many occasional Exhortations, And nothing was left that
could be done for their Good,”--so says the broad-sheet. It must
have been a harrowing ordeal for the victims. The Reverend Cotton
Mather, who never failed to be present at public executions, preached
a sermon which was printed under the title of “Faithful Warnings to
prevent Fearful Judgments,” and he and another minister walked with
the condemned in solemn procession on that Friday afternoon, from the
prison to Scarlett’s wharf, when “the silver oar” was carried before
them as they continued by water to the place where the gallows had
been set up between high- and low-water mark off a point of land just
below Copp’s hill “about midway between Hudson’s Point and Broughton’s
warehouse.”[83] The condemned were guarded by forty musketeers and the
constables of the town and were preceded by the Provost Marshal and his
officers. Great crowds gathered to see the execution. Judge Sewall in
his diary comments on the great number of people on Broughton’s hill,
as Copp’s hill was called at that time.

“But when I came to see how the River was cover’d with People, I was
amazed: Some say there were 100 Boats. 150 Boats and Canoes, saith
Cousin Moodey of York. Mr. Cotton Mather came with Capt. Quelch and
six others for Execution from the Prison to Scarlet’s Wharf, and from
thence in the Boat to the place of Execution about midway between
Hanson’s [_sic_] point and Broughton’s Warehouse. When the scaffold
was hoisted to a due height, the seven Malefactors went up: Mr. Mather
pray’d for them standing upon the Boat. Ropes were all fasten’d to
the Gallows (save King, who was Repriev’d). When the Scaffold was let
to sink, there was such a Screech of the Women that my wife heard it
sitting in our Entry next the Orchard, and was much surprised at it;
yet the wind was sou-west. Our house is a full mile from the place.”

[Illustration:

      _Faithful Warnings to prevent Fearful
                   Judgments._

               Uttered in a brief
                   DISCOURSE,
                Occasioned, by a
               Tragical Spectacle,
                 in a Number of
                   Miserables
          Under a Sentence of Death for
                     PIRACY.

       At BOSTON in N. E. _Jun. 22. 1704_

                 Deut. XIII. 11.

 _All Israel shall hear, and fear, and shall do
   no more any such wickedness as this is
   among you._

   Occultam culpam sequitur aperta percussio.
                                  _Cassiodor._

  _Boston_, Printed & Sold by _Timothy Green_,
      at the _North_ End of the Town. 1704.
]

According to the custom of the time the bodies remained hanging on a
gibbet until by decay they gradually disappeared.[84] There was an
exception made, for some reason, in the case of Lambert for his body
was turned over to his widow after his son and others had made petition
to Judge Sewall. It was buried that night about midnight in the old
burying ground “near some of his relatives.”

In his speech on the gallows Quelch warned the people to “take care
how they brought money into New England, to be Hanged for it” and he
also asked “Gentlemen, I desire to be informed for what I am here. I
am condemned only upon Circumstances.” Peterson also complained of the
injustice done him; and said, “it is very hard for so many mens Lives
to be taken away for a little Gold.”[85]

While the trial was yet in progress, accounts of charges in connection
with the seizure of Quelch and his company began to come in. Judge
Sewall and his Commission of Inquiry were awarded £25.7.10 for their
sitting at Marblehead and journey to Cape Ann. Paul Dudley, the
Attorney-General, received £36 for his work, while Meinzies, who
defended the prisoners, was given £20 and then only after petitioning
the Council on Aug. 4th for the usual fee “according to Custome in
the like Case.” Sheriff Dyer for his service was paid five pounds and
Thomas Bernard “for erecting the gibbet” was awarded forty shillings
additional “to be paid out of the treasure.” By the time all accounts
had been adjusted the sum of £726.19.4 had been “paid out of the
treasure.”

By October, 1705, the officials of the Province were ready to turn
over to the Crown what remained of the “Coyn’d, Bar and Dust Gold
imported by Capt. John Quelch.” This was weighed by Jeremiah Dummer,
the Boston goldsmith, and found to be 788 ounces and after being placed
in five leather bags, properly marked and sealed, it was sent by
H. M. Ship “Guernsey,” to the “Lord high Treasurer of England for her
Majesty’s use,” and so ended what has been characterized as “one of
the clearest cases of judicial murder in our American annals,”[86]
save that Governor Dudley’s personal interest in the case appeared on
May 27, 1707 when there was awaiting his order in London, the “royal
bounty” awarded to him as his share of the “pirate money.” Not long
after the trial of the pirates the Rev. Cotton Mather quarrelled with
the Governor and published in London in 1708--“The _Deplorable State_
of New England, By Reason of a _Covetous_ and _Treacherous_ Governor,”
in which appears the following paragraph indicating that acts of piracy
at that time were not confined entirely to the high seas.

“III There have been odd _Collusions_ with the Pyrates of Quelch’s
Company, of which one Instance is, That there was Extorted the Sum
of about Thirty Pounds from some of the Crue, for Liberty to Walk
at certain times in the _Prison_ Yard; and this Liberty having been
Allow’d for Two or Three Days unto them, they were again Confined to
their former Wretched Circumstances.”

[Illustration: REV. COTTON MATHER, PASTOR OF THE SECOND (NORTH) CHURCH,
BOSTON, 1685-1728

From a mezzotint by Peter Pelham after a portrait painted in 1728.]


FOOTNOTES

[82] Water bailiff:--a custom house officer charged with the duty of
searching ships.

[83] The place of the execution was about where the North End Park
bathing beach is today.

[84] In the summer of 1755, two negro servants of Capt. John Codman of
Charlestown, poisoned their master. Phillis, the woman servant and the
principal in the murder, was burned at the stake at Cambridge and Mark,
her accessory, was hanged and then gibbetted on Charlestown Neck. Three
years later Dr. Caleb Rea of Wenham, while on his way to Ticonderoga,
rode by and stopped to inspect the body of Mark. He recorded in his
diary that “the skin was but little broken altho’ he had been hanging
there near three or four years.”

[85] These pirates were tried under authority conferred by a commission
sent over in accordance with an Act of the 11th and 12th year of
William III, authorizing the trial of pirates by Courts of Admiralty,
out of the realm. The commission sent to New England was dated Nov.
23, 1700. This commission required that all trials should be conducted
“according to the civil law” of the Province, which at that time
required two innocent witnesses against each defendant necessary
for a conviction, and in no case was the testimony of an accomplice
admissible. Moreover, by the Act under which the commission was issued,
principals only were triable in the Admiralty Courts held in the
Provinces; accessories were expressly required to be sent to England
for trial. We learn from the _Boston News-Letter_ of the third week in
July, that Captain Larramore and Lieutenant Wells, of the “Larramore
Galley,” had been sent for England in the express sloop “Sea Flower,”
Captain Cary, for trial as “Accessaries in endeavouring to carry off
the 7 Pirates.... He carries also with him three Evidences of their
crime committed.” All the men on board the pirate brigantine could not
be considered as principals. In fact, only six men were executed and
the rest of those condemned to death at the same time were afterwards
set free. Only such as could be shown were principals in committing
acts of piracy or murder could be sentenced by the court. All others
must clearly be sent to England to be tried by jury. Nothing in the
somewhat detailed report of the trial that was printed in London at the
time, shows that the accused were even given the benefit of a doubt
either as to the law or the testimony. For an analytical summary of
this trial, see _Acts and Resolves of the Province of Massachusetts
Bay_, _Vol._ VIII, p. 397.

[86] _Acts and Resolves of the Province of Massachusetts Bay_, Vol.
VIII, p. 397.




CHAPTER VIII

SAMUEL BELLAMY, WHOSE SHIP WAS WRECKED AT WELLFLEET AND 144 DROWNED


Very little is known of the origin of this man save that he came from
the west of England where families of the same name are living today.
In company with one Paul Williams,[87] he first appears in the West
Indies where they tried to raise a Spanish wreck hoping to salve the
bags of silver supposed to be in the hold. Meeting with no success
and being at odds with honest merchants and shipmasters, they decided
to turn pirates or “go on the account,” a term adopted by men of
that profession, and not long after they fell in with Capt. Benjamin
Hornygold, in the sloop “Mary Anne,” and Capt. Louis Lebous, in the
sloop “Postillion,” and agreed to join forces. They set out in two
large sloops each having about seventy men aboard.

Before long several captures were made that increased their gains and
also enlarged their crews, but Hornygold and some of the Englishmen on
board his sloop refused to take and plunder English vessels, so his
company divided and he went away in a prize sloop with twenty-six men
leaving ninety men who elected Bellamy their new captain. Most of those
on board were English and at that time it was not their habit to force
men.

Bellamy and Lebous sailed together and off the Virgin Islands took
several small vessels and off St. Croix, a French ship from Quebec
laden with fish and flour. Afterwards making Saba they sighted two
ships which they chased and came up with, spreading a large black
flag “with a Deaths Head and Bones a-cross.” The larger of the two
was the ship “Sultana,” commanded by Captain Richards. The other was
commanded by Captain Tozor. The “Sultana” was taken over by Bellamy and
cut down and made into a galley and Paul Williams, his quartermaster,
was given command of the sloop.

[Illustration:

                              THE
                            TRIALS
                       Of Eight Persons
                   Indited for Piracy _&c._

                  Of whom Two were acquitted,
                  and the rest found Guilty.

   At a Justiciary Court of Admiralty Assembled and Held in
   Boston within His Majesty’s Province of the Massachusetts-Bay
   in New-England, on the 18th of October 1717. and by several
   Adjournments continued to the 30th. Pursuant to His Majesty’s
   Commission and Instructions, founded on the Act of Parliament.
   Made in the 11th. & 12th of KING William IIId. Intituled,
   _An Act for the  more effectual Suppression of Piracy_.

                       With an APPENDIX,

         Containing the Substance of their Confessions
           given before His Excellency the Governour,
           when they were first brought to _Boston_,
           and committed to Goal.

                        [Illustration]

                           _Boston_:

        Printed by B. Green, for John Edwards, and Sold
              at his Shop in King’s Street. 1718.
]

On Dec. 19, 1716, about nine leagues to the leeward of the island of
Blanco, they fell in with the ship “St. Michael,” James Williams,
master, a Bristol ship that had sailed from Cork in September, bound
for Jamaica with provisions. The ship was taken to the island of Blanco
where they helped themselves to such provisions as they wanted and
forced four men. Among the men who were forced was Thomas Davis, the
ship’s carpenter, born in Carmarthenshire, Wales, who was the only
white man to escape drowning when Bellamy was afterwards wrecked on
Cape Cod. Thomas South of Boston, England, also was forced.

When Davis was told he must join the pirate crew he cried out that
he was undone and “one of the pirates hearing him lament his sad
condition, said, ‘Damn him, He is a Presbyterian Dog, and should fight
for King James.’” Captain Williams tried to say a good word for Davis
and finally Bellamy promised that he might go free on the next vessel
that was taken. On Jan. 9, 1717, with fourteen other forced men, he
was put on board the “Sultana.” At that time there were on the three
pirate vessels eighty men of the “old Company” and one hundred and
thirty forced men. “When the Company was called together to consult,
each Man to give his Vote, they would not allow the forced Men to have
a vote.”[88]

From Blanco, they sailed to a maroon island called Testegos where they
refitted and then sailed for the Windward Passage, but the wind blowing
hard they parted company with Captain Lebous and went into St. Croix,
“where a French pirate was blown up.”

About the end of February, 1717, the “Whidaw,” a fine London-built
galley commanded by Capt. Lawrence Prince, was making her way under
easy sail through the Windward Passage between Cuba and Porto Rico. She
had lately cleared from Jamaica and was bound for London, with a rich
cargo of elephants’ teeth, gold dust, sugar, indigo and Jesuit’s bark,
having previously been on a slaving voyage to the Guinea coast. The
galley was about three hundred tons burthen, mounted eighteen guns and
carried a crew of fifty men. Early in the morning a ship and a sloop in
company were sighted. They shortly altered their course and followed
the “Whidaw” and after a three days’ chase took her with practically no
resistance. In fact, Captain Prince was so lacking in spirit that only
two chase guns were fired at the sloop and his flag was hauled down at
the first demand to surrender.

The pirate ship was commanded by Captain Bellamy who ordered a prize
crew on board the “Whidaw” and all three vessels then made a course for
Long Island, one of the Bahamas, where they came to anchor. This prize
not only enriched but strengthened them for Bellamy immediately took
her over and mounted additional guns, so that she carried twenty-eight.
Captain Prince was rewarded for making an easy surrender by being given
the ship “Sultana.” He also was permitted to load her with much of
the best and finest of the cargo of the “Whidaw,” not wanted by the
pirates, and after his crew had been picked over and the boatswain and
two other men forced and seven had volunteered, he was allowed to go.
Bellamy felt so well-disposed that he gave the captain £20 in silver
and gold, “to bear his charges.”[89]

When the “Whidaw” was taken over, Davis reminded Captain Bellamy of
his promise and asked if he might go with Captain Prince. Bellamy said
he might go if the company consented and called for a vote; but the
pirates expressed themselves violently and voted no. He was a carpenter
and needed on board. “Damn him,” said the company, “rather than let
him go he should be shot or whipped to Death at the Mast.” All the new
men were now sworn to be true and not cheat the company to the value of
a piece of eight and it was agreed to treat forced men and volunteers
alike. “When a prize was taken the Watch Bill was to be called over and
Men put on board as they stood named in the Bill.”

The money taken on the “Whidaw” was reported to amount to £20,000. It
was counted over in the cabin and put up in bags, fifty pounds as every
man’s share, there being one hundred and eighty men on board. “The
money was kept in chests between decks without any Guard.”

The next day Bellamy and Williams sailed and shaped a course for the
Capes of Virginia on the way taking an English ship, hired by the
French, laden with sugar and indigo, and after an inspection dismissing
her. Off the Virginia coast three ships and a snow were taken, two of
them hailing from Scotland, one from Bristol, and the last, a Scotch
ship from the Barbadoes with a little rum and sugar aboard, in so leaky
a condition that the crew refused to go farther in her and so the
pirates sunk her and put the crew on board the snow which was commanded
by a Captain Montgomery. This vessel was taken over and manned by men
from the “Whidaw.” The two other ships were plundered and discharged.

Just at this time a storm came up and Bellamy took in all his small
sails and Williams double-reefed his main sail. It was a thunder-storm
and the wind blew with such violence that the “Whidaw” was very nearly
over-set. Fortunately it blew from the northwest and so drove them away
from the coast with only the goose-wings of the foresails to scud with.
Towards night the storm increased mightily “and not only put them by
all Sail, but obliged the _Whidaw_ to bring her Yards aportland, and
all they could do with Tackles to the Goose Neck of the Tiler, four Men
in the Gun Room, and two at the Wheel, was to keep her Head to the Sea,
for had she once broach’d to, they must infallibly have founder’d. The
Heavens, in the mean while, were cover’d with Sheets of Lightning,
which the Sea by the Agitation of the saline Particles seem’d to
imitate; the Darkness of the Night was such, as the Scripture says,
as might be felt; the terrible hollow roaring of the Winds, cou’d be
only equalled by the repeated, I may say, incessant Claps of Thunder,
sufficient to strike a Dread of the supream Being, who commands the
Sea and the Winds, one would imagine in every Heart; but among these
Wretches, the Effect was different, for they endeavoured by their
Blasphemies, Oaths, and horrid Imprecations, to drown the Uproar of
jarring Elements. Bellamy swore he was sorry he could not run out his
Guns to return the Salute, meaning the Thunder, that he fancied the
Gods had got drunk over their Tipple, and were gone together by the
Ears:

“They continued scudding all that Night under their bare Poles.
The next Morning the Main-Mast being sprung in the Step, they were
forced to cut it away, and, at the same time, the Mizzen came by the
Board. These Misfortunes made the Ship ring with Blasphemy, which was
encreased, when, by trying the Pumps, they found the Ship made a great
Deal of Water; tho’ by continually plying them, it kept it from gaining
upon them: The Sloop as well as the Ship, was left to the Mercy of the
Winds, tho’ the former, not having a Tant-Mast, did not lose it. The
Wind shifting round the Compass, made so outrageous and short a Sea,
that they had little Hopes of Safety; it broke upon the Poop, drove in
the Taveril, and wash’d the two Men away from the Wheel, who were saved
in the Netting. The Wind after four Days and three Nights abated of its
Fury, and fixed in the North, North East Point, hourly decreasing, and
the Weather clearing up, so that they spoke to the Sloop, and resolv’d
for the Coast of Carolina; they continued this Course but a Day and a
Night, when the Wind coming about to the Southward, they changed their
Resolution to that of going to _Rhode Island_. All this while the
_Whidaw’s_ Leak continued, and it was as much as the Lee-Pump could
do to keep the Water from gaining, tho’ it was kept continually going.
Jury-Masts were set up, and the Carpenter finding the Leak to be in the
Bows, occasioned by the Oakam spewing out of a Seam, the Crew became
very jovial again; the Sloop received no other Damage than the Loss of
the Main-Sail, which the first Flurry tore away from the Boom.”[90]

While on the voyage to Rhode Island they came upon a Boston-owned sloop
commanded by Captain Beer, who was ordered on board the “Whidaw” while
the sloop was being plundered. Both Bellamy and Williams were for
giving Captain Beer his sloop again but for some reason the company
would not agree to it and so the sloop was sunk and later Captain Beer
was set ashore on Block Island. He reached his home in Newport, the
first of May.

After the vote to sink the sloop had been taken Bellamy announced the
fact to the captain in a speech that has been preserved in the “History
of the Pirates.”

“D---- my Bl----d,” says he, “I am sorry they won’t let you have your
Sloop again, for I scorn to do any one a Mischief, when it is not
for my Advantage; damn the Sloop, we must sink her, and she might be
of Use to you. Tho’, damn ye, you are a sneaking Puppy, and so are
all those who will submit to be governed by Laws which rich Men have
made for their own Security, for the cowardly Whelps have not the
Courage otherwise to defend what they get by their Knavery; but damn
ye altogether: Damn them for a Pack of crafty Rascals, and you, who
serve them, for a Parcel of hen-hearted Numskuls. They villify us, the
Scoundrels do, when there is only this Difference, they rob the Poor
under the Cover of Law, forsooth, and we plunder the Rich under the
Protection of our own Courage; had you not better make One of us, than
sneak after the A----s of these Villains for Employment? Capt. Beer
told him, that his Conscience would not allow him to break thro’ the
Laws of God and Man. You are a devilish Conscience Rascal, d----n ye,
replied Bellamy, I am a free Prince, and I have as much Authority to
make War on the whole World, as he who has a hundred Sail of Ships at
Sea, and an Army of 100,000 Men in the Field; and this my Conscience
tells me; but there is no arguing with such sniveling Puppies, who
allow Superiors to kick them about Deck at Pleasure; and pin their
Faith upon a Pimp of a Parson: a Squab, who neither practices nor
believes what he puts upon the chuckle-headed Fools he preaches to.”[91]

On board the “Whidaw” was a man named Lambert, and John Julian, a Cape
Cod Indian, both of whom knew the coast and who were to act as pilots.
It was Bellamy’s intention to clean his ship at Green Island.

On Friday, April 26, 1717, early in the morning, about a fortnight
after setting Captain Beer ashore, when halfway between Nantucket
shoals and St. George’s banks, the pirates came up with a pink, the
“Mary Anne,” of Dublin, Capt. Andrew Crumpstey, with a cargo of wine
from Madeira. She had touched at Boston and was bound for New York.
The pirate vessels came up “with King’s Ensign and Pendant flying” and
after the pink had struck her colors a boat was hoisted out from the
“Whidaw” and seven men were sent on board “armed with Musquets, Pistols
and Cutlasses.” Captain Crumpstey, with five of his hands, was ordered
to go aboard the “Whidaw” with his ship’s papers. The mate, Thomas
Fitzgerald, and two seamen, Alexander Mackconachy and James Dunavan,
were left on board the “Mary Anne.”

A little later, men from the “Whidaw” rowed over to get some wine
from the cargo but finding it difficult to get at returned with only
a small quantity, carrying back at the same time some clothing needed
by the men from the pink. Soon after the boat was hoisted aboard, the
ship hailed and ordered the pink to steer N. W. by N. and the little
fleet followed this course until about four o’clock in the afternoon
when it came up very thick, foggy weather and they lay to. Presently
the snow came up under the ship’s stern and hailed Captain Bellamy and
told him that they saw land. He then ordered the pink to steer north.
A sloop from Virginia had also been taken that afternoon and as night
came on all four vessels put out lights a-stern and made sail, keeping
together. Soon Captain Bellamy hailed the pink, which was a slow
sailer, and ordered them to make more haste, whereupon John Brown, one
of the pirates, swore “that she should carry sail till she carryed her
Masts away.”

The pirates on board the pink drank plentifully of the wine on board
and took turns at the helm. As she was leaky all hands were forced to
pump hard and in consequence damned the vessel and wished they had
never seen her. A pirate named Thomas Baker was in command of the
company on the pink and told Fitzgerald, the mate, that Captain Bellamy
held a commission from King George, and Simon van Vorst, one of his
men, said, “Yes, and we will stretch it to the World’s end.”

At this time there were about fifty forced men on board the pirate
vessels “over whom they kept a watchful eye, and no Man was suffered
to write a word, but what was nailed up to the Mast. The names of the
forced men were put in the Watch Bill and fared as others. They might
have had what money they wanted from the Quartermaster, who kept a Book
for that purpose.”[92] It was common report on board that they had with
them about £20,000, in gold and silver.

About ten o’clock in the evening it came on very thick weather. The
wind blew from the east, it lightened and rained hard and the vessels
soon lost sight of each other. Fitzgerald, the mate, was then at the
helm and suddenly found that the pink was among the breakers. All hands
tried to trim the head sail but before they could do it the vessel ran
ashore opposite to Slutts-bush, at the back of Stage Harbor, on the
south side of Cape Cod in what is now the town of Orleans. Baker, the
pirate in command, at once ordered the foremast and mizzen mast cut
down and the heavy sea soon drove the pink high on shore. Some of the
prize crew, fearful of apprehension, then said “For God’s sake let us
go down into the Hould and Die together” and later asked Fitzgerald to
read to them out of the common prayer book which he did for about an
hour. As the pink gave no signs of breaking up everybody remained on
board until daybreak when they found it possible on the shore side to
jump directly on land. It was a small island called Pochet Island, now
a part of the mainland of Orleans. Here they breakfasted on sweetmeats
found in a chest, washed down with wine from the cargo. At the time
they could see at anchor beyond the bar, the snow and the small sloop,
both having ridden out the storm safely. About the middle of the
morning they worked off shore.

At ten o’clock in the forenoon two men, John Cole and William Smith,
came out to the island in a canoe and carried them all to the mainland
where they went to Cole’s house and stayed for a short time, “looking
very dejected.” Cole afterwards testified that they asked the way to
Rhode Island and seemed in great haste to be off.

News of the wreck traveled swiftly and soon reached the ears of Joseph
Doane of Eastham, a justice of the peace and representative to the
Great and General Court. Fitzgerald testified at the trial of the
pirates that Mackconachy, the cook on the pink, had bravely denounced
the seven pirates as soon as they reached the house of John Cole. At
any rate, Justice Doane, with a deputy sheriff and posse of men, was
soon in pursuit of the fleeing pirates who were overtaken and seized at
Eastham tavern and taken to Barnstable gaol.

Meanwhile, the “Whidaw” drove ashore ten miles[93] to the north with a
great loss of life. Only two out of the ship’s company of one hundred
and forty-six men reached the shore alive,--Thomas Davis, a young Welsh
shipwright who had been forced the previous December, and John Julian,
an Indian, born on Cape Cod,--these two men, by great endurance and
good fortune, not only swam ashore from the bar on which the “Whidaw”
was breaking up, but after reaching the shore successfully scaled “the
Table Land” and escaped the smother of pounding rollers beneath.

Davis told the judges of the Admiralty Court in Boston that when the
thunder-storm broke, the “Whidaw” lost sight of her escorts and like
the pink soon found breakers ahead. An anchor was let go but the
violence of the sea was so great that the cable was cut and the attempt
made to work off shore but she soon drove on the bar. A quarter of
an hour after she struck, the mainmast went by the board and in the
morning the fine new ship was a tangled mass of wreckage. About sixteen
prisoners were drowned including Crumpstey, the master of the pink.
“The riches on board were laid together in one head,” testified Davis.

While the condemned pirates were awaiting execution they were taken to
the North Meeting House, as an edifying spectacle, and there the Rev.
Cotton Mather preached a sermon which was published under the title:
“Instructions to the Living from the Condition of the Dead.” In this
pamphlet he states that “when it appeared that the wrecked ship was
breaking up the pirates murdered their prisoners on board lest they
should escape and appear as witnesses. Wounds were afterwards found on
their dead bodies washed up by the sea.” Nowhere in the testimony given
at the trial is there an allusion to anything of the sort. Davis, the
white survivor, testified in great detail and makes no mention of such
horrible brutality. That dead bodies may have come ashore battered and
mutilated is highly probable. Every great loss of life in a wrecked
ship that has broken up and buffeted its victims has exhibited similar
horrors.

Another tale that has survived relates to the supposed heroism of
the captain of the Irish pink. The “_Boston News-Letter_” of April
29-May 6, 1717, prints news of the wreck and states that “The Pyrates
being free with the Liquor that the Captive had, got themselves Drunk
and asleep, and the Captive master in the Night, thought it a fit
opportunity to run her ashore on the back side of Eastham.” Nearly
eighty years later a citizen of Wellfleet wrote a short history of
the town with an account of the pirate wreck, in which he doubtless
perpetuated the local traditions. He relates that Bellamy’s entire
fleet was “cast on the shore of what is now Wellfleet, being led to
the shore by the captain of a snow, which was made a prize on the day
before: who had the promise of the snow as a present, if he would pilot
the fleet into Cape Cod harbor; the captain, suspecting that the pirate
would not keep his promise, and that instead of clearing his ship, as
was his pretence, his intentions were to plunder the inhabitants of
Provincetown. The night being dark, a lantern was hung in the shrouds
of the snow, the captain of which, instead of piloting where he was
ordered, approached so near the land, that the pirate’s large ship
which followed him struck on the outer bar; the snow being less, struck
much nearer the shore. The fleet was put in confusion; a violent storm
arose; and the whole fleet was shipwrecked on the shore. Many in the
smaller vessels got safe on shore. Those that were executed, were the
pirates put on board a prize schooner before the storm.... At times to
this day [1793], there are King William and Queen Mary coppers picked
up, and pieces of silver, called cob money. The violence of the seas
moves the sands upon the outer bar; so that at times the iron caboose
of the ship, at low ebb, has been seen.”[94]

[Illustration: SPANISH DOUBLOON

From the original coin found on the beach at Wellfleet, Mass., where
Bellamy’s pirate ship was wrecked in 1717 and now in the possession of
Charles A. Taylor.]

[Illustration: A SPANISH “PIECE OF EIGHT”

From a coin in the cabinet of the Massachusetts Historical Society]

No longer ago than the year 1900, Capt. Webster Eldridge of Chatham,
secured two guns that undoubtedly came from the wreck of the wine ship.
The guns of the “Whidaw” should be found where she first struck on the
outer bar, as she turned bottom up before she broke up and came ashore.

The “Whidaw” came ashore about twelve o’clock at night. As soon as it
was light, Thomas Davis, one of the two survivors, found his way to the
house of Samuel Harding, about two miles distant from the wreck, and
after telling his story Harding took him on his horse and they went to
the shore and began to salvage what had washed up from the ship. They
made several trips between the shore and the house. By ten o’clock a
dozen others were there busily at work. The next day was Sunday and
when Mr. Justice Doane reached the beach that morning he found that
everything of value had been carried away. Davis was apprehended by him
and a few days later the nine men in Barnstable gaol were placed on
horseback and started for Boston under a strong guard and on May 4th
they were placed in irons in the stone gaol that then was located where
the City Hall Annex now stands.

Meanwhile, Governor Shute saw visions of a great store of pirate gold
and so issued a proclamation charging all of His Majesty’s officers
and subjects within the Province to use all diligence to seize and
apprehend not only escaped pirates but “money, bullion, treasure,
goods and merchandizes” from the pirate ship. He also dispatched
Capt. Cyprian Southack to the scene of the wreck. Captain Southack
had been in command of the “Province Galley” for over nineteen years
and afterwards published a chart of the New England coast on which he
located the pirate wreck. He hired a small sloop, the “Nathaniel,”
John Sole, master, and sailed from Boston on May 1st, at ten o’clock
in the morning, only five days after the “Whidaw” had come ashore. The
wind was at the south, “a frisking gale,” and he didn’t reach Cape Cod
harbor until the afternoon of the next day. There he hired a whale boat
and sent two men to Truro where they got horses and at seven o’clock
in the evening reached the wreck where a watch was maintained all night.

At four o’clock on the morning of May 3, 1717, the diligent captain
started in a whale boat and crossed the Cape by means of the natural
canal that existed at that time between Orleans and Eastham, sometimes
called “Jeremy’s Drean.” At Truro, he was “much afronted by one Caleb
Hopkins, Senr. of Freetown,” and nowhere on the Cape did he find a
cordial spirit of coöperation, as may be surmised. He found the “Pepol
very Stife and will not [give up] one thing of what they Gott on the
Rack.” He wrote to the Governor that “Samuel Harding has a great many
Riches that he saved out of the Rack being the first man there and says
that the Englishman give him orders to Deliver nothing of the Riches
they had saved, so I find the said Harding is as Gilty as the Pirates
saved.”

The day after he arrived at Eastham, he posted a notice on the doors
of three nearby meeting-houses announcing that he had been authorized
by the Governor to discover and take care of the wreck, with power
to “go into any house, shop, cellar, warehouse, room or other place
and in case of resistance to break open any door, chests, trunks and
other packages” and seize any plunder belonging to the wreck. But His
Majesty’s “loving subjects” refused to disgorge. “They are very wise
and will not tell one nothing of what they got on the Rack,” wrote the
complaining captain. The coroner and his jury had ordered the victims
of the wreck to be buried and demanded £83, as their due for the cost
of burying the sixty-two bodies. Captain Southack claimed that public
money should not be wasted in burying outlawed pirates and so the
thrifty coroner “putt a stop” on some of the goods from the wreck and
secured payment, which “is very hard,” writes the captain.

The fragments of the wrecked ship he found scattered along the shore
for a distance of nearly four miles. The anchor of the “Whidaw”
could be seen on the bar at low tide but the sea was so rough that
it was impossible to go out in the whale boat that he had impressed
until nearly a week had gone by and then nothing could be seen for
the moving sand made the water thick and muddy. It also rained much
of the time. Altogether, a disagreeable experience for the faithful
captain! Eventually he was obliged to abandon his attempt to recover
“the riches” believed to be buried in the sand on the bar and return to
Boston. Fate also played him a scurvy trick by sending along a pirate
vessel to capture the sloop “Swan,” Samuel Doggett, master, that had
been ordered from Boston to bring back the goods saved from the wreck.
After being plundered of stores to the value of £80 she was allowed to
go. This happened on the voyage down to the Cape.

Does the sandy bar off Wellfleet still conceal the pirate gold? Who can
say? Certainly no large salvage has ever been made. Moreover, there is
a possibility that a part of it was carried off by some of the crew
who may have escaped from the stranded ship. Captain Williams, the
escort of Bellamy, also put in a belated appearance two days after the
“Whidaw” was wrecked and came to anchor off shore and sent in a boat.
Some salvage may have been effected then.

Williams had reached Block Island on April 28th, too late to join
Bellamy, and while there had beguiled on board and forced three men,
Dr. James Sweet, George Mitchell and Willaim Tosh.[95] From Block
Island, he steered easterly and the next day, April 29th, reached the
scene of the wreck. From there he chased several fishing vessels and
then stood out to sea. He was back again a month later and took a ship
and a schooner and even came into Cape Cod harbor on May 24th and then
sailed through Vineyard Sound the following Sunday. He was then in
great want of provisions. On May 25th, a man-of-war and an armed sloop,
with ninety men, had sailed from Boston in pursuit. The news was sent
to Rhode Island and Governor Cranston replied, “I hope it will please
god to Bless Your Excellency’s Indevours by the Sirprize and Caption of
those Inhumaine Monsters of pray so as our Navigation may be made more
Safe and Secure.”

As for the possible escape of men from the wrecked “Whidaw,” the only
evidence that now appears is found in the deposition of Daniel Collins,
the master of a Cape Ann fishing sloop, who was captured by a small
pirate sloop on May 10th. He was forty leagues eastward of Cape Ann at
the time. There were nineteen men on board the pirate and they told
him that “they were the only men that escaped that belonged to the
ship that run on shoar att Cape Cod and that they made their escape
in the long boat.” Since then they had taken three shallops and three
schooners that belonged to Marblehead.

Pirates usually were brought to a speedy trial in Boston; but for some
reason the men who escaped the perils of the sea on Cape Cod remained
in gaol until Friday, Oct. 18th before they were taken into Admiralty
Court and made to taste the perils of the land. John Julian, the Cape
Cod Indian, was brought to Boston with the others but never was tried.
He disappears from the records and may have died. Thomas Davis, the
twenty-two year old Welshman, was able to convince the Court that he
was a forced man and when he was cleared “put himself on his knees and
thanked the Court and was dismissed with a suitable admonition.”

The remaining seven:--Simon Van Vorst, 24 years, born in New York;
John Brown, 25 years, born in Jamaica; Thomas Baker, 29 years, born in
Flushing, Holland; Hendrick Quintor, 25 years, born in Amsterdam; Peter
Cornelius Hoof, 34 years, born in Sweden; John Sheean, 24 years, born
in Nantes; and Thomas South, 30 years, born in Boston, England; were
brought to trial in the Court House standing at the head of what is
now State Street. Governor Shute, the Captain-General of the Province,
sat as President of the Court and beside him was Lieutenant-Governor
Dummer. The prisoners were charged with piracy in taking the “free
trading Vessel or Pink called the Mary Anne” and were tried under the
statute made in the 11th and 12th year of the reign of William III. The
evidence was conclusive. Thomas South, it appeared by the testimony,
was a ship carpenter who had been forced by Bellamy the previous
December, from a Bristol ship commanded by Capt. James Williams. He was
cleared. The others were found guilty and sentenced to be hanged on
Friday, Nov. 15, 1717, “at Charlestown Ferry within the flux and reflux
of the Sea.”

After the condemned pirates were removed from the courtroom the
ministers of the town took them in hand and “bestowed all possible
_Instructions_ upon the Condemned Criminals; often _Pray’d_ with them;
often _Preached_ to them; often _Examined_ them; and _Exhorted_ them;
and presented them with Books of Piety.” At the place of execution
Baker and Hoof appeared penitent and the latter joined with Van Vorst
in singing a Dutch psalm. John Brown, on the contrary, broke out into
furious expressions with many oaths and then fell to reading prayers,
“not very pertinently chosen,” remarks the Rev. Cotton Mather. He then
made a short speech, at which many in the assembled crowd trembled, in
which he advised sailors to beware of wicked living and if they fell
into the hands of pirates to have a care what countries they came into.
Then the scaffold fell and six twitching bodies, outlined against the
sky, ended the spectacle.

[Illustration:

      Instructions to the LIVING,
       from the Condition of the
                 DEAD.

    A Brief Relation of REMARKABLES
       in the Shipwreck of above
              One Hundred

               Pirates,

 Who were Cast away in the Ship _Whida_,
   on the Coast of _New-England_,
   _April 26. 1717_.

 And in the Death of Six, who after
   a Fair Trial at _Boston_, were
   Convicted & Condemned, _Octob.
   22._ And Executed, _Novemb. 15.
   1717_. With some Account of
   the Discourse had with them on
   the way to their Execution.

 And a SERMON Preached on their
   Occasion.

 _Boston_, Printed by _John Allen_, for
   _Nicholas Boone_, at the Sign of
   the Bible in _Cornhill_. 1717.
]


FOOTNOTES

[87] Paul Williams, sometimes styled Paulsgrave Williams, is said to
have been born on Nantucket. Later he lived at Newport, Rhode Island.

[88] _The Trials of Eight Persons Indited for Piracy_, Boston, 1717.

[89] _The Trials of Eight Persons Indited for Piracy_, Boston, 1717.

[90] Johnson, _History of the Pirates_, London, 1726.

[91] Johnson, _History of the Pirates_, London, 1726.

[92] _The Trials of Eight Persons Indited for Piracy_, Boston, 1717.

[93] About two and one-half miles south of the present life-saving
station at Wellfleet.

[94] _Massachusetts Historical Society Collections_, Vol. III, p. 120.

[95] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. II, leaf 165.




CHAPTER IX

GEORGE LOWTHER WHO CAPTURED THIRTY-THREE VESSELS IN SEVENTEEN MONTHS


Most of the piracies perpetrated by this man took place away from the
New England coast, but as he aided Capt. Ned Low to begin his piratical
career and at various times was his consort, it seems proper to include
here some relation of the villainies that he committed. Lowther was an
Englishman and an honest man when he sailed from London in March, 1721,
as second mate of the ship “Gambia Castle,” owned by the Royal African
Company and commanded by Capt. Charles Russell. The ship was carrying
stores and a company of soldiers to the river Gambia, on the African
coast, to garrison a fort some time before captured and destroyed by
Capt. Howel Davis, the pirate. She came to anchor at Gambia in May and
before long disputes arose between Lowther and Captain Russell in which
many of the crew sided with the second mate. These disputes eventually
led to a conspiracy whereby the ship was seized during the absence of
the captain on shore, and with Lowther in command the ship sailed down
the river.

When safely at sea Lowther called the entire company together and
made a speech in which he pointed out the folly of returning to
England, for, by seizing the ship they had been guilty of an offence,
the penalty of which was hanging, and for one he didn’t propose to
chance such a fate. Continuing, he said if the company didn’t accept
his proposal he only asked to be set ashore in some safe place. His
proposal was that they should seek their fortunes on the seas as other
brave men had done before them. The sailors and soldiers on board
proved to be a crowd of good fellows not suited for the gallows or
damp prison cells and so fell in with his suggestions. The cabins were
knocked down, the ship made flush fore and aft and renamed the “Happy
Delivery,” and the following “Articles” were drawn up, signed and,
strangely enough, sworn to upon a Bible, viz:--

    “1. The Captain is to have two full Shares; the Master is
    to have one Share and a half; the Doctor, Mate, Gunner, and
    Boatswain, one Share and a quarter.

    “2. He that shall be found guilty of taking up any unlawful
    Weapon on Board the Privateer, or any Prize, by us taken, so
    as to strike or abuse one another, in any regard, shall suffer
    what Punishment the Captain and Majority of the Company shall
    think fit.

    “3. He that shall be found Guilty of Cowardice, in the Time
    of Engagement, shall suffer what Punishment the Captain and
    Majority shall think fit.

    “4. If any Gold, Jewels, Silver, &c. be found on Board of any
    Prize or Prizes, to the Value of a Piece of Eight, and the
    Finder do not deliver it to the Quarter-Master, in the Space of
    24 Hours, shall suffer what Punishment the Captain and Majority
    shall think fit.

    “5. He that is found Guilty of Gaming, or Defrauding another
    to the Value of a Shilling, shall suffer what Punishment the
    Captain and Majority of the Company shall think fit.

    “6. He that shall have the Misfortune to lose a Limb, in Time
    of Engagement, shall have the Sum of one hundred and fifty
    Pounds Sterling, and remain with the Company as long as he
    shall think fit.

    “7. Good Quarters to be given when call’d for.

    “8. He that sees a Sail first, shall have the best Pistol, or
    Small-Arm, on Board her.”

This occurred on June 13, 1721. Seven days later, near Barbadoes, they
came in sight of the brigantine “Charles,” James Douglass, master,
owned in Boston in the Massachusetts Bay, which fell into their hands
without any resistance and was plundered in the usual piratical manner.
No one on board was injured and the vessel was let go without damage.
Several other captures were made near Hispaniola including a Spanish
pirate that recently had taken a Bristol ship, then in company. The
Spaniards being engaged in the same trade expected some consideration
at the hands of Lowther, but he rifled and then burned both ships,
permitting the Spaniards to go away unharmed in their launch and adding
all the English sailors to his own pirate crew. Meanwhile the news of
his venture on the high seas had reached England and in September,
H. M. Ship “Feversham,” stationed at Barbadoes, was reported to have
taken Lowther, so Captain Russell set out from Plymouth for Barbadoes
to take possession of his ship and give evidence against Lowther and
his crew.[96] Unfortunately for him, on his arrival at Barbadoes he
learned that the capture had not been made. About that time Lowther
took a small sloop owned at St. Christopher’s which he manned from
his enlarged crew and together they made for a small island where the
vessels were careened and their bottoms cleaned and here the company
spent some time drinking and carousing with some Indian women they had
seized.

About Christmas time, 1721, they went aboard their vessels and took a
course across the Caribbean for the Bay of Honduras, but running short
of water made for the Grand Caimane islands to fill up the water butts.
While here a small vessel came into the same harbor with only thirteen
men aboard and with a man named Edward Low in command. It turned out
that this company had recently come away from a Boston sloop in the Bay
of Honduras and had turned pirates like themselves. Lowther accordingly
proposed to Captain Low that they should join forces and shortly an
agreement was reached and all went aboard the “Happy Delivery.” The
joint adventures of these kindred spirits are related at length in the
chapter on Captain Edward Low, until Low’s ambition led to a rupture
between them. They separated at night on May 28, 1722, in the latitude
of 38°, and Captain Lowther set a course for the mainland and took
three or four fishing vessels off New York.

On June 2d, the ship “Mary Galley,” Peter King, master, was overhauled,
in latitude 35°. She was bound homeward to Boston from the Barbadoes
and from her Lowther took thirteen hogsheads and a barrel of rum, a
sufficient supply to wet thirsty throats for some days it would seem.
He also secured five barrels of sugar and several cases of loaf sugar
and pepper, a box of English goods and six negroes. The passengers were
examined and robbed of all their money and plate and at eleven o’clock
the next morning the ship was allowed to proceed. She reached Boston
on the 14th and soon the intelligence was published in the newspapers.
At the time of this capture Lowther was reported as commanding a sloop
mounting four guns. About the same time sloops from the West Indies
arriving at New York, brought news of the capture of a New York sloop,
Thomas Noxon, master, on the voyage to Jamaica, loaded with provisions.
The captain and crew had been marooned but taken off by a passing
vessel bound for Bermuda. This may have been an earlier capture of
Lowther. He next appeared near the Capes of the Chesapeake and cruised
on and off for nearly three weeks, the wind being southerly and blowing
an easy gale. Many persons harvesting on plantations near the shore
reported the strange vessels, for Lowther and Harris were than in
company. Several times they sailed up the bay for ten or twelve leagues
and on July 8th brought down with them a large sloop taken high up in
the bay. That night the vessels anchored at no great distance from
shore and the excited neighborhood heard drums beating “all night,” so
says the report, and could see a large number of men on board. Trade
between the Capes was entirely stopped, no vessels daring to venture
out. Franklin’s newspaper, the “New England Courant,” when publishing
this information just arrived from Philadelphia, makes the satirical
comment that for some time no man-of-war had been seen in the vicinity,
“who, by dear experience, we know, love Trading better than Fighting.”
One vessel did enter safely through the Capes, the sloop “Little
Joseph,” commanded by Captain Hargrave, “who sailed from hence about
two months ago for the Island of St. Christophers, but was taken by the
Pyrates three Times and rifled of most of her Cargo, so that she was
obliged to return back.”[97]

From the Capes of the Chesapeake, Captain Lowther directed a course
southerly and near the South Carolina coast met a ship just out of port
bound for England,--the “Amy,” Captain Gwatkins. Lowther hoisted his
piratical colors and fired a gun. Captain Gwatkins did not lose courage
at sight of the black flag and replied with a broadside which caused
Lowther to sheer off and the ship getting the pirate between her and
the shore stood boldly after him. Finding that at last he had “caught
a Tartar,” Lowther ran in towards shore and at length went aground
and landed all his men with their arms. Captain Gwatkins hove to as
near in-shore as he dared and filling one of his boats with armed men
rowed toward the stranded sloop with the intention of setting it on
fire. Most unfortunately, just before reaching the vessel, a volley
from Lowther’s men on shore picked off Captain Gwatkins, wounding
him fatally, after which the mate turned about and made for the ship
without attempting farther to reach the sloop. When the “Amy” had left
them, Lowther soon got his vessel afloat but found her in shattered
condition. During the engagement he had a good many men killed and
wounded and all in all it seemed best to pull into one of the many
inlets on the North Carolina coast and refit and allow his wounded
to recover. This required more time than he had anticipated and soon
winter was at hand and at their chosen anchorage they finally remained
until the next spring. Much of the time during the winter months was
spent in hunting black cattle, hogs, etc., to supply fresh meat. The
crew was divided up into small parties and sent out to ravage the back
country, at last coming back to their huts and tents near the sloop
where they lodged during the winter and only went on board when the
weather grew very cold.

Spring came at last and leaving their winter quarters they went to
sea steering a course for the fishing banks off Newfoundland. On June
18th, 1723, the schooner “Swift” of Boston, John Hood, master, fell
into their hands and supplied them with forty barrels of salt beef,
very much needed at the time. Other miscellaneous stores were taken and
three men--Andrew Hunter, Henry Hunter and Jonathan Deloe--were forced
to join the pirate crew. Lowther’s sloop at that time had ten guns
mounted.[98]

Several other captures were made on the banks or in harbors along shore
but none supplied much plunder. On July 5th, being then about a hundred
leagues eastward of the banks of Newfoundland, Lowther overhauled the
brigantine “John and Elizabeth,” owned in Boston, Richard Stanny,
master, bound home from Holland having called at Dover. Captain Stanny
afterward reported that Lowther at that time had with him about twenty
men and the sloop mounted only seven guns. The pirates broke open the
hatches and helped themselves to a variety of merchandise and stores
and forced two men,--Ralph Kendale of Sunderland, county Durham, and
Henry Watson of Dover. These men struggled against being forced on
board the sloop and before this was accomplished were badly whipped and
beaten.[99] At the time this capture was made Lowther was headed for
warmer waters and early in September, in company with Capt. Ned Low,
reached Fayal in the Western Islands, as is related elsewhere.

The depredations of Low and Lowther that spring and summer aroused
the fears of every shipmaster along the New England coast and every
unrecognized vessel was imagined to be a rogue. Capt. James Codin on
his passage from New York to Newport, R. I., sighted a sloop at anchor
near Fisher’s Island which immediately made sail and chased him all
day so that he concluded the sloop to be a pirate, more especially
as he was followed when he altered his course. Captain Codin made
for Stonington which he reached safely during the evening. The next
morning the strange sloop was not in sight. She afterwards proved to
be a New York sloop commanded by one Captain Heed, homeward bound
from Jamaica. Not long after a sloop with a white bottom and eight
gun-ports came to anchor near Block Island and sent a boat ashore for
fresh provisions and a pilot. At Captain Rea’s some sheep were bought
and payment was made in silver money. “It is conjectured to be Lowther
the Pirate.”[100] Two weeks later the Boston newspapers published a
new batch of information according to which the sloop at Block Island
proved to be a Londoner, owned by the Royal Assiento Company, and
commanded by Capt. Rupert Wappen. She mounted eight guns and carried
a crew of thirty-nine men, and on board were ten or twelve chests of
silver money, a fact which her captain seems to have been at no pains
to conceal. She was said to have come from Laver de Cruz and South
Carolina and to be bound for Jamaica and was waiting at Block Island
for a pilot.

About the same time Capt. George Slyfield arrived at Philadelphia from
South Carolina, in the sloop “Lincolnshire,” with the news that Lowther
had gone to Cape Fear, to careen and Governor Nickolson had sent an
Indian to learn the truth of the report and was also fitting out a
man-of-war to go in search. And so the rumors flew about.

[Illustration: CAPT. GEORGE LOWTHER AT PORT MAYO

From a rare engraving in the Harry Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard
College Library]

Meanwhile, Lowther, in the sloop “Happy Delivery,” cruised about
the Western Islands with Low and then made for the Guinea coast and
the West Indies where he seems to have left Low, for he was alone
when he had the good luck to capture a Martinico vessel that gave
him greatly needed provisions. Not long after, a Guinea-man, the
“Princess,” Captain Wickstead, surrendered to him. The bottom of the
“Happy Delivery” having become foul, Lowther began to look about for a
suitable inlet in which to careen and finally hit upon the island of
Blanco which lies between the islands of Margarita and Rocas and is
not far from Tortuga. It is a low-lying island, about two leagues in
circumference and uninhabited. It is well wooded and there is a heavy
scrub growth everywhere. Besides being frequented by large sea turtles
it supports great numbers of iguanas, a kind of lizard that grows to a
length of about five feet and is very good to eat; in fact, the pirates
used to go there to catch them, as was well-known at the time. On the
northwest end of the island there is a small cove or sandy bay and here
Lowther, about the first of October, 1723, unrigged his sloop, sent
the guns, sails, etc., ashore and began to careen his vessel. Just at
this time, most unfortunately for him, there appeared off the cove, the
armed sloop “Eagle,” Walter Moore, commander, owned by Colonel Otley
of the island of St. Christopher. She was bound for Comena, in Spanish
territory, and passing near this well-known resort for pirates and
catching sight of the sloop on the careen and so unprepared, Captain
Moore decided to grasp the advantage and attack the rogues. So he
fired a gun to oblige them to show their colors and they hoisted the
St. George’s flag to their topmast head. But Captain Moore felt sure
that she was no trader and so came in close. When Lowther found that
the strange sloop was determined to engage him he opened fire from the
shore, but was at so great a disadvantage that shortly his men called
for quarter and began to run for the woods behind them. All resistance
was soon over and Captain Moore got the “Happy Delivery” off, secured
her, and then went ashore with twenty-five men in search of Lowther and
his crew, and after five days of beating about the bushes succeeded in
taking sixteen of the pirates including the sloop’s surgeon and seven
others who surrendered themselves as forced men. Lowther they were
unable to discover. At last abandoning further search Captain Moore
continued his voyage to Comena, with the captured sloop in company,
and on his arrival the Spanish Governor condemned the sloop a prize to
the Englishman and also sent a sloop with twenty-three armed men to
make further search for pirates at the island of Blanco. This search
resulted in the capture of four more men whom the Spanish Governor
tried and condemned to slavery for life. Captain Lowther and three of
his men were able to conceal themselves in some dense undergrowth and
so escaped capture, but not long after another party visited the island
and came upon his dead body with a pistol beside it and it was supposed
that in desperation he at last committed suicide.

The sloop “Eagle,” having brought Captain Moore’s prisoners to St.
Christopher’s, a Court of Vice-Admiralty was held on Mar. 11, 1724 when
the following men were tried for piracy, viz: John Churchill, Edward
Mackdonald, Nicholas Lewis, Richard West, Samuel Levercott, Robert
White, John Shaw, Andrew Hunter, Jonathan Deloe, Matthew Freeborn,
Henry Watson, Roger Granger, Ralph Candor and Robert Willis. The
last three were acquitted, and the others found guilty, two of them,
however, being recommended to mercy, were afterwards pardoned. Eleven
of Lowther’s piratical crew accordingly were hanged by the neck until
dead on Mar. 20, 1724, on a gallows erected between high- and low-water
mark at St. Christopher’s in the West Indies.


FOOTNOTES

 [96] _American Weekly Mercury_, Feb. 6, 1722.

 [97] _New England Courant_, Aug. 6, 1722.

 [98] _Boston Gazette_, Sept. 9, 1723.

 [99] _Boston News-Letter_, Aug. 8, 1723.

[100] _Boston News-Letter_, Aug. 22, 1723.




CHAPTER X

NED LOW OF BOSTON AND HOW HE BECAME A PIRATE CAPTAIN


There was living in Boston in the year 1719, a young man who went by
the name of Ned Low. He was a ship-rigger by trade and as shipbuilding
in Boston was brisk about that time, Low’s services were in demand.
He was born in Westminster, England, and such meagre biographical
information as is now available shows that he could neither read nor
write and that as a boy he ran wild in the streets of his native
parish. He seems to have begun his career early as a petty thief and
gamester among the boys of his neighborhood and later to have spent
much time among the hangers-on about the House of Commons which was
near his home. Strong and fearless, he was always ready to attack any
one who might catch him cheating or attempt to relieve him of his
ill-gotten gains. It is said that one of his brothers, at the age
of seven, was carried about in a basket on the back of a porter, in
crowded streets, where he would snatch off hats and wigs and conceal
them in his basket,--a profitable occupation for his family, it seems;
and as he grew too large for the basket trick, he became a pickpocket
and petty thief and in time, a housebreaker. According to the “Newgate
Calendar,” he ended his days on a scaffold at Tyburn in company with
others of his stripe.

Ned Low was more fortunate for when old enough he went to sea with a
brother and during the next three or four years visited many of the
larger seaports, at last reaching Boston, in New England, where his
fancy was caught by the pretty face of Eliza Marble, a girl of a good
family, and after a time they were married,[101] Ned meanwhile having
found regular work as a ship-rigger. His wife became a member of the
Second Church in 1718 and a son and daughter were baptized there.

The couple had a daughter Elizabeth, born in the winter of 1719, and
shortly after the young mother died, no doubt to the great sorrow
of Low, for in after life probably the only redeeming traits in his
character, were a love for his young daughter (the son having died in
infancy) and his refusal to force married men to join his pirate crew.
In lucid intervals between revelling and fighting Low is said to have
frequently expressed great affection for the young child[102] he had
left in Boston, and mere mention of her would often bring tears to
his eyes. Philip Ashton, a Marblehead fisherman whom Low captured and
forced and who afterwards escaped after many adventures, has preserved
in his “Narrative,” much curious information concerning Low, including
instances of this vein of sentiment so strangely associated in a brutal
nature.

Low was of a rather cock-sure disposition and frequently engaged in
disputes and quarrels. Not long after the death of his wife he was
discharged by his employer for some cause and soon decided to leave
Boston. He shipped on board a sloop bound for the Bay of Honduras for a
cargo of logwood and proving himself to be no ordinary type of seaman,
as soon as the sloop reached the Bay he was appointed to command the
boat’s crew that was sent ashore to get the logwood and bring it out to
the vessel. As Honduras was Spanish territory and the logwood was cut
without permission, in fact, was being stolen from the Spaniards, the
boat’s crew of twelve men always went on shore fully armed.

[Illustration: THE IDLE APPRENTICE SENT TO SEA

From an engraving by William Hogarth in the “Industry and Idleness”
series, published in 1747. The young reprobate is being rowed past
Cuckold’s Point on the Thames on which can be seen a pirate hanging
from a gibbet]

One day it happened that the loaded boat came out to the sloop just
before dinner was ready and as the men were tired and hungry, Low
proposed that they stay and eat before going ashore again; but the
captain was in a hurry to complete the loading of his vessel and
sending for a bottle of rum he ordered them to take another trip
at once so that no time should be lost. This angered the men and
particularly Low who seized a musket and fired at the captain and
missed him but shot through the head a sailor who happened to be
standing behind him. Low then leaped into the boat and with its crew of
twelve men made off from the sloop.

It is more than likely that some such action had already been discussed
by Low and his intimates among the crew. At any rate, they now decided
to make a black flag and prey upon the vessels in the Bay. Luck was
with them and the next day they came upon a small vessel which they
captured.

Low was now embarked on his bloody and cruel career as a pirate and
if ever a man sailing the seas deserved to be hanged and gibbeted in
chains, it was Low. If one half of the tales that have been told of him
are true he must at times have been little short of a maniac. Time and
again part of his crew deserted him because of his cruelty. No evil or
cruel action was beyond his doing so that it is quite remarkable that
he did not die a violent death within the knowledge of his men. In
point of fact, however, it is not known exactly how or when he died.

After the capture of the small vessel, Low, who had been elected
captain, ordered a course made for the Grand Caimanes--islands lying
about halfway between Yucatan and the island of Jamaica--intending to
refit their vessel for piratical forays.

The Grand Caimanes or Caymans, as they are known today, were much
resorted to by gentlemen of the kidney of Captain Low and soon
after arriving at the islands he fell in with Capt. George Lowther,
another pirate, who was short of men and who, after becoming somewhat
acquainted with Low, proposed that they join forces. As Low’s company
was small in number and ill-fitted, an agreement was soon arrived at
whereby Lowther remained in command with Low as his lieutenant. The
small vessel brought in by Low was sunk and the united company made off
together in the “Happy Delivery,” the name of Lowther’s ship.

On the 10th of January, 1722, they came into the Bay of Honduras and
sighted the ship “Greyhound,” Benjamin Edwards, commander, of about
two hundred tons burden and owned in Boston. Lowther hoisted his
piratical colors and fired a gun for the “Greyhound” to bring to, and
she refusing, he gave her a broadside which was bravely returned. The
engagement lasted for about an hour when Captain Edwards ordered his
ensign struck fearing the consequences of too great a resistance. The
pirate’s boat soon came aboard and the ship was thoroughly looted.
The crew were cruelly whipped, beaten and cut, and five of them,
Christopher Atwell, Charles Harris, Henry Smith, Joseph Willis and
David Lindsay, were forced and the ship was burned.[103]

Lowther also captured and burned seven other vessels belonging to
Boston, and all their logwood, “because they were New-England men,” it
was reported. About the same time a sloop belonging to Connecticut,
Captain Ayres, was taken and burned and also a sloop from Jamaica,
Captain Hamilton, which was taken for their own use and the command
given to Charles Harris, who had been second mate of the “Greyhound”
and who joined the pirates, it would seem, willingly. A sloop from
Virginia, they took and then unloaded and generously gave back to her
master who owned her. A sloop of about one hundred tons, belonging to
Newport, Rhode Island, also was captured and as it was a new hull and
a good sailer she was made a part of the pirate fleet and fitted with
eight carriage and ten swivel guns and the command given to Ned Low.

The pirate fleet was then composed of the “Happy Delivery,” commanded
by Admiral Lowther; the Rhode Island sloop, commanded by Captain
Low; Hamilton’s sloop, commanded by Captain Harris, formerly of the
“Greyhound”; and with a small sloop for a tender, the fleet set sail
from the Bay and made for Port Mayo in the gulf of Matique where they
intended to careen and clean the foul bottoms of their vessels. There
they carried ashore all their sails and made tents in which they placed
their plunder and stores and then began heaving down their ship.
This turned out to be a very unfortunate move for just as they were
in the midst of scrubbing and tallowing the bottom of the ship and
wholly unprepared for any attack, a considerable number of the natives
appeared from among the trees nearby and attacking the pirates forced
them to go aboard their sloops which had not yet been careened. The
natives carried off or destroyed all the stores and plunder, which was
of considerable value, and also set fire to the ship.

Lowther then took command of the largest sloop, which he called the
“Ranger.” It was armed with ten guns and eight swivels and was the best
sailer, so the entire company went aboard and abandoned at sea the
other sloops. Provisions, however, were very short and empty stomachs
and thinking of the loot that had been lost soon put them all in a vile
temper and there was much fighting and blaming each other for their
misfortune.

About the beginning of May, 1722, they came near the island of Discade,
in the West Indies, and while there took a brigantine, one Payne,
master, which supplied what they needed most and put them in better
temper. The brigantine, after it was well plundered, was sent to the
bottom. After watering at the island, the sloop stood for the Florida
coast where Lowther proposed to ravage the shipping in the vicinity
of the Bahamas. On May 28th, in the latitude of thirty-eight degrees
north, they overtook the brigantine “Rebecca,” of Charlestown in the
Massachusetts Bay, James Flucker, commander, bound for Boston from St.
Christophers. She fell into their hands at once as her crew were too
few in number to contend with Lowther and his hundred pirates. There
were twenty-three persons on board including five women, all of whom
were treated decently and in due time reached Boston. The master of the
brigantine they held promising him his vessel again when they had taken
a better one.

For some time Lowther had found Low an unruly officer, always aspiring
and never satisfied with his proposals so that Lowther thought this a
good opportunity to rid himself of a source of trouble and annoyance.
Whereupon he proposed to Low that he take command of the brigantine and
together with forty men, who elected to sail with him, Low made off by
himself. Of the crew of the brigantine, three men were forced,--Joseph
Sweetser of Charlestown and Robert Rich of London, Old England, who
were compelled to go with Low, and Robert Willis, also of London,
who, having broken his arm by a fall from the mast, begged that his
condition be considered. But he was a vigorous and intelligent fellow
and Lowther refused his plea and forced him away with him.[104] These
two commanders accordingly parted company, Low with forty-four men
going off in the brigantine and Lowther with the same number remaining
in the sloop. This happened in the afternoon of the 28th of May, 1722.
Low took with him in the brigantine, two guns, four swivels, six
quarter-casks of powder, provisions and some stores.

[Illustration: A BARQUE IN THE WEST INDIES ABOUT 1720]

[Illustration: A BRIGANTINE IN THE WEST INDIES ABOUT 1720]

“HERE FOLLOW THE ARTICLES OF CAPT. EDWARD LOW THE PIRATE WITH HIS
COMPANY

“1. The Captain is to have two full Shares; the Master is to have one
Share and one Half; The Doctor, Mate, Gunner and Boatswain, one Share
and one Quarter.

“2. He that shall be found guilty of taking up any Unlawfull Weapon on
Board the Privateer or any other prize by us taken, so as to Strike
or Abuse one another in any regard, shall suffer what Punishment the
Captain and Majority of the Company shall see fit.

“3. He that shall be found Guilty of Cowardice in the time of
Ingagements, shall suffer what Punishment the Captain and Majority of
the Company shall think fit.

“4. If any Gold, Jewels, Silver, &c. be found on Board of any Prize or
Prizes to the value of a Piece of Eight, & the finder do not deliver
it to the Quarter Master in the space of 24 hours he shall suffer what
Punishment the Captain and Majority of the Company shall think fit.

“5. He that is found Guilty of Gaming, or Defrauding one another to the
Value of a Ryal of Plate, shall suffer what Punishment the Captain and
Majority of the Company shall think fit.

“6. He that shall have the Misfortune to loose a Limb in time of
Engagement, shall have the Sum of Six hundred pieces of Eight, and
remain aboard as long as he shall think fit.

“7. Good Quarters to be given when Craved.

“8. He that sees a Sail first, shall have the best Pistol or Small Arm
aboard of her.

“9. He that shall be guilty of Drunkenness in time of Engagement shall
suffer what Punishment the Captain and Majority of the Company shall
think fit.

“10. No Snaping of Guns in the Hould.”[105]

                       --_Boston News-Letter_, Aug. 8, 1723.

Low’s first adventure in the brigantine took place on the following
Sunday when a sloop belonging to Amboy, in New Jersey, fell into his
hands. This vessel he rifled of provisions and then let go. This
happened off Block Island near the Rhode Island coast. The same day
he captured and plundered a sloop belonging to Newport, commanded by
James Cahoon, and took away his mainsail and provisions and water.
His bowsprit was cut away and all his rigging and thrown overboard
intending thereby to prevent his getting in to give the alarm. Cahoon
himself was badly cut in the arm during the scrimmage. Low then stood
away to the south-eastward, with all the sail that could be made, there
being then but little wind at the time.

He judged well in making haste to get away from the coast for
notwithstanding the disabled condition of Cahoon’s sloop she reached
Block Island about midnight and a whale boat was sent out at once
with the news which reached Newport about seven the next morning. The
Governor immediately ordered the drums to be beaten about the town for
volunteers to go in search of the pirates and two of the best sloops in
the harbor were armed and fitted out. One of these sloops, commanded by
Capt. John Headland, mounted ten guns and carried eighty men. The other
sloop, which was commanded by Capt. John Brown, jun., was armed with
six guns and plenty of small arms and carried sixty men. These sloops
were both under sail before sunset, each commander carrying a ten days’
commission from the Governor. At about the same time the pirate vessel
could be seen from Block Island. But good fortune favored Low and the
sloops returned to Newport several days afterwards without so much as
catching sight of the brigantine.

Proclamation also was made in Boston, by beat of drum, for the
encouragement of volunteers to engage against the pirates and over a
hundred men enlisted under Capt. Peter Papillion who fitted out a ship
and sailed shortly; but he, too, returned to harbor without finding
Low, but bringing in the brigantine “Rebecca” which Low had turned over
to Captain Flucker at Port Roseway, near the southern end of Acadia
(Nova Scotia), to carry home the Marblehead fishermen taken by him, he
having shipped his arms and stores on board a recently built schooner
belonging to Marblehead.

By the _Boston News-Letter_ of July 9, 1722, we learn that sundry goods
left by the pirates on board the brigantine “Rebecca” were to be sold
at publick vendue at the house of Captain Long in Charlestown. These
consisted of “1 Turtle Net, 1 Scarlet Jacket, 1 small Still, 2 pair
Steel yards, 1 Jack and Pendant, 2 doz. Plates, 2 papers of Pins, 5
Horn books, 2 pieces of cantaloons, 1 main-sail, Boom and small Cable
belonging to a Scooner, a small Boat and 20 yards of old Canvas.” There
was also found cast ashore on the back side of Martha’s Vineyard, a
sloop supposed to have been taken and set adrift by Low, on board of
which were a few shillings in silver money and some strips of paper on
which were found written the names of Dan Hide, Nath. Hall and John
Wall. This Dan Hide was one of Low’s crew and about a year later he was
hanged at Newport, as will be told at length in another place.

After his escape from the attacking expeditions sent out from
Newport and Boston, Captain Low went among the islands at the mouth
of Buzzard’s Bay, in search of enough fresh water to make the run
to the Bahamas. He remained here for some days while his boat crews
stole sheep at No Man’s Land and rifled whale boats out of Nantucket.
Changing his mind about the course towards the Bahamas, he then sailed
northerly towards Marblehead and on the afternoon of Friday, June 15th,
put into the harbor of Roseway which is located near the arm of the sea
that makes up to what is now Shelburne, Nova Scotia.

At that time it was the habit of the banks fishermen to come into Port
Roseway for a Sunday’s rest and when Low sailed into the harbor he
found thirteen vessels at anchor. They supposed him to be inward bound
from the West Indies and his arrival gave no concern. But soon a boat
from the brigantine, with four men, came alongside the fishing vessels,
one after another, the men coming aboard as though to make a friendly
visit to inquire for news. When on deck the four men drew cutlasses
and pistols from under their clothes and cursing and swearing demanded
instant surrender. Taken by surprise the fishermen of course submitted
and by this means all the vessels in the harbor were captured and
afterwards plundered.

Among them was a newly-built schooner, the “Mary,” of eighty tons,
owned by Joseph Dolliber of Marblehead, clean and a good sailer. Low
liked her lines and decided to appropriate her for his own use, so he
renamed her the “Fancy” and the guns, stores and men were transferred
from the brigantine. The fishermen from the different vessels were then
put on board the brigantine and Captain Flucker was ordered to make
sail for Boston. Meanwhile, Low forced a number of likely men from
among the fishermen including Philip Ashton, Nicholas Merritt, Joseph
Libbie, Lawrence Fabens and two others from Marblehead and four men
belonging to the Isle of Shoals.

On Tuesday afternoon, June 19th, 1722, Low and his company sailed
from Port Roseway bound for the Newfoundland coast and arrived at the
mouth of St. John’s harbor in a fog which lifted somewhat disclosing
a ship riding at anchor within the harbor. She looked to Low like a
fish-trader and he determined to attempt her capture by a stratagem.
All of his men were ordered below, save six or seven, to make a show of
being a fisherman, and so he sailed boldly into the harbor intending
to run alongside the ship and bring her off. Before having gone far,
however, a small fishing boat was met coming out which hailed them
asking from what port they had come. Low answered, “from Barbadoes,
loaded with rum and sugar”; and then asked the fisherman what large
ship that was in the harbor. Imagine his chagrin when they replied that
it was the “Solebay,” man-of-war. He immediately put about and escaped
before the suspicious fishermen could alarm the town. This happened on
July 2d.

At Carbonear, a small harbor about fifteen leagues farther to the
north, Low was more successful, for going on shore and meeting little
opposition, he plundered the place and burned all the houses. The
next day he sailed for the Grand Banks where he took seven or eight
vessels including a French banker, a ship of nearly four hundred tons
armed with two guns. Considerable rigging and ammunition was secured
and a number of fishermen were forced. Late in the month he had an
encounter with two sloops from Canso bound for Annapolis-Royal loaded
with provisions for the garrison and having soldiers on board. Low’s
schooner was the better sailer and coming up began the attack. The red
coats at once replied and gave him so warm a reception that Low sheered
off and a fog coming on they escaped into Annapolis after having been
chased by Low for two days and a night.[106] About the time the French
banker was taken, the news came that the “Solebay” was cruising about
in search of him so Low decided to steer for the Leeward Islands taking
with him the French ship. While on the voyage down they ran into a
hurricane that nearly ended matters. The sea ran mountains high and
all hands were employed both day and night keeping the pump constantly
going besides bailing with buckets and yet finding themselves unable to
keep the vessel free. The schooner made somewhat the better weather of
it but on board the ship they began to hoist out their heavy goods and
provisions and throw them overboard together with six guns in order to
lighten the vessel. They even debated cutting away the masts, but the
ship making less water, so that they could at last keep it under with
the pump, instead of cutting away the masts they were made more secure
by means of preventer-shrouds and by laying-to on the larboard tack,
the hurricane was safely ridden out. The schooner split her mainsail,
sprung her bowsprit and both of her anchors had to be cut away.

After the storm, Low went to a small island, one of the westernmost of
the Caribbees, and there refitted his vessels so far as possible with
the supplies at hand and traded goods with the natives for provisions.
As soon as the ship was ready he then decided to make a short cruise in
her leaving the schooner at anchor until their return. They hadn’t been
out many days before they came upon a ship that had lost all her masts
in the storm. She was a rich find for they plundered her of money and
goods amounting to over a thousand pounds in value. This ship was bound
home from Barbadoes and was then slowly making her way under jury-rig
to Antigua to refit, where she afterwards safely arrived but minus the
best of her cargo.

This hurricane, it afterwards appeared, did great damage throughout the
West Indies and was particularly violent at the island of Jamaica where
there happened a tidal wave that overflowed the town of Port Royal
and destroyed about half of it. Immense quantities of rocks and sand
were thrown over the wall of the town and the next morning the streets
were about five feet deep in water. The cannon of Fort Charles were
dismounted and some washed into the sea and about four hundred lives
were lost. Scores of houses were ruined and forty vessels at anchor in
the harbor were cast away.

When Low returned to the island where the schooner had been left,
future plans were discussed by the company and after having been put
to vote it was decided to make for the Azores or Western Islands. This
was largely due to the presence near the Leeward Islands of several
men-of-war cruising about their stations in search of piratical gentry.
So both vessels made sail to the eastward and on August 3d came into
St. Michael’s road, off which they took seven sail including a French
ship of 34 guns; the “Nostra Dame”; the “Mere de Dieu,” Captain Roach;
the “Dove,” Captain Cox; the “Rose” pink, formerly a man-of-war,
Captain Thompson; another English ship, Captain Chandler; and three
other vessels. Low threatened with instant death all who resisted
and at that time there was such a deadly fear of the excesses committed
by pirates that these vessels struck without firing a gun or offering
any resistance. The “Rose” pink, was a large Portuguese vessel, loaded
with wheat. She struck to the schooner, fearing the ship which was
coming down on her, although she was much the stronger and was more
than a match for Low and his company had she made a good resistance.
The pink proved to be a better sailer than the French banker, so most
of the cargo of wheat was thrown overboard and guns from the French
ship were mounted on board the pink and after stores were transferred
the banker was burned. The French ship also was burned, the crew having
been transferred to a large Portuguese launch except the cook who Low
declared was a greasy fellow and would fry well in a fire, so he was
bound to the mainmast and burnt alive with the ship. The command of the
“Rose” pink, mounting fourteen guns, was taken over by Low and Harris
was given command of the schooner.

[Illustration: CAPTAIN EDWARD LOW IN A HURRICANE

From a rare engraving in the Harry Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard
College Library]

As water and fresh provisions were needed, Low then sent word to the
Governor at St. Michaels, that if furnished with supplies he would
release the vessels that had been taken, otherwise they would be
burned. The Governor was a prudent man and thought best not to debate
the matter, so fresh provisions soon made their appearance and the
six vessels were released, as Low had promised, that is, after he had
plundered them. While the schooner was lying at anchor in the fairway
between St. Michael’s and St. Mary’s, about August 20th, Captain
Carter in the “Wright” galley came sailing by and fell into Harris’
hands after a short but ill-judged resistance. Those on board were
cut and mangled in a barbarous manner and especially some Portuguese
passengers, two of whom were Roman Catholic friars. These unfortunate
men Harris had triced up at each arm of the foreyard, but before they
were quite dead he let them down again and after having recovered
somewhat they were sent up again, a sport much enjoyed by these
Puritan pirates. Another Portuguese passenger who was much terrified
by what was going on, was attacked by one of the pirate crew who gave
him a slashing cut across the belly with his cutlass that opened his
bowels and soon caused death. The fellow said that he did it because
“he didn’t like the looks” of the Portuguese. Captain Low happened to
be on board at the time this capture was made and while the cutting and
slashing was going on among the unfortunate passengers he accidentally
received a blow on his under jaw intended for a Portuguese, that laid
open his teeth. The surgeon was called and the wound stitched up, but
Low found fault with the way the work was done and the surgeon becoming
incensed struck him on the jaw with his fist so that the stitches were
pulled away, at the same time telling Low to go to Hell and sew up his
own chops. After the drunken crew were tired of their slashing and had
thoroughly plundered the ship, it was proposed that she be burned as
they had done with the Frenchman, but at last it was decided to cut her
sails and rigging in pieces and turn her adrift.

Low in the pink and Harris in the schooner now steered for the island
of Madeira where, needing a supply of water, they came upon a fishing
boat having in her two old men and a boy. They detained one of the old
men on board and sent the other ashore with a demand to the governor
for a boatload of water, under penalty of hanging the old man at the
yard-arm in case their demand was not complied with. When the water
was received the old man was released and he and his companions were
given a supply of handsome clothing that had been plundered from some
captured vessel as an evidence of the “generous treatment” sometimes
shown by the pirates. From here they sailed for the Cape Verde islands
and near Bonavista captured an English ship called the “Liverpool
Merchant,” Captain Goulding, from which they stole a quantity of
provisions and dry goods, three hundred gallons of fine brandy, a mast
and hawsers and forced six of his men. They also captured among these
islands a ship owned in London, the “King Sagamore,” Captain Andrew
Scot, homeward bound from Barbadoes by way of Cape Verde islands.
The captain was wounded and set ashore on the island of Bonavista
absolutely naked and the ship burned. Several of the crew joined
the pirates.[107] Two Portuguese sloops bound for Brazil also fell
into their hands and three sloops from St. Thomas bound for Curacao,
commanded by Captains Lilly, Staples and Simpkins, all of which were
plundered and then set free. A small trading sloop, owned in England
and commanded by Capt. James Pease, they detained to use as a tender;
but a majority of the men placed on board of her chanced to be forced
men, who for some time had been looking for an opportunity to escape,
and the sloop having been sent in search of two small galleys, expected
at the Western Islands about that time, the New England men in the
crew rose against the others and took possession of the sloop and set
a course for England. This happened on the fifth of September. Their
provisions and water soon began to run low and the course was changed
for St. Michael’s in the Azores where they sent two men ashore to give
information who they were and to obtain the needed provisions. The
Portuguese officials, however, were skeptical and seized and jailed the
entire crew and kept them in close quarters for several months. Some
of the men in time escaped as is shown in the narrative of Nicholas
Merritt, a Marblehead fisherman,[108] but most of them are supposed to
have rotted in the castle until they died.

Meanwhile Captain Low had gone to the island of Bonavista to careen his
vessels. The schooner was hove down first and then the pink, which, it
will be recalled, was ballasted with wheat. Low now gave this wheat to
the Portuguese living nearby and took on other ballast. After cleaning
and refitting he steered for the island of St. Nicholas to fill his
water butts. At this time Francis Farrington Spriggs was in command of
a ship that was escort to Low and with them was a schooner commanded by
the quartermaster of the fleet, one John Russell, who in reality was a
Portuguese instead of the North Country Englishman that he pretended
to be. At Curisal Road, on the southeast end of St. Nicholas, they
captured a sloop, the “Margaret,” from Barbadoes, Capt. George Roberts,
commander, that had recently arrived and the events that immediately
followed are related in the next chapter.


FOOTNOTES

[101] Edward Low and Eliza Marble were married by Rev. Benjamin
Wadsworth of the First Church, Boston, on Aug. 12, 1714.

[102] Elizabeth Low married James Burt, Dec. 7, 1739, in Boston.

[103] A full account of this outrage was afterwards printed in the
_Boston News-Letter_ of April 30, 1722.

[104] _New England Courant_, June 18, 1722.

[105] These Articles are similar to Captain Lowther’s with some
additions.

[106] _Boston News-Letter_, Sept 17, 1722.

[107] _American Weekly Mercury_, May 9, 1723.

[108] See Chapter XIV.




CHAPTER XI

CAPTAIN ROBERTS’ ACCOUNT OF WHAT HAPPENED ON LOW’S SHIP


Captain George Roberts sailed from London in September, 1721, mate
of the ship “King Sagamore,” twenty-two guns, Capt. Andrew Scott,
commander, bound for the Barbadoes and Virginia where he was to take
command of a sloop and buy a cargo to slave with on the coast of
Guinea. After various delays he reached the Cape Verde islands in
the sloop “Margaret,” “sixty ton of cask,” and at Curisal Road, on
the island of St. Nicholas, was taken by the pirate fleet of which
Capt. Ned Low was commodore. Captain Roberts afterwards recounted
his adventures in a volume published[109] in London, from which the
following account is taken.

“When I came on board the _Rose Pink_, the Company welcomed me on
board, and said, _They were sorry for my Loss; but told me, I must go
to pay my Respects to the Captain, who was in the Cabbin, and waited
for me_. I was ushered in by an Officer, who, I think, was their
Gunner, and who, by his Deportment, acted as though he had been Master
of the Ceremonies; tho’ I do not remember to have heard of such an
Officer or Office mentioned among them, neither do I know whether they
are always so formal on Board their Commodore, at the first Reception
of their captivated Masters of Vessels. When I came into the Cabbin,
the Officer who conducted me thither, after paying his Respects to the
Commodore, told him, _That I was the Master of the Sloop which they had
taken the Day before_, and then withdrew out of the Cabbin, leaving us
two alone.

“Captain _Loe_, with the usual Compliment, welcomed me on board, and
told me, _He was very sorry for my Loss, and that it was not his Desire
to meet with any of his Country-men, but rather with Foreigners,
excepting some few that he wanted to chastise for their Rogueishness_,
as he call’d it: _But however_, says he, _since Fortune has ordered
it so, that you have fallen into our Hands, I would have you to be of
good Cheer, and not to be cast down_. I told him, _That I also was
very sorry, that it was my Chance to fall into their Way; but still
encouraged myself in the Hopes, that I was in the Hands of Gentlemen of
Honour and Generosity; it being still in their Power whether to make
this their Capture of me, a Misfortune or not_. He said, _It did not
lie in his particular Power; for he was but one Man, and all Business
of this Nature, must be done in Publick, and by a Majority of Votes
by the whole Company; and though neither he, nor, he believed, any of
the Company, desired to meet with any of their own Nation (except some
few Persons for the Reasons before-mention’d) yet when they did, it
could not well be avoided, but that they must take as their own what
Providence sent them: And as they were Gentlemen, who entirely depended
upon Fortune, they durst not be so ungrateful to her, as to refuse
any Thing which she put into their Way; for if they should despise
any of her Favours, tho’ never so mean, they might offend her, and
thereby cause her to withdraw her Hand from them; and so, perhaps, they
might perish for want of those Things, which in their rash Folly they
slighted_. He then, in a very obliging Tone, desired me to sit down, he
himself all this Time not once moving from his Seat, which was one of
the great Guns, though there were Chairs enough in the Cabbin; but I
suppose, he thought he should not appear so martial, or Hero-like, if
he sat on a Chair, as he did on a great Gun.

“After I had sat down, he asked me, _What I would drink?_ I thank’d
him, and told him, _I did not much Care for drinking; but out of a
Sense of the Honour he did me in asking, I would drink any Thing with
him which he pleased to drink_. He told me, _It would not avail me
any Thing to be cast down: It was Fortune of War, and grieving or
vexing myself, might be of no good Consequence in respect to my Health;
besides, it would be more taking_, he said, _with the Company, to
appear brisk, lively, and with as little Concern as I could. And come_,
says he, _you may, and I hope you will, have better Fortune hereafter_.
So ringing the Cabbin-bell, and one of his _Valet de Chambres_, or
rather _Valet de Cabins_, appearing, he commanded him to make a Bowl
of Punch, in the great Bowl, which was a rich silver one, and held, I
believe, about two Gallons; which being done, he ordered likewise some
Wine to be set on the Table, and accordingly two Bottles of Claret were
brought; and then he took the Bowl and drank to me in Punch; but bid
me pledge him in which I liked best; which I did in Wine. He told me,
_That what he could favour me in, he would, and wished that it had been
my Fortune to have been taken by them ten Days or a Fortnight sooner;
for then_, he said, _they had abundance of good Commodities, which
they took in_ 2 Portugueze _outward-bound_ Brasile _Men, viz. Cloth,
as well Linens as Woollens, both fine and coarse, Hats of all sorts,
Silk, Iron, and other rich Goods in abundance, and believed, he could
have prevailed with the Company even to have loaded my Sloop. But now
they had no Goods at all, he believed, having disposed of them all,
either by giving them to other Prizes, &c. or heaving the rest into_
David Jones’s Locker (i.e. the Sea); _but did not know, but it might
be his Lot, perhaps, to meet with me again, when it might lie in his
Way to make me a Retaliation for my present Loss; and he did assure me,
that when such an Occasion, as he was but now a speaking of, offered,
I might depend he would not be wanting to serve me in any Thing that
might turn to my Advantage, as far as his Power or Interest could
reach_. I could do no less, in common Civility, and the Truth is, I
dared do no less, than thank him....

“I was order’d to remain on Board the Commodore till by a general Vote
of the Company it should be determin’d how I and the Sloop were to
be dispos’d of; and Captain _Loe_ ordered a Hammock and Bedding to be
fix’d for me, and told me, _That he would not oblige me to sit up later
than I thought fit, nor drink more than suited my own Inclination;
and that he lik’d my Company no longer than his was agreeable to me_;
adding, _That there should be no Confinement or Obligation as to
drinking, or sitting up, but I might drink, and go to sleep, when I
pleas’d, without any Exceptions being taken, ordering me to want for
nothing that was on Board; for I was very welcome to anything that was
there, as to Eatables and Drinkables_. I thank’d him, and told him, _I
would, with all due Gratefulness, make Use of that Freedom which he was
so generous to offer me, &c._ About Eight a-Clock at Night I took my
Leave of him, and went to my Hammock, where I continued all Night, with
Thoughts roving and perplex’d enough, not being able, as yet, to guess
what they design’d to do with me, whether they intended to give me the
Sloop again, or to burn her, as I heard it toss’d about by some, or to
keep me as a Prisoner on Board, or put me ashoar.

“My two Boys and Mate remained still on Board the Sloop, but all the
rest they took on Board of them, not once so much as asking them
whether they would Enter with them, only demanding their Names, which
the Steward writ down in their Roll-Book.

“About eight a-Clock in the Morning I turn’d out, and went upon Deck,
and as I was walking backwards and forwards, as is usual amongst
us Sailors, there came up one of the Company to me, and bid me
Good-Morrow, and told me, _He was very sorry for my Misfortune_. I
answer’d, _So was I_: He look’d at me, and said, _He believ’d I did not
know him_. I replied, _It was true, I did not know him; neither, at
present, could I call to mind that ever I had seen him before in the
whole Course of my Life_. He smil’d, and said, _He once belong’d to
me, and sail’d with me when I was Commander of the_ Susannah _in the
Year 1718_ (At that Time I was Master of a Ship call’d the _Susannah_,
about the Burthen of 300 Tons, whereof was sole Owner Mr. _Richard
Stephens_, Merchant, living at this present writing in _Shad-Thames_,
_Southwark_ Side, near _London_----) In the _Interim_ came up two more,
who told me they all belong’d to me in the _Susannah_, at one Time.
By this time I had recollected my Memory so far as just to call them
to Mind, and that was all; and then I told them I did remember them.
They said, they were truly very sorry for my Misfortune, and would do
all that lay in their Power to serve me, and told me, they had among
them the Quantity of about 40 or 50 Pieces of white Linnen Cloth, and
6 or 8 Pieces of Silk, besides some other Things; and they would also,
they said, make what Interest they could for me with their Consorts and
Intimates, and with them would make a Gathering for me of what Things
they could, and would put it on Board for me as soon as the Company
had determined that I should have my Sloop again. They then look’d
about them as tho’ they had something to say that they were not willing
any body should hear; but as it happen’d, there was no body nigh us,
which was an Opportunity very rare in these Sort of Ships, of speaking
without Interruption: But we lying too all Night, no body had any thing
to do, but the Lookers-out, at the Topmast-head; the Mate of the Watch,
Quarter-master of the Watch, Helmsman, _&c._ being gone down to drink
a Dram, I suppose, or to smoak a Pipe of Tobacco, or the like. However
it was, we had the Quarter Deck intire to our selves, and they seeing
the Coast clear, told me, with much seeming Concern, That if I did not
take abundance of Care, they would force me to stay with them, for my
Mate had inform’d them, that I was very well acquainted on the Coast of
_Brasile_, and they were bound down along the Coast of _Guinea_, and
afterwards design’d to stretch over to the Coast of _Brasile_: That
there was not one Man of all the Company that had ever been upon any
Part of that Coast; and that there was but one Way for me to escape
being forced; but I must be very close, and not discover what they
were going to tell me; for if it was known that they had divulg’d it,
notwithstanding they were enter’d Men, and as much of the Company as
any of them, yet they were sure it would cost them no smaller a Price
for it than their Lives. I told them, I was very much obliged to them
for their Goodwill, and did not wish them to have any Occasion for my
Service; but if ever it should be so, they might depend it should be
to the utmost of my Power; and as for my betraying any thing that they
should tell me of, they could not fear that, because my own Interest
would be a sufficient Tye upon me to the contrary; and were it not so,
and that I was sure to get Mountains of Gold by divulging it to their
Prejudice, I would sooner suffer my Tongue to be pluck’d out.

“They said, they did not much fear my revealing it, because the
disclosing it would rather be a Prejudice to me than an Advantage,
and therefore out of pure Respect to me they would tell me; which was
thus: _You must know_, said they, _that we have an Article which we are
sworn to, which is, not to force any married Man, against his Will, to
serve us: Now we have been at a close Consultation whether we should
oblige you to go with us, not as one of the Company, but as a forc’d
Prisoner, in order to be our Pilot on the Coast of_ Brasile, _where we
are designed to Cruise, and hope to make our Voyage; and your Mate_,
continued they, _has offer’d to Enter with us, but desires to defer it
till we have determined your Case_. _Now your Mate, as yet, is ignorant
of our Articles, we never exposing them to any till they are going to
sign them. He was ask’d, Whether you was married or not? and he said,
he could not tell for certain, but believed you was not: Upon which
we spoke, and said, we had known you several Years, and had sail’d
with you in a Frigat-built Ship of 300 Tons, or more: That you was an
extraordinary good Man to your Men, both for Usage and Payment; and
that, to our Knowledge, you was married, and had four Children then:
However, there is one Man who would fain have the Company break through
their Oath on that Article, and tells them, they may, and ought to
do it, because it is a Case of Necessity, they having no Possibility
of getting a Pilot at present for that Coast, except they take you:
And in their Run along the Coast of_ Guinea, _if they should light of
any body that was acquainted with the Coast of_ Brasile, _and no way
exempted from serving them by the Articles, then they might take him,
and turn you ashore, but ’till such offer’d, he did not see but the
Oath might be dispens’d with; but_, continued they, _Captain_ Loe _is
very much against it, and told them, That it would be an ill Precedent,
and of bad Consequence; for if we once take the Liberty of breaking our
Articles and Oath, then there is none of us can be sure of any thing:
If_, said Captain _Loe, you can perswade the Man upon any Terms to stay
with us as a Prisoner, or otherwise, well and good; if not, do not let
us break the Laws that we have made our selves, and sworn to_. They
went on, and told me, _That most of the Company seem’d to agree with
Captain_ Loe’s _Opinion, but_ Russel, said they, _seem’d to be sadly
nettled at it, that his Advice was not to be taken; and_, continued
they, _you will be ask’d the Question, we reckon, by and by, when_
Russel _comes on Board, and all the Heads meet again; but you must be
sure to say you are married, and have five or six Children; for it is
only that, that will prevent your being forced; tho’, you may depend
upon it_, Russel _will do what he can to perswade the Company to break
the Article, which we hope they will not, nor shall they ever have our
Consent; and, indeed, there are very few of the Company but what are
against it, but_ Russel _bears a great Sway in the Company, and can
almost draw them any Way. However, we have put you in the best Method
that we can, and hope it will do: But, for fear Notice should be taken
of our being so long together, we have told you as much as we can, and
leave you to manage it; and so God bless you._

“Upon this, away they went, and by-and-by Captain _Loe_ turns out, and
comes upon Deck, and bidding me Good-morrow, ask’d me, _How I did? and
how I lik’d my Bed?_ I thank’d him, and told him, _I was very well,
at his Service, and lik’d my Bed very well, and was very much obliged
to him for the Care he had taken of me_. After which, he order’d a
Consultation Signal to be made, which was their _Green Trumpeter_, as
they call’d him, hoisted at the Mizen-Peek: It was a green silk Flag,
with a yellow Figure of a Man blowing a Trumpet on it. The Signal being
made, away came the Boats flocking on Board the Commodore, and when
they were all come on Board, Captain _Loe_ told them, He only wanted
them to Breakfast with him; so down they went into the Cabbin, as many
as it would well hold, and the rest in the Steerage, and where they
could.

“After Breakfast, Captain _Loe ask’d_ me, _If I was married? and how
many Children I had?_ I told him, _I had been married about ten Years,
and had five Children when I came from Home, and did not know but I
might have six now, one being on the Stocks when I came from Home_.
He asked me, _Whether I had left my Wife well provided for, when I
came from Home?_ I told him, _I had left her in but very indifferent
Circumstances: That having met with former Misfortunes, I was so low
reduc’d, that the greatest Part of my Substance was in this Sloop and
Cargo; and that, if I was put by this Trip, I did not know but my
Family might want Bread before I could supply them_.

“_Loe_ then turning to _Russel_, said, _It will not do_, Russel. _What
will not do_, said _Russel_? _Loe_ answer’d, _You know who I mean; we
must not, and it shall not be, by G--d. It must, and shall, by G--d_,
reply’d _Russel; Self-Preservation is the first Law of Nature, and
Necessity, according to the old Proverb, has no Law. Well_, says _Loe,
It shall never be with my Consent_. Hereupon most of the Company said,
_It was a Pity, and ought to be taken into Consideration, and seriously
weighed amongst them, and then put to the Vote_. At which _Loe_ said,
_So it ought, and there is nothing like the Time present to decide the
Controversy, and to determine the Matter_. They all answered, _Ay, it
was best to end it now_.

“Then _Loe_ ordered them all to go upon Deck, and bid me stay in the
Cabbin; so up they went all hands, and I sat still and smoak’d a Pipe
of Tobacco, Wine and Punch being left on the Table: And tho’ I was very
impatient to know the Determination, sometimes hoping it would be in my
Favour, and sometimes fearing the contrary; yet I durst not go out of
the Cabbin to hear what they said, nor make any Enquiry about it.

“After they had been upon Deck about two Hours, they came down again,
and _Loe_ ask’d me, _How I did? and how I lik’d my Company since
they went upon Deck?_ I thank’d him, and said, _I was very well, at
his Service; and as for my Company, I lik’d it very well, and it was
Company that few would dislike. Why_, said he, _I thought you had been
all alone ever since we went upon Deck_. I answer’d, _How could you
think, Sir, that I was alone, when you left me three such boon, jolly
Companions to keep me Company?_

“_Z--ds_, says _Loe_, and seem’d a little angry, _I left no-body,
and ordered no-body but the Boy_ Jack, _and him I bid stay at the
Cabbin-Door, with-out-side, and not go in, nor stir from the Door,
’till I bid him. But_, I said, _Sir, my three Companions were not
humane Bodies, but those which you left on the Table, to wit, a
Pipe of Tobacco, a Bottle of_ French _Claret, and a Bowl of Punch_;
at which they all laugh’d, and _Loe_ said, _I was right_: So after
some Discourses had pass’d by way of Diversion, _Russel_ said to me.
_Master, your Sloop is very Leaky_; I said, _Yes, she made Water.
Water!_ says he, _I do not know what you could do with her, suppose
we were to give her to you. Besides, you have no Hands, for all your
Hands now belong to us._ I said, _Sirs, if you please to give her to
me, I do not fear, with God’s Blessing, but to manage her well enough,
if you let me have only those which are on Board, which I hope you
will: namely, my Mate and the two Boys. Well_, says he, _and suppose
we did, you have no Cargo, for we have taken, to replenish our Stores,
all the Rum, Sugar, Tobacco, Rice, Flower, and, in short, all your
Cargo and Provisions_. I told him, _I would do as well as I could, and
if the worst came to the worst, I could load the Sloop with Salt, and
carry it to the_ Canaries, _where, I knew, they were in great Want of
Salt at present, and therefore was sure it would come to a good Market
there: Ay, but_, says he, _how will you do to make your Cargo of Salt,
having no Hands, and having nothing wherewith to hire the Natives to
help you to make it, or to pay for their bringing it down on their
Asses; for you must believe_, said he, _I understand Trade_. I told
him, _If it did come to that Extremity, I had so good Interest both
at the Island of_ Bona Vist, _as likewise at the Isle of_ May, _that
I was sure the Inhabitants would assist me all that they could, and
trust me for their Pay till I return’d again; especially when they came
to know the Occasion that oblig’d me to it; and that, upon the Whole,
I did not fear, with God’s Blessing, to get a Cargo of Salt on Board,
if they would be so generous as to give me the Sloop again. Well but_,
says Russel, _suppose we should let you have the Sloop, and that you
could do as you say, what would you do for Provisions? for we shall
leave you none; and I suppose I need not tell you, for, without doubt,
you know it already, that all these Islands to Windward are in great
Scarcity of Victuals, and especially the two Islands that produce the
Salt, which have been oppress’d for many Years with a sore Famine_.
I told him, _I was very sensible that all he said last was true, but
hop’d, if they gave me the Sloop, they would also be so generous as
to give me some Provisions, a small quantity of which would serve my
little Company; but if not, I could go down to the Leeward Islands,
where, likewise, I had some small Interest, and I did not doubt but I
could have a small Matter of such Provisions as the Islands afforded,
namely, Maiz, Pompions, Feshunes, &c. with which, by God’s Assistance,
we would endeavour to make shift, ’till it pleased God we could get
better. Ay but_, says he, _perhaps your Mate and Boys will not be
willing to run that Hazard with you, nor care to endure such Hardship_.
I told him, _As for my Boys, I did not fear their Compliance, and hop’d
my Mate would also do the same, seeing I requir’d him to undergo no
other Hardship but what I partook of myself. Ay, but_, says Russel,
_Your Mate has not the same Reasons as you have, to induce him to bear
with all those Hardships, which you must certainly be exposed to in
doing what you propose; and therefore you cannot expect him to be very
forward in accepting such hard Terms with you; (tho’ I cannot conceive
it to be so easie to go through with, in the Manner you propose, as you
seem to make it)_. I answer’d, _As for the Mate’s Inclinations, I was
not able positively to judge in this Affair, but I believed him to be
an honest, as well as a conscientious Man, and as I had been very civil
to him in several Respects, in my Prosperity, so I did not doubt, if I
had the Liberty to talk with him a little on this Affair, but he would
be very willing to undergo as much Hardship to extricate me out of this
my Adversity, as he could well bear, or I in Reason require of him,
which would be no more than I should bear myself; and when it pleased
God to turn the Scales, I would endeavour to make him Satisfaction to
the full of what, in reason, he could expect, or, at least, as far as I
was able_.

“_Come, come_, says Captain _Loe, let us drink about. Boy! how does
the Dinner go forward?_ The Boy answer’d, _Very well, Sir_. Says
Loe, _Gentlemen, you must all Dine with me to Day._ They unanimously
answer’d, _Ay: Come then_, says Loe, _toss the Bowl about, and let us
have a fresh One, and call a fresh Cause_.

“They all agreed to this, and then began to talk of their past
Transactions at _Newfoundland_, the _Western Islands_, _Canary
Islands_, &c. What Ships they had taken, and how they serv’d them when
in their Possession; and how they oblig’d the Governor of the Island of
St. _Michael_ to send them off two Boat-Loads of fresh Meat, Greens,
Wine, Fowls, &c. or otherwise, threatened to damnifie the Island, by
burning some of the small Vilages: Of their Landing on the Island of
_Teneriff_, to the Northward of _Oratavo_, in hopes of meeting with a
Booty, but got nothing but their Skins full of Wine; and how they had
like to have been surpriz’d by the Country, which was raised upon that
Occasion, but got all off safe, and without any Harm, except one Man,
who receiv’d a Shot in his Thigh after they were got into their Boats;
but, they said, they caused several of the _Spaniards_ to drop; and,
That they should have been certainly lost, if they had tarried but
half a quarter of an Hour longer in the House where they were drinking,
and where they expected to get the Booty, which they Landed in quest
of, according to the Information given them by one of the Inhabitants
of the Island, who was taken by them in a Fishing-Boat, and told them,
that, that Gentleman had an incredible Quantity of Money, as well as
Plate, in his House: And on this Occasion they threatened the poor
Fisherman how severely they would punish him for giving them a false
Information, if ever they should light of him again; but, I suppose,
the Fellow kept close ashore after they let him go, all the Time they
lay lurking about the Island: They also boasted how many _French_
Ships they had taken upon the Banks of _Newfoundland_, and what a vast
Quantity of Wine, especially _French_ Claret, they took from them; with
abundance of such like Stuff; which, as it did not immediately concern
me, so I shall not trouble myself with particularizing: And, indeed,
my Attention was so wholly taken up with the Uncertainty of my own
Affairs, that I gave no great Heed to those Subjects that were foreign
to me; and which, for that Reason, made but a slight Impression on my
Memory.

“In this Manner they pass’d the Time away, drinking and carousing
merrily, both before and after Dinner, which they eat in a very
disorderly Manner, more like a Kennel of Hounds, than like Men,
snatching and catching the Victuals from one another; which, tho’ it
was very odious to me, it seem’d one of their chief Diversions, and,
they said, look’d Martial-like.

“Before it was quite dark, every one repaired on Board their respective
Vessels, and about Eight a-Clock at Night I went to my Hammock, without
observing, as I remember, any thing worth remarking, save, that Captain
_Loe_, and I, and three or four more, drank a couple of Bottles of
Wine after the Company were gone, before we went to Sleep, in which
time we had abundance of Discourse concerning _Church_ and _State_, as
also about _Trade_, which would be tedious to relate in that confused
Manner we talked of these Subjects, besides the Reason I just now
mentioned.

“_Loe_ stay’d up after me, and when I was in my Hammock, I heard him
give the necessary Orders for the Night, which were, that they were
to lie too with their Head to the _North Westward_, as, indeed, we
had ever since I had been on Board of him; to mind the Top-light, and
for the Watch, to be sure, above all things, to keep a good Look-out;
and to call him if they saw any thing, or if the other Ships made any
Signals.

“I passed this Night as the former, ruminating on my present unhappy
Condition, not yet being able to dive into, or fathom their Designs, or
what they intended to do with me, and often thinking on what the three
Men told me, as also on what the Company said, but in a more particular
manner, of what _Russel_ told me concerning my Mate, ’till Sleep
overpowered my Senses, and gave me a short Recess from my Troubles.

“In the Morning, about five a-Clock, I turned out, and a little after,
one of the three Men who spoke to me the Morning before, came to me,
and bid me Good-morrow, and ask’d me very courteously how I did? and
told me, that they would all three, as before, have come and spoke to
me, but were afraid the Company, especially _Russel’s_ Friends, would
think they held a secret Correspondence with me, which was against one
of their Articles, it being punishable by Death, to hold any secret
Correspondence with a Prisoner; but they hop’d all would be well, and
that they believ’d I should have my Sloop again; _Russel_ being the
only Man who endeavour’d to hinder it, and he only, on the Account of
having me to go with them on the Coast of _Brasile_; but that most of
the Company was against it, except the meer Creatures of _Russel_. He
said, I might thank my Mate for it all, who, he much fear’d, would
prove a Rogue to me, and Enter with them; and then, if they should give
me my Sloop, I should be sadly put to it to manage her myself, with
one Boy, and the little Child. He also said, That he, and the other
two, heartily wish’d they could go with me in her, but that it was
impossible to expect it, it being Death even to motion it, by another
of their Articles, which says, _That if any of the Company shall
advise, or speak any thing tending to the separating or breaking of the
Company, or shall by any Means offer or endeavour to desert or quit the
Company, that Person shall be shot to Death by the Quarter-Master’s
Order, without the Sentence of a Court-Martial_. He added, That
’till my Mate had given _Russel_ an Account of my being acquainted
on the Coast of _Brasile_, he seem’d to be my best Friend, and would
certainly have prov’d so, and would have prevail’d with the Company
to have made a Gathering for me, which, perhaps, might not have come
much short in Value of what they had taken from me; for there was but
few in the Company but had several Pieces of Linnen Cloth, Pieces of
Silk, spare Hats, Shoes, Stockings, gold Lace, and abundance of other
Goods, besides the publick Store, which, if _Russel_ had continued my
Friend, for one Word speaking, there was not one of them but would have
contributed to make up my Loss; it being usual for them to reserve such
Things for no other Use but to give to any whom they should take, or
that formerly was of their Acquaintance, or that they took a present
Liking to: He said farther, That he believ’d Captain _Loe_ would be
my Friend, and do what he could for me; but that, in Opposition to
_Russel_, he could do but little, _Russel_ bearing twice the Sway with
the Company, that Captain _Loe_ did; and that _Russel_ was always more
considerate to those they took, than _Loe_; but now I must expect no
Favour from him, he was so exasperated by the Opposition that the
Company, and especially Captain _Loe_, made to my being forc’d to go
with them on the Coast of _Brasile_: He, however, bid me have a good
Heart, and wish’d it lay in his Power to serve me more than it did, and
bid me not to take very much Notice, or shew much Freedom with them,
but rather a seeming Indifference: Adding, That he and his two Consorts
wish’d me as well as Heart could wish, and whatever Service they could
do me, while among them, I might assure myself it should not be
wanting; desiring me to excuse him, and not take amiss his withdrawing
from me; concluding, with Tears in his Eyes, that he did not know
whether he should have another Opportunity of private Discourse with
me; neither would it be for the Advantage of either of us, except some
new Matter offer’d them Occasion to forewarn, or precaution me, which,
if it did, one of them would not fail to acquaint me with it: And so he
left me.

“Some time after, Captain _Loe_ turn’d out, and after the usual
Compliments pass’d, we took a Dram of Rum, and enter’d into Discourse
with one or another, on different Subjects; for as a Tavern or
Alehouse-keeper endeavours to promote his Trade, by conforming to the
Humours of every Customer, so was I forc’d to be pleasant with every
one, and bear a Bob with them in almost all their Sorts of Discourse,
tho’ never so contrary and disagreeable to my own Inclinations;
otherwise I should have fallen under an _Odium_ with them, and when
once that happens to be the Case with any poor Man, the Lord have Mercy
upon him; for then every rascally Fellow will let loose his Brutal
Fancy upon him, and either abuse him with his Tongue (which is the
least hurtful) or kick or cuff him, or otherways abuse him, as they are
more or less cruel, or artificially raised by Drinking, Passion, _&c._

“Captain _Russel_, with some more, came on Board about ten or eleven
a-Clock in the Forenoon, and seem’d to be very pleasant to me, asking
me how I did? telling me, that he had been considering of what I said
Yesterday, and could not see, how I should be able to go through with
it: That it would be very difficult, if not wholly impossible, and I
should run a very great Hazard in what I propos’d. He believed, he
said, that I was a Man, and a Man of Understanding, but in this Case
I rather seem’d to be directed by an obstinate Desperation, than by
Reason; and for his Part, since I was so careless of myself as to
determine to throw myself away, he did not think it would stand with
the Credit or Reputation of the Company, to put it into my Power. He
wish’d me well, he said, and did assure me, that the Thoughts of me had
taken him up the greatest Part of the Night; and he had hit on a Way
which, he was sure, would be much more to my Advantage, and not expose
me to so much Hazard and Danger, and yet would be more profitable, than
I could expect by having the Sloop, tho’ every thing was to fall out to
exceed my Expectation; and did not doubt of the Company’s agreeing to
it: _And this_, says he, _is, to take and sink or burn your Sloop, and
keep you with us no otherwise than as you are now_, viz. _a Prisoner;
and I promise you, and will engage to get the Company to sign and agree
to it, the first Prize we take, if you like her; and if not, you shall
stay with us till we take a Prize that you like, and you shall have her
with all her Cargo, to dispose of how and where you please, for your
own proper Use_. He added, _that this, perhaps, might be the making of
me, and put me in a Capacity of leaving off the Sea, and living ashore,
if I was so inclin’d_; protesting, _that he did all this purely out
of Respect to me, because he saw I was a Man of Sense_, as he said,
_and was willing to take Care and Pains to get a Living for myself and
Family_.

“I thank’d him, and told him, _I was sorry I could not accept of his
kind Offer; and hoped he would excuse me, and not impute it to an
obstinate Temper; because_, I said, _I did not perceive it would be
of any Advantage to me, but rather the Reverse; for I could not see
how I should be able to dispose of the Ship, or any Part of her Cargo;
because no Body would buy, except I had a lawful Power to sell; and
they all certainly knew, they had no farther Right to any Ship or Goods
that they took, than so long as such Ship or Goods was within the Verge
of their Power; which, they were sensible, could not extend so far, as
to reach any Place where such Sale could be made: Besides_, I said, _if
the Owners of any such Ship or Goods should ever come to hear of it,
then should I be liable to make them Restitution, to the full Value of
such Ship and Cargo, or be oblig’d to lie in a Prison the remaining
Part of my Days; or, perhaps, by a more rigid Prosecution of the Law
against my Person, run a Hazard of my Life_.

“_Russel_ said, _These were but needless and groundless Scruples, and
might easily be evaded: As for my having a Right to make Sale of the
Ship and Cargo, which they would give me, they could easily make me a
Bill of Sale of the Ship, and such other necessary Powers in Writing,
as were sufficient to justify my Title to it beyond all Possibility
of Suspicion; so that I should not have any Reason to fear my being
detected in the Sale: And as for my Apprehension of being discover’d
to the Owners, that might as easily be prevented; for they should
always know, by Examination of the Master, &c. and also by the Writings
taken on board such Ship (which they always took Care to seize upon)
who were the Owners and Merchants concern’d in both Ship and Cargo,
as also their Places of Abode; by which I might be able to shun a
Possibility of their discovering me_: Adding, _That I might have the
Powers and Writings made in another Name, which I might go by ’till I
had finish’d the Business, and then could assume my own; which Method
would certainly secure me from all Possibility of Discovery_.

“I told him, _I must confess, there was not only a Probability, but a
seeming Certainty, in what he said, and that it argued abundance of
Wit in the Contrivance; but_, I assur’d him, _that were I positively
certain, which I could not be, that ’till the Hour of my Death it would
not be discover’d, yet there was still a strong Motive to deter me from
accepting it; which, tho’ it might seem, perhaps, to them to be of no
Weight, and but a meer Chimera, yet it had greater Force with me than
all the Reasons I had hitherto mention’d; and that was my Conscience;
which would be a continual Witness against me, and a constant Sting,
even when, perhaps, no Body would accuse me: And as there could be no
hearty and unfeigned Repentance, without making a full Restitution,
as far as I was able, to the injur’d Person_; I ask’d them, _What
Benefit would it be to me, if I got Thousands of Pounds, and could
not be at Peace with my Conscience, ’till I had restor’d every Thing
to the proper Owners, and after all, remain as I was before?_ A great
deal more, I told them, I could say upon this Head; but doubted that
Discourses of this Nature were not very taking with some of them, and
might seem of very little Account; _Yet I hope_, said I, _and God
forbid that there should not be some of you, who have a Thought of a
great and powerful God, and a Consciousness of his impartial Justice
to punish, as well as of his unfathomable Mercy to pardon Offenders
upon their unfeigned Repentance, which would not so far extend as to
encourage us to run on in sinning, thereby presuming to impose on his
Mercy_.

“Some of them said, _I should do well to preach a Sermon, and would
make them a good Chaplain_. Others said, _No, they wanted no Godliness
to be preach’d there: That Pirates had no God but their_ Money, _nor_
Saviour _but their_ Arms. Others said, _That I had said nothing but
what was very good, true, and rational, and they wish’d that Godliness,
or, at least, some Humanity, were in more Practice among them; which
they believ’d, would be more to their Reputation, and cause a greater
Esteem to be had for them, both from God and Man_.

“After this, a Silence follow’d; which Capt. _Russel_ broke, saying to
me again, _Master, as to your Fear that you wrong your Neighbour in
taking a Ship from us, which we first took from him; in my Judgment,
it is groundless and without Cause; nor is it a Breach of the Laws
of God or Man, as far as I am able to apprehend; for you do not take
their Goods from them, nor usurp their Property: That we have done
without your Advice, Concurrence, or Assistance; and therefore whatever
Sin or Guilt follows that Action, it is intirely_ Ours, _and, in my
Opinion, cannot extend to make any unconcern’d Person guilty with us.
It is plain, beyond disputing_, continu’d he, _that you can be no Way
Partaker with us in any Capture, while you are only a constrain’d
Prisoner, neither giving your Advice or Consent, or any Ways assisting;
and therefore it may be most certainly concluded, that it is We only
that have invaded the Right, and usurp’d the Property of another; and
that you must be innocent, and cannot be Partaker of the Crime, unless
concern’d in that Action that made it a Crime. But you seem to allow,
that we have a Property, while we are in Possession; but_, added he, _I
suppose you think, that all the Claim we have to the Ships and Goods
that we take, is by an Act of Violence, and therefore unjust, and of
no longer Force than while we are capable to maintain them by the same
superior Strength by which we obtain’d them_.

“I told him, _I could not express my Conceptions of it better or
fuller, I thought, than he had done; but hoped, neither he, nor Capt._
Loe, _nor any of the Gentlemen present, would be offended at my taking
so much Liberty; which was rather to acquaint them with my Reasons
for not being able to accept of their kind Offer, than to give any
Gentleman Offence_; adding, _That I had so much Confidence in their
Favours, that, if I could have accepted them, I verily believ’d, they
would all have concurred with Capt._ Russel _in what he so kindly and
friendly design’d me_.

“At which Words they all cry’d, _Ay, Ay, by G--_, and that _I was
deserving of that and more_.

“I told them, _I heartily thank’d them all in general, and did not wish
any of them so unfortunate, as to stand in Need of my Service; yet,
if ever they did, they should find, that the uttermost of my Ability
should not be wanting in Retaliation of all the Civilities they had
shewn me, ever since it was my Lot to fall into their Hands; but, in a
more especial Manner, for this their now offer’d Kindness, tho’ I could
not accept it with a safe and clear Conscience, which I valued above
any Thing to be enjoy’d in this World_. I said, _I could add farther
Reasons to those I had already urg’d; but I would not trouble them
longer, fearing I had already been too tedious or offensive to some of
them; which, if I had, I heartily begg’d their Pardon; assuring them
once more, that if it was so, it was neither my Design nor Intent, but
the Reverse_.

“Hereupon they all said, _They liked to hear us talk, and thought we
were very well match’d_: Adding, _That Capt._ Russel _could seldom meet
with a Man that could stand him: But, as for their Parts, they were
pleas’d with our Discourse, and were very sure_ Loe _and_ Russel _were
so too_.

“Capt. _Loe_ than said, He liked it very well; but told me, I had
not return’d Capt. _Russel_ an Answer to what he last said, which he
thought deserv’d one.

“I answer’d, That since the Gentlemen were so good-natur’d, as not only
to take in good Part what I had hitherto said, but also to give me free
Liberty to pursue my Discourse, I should make Use of their Indulgence,
and answer what Capt. _Russel_ had said last to me, in as brief and
inoffensive a Manner as I was capable of.

“Then turning to _Russel_, I said, _Sir, Your Opinion of my Notion
of the Right you have to any Ship or Goods you may take, is exactly
true; and I think your Right cannot extend farther than your Power to
maintain that Right; and therefore it must follow, you can transfer
no other Right to any one than what you have your selves, which will
render any Person who receiv’d them, as guilty for detaining them from
the proper Owners, as you for the taking them_.

“He said, _Be it so; we will suppose_ (and seemed a little angry) _for
Argument Sake, we have taken a Ship, and are resolv’d to sink or burn
her, unless you will accept of her: Now, pray, where is the Owner’s
Property, when the Ship is sunk, or burned? I think the Impossibility
of his having her again, cuts off his Property to all Intents and
Purposes, and our Power was the same, notwithstanding our giving her to
you, if we had thought fit to make use of it._

“I was loth to argue any farther, seeing him begin to be peevish; and
knowing, by the Information afore given me by the three Men, that all
his pretended Kindness and Arguments were only in order to detain
me, without the Imputation of having broken their Articles; which he
found the major Part of the Company very averse to; wherefore, to cut
all short, I told him, I was very sensible of the Favours design’d
me; and should always retain a grateful Sense of them: That I knew I
was absolutely in their Power, and they might dispose of me as they
pleas’d; but that having been hitherto treated so generously by them, I
could not doubt of their future Goodness to me. And that if they would
be pleas’d to give me my Sloop again, it was all I requested at their
Hands; and I doubted not, but that, by the Blessing of God on my honest
Endeavours, I should soon be able to retrieve my present Loss; at
least, I said, I should have nothing to reproach myself with, whatever
should befal me, as I should have, if I were to comply with the Favour
they had so kindly intended for me.

“Upon which, Capt. _Loe_ said, _Gentlemen, the Master, I must needs
say, has spoke nothing but what is very reasonable, and I think he
ought to have his Sloop. What do you say Gentlemen?_

“The greatest Part of them answered aloud, _Ay, Ay, by G--, let the
poor Man have his Sloop again, and go in God’s Name, and seek a Living
in her for his Family. Ay_, said some of them, _and we ought to make
something of a Gathering for the poor Man, since we have taken every
Thing that he had on Board his Vessel_. This put an End to the Dispute;
and every Body talked according to their Inclinations, the Punch, Wine,
and Tobacco being moving Commodities all this Time: And every one who
had an Opportunity of speaking to me, wish’d me much Joy with, and
success in, my newly obtain’d Sloop.

“Towards Night, _Russel_ told Capt. _Loe_, that as the Company had
agreed to give me the Sloop again, it was to be hoped they would
discharge me, and let me go about my Business in a short Time; and
therefore, with his Leave, he would take me on Board the Scooner with
him, to treat me with a Sneaker of Punch before parting. Accordingly,
I accompany’d him on Board his Vessel, tho’ I had rather stay’d with
_Loe_, and he welcomed me there, and made abundance of Protestations
of his Kindness and Respect to me; but still argued, that he thought I
was very much overseen in not accepting what he had so kindly, and out
of pure Respect, offer’d to me, and which, he said, would really have
been the making of me. I told him, I thank’d him for his Favour and
Good-will; but was very well satisfy’d with the Company’s Generosity
in agreeing to give me the Sloop again, which, I said, was more
satisfactory to me, than the richest Prize that they could take.

“Well, says he, I wish it may prove according to your Expectation. I
thank’d him; so down we went into the Cabbin, and, with the Officers
only, diverted ourselves in talking ’till Supper was laid on the Table.

“After Supper, a Bowl of Punch, and half a Dozen of Claret, being set
on the Table, Capt. _Russel_ took a Bumper, and drank _Success to their
Undertaking_; which went round, I not daring to refuse it. Next Health
was _Prosperity to Trade_, meaning their own Trade. The third Health
was, _The King of France_: After which, _Russel_ began the _King of_
England_’s Health_; so they all drank round, some saying, _The King of_
England’s _Health_, others only _The aforesaid Health_, ’till it came
round to me; and Capt. _Russel_ having empty’d two Bottles of Claret
into the Bowl, as a Recruit, and there being no Liquor that I have a
greater Aversion to, than red Wine in Punch, I heartily begg’d the
Captain and the Company would excuse my drinking any more of that Bowl,
and give me leave to pledge the Health in a Bumper of Claret.

“Hereupon _Russel_ said, _Damn you, you shall drink in your Turn a full
Bumper of that Sort of Liquor that the Company does. Well, Gentlemen_,
said I, _rather than have any Words about it, I will drink it, tho’ it
is in a Manner Poyson to me; because I never drank any of this Liquor,
to the best of my Remembrance, but it made me sick two or three Days at
least after it._ _And d--n you_, says _Russel, if it be in a Manner, or
out of a Manner, or really, rank Poyson, you shall drink as much, and
as often, as any one here, unless you fall down dead, dead_!

“So I took the Glass, which was one of your _Hollands_ Glasses, made
in the Form of a Beaker, without a Foot, holding about three Quarters
of a Pint, and filling it to the Brim, said, _Gentlemen, here is the
aforesaid Health. What Health is that_, said _Russel? Why_, says I,
_the same Health you all have drank, The King of_ England’s _Health.
Why_, says _Russel, who is King of_ England? I answer’d, _In my
Opinion, he that wears the Crown, is certainly King while he keeps it.
Well_, says he, _and pray who is that? Why_, says I, _King_ George
_at present wears it_. Hereupon he broke out in the most outrageous
Fury, damning me, and calling me Rascally Son of a B--; and abusing
his Majesty in such a virulent Manner, as is not fit to be repeated,
asserting, with bitter Curses, that we had no King.

“I said, _I admir’d that he would begin and drink a Health to a Person
who was not in being_. Upon which, he whipp’d one of his Pistols from
his Sash, and I really believe would have shot me dead, if the Gunner
of the Scooner had not snatch’d it out of his Hand.

“This rather more exasperated _Russel_, who continu’d swearing and
cursing his Majesty in the most outrageous Terms, and asserting the
Pretender to be the lawful King of _England, &c._ He added, That ’twas
a Sin to suffer such a false traiterous Dog as I was to live; and with
that whipp’d out another Pistol from his Sash, and cock’d it, and swore
he would shoot me through the Head, and was sure he should do God and
his Country good Service, by ridding the World of such a traiterous
Villain. But the Master of the Scooner prevented him, by striking the
Pistol out of his Hand.

“Whether it was with the Fall, or his Finger being on the Trigger, I
cannot tell, but the Pistol went off without doing any Damage: At which
the Master, and all present, blamed _Russel_ for being so rash and
hasty; and the Gunner said, I was not to blame; for that I drank the
Health as it was first propos’d, and there being no Names mention’d,
and King _George_ being possess’d of the Crown, and establish’d
by Authority of Parliament, he did not see but his Title was the
best. _But what have we to do_, continued he, _with the Rights of
Kings or Princes? Our Business here, is to chuse a King for our own
Commonwealth; to make such Laws as we think most conducive to the Ends
we design; and to keep ourselves from being overcome, and subjected to
the Penalty of those Laws which are made against us._ He then intimated
to _Russel_, That he must speak his Sentiments freely, and imputed
his Quarrel with me, to his being hinder’d from breaking thro’ their
Articles: Urging, that he would appear no better than an Infringer of
their Laws, if the Matter were narrowly look’d into: And that it was
impossible ever to have any Order or Rule observ’d, if their Statutes
were once broken thro’. He put him in Mind of the Penalty, which was
Death, to any one who should infringe their Laws; and urg’d, That if it
were once admitted that a Man, thro’ Passion, or the like, should be
excused breaking in upon them, there would be an End to their Society:
And concluded with telling him, that it was an extraordinary Indulgence
in the Company, not to remind him of the Penalty he had incurr’d.

“_Russel_, still continuing his Passion, answer’d, That if he had
transgress’d, it was not for the Sake of his own private Interest,
but for the general Good of the Company; and therefore did not fear,
neither in Justice could he expect, any Severity from the Company for
what he had done; and for that Reason, whatever he (the Gunner) or
those of his Sentiments, thought of it, he was resolv’d, whatever came
of it, to pursue his present Humour.

“Then says the Gunner to the rest, _Well, Gentlemen, if you have a
Mind to maintain those Laws made, establish’d, and sworn to by you
all, as I think we are all obligated by the strongest Tyes of Reason
and Self-Interest to do, I assure you, my Opinion is, that we ought
to secure_ John Russel, _so as to prevent his breaking our Laws and
Constitutions, and thereby do ourselves, and him too, good Service:
Ourselves, by not suffering such an Action of Cruelty in cold Blood,
as he more than once attempted to commit, as you are Eye-witnesses of,
and, I believe, most on Board have been Ear-witnesses to the Pistol’s
going off; and all this for no other Reason in the World, but through a
proud and ambitious Humour, conceiting he is the Man that is not to be
contradicted, and that his Words, though tending to our Ruin, must yet
be receiv’d as an Oracle, without any Opposition_.

“At which they all said, It was a pity the Master should suffer,
neither would they permit it; and speaking to _Russel_, they said, they
would not allow him to be so barbarous: That they had always valued
themselves upon this very Thing of being civil to their Prisoners,
and not abusing their Persons: That, ’till now, he himself had been
always the greatest Perswader to Clemency, and even to the forgiving
Provocations, and permitting them to go from ’em with as little Loss
as could be, after they had taken what they had Occasion for: _But
now_, said they, _you are quite the Reverse, to this poor Man, and for
no other Reason, that we know of, but, as the Gunner said just now,
because we would not yield a greater Power to you alone, then you with
the whole Company have when conjoin’d; that is, that you at any Time,
to gratify your own Humour, shall have Liberty, not only to dispense
with our Laws, but to act against the Sentiments of the whole Company_.

“_Russel_ answer’d, That he never did oppose the Company before;
neither could he believe any present could charge him with any Cruelty
in cold Blood, ever since he belong’d to the Company; but that he
had a Reason for what he did, or would have done, if he had not been
prevented. Hereupon the Master interrupting him, said, _Capt._ Russel,
_we know of no Reason for your passionate Design, but what we have told
you; and, as you have been told before, it reflects a Revenge against
the Company; but not being able to effect that, you turn it on that
poor Man the Master of the Sloop, and, as it were, in despite of the
Company, because they have decreed him his Sloop again, that he may
provide a Living for his Family, you would barbarously, nay brutishly,
as well as to the Company contemptuously, murder that poor Man, who
has given you no Occasion to induce you to such an Action that we know
of; and if he has given you any sufficient Cause to be so offended at
him, we promise you this Instant, to deliver him up to you, to suffer
Death, or what other Punishment you think fit to inflict on him_.

“_Russel_ told them, That he had been in the Company almost from the
first, and he challeng’d any one to charge him with Singularity, or
Opposition to the Company, or of Cruelty to any one Prisoner before
that Rascal, as he call’d me, and that therefore they might be assur’d,
he should not have taken up such Resentments against me, if he had not
a sufficient Reason to provoke him to it, which he did not think proper
at that Time to divulge.

“_Then_, says the Gunner, _neither do we think proper that you shall
take any Man’s Life away in cold Blood, ’till you think fit to acquaint
the Company with the Reasons for it; and I think it was your Place to
satisfy the Company, before you took the Liberty to attempt the Life of
any Man under the Company’s Protection, as I think all Prisoners are:
And, to say the Truth, I do verily believe, you have no other Reasons
to give than those hinted by the Master and me; and therefore, I think
it but Reason, to use such Methods as may prevent your passionate
Design, and secure the Prisoner ’till Morning, and then send him on
Board the Commodore, who, with the Advice of the Majority, may order
the Matter as he thinks best_.

“This was consented to by all, and so _Russel_, having his Arms taken
from him, was order’d not to offer the least Disturbance again, nor
concern himself with or about me, ’till after I was on Board the
Commodore, on Pain of the Crew’s Displeasure, and also of being
prosecuted as a Mutineer; and the Gunner, Master, Boatswain, _&c._ bid
me not be discourag’d; assuring me, that there should no Harm come to
me while I was on Board of them; and that they would send me away now,
but that there is, said they, an express Order among us, to receive
no Boats on Board after eight at Night, or nine a-Clock at farthest;
but they would put me on Board Capt. _Loe_ in the Morning, where they
were sure I should be protected and secur’d from the revengeful Hand
of Capt. _Russel_; for they said, they were sure that Capt. _Loe_
had a great Respect for me, and would be a Means to counter-ballance
_Russel_; and they said they would sit up with me all Night for my
greater Security: Which they did, smoaking and drinking and talking,
every one according to his Inclination, and so we pass’d the Time away
’till Day.

“_Russel_ went to sleep about two a-Clock in the Morning in his Cabbin;
however, the Master, the Gunner, and five or six more, did not go to
Bed all that Night, but would have had me gone to sleep, telling me, I
need not fear, for they would take Care that _Russel_ should not hurt
me.

“About eight a-Clock in the Morning, I was carry’d on Board Capt.
_Loe_, the Gunner and Steward going with me, who told him all that had
pass’d; and acquainted him, that they still believ’d _Russel_ to be so
implacable against me, that he would murder me in cold Blood before
I got clear of them, if he did not interpose to protect me from his
Violence. Capt. _Loe_ said, He very well knew, and he believ’d so did
they all, what was the Reason that made _Russel_ so inveterate and
implacable to me: He added, That _Russel_ did not do well; and that
I had behav’d myself so inoffensively, that there could be no Reason
to induce the most savage Monster to be such an irreconcilable Enemy
to me; but that ’twas an easy Matter to dive into the Cause of it, to
wit, his being thwarted by the Company in his Humour; and because they
would not break thro’ the Articles which cemented them together, and
which were sign’d and swore to by them all, as the standing Rule of
their Duty, by which only they could decide and settle Controversies
and Differences among themselves; the least Breach of which, would be
a Precedent for the like Infractions, whenever _Russel_, or any other,
thought fit to give Way either to Revenge or Ambition, and that then
all their Counsels would be fluctuating; and Fancy, and not Reason,
would be the Rule of their Conduct; and their Resolutions would be
render’d more unconstant than the Weathercock. He added, That he hoped
the Company would inviolably adhere to their establish’d Laws, which,
he said, were very good; and were they not, yet, as they were made by
the unanimous Consent of the whole Company, so they ought not to be
alter’d without the same unanimous Consent; concluding, that, for his
Part, he would rather chuse to be out of the Company than in it, if
they did not resolve to be determin’d by their Articles. Hereupon they
answer’d, That what he had said was very good, and they were resolv’d
to adhere to his Advice.

“After this they drank a Dram, and then return’d with their Boat on
Board the Scooner; and Capt. _Loe_ told me, he was sorry for Capt.
_Russel’s_ Disgust against me, because he believ’d it would be a
disadvantage to me; but, however, there was no Remedy but Patience;
assuring me, That _Russel_ should neither kill me, nor abuse my Person,
and I should have my Sloop again, and be discharg’d in as short a while
as possible, that I might be clear of _Russel_, who, he was afraid,
would always continue my Foe.

“All the Officers and Men likewise spoke very friendly to me, and bid
me not be daunted; so we pass’d the Time away in several Kinds of
Discourse ’till Dinner; after which, _Loe_ order’d a Bowl of Punch to
be made, and said he wish’d I was well clear of them.

“About four a-Clock in the Afternoon Capt. _Russel_ came on Board, as
did also _Francis Spriggs_, who commanded the other Ship, and after a
little while, says _Russel_ to Capt. _Loe_, _The Mate of the Sloop is
willing to enter with us as a Volunteer_.

“_Loe_ made Answer, and said, _How must we do in that Case? For then
the Master of the Sloop will have no Body to help him, but one Boy;
for_, says he, _the little Child is no Help at all_.

“_Russel_ said, _He could not help that. But_, said Loe, _we must not
take all the Hands from the poor Man, if we design to give him his
Sloop again_; adding, _That he thought in Reason there could not be
less than two Boys and the Mate_.

“_Z--ds_, says _Russel, his Mate is a lusty young brisk Man, and has
been upon the Account before, and told me but even now_ (_for_, said
he, _I was on Board the Sloop but just before I came here, and_ Frank
Spriggs _was along with me, and heard him say_), _That he was fully
resolv’d to go with us, and would not go any more in the Sloop, unless
forced; and when he came out of_ Barbadoes, _he said, his Design was
to enter himself on Board the first Pyrate that he met with; And will
you refuse such a Man, contrary to your Articles, which you all so much
profess to follow; and which enjoin you by all Means, not repugnant to
them, to encrease and fill your Company? Besides_, continued he, _he
spoke to me the first Day, that he was resolv’d to enter with us_.

“_Loe_ reply’d, That to give the Man his Sloop, and no Hands with him
to assist him, was but putting him to a lingering Death, and they had
as good almost knock him on the Head, as do it.

“_Russel_ answer’d, As to that, they might do as they pleas’d; what he
spoke now was for the Good of the whole Company, and agreeable to the
Articles, and he would fain see or hear that Man that should oppose him
in it. He said, He was Quarter-Master of the whole Company, and, by the
Authority of his Place, he would enter the Mate directly, and had a
Pistol ready for the Man that should oppose him in it.

“_Loe_ said, As for what was the Law and Custom among them (as what he
now pleaded, was) he would neither oppose, nor argue against; but, if
they thought fit to take the Man’s Mate from him, then they might let
him have one of his own Men with him.

“_Russel_ said, No; for all the Sloop’s Men were already enroll’d
in their Books, and therefore none of them should go in her again.
_Gentlemen_, continu’d he, _you must consider I am now arguing, as well
for the Good of the Company, as for the due Maintenance and Execution
of the Laws and Articles; and as I am the proper Officer substituted
and intrusted by this Company with Authority to execute the same, so_
(_as I told you before_) _I have a Pistol and a Brace of Balls ready
for any one, who dare oppose me herein_; and turning to me, said,
_Master, the Company has decreed you your Sloop, and you shall have
her; you shall have your two Boys, and that is all: You shall have
neither Provisions, nor any Thing else, more than as she now is. And,
I hear, there are some of the Company design to make a Gathering for
you; but that also I forbid, by the Authority of my Place, because
we are not certain but we may have Occasion ourselves for those very
Things before we get more; and for that Reason I prohibit a Gathering;
and I swear by all that is Great and Good, that if I know any Thing
whatsoever carry’d, or left on Board the Sloop against my Order, or
without my Knowledge, that very Instant I will set her on Fire, and you
in her._

“Upon which I said, that since it was their Pleasure to order it
thus, I begged that they would not put me on Board the Sloop in such
a Condition; but rather begg’d, if they so pleas’d, to do what they
would with the Sloop, and put me, and my two Boys, ashore on one of the
Islands.

“_Russel_ said, No; for they were to Leeward of all the Islands, and
should hardly come near any of them this Season again.

“I said, I should rather be put ashore any where else, either on the
Coast of _Guinea_, or on whatever Coast they came at first, than be put
as a Victim on Board the Sloop; where I should have no Possibility of
any Thing but perishing, except by an extraordinary Miracle.

“He told me, My Fate was already decreed by the Company, and he,
by his Place, was to see all their Orders put in Execution; and he
would accordingly see me safely put on Board the Sloop, in the exact
Condition as he had but now mention’d.

“I was going to make him a Reply, but casting my Eye on Capt. _Loe_, he
wink’d at me to be silent; and taking a Bumper, drank Success to their
Proceedings. The Health went round, and _Loe_ order’d the great Bowl
to be fill’d with Punch, and Bottles of Wine to be set on the Table in
the Cabbin, to which we all resorted, and spent the remaining Part of
the Evening in Discourses on different Subjects: Only _Frank Spriggs_
offer’d to perswade me to accept of what was first offer’d me, which
_Russel_ swore I should not now have, I having not once, but several
Times already refus’d it. Capt. _Loe_ not being then willing to have
any more of that Kind of Discourse, broke it off by singing a Song, and
enjoining every one present to do the same, except me, whom he said he
would excuse ’till Times grew better with me: And thus they diverted
themselves, and pass’d the Evening away ’till towards eight a-Clock,
and then every one repair’d on Board their respective Ships; and,
after they were gone, _Loe_ and I, and two or three of his Confidents,
smoak’d a Pipe, and drank a Bottle or two of Wine; in which Time he
told me, He was very sorry that _Jack Russel_ was so set against me. I
said, So was I, and wonder’d what should be the Reason of it, having
given him no Cause, unless by drinking that Health the preceding Night:
I said, I had imputed to Liquor, the Fury he was then in, and was in
Hopes, that after that had work’d off, his Resentments also would have
cooled, and was not a little concern’d to find it otherwise. _Loe_
said, The Health was not the Cause, but rather the Effect of his Anger,
and a meer Pretence to cloak his Resentment for other Disappointments:
Adding, That I did right to take his Hint given me by winking, to
answer no more; _For_, says he, _I knew that every Thing which you
could speak to him, would be taken Edge-ways; and the more you said
to excuse yourself, the more it would add Fuel to his Anger, which he
turn’d against you who could not resist him, because he could not have
his Will of us; but we will endeavour to draw him off by Degrees; and
for that Reason will not discharge you, but I will keep you on Board
with me, where he shall not hurt nor abuse you, except with his Tongue,
which you must bear, ’till we see if we can alter his Temper, so as to
deal with you a little more favourable than at present he designs_.

“I thank’d him, and all of them present, for their Favours and
Good-will, and it being near Midnight, we parted, and every one retired
to his Rest, and I to my Hammock; and being pretty much fatigued the
Night before, as well as the preceding Day, soon fell asleep; and
about Day-dawning, I got up, and came upon Deck, and walking upon the
Quarter Deck very solitary, one of the three Men, mention’d before,
pass’d by me, and ask’d me how I did, and said he was very sorry for
the Unkindness already shew’d me, and like to be shew’d; but it was
what they expected, as they had before hinted to me, and that still
there was like to be a tough Struggle about me: That _Russel_ did
design to be very barbarous to me, and that _Loe_, and a great Part of
the Company, intended to oppose him in it; that there were a great many
who were _Russel’s_ Gang or Clan, and design’d to stand by him in it,
and had threaten’d, that if there were much Disturbance about it, they
would shoot me, and so put an End to the Controversy: That there were
some, on the other Hand, that threaten’d hard if they did, to revenge
my Death by some of theirs; so that it was likely to be an untoward
Touch, and he wish’d it might not prove to my Disadvantage in the
End; but would have me still to keep a good Heart, and trust in God,
and hope for the best, and by no means to speak one Word, or concern
myself either Way, but patiently wait the Issue, which he hoped would
be better for me than some of them intended; and so heartily wishing me
well, walk’d his Way.

“Now you must believe these Accounts were not a little shocking to me;
but I had no Friend that I could really rely on, but God, to whom I
made my Petitions, and whose Assistance I humbly besought, to extricate
me, in his own good Time, out of these Difficulties and Snares which
were laid for me on every Side, and, in the mean Time, patiently so to
bear them, as not to murmur and repine at his fatherly Chastisements,
nor, by their Extremity, through Desperation, wound my Conscience; but
that in all Things I might, through the Guidance of the holy Spirit, be
directed so as to submit myself entirely to his Will, who infinitely
knew what was better for me than I knew myself.

“After some Time pass’d, Capt. _Loe_ came upon Deck, who ask’d me how I
had rested the preceding Night? I told him, Very well, considering my
present Case; but, next under God, had grounded my Hopes upon him, to
rid me of my present Fears, by dispatching me away as soon as possible
he could with Conveniency. He told me, He would do every Thing in his
Power to further my Desires, and hoped that what he had already done on
my Account, would sufficiently convince me of his Desire to serve me;
but that Things hitherto had fallen out very unluckily and cross, as I
myself was able to judge by what was already pass’d.

“I told him, I had very good Reasons to return him my hearty Thanks,
and own’d myself bound to him in the strictest Ties of Gratitude; and
that if it ever should be in my Power to serve him, I would not content
myself with bare Acknowledgments of his Favour.

“He said, His Will was at present more extensive than his Power; but
that he still hoped to prevail with _Russel_, and those who were of his
Side, to be more compassionate to me before I parted with them, than at
present they seem’d to intend, and as soon as he had brought them to
a better Temper, he then would procure my Discharge; but if _Russel_
still continu’d inexorable, which he should be very sorry for, then you
must endeavour, says he, to keep up a good Heart, and patiently wait
’till Providence brings you out of your present Calamities, which I
hope he will.

“I thank’d him, and told him, I would endeavour to follow his Advice,
tho’, I said, ’twas with some Impatience that I waited to have my Doom
determin’d in a Discharge from them. He bid me be easy, it should be
shortly.

“By this Time there were several join’d with us, so we broke off that
Discourse, and fell into other Talk.

“About two or three a-Clock in the Afternoon, Capt. _Russel_, Capt.
_Spriggs_, and some of their Officers, came on Board, and held
a Consultation, which I was not allow’d to be a Hearer of; but
understood afterwards, ’twas chiefly about their own Affairs, in
Relation to the further Prosecution of their intended Voyage; and by
the little mention that was made of me, it appear’d, that _Russel_
continu’d still inflexible, bitterly swearing, that he would, if he had
a thousand Lives, lose them all, rather than miscarry in this his fix’d
Resolution.

“In this difficult Situation I stood, not daring to speak freely
for fear of offending, nor be silent, lest I should be thought
contemptuous; not knowing how to avoid their Resentments, and every
Resentment menacing, and often bringing Death. And thus I tediously,
as well as dangerously, pass’d my Time among them, until it pleas’d
God to put it into their Hearts to discharge me; tho’, if seriously
weigh’d, this my Discharge seem’d like sentencing me to a lingering
and miserable Death; yet I must needs confess, considering the whole
Matter, that I was in a Manner miraculously befriended and supported,
even in spite of Malice, Rage, and Revenge, for which I shall always
pay my humble Acknowledgements to the Divine Providence.

“After several Efforts made by Capt. _Loe_, and others, and abundance
of Arguments used to bring _Russel_ to better Temper relating to me;
and finding it all to no Purpose, and that some of his Clan had bound
themselves by Oath to stand by him, even to my Destruction, if the
Dispute continu’d much longer; Capt. _Loe_, and Capt. _Spriggs_, and
others, who were my Friends, resolv’d on sending me away as soon as
possible; and for that Purpose _Loe_, the 10th Day after I was taken,
made a Signal for a general Consultation on Board of him; and as soon
as the Officers and leading Men of the other two Ships, were assembled,
he made a Speech to them, to let them know the Reason of his calling
them to a Consultation, telling them, _That he thought it was Time to
discharge me, as they had before agreed, as also to prosecute their
intended Voyage, they having lain a long Time driving; and that,
altogether out of their Way, by Reason they could not expect, either
here, or in this Drift, to meet with any Ships_.

“To this they all agreeing, Capt. _Loe_ told them, _He thought it would
be best to discharge me first, for several Reasons, among which, my
being cumbersome to them, as well as unserviceable, they being forc’d
to sail the Sloop themselves; besides, he said it was not proper that I
should be made acquainted with the Design of their Voyage_.

“They ask’d, _Why he did not turn me away?_ Saying, _They did not know
for what Reason I had been kept so long, the Company having settled
that Matter so long since_.

“Capt. _Loe_ said, _Gentlemen, you all know what Arguments we have had
already about this Matter, and how Capt._ Russel, _and some more, were
angry with the Master of the Sloop, and, I verily believe, without any
Cause by him given to any of you designedly; and therefore, I hope you
have consider’d better of it since, and laid aside your Resentments
against the poor Man; neither_, said he, _let us do any Thing now in
Passion, for I do not design (nor would I, if I could) to inforce any
of you to comply to any Thing against your Will; nor would I have
you think, Gentlemen, that I shall ever shew so much Respect to any
Prisoner, as, on his Account, to cause a Difference or Wrangling among
our selves; but yet, Gentlemen, give me Leave to say, That tho’ we
are Pirates, yet we are Men, and tho’ we are deem’d by some People
dishonest, yet let us not wholly divest ourselves of Humanity, and
make ourselves more Savage than Brutes. If we send this poor Man away
from us, without Provisions or Hands to assist him, Pray what greater
Cruelty can there be? I think the more lingering any Death is made, the
more barbarous ’tis accounted by all Men; and therefore, Gentlemen, I
leave it to your own Consideration._

“To this, _Russel_ made answer, _That he, in the Company’s Name, had
made the Master of the Sloop very good and generous Offers, in the
Hearing of all the Company; but that I had, in his Opinion, after a
very slighting Manner, refus’d them: That ’twas my Choice to be sent
thus on Board the Sloop, rather than the Compulsion of the Company;
and that, notwithstanding he told me what I must trust to by insisting
on the Sloop, and how favourable they were design’d to be to me, if
I would have but a little Patience ’till they could provide for me,
yet that I had refus’d their Favours, notwithstanding the Pains he
took to perswade me_; adding an egregious Falshood, (but I durst not
tell him so) _That I had petition’d and begg’d of the Company, rather
to be put in the Sloop in the Condition he now propos’d for me, and
that therefore, according to my Desire, it should be so; and he hoped
it could never be reckon’d Cruelty in them to give a Person his free
Choice. And, Gentlemen_, says he, _we have had a great many more Words
about this Matter already, than ever we had in the like Case before;
but I hope you all have so much Value and Respect for one another, and
for the general Peace, as that we shall have no more Debate on this
Head, but determine at once the Time when he is to be discharg’d, the
Manner of it being already settled by the major Part, and I as your
Quarter-master, as my Office requires, will see it executed, and,
perhaps, in a more favourable Manner than at first I design’d, or he
really deserves at mine or your Hands either; but let that rest there_.

“Then Capt. _Loe_ said, _Mr._ Russel _hath spoke to you, Gentlemen, his
Sentiments, which, in the main, are reasonable and true, and I am glad
he is reconcil’d to the Master of the Sloop before their parting; and,
I cannot say, but I always believ’d_ Jack Russel _to be a Man of so
much Sense, as well as Good-nature, that he would scorn to take Revenge
on one whose Condition render’d him uncapable of helping himself. And I
think, Gentlemen, we may discharge him as soon as you please, and this
Afternoon, if you are all agreed to it._ They all said _Ay_. Upon which
_Russel_ told them, it should be done that Afternoon; telling _Loe_,
_That after Dinner he would take me on Board the Scooner with him, and,
from thence, send me on Board the Sloop, and see what could be done for
me_.

“Some of _Loe’s_ Company said, _They would look out some Things, and
give me along with me when I was going away_; but _Russel_ told them,
_they should not, for he would toss them all into_ Davy Jones’s Locker
_if they did; for I was the Scooner’s Prize, and she had all my Cargo
and Plunder on Board of her, and therefore what was given to me should
be given to me out of her_: And turning to me said, _Well, Master, I
will this Evening put you on Board your own Sloop, and will be a better
Friend to you, perhaps, than them that pretended a great deal more;
but I am above being led by Passion_, &c. They all din’d on Board of
_Loe_, who, after Dinner, order’d a Bowl of Punch to be made in the
great Silver Bowl, and set a Dozen of Claret on the Table, and that
they said was for me to take my Leave of them, and part Sailor-like.
I thank’d them; so they drank round to my good Success, and then to
their own fortunate Proceedings and good Success; and _Loe_ told me,
_He wish’d me very well, and hoped to meet with me again, at some Time
when they had a good Prize of rich Goods, and he would not fail to make
me a Retaliation with good Advantage for my present Loss_. And they all
present said, _I need not fear meeting with a Friend, whenever I met
with them again_.

“About duskish, they began to prepare to go on Board their Ships, and
I took my Leave of Capt. _Loe_, and all his Ship’s Company, and in
particular of the three Men, who, I believe, were my hearty Friends,
and return’d them all Thanks for their Kindness, as well as good
Humour, shew’d to me since my first coming on Board of them. I also
took my Leave of Capt. _Spriggs_, and those of his Company who were
present, wish’d me well, but not one of them, I believe, dar’d to give
me any Lumber with me, nor durst I have accepted of it had they offer’d
it, for Fear of angering my but newly and seemingly reconcil’d Enemy,
who, in all Likelihood, would have taken from me whatever they would
have given me: And for that Reason I believe it was, that none of them
offer’d to give me a Farthing, notwithstanding all their Professions of
Kindness to me; tho’ this Generosity is very usual with them, to People
that they profess much less Favour for, than they did to me.

“_Russel_ being ready, I was order’d to go in his Boat, which I did;
and, as soon as we were come on Board the Scooner, he order’d a Supper
to be got ready, and, in the mean Time, there was a Bowl of Punch made,
and some Wine set on the Table. _Russel_ invited me down into the
Cabbin, as also all his Officers, and we drank and smoak’d ’till Supper
was brought, and then he told me I was very welcome, and bid me eat
and drink heartily; _For_, he said, _I had as tedious a Voyage to go
through, as_ Elijah’s _forty Days Journey was to Mount_ Horeb, _and, as
far as he knew, without a Miracle, it must only be by the Strength of
what I eat now; for I should have neither Eatables nor Drinkables with
me in the Sloop_.

“I told him, _I hoped not so_: He rapt out a great Oath, _That I should
find it certainly true_. I told him, _That rather than be put on Board
the Sloop, in that Manner, where there was no Possibility to escape
perishing, without a Miracle, I would submit to tarry on Board, ’till
an Opportunity offer’d to put me ashore where they pleas’d; or would
yield to any Thing else they should think fit to do with me, excepting
to enter into their Service_.

“He said, _It was once in my Power to have been my own Friend; but my
slighting their proffer’d Favours, and my own chusing what I now must
certainly accept, had render’d me uncapable of any other Choice; and
that therefore all Apologies were but in vain; and he thought he shew’d
himself more my Friend than I could well expect, or than I had deserv’d
at his Hands, having caused him to have a great deal of Difference with
the Company more than ever he had in his Life before, or ever should
have again, he hoped_.

“I told him, _I was very sorry that I was so unfortunate as to be the
unhappy Occasion of it; but could from my Heart aver, that it was not
only undesign’d, but also sorely against my Inclinations_; and begg’d
of him, and all the Gentlemen then present, _to consider me as an
Object rather of their Pity, than of their Revenge_.

“He told me, _All my Arguments and Perswasions now were in vain, it
being too late: I had not only refus’d their Commiseration when I was
offer’d it, but ungratefully despis’d it: Therefore_, says he, _as
I told you before, it’s in vain for you to plead any more: Your Lot
is cast, and you have nothing now to do, but to go through with your
Chance as well as you can, and fill your Belly with good Victuals and
good Drink, to strengthen you to hold it as long as you can: It may
be, and is very probable to be, the last Meal that ever you may eat in
this World: However, perhaps, such a Conscientious Man as you would
fain seem, or it may be are, may have a supernatural, or, at least, a
natural Means wrought by a supernatural Power, in a miraculous Manner,
to deliver you. However, I cannot say but I pity the two Boys, and have
a great Mind to take them on Board, and let the miraculous Deliverance
be wrought on you alone_.

“The Master and Gunner said, _They heard the Boys say, they were
willing to take their Chance with their Master, let it be what it
would. Nay, then_, says _Russel_, _it’s fit they should. I suppose
their Master has made them as religious and as conscientious as
himself. However, Master_, says _Russel_, (speaking to me) _I would
have you eat and drink heartily, and talk no more about changing your
allotted Chance; because, as I told you before, it is all in vain;
besides, it may be a Means of Provocation to serve you worse_.

“_Gentlemen_, says I, _I have done: I will say no more; you can do no
more than God is pleas’d to permit you; and I own, for that Reason, I
ought to take it patiently_.

“_Well, well_, says _Russel_, _if it be done by God’s Permission, you
need not fear that he will permit any Thing hurtful to befall so good a
Man as you are_.

“About ten a-Clock at Night, he order’d to call the Sloop’s Boat, which
was brought by some of the Pirates of his own Clan, who were station’d
on Board of her, and ask’d them, _If they had done as he had order’d
them_, viz. _to clear the Sloop of every Thing_? And they said _Yes_,
raping out a great Oath or two, adding, _She had nothing on Board
except Ballast and Water. Z--ds_, said _Russel_, _did not I bid you
have all the Casks that had Water in them on Board? So we did_, said
they; _but the Water that we spoke of was Salt-water, leak’d in by the
Vessel, and is now above the Ballast; for we have not pump’d her we do
not know when_.

“Said _Russel_, _Have you brought away the Sails I told you of?_ They
said, _All but the Mainsail that was bent, for the other old Mainsail
that he had order’d to be left, was good for nothing but to cut up for
Parceling, and hardly for that, it was so rotten; besides, it was so
torn, that it could not be brought too, and was past mending, and for
that Reason they let it lie, and would not unbend the other Mainsail_.

“_Z--ds_, says _Russel_, _we must have it, for I want it to make us a
Mainsail. D--n it_, said the Men, _then you must turn the Man adrift in
the Sloop without a Mainsail_.

“_Pish_, said _Russel_, _the same miraculous Power that is to bring him
Provisions, can also bring him a Sail_.

“_What a Devil, is he a Conjurer?_ said one of them.

“_No, no_, says _Russel_, _but he expects Miracles to be wrought for
him, or he never would have chosen what he hath_.

“_Nay, nay_, said they, _if he be such a one, he will do well enough;
but I doubt_, says one of them, _he will fall short of his Expectation;
for if he be such a mighty Conjurer, how the Devil was it that he did
not conjure himself clear of us?_

“_Pish_, said another, _it may be his conjuring Books were shut up. Ay,
but_, said another, _now we have hove all his Conjuration Books over
Board, I doubt he will be hard put to it to find them again_.

“_Come, come_, says the Gunner, _Gentlemen, the poor Man is like to go
through Hardship enough, and very probably may perish; yet it is not
impossible but he may meet with some Ship, or other timely Succour,
to prevent his perishing, and I heartily wish he may; but however,
you ought not to add Affliction to the Afflicted; You have sentenc’d
him to a very dangerous Chance, which I think is sufficient to stop
your Mouths from making a Droll and Game of him. I would have you
consider_, added he, _if any of you were at_ Tyburn, _or any other
Place to be executed, as many better and stouter Men than some of you,
have been, and the Spectators, or_ Jack Catch _should make a Droll and
May-game of you, you would think them a very hard-hearted, as well as
an inconsiderate Sort of People: And pray, Gentlemen, consider the
Sentence which you are now going to execute on this poor Man, will
be as bad, or rather worse, than one of our Cases would be there;
because, unless Providence stand his Friend in an extraordinary Manner,
his Death must as certainly ensue or be the Consequence of this your
Sentence, as it would there be to any of us by the Sentence of a Judge,
and so much the more miserable, by how much it is more lingering_.

“_Damn it_, said _Russel_, _we have had enough, and too much of this
already_.

“_Ay_, said the Gunner, _and take Care_, Russel, _you have not this
to answer for one Day, when perhaps you will then, but too late, wish
you had never done it. But you have got the Company’s Assent in this,
I cannot tell how, and therefore I shall say no more, only that I,
as I believe most of the Company, came here to get Money, but not to
kill, except in Fight, and not in cold Blood, or for private Revenge.
And I tell you_, John Russel, _if ever such Cases as these be any more
practis’d, my Endeavour shall be to leave this Company as soon as I
possibly can_.

“To which _Russel_ said nothing in Answer; but bid the Men that came on
Board in the Boat, to leave the Sloop’s Boat on Board the Scooner, and
take the Scooner’s Boat with them on Board the Sloop; and, as soon as
they saw the Lights upon Deck on Board the Scooner, to come away from
the Sloop with the Scooner’s Boat, and bring the Master of the Sloop’s
biggest Boy with them; and to take their Hands out of the Sloop’s
Boat, and put the Master’s Boy on Board of the Sloop’s Boat with his
Master, and let them go on Board themselves with their Boat, and to be
sure to bring the Sloop’s Mainsail with them, and also the Mate of the
Sloop. All which they said they would do; so away they went; and then
_Russel_ told me, _He would give me something with me to remember him_;
which was an old Musket, and a Cartridge of Powder, but for what Reason
he made me that Present, I cannot tell; and then order’d the Candles
to be lighted in the Lanthorns and carry’d upon Deck, and order’d two
Hands to step into the Sloop’s Boat to carry me away, and to execute
his former Orders; and then shaking Hands with me, he wish’d me a good
Voyage. I told him I hoped I should. The Gunner, Master, and several
of the Crew, shook Hands with me also, and heartily wish’d me Success,
and hoped I should meet with a speedy and safe Deliverance. I thank’d
them for their good Wishes; and told them I was now forc’d into a
Necessity of going through it, whether I would or not; but thank’d God
I was very easy at present, not doubting in God’s Mercy to me, tho’ I
was not deserving of it: And that if I was permitted to perish, I knew
the worst; and doubted not but he would graciously pardon my Sins, and
receive me to his Everlasting Rest; and, in this Respect, what they had
intended for my Misfortune, would be the Beginning of my Happiness;
and that in the mean Time, I had nothing to do but to resign myself to
his blessed Will and Protection, and bear my Lot with Patience. And so
bidding them farewell, I went over the Side into the Boat, which was
directly put off; and about half Way between the Scooner and Sloop, we
met the Scooner’s Boat, and, according to their Orders from _Russel_,
they put my Boy on Board of me, and so put away again to get on Board
their own Vessel.

“After their Boat put away from us, I thought I heard the Voice of my
Mate, but was not certain, because he spoke so low, his Conscience
checking him, I suppose, for his leaving me so basely. I call’d to
him, and said Arthur, _what are you going to leave me?_ He answer’d,
_Ay_. _What_, said I, _do you do it voluntary, or are you forc’d?_ He
answer’d faintly, _I am forc’d, I think_. I said, _It was very well_.
He call’d to me again, and said, _He would desire me to write to his
Brother, and give him an Account where he was, if ever I should have
an Opportunity_. I told him, _I did not know where his Brother liv’d_.
He called and said, _He liv’d in_ Carlingford. I told him, _I did not
know where that was_. He said, _It was in_ Ireland. _Why_, said I, _you
told me in_ Barbadoes that you was a Scotchman, _and that all your
Friends liv’d in_ Scotland. But he made me no further Answer; but away
they row’d towards their Vessel, and I towards the Sloop, and it being
a very dark, as well as a close Night, it was as much as ever I could
do to see her; this being the last Time that I spoke to, or saw any of
them, nor do I ever more desire to see them, except at some Place of
Execution.”


FOOTNOTES

[109] _The Four Voyages of Capt. George Roberts ... written by
Himself_, London, 1726.




CHAPTER XII

THE BRUTAL CAREER AND MISERABLE END OF NED LOW


The day after parting with Captain Roberts the pirate fleet put to sea
bound for the coast of Brazil hoping for some rich Portuguese prizes.
They made land on the northern part of the coast, meanwhile sighting
only one sail, a ship they could not come up with, and fell in with
much dangerous shoal water. The trade-winds were very strong just at
that time and the pirate vessels narrowly escaped foundering. Good
fortune not seeming to lie in that direction, Captain Low bore away for
the West Indies and soon reached the Triangles, three islands lying off
the mainland about forty leagues eastward of Surinam, where they went
in to careen the vessels in order to remove the foul growth that had
accumulated during the passage up from the equator. They began with
the pink and ill fortune continued, for Low ordered too many men into
the shrouds and yards so that the vessel heeled over too far and the
water came rapidly into the ports, which had been left open, so that
she soon overset. Low was in the cabin at the time and barely escaped
by climbing out at one of the stern ports. Where the pink turned turtle
there was about six fathoms of water, just enough for the masts to
strike into the mud and keep the hull above water, so that the men
could hold on until picked up by the boats. Nevertheless two men were
drowned.

Having found it impossible to right the pink, Low went to sea in the
schooner and for lack of water, which could not be obtained at the
Triangles, they soon were in bad shape. For sixteen days only half a
pint of water a day was allowed each man. They tried to reach Tobago
but the winds were light and the current strong and at last they stood
away for the French island of Grand Grenada. When the port officers
came on board they saw only men enough to man the ship. The rest were
hidden below. Low told the Frenchmen that he was from Barbadoes and
that his water casks had sprung aleak so he was obliged to put in for
a supply. The story was swallowed and Low was permitted to send men
ashore but after a time the Frenchmen became suspicious and the next
day fitted out a large Rhode Island-built sloop and with thirty men
aboard they sailed out into the harbor and had nearly come alongside
the schooner before Low understood their intention. He at once called
up his men on deck, some ninety in all, and with his eight guns to the
Frenchman’s four, the sloop soon fell an easy prey.

Low now took over the sloop and gave the command of the schooner to
Francis Farrington Spriggs, who had been his quartermaster, and they
cruised together for some time, capturing seven or eight sloops and
a rich Portuguese ship called “Nostra Signiora de Victoria.” Low
tortured several of her men to compel them to disclose where the money
was concealed on board and soon learned that during the chase of the
ship the Portuguese captain had hung out of a cabin window, a canvas
bag containing about eleven thousand gold moidores, the equivalent
of nearly fifteen thousand English pounds, and when the ship was
captured the captain cut the rope and let the bag drop into the sea.
Low raved like a fury when he discovered what he had lost and ordered
the unfortunate captain to be tied to the mast, when he slashed off the
poor man’s lips with his cutlass and had them broiled before the galley
fire and then compelled the Portuguese mate to eat them while hot from
the fire. Captain and crew were then murdered, thirty-two persons in
all.

Among the vessels captured about this time was the snow “Unity” from
New York bound for Curacao, Robert Leonard, master, which was taken
within sight of her destination. A man on board, who once belonged to a
man-of-war, they whipped unmercifully and two of the crew were forced,
viz.: Richard Owen and Frederick Van der Scure, both living in New
York. The snow was taken on Jan. 25, 1723. Low also captured a snow
bound from London for Jamaica, part of the cargo being wines shipped
at Madeira, of which a generous stock was taken on board the sloop and
the schooner.[110] Other captures were Captain Craig, in a sloop from
the Bay of Honduras bound for New York, whom Low afterwards released so
that he reached New York on April 27th. Captain Simpkins of New York on
a sloop bound for Curacao, was taken in sight of the island and shortly
released. The pink “Stanhope,” Andrew Delbridge, master, for Boston
from Jamaica, was less fortunate and was burnt because of Low’s hatred
for New England men.

After a time Low came to anchor off the island of Santa Cruz and while
laying there took it into his head that he wanted a new doctor’s chest.
Shortly before he had captured two French sloops which were then at
anchor near him. So putting four Frenchmen in one of the sloops and
handing them some money, he ordered them to make all haste to buy a
doctor’s chest at St. Thomas, about twelve leagues distant, swearing
that if they didn’t bring back the chest the other sloop should be
burnt and the rest of the Frenchmen killed. To his great amusement
within twenty-four hours they returned with the chest and according to
promise the sloops and Frenchmen were then allowed to go.

From Santa Cruz, Low sailed for Curacao, meeting on the passage two
sloops which outsailed him and got away. He then ranged the coast of
New Spain and in the Gulf of Darien, about half-way between Carthagena
and Porto Bello, sighted two ships which afterwards turned out to be
the “Mermaid,” British man-of-war, and a large Guinea-man. Low was
in the Rhode Island sloop that he had taken at Grand Grenada and
Spriggs was in command of the Marblehead schooner “Fancy,” captured
at Port Roseway the previous year. With them was the snow “Unity,”
Captain Leonard, late commander, a recent capture. For some time Low
made sail after the two ships until he came so near that he discovered
his mistake and then there was nothing for him to do but to turn tail
and run. The man-of-war of course gave chase and slowly overhauled
Low’s fleet which was rapidly making towards the shoal water near the
coast. Deciding to rid himself of the snow, the more unreliable of the
forced men were put aboard and she was abandoned and Low and Spriggs
took separate courses. As the sloop was the larger and carried more
men, the “Mermaid” stood after her and was within gun-shot when she
ran aground on a shoal. This happened because one of the men with Low
knew of this uncharted shoal and telling him what course to steer the
whole company thereby escaped hanging.[111] Spriggs, meanwhile, got
safely into Pickaroon Bay, about eighteen leagues from Carthagena, and
afterwards made sail for the Bay of Honduras and came to anchor near a
small island called Utilla, about seven or eight leagues from the large
island of Roatan and here the schooner was hove down and cleaned.

Five weeks had passed since Spriggs parted from Low and the day that he
was ready to sail out of Utilla a large sloop was discovered bearing
down on them. At first sight Spriggs thought her to be a Spanish
privateer full of men and being much weaker in both guns and men
he made sail and tried to get away. Low, who was in the sloop, had
recognized the schooner at once and when she tried to escape imagined
that she had been captured from Spriggs, so he fired a shot that struck
the schooner in the bow. Spriggs, still failing to recognize the sloop,
continued on his course and Low then hoisted his pirate colors and
discovered who he was, to the uproarious joy of them all. The next day
the two vessels went into Roatan harbor where Low careened and cleaned
the bottom of the sloop, the crews meanwhile living on shore in booths
which they built for shelter. There was much drinking and carousing.
By Saturday, the 9th of March, all was in readiness for another foray
and the long-boat brought off the last of the casks from the watering
place. It was here that Philip Ashton, a Marblehead fisherman who had
been forced at Port Roseway, the previous year, made his escape into
the forest growth, where he lived a solitary existence for nine months,
as will be told in another chapter.

By the Boston newspapers of May, 1723, it appears that Low and
Spriggs were not the only pirates ranging the Bay of Honduras at
that time. On the 10th of March, 1723, quite a fleet of New England
vessels were there busily engaged in loading logwood. Three sloops
hailing from Newport, Rhode Island, commanded by Captains Benjamin
Norton, John Madbury and Jeremiah Clark, were nearly ready to sail.
In addition there was a Boston sloop commanded by Capt. Edward Lyde,
and a brigantine from the same port; a ship and a snow; and two
or three other sloops that hailed from New York, one commanded by
Captain Spafforth and another by Captain Craig. That morning a Spanish
privateer of six guns and about sixty men came upon the small fleet
that lay there at anchor. One of the Boston captains, Lyde, immediately
cut his cables and made sail and although chased by the privateer
succeeded in getting away safely. He lacked fresh water for the
homeward passage, however, and so stood in for a small creek farther up
the coast and while there learned from some Bay men that the Spaniard
had taken all the other vessels. But this victory was short-lived for
only four hours later Captains Low and Spriggs came sailing in to the
anchorage flying Spanish colors which were hauled down as they came
near the privateer and the black flag hoisted. Low fired a broadside
and boarded at once. The Spaniards were greatly outnumbered and made
no resistance, so Low’s men fell to plundering the vessel, soon finding
the New England captains confined in the hold. When Low learned of the
captures made by the Spaniards it was decided after a short discussion
to kill the entire company, so they fell to with their cutlasses,
pollaxes and pistols and soon wiped out nearly all of them. Some who
jumped overboard were knocked in the head by men who manned the canoe
belonging to the sloop. Seven of the younger and more active men did
succeed in reaching the shore and escaped into the forest growth in
more or less wounded condition. In one account of this affair it is
related that while Low’s men were on shore carousing, one of the
unfortunate Spaniards who reached shore, in his extremity came crawling
out to them begging for God’s sake they would give him quarter. One of
the crew took hold of him and said, “G-- d-- you, I will give you good
quarters presently,” and forcing the unfortunate Spaniard to his knees,
pushed the muzzle of his fusil into his mouth and fired down his throat.

[Illustration: ONE OF LOW’S CREW KILLING A WOUNDED SPANIARD

From an engraving in Johnson’s “Historie der Engelsche Zee-roovers,”
Amsterdam, 1725, in the Harvard College Library]

The captains who had been confined in the hold of the privateer Low
ordered released and restored to their vessels, but made them solemnly
promise not to steer for Jamaica for fear that a man-of-war should
learn of his whereabouts. He threatened them with instant death in case
they met again, should they violate their promise. The carpenter of the
snow he forced and after burning the privateer sloop, the pirate sailed
boisterously away steering for the Leeward Islands.

Three months later a sloop arrived at Perth Amboy, New Jersey, with the
following account of Low’s adventures on this cruise:--

    “Perth-Amboy, June 6, 1723. The Sloop _William_, William
    Fraser, Master, arrived here from Jamaica. They sailed the
    last day of April in company with a Snow bound for Liverpool,
    whose Commander’s name was Sandison; also 3 Ships, viz. Capt.
    Willing, Capt. Burlington, and Capt. Eastwick, and a Scooner,
    all belonging to New England, and a Sloop, Capt. Ellicot, for
    Hampton in Virginia. In sailing round the West end of Cuba,
    off of Cape San Antonia, the aforesaid Vessels were taken by
    Pyrates and only Fraser escaped by running close under the Land
    and coming to an Anchor within the breakers, then weighing
    and standing to the Southward past them in the Night and so
    got clear of them. But entering the Gulf the Pyrates waiting
    there for them, took them and Plundered them. They cut and
    whiped some and others they burnt with Matches between their
    Fingers to the bone to make them confess where their Money was.
    They took to the value of a Thousand Pistoles from Passengers
    and others. They them let them go. But coming on the Coast
    off of the Capes of Virginia, they were again chased by the
    same Pyrates who first took them. They did not trouble them
    again but wished them well Home. They saw at the same time his
    Consort, a Sloop of eight Guns, with a Ship and a Sloop which
    were supposed to be his Prizes. They are commanded by one
    Edward Low. The Pyrates gave us an account of his taking the
    Bay of Hondoras from the Spaniards, which had surprized the
    English, and taking them and putting all the Spaniards to the
    Sword Excepting two Boys; as also burning the _King George_ and
    a Snow belonging to New York, and sunk one of the New England
    Ships, and cut off one of the Masters Ears and slit his Nose;
    all this they confessed themselves. They are now supposed to be
    cruising off of Sandy Hook or thereabouts.”--_American Weekly
    Mercury_, June 13, 1723.

On the 27th of May, 1723, Captain Low appeared off the coast of South
Carolina in the sloop “Fortune.” Capt. Charles Harris was then in
command of the sloop “Ranger” lately commanded by Spriggs. Nothing has
been learned of the whereabouts of Harris during the preceding five
months. No mention of him is made in any account of Low’s doings until
he reached the Carolina coast in May. There these two commanders, after
a long chase, took three ships, the “Crown,” Captain Lovering, the
“King William,” and the “Carteret,” and a brigantine that came out of
port only two days before. A few days before they had taken the ship
“Amsterdam Merchant,” Capt. John Welland [Williard?] from Jamaica,
but owned in New England. As Low seldom allowed a New Englander to go
free without carrying away some mark of his hatred, Captain Welland in
consequence, lost one of his ears, had his nose slit up and was cut in
several places about his body. After the ship was plundered it was sunk
and the next day Captain Estwick of Piscataqua was taken, plundered and
set free and in his ship Captain Welland and his crew later reached
Portsmouth, N. H.[112]

Early in June, Low overhauled the sloop “Hopefull Betty,” Captain
Greenman, off the Capes of the Delaware and took away all his water
and his sails and sheet anchor. The captain was badly cut about his
body but was able to reach Philadelphia ten days later. He brought the
news of the capture of Captain Pitman in a pink bound from Virginia
to London and said that the pirates claimed they had recently taken
sixteen sail of vessels but seemed to be in a great hurry to be gone,
probably because of the intelligence that men-of-war from Virginia, New
York and Boston were cruising in search of them. Low was reported to
have on board about £80,000 in gold and silver. The man-of-war on the
New York station was the ship “Greyhound,” Peter Solgard, commander,
of twenty guns and one hundred and twenty men, and from one of the
unfortunate vessels plundered by Low he learned of the whereabouts of
the pirate vessels and steering as directed, at half-past four in the
morning of June 10th came in sight of the rovers. He then tacked and
stood to the southward and the pirates, always on the lookout for prey,
gave chase which lasted for nearly two hours while Captain Solgard
cleared his ship for action. At half-past seven he was ready for them.
The sloop and the schooner were then about a gunshot off. Suddenly the
ship tacked again and stood for them and both of the pirate vessels
at once hoisted a black flag and fired on the “Greyhound.” A little
later when about three-quarters of a mile distant the black flags
came down and were replaced by red ones. The “Greyhound” passed to
the windward and received their fire several times and when abreast
made such good return with round- and grape-shot, that the sloop and
the schooner began to edge away under the “Greyhound’s” stern and
she after them. They made a running fight for nearly two hours when
the pirates got out their oars and soon began to draw away from the
ship. On discovering this, Captain Solgard ordered firing to cease and
turned all hands to rowing and at about half-past two in the afternoon
came up with them. The pirates hauled into the wind and the fight was
warmly renewed. After a time, the “Greyhound” fell in between the
pirate vessels and soon the main-yard of the schooner was shot down.
Low now showed the real stuff that he was made of and bore away leaving
Harris, in the “Ranger,” to his fate, and he, seeing the treachery of
his commodore, lost courage and called for quarter. This happened at
about four o’clock and an hour later the rogues were safely on board
the “Greyhound.” There were then thirty-seven whites and six blacks in
Harris’ crew, and ten or twelve of his men had been killed or wounded.
Captain Low heretofore had borne so high a reputation for courage and
boldness that in the minds of even his own men he had become a terror.
But his behavior in the action with the “Greyhound” shows him to have
been at heart a treacherous scoundrel. When the prisoners were safely
in irons Captain Solgard followed the course of Captain Low toward the
northwest, but he had too great a start and after a time drew out of
sight in the growing darkness.[113]

After this narrow escape Low’s chagrin and rage knew no bounds and
swearing many oaths, he vowed vengeance on the unfortunates that next
fell into his hands. This happened only two days later, when he came
upon a sloop out of Nantucket that was whale fishing about eighty
miles off shore. She had two whale-boats and one of them fortunately
was out and at some considerable distance from the sloop at the time
she was taken. The men in this boat seeing what had happened got safely
to another whaling sloop some distance away and all escaped. The
captain of the captured sloop was Nathan Skiff, a young unmarried man
living at Nantucket. Low first ordered him stripped and then cruelly
whipped him about the deck. His ears were then slashed off. After a
time they grew tired of beating the unfortunate man and telling him
that because he had been a good captain he should have an easy death,
at last they shot him through the head and sunk the sloop. Low forced a
boy and two Indian men and allowed three others of the crew to go away
in the whale-boat in which, fortunately, there was a little water and
a few biscuits, and with good weather these men at last safely reached
Nantucket--“beyond all Expectation,” ends the account in the _Boston
News-Letter_.

Low’s insane rage was unabated two days later when a fishing boat was
taken off Block Island. The master was dragged on board the pirate
sloop and Low with furious oaths at once attacked him with a cutlass
and hacked off his head. He gave the boat to two Indians who sailed
with the murdered man and sent them away with the information that he
intended to kill the master of every New England vessel he captured. On
the afternoon of the same day two whaling sloops out of Plymouth were
taken near the Rhode Island shore. The master of one vessel he ripped
open alive and taking out the poor man’s heart ordered it roasted and
then compelled the mate to eat it. The master of the other vessel he
slashed and mauled about the deck and then cut off his ears and had
them roasted and after sprinkling them with salt and pepper, made the
unfortunate men eat them. The man’s wounds were so severe that he
afterwards died.[114] Low proposed to murder some of the hands on
these whaling sloops but the pirate crew had had enough blood about the
deck for one day and swore the rest of the men should go free so Low
was obliged to submit. These men brought home the information that the
pirate master and crew claimed to have on board nearly £150,000 value
in gold and silver coin and plate.[115]

On the 5th of June, 1723, the sloop “Farley,” Thomas Calder, master,
a “Pock-fretten” Scotchman, sailed from Piscataqua, N. H., bound for
Maryland. On the 14th, when off Nantucket, she sighted a sloop with
sails fluttering and rigging badly cut to pieces. The boat’s crew who
boarded the sloop found that an attempt had been made to sink her. Not
a soul was found on board. A pipe of wine was on the deck with the head
knocked in and standing about were several buckets half-full of wine.
From ship’s papers it was learned that the sloop belonged to William
Clark of Boston.[116] Undoubtedly this sloop had been captured by Low
but no record has been found giving any information regarding the fate
of her master or crew. Capt. Jacob Waldron brought the derelict into
Boston and libelled her for salvage. In the order of the Vice-Admiralty
Court published in the _Boston Gazette_ of July 15, 1723, the sloop is
described as “Flotsom, taken up on the high Seas,” and so ended another
chapter in the lives of those who “go down to the sea in ships.”

From the waters off Cape Cod, Low sailed north for the banks off
Newfoundland and near Cape Breton took twenty-three French fishing
vessels. One of the larger of them, a ship of twenty-two guns, he
refitted and manned from his own crew and the two vessels then scoured
the harbors and banks off Newfoundland and took eighteen more ships and
smaller vessels some of which were sunk. While near Canso, two French
shallops were taken by a small company of the pirates in a periagua
that was serving as a tender. The Frenchmen were abused, noses were
slit and faces slashed with cutlasses before they were allowed to go.
A letter received by a Boston merchant not long after, gives some
interesting details of the depredations committed by Low and his crew.
It was printed in the _Boston News-Letter_ for Sept. 19, 1723.

                                         “Canso, August 1, 1723.

“In my last Letter to you, I inform’d you of the mischief the Pirates
had done on the French at Whitehead, 6 Leagues Westward of this
Harbour; and now I proceed to say, that they went to the Eastward and
took a Sloop belonging to this Harbour, but treated them very kindly,
and dismiss’d them without harm. The next News we heard of them was
that they had taken another Vessel, Capt. Job Prince, Commander;
they order’d them on Board, but Capt. Prince had no Boat, wherefore
they only detain’d him about an hour and dismiss’d him without doing
him any Damage. The next Vessel they took was Capt. Robinson’s whom
they divested of their Arms, Ammunition and Silver Buckles, and then
dismiss’d them. They had then in their Custody four French Ships, which
they Plundered, used the men very Barbarously, and sent them in a
Vessel belonging to Canso, to Cape Briton. They took Mr. Hood belonging
to Boston, in a large Fishing Scooner,[117] when they first came on the
Banks from Boston; but that was another Pirate, who also forced away
three of his Men. The latter Sloop, which is known to be Low, uses the
English very Kindly; but the French find little Mercy, at his hand;
they cutt off some of their Ears and Noses, and treated them with all
the Barbarity imaginable. One of the French Commanders desired him only
to give him a Line from under his hand, that he had taken away some
Casks of his Wine and Brandy, that his Owners might not suspect he had
Dishonestly Sold them; upon which Low told him he would fetch him
one, and accordingly brought up two Pistols, presenting one at Bowels,
he told him there was one for his Wine, and Discharg’d it; and there,
says he (presenting the other at his Head in the same manner) is one
for your Brandy; which said, he discharg’d that also. We hear they
have since Taken near 40 French Fishing Vessels, and are gone towards
Newfoundland. This is all that is Remarkable concerning these Enemies
to Mankind in General.”

Two men-of-war were cruising at that time near the Cape Breton coast.
Captain Solgard in the “Greyhound,” after landing his captured pirates
at Newport, R. I., had sailed to the eastward and searched all the
principal harbors for Low, but without success. On the 16th of June he
met His Majesty’s ship “Sea Horse,” Captain Durell, from the Boston
station, and they kept company for several days while cruising about
the coast and fishing banks. All sorts of wild rumors were flying about
the Province and the current newspapers reported several times that Low
had been taken. One circumstantial story had it that the “Sea Horse”
had surprised Low near Cape Sables, where he had gone to careen, and
after a smart engagement had captured him killing eight of his pirate
crew. From Salem it was reported that Low had been taken near Canso
by a French man-of-war and another report had it that Low had died of
his wounds three days after an engagement with H. M. ship “Greyhound.”
A sloop arriving at New York on Sept. 19th, from Placentia in
Newfoundland, after a month’s passage, brought news of the depredation
of the pirates and reported that “it’s believed Low is dead for he
was a little man and the new Capt. of those Pyrates is a lusty Man.”
Undoubtedly Lowther had been confused with Low in this report. The
sloop also brought news that the day before it sailed, Captain Harris,
in a sloop from Boston, had reached Placentia and reported sighting “on
the banks about eighteen or twenty Vessels together, which he imagined
were all taken by the Pyrates and kept together by them.”[118] The
_Boston News-Letter_ also published earlier intelligence from Canso,
that one of their bank sloops had met a pirate sloop with one hundred
and fifty men aboard, who had “ask’d them some Questions, who was at
Canso. Inquired after most of the Notedest Men and left them without
abuse; they did not Know the Master’s Name, but say most of them are
West Country-men.”[119]

Towards the end of July, 1723, Low captured a large ship from Virginia,
called the “Merry Christmas,” and opening several new ports mounted
her with thirty-four guns and refitting went on board and made her his
principal ship. He assumed the title of Admiral and hoisted at the
main-topmast head a new black flag--having on it a skeleton in red. As
the fishing banks had been pretty thoroughly cleared of vessels and it
was supposed that men-of-war were cruising on several of them,[120] it
was thought best by Low and Lowther to make a course for the Western
Islands where they arrived about the first of September. Soon after
reaching Fayal, they took an English brigantine, formerly commanded
by Elias Wild, but recently bought by a Portuguese nobleman. She was
manned partly by English and partly by Portuguese and the latter Low
caused to be hanged. The English sailors were put into their boat to
shift for themselves and the brigantine was set on fire.

“Thus these inhumane Wretches went on, who could not be contented
to satisfy their Avarice only, and travel in the common Road of
Wickedness; but, like their Patron, the Devil, must make Mischief their
Sport, Cruelty their Delight, and damning of Souls their constant
Employment. Of all the pyratical Crews that were ever heard of, none
of the _English_ Name came up to this, in Barbarity; their Mirth and
their Anger had much the same Effect, for both were usually gratified
with the Cries and Groans of their Prisoners; so that they almost as
often murthered a Man from the Excess of good Humour, as out of Passion
and Resentment; and the Unfortunate could never be assured of Safety
from them, for Danger lurked in their very Smiles. An Instance of this
had liked to have happened to one Captain Graves, Master of a Virginia
Ship last taken; for as soon as he came aboard of the Pyrate, Low takes
a Bowl of Punch in his Hand, and drinks to him, saying, Captain Graves,
here’s half this to you. But the poor Gentleman being too sensibly
touched at the Misfortune of falling into his Hands, modestly desired
to be excused, for that he could not drink; whereupon Low draws out a
Pistol, cocks it, and with the Bowl in t’ther Hand, told him, he should
either take one or the other; So Graves, without Hesitation, made
Choice of the Vehicle that contained the Punch, and guttled down about
a Quart, when he had the least Inclination that ever he had in his Life
to be merry.”[121]

At St. Michael’s, Low and Lowther sent their boats into the road and
cut out a London-built ship of fourteen guns commanded by Captain
Thompson, the same captain who had been taken there by Low the year
before. His ship was stronger than the boats and he could have defended
himself with every prospect of success, but his men through cowardice
or an inclination to join the pirates, obliged him to surrender. When
he came aboard Low’s vessel his ears were cut off close to his head by
way of compensation for having proposed to his men to resist the pirate
boats. The ship was burned. A bark was taken not long after and the
Portuguese crew fared better than was usually the case, for the pirates
happened to be in good humor, and only slashed them here and there with
cutlasses and then set them adrift in their boat and fired the bark.
Johnson, in his account of Low’s career, preserves a curious anecdote
in connection with this capture, as follows:

“When the Boat was going from the Side of the Ship, one of Low’s Men,
who, we may suppose, was forced into his Gang, was drinking with a
Silver Tankard at one of the Ports, and took his Opportunity to drop
into the Boat among the Portugueze, and lye down in the Bottom, in
order to escape along with them: After he had stowed himself in the
Boat, so as not to be seen, it came into his Head, that the Tankard
might prove of some Use to him, where he was going; so he got up again,
laid hold of the Utensil, and went off, without being discover’d: In
which Attempt had he failed, no doubt his Life, if not the Lives of all
the People in the Boat, would have paid for it: The Name of this Man is
Richard Hains.”[122]

The Portuguese authorities in the Islands were highly incensed at Low’s
cruelties and became exceedingly suspicious of all English vessels
coming into their harbors. A sloop from Boston, commanded by Capt.
Peter Tillinghast, going into Fayal about that time, was received by
cannon shot from the castle and when the captain went ashore with a few
hands he was seized and after an examination sent to jail. His vessel
was boarded and his chest and papers brought ashore for examination and
finding nothing by which he might be accused at last he obtained his
liberty.[123]

Low and Lowther, in company, sailed from the Canaries to the Cape
Verde Islands and the London newspapers had news that they had gone
down the African coast as far as Sierre Leone, and Captain Wyndham,
in the “Diamond” man-of-war, was reported to have captured Low, sunk
Lowther’s sloop and made twenty of the pirates prisoners. This account
was soon contradicted[124] and not long after there came reports of his
appearance near the Leeward Islands in the West Indies. The evidence
is obscure and it is more probable that from the Cape Verdes, Low and
Lowther made for the South American coast. At any rate. Low was off
the Guinea coast during the fall of 1723 and captured a schooner and
afterwards took the ship “Delight,” Captain Hunt, of twelve guns,
formerly a man-of-war in the English service. She seemed well suited
to their needs and so four more guns were mounted on her and Francis
Farrington Spriggs, who had been serving as quartermaster, was given
command with a crew of about sixty men. The fleet then consisted of the
ship “Merry Christmas,” 34 guns, commanded by Captain Low; the sloop
“Happy Delivery,” 16 guns, commanded by Captain Lowther; and the ship
“Delight,” 16 guns, Captain Spriggs, and together they sailed along the
Guinea coast bound for the West Indies. Spriggs seems to have been a
slippery fellow for within two days he deserted the other vessels and
went off pirating on his own account, as will be related in another
chapter. Lowther may have separated from Low about the same time for he
had no consort when he met with a disastrous adventure some time later
at the island of Blanco near Tortuga.

In January, 1724, Low took a ship called the “Squirrel,” Captain
Stephenson,[125] and in March the news reached Boston that Low had had
a fight with other pirates who had taken him, burned his vessel and
marooned the survivors on an uninhabited island,[126] and this report
persisted and was repeated as late as the spring of 1726, when Capt.
William Cross arrived at Piscataqua, N. H., in a sloop, from the Bay of
Honduras and related that both Low and Spriggs had been marooned and
were supposed to have escaped among the Mosquito Indians.[127] From
that time nothing can be learned about him until May 17th when some
sailors belonging to a sloop owned in the Barbadoes, arrived there
after much suffering and reported that they had been taken near the
island of St. Lucia by Low, who, at that time, had only thirty men with
him. A French man-of-war from the Martinico station was reported to
be in pursuit[128] and may have afterwards captured him for a French
account of Low’s piracies relates that in the spring of 1724, Low got
into a dispute with his men in which the quartermaster took sides
against him, which so greatly enraged Low that he afterwards murdered
the quartermaster while he lay asleep. The crew at once rose against
Low and with two or three of his strongest partisans he was thrown
into a boat without provisions and abandoned to his fate. This proved
to be capture by a French vessel owned in Martinico, the day after he
had been set adrift, and after a quick trial by the French, he and his
companions received short shift on a gallows erected for their benefit.

This account of Low’s fate is confirmed, in part, by the narrative
of Jonathan Barlow, a sailor who was taken off the Guinea coast, by
Low in the “Merry Christmas.” Barlow relates that after capturing a
French sloop near Martinico “some Differance arising among said Pirates
they disbanded Low from his office & sent him away w’th only two more
hands in s’d French sloop & put one Shipton Captain in his steed.”
The pirate company then went to the Isle of Ruby and not long after
Captain Spriggs put in appearance in the “Delight.” Spriggs “heft down”
his ship and cleaned her and Shipton burned the “Merry Christmas” and
went away in a sloop that had been taken not long before commanded
by Capt. Jonathan Barney of Newport, R. I. The two pirate captains
cruised to the westward and in the Bay of Honduras were chased by the
“Diamond” man-of-war as is told in the chapter on Francis Farrington
Spriggs.--_Massachusetts Archives_, vol. 38A, leaf 73.


FOOTNOTES

[110] _American Weekly Mercury_, Mar. 14, 1723.

[111] _American Weekly Mercury_, May 2, 1723.

[112] _New England Courant_, June 17, 1723.

[113] _New England Courant_, June 17, 1723 (_postscript_).

[114] _Boston News-Letter_, June 27, 1723.

[115] _American Weekly Mercury_, June 27, 1723.

[116] _American Weekly Mercury_, Aug. 8, 1723.

[117] This vessel was captured by Captain Lowther who was there about
the same time as Captain Low.

[118] _American Weekly Mercury_, Oct. 4, 1723.

[119] _Boston News-Letter_, July 18, 1723.

[120] In point of fact the “Greyhound” reached Newport, R. I. early in
July and the “Sea Horse” arrived in Boston on July 13th.

[121] Johnson, “_History of the Pirates_,” London, 1726.

[122] Johnson, “_History of the Pirates_,” London, 1762.

[123] _Boston News-Letter_, Oct. 18, 1723.

[124] _Boston News-Letter_, Oct. 8, 1724.

[125] _Boston News-Letter_, May 7, 1724.

[126] _Boston News-Letter_, Mar. 27, 1724.

[127] _New England Courant_, Apr. 30, 1726.

[128] _Boston News-Letter_, Oct. 15, 1724.




CHAPTER XIII

THE STRANGE ADVENTURES OF PHILIP ASHTON


On Friday, June 15, 1722, a number of the vessels of the fishing
fleet hailing from Massachusetts Bay, were at anchor at Port Roseway
near what is now Shelburne, Nova Scotia. It was the custom of these
God-fearing fishermen, when possible, to come into some harbor not too
remote from their fishing grounds and there to spend the Sabbath. On
this occasion thirteen schooners and shallops were lying peacefully
at anchor when a strange brigantine hove in sight and soon found an
anchorage near them. She seemed to be an inward bound vessel from the
West Indies and little attention was paid to her at first, even when a
boat put off from her side with four men in it. When this boat’s crew
reached the side of the nearest fisherman, the men climbed boldly on
board and drawing pistols and cutlasses demanded a surrender.

The brigantine turned out to be the “Rebecca,” owned in Boston, but
recently captured and then commanded by Capt. Edward Low, the Boston
man who had become a pirate and whose bloody excesses were becoming
more notorious every day. One by one the fishermen surrendered and
were pillaged.[129] On Tuesday, the 19th, Low decided to take for
his “privateer,” the new schooner “Mary,” owned by Joseph Dolliber
of Marblehead. He fitted her with ten guns, renamed her the “Fancy,”
and went aboard with a crew of fifty men, including eight whom he
forced from among the fishermen. The forced men were Philip Ashton
and Nicholas Merritt, masters; Joseph Libbie, one of Ashton’s crew;
Lawrence Fabens, one of the crew of the schooner “Rebeckah,” all of
Marblehead, and four other men belonging to Piscataqua and the Isles of
Shoals, all nimble young men, about twenty years of age and unmarried.
Low shipped the prisoners he designed to send home, on board his late
brigantine, the “Rebecca,” of Boston, which he and his consort Lowther
had taken May 28th, and gave her to her former master, Capt. James
Flucker, with orders to take them to Boston. On their arrival the
news was duly published in the _Boston News-Letter_ of July 2d, with
the customary advertisement as to the forcing, but in order to make
the matter doubly sure, a further advertisement, in more legal form,
appeared in the _News-Letter_, of July 9th, viz:--

    “Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New-England, Essex, ss.
    Anno Regni Regis Georgij nunc Magna Britaniæ, &c. Octavo.

    “The Depositions of Thomas Trefry late Master of the Scooner
    Mary; Robert Gilford Master of the Shallop Elizabeth; and John
    Collyer, one of the Crew belonging to the Scooner Samuel,
    William Nichols Master, all of Marblehead in the County of
    Essex, Fisher men, Testify and say, That as they were upon
    their lawfull Imployment nigh Cape Sables, on or about the
    14th, 15th and 16th Days of June last past, they were taken
    Prisoners by Captain Edward Low a Pirate then Commander of the
    Brigantine [Rebecca] but since removed himself into the before
    named Scooner Mary, which they took from the Deponent Trefry;
    and besides these Deponents they took several other Fishing
    Vessels, viz.: _Nicholas Merrit Master of the Shallop Jane_,
    _Philip Ashton Master of the Scooner Milton_, _Joseph Libby
    one of said Ashton’s Crew_, _Lawrence Phabens one of the Crew
    belonging to the Scooner Rebeckah, Thomas Salter Commander_,
    all these four Men, to wit, Nicholas Merrit, Philip Ashton,
    Joseph Libbey, and Lawrence Phabens, being Young Nimble Men of
    about Twenty Years of Age, the Pirates kept them by Force and
    would not let them go tho’ they pleaded as much as they dare
    to, yet nothing would avail, so as they wept like Children; yet
    notwithstanding they forceably Carried them away to the great
    Grief and Sorrow of the aforenamed four Young Men, as well as
    these Deponents; and when any of these Deponents mentioned any
    thing in favour of the said four Young Men, the Quarter Master
    of the Pirate Publickly Declared, They would carry them, and
    let them send to New England and Publish it if they pleased.
    The Deponants further say, That the said Pirates constrained
    four more Fisher men belonging to Piscataqua, and the Isle of
    Sholes to go with them against their wills also.

    “Salem, July the 3d 1722.
                                              Thomas Trefry,
                                              John Collyer,
                                              Robert Gilford.

                         Essex, ss. Salem, July the 3d, 1722.

    “Then Thomas Trefry, John Collyer and Robert Gilford the
    Three Deponants above named personally Appearing made Oath to
    the Truth of the foregoing Deposition taken ad Perpetuam rei
    memoriam.

                   { Josiah Wolcot      Justices of the Peace
      “Coram Nobis { Stephen Sewall       Quorum Unis

    “A True Copy of the Original, and as of Record appears.
    Examin’d per Stephen Sewall, Regist.”

                           --_Boston News-Letter_, July 9, 1722.

Philip Ashton served, unwillingly, with Low in the schooner “Fancy,” in
the “Rose Pink,” alias “Frigate,” and again in the “Fancy,” with Low’s
late quartermaster, Francis Farrington Spriggs. In the spring of 1723,
Low went to the island of Roatan, in the Bay of Honduras, to clean and
refit his fleet. Roatan lies in the latitude of 16° 31’ and is about
thirty miles long. On March 9, 1723, while there, Ashton went ashore
with the cooper and others for water and managed to escape and after
five days Low and Spriggs sailed away without him. Ashton remained
alone on the island, except for three days, until June, 1724, when he
was joined by eighteen Bay men, seeking shelter from the Spaniards, who
took him with them to the Island of Barbarat. Ashton then made several
hunting trips to the island of Bonaco and in the spring of 1725 was
found there by Captain Dove, the master of a Salem brigantine, who came
in over the shoals for water. They sailed for Salem on March 31st, and
Ashton arrived home May, 1725, having been absent almost three years.
The _New England Courant_ announced his return soon after as follows:--

    “Boston, May 10. We hear from Salem, that a Vessel arrived
    there from the Bay [of Honduras] _has brought a Man who was
    taken by Low the Pirate some Years since_, and ran away from
    him when he went ashore at a Maroon Island to take in Water,
    where he had been above two Years, when some of this Vessel’s
    Company going on Shore brought him off.”

Shortly after Ashton’s return to Marblehead, Roads, the historian of
Marblehead, says the next Sunday, which would have been the day after
his return, the Rev. John Barnard, pastor of the First Church, preached
a sermon on “God’s Ability to Save His People from All Danger,” using
for his text Daniel III, 17.[130]

Philip Ashton[131] and his parents were present and the sermon closed
with a personal address to him.

Public interest having been aroused in the local Robinson Crusoe,
who, indeed, had gone Alexander Selkirk one better, having landed on
an uninhabited island wearing only a frock, trousers and cap, without
a shirt or shoes, stockings, knife or other iron instrument, or any
means of making a fire, and who had lived there nine months without
fire or cooked food, there was naturally a demand for an account of his
adventures. This was met by Mr. Barnard, who, on Aug. 3d, 1725, writing
from Marblehead, says:--

    “The great Reason why this Narrative, which has been so long
    wished for, has no sooner appeared, is because Mr. Ashton has
    necessarily been so absent, that I have not been able to get
    the opportunity of Conferring with him, more than two or three
    times, about the Remarkable Occurrences he has met with; and
    having no leisure himself to write, I have taken the Minutes of
    all from his own Mouth, and after I had put them together, I
    have improved the first vacant Hour, I could, to Read it over
    distinctly to him, that he might Correct the Errors, that might
    arise from my misunderstanding his Report. Thus corrected, he
    has set his Hand to it as his own History.

    “I have added to a short Account of Mr. Nicholas Merritt, (who
    was taken at the same time with Mr. Ashton), the manner of his
    Escape from the Pirates, and the hard usage he met with upon
    it, till his return to his own Country; which I had from his
    own Mouth, all tending to the same end and purpose.”

The narrative was soon published under the following title:--

    “ASHTON’S MEMORIAL. / An / History / of the / Strange
    Adventures, / and / Signal Deliverances, / of / Mr. Philip
    Ashton, / Who, after he had made his Escape from the Pirates,
    liv’d alone on a Desolate / Island for about Sixteen Months,
    &c. / With A Short Account of Mr. Nicholas Merritt, / who was
    taken at the same time. / To which is added / A Sermon on Dan.
    3. 17. / By John Barnard V. D. M. / _We should not trust in
    our selves, but in God; / --who delivered us from so great
    a Death, and doth deliver; in whom we trust, that he will
    yet deliver us._ / 11. Cor. 9. 10. / Boston, N. E. Printed for
    Samuel Gerrish, at his Shop in Corn-Hill, 1725.”

An edition was also published in London the next year and reprints in
whole or in part have been made at Portland, Me., in 1810; Edinburgh,
1815; Boston, 1850; and Marblehead in 1910.

       *       *       *       *       *

This interesting recital of the veritable experiences of a New England
man on board notorious pirate vessels, together with other adventures
that fall to the lot of but few men, is here reprinted as a document of
great value in corroborating many of the statements appearing elsewhere
in this volume in chapters devoted to the exploits of Low, Lowther and
Spriggs.


[Illustration:

                  _Ashton’s_ Memorial.

                           AN
                        _HISTORY_
                         OF THE
                   Strange Adventures,
                           AND
                  Signal Deliverances,
                           OF
                  Mr. _Philip Ashton_,

       Who, after he had made his Escape from the
           PIRATES, liv’d alone on a Desolate
         _Island_ for about Sixteen Months, &c.

                          WITH

       A short Account of Mr. _Nicholas Merritt_,
             who was taken at the same time.

                    To which is added

                A SERMON on _Dan. 3. 17._

                By JOHN BARNARD, V. D. M.

 ----_We should not trust in our selves, but in God;
 ----who delivered us from so great a Death, and doth
   deliver; in whom we trust, that he will yet deliver us._
   II. Cor. I. 9, 10.

        _BOSTON_, N. E. Printed for _Samuel Gerrish_,
               at his Shop in Corn-Hill, 1725.
]


FOOTNOTES

[129] Among the thirteen vessels taken were the following from
Marblehead, viz.:--schooner Milton, Philip Ashton, master; shallop
Jane, Nicholas Merritt, master; schooner Rebeckah, Thomas Salter,
master; schooner Mary, Thomas Trefry, master; shallop Elizabeth, Robert
Gifford, master; schooner Samuel, William Nichols, master.

[130] “If it be so, our God whome we serve, is able to Deliver us from
the Burning Fiery Furnace, and He will Deliver us out of thine Hand, O
King.”

[131] Ashton was the son of Philip and Sarah (Hendly) Ashton, and was
born in Marblehead, Aug. 12, 1702. He married, first, Jane or Jean
Gallison, Dec. 8, 1726, who bore him a daughter Sarah, baptized Dec. 3,
1727, in the First Church, the mother dying a week later.

On July 15, 1729, he married, second, Sarah Bartlett and they had
Eliza, baptized Oct. 25, 1730; Philip, baptized May 28, 1732; William,
baptized Oct. 20, 1734; Thomas, baptized Apr. 17, 1737 and Jean,
baptized Aug. 15, 1742. The date of his death is not known.




                           ASHTON’S MEMORIAL

           AN HISTORY OF THE STRANGE ADVENTURES, AND SIGNAL
                            DELIVERANCES OF
                        MR. PHILIP ASHTON, JUN.
                             OF MARBLEHEAD


Upon Friday, June 15th, 1722, After I had been out for some time in the
Schooner Milton, upon the Fishing grounds, off Cape Sable Shoar, among
others, I came to Sail in Company with Nicholas Merritt, in a Shallop,
and stood in for Port-Rossaway, designing to Harbour there, till the
Sabbath was over; where we Arrived about Four of the Clock in the
Afternoon. When we came into the Harbour, where several of our Fishing
Vessels had arrived before us, we spy’d among them a Brigantine, which
we supposed to have been an Inward bound Vessel, from the West Indies,
and had no apprehensions of any Danger from her; but by that time we
had been at Anchor two or three Hours, a Boat from the Brigantine, with
Four hands, came along side of us, and the Men Jumpt in upon our Deck,
without our suspecting any thing but that they were Friends, come on
board to visit, or inquire what News; till they drew their Cutlasses
and Pistols from under their Clothes, and Cock’d the one and Brandish’d
the other, and began to Curse & Swear at us, and demanded a Surrender
of our Selves and Vessel to them. It was too late for us to rectify our
Mistake, and think of Freeing our Selves from their power; for however
we might have been able, (being Five of us and a Boy) to have kept them
at a Distance, had we known who they were, before they had boarded us;
yet now we had our Arms to seek, and being in no Capacity to make any
Resistance, were necessitated to submit our selves to their will and
pleasure. In this manner they surprised Nicholas Merritt, and 12 or 13
other Fishing Vessels this Evening.

When the Boat went off from our Vessel, they carried me on board the
Brigantine, and who should it prove but the Infamous Ned Low, the
Pirate, with about 42 Hands, 2 Great Guns, and 4 Swivel Guns. You may
easily imagine how I look’d, and felt, when too late to prevent it, I
found my self fallen into the hands of such a mad, roaring, mischievous
Crew; yet I hoped, that they would not force me away with them, and I
purposed to endure any hardship among them patiently, rather than turn
Pirate with them.

Low presently sent for me Aft, and according to the Pirates usual
Custom, and in their proper Dialect, asked me, If I would sign their
Articles, and go along with them. I told him, No; I could by no means
consent to go with them, I should be glad if he would give me my
Liberty, and put me on board any Vessel, or set me on shoar there.
For indeed my dislike of their Company and Actions, my concern for my
Parents, and my fears of being found in such bad Company, made me dread
the thoughts of being carried away by them; so that I had not the least
Inclination to continue with them.

Upon my utter Refusal to joyn and go with them, I was thrust down into
the Hold, which I found to be a safe retreat for me several times
afterwards. By that time, I had been in the Hold a few Hours, they had
compleated the taking the several Vessels that were in the Harbour, and
the Examining of the Men; and the next Day I was fetched up with some
others that were there, and about 30 or 40 of us were put on board a
Schooner belonging to Mr. Orn of Marblehead, which the Pirates made use
of for a sort of a Prison, upon the present occasion; where we were
all confined unarm’d, with an armed Guard over us, till the Sultan’s
pleasure should be further known.

The next Lord’s Day about Noon, one of the Quarter Masters, John Russel
by Name, came on board the Schooner and took six of us, (Nicholas
Merritt,[132] Joseph Libbie,[133] Lawrence Fabens,[134] and my self,
all of Marblehead, the Eldest of, if I mistake not, under 21 Years of
Age, with two others) and carried us on board the Brigantine; where we
were called upon the Quarter Deck, and Low came up to us with Pistol
in hand, and with a full mouth demanded, Are any of you, Married Men?
This short and unexpected Question, and the sight of the Pistol, struck
us all dumb, and not a Man of us dared to speak a word, for fear there
should have been a design in it, which we were not able to see thro’.
Our Silence kindled our new Master into a Flame, who could not bear it,
that so many Beardless Boyes should deny him an Answer to so plain a
Question; and therefore in a Rage, he Cock’d his Pistol, and clapt it
to my Head, and cryed out, You D--g! why don’t you Answer me? and Swore
vehemently, he would shoot me thro’ the Head, if I did not tell him
immediately, whether I was Married or no.

I was sufficiently frightened at the fierceness of the Man, and the
boldness of his threatening, but rather than lose my Life for so
trifling a matter, I e’en ventured at length to tell him, I was not
Married, as loud as I dar’d to speak it; and so said the rest of my
Companions. Upon this he seemed something pacified, and turned away
from us.

It seems his design was to take no Married Man away with him, how young
soever he might be, which I often wondred at; till after I had been
with him some considerable time, and could observe in him an uneasiness
in the sentiments of his Mind, and the workings of his passions towards
a young Child he had at Boston (his Wife being Dead, as I learned, some
small time before he turned Pirate) which upon every lucid interval
from Revelling and Drink he would express a great tenderness for,
insomuch that I have seen him sit down and weep plentifully upon the
mentioning of it; and then I concluded, that probably the Reason of
his taking none but Single Men was, that he might have none with him
under the Influence of such powerful attractives, as a Wife & Children,
lest they should grow uneasy in his Service, and have an Inclination to
Desert him, and return home for the sake of their Families.

Low presently came up to us again, and asked the Old Question,
Whether we would Sign their Articles, and go along with them? We all
told him No; we could not; so we were dismissed. But within a little
while we were call’d to him Singly, and then it was demanded of me,
with Sternness and Threats, whether I would Joyn with them? I still
persisted in the Denial; which thro’ the assistance of Heaven, I was
resolved to do, tho’ he shot me. And as I understood, all my Six
Companions, who were called in their turns, still refused to go with
him.

Then I was led down into the Steerage, by one of the Quarter-Masters,
and there I was assaulted with Temptations of another kind, in hopes to
win me over to become one of them; a number of them got about me, and
instead of Hissing, shook their Rattles, and treated me with abundance
of Respect and Kindness, in their way; they did all they could to
sooth my Sorrows, and set before me the strong Allurement of the Vast
Riches they should gain, and what Mighty Men they designed to be, and
would fain have me to joyn with them, and share in their Spoils; and
to make all go down the more Glib, they greatly Importuned me to Drink
with them, not doubting but this wile would sufficiently entangle me,
and so they should prevail with me to do that in my Cups, which they
perceived they could not bring me to while I was Sober; but all their
fair and plausible Carriage, their proffered Kindness, and airy notions
of Riches, had not the Effect upon me which they desired; and I had no
Inclination to drown my Sorrows with my Senses in their Inebriating
Bowls, and so refused their Drink, as well as their Proposals.

After this I was brought upon Deck again, and Low came up to me, with
His Pistol Cock’d, and clap’d it to my Head, and said to me, You D--g
you! if you will not Sign our Articles, and go along with me, I’ll
shoot you thro’ the Head, and uttered his Threats with his utmost
Fierceness, and with the usual Flashes of Swearing and Cursing. I told
him, That I was in his hands, and he might do with me what he pleased,
but I could not be willing to go with him: and then I earnestly beg’d
of him, with many Tears, and used all the Arguments I could think of to
perswade him, not to carry me away; but he was deaf to my Cryes, and
unmoved by all I could say to him; and told me, I was an Impudent Dog,
and Swore, I should go with him whether I would or no. So I found all
my Cryes, and Entreaties were in vain, and there was no help for it, go
with them I must, and as I understood, they set mine and my Townsmens
Names down in their Book, tho’ against our Consent. And I desire to
mention it with due Acknowledgments to GOD, who withheld me, that
neither their promises, nor their threatenings, nor blows could move
me to a willingness to Joyn with them in their pernicious ways.

Upon Tuesday, June 19th, they changed their Vessel, and took for
their Privateer, as they call’d it, a Schooner belonging to Mr.
Joseph Dolliber of Marblehead, being new, clean, and a good Sailer,
and shipped all their hands on board her, and put the Prisoners, such
as they designed to send home, on board the Brigantine, with one
---------------- who was her Master, and ordered them for Boston.

When I saw the Captives were likely to be sent Home, I thought I would
make one attempt more to obtain my Freedom, and accordingly Nicholas
Merrit, my Townsman and Kinsman, went along with me to Low, and we
fell upon our Knees, and with utmost Importunity besought him to let
us go Home in the Brigantine, among the rest of the Captives: but he
immediately called for his Pistols, and told us we should not go, and
Swore bitterly, if either of us offered to stir, he would shoot us down.

Thus all attempts to be delivered out of the hands of unreasonable Men
(if they may be called Men) were hitherto unsuccessful; and I had the
melancholy prospect of seeing the Brigantine sail away with the most of
us that were taken at Port-Rossaway, but my self, and three Townsmen
mentioned, and four of Shoal-men detained on board the Schooner, in the
worst of Captivity, without any present likelyhood of Escaping.

And yet before the Brigantine sailed, an opportunity presented, that
gave me some hopes that I might get away from them; for some of Low’s
people, who had been on shoar at Port-Rossaway to get water, had left
a Dog belonging to him behind them; and Low observing the Dog a shoar
howling to come off, order’d some hands to take the Boat and fetch him.
Two Young Men, John Holman, and Benjamin Ashton, both of Marblehead,
readily Jumpt into the Boat, and I (who pretty well know their
Inclination to be rid of such Company, & was exceedingly desirous my
self to be freed from my present Station, and thought if I could but
once set foot on shoar, they should have good luck to get me on board
again) was getting over the side into the Boat; but Quarter Master
Russel spy’d me, and caught hold on my Shoulder, and drew me in board,
and with a Curse told me, Two was eno’, I should not go. The two Young
Men had more sense and virtue than to come off to them again, so that
after some time of waiting, they found they were deprived of their Men,
their Boat, and their Dog; and they could not go after them.

When they saw what a trick was play’d them, the Quarter Master came up
to me Cursing and Swearing, that I knew of their design to Run away,
and intended to have been one of them; but tho’ it would have been an
unspeakable pleasure to me to have been with them, yet I was forced
to tell him, I knew not of their design; and indeed I did not, tho’
I had good reason to suspect what would be the event of their going.
This did not pacifie the Quarter-Master, who with outragious Cursing
and Swearing clapt his Pistol to my Head, and snap’d it; but it miss’d
Fire: this enraged him the more; and he repeated the snapping of his
Pistol at my Head three times, and it as often miss’d Fire; upon which
he held it over-board, and snap’d it the fourth time, and then it went
off very readily. (Thus did GOD mercifully quench the violence of the
Fire, that was meant to destroy me!) The Quarter-Master upon this, in
the utmost fury, drew his Cutlass, and fell upon me with it, but I
leap’d down into the Hold, and got among a Crowd that was there, and
so escaped the further effects of his madness and rage. Thus, tho’
GOD suffered me not to gain my wished-for Freedom, yet he wonderfully
preserved me from Death.

All hopes of obtaining Deliverance were now past and gone; the
Brigantine and Fishing Vessels were upon their way homeward, the Boat
was ashore, and not likely to come off again; I could see no possible
way of Escape; and who can express the concern and Agony I was in, to
see my self, a Young Lad not 20 Years Old, carried forcibly from my
Parents, whom I had so much reason to value for the tenderness I knew
they had for me, & to whom my being among Pyrates, would be as a Sword
in their Bowels, and the Anguishes of death to them; confined to such
Company as I could not but have an exceeding great abhorrence of; in
Danger of being poisoned in my morals, by Living among them, and of
falling a Sacrifice to Justice, if ever I should be taken with them.
I had no way left for my Comfort, but earnestly to commit my self and
my cause to GOD, and wait upon Him for Deliverance in his own time and
way; and in the mean while firmly to resolve, thro’ Divine Assistance,
that nothing should ever bring me to a willingness to Joyn with them,
or share in their Spoils.

I soon found that any Death was preferible to being link’d with such
a vile Crew of Miscreants, to whom it was a sport to do Mischief;
where prodigious Drinking, monstrous Cursing and Swearing, hideous
Blasphemies, and open defiance of Heaven, and contempt of Hell it self,
was the constant Employment, unless when Sleep something abated the
Noise and Revellings.

Thus Confined, the best course I could take, was to keep out of the
way, down in the Hold, or wherever I could be most free from their
perpetual Din; and fixed purpose with my self, that the first time I
had an opportunity to set my Foot on shore, let it be in what part of
the World it would, it should prove (if possible) my taking a final
leave of Low and Company.

I would remark it now also (that I might not interrupt the Story
with it afterwards) that while I was on board Low, they used once a
Week, or Fortnight, as the Evil Spirit moved them, to bring me under
Examination, and anew demand my Signing their Articles, and Joyning
with them; but Blessed be GOD, I was enabled to persist in a constant
refusal to become one of them, tho’ I was thrashed with Sword or Cane,
as often as I denyed them; the fury of which I had no way to avoid,
but by Jumping down into the Hold, where for a while I was safe. I
look’d upon my self, for a long while, but as a Dead Man among them,
and expected every Day of Examination would prove the last of my Life,
till I learned from some of them, that it was one of their Articles,
Not to Draw Blood, or take away the Life of any Man, after they had
given him Quarter, unless he was to be punished as a Criminal; and this
emboldned me afterwards, so that I was not so much affraid to deny
them, seeing my Life was given me for a Prey.

This Tuesday, towards Evening, Low and Company came to sail in the
Schooner, formerly called the Mary, now the Fancy, and made off for
Newfoundland; and here they met with such an Adventure, as had like to
have proved fatal to them. They fell in with the Mouth of St. John’s
Harbour in a Fogg, before they knew where they were; when the Fogg
clearing up a little, they spy’d a large Ship riding at Anchor in the
Harbour, but could not discern what she was, by reason of the thickness
of the Air, and concluded she was a Fish-Trader; this they look’d upon
as a Boon Prize for them, and thought they should be wonderfully well
accommodated with a good Ship under Foot, and if she proved but a good
Sailer, would greatly further their Roving Designs, and render them a
Match for almost any thing they could meet with, so that they need not
fear being taken.

Accordingly they came to a Resolution to go in and take her; and
imagining it was best doing it by Stratagem, they concluded to put all
their Hands, but Six or Seven, down in the Hold, and make a shew as
if they were a Fishing Vessel, and so run up along side of her, and
surprise her, and bring her off; and great was their Joy at the distant
prospect how cleverly they should catch her. They began to put their
designs in Execution, stowed away their Hands, leaving but a few upon
Deck, and made Sail in order to seise the Prey; when there comes along
a small Fisher-Boat, from out the Harbour, and hailed them, and asked
them, from whence they were? They told them, from Barbadoes, and were
laden with Rhum and Sugar; then they asked the Fisherman, What large
Ship that was in the Harbour? who told them it was a large Man-of-War.

The very Name of a Man-of-War struck them all up in a Heap, spoil’d
their Mirth, their fair Hopes, and promising Design of having a good
Ship at Command; and lest they should catch a Tartar, they thought it
their wisest and safest way, instead of going into the Harbour, to
be gone as fast as they could: and accordingly they stretched away
farther Eastward, and put into a small Harbour, called Carboneur, about
15 Leagues distance; where they went on Shoar; took the Place, and
destroyed the Houses, but hurt none of the People; as they told me, for
I was not suffered to go a shore with them.

The next Day they made off for the Grand Bank, where they took seven
or eight Vessels, and among them a French Banker, a Ship of about 350
Tuns, and 2 Guns; this they carried off with them, and stood away for
St. Michaels.

Off of St. Michaels they took a large Portugueze Pink, laden with
Wheat, coming out of the Road, which I was told was formerly call’d the
Rose-Frigat. She struck to the Schooner, fearing the large Ship that
was coming down to them; tho’ all Low’s Force had been no Match for
her, if the Portugueze had made a good Resistance. This Pink they soon
observed to be a much better Sailer than their French Banker, which
went heavily; and therefore they threw the greatest part of the Wheat
over board, reserving only eno’ to Ballast the Vessel for the present,
and took what they wanted out of the Banker, and then Burnt her, and
sent the most of the Portugueze away in a large Lanch they had taken.

Now they made the Pink, which Mounted 14 Guns, their Commodore, and
with this and the Schooner Sailed from St. Michaels, to the Canaries,
where off of Teneriff, they gave Chase to a Sloop, which got under the
Command of the Fortress, and so escaped sailing into their Hands; but
stretching along to the Western end of the Island, they came up with a
Fishing Boat, and being in want of Water, made them Pilot them into a
small Harbour, where they went a shore and got a supply.

After they had Watered, they Sailed away for Cape de Verde Islands, and
upon making the Isle of May, they descry’d a Sloop, which they took,
and it proved to be a Bristol-man, one Pare or Pier Master; this Sloop
they designed for a Tender, and put on board her my Kinsman Nicholas
Merritt, with 8 or 9 hands more, and Sailed away for Bonavista, with a
design to careen their Vessels.

In their Passage to Bonavista, the Sloop wronged both the Pink and the
Schooner; which the Hands on board observing, being mostly Forced Men,
or such as were weary of their Employment, upon the Fifth of September,
Ran away with her and made their Escape.

When they came to Bonavista, they hove down the Schooner, and careen’d
her, and then the Pink; and here they gave the Wheat, which they had
kept to Ballast the Pink with, to the Portugueze, and took other
Ballast.

After they had cleaned and fitted their Vessels, they steered away
for St. Nicholas, to get better Water; and here as I was told, 7 or
8 hands out of the Pink went a shore a Fowling, but never came off
more, among which I suppose Lawrence Fabins was one, and what became
of them I never could hear to this Day. Then they put out to Sea, and
stood away for the Coast of Brasil, hoping to meet with Richer Prizes
than they had yet taken; in the Passage thither, they made a Ship,
which they gave chase to, but could not come up with; and when they
came upon the Coast, it had like to have proved a sad Coast to them;
for the Trade-Winds blowing exceeding hard at South East, they fell in
upon the Northern part of the Coast, near 200 Leagues to the Leeward of
where they designed; and here we were all in exceeding great Danger,
and for Five Days and Nights together, hourly feared when we should
be swallowed up by the violence of the Wind and Sea, or stranded upon
some of the Shoals, that lay many Leagues off from Land. In this time
of Extremity, the Poor Wretches had no where to go for Help! For they
were at open Defiance with their Maker, & they could have but little
comfort in the thoughts of their Agreement with Hell; such mighty
Hectors as they were, in a clear Sky and a fair Gale, yet a fierce
Wing and a boisterous Sea sunk their Spirits to a Cowardly dejection,
and they evidently feared the Almighty, whom before they defied, lest
He was come to Torment them before their expected Time; and tho’ they
were so habituated to Cursing and Swearing, that the Dismal Prospect of
Death, & this of so long Continuance, could not Correct the language of
most of them, yet you might plainly see the inward Horror and Anguish
of their Minds, visible in their Countenances, and like Men amazed, or
starting out of Sleep in a fright, I could hear them ever now and then,
cry out, Oh! I wish I were at Home.

When the Fierceness of the Weather was over, and they had recovered
their Spirits, by the help of a little Nantes, they bore away to the
West Indies, and made the three Islands call’d the Triangles, lying off
the Main about 40 Leagues to the Eastward of Surinam. Here they went
in and careened their Vessels again; and it had like to have proved a
fatal Scouring to them.

For as they hove down the Pink, Low had ordered so many hands upon the
Shrouds, and Yards, to throw her Bottom out of Water, that it threw
her Ports, which were open, under Water; and the Water flow’d in with
such freedom that it presently overset her. Low and the Doctor were in
the Cabin together, and as soon as he perceived the Water to gush in
upon him, he bolted out at one of the Stern-Ports, which the Doctor
also attempted, but the Sea rushed so violently into the Port by that
time, as to force him back into the Cabin, upon which Low nimbly run
his Arm into the Port, and caught hold of his Shoulder and drew him
out, and so saved him. The Vessel pitched her Masts to the Ground,
in about 6 Fathom Water, and turn’d her Keel out of Water; but as her
Hull filled, it sunk, and by the help of her Yard-Arms, which I suppose
bore upon the Ground, her Masts were raised something out of Water;
the Men that were upon her Shrouds and Yards, got upon her Hull, when
that was uppermost, and then upon her Top-Masts and Shrouds, when
they were raised again. I (who with other light Lads were sent up to
the Main-Top-Gallant Yard) was very difficultly put to it to save my
Life, being but a poor Swimmer; for the Boat which picked the Men up,
refused to take me in, & I was put upon making the best of my way to
the Buoy, which with much ado I recovered, and it being large I stayed
my self by it, till the Boat came along close by it, and then I called
to them to take me in; but they being full of Men still refused me;
and I did not know but they meant to leave me to perish there; but the
Boat making way a head very slowly because of her deep load, and Joseph
Libbie calling to me to put off from the Buoy and Swim to them, I e’en
ventured it, and he took me by the hand and drew me in board. They lost
two Men by this Accident, viz. John Bell, and one they called Zana
Gourdon. The Men that were on board the Schooner were busy a mending
the Sails, under an Auning, so they knew nothing of what had happened
to the Pink, till the Boat full of Men came along side of them, tho’
they were but about Gun-Shot off, and We made a great out-cry; and
therefore they sent not their Boat to help take up the Men.

And now Low and his Gang, having lost their Frigate, and with her the
greatest part of their Provision and Water, were again reduced to their
Schooner as their only Privateer, and in her they put to Sea, and were
brought to very great straits for want of Water; for they could not get
a supply at the Triangles, and when they hoped to furnish themselves
at Tobago, the Current set so strong, & the Season was so Calm, that
they could not recover the Harbour, so they were forced to stand away
for Grand Grenada, a French Island about 18 Leagues to the Westward of
Tobago, which they gained, after they had been at the hardship of half
a pint of Water a Man for Sixteen Dayes together.

Here the French came on board, and Low having put all his Men down, but
a sufficient number to Sail the Vessel, told them upon their Enquiry,
Whence he was, that he was come from Barbadoes, and had lost his Water;
and was oblig’d to put in for a recruit; the poor People not suspecting
him for a Pyrate, readily suffered him to send his Men ashoar and fetch
off a supply. But the Frenchmen afterwards suspecting he was a Smugling
Trader, thought to have made a Boon Prize of him, and the next day
fitted out a large Rhode-Island built Sloop of 70 Tuns, with 4 Guns
mounted, and about 30 Hands, with design to have taken him. Low was
apprehensive of no danger from them, till they came close along side of
him and plainly discovered their design, by their Number and Actions,
and then he called up his hands upon Deck, and having about 90 Hands on
board, & 8 Guns mounted, the Sloop and Frenchmen fell an easy prey to
him, and he made a Privateer of her.

After this they cruised for some time thro’ the West Indies, in which
excursion they took 7 or 8 Sail of Vessels, chiefly Sloops; at length
they came to Santa Cruiz, where they took two Sloops more, & then came
to Anchor off the Island.

While they lay an Anchor here, it came into Low’s Head, that he wanted
a Doctor’s Chest, & in order to procure one, he put four of the
Frenchmen on board one of the Sloops, which he had just now taken, &
sent them away to St. Thomas’s, about 12 Leagues off where the Sloops
belonged, with the promise, that if they would presently send him off a
good Doctor’s Chest, for what he sent to purchase it with, they should
have their Men & Vessels again, but if not, he would kill all the Men
& burn the Vessels. The poor People in Compassion to their Neighbours,
& to preserve their Interest, readily complyed with his Demands; so
that in little more than 24 Hours the four Frenchmen returned with what
they went for, & then according to promise, they & their Sloops were
Dismissed.

From Santa Cruz they Sailed till they made Curacao, in which Passage
they gave Chase to two Sloops that out sailed them & got clear; then
they Ranged the Coast of New Spain, and made Carthagena, & about
mid-way between Carthagena and Port-Abella, they descry’d two tall
Ships, which proved to be the Mermaid Man-of-War, & a large Guinea-Man.
Low was now in the Rhode Island Sloop, & one Farrington Spriggs a
Quarter-Master, was Commander of the Schooner, where I still was. For
some time they made Sail after the two Ships, till they came so near
that they could plainly see the Man-of-War’s large range of Teeth, &
then they turned Tail to, and made the best of their way from them;
upon which the Man-of-War gave them Chase & overhalled them apace. And
now I confess I was in as great terrour as ever I had been yet, for I
concluded we should be taken, & I could expect no other butt to Dye for
Companies sake; so true is what Solomon tells us, a Companion of Fools
shall be destroyed. But the Pirates finding the Man-of-War to overhale
them, separated, & Low stood out to Sea, & Spriggs stood in for the
Shoar. The Man-of-War observing the Sloop to be the larger Vessel
much, and fullest of Men, threw out all the Sail she could, & stood
after her, and was in a fair way of coming up with her presently. But
it hapened there was one Man on board the Sloop, that knew of a Shoal
Ground thereabouts, who directed Low to run over it; he did so; and
the Man-of-War who had now so forereached him as to sling a Shot over
him, in the close pursuit ran a Ground upon the Shoal, and so Low and
Company escaped Hanging for this time.

Spriggs, who was in the Schooner, when he saw the Danger they were in
of being taken, upon the Man-of-War’s outsailing them, was afraid of
falling into the hands of Justice; to prevent which, he, and one of
his Chief Companions, took their Pistols, and laid them down by them,
and solemnly Swore to each other, and pledg’d the Oath in a Bumper of
Liquor, that if they saw there was at last no possibility of Escaping,
but that they should be taken, they would set Foot to Foot, and Shoot
one another, to Escape Justice and the Halter. As if Divine Justice
were not as inexorable as Humane!

[Illustration: PIRATES BOARDING A SPANISH VESSEL IN THE WEST INDIES

From an engraving in “The History and Lives of the most Notorious
Pirates,” by an old Seaman, London, n.d., in possession of Capt. Ernest
H. Pentecost, R.N.R.]

But, as I said, he stood in for the Shoar, and made into Pickeroon Bay,
about 18 Leagues from Carbagena, and so got out of reach of Danger.
By this means the Sloop and Schooner were parted; and Spriggs made
Sail towards the Bay of Honduras, and came to Anchor in a small Island
called Utilla, about 7 or 8 Leagues to Leeward of Roatan, where by the
help of a small Sloop, he had taken the Day before, he haled down, and
cleaned the Schooner.

While Spriggs lay at Utilla, there was an Opportunity presented, which
gave occasion to several of us to form a design, of making our Escape
out of the Pirates Company; for having lost Low, and being but weak
handed, Spriggs had determined to go thro’ the Gulf, and come upon the
Coast of New-England, to encrease his Company, and supply himself with
Provision; whereupon a Number of us had entred into a Combination, to
take the first fair advantage, to Subdue our Masters; and Free our
selves. There were in all about 22 Men on board the Schooner, and 8
of us were in the Plot, which was, That when we should come upon the
Coast of New-England, we would take the opportunity when the Crew had
sufficiently dozed themselves with Drink, and had got sound a Sleep, to
secure them under the Hatches, and bring the Vessel and Company in, and
throw ourselves upon the Mercy of the Government.

But it pleased GOD to disappoint our Design. The Day that they came
to Sail out of Utilla, after they had been parted from Low about five
Weeks, they discovered a large Sloop, which bore down upon them.
Spriggs, who knew not the Sloop, but imagined it might be a Spanish
Privateer, full of Men, being but weak handed himself, made the best
of his way from her. The Sloop greatly overhaled the Schooner. Low,
who knew the Schooner, & thought that since they had been separated,
she might have fallen into the hands of honest Men, fired upon her, &
struck her the first Shot. Spriggs, seeing the Sloop fuller of Men than
ordinary, (for Low had been to Honduras, & had taken a Sloop, & brought
off several Baymen, & was now become an Hundred strong) & remaining
still ignorant of his old Mate, refused to bring to, but continued to
make off; and resolved if they came up with him, to fight them the best
he could. Thus the Harpies had like to have fallen fowl of one another.
But Low hoisting his Pirate Colours, discovered who he was; and then,
hideous was the noisy Joy among the Piratical Crew, on all sides,
accompanied with Firing, & Carousing, at the finding their Old Master,
& Companions, & their narrow Escape; and so the design of Crusing upon
the Coast of New-England came to nothing. A good Providence it was to
my dear Country, that it did so; unless we could have timely succeeded
in our design to surprise them.

Yet it had like to have proved a fatal Providence to those of us that
had a hand in the Plot; for tho’ our design of surprising Spriggs and
Company, when we should come upon the Coast of New-England, was carried
with as much secrecy as was possible, (we hardly daring to trust one
another, and mentioning it always with utmost privacy, and not plainly,
but in distant hints) yet now that Low appeared, Spriggs had got an
account of it some way or other; and full of Resentment and Rage he
goes aboard Low, and acquaints him with what he called our Treacherous
design, and says all he can to provoke him to Revenge the Mischief upon
us, and earnestly urged that we might be shot. But GOD who has the
Hearts of all Men in His own Hands, and turns them as He pleases, so
over ruled, that Low turned it off with a Laugh, and said he did not
know, but if it had been his own case, as it was ours, he should have
done so himself; and all that Spriggs could say was not able to stir up
his Resentments, and procure any heavy Sentence upon us.

Thus Low’s merry Air saved us at that time; for had he lisped a Word in
compliance with what Spriggs urged, we had surely some of us, if not
all, have been lost. Upon this he comes on board the Schooner again,
heated with Drink, but more chased in his own mind, that he could not
have his Will of us, and swore & tore like a Madman, crying out that
four of us ought to go forward, & be shot; and to me in particular he
said, You D--g, Ashton, deserve to be hang’d up at the Yards Arm, for
designing to cut us off. I told him, I had no design of hurting any man
on board, but if they would let me go away quietly I should be glad.
This matter made a very great noise on board for several Hours, but at
length the Fire was quenched, and thro’ the Goodness of GOD, I escaped
being consumed by the violence of the Flame.

The next Day, Low ordered all into Roatan Harbour to clean, and here it
was that thro’ the Favour of GOD to me, I first gained Deliverance out
of the Pirates hands; tho’ it was a long while before my Deliverance
was perfected, in a return to my Country, and Friends; as you will see
in the Sequel.

Roatan Harbour, as all about the Gulf of Honduras, is full of small
Islands, which go by the General Name of the Keys. When we had got in
here, Low and some of his Chief Men had got a shoar upon one of these
small Islands, which they called Port-Royal Key, where they made them
Booths, and were Carousing, Drinking, and Firing, while the two Sloops,
the Rhode-Island, and that which Low brought with him from the Bay were
cleaning. As for the Schooner, he loaded her with the Logwood which the
Sloop brought from the Bay, & gave her, according to promise, to one
John Blaze, and put four men along with him in her, and when they came
to Sail from this Place, sent them away upon their own account, and
what became of them I know not.

Upon Saturday the 9th of March, 1723, the Cooper with Six hands in the
Long-Boat were going ashore at the Watering place to fill their Casks;
as he came along by the Schooner I called to him and asked him, if he
were going a shoar? he told me Yes; then I asked him, if he would take
me along with him; he seemed to hesitate at the first; but I urged
that I had never been on shoar yet, since I first came on board, and I
thought it very hard that I should be so closely confined, when every
one else had the Liberty of going ashoar, at several times, as there
was occasion. At length he took me in, imagining, I suppose, that there
would be no danger of my Running away in so desolate uninhabitated a
Place, as that was.

I went into the Boat with only an Ozenbrigs Frock and Trousers on, and
a Mill’d Cap upon my Head, having neither Shirt, Shoes, nor Stockings,
nor any thing else about me; whereas, had I been aware of such an
Opportunity, but one quarter of an Hour before, I could have provided
my self something better. However, thought I, if I can but once get
footing on Terra-Firma, tho’ in never so bad Circumstances, I shall
count it a happy Deliverance; for I was resolved, come what would,
never to come on board again.

Low had often told me (upon my asking him to send me away in some of
the Vessels, which he dismissed after he had taken them), that I should
go home when he did, and not before, and Swore that I should never set
foot on shoar till he did. But the time for Deliverance was now come.
GOD had ordered it that Low and Spriggs, and almost all the Commanding
Officers, were ashoar upon an Island distinct from Roatan, where the
Watering place was; He presented me in sight, when the Long Boat came
by, (the only opportunity I could have had) He had moved the Cooper to
take me into the Boat, and under such Circumstances as rendred me least
lyable to Suspicion; and so I got ashoar.

[Illustration: MAP OF THE BAY OF HONDURAS SHOWING RATTAN ISLAND

From the map in “Voyages and travels of Capt. Nathaniel Uring,” London,
1726, in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society]

When we came first to Land, I was very Active in helping to get the
Casks out of the Boat, & Rowling them up to the Watering place; then I
lay down at the Fountain & took a hearty Draught of the Cool Water; &
anon, I gradually strol’d along the Beech, picking up Stones & Shells,
& looking about me; when I had got about Musket Shot off from them
(tho’ they had taken no Arms along with them in the Boat) I began to
make up to the Edge of the Woods; when the Cooper spying me, call’d
after me, & asked me where I was going; I told him I was going to get
some Coco-Nuts, for there were some Coco-Nut Trees just before me. So
soon as I had recovered the Woods, and lost sight of them, I betook my
self to my Heels, & ran as fast as the thickness of the Bushes, and my
naked Feet would let me. I bent my Course, not directly from them, but
rather up behind them, which I continued till I had got a considerable
way into the Woods, & yet not so far from them but that I could hear
their talk, when they spake any thing loud; and here I lay close in a
very great Thicket, being well assured, if they should take the pains
to hunt after me never so carefully they would not be able to find me.

After they had filled their Casks and were about to go off, the Cooper
called after me to come away; but I lay snug in my Thicket, and would
give him no Answer, tho’ I plainly eno’ heard him. At length they set
a hallooing for me, but I was still silent; I could hear them say to
one another, The D--g is lost in the Woods, and can’t find the way out
again; then they hallooed again; and cried, he is run-away and won’t
come again; the Cooper said, if he had thought I would have served him
so, he would not have brought me ashoar. They plainly saw it would be
in vain to seek me in such hideous Woods, and thick Brushes. When they
were weary with hallooing, the Cooper at last, to shew his good Will
to me, (I can’t but Love and Thank him for his Kindness) call’d out,
If you don’t come away presently, I’ll go off and leave you alone. But
all they could say was no Temptation to me to discover my self, and
least of all that of their going away and leaving me; for this was
the very thing I desired, that I might be rid of them, and all that
belonged to them. So finding it in vain for them to wait any longer,
they put off with their Water, without me; and thus was I left upon a
desolate Island destitute of all help, and much out of the way of all
Travellers; however this Wilderness I looked upon as Hospitable, and
this Loneliness as good Company, compared with the State and Society I
was now happily Delivered from.

When I supposed they were gone off, I came out of my Thicket, and drew
down to the Water side, about a Mile below the Watering place, where
there was a small run of Water; and here I sat down to observe their
Motions, and know when the Coast was clear; for I could not but have
some remaining fears lest they should send a Company of Armed Men after
me; yet I thought if they should, the Woods and Bushes were so thick
that it would be impossible they should find me. As yet I had nothing
to Eat, nor indeed were my Thoughts much concerned about living in this
Desolate Place, but they were chiefly taken up about my geting clear.
And to my Joy, after the Vessels had stayed five Days in this Harbour,
they came to Sail, and put out to Sea, and I plainly saw the Schooner
part from the two Sloops, and shape a different Course from them.

When they were gone and the Coast clear, I began to reflect upon my
self, and my present Condition; I was upon an Island from whence I
could not get off; I knew of no Humane Creature within many scores
of Miles of me; I had but a Scanty Cloathing, and no possibility of
getting more; I was destitute of all Provision for my Support, and
knew not how I should come at any; every thing looked with a dismal
Face; the sad prospect drew Tears from me in abundance; yet since GOD
had graciously granted my Desires, in freeing me out of the hands of
the Sons of Violence, whose Business ’tis to devise Mischief against
their Neighbour, and from whom every thing that had the least face of
Religion and Virtue was intirely Banished, (unless that Low would never
suffer his Men to work upon the Sabbath, (it was more devoted to Play)
and I have seen some of them sit down to Read in a good Book) therefore
I purposed to account all the hardship I might now meet with, as Light,
& Easy, compared with being Associated with them.

In order to find in what manner I was to Live for the time to come,
I began to Range the Island over, which I suppose is some 10 or 11
Leagues Long, in the Latitude of 16 deg. 30 min. or thereabouts. I soon
found that I must look for no Company, but the Wild Beast of the Field,
and the Fowl of the Air; with all of which I made a Firm Peace, and GOD
said Amen to it. I could discover no Footsteps of any Habitation upon
the Island; yet there was one walk of Lime Trees near a Mile long, and
ever now & then I found some broken Shreds of Earthen Pots, scattered
here and there upon the Place, which some say are some remains of the
Indians that formerly Lived upon the Island.

The Island is well Watered, and is full of Hills, high Mountains, and
lowly Vallies. The Mountains are Covered over with a sort of scrubby
black Pine, & are almost inaccessible. The Vallies abound with Fruit
Trees, and are so prodigiously thick with an underbrush, that ’tis
difficult passing.

The Fruit were Coco-Nuts, but these I could have no advantage from,
because I had no way of coming at the inside; there are Wild-Figs, and
Vines in abundance, these I chiefly lived upon, especially at first;
there is also a sort of Fruit growing upon Trees somewhat larger than
an Orange, of an Oval shape, of a brownish Colour without, and red
within, having two or three Stones about as large as a Walnut in the
midst: tho’ I saw many of these fallen under the Trees, yet I dared not
to meddle with them for sometime, till I saw some Wild Hogs eat them
with safety, and then I thought I might venture upon them too, after
such Tasters, and I found them to be a very delicious sort of Fruit;
they are called Mammees Supporters, as I learned afterwards. There are
also a sort of small Beech-Plumb, growing upon low shrubs; and a large
form of Plumb growing upon Trees, which are called Hog-Plumbs; and many
other sorts of Fruit which I am wholly a Stranger to. Only I would take
notice of the Goodness of GOD to me, in preserving me from destroying
my self by feeding upon any Noxious Fruit, as the Mangeneil Apple,
which I often took up in my hands, and look’d upon, but had not the
power to eat of; which if I had, it would have been present Death to
me, as I was informed afterwards, tho’ I knew not what it was.

There are also upon this Island, and the Adjacent Islands, and Keys,
Deer, and Wild Hogs; they abound too with Fowl of diverse sorts,
as Ducks, Teil, Curlews, Galdings, (a Fowl long Legged, and shaped
somewhat like a Heron, but not so big) Pellicans, Boobys, Pigeons,
Parrotts, &c. and the Shoars abound with Tortoise.

But of all this Store of Beast, and Fowl, I could make no use to Supply
my Necessities; tho’ my Mouth often watered for a Bit of them; yet I
was forced to go without it; for I had no Knife, or other Instrument of
Iron with me, by which to cut up a Tortoise, when I had turned it; or
to make Snares or Pitts, with which to entrap, or Bows & Arrows with
which to kill any Bird or Beast withal; nor could I by any possible
means that I knew of, come at Fire to dress any if I had taken them,
tho’ I doubt not but some would have gone down Raw if I could have come
at it.

I sometimes had thoughts of Digging Pits and covering them over with
small Branches of Trees, & laying Brush and Leaves upon them to take
some Hogs or Deer in; but all was vain imagination, I had no Shovel,
neither could I find or make any thing that would answer my end, and I
was presently convinced, that my Hands alone, were not sufficient to
make one deep and large eno’ to detain any thing that should fall into
it; so that I was forced to rest satisfied with the Fruit of the Vine,
and Trees, and looked upon it as good Provision, and very handy for one
in my Condition.

In length of time, as I was poking about the Beech, with a Stick, to
see if I could find any Tortoise Nests, (which I had heard lay their
Eggs in the Sand) I brought up part of an Egg clinging to the Stick,
and upon removing the Sand which lay over them, I found near an Hundred
& Fifty Eggs which had not been laid long eno’ to spoil; so I took some
of them and eat them: And in this way I sometimes got some Eggs to Eat,
which are not very good at the best; yet what is not good to him that
has nothing to Live upon, but what falls from the Trees.

The Tortoise lay their Eggs above High Water Mark, in a hole which they
make in the Sand, about a Foot, or a Foot and half deep, and cover them
over with the Sand, which they make as smooth & even as any part of the
Beech, so that there is no discerning where they are, by any, the least
sign of a Hillock, or Rising; and according to my best observation,
they Hatch in about 18 or 20 Days, and as soon as the Young Ones are
Hatched they betake themselves immediately to the Water.

There are many Serpents upon this, and the Adjacent Islands. There is
one sort that is very Large, as big round as a Man’s Wast, tho’ not
above 12 or 14 Feet long. These are called Owlers. They look like old
fallen Stocks of Trees covered over with a short Moss, when they lye
at their length; but they more usually lye coiled up in a round. The
first I saw of these greatly surprised me; for I was very near to it
before I discovered it to be a Living Creature, and then it opened it’s
Mouth wide eno’ to have thrown a Hat into it, and blew out its Breath
at me. This Serpent is very slow in its motion, and nothing Venemous,
as I was afterwards told by a Man, who said he had been once bitten by
one of them. There are several other smaller Serpents, some of them
very Venemous, particularly one that is called a Barber’s Pole, being
streaked White and Yellow. But I met with no Rattle-Snakes there,
unless the Pirates, nor did I ever hear of any other being there.

The Islands are also greatly infested with vexatious Insects,
especially the Musketto, and a sort of small Black Fly, (something like
a Gnat) more troublesome than the Musketto; so that if one had never so
many of the comforts of Life about him, these Insects would render his
Living here very burthensome to him; unless he retired to a small Key,
destitute of Woods and Brush, where the Wind disperses the Vermin.

The Sea hereabouts, hath a variety of Fish; such as are good to Eat,
I could not come at, and the Sharks, and Alligators or Crocodiles, I
did not care to have any thing to do with; tho’ I was once greatly
endangered by a Shark, as I shall tell afterwards.

This was the Place I was confined to; this my Society and Fellowship;
and this my State and Condition of Life. Here I spent near Nine Months;
without Converse with any Living Creature; for the Parrots here had not
been taught to Speak. Here I lingred out one Day after another, I knew
not how, without Business, or Diversion; unless gathering up my Food,
rambling from Hill to Hill, from Island to Island, gazing upon the
Water, and staring upon the Face of the Sky, may be called so.

In this Lonely and Distressed Condition, I had time to call over
my past Life; and Young as I was, I saw I had grown Old in Sin; my
Transgressions were more than my Days; and tho’ GOD had graciously
Restrained me from the Grosser Enormities of Life, yet I saw Guilt
staring me in the Face; eno’ to humble me and forever to vindicate the
Justice of GOD in all that I underwent. I called to mind many things I
had heard from the Pulpit, and what I had formerly Read in the Bible,
which I was now wholly Destitute of, tho’ I thought if I could but have
one now, it would have sweetened my Condition, by the very Diversion
of Reading, and much more from the Direction and Comfort it would have
afforded me. I had some Comforts in the midst of my Calamity. It was
no small Support to me, that I was about my Lawful Employment, when
I was first taken; and that I had no hand in bringing my Misery upon
my self, but was forced away sorely against my Will. It wonderfully
aleviated my Sorrows, to think, that I had my Parents approbation, and
consent in my going to Sea; and I often fancied to my self, that if
I had gone to Sea against their will and pleasure, and had met with
this Disaster, I should have looked upon it as a designed Punishment
of such Disobedience, and the very Reflection on it would have so
aggravated my Misery, as soon to have put an end to my Days. I looked
upon my self also, as more in the way of the Divine Blessing now, than
when I was linked to a Crew of Pirates, where I could scarce hope for
Protection and a Blessing. I plainly saw very signal Instances of the
Power & Goodness of GOD to me, in the many Deliverances which I had
already experienced (the least of which I was utterly unworthy of) and
this Encouraged me to put my Trust in Him: and tho’ I had none but GOD
to go to for help, yet I knew that He was able to do more for me than
I could ask or think: to Him therefore I committed my self, purposing
to wait hopefully upon the Lord till he should send Deliverance to me:
Trusting that in his own time and way, he would find out means for my
safe Return to my Fathers House; and earnestly entreating that he would
provide a better place for me.

It was my Daily Practice to Ramble from one part of the Island to an
other, tho’ I had a more special Home near to the Water side. Here I
had built me a House to defend me from the heat of the Sun by Day,
and the great Dews of the Night. I took some of the best Branches I
could find fallen from the Trees, and stuck them in the Ground, and
I contrived as often as I could (for I built many such Huts) to fix
them leaning against the Limb of a Tree that hung low; I split the
Palmeto Leaves and knotted the Limb & Sticks together; then I covered
them over with the largest and best Palmeto Leaves I could find. I
generally Situated my Hut near the Water side, with the open part of
it facing the Sea, that I might be the more ready upon the look out,
and have the advantage of the Sea Breeze, which both the Heat and
the Vermin required. But the Vermin, the Muskettos and Flys, grew so
troublesome to me, that I was put upon contrivance to get rid of their
Company. This led me to think of getting over to some of the Adjacent
Keys, that I might have some Rest from the disturbance of these busy
Companions. My greatest difficulty lay in getting over to any other
Island; for I was but a very poor Swimmer; and I had no Canoo, nor any
means of making one. At length I got a piece of Bamboe, which is hollow
like a Reed, and light as a Cork, and having made tryal of it under
my Breast and Arms in Swimming by the shoar; with this help I e’en
ventured to put off for a small Key about Gunshot off, and I reached it
pretty comfortably. This Key was but about 3 or 400 Feet in compass,
clear of Woods & Brush, & lay very low: & I found it so free from the
Vermin, by the free Passage of the Wind over it, that I seemed to be
got into a New World, where I lived more at ease. This I kept as a
place of Retreat, whither I retired when the Heat of the Day rendred
the Fly-kind most troublesome to me: for I was obliged to be much upon
Roatan for the sake of my Food, Water, & House. When I swam backward
& forward from my Night to my Day Island, I used to bind my Frock &
Trousers about my Head, but I could not so easily carry over Wood &
Leaves to make a Hut of; else I should have spent more of my time upon
my little Day Island.

My Swimming thus backward & forward exposed me to some Danger. Once I
Remember as I was passing from my Day to my Night Island, the Bamboe
got from under me e’er I was aware, & the Tide or Current set so
strong, that I was very difficulty put to it to recover the Shoar;
so that a few Rods more distance had in all probability landed me in
another World. At another time as I was Swimming over to my Day Island,
a Shovel nos’d Shark, (of which the Seas thereabouts are full, as well
as Alligators) struck me in the Thigh just as I set my Foot to Ground,
& so grounded himself (I suppose) by the shoalness of the Water, that
he could not turn himself to come at me with his Mouth, & so, thro’
the Goodness of GOD, I escaped falling a Prey to his devouring Teeth.
I felt the Blow he gave me some hours after I had got ashoar. By
accustoming my self to Swim, I at length grew pretty dexterous at it,
and often gave my self the Diversion of thus passing from one Island to
another among the Keys.

One of my greatest difficulties lay in my being Barefoot, my Travels
backward & forward in the Woods to hunt for my Daily Food, among the
thick under-brush, where the Ground was covered with sharp Sticks &
Stones, & upon the hot Beech among the sharp broken Shells, had made
so many Wounds and Gashes in my Feet, & some of them very large, that
I was hardly able to go at all. Very often as I was treading with all
the tenderness I could, a sharp Stone or Shell on the Beech or pointed
Stick in the Woods, would run into the Old Wounds, & the Anguish of it
would strike me down as suddenly as if I had been shot thro’, & oblige
me to set down and Weep by the hour together at the extremity of my
Pain; so that in process of time I could Travel no more than needs
must, for the necessary procuring of Food. Sometimes I have sat leaning
my Back against a Tree, with my Face to the Sea, to look out for the
passing of a Vessel for a whole Day together.

At length I grew very Weak & Faint, as well as Sore and Bruised; and
once while I was in this Condition, a Wild Boar seemed to make at me
with some Fierceness; I knew not what to do with my self, for I was not
able to defend my self against him if he should attack me. So as he
drew nearer to me, I caught hold of the Limb of a Tree which was close
by me, & drew my Body up by it from the Ground as well as I could;
while I was in this Hanging posture, the Boar came and struck at me,
but his Tushes only took hold of my shattered Trousers & tore a peice
out; and then he went his way. This I think was the only time that I
was assaulted by any Wild Beast, with whom I said I had made Peace; and
I look upon it as a Great Deliverance.

As my Weakness encreased upon me, I should often fall down as tho’
struck with a dead sleep, and many a time as I was thus falling, and
sometimes when I lay’d my self down to Sleep, I never expected to wake
or rise more; and yet in the midst of all GOD has Wonderfully preserved
me.

In the midst of this my great Soreness & Feebleness I lost the Days of
the Week, & how long I had layn in some of my numb sleepy Fits I knew
not, so that I was not able now to distinguish the Sabbath from any
other Day of the Week; tho’ all Days were in some sort a Sabbath to me.
As my Illness prevailed I wholly lost the Month, and knew not where
abouts I was in the Account of Time.

Under all this Dreadful Distress, I had no healing Balsames to apply
to my Feet, no Cordials to revive my Fainting Spirits, hardly able now
& then to get me some Figs or Grapes to Eat, nor any possible way of
coming at a Fire, which the Cool Winds, & great Rains, beginning to
come on now called for. The Rains begin about the middle of October, &
continue for Five Months together, and then the Air is Raw Cold, like
our North East Storms of Rain; only at times the Sun breaks out with
such an exceeding Fierceness, that there is hardly any enduring the
Heat of it.

I had often heard of the fetching Fire by Rubbing of two Sticks
together; but I could never get any this way; tho’ I had often
tried while I was in Health and Strength, untill I was quite tired.
Afterwards I learned the way of getting Fire from two Sticks, which I
will Publish, that it may be of Service to any that may be hereafter in
my Condition.

Take Two Sticks, the one of harder the other softer Wood, the dryer the
better, in the soft Wood make a sort of Mortice or Socket, point the
harder Wood to fit that Socket; hold the softer Wood firm between the
Knees, take the harder Wood between your Hands with the point fixed in
the Socket, and rub the Stick in your Hands backward & forward briskly
like a Drill, and it will take Fire in less than a Minute; as I have
sometimes since seen, upon experiment made of it.

But then I knew of no such Method (and it may be should have been
difficulty put to it to have formed the Mortice and Drill for want of
a Knife) and I suffered greatly without a Fire, thro’ the chillness of
the Air, the Wetness of the Season, and Living only upon Raw Fruit.

Thus I pass’d about Nine Months in this lonely, melancholy, wounded,
and languishing Condition. I often lay’d my self down as upon my last
Bed, & concluded I should certainly Dye alone, & no Body knew what was
become of me. I thought it would be some relief to me if my Parents
could but tell where I was; and then I thought their Distress would be
exceeding great, if they knew what I under went. But all such thoughts
were vain. The more my Difficulties encreased, and the nearer prospect
I had of Dying, the more it drove me upon my Knees, and made me the
more earnest in my Crys to my Maker for His favourable regards to me,
and to the Great Redeemer to pardon me, and provide for my after well
being.

And see the surprising Goodness of GOD to me, in sending me help in my
time of trouble, & that in the most unexpected way & manner, as tho’ an
Angel had been commissioned from Heaven to relieve me.

Sometime in November, 1723, I espied a small Canoo, coming towards
me with one Man in it. It did not much surprise me. A Friend I could
not hope for; and I could not resist, or hardly get out of the way
of an Enemy, nor need I fear one. I kept my Seat upon the Edge of the
Beech. As he came nearer he discovered me & seemed great surprised. He
called to me. I told him whence I was, & that he might safely venture
ashoar, for I was alone, & almost Dead. As he came up to me, he stared
& look’d wild with surprise; my Garb & Countenance astonished him; he
knew not what to make of me; he started back a little, & viewed me more
thorowly; but upon recovering of himself, he came forward, & took me by
the Hand & told me he was glad to see me. And he was ready as long as
he stayed with me, to do any kind offices for me.

He proved to be a North-Britain, a Man well in Years, of a Grave and
Venerable Aspect, and of a reserved Temper. His Name I never knew, for
I had not asked him in the little time he was with me, expecting a
longer converse with him; and he never told me it. But he acquainted me
that he had lived with the Spaniards 22 Years, and now they threatened
to Burn him, I knew not for what Crime: therefore he had fled for
Sanctuary to this Place, & had brought his Gun, Ammunition, and Dog,
with a small quantity of Pork, designing to spend the residue of his
Days here, & support himself by Hunting. He seemed very kind & obliging
to me, gave me some of his Pork, and assisted me all he could; tho’ he
conversed little.

Upon the Third Day after he came to me, he told me, he would go out in
his Canoo among the Islands, to kill some Wild Hogs & Deer, and would
have had me to go along with him. His Company, the Fire and a little
dressed Provision something recruited my Spirits; but yet I was so
Weak, and Sore in my Feet, that I could not accompany him in Hunting:
So he set out alone, and said he would be with me again in a Day or
two. The Sky was Serene and Fair, and there was no prospect of any
Danger in his little Voyage among the Islands, when he had come safe in
that small Float near 12 Leagues; but by that time he had been gone an
Hour, there arose a most Violent Gust of Wind and Rain, which in all
probability overset him; so that I never saw nor heard of him any more.
And tho’ by this means I was deprived of my Companion, yet it was the
Goodness of GOD to me, that I was not well eno’ to go with him; for
thus I was preserved from that Destruction which undoubtedly overtook
him.

Thus after the pleasure of having a Companion almost Three Days, I was
as unexpectedly reduced to my former lonely Condition, as I had been
for a little while recovered out of it. It was grievous to me to think,
that I no sooner saw the Dawnings of Light, after so long Obscurity,
but the Clouds returned after the Rain upon me. I began to experience
the Advantage of a Companion, and find that Two is better than One,
and flattered my self, that by the help of some fresh Hogs Grease, I
should get my Feet well, and by a better Living recover more Strength.
But it pleased GOD to take from me the only Man I had seen for so many
Months after so short a Converse with him. Yet I was left in better
Circumstances by him that he found me in. For at his going away he
left with me about Five Pound of Pork, a Knife, a Bottle of Powder,
Tobacco Tongs and Flint, by which means I was in a way to Live better
than I had done. For now I could have a Fire, which was very needful
for me, the Rainy Months of the Winter; I could cut up some Tortoise
when I had turned them, and have a delicate broiled Meal of it: So
that by the help of the Fire, and dressed Food, and the Blessing of
GOD accompanying it, I began to recover more Strength, only my Feet
remained Sore.

Besides, I had this Advantage now, which I had not before, that I could
go out now and then and catch a Dish of Crab-Fish, a Fish much like a
Lobster, only wanting the great Claws. My manner of catching them was
odd; I took some of the best peices of the old broken small Wood, that
came the nearest to our Pitch Pine, or Candle-Wood, and made them up
into a small Bundle like a Torch, and holding one of these lighted at
one End in one hand, I waded into the Water upon the Beech up to my
Wast: the Crab-Fish spying the Light at a considerable distance, would
crawl away till they came directly under it, and then they would lye
still at my Feet. In my other hand I had a Forked Stick with which I
struck the Fish and tossed it ashoar. In this manner I supplyed my self
with a Mess of Shell-Fish, which when roasted is very good Eating.

Between two and three Months after I had lost my Companion, as I was
ranging a long shoar, I found a small Canoo. The sight of this at first
renewed my Sorrows for his Loss; for I thought it had been his Canoo,
and it’s coming ashore thus, was a proof to me that he was lost in the
Tempest: but upon further Examination of it I found it was one I had
never seen before.

When I had got this little Vessel in possession, I began to think
my self Admiral of the Neighbouring Seas, as well as Sole Possessor
and Chief Commander upon the Islands; and with the advantage hereof
I could transport my self to my small Islands of Retreat, much more
conveniently than in my former Method of Swimming. In process of time I
tho’t of making a Tour to some of the more distant and larger Islands,
to see after what manner they were inhabitated, and how they were
provided, and partly to give my self the Liberty of Diversions. So I
lay’d in a small parcel of Grapes and Figs, and some Tortoise, & took
my Fire-Works with me, and put off for the Island of Bonacco, an Island
of about 4 or 5 Leagues long, and some 5 or 6 Leagues to the Eastward
of Roatan.

As I was upon my Voyage I discovered a Sloop at the Eastern End of
the Island; so I made the best of my way, and put in at the Western
End; designing to travel down to them by Land, partly because there
ran out a large point of Rocks far into the Sea, and I did not care
to venture my self so far out in my little Canoo as I must do to head
them: & partly because I was willing to make a better discovery of
them, before I was seen by them; for in the midst of my most deplorable
Circumstances, I could never entertain the thoughts of returning on
board any Pirate, if I should have the opportunity, but had rather Live
and Dye as I was. So I haled up my Canoo, and fastened her as well as I
could, and set out upon my Travel.

[Illustration: MAP SHOWING ROATAN ISLAND IN THE BAY OF HONDURAS WHERE
PHILIP ASHTON ESCAPED FROM PIRATES

From a map in the “American Atlas” by Thomas Jeffery, London, 1776, in
the possession of John W. Farwell]

I spent two Days, and the biggest part of two Nights in Travelling
of it; my Feet were yet so sore that I could go but very slowly, and
sometimes the Woods and Bushes were so thick that I was forced to Crawl
upon my Hands and Knees for half a Mile together. In this Travel I
met with an odd Adventure that had like to have proved fatal to me,
and my preservation was an eminent Instance of the Divine Conduct and
Protection.

As I drew within a Mile or two of where I supposed the Sloop might be,
I made down to the Water side, and slowly opened the Sea, that I might
not discover my self too soon; when I came down to the Water side I
could see no sign of the Sloop, upon which I concluded that it was
gone clear, while I spent so much time in Travelling. I was very much
tired with my long tedious March, and sat my self down leaning against
the Stock of a Tree facing to the Sea, and fell a Sleep. But I had
not slept long before I was awakened in a very surprising manner, by
the noise of Guns. I started up in a fright, and saw Nine Periaguas,
or large Canooes, full of Men firing upon me. I soon turned about and
ran as fast as my sore Feet would let me into the Bushes; and the Men
which were Spaniards, cryed after me, O Englishman, we’ll give you good
Quarter. But such was the Surprise I had taken, by being awakened out
of Sleep in such a manner, that I had no command of my self to hearken
to their offers of Quarter, which it may be at another time under
cooler thoughts I might have done. So I made into the Woods, and they
continued Firing after me, to the Number of 150 small Shot at least,
many of which cut off several small twigs of the Bushes along side of
me as I went off. When I had got out of the reach of their Shot, into a
very great Thicket, I lay close for several Hours; and perceiving they
were gone by the noise of their Oars in Rowing off, I came out of my
Thicket, and Travelled a Mile or two along the Water side, below the
place where they Fired upon me, and then I saw the Sloop under English
Colours, Sailing out of the Harbour, with the Periaguas in tow; and
then I concluded that it was an English Sloop that had been at the Bay,
whom the Spaniards had met with and taken.

The next Day I went up to the Tree, where I so narrowly Escaped being
taken Napping, and there to my surprise I found 6 or 7 Shot had gone
into the Body of the Tree, within a Foot or less of my Head as I sat
down; & yet thro’ the wonderful goodness of GOD to me, in the midst of
all their Fire, and tho’ I was as a Mark set up for them to shoot at,
none of their Shot touched me. So did GOD as yet signally preserve me.

After this I Travelled away for my Canoo at the Western End of the
Island, and spent near three Days e’er I reached it. In this Long March
backward and forward, I suffered very much from the Soreness of my
Feet, & the want of Provision; for this Island is not so plentifully
stored with Fruit as Roatan is, so that I was very difficultly put
to it for my Subsistence, for the 5 or 6 Days that I spent here; and
besides the Musketoes and Black Flys were abundantly more numerous, and
vexatious to me than at my old Habitation. The Difficulties I met with
here made me lay aside all thoughts of tarrying any time to search the
Island. At length much tired and spent I reached my Canoo, and found
all safe there, to my great Joy; and then I put off for Roatan, which
was a Royal Palace to me in comparison of Bonacco, where I arrived to
my great Satisfaction about Ten a Clock at Night, & found all things as
I left them.

Here I Lived (if it may be called Living) alone for about Seven Months
more, from the time of my loosing my North British Companion; and spent
my time after my usual manner in Hunting for my Food, and Ranging the
Islands; till at length it pleased GOD, to send some Company to me with
whom I could Converse, and enjoy somewhat more of the Comforts of Life.

Sometime in June, 1724, as I was upon my small Island, where I often
retired for Shelter from the pestering Insects, I saw two large Canooes
making into the Harbour; as they drew near they saw the Smoak of the
Fire which I had kindled, and wondring what it should mean came to a
stand. I had fresh in my Memory what I met with at Banacco, and was
very loth to run the risque of such another firing, and therefore
steped to my Canoo upon the back side of my small Island, not above 100
feet off from me, and immediately went over to my great Mansion, where
I had places of safety to Shelter me from the Designs of an Enemy,
and Rooms large and spacious eno’ to give a kindly welcome to any
ordinary number of Friends. They saw me cross the Ferry of about Gun
shot over, from my little to my great Island, and being as much afraid
of Spaniards, as I was of Pirates, they drew very cautiously towards
the shoar. I came down upon the Beech shewing my self openly to them,
for their caution made me think they were no Pirates, and I did not
much care who else they were; however, I thought I could call to them,
and know what they were, before I should be in much danger from their
shot; and if they proved such as I did not like, I could easily retire
from them. But before I called, they, who were as full of fears as I
could be, lay upon their Oars and hallooed to me, enquiring who I was,
and whence I came; I told them I was an English Man, and had Run away
from the Pirates. Upon this they drew something nearer and enquired who
was there besides my self; I assured them I was alone. Then I took my
turn, and asked them who they were, and whence they came. They told
me they were Bay-men, come from the Bay. This was comfortable News to
me; so I bid them pull ashoar, there was no danger, I would stop for
them. Accordingly they put ashoar, but at some distance from me, and
first sent one Man ashoar to me; whom I went to meet. When the Man came
up to me he started back, frighted to see such a Poor, Ragged, Lean,
Wan, Forlorn, Wild, Miserable Object so near him: but upon recovering
himself, he came and took me by the hand, and we fell to embracing one
another, he with surprise and wonder, I with a sort of Extasy of Joy.
After this was over he took me in his Arms and carried me down to their
Canooes, where they were all struck with astonishment at the sight of
me, were glad to receive me, and expressed a very great tenderness to
me.

I gave them a short History how I had escaped from Low, and had lived
here alone for Sixteen Months, (saving three days) what hardship I
had met with, and what danger I had run thro’. They stood amazed!
They wondred I was alive! and expressed a great satisfaction in it,
that they were come to relieve me. And observing I was weak, and my
Spirits low, they gave me about a Spoonful of Rhum to recruit my
fainting Spirits. This small quantity, thro’ my long disuse of any
Liquor higher Spirited than Water, and my present weakness, threw my
Animal Spirits into such a violent Agitation, as to obstruct their
Motion, and produced a kind of Stupor, which left me for some time
bereft of all Sense; some of them perceiving me falling into such a
strange Insensibility, would have given me more of the same Spirit to
have recovered me; but those of them that had more wit, would not allow
of it. So I lay for some small time in a sort of a Fit, and they were
ready to think that they should lose me as soon as they had found me.
But I revived.

And when I was so thorowly come to my self as to converse with them, I
found they were Eighteen Men come from the Bay of Honduras, the chief
of which were, John Hope, and John Ford. The occasion of their coming
from the Bay was, a Story they had got among them, that the Spaniards
had projected to make a descent upon them by Water, while the Indians
were to assault them by Land, and cut off the Bay; and they retired
hither to avoid the Destruction that was designed. This John Hope and
Ford had formerly, upon a like occasion, sheltered themselves among
these Islands, and lived for four Years together upon a small Island
called Barbarat, about two Leagues from Roatan, where they had two
Plantations, as they called them; and being now upon the same design of
retreating for a time for Safety, they brought with them two Barrels
of Flower, with other Provisions, their Fire-Arms, Ammunition and Dogs
for Hunting, and Nets for tortoise, and an Indian Woman to dress their
Provisions for them. They chose for their chief Residence a small Key
about a quarter of a Mile Round, lying near to Barbarat, which they
called the Castle of Comfort, chiefly because it was low, and clear of
Woods and Bushes, where the Wind had an open passage, and drove away
the pestering Muskettoes and Gnats. From hence they sent to the other
Islands round about for Wood and Water, and for Materials, with which
they Built two Houses, such as they were, for Shelter.

And now I seemed to be in a far more likely way to Live pretty
tollerably, than in the Sixteen Months past; for besides the having
Company, they treated me with a great deal of Civility, in their way;
they Cloathed me, and gave me a large sort of Wrapping Gown to lodge
in a Nights to defend me from the great Dews, till their Houses were
Covered; and we had plenty of Provision. But after all they were Bad
Company, and there was but little difference between them and the
Pirates, as to their Common Conversation; only I thought they were not
now engaged in any such bad design as rendered it unlawful to Joyn with
them, nor dangerous to be found in their Company.

In process of time, by the Blessing of GOD, & the Assistance I
received from them, I gathered so much Strength that I was able
sometimes to go out a Hunting with them. The Islands hereabouts, I
observed before, abound with Wild Hogs and Deer, and Tortoise. Their
manner was to go out a number of them in a Canoo, sometimes to one
Island, sometimes to another, and kill what Game they could meet with,
and Firk their Pork, by beginning at one end of a Hog and cutting along
to the other end, and so back again till they had gone all over him,
and flee the flesh in long strings off from the Bones; the Venison they
took whole or in quarters, and the Tortoise in like manner; and return
home with a load of it; what they did not spend presently, they hung up
in their House a smoak drying; and this was a ready supply to them at
all times.

I was now ready to think my self out of the reach of any danger from an
Enemy, for what should bring any here? and I was compassed continually
with a Number of Men with their Arms ready at hand; and yet when I
thought my self most secure, I very narrowly escaped falling again into
the hands of the Pirates.

It happened about 6 or 7 Months after these Bay-men came to me. That
three Men and I took a Canoo with four Oars, to go over to Banacco,
a Hunting and to kill Tortoise. While we were gone the rest of the
Bay-men haled up their Canooes, and Dryed and Tarred them, in order to
go to the Bay and see how matters stood there, and to fetch off their
Effects which they had left behind them, in case they should find there
was no safety for them in tarrying. But before they were gone, we, who
had met with good Success in our Voyage, were upon our return to them
with a full load of Tortoise and Firkt Pork. As we were upon entering
into the Mouth of the Harbour, in a Moon-light Evening, we saw a great
Flash of Light, and heard the report of a Gun, which we thought was
much louder than a Musket, out of a large Periagua, which we saw near
our Castle of Comfort. This put us into a great Consternation, and we
knew not what to make of it. Within a Minute or two we heard a Volley
of 18 or 20 small Arms discharged upon the shoar, and heard some Guns
also fired off from the shoar. Upon which we were satisfied that some
Enemy, Pirates or Spaniards were attacking our People, and being cut
off from our Companions, by the Periaguas which lay between us and
them, we thought it our wisest way to save our selves as well as we
could. So we took down our little Mast and Sail, that it might not
betray us, and rowed out of the Harbour as fast as we could; thinking
to make our Escape from them undiscovered, to an Island about a Mile
and half off. But they either saw us before we had taken our Sail down,
or heard the noise of our Oars as we made out of the Harbour, and came
after us with all speed, in a Periagua of 8 or 10 Oars. We saw them
coming, & that they gained ground upon us apace, & therefore pull’d
up for Life, resolving to reach the nearest shoar if possible. The
Periagua overhaled us so fast that they discharged a Swivel Gun at us,
which over-shot us; but we made a shift to gain the shoar before they
were come fairly within the reach of their small Arms; which yet they
fired upon us, as we were getting ashoar. Then they called to us, and
told us they were Pirates, and not Spaniards, and we need not fear,
they would give us good Quarter; supposing this would easily move us
to surrender our selves to them. But they could not have mentioned any
thing worse to discourage me from having any thing to do with them, for
I had the utmost dread of a Pirate; and my first aversion to them was
now strengthened with the just fears, that if I should fall into their
hands again, they would soon make a Sacrifice of me, for my Deserting
them. I therefore concluded to keep as clear of them as I could; and
the Bay-men with me had no great inclination to be medling with them,
and so we made the best of our way into the Woods. They took away
our Canoo from us, and all that was in it; resolving if we would not
come to them, they would strip us, as far as they were able, of all
means of Subsistance where we were. I who had known what it was to be
destitute of all things, and alone, was not much concerned about that,
now that I had Company, and they their Arms with them, so that we could
have a supply of Provision by Hunting, and Fire to dress it with.

This Company it seems were some of Spriggs Men, who was Commander of
the Schooner when I Ran away from them. This same Spriggs, I know not
upon what occasion, had cast off the Service of Low, and set up for
himself as the Head of a Party of Rovers, and had now a good Ship of
24 Guns, and a Barmuda Sloop of 12 Guns, under his Command, which were
now lying in Roatan Harbour, where he put in to Water and Clean, at the
place where I first made my Escape. He had discovered our People upon
the small Island, where they Resided, and sent a Perigua full of Men to
take them. Accordingly they took all the Men ashoar, and with them an
Indian Woman and Child; those of them that were ashoar abused the Woman
shamefully. They killed one Man after they were come ashoar, and threw
him into one of the Baymens Canooes where their Tar was, and set Fire
to it, and burnt him in it. Then they carried our People on Board their
Vessels, where they were barbarously treated.

One of the Baymen Thomas Grande, turned Pirate, and he being acquainted
that Old Father Hope (as we called him) had hid many things in the
Woods, told the Pirates of it, who beat poor Hope unmercifully, and
made him go and shew them where he had hid his Treasure, which they
took away from him.

After they had kept the Bay-men on board their Vessels for five Days,
then they gave them a Flat, of about 5 or 6 Tons to carry them to the
Bay in, but they gave them no Provision for their Voyage; and before
they sent them away, they made them Swear to them, not to come near
us, who had made our Escape upon another Island. All the while the
Vessels rode in the Harbour, we kept a good look out, but were put to
some difficulties, because we did not dare to make a Fire to dress our
Victuals by, least it should discover whereabouts we were, so that
we were forced to live upon Raw Provision for five Days. But as soon
as they were gone, Father Hope with his Company of Bay-men, (little
regarding an Oath that was forced from them; and thinking it a wicked
Oath, better broken, than to leave four of us in such a helpless
Condition) came to us, and acquainted us who they were, and what they
had done.

Thus the watchful Providence of GOD, which had so often heretofore
appeared on my behalf, again took special care of me, and sent me out
of the way of danger. ’Tis very apparent that if I had been with my
Companions, at the usual Residence, I had been taken with them; and
if I had, it is beyond question (humanely speaking) that I should not
have escaped with Life, if I should the most painful and cruel Death,
that the Madness and Rage of Spriggs could have invented for me; who
would now have called to mind the design I was engaged in while we were
parted from Low, as well as my final Deserting of them. But Blessed be
GOD, who had designs of favour for me, and so ordered that I must at
this time be absent from my Company.

Now Old Father Hope and his Company were all designed for the Bay; only
one John Symonds, who had a Negro belonging to him, purposed to tarry
here for some time, and carry on some sort of Trade with the Jamaica
Men upon the Main. I longed to get home to New England, and thought if
I went to the Bay with them, it was very probable that I should in a
little while meet with some New England Vessel, that would carry me to
my Native Country, from which I had been so long a poor Exile. I asked
Father Hope, if he would take me with him, and carry me to the Bay.
The Old Man, tho’ he seemed glad of my Company, yet told me the many
Difficulties that lay in the way; as that their Flat was but a poor
thing to carry so many Men in for near 70 Leagues, which they must
go before they would be out of the reach of Danger; that they had no
Provision with them, and it was uncertain how the Weather would prove,
they might be a great while upon their Passage thither, & their Flat
could very poorly endure a great Sea; that when they should come to the
Bay, they knew not how they should meet with things there, and they
were Daily in Danger of being cut off; and it may be I should be longer
there, in case all was well, than I cared for, e’er I should meet with
a Passage for New-England; for the New-England Vessels often Sailed
from the Bay to other Ports: so that all things considered, he thought
I had better stay where I was, seeing I was like to have Company;
whereas rather than I should be left alone he would take me in.

On the other hand, Symonds, who as I said designed to spend some time
here, greatly urged me to stay and bear him Company. He told me that as
soon as the Season would permit, he purposed to go over to the Main to
the Jamaica Traders, where I might get a Passage to Jamaica, and from
thence to New-England, probably quicker, and undoubtedly much safer
than I could from the Bay; and that in the mean while I should fare as
he did.

I did not trouble my self much about fareing, for I knew I could not
fare harder than I had done; but I thought, upon the Consideration of
the whole, that there seemed to be a fairer Prospect of my getting home
by the way of Jamaica, than the Bay; and therefore I said no more to
Father Hope about going with him, but concluded to stay. So I thanked
Father Hope and Company for all their Civilities to me, wished them a
good Voyage, and took leave of them.

And now there was John Symonds, and I, and his Negro left behind; and
a good Providence of GOD was it for me that I took their Advice and
stayed; for tho’ I got not home by the way of Jamaica as was proposed,
yet I did another and quicker way, in which there was more evident
Interpositions of the Conduct of Divine Providence, as you will hear
presently.

Symonds was provided with a Canoo, Fire-Arms, and two Dogs, as well
as a Negro; with these he doubted not but we should be furnished of
all that was necessary for our Subsistence; with this Company I spent
between two and three Months after the usual manner in Hunting and
Ranging the Islands. And yet the Winter Rains would not suffer us to
hunt much more than needs must.

When the Season was near approaching for the Jamaica Traders to be over
at the Main, Symonds proposed the going to some of the other Islands
that abounded more with Tortoise, that he might get the Shells of
them, and carry to the Traders, and in Exchange furnish himself with
Ozenbrigs and Shoes and such other necessaries as he wanted. We did so,
and having got good store of Tortoise Shell, he then proposed to go
first for Bonacco, which lies nearer to the Main than Roatan, that from
thence we might take a favourable Snatch to run over.

Accordingly we went to Bonacco, and by that time we had been there
about Five Days there came up a very hard North wind which blew
exceeding Fierce, and lasted for about three Days; when the heaft of
the Storm was over, we saw several Vessels standing in for the Harbour;
their number and largeness made me hope they might be Friends, and now
an opportunity was coming in which Deliverance might be perfected to me.

The Larger Vessels came to Anchor at a great Distance off; but a
Brigantine came over the Shoals, nearer in against the Watering place
(for Bonacco as well as Roatan abounds with Water) which sent in her
Boat with Cask for Water: I plainly saw they were Englishmen, and
by their Garb & Air, and number, being but three Men in the Boat,
concluded they were Friends, and shewed my self openly upon the Beech
before them: as soon as they saw me they stop’d rowing, and called
out to me to know who I was. I told them, and enquired who they were.
They let me know they were honest Men, about their Lawful Business. I
then called to them to come ashoar, for there was no Body here that
would hurt them. They came ashoar, and a happy meeting it was for me.
Upon enquiry I found that the Vessels were the Diamond Man-of-War,
and a Fleet under his Convoy, bound to Jamaica, (many whereof she had
parted with in the late Storm) which by the violence of the North had
been forced so far Southward, and the Man-of-War wanting Water, by
reason of the Sickness of her Men which occasioned a great Consumption
of it, had touched here, and sent in the Brigantine to fetch off Water
for her. Mr. Symonds, who at first kept at the other end of the Beech,
about half a Mile off, (lest the three Men in the Boat should refuse to
come ashoar, seeing two of us together), at length came up to us and
became a sharer in my Joy, and yet not without some very considerable
reluctance at the Thoughts of Parting. The Brigantine proved to be
of Salem (within two or three Miles of my Fathers House) Capt. Dove,
Commander, a Gentleman whom I knew. So now I had the prospect of a
Direct Passage Home. I sent off to Capt. Dove, to know if he would give
me a Passage home with him, and he was very ready to comply with my
desire; and upon my going on Board him, besides the great Civilities
he treated me with, he took me into pay; for he had lost a hand, and
needed me to supply his place. The next Day the Man-of-War sent her
Long Boat in, full of Cask, which they filled with Water, and put on
Board the Brigantine, who carried them off to her. I had one Difficulty
more to encounter with, which was to take leave of Mr. Symonds, Who
Wept heartily at parting; but this I was forced to go thro’ for the Joy
of getting Home.

So the latter end of March 1725, we came to Sail, and kept Company with
the Man-of-War, who was bound to Jamaica: the first of April we parted,
and thro’ the good hand of GOD upon us came safe thro’ the Gulf of
Florida, to Salem-Harbour, where we arrived upon Saturday-Evening, the
first of May: Two Years, Ten Months and Fifteen Days, after I was first
taken by the Pirate Low; and Two Years, and near two Months after I had
made my Escape from him upon Roatan Island. I went the same Evening to
my Father’s House, where I was received, as one coming to them from the
Dead, with all Imaginable Surprise of Joy.

Thus I have given you a Short Account, how GOD has Conducted me
thro’ a great variety of Hardships and Dangers, and in all appeared
Wonderfully Gracious to me. And I cannot but take notice of the strange
concurrence of Divine Providence all along, in saving me from the Rage
of the Pirates, and the Malice of the Spaniards, from the Beasts of the
Field, and the Monsters of the Sea; in keeping me alive amidst so many
Deaths, in such a lonely and helpless Condition; and in bringing about
my Deliverance; the last Articles whereof are as peculiarly Remarkable
as any;--I must be just then gone over to Bonacco; a Storm must drive
a Fleet of Ships so far Southward; and their want of Water must oblige
them to put in at the Island where I was:--and a Vessel bound to my own
Home must come and take me in.--_Not unto Men and means, but unto thy
Name, O Lord, be all the Glory!_ Amen.


FOOTNOTES

[132] Nicholas Merritt was Ashton’s kinsman. He was the son of Nicholas
and Elizabeth Merritt and born in Marblehead where he was baptized Mar.
29, 1702 in the First Church. He served unwillingly on Low’s vessel and
finally escaped at Saint Michael’s, in September, 1722, where he was
imprisoned by the Portuguese authorities and not released until the
following June. Making his way to Lisbon he at last reached home safely
on September 28, 1723.

[133] Joseph Libbie also served, unwillingly, at first. He was with Low
in the “Rose Frigate,” when she was lost in careening in the spring of
1723, and pulled Philip Ashton out of the water. He then served with
Low’s consort, Capt. Charles Harris, in the sloop “Ranger,” and on
June 10, 1723, with Harris and forty-two others, was taken by H. M.
ship “Greyhound,” Capt. Peter Solgard, commander, between Block Island
and Long Island, and brought into Newport, R. I. The pirates were duly
tried and on Friday, July 19th, 1723, Captain Harris, Joseph Libbie and
twenty-four others were hanged within the seamark inside of two hours.

[134] Lawrence Fabens served, unwillingly, on the schooner “Fancy,”
under Low, but succeeded in escaping at St. Nicholas in the fall of
1722, shortly after Merritt escaped as is told elsewhere. He was
probably the son of James and Johannah Fabians, born in Marblehead
about 1702, where nine of his brothers and sisters were duly baptized
in the First Church between 1688 and 1709.




CHAPTER XIV

NICHOLAS MERRITT’S[135] ACCOUNT OF HIS ESCAPE FROM PIRATES


I was taken by the Pirate Low, at Port-Rossaway, at the same time my
Kinsman Philip Ashton was; and while I continued under Low’s Custody
was used much as he was; and all my entreaties of him to free me were
but in vain; as you have seen something of in the foregoing History:
So that I shall not enlarge in telling how it fared with me under the
Pirates hands, but only give some short Account of the manner of my
Escape from them, and what I met with afterwards till I Arrived at
Marblehead, where I belong.

Low had with him the Rose Pink, the Scooner, and a Sloop taken from
one Pier of Bristol, and was standing away for Bonavista. I who was on
board the Scooner had been greatly abused by an old Pirate, whom they
called Jacob, but what his Sirname was I know not: I desired some that
were upon occasion going on board Low, to acquaint him how much I was
beat and abused by old Jacob; they did so; and Low ordered me to be put
on board the Sloop. Thus the Foundation of my Escape was lay’d, and my
Sufferings proved the means of my Deliverance.

On board the Sloop there were Nine hands, (one of them a Portugue)
whom Low had no Suspicion of, but thought he could trust them as much
as any Men he had; and when I came on board I made the Tenth Man. We
perceived that the Sloop greatly wronged both the Pink and Scooner,
and there were Six of us (as we found by sounding one another at a
distance) that wanted to get away. When we understood one anothers
minds pretty fully, we resolved upon an Escape. Accordingly the Fifth
of September, 1722, a little after break of Day, all hands being upon
Deck, three of us Six went forward, and three aft, and one John Rhodes,
who was a Stout hand, step’d into the Cabbin and took a couple of
Pistols in his hands, and stood in the Cabbin Door, and said, If there
were any that would go along with him, they should be welcome, for he
designed to carry the Sloop home, and Surrender himself; but if any
Man attempted to make resistance, he Swore he would shoot down the
first Man that stirred. There being five of us that wanted to gain our
Liberty, he was sure of us; and as for the other four they saw plainly
it was in vain for them to attempt to oppose us. So we haled close upon
a Wind, and stood away.

When we parted with Low, we had but a very little Water aboard, and
but two or three pieces of Meat among us all; but we had Bread eno’.
We designed for England; but our want of Water was so great, being put
to half a Point a Man, and that very muddy and foul, from the time we
parted with Low, and meeting with no Vessel of whom we could beg a
Supply, that it made us come to a Resolution to put in at the first
Port: so we Steered for St. Michaels, where we Arrived September 26.

So soon as we got in, we sent a Man or two ashoar, to inform who
we were, and to get us some Provisions & Water. The Consul who was
a French Protestant, with a Magistrate, and some other Officers
came on board us, to whom we gave an Account of our selves, and our
Circumstances. The Consul told us, there should not a Hair of our Heads
be hurt. Upon which we were all carried ashoar, and examined before
the Governor; but we understood nothing of their Language, and could
make him no Answer, till one Mr. Gould a Linguistor was brought to us;
and upon understanding our Case, the Governour cleared us. But the
Crusidore, a sort of Superintendent over the Islands, whose power was
Superiour to the Governours, refused to clear us, and put us in Jayl,
where we lay 24 Hours.

The next Day we were brought under Examination again, and then we
had for our Linguistor one Mr. John Curre, who had formerly been in
New-England. We gave them as full and distinct Account as we could,
where, and when, we were severally taken and how we had made our Escape
from the Pirates. They brought several Witnesses Portuguese against
us, as that we had taken them, and had Personally been Active in the
Caption and Abuse of them, which yet they agreed not in; only they
generally agreed that they heard some of us Curse the Virgin Mary,
upon which the Crusidore would have condemned us all for Pirates. But
the Governour, who thought we had acted the honest part, interposed
on our behalf, and said, that it was very plain, that if these Men
had been Pirates, they had no need to have left Low, and under such
Circumstances, and come in here, and resign themselves, as they did;
they could have stayed with their Old Companions, and have been
easily eno’ supplied with what they wanted; whereas their taking the
first opportunity to get away from their Commander, and so poorly
accommodated, was a proof to him, that we had no Piratical designs; and
if he (the Crusidore) treated us at this rate, it was the way to make
us, and all that had the unhappiness to fall into Pirates hands, turn
Pirates with them. Yet all he could say would not wholly save us from
the Angry Resentments of the Crusidore, who we thought was inflamed by
the Portague that was among us. So he committed us all to Prison again:
me with three others to the Castle, the rest to another Prison at some
considerable distance off: and so much pains was taken to Swear us out
of our Lives, that I altogether despaired of Escaping the Death of a
Pirate; till a Gentleman, Capt. Littleton (if I mistake not) told me it
was not in their power to hang us, and this comforted me a little.

In this Prison we lay for about four Months, where, at first we had
tolerable allowance, of such as it was, for our Subsistance; but
after three Months time they gave us only one Meal a Day, of Cabbage,
Bread, and Water boiled together, which they call Soop. This very
scanty allowance put us out of Temper, and made us resolve rather
than Starve, to break Prison, and make head against the Portuguese,
and get some Victuals; for Hunger will break thro’ Stone Walls. The
Governour understanding how we fared, told the Crusidore that we
should stay in his Prison no longer, as the Castle peculiarly was; and
greatly asserted our Cause, and urged we might be set at Liberty; but
the Crusidore would not hearken as yet to the clearing us, tho’ he
was forced to remove us from the Castle, to the Prison in which our
Comrades were, where after they had allowed us about an hour’s converse
together, they put us down into close Confinement; tho’ our allowance
was a small matter better than it had been.

Under all this Difficulty of Imprisonment, short allowance, and hard
fare, false Witnesses, and fear lest I should still have my Life taken
from me, (when I had flattered my self, that if I could but once set
Foot upon a Christian shoar, I should be out of the reach of Danger) I
had a great many uneasy Reflections. I thought no bodies case was so
hard as mine: first to be taken by the Pirates, and threatened with
Death for not Joyning with them; to be forced away, and suffer many a
drubbing Bout among them for not doing as they would have me; to be
in fears of Death for being among them, if we should be taken by any
Superiour force; and now that I had designedly, and with Joy, made my
Escape from them, to be Imprisoned and threatened with the Halter.
Thought I, When can a Man be safe? He must look for Death to be found
among Pirates; and Death seems as threatening, if he Escapes from them;
where is the Justice of this! It seemed an exceeding hardship to me.
Yet it made me Reflect, with Humility I hope, on the Justice of GOD in
so Punishing of me for my Transgressions; for tho’ the tender Mercies
of Man seemed to be Cruelty, yet I could not but see the Mercy and
Goodness of GOD to me, not only in Punishing me less than I deserved,
but in preserving me under many and sore Temptations, and at length
delivering me out of the Pirates hands: and I had some hope that GOD
would yet appear for me, and bring me out of my distress, and set my
Feet in a large place.

I thought my Case was exceedingly like that of the Psalmist; and the
Meditation on some Verses in the XXXV. Psalm was a peculiar support
to me: I thought I might say with him, False Witnesses did rise up,
they laid to my charge things that I knew not; they rewarded me evil
for good. But as for me, when they were taken (tho’ I don’t remember
I had ever seen the Faces of any of them then) I humbled my self, and
my Prayer returned into my own bosom; I behaved my self as tho’ they
had been my friends, I bowed down heavily, as one that mourneth for
his mother; but in my adversity they rejoyced, and gathered themselves
together against me; yea, they opened their mouth wide against
me,--they gnashed upon me with their teeth, and said Aba, Aba, our eye
hath seen it,--so would we have it. But Lord how long wilt thou look
on? preserve my Soul from their Destruction, let not them that are mine
Enemies wrongfully rejoyce over me,--stir up thy Self and awake to
my Judgment even unto my cause, my God and my Lord, and let them not
rejoyce over me--and I will give thee thanks in the great Congregation;
my tongue shall speak of thy Righteousness, and thy Praise all the day
long.

In the midst of all my other Calamities, after I had been in this
Prison about two Months, I was taken down with the Small-Pox, and this
to be sure was a very great addition to my Misery. I knew well how
we dreaded this Distemper in my own Country: and thought I, how can I
possibly escape with Life? To be seised with it in a Prison, where I
had no Help, no Physician, nor any Provision suitable therefor; only
upon my first being taken I sent word of it to the Consul, who was so
kind as to send some Bundles of Straw for me to lye upon, instead of
the hard Stones which as yet had been my Lodging; and the Portuguese
gave me some Brandy, and Wine & Water to drive out the Pock. I was
exceedingly dejected, and had nothing to do but to commit my self to
the Mercy of GOD, and prepare my self for Death, which seemed to have
laid hold upon me; for which way soever I looked, I could see nothing
but Death in such a Distemper, under such Circumstances; and I could
see the Portuguese how they stared upon me, looked sad, and shook their
heads; which told me their apprehensions, that I was a Dead Man. Yet I
had this comfort, that it was better to Die thus by the hand of GOD,
than to Die a vile Death by the hand of Man, as if I had been one of
the worst of Malefactors.

But after all it pleased GOD in His Wonderful Goodness so to order
it, that the Pock came out well, and filled kindly and then I had the
comfort of seeing the Portuguese look more pleasant, and hearing them
say, in their Language, that it was a good sort. In about five or six
Days the Pock began to turn upon me, and then it made me very Sick,
and at times I was something out of my Head; and having no Tender or
Watcher, I got up in the Night to the Pail of Water to drink, which at
another time, and in another place, would have been thought fatal to
me; but GOD in infinite Mercy prevented my receiving any hurt thereby,
and raised me up from this Sickness.

After I recovered of this Illness, I was but in a weak Condition for a
long time, having no other Nourishment and Comfort, than what a Jayl
afforded, where I still lay for near three Months longer. At length,
sometime in June, 1723, I was taken out of jayl, and had the Liberty
of the Consul’s House given me, who treated me kindly and did not
suffer me to want any thing that was necessary for my Support.

While I was at Liberty, I understood there was one John Welch, an
Irishman, bound to Lisbon, whom I desired to carry me thither. And in
the latter end of June I set Sail in him for Lisbon, where we Arrived
about the middle of July, after we had been 21 Days upon the Passage.
When I had got to Lisbon, being almost Naked, I apply’d my self to the
Envoy, told him my Condition and desired him to bestow some old Cloaths
upon me. But he, (good Man!) said to me, that as I had Run away from
the Pirates, I might go to Work for my Support, and provide my self
with Cloaths as well as I could. And I found I must do so, for none
would he give me. I had nothing against Working, but I should have
been glad to have been put into a Working Garb; for I was sensible it
would be a considerable while before I could purchase me any Cloaths,
because Welch play’d me such an Irish trick, that he would not release
me, unless I promised to give him the first Moidore I got by my Labour;
tho’ I had wrought for him all the Passage over, and he knew my poor
Circumstances; however when I came to Sail for New-England, Welch was
better than his Word, and forgave me the Moidore, after I had been at
the Labour of unloading his Vessel.

I spent some time in Lisbon; at length I heard there was one Capt.
Skillegorne bound to New-England, in whom I took my Passage home; who
Clothed me for my Labour in my Passage. We touched in at Madara, and
Arrived at Boston upon Wednesday, September 25, 1723. And I at my
Father’s House in Marblehead the Saturday after.

So had GOD been with me in six troubles, and in seven. He has suffered
no evil to come nigh me. He has drawn me out of the Pit, Redeemed my
Life from Destruction, and Crowned me with Loving Kindness and Tender
Mercies; unto Him be the Glory for ever. Amen.


FOOTNOTES

[135] Nicholas Merritt, tertius, the son of Nicholas and Elizabeth
Merritt, was born in Marblehead and baptized Mar. 29, 1702, in the
First Church. He married Jane or Jean Gifford in December, 1724, which
may account for the name of the shallop “Jane,” which he commanded when
taken, although he had a sister Jane, and also a sister Rebecca who
married Robert Gifford, who was taken but released at Port Roseway.




CHAPTER XV

FRANCIS FARRINGTON SPRIGGS, COMPANION OF CAPT. NED LOW


Francis Farrington Spriggs is supposed to have sailed from London
with Lowther, in March, 1721, in the ship “Gambia Castle,” and to
have willingly followed him in his piratical venture. When Lowther
joined forces with Ned Low in January, 1722, Spriggs was with him
and when Lowther parted company with Low the following May, Spriggs
seems to have thought Low a man after his own heart for he left his
old commander and followed Low in the recently captured brigantine
“Rebecca,” where he was made quartermaster. With Low he sailed along
the New England coast and north to Nova Scotia and Newfoundland;
then across the Atlantic to the Western Islands and back to the West
Indies where, late in the year 1722, a Rhode Island-built sloop was
captured which Low took over for his own command and Spriggs was given
command of the Marblehead schooner “Fancy,” that had been taken at Port
Roseway, Nova Scotia, in June. When Low and Spriggs had their narrow
escape from capture by the man-of-war “Mermaid,” in February, 1723,
Spriggs determined never to be taken and swore with a boon companion
and pledged the oath in a bumper of rum, that when he saw there was
no possibility of escaping they would set foot to foot and shoot one
another and so cheat the halter.[136]

Before long there was a falling out between Low and Spriggs or,
possibly, Spriggs may have been taken sick or been wounded; at any
rate, Charles Harris was in command of a sloop called the “Ranger,”
when the pirate vessel appeared off the coast of South Carolina on
May 27, 1723, and fortunate it was for Spriggs, for later on this
disastrous foray Low deserted his consort under fire near the Rhode
Island coast and the “Ranger” was captured and Harris and many of his
crew were tried and hanged at Newport. Spriggs served with Low on this
voyage, in his old station as quartermaster, until the ship “Delight”
was taken, off the Guinea coast, in the late fall. She was well suited
to their needs so four more guns were mounted on her and Spriggs was
given command with a crew of about sixty men. Within two days Spriggs
deserted Low--slipped away in the night--and for this reason. One of
the crew had murdered a man in cold blood and Spriggs was for executing
him as a punishment. Low, on the other hand, would not agree and so
there was a heated quarrel that embittered Spriggs and led to his
desertion.

The next day Spriggs was elected captain of the company by popular
vote, and a black flag was made with the same device as the ensign
carried by Low, namely, a white skeleton holding in one hand an arrow
piercing a bleeding heart and in the other hand an hour-glass. This
flag they called the “Jolly Roger,” and when it was finished and
hoisted to the masthead they fired all their guns in salute and sailed
away to the West Indies in search of prey. Before long they overhauled
a Portuguese bark that supplied some valuable plunder, but not content
with that alone, Spriggs determined to torture the men by “sweating”
them, a game that greatly diverted his piratical crew. Lighted candles
were placed in a circle around the mizzenmast, between decks, and one
by one the poor Portuguese were ordered to go inside the circle and run
round and round the mast, while in a circle outside the candles stood
the crew (as many as could crowd into line), armed with penknives,
tucks,[137] forks, compasses, etc., and with roaring songs and
boisterous laughter they pricked the terrified Portuguese as long as
he was able to foot it. This usually lasted for ten minutes or more
for the pirates took good care not to strike too deep and so kill their
victims.[138] When the “sweating” was over the Portuguese were set
adrift in a boat with a small quantity of provisions and their vessel
was fired.

[Illustration: “SWEATING” ON CAPT. SPRIGG’S PIRATE VESSEL

From an engraving in “History and Lives of the Most Notorious Pirates,”
by an old Seaman, London, n.d., in possession of Capt. Ernest H.
Pentecost, R.N.R.]

Near the island of St. Lucia, Spriggs took a sloop owned in the
Barbadoes, which was plundered and burned. Some of the crew were forced
and others who absolutely refused to go with him were cut and badly
beaten and set adrift in a boat. Captain De Haws was taken in sight of
Barbadoes and two of his men were forced--James Rush and Joseph Cooper,
both born in London, England. Some of Spriggs’ crew told Captain De
Haws that they had come away from Captain Low “on account of the
Barbarity he used those he took.”[139] A Martinico vessel was the next
capture. The men were abused in the usual manner, but their vessel was
not burned.

On March 22, 1724, a ship called the “Jolly Batchelor,” from Jamaica,
commanded by Captain Hawkins, was taken near the island of Bonaco, as
she was coming out of the Bay of Honduras. Her principal cargo was
logwood, but her stores and ammunition were looted and what the pirates
didn’t take they threw overboard or destroyed. In sheer mischief her
cables were cut, the cabins knocked down and the cabin windows smashed.
The first and second mates, Burrage and Stephens, and some of the
men, were forced and on the 29th the ship was allowed to go. Two days
before, however, a Newport, R. I. sloop, the “Endeavor,” commanded by
Capt. Samuel Pike, Jr., came up and was ordered to lay by. The crew
were forced and the mate Dixey Gross, “being a grave, sober man, and
not inclinable to go, they told him he should have his Discharge,
and that it should be immediately writ on his Back; whereupon he was
sentenced to receive ten lashes from every Man in the Ship, which was
vigorously put in Execution.”[140] Among those forced from the sloop
were William Wood and Thomas Morris, a boy about twelve years old.
Burrage, the first mate of Captain Hawkins’ ship, and a good navigator,
is said to have signed their Articles.

On April 2d, a sail was sighted and Spriggs gave chase. After several
hours they came close to her and fired a couple of broadsides when
a cry for quarter came from the ship and soon she was found to be
commanded by Captain Hawkins who had been looted and sent away only
three days before. This was such a disappointment that when the captain
came on board they laid for him with their cutlasses and soon he was
flat on the deck. Before he received a fatal blow, Burrage pushed in
among them and begged for the captain’s life and he having just shown
himself the right sort by signing their Articles his request was heeded
and Captain Hawkins was pulled to his feet. A bonfire was made of
his ship, however, and a little later, desiring more diversion, the
unfortunate Hawkins was sent down to the cabin for supper. This turned
out to be a dish of candles which he was forced to swallow and then, in
order to aid digestion, the poor man was thrown about the cabin until
he was covered with bruises and afterward sent forward amongst the
other prisoners.

Two days later Spriggs reached the small island of Roatan in the Bay of
Honduras. It was uninhabited and here he put ashore Captain Hawkins,
his boatswain, and an old man who had been a passenger on his ship and
who afterwards died on the island of the hardships he had undergone.
With them went Capt. Samuel Pike of the Rhode Island sloop and his mate
Dixey Gross, Simon Fulmore, a sailor, and James Nelley, one of the
pirate crew with whom Spriggs was at odds.[141] The marooned men were
given an old musket and a small supply of powder and ball with which
to make shift as best they could and Spriggs and his crew then sailed
away. Captain Hawkins and his companions supplied themselves with fish
and fowl and lived in comparative comfort for the next ten days, when
two men in a dugout canoe came in sight and after a time answered their
signals. These men conveyed them to another island which had better
water and plenty of fish and twelve days later the sloop “Merriam,”
Captain Jones, came in sight and answered their smoke signals. He stood
in and took them off and by this timely rescue they all finally reached
Jamaica safely. It is a curious coincidence that Captain Hawkins should
have been marooned on the island of Roatan only four days after Philip
Ashton, the Marblehead fisherman who had lived a solitary life on the
same island for nine months, sailed from the nearby island of Bonaco,
homeward bound, as is told in another chapter.

From Roatan, Spriggs sailed westward to another small island where
he cleaned his ship and then steered a course for the island of St.
Christopher, proposing to lay in wait for Captain Moore who had
surprised Captain Lowther while his vessel was on careen at the island
of Blanco. Spriggs had resolved to catch Captain Moore, if possible,
and put him to death for being the cause of the death of Lowther, his
brother pirate. Instead of Captain Moore, however, a French man-of-war
was found by Spriggs to be on the coast and not fancying such company
Spriggs crowded on all sail with the Frenchman after him. During the
chase the man-of-war unfortunately lost her main-topmast and so Spriggs
escaped the intended interview. Standing now to the northward, towards
Bermuda, Spriggs overhauled on April 30th, a schooner owned in New York
and commanded by Capt. William Richardson, who reported after reaching
Boston, that Spriggs had told him that he intended to ravage the
northern coasts and sink or burn all the vessels he took northward of
Philadelphia.[142] Captain Durell, in His Majesty’s ship “Sea Horse,”
was ordered to make sail at once in quest of Spriggs.

On May 2, 1724, the Boston owned brigantine “Daniel,” John Hopkins in
Command, was homeward bound in latitude 33° and near Bermuda, when a
strange sail fired a gun and soon hoisted a black flag. The pirate
ship was crowded with men and resistance was out of reason so Captain
Hopkins ordered his boat lowered and went aboard the ship. After
rifling the brigantine it was burned. Joseph Cole of Beverly, Mass.,
and Benjamin Wheeler of Boston, seamen on board the “Daniel,” were
forced “notwithstanding their importunate Prayers & Tears to him to
dismiss them.”[143] Spriggs swore to the master that “he designed to
encrease his Company on the Banks of Newfoundland, and then would sail
for the coast of New England in quest of Captain Solgard, who attack’d
and took their Consort Charles Harris; Spriggs being then in Low’s
sloop, very fairly run for it.”[144] Two days later Captain Hopkins
and his men, including John Bovewe and Elias Tozer, were put aboard a
Philadelphia sloop bound for Jamaica which in time they reached safely
and in April of the following year they were in Boston again.

Instead of going to Newfoundland, as he had threatened, Spriggs stood
to the windward of St. Christopher’s and on June 4, 1724, took a
sloop, Nicholas Trot, master, belonging to St. Eustatia. The plunder
of the vessel didn’t amount to much so the pirates thought they would
amuse themselves by fastening a rope around the men’s bodies, one by
one, and after hoisting them as high as the main- and foretops by
letting go of the ropes the unfortunate wretches would fall tumbling
to the deck with force enough to break skins and smash bones. After
the men were well crippled by this usage Captain Trot was given his
sloop and told to clear out. A week later, a Rhode Island ship bound
for St. Christopher’s was taken. She was loaded with provisions and
some horses, which the pirate crew soon mounted and rode about the
deck, backwards and forwards, at full gallop, cursing and howling
like demons, which soon made the animals so wild that they threw their
riders and spoiled the sport. They then turned to the ship’s crew and
whipped and cut them in a wicked manner, saying, that it was because
boots and spurs had not been brought with the horses that they were not
able to ride like gentlemen.

Captain Spriggs was seldom lacking in boldness and next he cruised off
Port Royal in the island of Jamaica and made one or two minor captures.
Two men-of-war at anchor in port were ordered out and the commander of
one of them, Capt. James Wyndham of the “Diamond,” ordered a course set
for the Bay of Honduras, thinking that Spriggs might return to his old
haunts. This proved to be correct for when the man-of-war sailed into
the Bay, Spriggs and his crew were there busily engaged in plundering
ten or twelve vessels that had been loading logwood. The pirates were
completely surprised and but feebly returned the fire of the man-of-war
and soon considered it wiser to get out their sweeps and row into shoal
water and so they at last escaped, there being but little wind. This
took place the latter part of September, 1724. Spriggs at that time was
in command of his ship, the “Batchelor’s Delight,” and had with him as
consort, a sloop commanded by Captain Shipton. During the encounter
they had six men killed and five or six wounded. Capt. John Cass, when
he reached Newport, R. I., from the Bay of Honduras, the first of
December following, brought an account of this affair and reported to
his owners the information that “a Spanish half Galley with about 50
Men on board, and a Perriagoe with 26 Men, now in the Bay of Honduras,
lye in obscure Places & Key’s to take vessels in their way there.”[145]
All these dangers to New England shipping must have added greatly to
the market value of logwood chips.

After escaping from the “Diamond” man-of-war, Spriggs sailed for the
Bahama Channel and on the voyage ran very short of provisions. He took
a sloop in the service of the South Sea Company, bound from Jamaica
to Havana, with negro slaves, and later a ship bound for Newport, R.
I., Capt. Richard Durffie, master. Spriggs proposed to put all the
negroes on board Captain Durffie’s vessel but the captain urgently
represented his want of sufficient provisions and the danger that they
all would perish by starvation and at last Spriggs transferred to his
ship only ten of the slaves and then let him go. Durffie put in to
South Carolina for fresh supplies and while there Capt. Jeremiah Clarke
of Newport, met him and brought home the news of his capture. Spriggs
and Shipton continued on their course towards the Bahamas and off the
western end of Cuba were so unfortunate as to again meet the “Diamond”
man-of-war, still in pursuit of them. As the wind lay their only means
of escape was to make for the Florida shore where Shipton’s sloop was
run aground near the Cape and lost. This sloop was owned in Newport, R.
I., and was in command of Jonathan Barney at the time she was taken by
Spriggs. When the sloop went ashore she carried 12 guns and seventy or
more men all of whom reached land safely only to fall into the hands
of the Indians, except Shipton and ten or a dozen others who escaped
in the ship’s canoe and finally reached Cuba.[146] It was said at the
time that the Indians killed and ate sixteen of the pirates and that
forty-nine were taken and carried to Havana; but why the “Diamond,” an
English man-of-war, should carry English pirates to a Spanish port is
not explained in any of the newspaper accounts of the affair. About two
thousand pounds value in gold fell a prize to the “Diamond.”

[Illustration: PIRATES KILLING A CAPTURED MAN

From an old mezzotint in the possession of Capt. E. H. Pentecost,
R.N.R.]

[Illustration: FIGHT ON A PIRATE SHIP

From an old mezzotint in the possession of Capt. Ernest H. Pentecost,
R.N.R.]

Spriggs, by good seamanship, was able to make his escape and in some
way afterwards picked up Shipton and the few men who escaped with him
and made his way back to the Bay of Honduras where on Dec. 23, 1724, in
company with Shipton, who at that time was in command of a perriagua
with ten white men and three or four negroes, he descended on the
logwood ships in the Bay and took sixteen vessels, one of which,
commanded by Capt. Kelsey, he burned. The captain was given a long-boat
and it being fair weather, he reached the uninhabited island of Bonaco
safely, from which he and his crew afterwards were rescued by a passing
sloop. Shipton took the ship “Mary and John,” of Boston, Thomas Glen,
master, and after plundering her, carried away the master and put him
on board a Boston sloop, Ebenezer Kent, master, which he had taken the
same day, intending to sail for the rendezvous at the island of Roatan.
The mate of the “John and Mary,” Matthew Perry, he left on board with
his hands tied behind him and later ordered three of his pirates,
together with two forced men, Nicholas Simons and Jonathan Barlow, all
double armed, to take possession of the “John and Mary” and follow him
to the rendezvous. Simons was to be the navigator and commander. But
after Shipton had gone, Simons and Barlow untied Perry’s hands and
proposed that together they attempt to kill the three pirates who had
come on board with them and if successful, to make a course for some
English port. The mate at once consented and Barlow gave him a pistol
and he started for the steerage where one of the pirates was rummaging.
Coming up behind him he snapped his pistol but unfortunately it missed
fire. The pirate had four pistols in his belt and immediately drawing
one he aimed it at Perry before he could reach the ladder. Strangely
enough this pistol, too, missed fire. Simons was in the cabin at the
time and hearing the snapping of the flints came rushing in crying,
“In the name of God and His Majesty King George, let us go on with our
design.” He shot dead the pirate who had attempted to kill the mate and
told another of the pirates who was present, if he made any resistance
he would kill him too. Meanwhile, Barlow and some of the ship’s company
had killed the third pirate. They then cut their cable and made the
best of their way to deep water and with no further adventures reached
Newport, R. I., the last of January, 1725.[147] After their arrival,
the circumstantial accounts of Simons and Barlow were published at
length in the Boston newspapers.

Simons claimed that he was the humble instrument that brought about the
disaster to the sloop commanded by Shipton, that was chased ashore on
the Florida coast, and that while in Spriggs’ company he and Barlow had
been treated “very barbarously; made to eat candles with the wick, and
often threatened to take away their lives.”[148] Barlow also related
that he had been forced by Low and afterwards served in Spriggs’ and
Shipton’s companies. He said Low had abused him, had knocked out one
of his teeth with a pistol and threatened to shoot down his throat,
“whereupon Barlow fell and was taken up sick which held him three
months.” He also repeated the story of the discarding of Low by his men
and his having been sent away with two other pirates in a French sloop
and nothing had been heard from him since.[149]

After Spriggs and Shipton made their captures in the Bay of Honduras
on Dec. 23, 1724, but little is known as to their later movements. In
April, 1725, a captain arriving at New York brought the report that
Spriggs was yet roving and had five vessels in his fleet. Early in
May, 1725, Captain MacKarty reached Boston from Jamaica, and reported
that not long before he had spoken a pink off the South Carolina coast
that had been taken by Spriggs, who was in a ship mounting twelve guns
with a crew of thirty-five men. Several vessels had been captured and
burned or sunk and the crews had been put aboard the pink and sent
away. The master of the pink told Captain MacKarty that Spriggs was
using his prisoners barbarously and that he threatened to be on the
New England coast very soon after.[150] The threatened raid did not
materialize and Spriggs and Shipton both dropped out of sight and we
now have no information as to what became of them save the rumor that
reached Boston a year later that they both had been marooned by their
men and “were got among the Musketoo Indians.”[151] And this may have
been their fate, for Spriggs’ quartermaster, one Philip Lyne, was
in command of a pirate sloop mounting ten carriage guns and sixteen
swivels and carrying forty men which was making captures on the banks
off the Newfoundland coast in the summer of 1725. This sloop had been
one of Spriggs’ consorts on the South Carolina coast earlier in the
year and appears to have deserted him. On June 30th, Lyne took the ship
“Thomasine,” Capt. Samuel Thorogood, bound for London from Boston, on
which were four passengers and after plundering and destroying most of
the ship’s lading and forcing five of the crew to sign his Articles,
he allowed the ship to go free with only a small store of stinking
provisions and a little water.[152] Lyne also took a Rhode Island
sloop, Captain Casey, which was burned and the master and men were
forced to go aboard the pirate vessel which then headed for the Cape
Verde islands. Lyne probably followed the example of Low and Lowther
and from there set a course for the Guiana coast, for in October,
1725 he was captured by two sloops fitted out at Curacao. During the
engagement a number of the pirates were killed but Lyne and four others
were “hanged by the neck until dead,” by the Dutch authorities on the
island, to the great satisfaction of all who had ever met them on the
high seas.[153]


FOOTNOTES

[136] See chapter on Philip Ashton.

[137] A short sword. Sometimes a rapier is called a tuck.

[138] “Sweating” generally was used to force information as to the
location of concealed valuables.

[139] _Boston Gazette_, Apr. 20, 1724.

[140] Johnson, _History of the Pirates_, London, 1726.

[141] _Boston News-Letter_, July 23, 1724.

[142] _Boston News-Letter_, May 21, 1724.

[143] _Boston News-Letter_, Apr. 15, 1725.

[144] Johnson, _History of the Pirates_, London, 1726.

[145] _Boston News-Letter_, Dec. 10, 1724.

[146] _Boston News-Letter_, Feb. 11, 1725; Oct. 7, 1725.

[147] _New England Courant_, Feb. 8, 1725 and _Boston News-Letter_,
Feb. 11, 1725.

[148] _Boston News-Letter_, Feb. 11, 1725.

[149] _Boston News-Letter_, Feb. 11, 1725.

[150] _New England Courant_, May 18, 1725.

[151] _New England Courant_, Apr. 30, 1726.

[152] _Boston News-Letter_, Sept. 16, 1725.

[153] _New England Courant_, Jan. 8, 1726.




CHAPTER XVI

CHARLES HARRIS WHO WAS HANGED AT NEWPORT WITH TWENTY-FIVE OF HIS CREW


On the 10th of January, 1722, the good ship “Greyhound” of Boston in
the Massachusetts Bay, Benjamin Edwards, commander, was homeward bound.
She was loaded with logwood and only one day out from the coast of
Honduras where the crew had been worked hard for several weeks loading
the many boatloads of heavy, thorny-growthed, blood-red wood. Early
in the morning the lookout had sighted a ship headed toward them and
while not plantation built she attracted no particular attention until
it was seen that her course was slightly changed to conform to that of
the “Greyhound,” or rather, it would seem, to intersect the course on
which the “Greyhound” was sailing. As the ship drew nearer, a long look
through the perspective revealed a heavily-manned vessel of English
build and Captain Edwards thought it best to order all hands on deck.
Soon the stranger ran up a black flag having a skeleton on it and fired
a gun for the “Greyhound” to bring to.

West India waters had been plagued for many years by piratical gentry
and the Boston captain had heard many terrifying tales of their
barbarous cruelties to masters and seamen but he was a dogged type of
man and so at once prepared to defend his ship. The pirate edged down
a bit and shortly gave the “Greyhound” a broadside of eight guns which
Captain Edwards bravely returned and for nearly an hour the give and
take continued at long gunshot without much damage to either vessel.
Finding that the pirate was more heavily armed than the “Greyhound,”
and her decks showing many men, Captain Edwards began to reckon the
consequences of a too stubborn resistance, for it seemed likely that
eventually he must surrender, barring, of course, lucky chance shot
from his guns that might cut down a mast on the pirate ship. At last he
ordered his ensign to be struck and hove to. Two boatloads of armed men
soon came aboard and searched the ship for anything of value. The loot
was not great for the New England logwood ships had little opportunity
for trade or barter and the disappointment of the pirate crews was soon
spit out on the men. Whenever one came within reach of the cutlass of
a pirate he would receive a swinging slash across shoulders or arms,
or perhaps, a blow on the head with the flat of the blade that would
fell him half-senseless to the deck. By way of diversion two of the
unoffending sailors were triced up at the foot of the mainmast and
lashed until the blood ran from their backs. Captain Edwards and his
men were then ordered into the boats and sent on board the pirate ship
and the “Greyhound” was set on fire.

The rogue proved to be the “Happy Delivery,” commanded by Capt. George
Lowther and manned by a strange assortment of English sailors and
soldiers with a sprinkling of New England men. As soon as the men from
the “Greyhound” reached her deck they were given a mug of rum and
invited to join the pirate crew. This was habitually done at that time
by these outlaws and frequently a nimble sailor would be forced and
compelled to serve with the pirates against his will. The first mate
of the “Greyhound” was Charles Harris, born in London, England, then
about twenty-four years old and a man who understood navigation. He,
with four others, Christopher Atwell, Henry Smith, Joseph Willis and
David Lindsay, was forced and Captain Edwards and the rest of his crew,
with other captured men, were put on board another logwood vessel and
permitted to make the best of their way home. In a day or two, Harris,
beguiled by the adventurous spirit of the ship’s company, was persuaded
to sign the Articles of the “Happy Delivery,” when again asked to do
so by Captain Lowther. He proved to be so capable a man, when several
captures were made, that ten days later, when a Jamaican sloop was
taken, Lowther decided to retain her and give the command to Harris and
to this he readily acceded.

The mate of the “Happy Delivery” was Ned Low, a young Englishman who
had lived in Boston for a few years and not long before this time had
deserted from a logwood ship in the Bay and happening to meet Lowther
had joined him in a career of robbery and murder. Just before the
Jamaican sloop was taken, a Rhode Island sloop of about one hundred
tons was captured and as she was newly built was taken over by Lowther
and armed with eight carriage guns and ten swivels and the command
given to Low.

The career of Harris during the next fourteen months closely follows
that of Lowther and Low and may be traced in the narrative of their
adventures. He soon lost his sloop when it was abandoned at sea in the
gulf of Matique and May 28th, 1722, when Lowther and Low separated,
Harris cast his lot with Low and sailed north with him along the New
England coast to Nova Scotia and then across the Atlantic to the
Western Islands, where a large Portuguese pink was taken and retained
and the command of the schooner “Fancy”[154] given to Harris. These two
scoundrels cruised together for some time making several captures and
at length reached the Triangles off the South American coast, eastward
of Surinam, and here the pink was lost while being careened and both
crews went on board the schooner where Low again assumed command.
Before long a large Rhode Island-built sloop was captured which Low
took over and having had a falling out with Harris, the command of the
schooner “Fancy” was given to Francis Farrington Spriggs, who had been
serving as quartermaster.

Harris now drops out of sight for about five months. He may have been
wounded or sick at the time Spriggs was given his command, at any rate,
no mention of his name has been found until May 27, 1723, when he
appeared off the South Carolina coast in command of the sloop “Ranger,”
lately commanded by Spriggs. Captain Low was sailing in company with
him in the sloop “Fortune,” and together they took three ships. About
three weeks before, they had captured the ship “Amsterdam Merchant,”
from Jamaica but owned in New England. The master was John Welland of
Boston and after he had been on board the “Ranger” for some three hours
he was transferred to the “Fortune,” where Low vented his spite against
New Englanders by cutting the captain about the body with his cutlass
and slashing off his right ear. A month later, at the trial of Captain
Harris at Newport, R. I., this Captain Welland was the principal
witness against him. He deposed that he had been chased by two sloops
and that one of them came up with him and after hoisting a blue flag
had taken him. This was the “Ranger,” with Harris in command. He had
been ordered aboard the pirate sloop and had gone with four of his men.
The quartermaster had examined him and asked how much money he had on
board, and he had replied “About £150 in gold and silver.” This money
was taken away by the pirates. Meanwhile Captain Low in the “Fortune,”
came up and Welland was sent aboard to be interrogated where he was
greatly abused. The next day, after taking out a negro, some beef
and other stores, the “Amsterdam Merchant” was sunk. While the three
vessels were lying near each other, Captain Estwick of Piscataqua, N.
H., came in sight and soon fell into the clutches of Low and Harris.
His ship was plundered but not destroyed and in this vessel Captain
Welland and his men at last reached Portsmouth.

Off the Capes of the Delaware other minor captures were made by Low
and steering eastward along the Long Island shore early on the morning
of the 10th of June a large ship was sighted which soon changed its
course and the two pirate sloops at once followed in pursuit. What
then took place may best be told in the words of the newspaper account
written at the time.

“Rhode Island, June 14. On the 11th Instant arrived here His Majesty’s
Ship Grayhound, Capt. Peter Solgard Commander, from his Cruize at Sea
and brought in a Pirate Sloop of 8 Guns, Barmudas built, 42 White Men
and 6 Blacks, of which number eight were wounded in the Engagement and
four killed; the Sloop was commanded by one Harris, very well fitted,
and loaded with all sorts of Provisions: One of the wounded Pirates
died, on board of the Man of War, with an Oath on his Departure; thirty
lusty bold young Fellows, were brought on shore, and received by one of
the Town Companys under Arms guarding them to the Goal, and all are now
in Irons under a strong Guard. The Man of War had but two Men wounded,
who are in a brave way of Recovery.

“Here follows an Account (from on board of the Man of War) of the
Engagement between Capt. Solgard and the two Pirates Sloops: Capt.
Solgard being informed by a Vessel, that Low the Pirate, in a Sloop of
10 Guns & 70 Men, with his Consort of 8 Guns and 48 Men, had sailed off
the East End of Long-Island: The Capt. thereupon steered his Course
after them; and on the 10th Currant, half an hour past 4 in the Morning
we saw two Sloops N. 2 Leagues distance, the Wind W.N.W. At 5 we tack’d
and stood Southward, and clear’d the Ship, the Sloops giving us Chase,
at half an hour past 7 we tack’d to the Northward, with little Wind,
and stood down to them; at 8 a Clock they each fired a Gun, and hoisted
a Black Flag; at half an hour past 8 on the near approach of the Man
of War, they haul’d it down, (fearing a Tartar) and put up a Bloody
Flag, stemming with us distant 3 quarters of a Mile: We hoisted up
our Main-Sail and made easy Sail to the Windward, received their Fire
several times; but when a breast we gave them ours with round & grape
Shot, upon which the head Sloop edg’d Away, as did the other soon
after, and we with them. The Fire continued on both sides for about an
hour; but when they hall’d from us with the help of their Oars, we left
off Firing, and turned to Rowing with 86 Hands, and half an Hour past
Two in the Afternoon we came up with them; when they clapt on a Wind to
receive us; we again kept close to Windward, and ply’d them warmly with
small and grape shot; and during the Action we fell between them, and
having shot down one of their Main Sails we kept close to him, and at 4
a Clock he call’d for Quarters; at 5 having got the Prisoners on board,
we continued to Chase the other Sloop, when at 8 a Clock in the Evening
he bore from us N.W. by W. two Leagues, when we lost sight of him near
Block Island. One Desperado was for blowing up this Sloop rather than
surrendering, and being hindered, he went forward, and with his Pistol
shot out his own Brains.

“Capt. Solgard designing to make sure of one of the Pirate Sloops, if
not both, took this, seeming to be the Chief, but proved otherwise, and
if we had more Day-light the other of Low’s had also been taken, she
being very much batter’d; and ’tis tho’t he was slain, with his Cutlas
in his hand, encouraging his Men in the Engagement to Fight, and that a
great many more Men were kill’d and wounded in her, than the other we
took.

“The Two Pirate Sloops Commanded by the said Low and Harris intended
to have boarded the Man of War, but he plying them so successfully
they were discouraged, and endeavoured all they could to escape,
notwithstanding they had sworn Damnation to themselves, if they should
give over Fighting, tho’ the Ship should even prove to be a Man of War.
They also intended to have hoisted their Standard upon Block-Island,
but we suppose now, there will be a more sutable Standard hoisted for
those that are taken, according to their Desarts.

“On the 12th Currant Capt. Solgard was fitting out again to go in
the Quest of the said Low the other Pirate Sloop, (having the Master
of this with him, he knowing what Course they intended by Agreement
to Steer, in order to meet with a third Consort) which, we hope he’ll
overtake and bring in.”--_Boston News-Letter_, June 20, 1723.

The _New England Courant_ of Boston, Franklin’s paper, printed a
similar account of the fight and capture and also mentioned the fact
that Joseph Sweetser of Charlestown was one of the men taken and that
both he and Charles Harris, “who is the Master or Navigator,” had
previously been advertised in the public prints as forced men, with one
or two more of the company. A week later the _Courant_ published a list
of the names of the men, as follows:--

    “An Account of the Names, Ages, and places of Birth of those
    Men taken by his Majesty’s Ship Greyhound, in the Pirate Sloop
    called the Ranger, and now confined in his Majesty’s Gaol in
    Rhode-Island.

      _Names_                 _Ages_       _Places of Birth_
    William Blades              28      Rhode Island
    Thomas Powel, Gunner        21      Wethersfield, Conn.
    John Wilson                 23      New London County
    Daniel Hyde                 23      Eastern Shore of Virginia
    Henry Barnes                22      Barbadoes
    Stephen Mundon              29      London
    Thomas Huggit               24      London
    William Read                35      London-derry, Ireland
    Peter Kewes                 32      Exeter, England
    Thomas Jones                17      Flint, Wales
    James Brinkley              28      Suffolk, England
    Joseph Sawrd                28      Westminster
    John Brown                  17      Leverpool
    William Shutfield           40      Leicestershire, Engl.
    Edward Eaton                38      Wreaxham, Wales
    John Brown                  29      County of Durham, Engl.
    Edward Lawson               20      Isle of Man
    Owen Rice                   27      South Wales
    John Tomkins                23      Glocestshire, Engl.
    John Fitz-Gerald            21      County of Limerick, Irela.
    Abraham Lacey               21      Devonshire, Engl.
    Thomas Linisker             21      Lancashire, Engl.
    Thomas Reeve                30      County of Rutland, Engl.
    John Hinchard, Doctor       22      Near Edinburg, N. Brit.
    Joseph Sweetser (forc’d)    24      Boston, New-England
    Francis Layton              39      New-York
    John Walters, Quar. Master  35      County of Devon
    William Jones               28      London
    Charles Church              21      Westminster
    Tom Umper, an Indian        21      Marthas Vineyard
                         In all 30

                             --_New England Courant_, June 24, 1723.

The following seven were held on board the “Grayhound” by Captain
Solgard, who hoped through them to take Low. They were brought back to
Newport and gaoled on July 11th. One of the pirates died in gaol on
July 15th.

    Charles Harris, Captain     25      London
    Thomas Hazell               50      ----
    John Bright                 25      ----
    Joseph Libbey               21      Marblehead
    Patrick Cunningham          25      ----
    John Fletcher               17      ----
    Thomas Child                15      ----

When the news of this great capture of pirates reached the seaport
towns along the New England shore there was much rejoicing. Nothing
like it had ever happened in the history of the Colonies and to be
accused of piracy at that time, with any show of evidence, was very
nearly equivalent to being found guilty, so a great gathering of people
was assured for the hanging soon to follow.

Three weeks later the Honorable William Dummer, Esq.,
Lieutenant-Governor and Commander in Chief of His Majesty’s Province
of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, together with divers members
of His Majesty’s Council and other gentlemen from that Province
came riding into the town of Newport, and with Governor Cranston of
Rhode Island and other judges duly commissioned by Act of Parliament
proceeded to open a Court of Admiralty for the trial of the pirates.
The trial was held in the town house on Wednesday morning, July 10,
1723. The Court was authorized by Act of Parliament made 11 and 12
William III; made perpetual by Act of 6 George I. The Court organized,
and then adjourned until eight oclock in the morning of the next
day--when Charles Harris and twenty-seven others were brought to the
bar and arraigned for acts of felony, piracy and robbery.

[Illustration: WILLIAM DUMMER, LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS,
WHO PRESIDED AT THE TRIAL OF CAPT. CHARLES HARRIS FOR PIRACY

From the portrait by Robert Feke in possession of the Trustees of
Dummer Academy]

The facts connected with the taking of the ship “Amsterdam Merchant,”
with the presence in court of the master and some of his men, were
in themselves sufficient to hang the accused. Captain Solgard of the
man-of-war, who had fought with the accused pirates and captured them,
also testified as did his lieutenant and surgeon. The presence of these
men in court together with the reputed facts of the chase and capture
decided the case in the minds of the people before the evidences were
offered or the verdict rendered. John Valentine, the Advocate General
for the King, presented the articles which accused the prisoners of
piratically surprising and seizing the ship “Amsterdam Merchant,” and
carrying away beef, gold and silver and a negro slave named Dick;
cutting off Captain Welland’s right ear and afterwards sinking the ship
valued at one thousand pounds. They were also accused of piratically
attacking His Majesty’s ship, the “Grey Hound,” and wounding seven of
his men.

The prisoners were not represented by counsel, but they all pleaded
“not guilty,” and fourteen of them were ordered tried at that very
session, so the Advocate General addressed the Court as follows:--

“May it please your honor, and the rest of the honorable judges, of this
court.

“The prisoners at the bar stand articled against and are prosecuted
for, several felonious piracies and robberies by them committed upon
the high sea. To which they severally pleaded not guilty.

“The crime of piracy is a robbery (for piracy is a sea term for
robbery) committed within the jurisdiction of the admiralty.

“And a pirate is described to be one who to enrich himself either by
surprise or open force, sets upon merchants and others trading by sea,
to spoil them of their goods and treasure, often times by sinking their
vessels, as the case will come out before you.

“This sort of criminals are engaged in a perpetual war with every
individual, with every state, christian or infidel; they have no
country, but by the nature of their guilt, separate themselves,
renouncing the benefit of all lawful society, to commit these heinous
crimes. The Romans therefore justly styled them, _Hostes humoni
generis_ enemies of mankind, and indeed they are enemies and armed,
against themselves, a kind of _felons de se_--importing something more
than a natural death.

“These unhappy men satiated with the number and notoriety of their
crimes, had filled up the measure of their guilt, when by the
Providence of Almighty God, and through the valor and conduct of
Captain Solgard, they were delivered up to the sword of justice.

“The Roman Emperors in their edicts made this piece of service so
eminent for the public good, as meritorious as any act of piety, or
religious worship whatsoever.

“And ’twill be said for the honor and reputation of this colony (though
of late scandalously reproached, to have favored or combined with
pirates), and be evinced by the process and event of this affair, that
such flagitious persons find as little countenance, and as much justice
at Rhode Island, as in any other part of his Majestie’s dominions.

“But your time is more precious than my words, I will not misspend it
in attempting to set forth the aggravations of this complex crime, big
with every enormity, nor in declaring the mischiefs and evil tendencies
of it; for you better know these things before I mention them; and I
consider to whom I speak, and that the judgment is your honors.

“I shall therefore call the King’s evidences to prove the several
facts, as so many distinct acts of piracy charged on Prisoners, not by
light circumstances and presumptions, not by strained and unfounded
conjectures, but by clear and postive evidence: and then I doubt not,
since for ’tis the interest of mankind, that these crimes should be
punished; your honors will do justice to the prisoners, this colony,
and the rest of the world in pronouncing them guilty, and in passing
sentence upon them according to law.”

Capt. John Welland then testified as to the facts attending the capture
of his ship. He also said that Henry Barnes, one of the prisoners at
the bar, was forced out of his ship at the time it was taken and was
“very low and weak” and when on board Captain Estwick’s vessel (in
which they had at last reached Portsmouth) Barnes had tried to get away
and hid himself. But the pirates threatened to burn the ship unless he
was given up so Barnes was compelled to go on board the pirate sloop.
Barnes had cried and “took on very much” and asked the mate of the
“Amsterdam Merchant” to notify his three sisters living in Barbadoes
that he was a forced man and also very sick and weak at the time. The
mate and the ship’s carpenter confirmed the captain’s testimony that
all the pirates were “harnessed, that is, armed with guns, etc.”

Capt. Peter Solgard, Lieut. Edward Smith, and Archibald Fisher,
“Chirsurgeon” of the “Grey-Hound Man of War,” testified to the
well-known facts of the engagement with the pirates and William Marsh,
a mariner, made oath that he had been taken by Low’s company in the
West Indies the previous January and that “he saw on board the schooner
at that time Francis Laughton and William ------------ and on board
the sloop, Charles Harris, Edward Lawson, Daniel Hyde, and John Fitz
Gerald, all prisoners at the Bar, and that Gerald asked him whether he
would seek his fortune with him.”

This concluded the testimony and the prisoners were then severally
asked if they had anything to say in their own defence. Without
exception each man said that he had been forced on board of Low and did
nothing voluntarily.

The Advocate General then summed up the case, as follows:--

    “Your Honors, I doubt not have observed the weakness, and
    vanity of the defence which has been made by the prisoners
    at the Bar, and that the articles (containing indisputable
    flagrant acts of piracy) are supported against each of them:
    Their impudences and unfortunate mistake, in attacking his
    majesty’s ship, tho’ to us fortunate, and of great service
    to the neighboring governments: Their malicious and cruel
    assault upon Capt. Welland, not only in the spoiling of his
    goods, but what is much more, the cutting off his right ear,
    a crime of that nature and barbarity which can never be
    repaired: Their plea of constraint, or force, (in the mouth of
    every Pirate) can be of no avail to them, for if that could
    justify or excuse! No pirate would ever be convicted; nor even
    any profligate person in his own account offend against the
    moral law; if it were asked, it would be hard to answer; who
    offer’d the violence? It’s apparent they forced, or persuaded
    one another, or rather the compulsion proceeded of their own
    corrupt and avaricious inclinations: but if there was the
    least semblance of truth; in the plea; it might come out in
    proof, that the prisoners or some of them did manifest their
    uneasiness and sorrow, to some of the persons whom they had
    surprised and robb’d; but the contrary of that is plain from
    Mr. Marsh’s evidence, that the prisoners were so far from
    a dislike, or regretting their number by inviting him to
    join with them, and seemed resolved to live and die by their
    calling, or for it, as their fate is like to be. And now seeing
    that the facts are as evident as proof by testimony can make
    ’em, I doubt not your honors will declare the prisoners to be
    guilty.”

The prisoners were than taken from the bar, the court room was cleared
and the judges considered the evidence and voted that all were guilty
except John Wilson and Henry Barns. The Court then adjourned for dinner
and at two o’clock met and opened by proclamation. The prisoners were
brought in and those found guilty were sentenced by Lieut.-Governor
Dummer to be hanged by the neck until dead. Thirteen more “of that
miserable crew of men,” as they were characterised by the Advocate
General, were then brought to the bar for trial, and Captain Welland
named six of whom he recognized as having been on the “Ranger” and
all had been harnessed, except Thomas Jones, the boy. John Mudd, the
carpenter, said that he well remembered Joseph Sound because “said
Sound took his buttons out of his sleeves.”

“Benjamin Weekham of Newport mariner, deposed, that on the tenth of
March last he was in the bay of Honduras on board of a sloop, Jeremiah
Clark Master, Low and Lowders companies being pirates, took the
aforesaid sloop, and that this deponent then having the small pox was
by John Waters one of the prisoners at the Bar carried on board another
vessel; and that he begg’d of some of the company two shirts to shirt
himself, the said Waters said damn him, he would beg the vessel too,
but at other times he was very civil; and the deponent further saith,
he saw William Blades now prisoner at the Bar amongst them.

“William Marsh deposed, that he was taken in manner as aforesaid, and
that John Brown the tallest was on board the schooner, and the said
Brown told him he had rather be in a tight vessel than a leaky one, and
that he was not forced.

“Henry Barns mariner, deposed, that he being on board the Sloop Ranger
during her engagement with the Grey-Hound Man of War, saw all the
prisoners at the Bar on board the said sloop Ranger, and that he saw
John Brown the shortest in arms, that Thomas Mumford Indian, was only
as a servant on board.

“The prisoners at the bar were then asked if they had anything to say
in their own defence.

“William Blades said he was forced on board of Low about eleven months
ago, and never signed to their articles, and that he had when taken
about ten or twelve pounds, and that he never shared with them, but
only took what they gave him.

“Thomas Hugget said he was one of Capt. Mercy’s men on the coast of
Guinea, and in the West Indies was put on board Low, but never shared
with them, and they gave him twenty-one pounds.

“Peter Cues said, that on the twenty-third or twenty-fourth of January
last he belonged to one Layal in a sloop of Antigua, and was then taken
by Low and detained ever since, but never shared with them, and had
about ten or twelve pounds when taken, which they gave him.

“Thomas Jones said, he is a lad of about seventeen years of age, and
was by Low and company taken out of Capt. Edwards at Newfoundland, and
kept by Low ever since.

“William Jones said, he was taken out of Capt. Ester at the Bay of
Honduras the beginning of April last by Low and Lowther, and that he
has been forced by Low to be with him ever since; that he never shared
with them, nor signed the articles till compelled three weeks after he
was taken, and the said Jones owned he had eleven pounds of the quarter
master at one time, and eight pounds at another.

“Edward Eaton said, that he was taken by Low in the Bay of Honduras,
about the beginning of March, and kept with him by force ever since.

“John Brown the tallest said, that on the ninth of October last he was
taken out of the Liverpool merchant at the Cape De Verde by Capt. Low
who beat him black and blue to make him sign the articles, and from the
Cape de Verde they cruized upon the coast of Brazil about eleven weeks,
and from thence to the West Indies, and he was on board of the Ranger
at the taking of Welland.

“James Sprinkly said, he was forced out of a ship at the Cape de Verde
by Low in October last, and by him compelled to sign the articles, but
never shared with them.

“John Brown the shortest said, he was about seventeen years old, and in
October last at the Cape de Verdes was taken out of a ship by Low, and
kept there ever since, and that the quarter-master gave him about forty
shillings, and the people aboard about three pounds.

“Joseph Sound said, he was taken from Providence, about three months
ago, by Low and company and detained by force ever since.

“Charles Church said, he was taken out of the Sycamore Galley at the
Cape de Verdes, Capt. Scot commander, about seven or eight months ago,
by Capt. Low, never shared, but the quarter-master gave him about
fourteen pounds.

“John Waters said, he was taken by Low on the twenty-ninth of June
last, out of --------, and they compelled him to take charge of a
watch, and that he had thirteen pistols when taken, which was given
him, and that he said in the time of the engagement with his Majesties
ship they had better strike, for they would have better quarter.

“Thomas Mumford Indian said, he was a servant a fishing the last year,
and was taken out of a fishing sloop with five other Indians off of
Nantucket by Low and Company, and that they hanged two of the Indians
at Cape Sables, and that he was kept by Low ever since, and had about
six bitts when taken.”

These excuses availed nothing except for Thomas Jones, the boy, and
Thomas Mumford, the Indian. The rest were found guilty and duly
sentenced.

The next morning John Kencate, the doctor on board the “Ranger,”
was brought to trial. The Advocate General stated that although the
prisoner “used no arms, was not harness’d (as they term it) but was a
forc’d man; yet if he received part of their plunder, was not under
a constant durance, did at any time approve, or join’d in their
villanies, his guilt is at least equal to the rest; the Doctor being
ador’d among ’em as the pirates God for in him they chiefly confide
for their cure and life, and in this trust and dependence it is, that
they enterprise these horrid depredations not to be heightened by
aggravation, or lessened by any excuse.”

“Capt. John Welland deposed, and that he saw the Doctor aboard the
Ranger; he seem’d not to rejoice when he was taken but solitary, and he
was inform’d on board he was a forc’d men; and that he never signed the
articles as he heard of, and was now on board the deponants ship.

“John Ackin Mate and John Mudd Carpenter, swore they saw the prisoner
at the Bar walking forwards and backwards disconsolately on board the
Ranger.

“Archibald Fisher Physician and Chirurgion on board the said Greyhound
Man-of-War deposed, that when the prisoner at the Bar was taken and
brought aboard the King’s ship he searched his medicaments, and the
instruments, and found but very few medicaments, and the instruments
very mean and bad.”

Others testified that the doctor was forced on board, by Low, and
that he never signed articles so far as they knew or heard, but used
to spend much of his time in reading, and was very courteous to the
prisoners taken by Low and his company, and that he never shared with
them.

The doctor himself said that he was chirurgion of the Sycamore-Galley,
Andrew Scot, master, and was taken out of that ship in September last
at Bonavista, one of the Cape de Verde Islands, by Low and Company, who
detained him ever since, and that he never shared with them, nor signed
their articles.

The Court then cleared the doctor and proceeded with the trial of
Thomas Pownall, Joseph Sweetser and Joseph Libbey. The name of the
latter is not found in the first published lists of the pirates gaoled
at Newport for the reason that he was one of those detained by Captain
Harris in hopes of capturing Low who had deliberately deserted them,
when jointly they probably could have taken the man of war. Libbey’s
name appears in the published lists of those condemned and executed, as
having been born in Marblehead.

At the trial of these men Doctor Kencate testified that “he well knew
Thomas Powell, Joseph Sweetser and John Libbey, and that Thomas Powell
acted as gunner on board the Ranger, and that he went on board several
vessels taken by Low and company, and plundered, and that Joseph Libbey
was an active man on board the Ranger, and used to go on board vessels
they took and plundered and that he see him fire several times, and
the deponent further deposed that Joseph Sweetser now prisoner at the
bar, was on board the pirate Low, and that he has seen him armed, but
never see him use them, and that the said Sweetser used to often get
alone by himself from amongst the rest of the crew, he was melancholly,
and refused to go on board any vessel by them taken, and got out of
their way. And the deponent further saith, that on that day, as they
engaged the man-of-war, Low proposed to attack the man-of-war, first
by firing his great guns then a volley of small arms, heave in their
powder flasks and board her in his sloop, and the Ranger to board over
the Fortune, and that no one on board the Ranger disagreed to it as he
knows of, for most approved of it by words and the others were silent.

“Thomas Jones deposed that Thomas Powell acted as gunner on board the
Ranger, and Joseph Libbey was a stirring, active man among them, and
used to go aboard vessels to plunder, and that Joseph Sweetser was
very dull aboard, and at Cape Antonio he cried to Dunwell to let him
go ashore, who refused, and asked him to drink a dram, but Sweetser
went down into the hold and cried a good part of the day, and that Low
refused to let him go, but brought him and tied him to the mast and
threatened to whip him; and he saw him armed but never saw him use his
arms as he knows of: and that Sweetser was sick when they engaged the
man-of-war, tho’ he assisted in rowing the vessel.

“John Wilson deposed that Thomas Powell was gunner of the Ranger;
and the Sabbath day before they were taken, the said Powell told the
deponent he wished he was ashore at Long Island, and they went to the
head of the mast and Powell said to him I wish you and I were both
ashore here stark naked.

“Thomas Mumford, Indian (not speaking good English), Abissai Folger
was sworn interpereter, deposed that Thomas Powell, Joseph Libbey and
Joseph Sweetser were all on board of Low the pirate, that he saw Powell
have a gun when they took the vessels, but never saw him fire, he saw
him go on board of a vessel once, but brought nothing from her as he
saw, he see him once [shoot] a negro but never a white man. And he saw
Joseph Libbey once go aboard a vessel by them taken and brought away
from her one pair of stockings. And that Joseph Swetser cooked it on
board with him sometime, and sometimes they made him hand the sails;
once he saw said Swetser clean a gun, but not fire it, and Swetser
once told him that he wanted to get ashore from among them, and said
he if the Man-of-War should take them they would hang him, and in the
engagement of the Man-of-War, Swetser sat unarmed in the range of the
sloop’s mast, and some little time before the said engagement he asked
Low to let him have his liberty and go ashore, but was refused.”

There was other testimony to much the same effect. Powell said he was
taken by Lowther in the Bay of Honduras in the winter of 1721-2 and by
him turned over to Low. Libbey said he was a forced man and produced a
newspaper advertisement in proof. Sweetser said he was taken by Lowther
about a year before and forced on board of Low. He, too, produced an
advertisement to prove that he had been forced. Powell and Libbey were
found guilty and Sweetser was cleared. Hazel, Bright, Fletcher, and
Child and Cunningham who had been detained on board the “Greyhound”
in the later pursuit of Low, were then placed on trial. By numerous
witnesses it was shown that all had been active on board the “Ranger”
at the time of the fight but that Fletcher was only a boy and that
Child had come on board from the “Fortune,” only three or four days
before the fight. Captain Welland spoke a good word for Cunningham
and said that he had got him water and brought the doctor at the time
he was laying bleeding below hatches for nearly three hours with a
sentinel over him. John Bright was the drummer and “beat upon his drum
upon the round house in the engagement.”

Thomas Hazel said he had been forced by Low about twelve months before
in the Bay of Honduras. Bright said that he was a servant to one Hester
in the Bay and had been taken by Low about four months before and
forced away to be his drummer.

Cunningham said he had been forced about a year before from a fishing
schooner and that he had tried to get away at Newfoundland but without
success. Fletcher, the boy, said he had been forced by Low from on
board the “Sycamore Galley,” Scot, master, at Bona Vista, because he
could play a violin. There is no record of what Child had to say for
himself. Fletcher and Child were found not guilty; the others were
sentenced to be hanged. Cunningham and John Brown “the shortest,” were
recommended “unto His Majesty, for Remission.”

While the pirates were in prison and especially in the interval between
their condemnation and execution they were visited frequently by the
ministers who afterwards stated in print that “while they were in
Prison, most seemed willing to be advised about the affairs of their
souls.”[155] John Brown prepared in writing a “warning” to young people
in which he declared “it was with the greatest Reluctancy and Horror
of Mind and Conscience, I was compelled to go with them ... and I
can say my Heart and Mind never joined in those horrid Robberies,
Conflagarations and Cruelties committed.” On the day before they
were executed letters were written by many of them to relatives and
Fitz-Gerald composed a poem which afterwards was printed. The following
verses illustrate his poetical style:

 “To mortal Men that daily live in Wickedness and Sin;
 This dying Counsel I do give, hoping you will begin
 To serve the Lord in Time of Youth his Precepts for to keep;
 To serve him so in Spirit and Truth, that you may mercy reap.

        *       *       *       *       *

 In Youthful blooming Years was I, when I that Practice took;
 Of perpetrating Piracy, for filthy gain did look.
 To Wickedness we all were bent, our Lusts for to fulfil;
 To rob at Sea was our Intent, and perpetrate all Ill.

        *       *       *       *       *

 I pray the Lord preserve you all and keep you from this End;
 O let Fitz-Gerald’s great downfall unto your welfare tend.
 I to the Lord my Soul bequeath, accept thereof I pray,
 My Body to the Earth bequeath, dear Friend, adieu for aye.”

The gallows were set up between high-and-low water mark on a point of
land projecting into the harbor, then and now known as Gravelly Point.
At that time there was no street or way that gave direct or convenient
access and the crowds that gathered to witness the execution went
around by what afterwards was known as Walnut Street by the almshouse,
or filled the boats and small vessels that lined the shore. Most of the
condemned had something to say when on the gallows usually advising
all people, especially young persons, to beware of the sins that had
brought them to such an unhappy state. The execution took place on
July 19, 1723, between twelve and one o’clock, and twenty-six men were
“hanged by the neck until dead” in accordance with the sentence of the
Court.

“Mr. Bass went to Prayer with them; and some little time after, the
Rev. Mr. Clap concluded with a short Exhortation to them. Their Black
Flag, with the Pourtrature of Death having an Hour-Glass in one Hand,
and a Dart in the other, at the end of which was the Form of a Heart
with three Drops of Blood, falling from it, was affix’d at one Corner
of the Gallows. This Flag they call’d Old Roger, and often us’d to say
they would live and die under it.”[156]

“Never was there a more doleful sight in all this land, then while they
were standing on the stage, waiting for the stopping of their Breath
and the Flying of their Souls into the Eternal World. And oh! how awful
the Noise of their dying moans!”[157]

The bodies were not gibbetted but taken to Goat or Fort Island and
buried on the shore between high and low water mark.

After the execution had taken place, Captain Solgard set sail in the
“Greyhound” for his station at New York, taking with him the pirate
sloop.[158] His exploit was looked upon as a great service rendered to
the country and the merchants of New York were anxious that some public
acknowledgment be made, and so it came about that the Common Council of
the City, at a meeting held July 25, 1723, passed an order presenting
to Captain Solgard the Freedom of the City and providing that the seal
of the Freedom be enclosed in a gold box, the Arms of the Corporation
to be engraved on one side and a representation of the engagement on
the other, with this motto: _Quaesitos Humani Generis Hostes Debellare
Superbum 10 Junii 1723_. The clerk was instructed to have the
Freedom handsomely engrossed on parchment and when ready the Council
voted to wait upon Captain Solgard in a body and present the same.

[Illustration: “VIEW OF NEWPORT, R. I., IN 1730,” SHOWING AT THE LEFT,
GRAVELLY POINT, ON WHICH THE PIRATES WERE HANGED IN 1723

The original painting really represents the town at a somewhat later
date. Reproduced from a lithograph copy made in 1864, now in the George
L. Shepley Library, Providence, R. I.]

But the “Greyhound,” in March of the previous year, had an encounter
with Spaniards, in which her officers came off less happily. Captain
Waldron, then in command, was trading on the coast of Cuba and “invited
some of the Merchants to Dinner, who with their Attendants and Friends
came on Board to the Number of 16 or 18 in all; and having concerted
Measures, about six or eight dined in the Cabin, and the rest waited
on the Deck. While the Captain and his Guests were at Dinner, the
Boatswain Piped for the Ship’s Company to dine. Accordingly the Men
took their Platters, received their Provisions, and went down between
Decks, leaving only 4 or 5 Hands besides the Spaniards, above; who
were immediately dispatched by them, and the Hatches laid on the rest.
Those in the Cabin were as ready as their Companions, for they pull’d
out their Pistols and shot the Captain, Surgeon and another (Jacob
Lopez, a merchant) dead, and grievously wounded the Lieutenant; but he
getting out of the Window upon a Side-ladder, thereby saved his Life,
and so they made themselves Masters of the Ship in an Instant. But by
accidental good Fortune, she was recovered before she was carry’d off;
for Capt. Waldron having mann’d a Sloop with 30 Hands of his Ship’s
Company, had sent her to Windward some days before, also for Trade,
which the Spaniards knew very well; and just as the Action was over
they saw this Sloop coming down, before the Wind, towards their Ship;
upon which the Spaniards took about 10000£. in Specie, quitted the
Ship, and went off in their Launch unmolested.”[159] The Greyhound
eventually made her way to her station at New York under command of the
lieutenant, where she was joined on Oct. 19th by her new commander,
Capt. Peter Solgard, Doctor Fisher, and twenty sailors.


FOOTNOTES

[154] Formerly the “Mary,” 80 tons, owned by Joseph Dolliber of
Marblehead and captured at Port Roseway, Nova Scotia.

[155] _An account of the Pirates, with divers of their Speeches_, etc.,
Boston, 1723.

[156] _New England Courant_, July 22, 1723 (_postscript_).

[157] _An account of the Pirates, with divers of their Speeches_, etc.,
Boston, 1723.

[158] A great storm occurred on July 29, 1723, during which the pirate
sloop, then at anchor at New York, was forced to cut down her mast and
afterwards was driven out to sea and lost. _New England Courant_, Aug.
12, 1723 (_postscript_).

[159] Johnson, _History of the Pirates_, London, 1726.




CHAPTER XVII

JOHN PHILLIPS WHOSE HEAD WAS CUT OFF AND PICKLED


The sloop “Squirrel,” commanded by Skipper Andrew Haraden, sailed out
of Annisquam harbor, Cape Ann, on the morning of April 14th, 1724,
bound eastward on a fishing voyage. She was newly built. In fact, the
owner and skipper were both so anxious to see her on her way to the
banks that they didn’t wait for all the deck-work to be completed
before she sailed and so the necessary tools were taken along with the
intention of finishing the work before Cape Sable was reached. As the
sloop made outward into Ipswich Bay two or three sails were in sight,
among them a sloop, off to the eastward, following a course similar to
the “Squirrel” but a point or two more to the north, so that early in
the afternoon when the vessels were both off the Isles of Shoals, the
stranger was only a gunshot distant.

Skipper Haraden was looking her over when suddenly a puff of smoke
broke out of a swivel on her rail and the ball struck the water less
than a hundred feet in front of the “Squirrel’s” bow. Just after the
gun was fired the sloop ran up a black flag and soon the Annisquam
fisherman was headed into the wind and her skipper was getting into a
boat in answer to a command that came across the water from the pirate.
When he reached her deck, Haraden found that the pirate was commanded
by Capt. John Phillips who was well-known from the captures he had made
among the fishing fleets the year before. He was then on his way north
after spending a pleasant winter in the warm waters of the West Indies
and on the way up the coast had made numerous captures.

When Captain Phillips found that he had taken a newly built vessel,
with lines that suggested speed, he decided to take her over and the
next day the guns, ammunition and stores were transferred to the
“Squirrel” and the fishermen were ordered aboard the other sloop and
left to shift for themselves; but Skipper Haraden was forcibly detained.

Haraden soon found that about half of the men with Phillips had been
forced like himself and were only waiting for a chance to escape and
one of them, Edward Cheeseman, a ship carpenter, “broke his mind” to
Haraden not long after the vessels separated. It developed that various
plans had already been cautiously discussed by several of the captured
men and now that another bold man was aboard and an extra broadax and
adz used to complete the carpenter work on the “Squirrel” were about
the deck, the time seemed ripe to rise and capture the vessel. John
Filmore, a fisherman who had been captured by Phillips while off the
Newfoundland coast the previous fall, was active in abetting Cheeseman
in the proposal to rise. Filmore came from the town of Wenham which
is not far from Annisquam, and in November, 1724, after having been
acquitted of piracy by the Admiralty Court in Boston, he married Mary
Spiller of Ipswich and his son Nathaniel, became grandfather of Millard
Fillmore, President of the United States.

Several of the men on the “Squirrel” were for surprising the pirates at
night but as the sailing master, John Nutt, was a man of great strength
and courage, it was pointed out that it would be dangerous to attack
him without firearms. Cheeseman, who had taken the lead in proposing
the capture of the vessel, was resolutely in favor of making the
attack by daylight as less likely to end in confusion or mistake. He
also volunteered to make way with the long-armed Nutt. The plan agreed
upon called for a united assault at noon on April 17th, while the
carpenter’s tools lay about the deck, Cheeseman, the ship-carpenter,
having his tools there also. When the time arrived, Cheeseman brought
out his brandy bottle and took a dram with the rest, drinking to the
boatswain and the sailing master and “To their next merry meeting.” He
then took a turn about the deck with Nutt, asking him what he thought
of the weather and the like. Meanwhile, Filmore took up a broadax and
whirling it around on its point as though at play, winked at Cheeseman
to let him know that all was ready. He at once seized Nutt by the
collar and putting the other hand between his legs and holding hard he
tossed him over the side of the vessel. Nutt, taken by surprise, had
only time to grasp Cheeseman’s coat sleeve and say “Lord, have mercy
upon me! What are you trying to do, carpenter?” Cheeseman replied that
it was an unnecessary question “For, Master, you are a dead man,” and
striking him on the arm, Nutt lost his hold and fell into the sea and
never spoke again.

By this time the boatswain was dead, for as soon as Filmore saw the
master going over the rail he raised his broadax and gave the boatswain
a slash that divided his head clear to his neck. Nutt’s cry and the
noise of the scuffle brought the captain on deck to be met by a blow
from a mallet in the hands of Cheeseman, which broke his jaw-bone
but didn’t knock him down. Haraden then made for the captain with a
carpenter’s adz which Sparks, the gunner, attempted to prevent and
for his pains was tripped up by Cheeseman and tumbled into the hands
of Charles Ivemay, another of the conspirators, who, aided by two
Frenchmen, instantly tossed him overboard. Meanwhile, Haraden had
smashed the captain over the head with the adz and ended his piratical
career for all time. Cheeseman lost no time and jumped from the deck
into the hold and was about to beat out the brains of John Rose Archer,
the quartermaster, and already had got in two or three blows with
his mallet when Harry Giles, a young seaman, came down after him and
cried out that Archer’s life should be spared as evidence of their own
innocence so that it might not afterwards appear that the attack on
the pirates had been made with the intent of seizing their plunder.
Cheeseman saw the force of this advice and so Archer was spared and
secured with ropes as were three others who were below when the attack
was made on deck and who surrendered when they found out what had
happened.

Captain Haraden now took command of the “Squirrel” and altered her
course from Newfoundland to Annisquam which was reached on April 24th.
As they came into the harbor they prepared to fire a swivel to announce
their arrival to the village, but in some way the gun was prematurely
discharged and a French doctor on board, a forced man, was instantly
killed. Tradition, still lingering on the Cape, affirms that the head
of Phillips was hanging at the sloop’s mast-head when she arrived at
Annisquam[160] and there is an island in Annisquam River, known as
Hangman’s Island, which received its name from some connection with
this event. The local tradition has it that some of the pirates were
hanged on this island but that is incorrect as will be shown later. It
is possible, however, that Captain Haraden may have brought back one or
more bodies of the dead pirates, as trophies, and these bodies may have
been placed on gibbets erected on what is now Hangman’s Island.

The day after the return of the “Squirrel,” Captain Haraden, Israel
Tricker and William Mills went over to “the Harbor,” now the city
of Gloucester, and made oath before Esquire Epes Sargent to the
particulars of the capture and recapture of the sloop and on May 3d,
the entire company arrived in Boston and the four accused pirates and
the seven forced men found on board with them were placed in gaol to
await a speedy trial.

Before relating the story of what took place at the trial it may
be well to recount the piratical adventures of Capt. John Phillips
previous to the final encounter that cost him his head. He was an
Englishman, a carpenter by trade, who shipped for a Newfoundland voyage
in a West-Country ship and was captured on the way over by Captain
Anstis in the “Good Fortune.” Phillips soon became reconciled to the
life of a pirate and was appointed carpenter of the vessel and there he
continued until the company broke up at Tobago in the West Indies.

While Phillips was with Anstis, the ship “Irwin,” Captain Ross, bound
to the West Indies from Cork, Ireland, was taken off Martinico. Among
the passengers was Colonel Doyly of the island of Monserrat, who was
wounded and much abused while trying to save from the insults of the
pirate crew a poor woman, who was also a passenger. Twenty-one of the
scoundrels successively forced the poor creature and then they broke
her back and threw her overboard. Johnson in his “History of the
Pirates,” is responsible for this account, which seems incredible,
especially as all the known “Articles” of pirate ships expressly
forbid, under penalty of death, attacks on inoffensive women.

Before long, dissentions arose among the crew. Some wanted to petition
the King for a pardon and others wished to continue to sail under the
black flag. Finally it was decided to seek a retreat on the island
of Tobago while a petition was sent to England. It was signed in a
“round robin,” that is, all names were signed in a circle to avoid
the appearance of any one having signed first and thereby be thought
a principal. The petition stated that they had all been taken by
Bartholomew Roberts and forced; that they abhorred and detested piracy
and that their capture of the “Good Fortune” and other vessels had been
made in the hope of escaping and obtaining a pardon. This petition was
sent home by a merchant ship bound to England from Jamaica and in
her went a number of the company who felt certain of a pardon and among
them John Phillips.

[Illustration:

    _A View of a Stage & also of y^e manner of Fishing for, Curing
    & Drying Cod at NEW FOUND LAND._

    _A. The Habit of y^e Fishermen. B. The Line. C. The manner of
    Fishing. D. The Dressers of y^e Fish. E. The Trough into which
    they throw y^e Cod when Dressed. F. Salt Boxes. G. The manner
    of Carrying y^e Cod. H. The Cleansing y^e Cod. I. A Press to
    extract y^e Oyl from y^e Cods Livers. K. Casks to receive y^e
    Water & Blood that comes from y^e Livers. L. Another Cask to
    receive the Oyl. M. The manner of Drying y^e Cod._

FISHING SHIP AND STATION, NEWFOUNDLAND, ABOUT 1717

From an insert in Herman Moll’s “Map of North America,” London
[1710-1717], in the possession of John W. Farwell]

His stay in England was short for while visiting his friends in
Devonshire he learned that some of his former companions had been
taken and were safe in custody in Bristol gaol and realizing that
his turn might come next he made for his nearest port, Topsham, and
shipped for a Newfoundland voyage with one Captain Wadham. When the
ship reached St. Peters, in Newfoundland, Phillips promptly deserted
and hired out for the season as a fish splitter. But this was only a
makeshift until he found opportunity to carry into effect his intended
piratical schemes. He soon persuaded a number of his fellow-workers to
join him in seizing a schooner owned by William Minott of Boston in the
Massachusetts Bay, which lay at anchor in the harbor near St. Peters.
The night of Aug. 29, 1723, was the time agreed upon for the adventure
but only four men put in an appearance out of the sixteen who had
agreed with Phillips to go pirating. Notwithstanding this falling away,
Phillips still favored taking the schooner, feeling certain they would
soon enlarge their company and so the vessel was seized and out of the
harbor they sailed.

When safely at sea they renamed their schooner the “Revenge,” chose
officers and drew up Articles to govern their future affairs. John
Phillips was made captain; John Nutt, master or navigator; James
Sparks, gunner, Thomas Fern, carpenter, and William White, the
remaining member of the company, constituted the crew. The Articles, as
drawn up, were sworn to upon a hatchet for lack of a Bible and were as
follows, viz.:--


    “THE ARTICLES ON BOARD THE _REVENGE_.

    “1. Every Man shall obey civil Command; the Captain shall have
    one full Share and a half in all Prizes; the Master, Carpenter,
    Boatswain and Gunner shall have one Share and quarter.

    “2. If any Man shall offer to run away, or keep any Secret from
    the Company, he shall be maroon’d, with one Bottle of Powder,
    one Bottle of Water, one small Arm and Shot.

    “3. If any Man shall steal any Thing in the Company, or game to
    the Value of a Piece of Eight, he shall be maroon’d or shot.

    “4. If at any Time we should meet another Marrooner [that is,
    pyrate], that Man that shall sign his Articles without the
    Consent of our Company, shall suffer such Punishment as the
    Captain and Company shall think fit.

    “5. That Man that shall strike another whilst these Articles
    are in force, shall receive Moses’s Law (that is, 40 Stripes
    lacking one) on the bare Back.

    “6. That Man that shall snap his Arms, or smoak Tobacco in the
    Hold, without a Cap to his Pipe, or carry a Candle lighted
    without a Lanthorn, shall suffer the same Punishment as in the
    former Article.

    “7. That Man that shall not keep his Arms clean, fit for an
    Engagement, or neglect his Business, shall be cut off from his
    Share, and suffer such other Punishment as the Captain and the
    Company shall think fit.

    “8. If any Man shall lose a Joint in Time of an Engagement, he
    shall have 400 Pieces of Eight, if a Limb, 800.

    “9. If at any Time we meet with a prudent Woman, that Man that
    offers to meddle with her, without her Consent, shall suffer
    present Death.”

Thus organized and prepared, the “Revenge” was steered to the fishing
banks and several small vessels were soon captured out of which they
forced a few men and found a few others who joined them voluntarily.
Among the latter was a man named John Rose Archer who had served off
the Carolina coast under the famous Teach, otherwise called “Black
Beard,” and because he was experienced in the trade Captain Phillips
made him quartermaster, an appointment that disaffected some of the
original company and especially Fern, the carpenter, which led to
his attempted desertion at a later time. Three fishing vessels were
taken Sept. 5th, near a harbor in Newfoundland and John Parsons, John
Filmore, and Isaac Lassen, an Indian man, were forced. Lassen was
usually employed afterwards as man at the helm. About the middle of
the month a schooner, one Furber, master, was taken and on the 20th
of September a French vessel of 150 tons fell into their hands from
which they looted thirteen pipes of wine, provisions and a “Great Gun
& Carriage valued at £50.”[161] Two Frenchmen, John Baptis and Peter
Taffery, were forced from this vessel. They afterwards were active in
helping Cheeseman and Haraden to recapture the “Squirrel.”

Early in October the “Revenge” was off Barbadoes and among the captures
made was the brigantine “Mary,” ---- Moor, master, from which cloth
and provisions valued at £500, were taken. A few days later they
fell in with a brigantine, ---- Reed, master, bound to Virginia with
servants. It was from this vessel that William Taylor was enlisted.
He afterwards said “they were carrying me to Virginia to be sold and
they met with these honest men [meaning the pirates] and I listed to
go with them.” Seven days later a Portuguese brigantine bound for
Brazil was captured, out of which a negro man slave named Francisco,
valued at £100, was taken; also three dozen shirts valued at £40, and
a cask of brandy valued at £30. On October 27th the sloop “Content,”
George Barrows, master, was captured near Bermuda. She was bound from
Boston for Barbadoes. The mate, John Masters, was forced and the sloop
was plundered of plate and provisions. Masters remained on board the
“Revenge” for four months before he was released.

Captain Phillips now bore away for the island of Barbadoes and cruised
about there and off the Leeward Islands for nearly three months without
speaking a single vessel so no captures were made and the supply of
provisions ran so low that the company was reduced to a pound of meat
a day for ten men. It was then that they came up with a French sloop
out of Martinico, of twelve guns and thirty-five men, a far superior
force which they would not have ventured to attack at any other time.
But “hunger will break down stone walls” and so the black flag was run
aloft and they boldly ran along side the sloop and ordered them to
strike immediately or no quarter would be given, which so intimidated
the Frenchmen that they made no resistance. The pirate crew plundered
her of all her provisions and taking four of her men, the sloop was
allowed to go.

Soon after this welcome supply of provisions was obtained Captain
Phillips proposed that the “Revenge” be careened and her bottom cleaned
and suggested that they go to the island of Tobago where the former
company of pirates that he belonged to, under Anstis and Fern, had
broken up. He said that there had been left behind on the island six
or eight men who would not take the chance of returning to England,
and three negro servants, and if any of these men yet remained on
the island they now would certainly join the company on board the
“Revenge.” This seemed worth while to the company so a course was set
for Tobago and when reached careful search was made for the men but
only one of the negroes was found, who told Captain Phillips that the
rest of those left behind including Captain Fern had been taken by a
man-of-war’s crew and carried to Antigua and hanged. This was bad news.
Nevertheless, they fell to work careening the sloop and just as the job
was completed, a man-of-war’s boat came nosing into the harbor and the
ship could be seen cruising to the leeward of the island. No time was
lost and as soon as the boat left, the “Revenge” was warped out and a
course to the windward was made in all haste. The four Frenchmen were
left on the island.

Captain Phillips now steered northerly and on February 4, 1724, when
about thirty-five leagues south of Sandy Hook, they captured a
snow, -------- Laws, master, from New York bound for Barbadoes, and
obtained cloth and provisions. Fern, the carpenter, James Wood, William
Taylor and William Phillips were sent on board the snow and ordered
to navigate her in company with the “Revenge.” They sailed southward
until latitude 21° was reached when Fern and Wood attempted to run
away with the vessel. Fern had not forgotten that Archer had been
appointed quartermaster in preference to him and had been waiting for
this opportunity to break company with Captain Phillips, so he brought
over the others to his way of thinking and then changed the course
of the snow. Captain Phillips was keeping a good lookout, however,
and interpreting their design correctly gave chase and coming up with
the snow a skirmish ensued. Fern was ordered to come on board the
“Revenge” and replied by firing at the captain and a brisk exchange of
shots followed during which Wood was killed and William Phillips badly
wounded in his left leg. The other two then surrendered.

There was no surgeon on board either of the vessels and after a
consultation it was decided that Phillips’ leg must be cut off. But who
should perform the operation was much disputed. Finally the carpenter
was selected as the man best fitted for the job. He brought up from his
chest his largest saw and taking the injured leg under his arm fell to
work as though he were cutting a deal board in two and soon the leg was
separated from the body of the patient. The carpenter then heated his
broadax red hot and cauterized the wound but this use of his excellent
tool being less familiar to him than the previous operation he
unfortunately burned flesh somewhat removed from the amputated surface
and in consequence the wound narrowly escaped becoming mortified.
Nature, however, made up for his lack of skill and in time a cure was
effected without other assistance.

Two months after this rude operation had been performed, a fishing
schooner was taken and Captain Phillips proposed that the maimed man
should be put on board the vessel before she was allowed to go, but
he absolutely refused saying “if he should go they would hang him.”
William Phillips afterwards testified at his trial in Boston, that he
had been forced out of the sloop “Glasgow,” William Warden, master,
which had been captured in October, 1723, and “that sometime after
he was on board, he understood there were Articles drawn up for the
Captain called him auft, and with his pistol Cocked demanded him to
sign the said Articles or else he would blow his Brains out, which he
refused to do, Reminding the Captain of his promise that he should
be cleared; but the Captain Declaring that it should not hurt him, &
Insisting on it as aforesaid he was obliged to sign the said Articles.”
He also testified that when Fern and the others were attempting to get
away in the snow, they told him they were going to Holmes’ Hole and
“there every one to shift for himself.”[162]

On Feb. 7, 1724, in latitude 37°, a ship bound from London for
Virginia, fell into the clutches of Captain Phillips. The master was
Captain Hussam and from this vessel they secured a great gun and
carriage, with powder and ball and forced Henry Gyles, “an artist,” _i.
e._ a man who understood navigation. Gyles afterwards testified in the
Admiralty Court that William White, one of the pirates who boarded the
ship, threatened “to cut him in sunder if he didn’t make haste to go on
board the pirate with his Books and Instruments.”[163] While on board
the “Revenge,” Gyles kept the journal having been ordered to do so by
Nutt, the sailing master.

Captain Phillips continued his southerly course and shortly took a
Portuguese ship bound for Brazil and two or three sloops from Jamaica
in one of which Fern again attempted to make his escape and this time
he was shot and killed by Phillips. Another man met the same fate a
few days later so that the forced men became very careful how they
discussed measures for getting away and in sheer terror several of
them signed the Articles and quietly waited for a certain opportunity.

On March 27, 1724, two ships from Virginia, bound for London, were
taken, one of them commanded by Capt. John Phillips, the pirate’s
namesake, and the other by Capt. Robert Mortimer, a young married man
on his first voyage in command. Phillips, the pirate captain, remained
on board Captain Mortimer’s ship while his men transferred the crew
to the sloop and when the boat returned one of the pirate crew called
up to Phillips that there was a mutiny on board their vessel. Captain
Mortimer had two of his men left on board and there were two pirates
with Phillips. When Mortimer heard of the mutiny he thought it was an
opportunity to recover his ship and taking up a handspike he struck
Phillips over the head making a dangerous wound but not felling him
to the deck. Phillips was able to draw his sword and wound Mortimer
and the two pirates that were on board coming to his assistance the
unfortunate captain was soon cut to pieces while his own two men stood
by and did nothing.

Out of the other ship they forced Charles Ivemay, a seaman, and also
Edward Cheeseman, the carpenter, to fill the place of their former
carpenter, Fern, who had been killed by Phillips. It was while Filmore,
the young man from Wenham, was rowing Cheeseman from one ship to the
other, that he told him of his condition on board the pirate vessel and
how few voluntary pirates there were on board and proposed that they
join with others in capturing the sloop. More came of this later.

The very last of March, the schooner “Good-Will,” of Marblehead, was
taken, Benjamin Chadwell, master, and on April 1st, a fishing schooner,
William Lancy, master, fell into their hands off Cape Sable. Lancy was
detained on board the “Revenge” and while there saw nine different
vessels taken, including a Cape Ann sloop commanded by Capt. John
Salter. On board Captain Lancy’s schooner was a seaman named David Yaw
who afterwards deposed that when the pirates came on board one of them,
John Baptis, a Frenchman, “damn’d him and kicked him in his legs and
pointed to his Boots, which was a sign as this deponent understood it
that he wanted his Boots, and he accordingly pulled them off and Baptis
took them.”[164]

Among the vessels taken about this time, most of them while Captain
Lancy was on board, were those commanded by the following masters,
viz.:--Joshua Elwell, Samuel Elwell, Mr. Combs, Mr. Lansly, James
Babson, Edward Freeman, Mr. Start, Obadiah Beal, Erick Erickson,
Benjamin Wheeler and Dependence Ellery. The latter captain gave
Phillips a long chase and when he came up with him about night, the
poor man was dragged aboard the “Revenge” and made to dance about the
deck until he could hardly stand.

It was on April 14th that Captain Haraden’s sloop was taken and three
days later Phillips was dead. Of the men who had sailed with him from
Newfoundland less than eight months before all had met a violent death
except William White and he reached the gaol in Boston on May 3d and
was brought to a speedy trial.[165]

The Court of Admiralty for the trial of the pirates was held May 12th,
1724 and the Lieutenant-Governor of the Province, William Dummer, sat
as President. John Filmore, the son of the Wenham farmer, and Edward
Cheeseman, the carpenter of the London-bound ship, who had been so
active in the capture of the pirates, were brought to trial first and
“Articles of Piracy, Robbery and Felony exhibited” against them, by the
King’s attorney. Skipper Haraden testified as to the details of his
capture by Phillips and to the exciting events on the day when Phillips
was killed. Everything indicated that both men had been forced and the
activity they had shown in attacking the voluntary pirates was all in
their favor so the court room was cleared and a unanimous verdict of
“not guilty” was declared.

In the afternoon, the Court sat again and William Phillips, Isaac
Larsen, the Indian, Henry Giles, “the artist,” Charles Ivemay, John
Bootman, John Combs and Henry Payne were brought to the bar. The men
were accused of assisting in the capture and plunder of the vessels
taken since the previous October and John Masters, formerly mate of the
sloop “Content,” and William Lancy, the master of a fishing schooner,
both of whom had testified at the morning session, were placed on the
witness stand. Filmore and Cheeseman also gave particular accounts
of occurrences on board the pirate vessel. It was agreed that Larsen
had hold of Captain Phillips’ arm when Haraden struck him on the head
with the adz and that during the seven months while on board “he was
generally set at the helm to steer the vessel” and Filmore said that he
never saw him guilty of piracy “except that they now and then obliged
him to take a shirt or a pair of stockings when almost naked.”

William Phillips, who had lost a leg, addressed the court and attempted
to justify his conduct on board the pirate vessel. He said that he had
been forced out of the sloop “Glasgow” and had signed the Articles
under compulsion, but the Court “by a plurality of voices” found him
guilty and the rest of the accused, not guilty, by unanimous voice.

William White, one of the original five who seized the sloop “Revenge”
at Newfoundland, and John Archer, “otherwise called John Rose Archer,”
who claimed to have served with “Black Beard” on the Carolina coast,
and William Taylor, were brought to trial the next day. Filmore was the
principal witness against them. He had been in the harbor of St. Peters
at the time that Mr. Minott’s sloop had been taken by Phillips and the
others and not long after had been captured by them. White had told him
that he had been in drink at the time he entered into his piratical
design and was afterwards sorry. As for William Taylor,--“he was very
Great with Phillips and Nutt, being admitted into the Cabin upon any
Consultation they had together.” All three were found guilty.

The two Frenchmen, John Baptis and Peter Taffery, also escaped the
gallows for it was shown that they had been active at the rising
against the pirates and with the others had fallen on James Sparks,
the gunner, and killed him and thrown the body overboard. Haraden also
testified in their favor.

On Tuesday, June 2, 1724, John Rose Archer, aged about twenty-seven
years, and William White, aged twenty-two years, were executed at the
ferryway in Boston leading to Charlestown, “where were a multitude
of spectators. At one end of the Gallows was their own dark Flag, in
the middle of which an Anatomy, and at one side of it a Dart in the
Heart, with drops of Blood proceeding from it; and on the other side an
Hour-glass, the sight dismal.... After their death they were in Boats
conveyed down to an Island, where the Quarter Master was hung up in
Irons, to be a spectacle, and so a Warning to others.”[166]

It is said that they both died very penitent and made on the scaffold
the following declarations with the assistance of two grave divines who
attended them.

[Illustration:

          _The Converted Sinner._

              The NATURE of a
                CONVERSION
             to Real and Vital
                  PIETY:
        And the MANNER in which it
      is to be Pray’d & Striv’n for.

           A SERMON Preached in
           BOSTON, May 31, 1724.

  In the _Hearing_ and at the _Desire_ of
    certain PIRATES, a little before
    their Execution.

  To which there is added, A more Private
    CONFERENCE of a MINISTER with them.

                Jam. V. 20.

  _He who Converteth the Sinner from the
    Error of his way, shall save a Soul
    from Death._

 _BOSTON_: Printed for _Nathaniel Belknap_
    and Sold at his Shop the Corner
    Scarletts-Wharff. 1724.
]

    “The dying Declarations of John Rose Archer, and William White,
    on the Day of their Execution at Boston, June 2, 1724, for the
    Crimes of Pyracy,

                    “First, separately, of _Archer_.

    “I Greatly bewail my Profanations of the Lord’s Day, and my
    Disobedience to my Parents. And my Cursing and Swearing, and my
    blaspheming the Name of the glorious God.

    “Unto which I have added, the Sins of Unchastity. And I have
    provoked the Holy One, at length, to leave me unto the Crimes
    of Pyracy and Robbery; wherein, at last, I have brought my self
    under the Guilt of Murder also.

    “But one Wickedness that has led me as much as any, to all the
    rest, has been my brutish Drunkenness. By strong Drink I have
    been heated and hardened into the Crimes that are now more
    bitter than Death unto me.

    “I could wish that Masters of Vessels would not use their Men
    with so much Severity, as many of them do, which exposes us to
    great Temptations.

                         “And then of _White_.

    “I am now, with Sorrow, reaping the Fruits of my Disobedience
    to my Parents, who used their Endeavours to have me instructed
    in my Bible, and my Catechism.

    “And the Fruits of my neglecting the publick Worship of God,
    and prophaning the holy Sabbath.

    “And of my blaspheming the Name of God, my Maker.

    “But my Drunkenness has had a great Hand in bringing my Ruin
    upon me. I was drunk when I was enticed aboard the Pyrate.

    “And now, for all the vile Things I did aboard, I own the
    Justice of God and Man, in what is done unto me.

                           “Of both together.

    “We hope, we truly hate the Sins, whereof we have the Burthen
    lying so heavy upon our Consciences.

    “We warn all People, and particularly young People, against
    such Sins as these. We wish, all may take Warning by us.

    “We beg for Pardon, for the Sake of Christ, our Saviour; and
    our Hope is in him alone. Oh! that in his Blood our Scarlet and
    Crimson Guilt may be all washed away!

    “We are sensible of an hard Heart in us, full of Wickedness.
    And we look upon God for his renewing Grace upon us.

    “We bless God for the Space of Repentance which he has given
    us; and that he has not cut us off in the Midst and Height of
    our Wickedness.

    “We are not without Hope, that God has been savingly at work
    upon our Souls.

    “We are made sensible of our absolute Need of the Righteousness
    of Christ; that we may stand justified before God in that. We
    renounce all Dependance on our own.

    “We are humbly thankful to the Ministers of Christ, for the
    great Pains they have taken for our Good. The Lord reward their
    Kindness.

    “We don’t despair of Mercy; but hope, through Christ, that when
    we die, we shall find Mercy with God, and be received into his
    Kingdom.

    “We with others, and especially the Sea-faring, may get Good by
    what they see this Day befalling of us.

    “Declared in the Presence of

                                                   “J. W. D. M.”

Jeremiah Bumstead, a Boston brazier, recorded in his diary that “Mr.
Webb wallkt with them and prayed thare: their death flagg was set on
the gallows.” Six days later he took his wife and ten relatives and
neighbors and sailed down the harbor “to see the piratte in Gibbits att
Bird Island.” Bird island was located about half-way between Governor’s
island and Noddle’s island, now East Boston. Fifty years later it had
worn away so that little remained but a sandy flat exposed at low water
and before many years it had disappeared entirely. As for Phillips
and Taylor; they were reprieved before the day set for execution and
finally pardoned but for what reason does not appear.

Preserved among the manuscripts in the Massachusetts State Archives
are the papers connected with this trial and among them is the bill
rendered by the marshal for expenses incurred by him in connection with
the execution and gibbetting of Archer.

                            “The Province of the Massachusetts Bay
                                           to Edward Stanbridge, Dr.

    June 2,
    1724

    For Sundrys by him Expended being Marshall and by Order of a
    Special Cort of Admiralty for the Execution of John Rose Archer
    and William White two Pirats, Viz.:

    To the Executioner for his Services                     £12:00:-

    To Mr. Joseph Parsons for Cordage & Line                  2:17:6

    To Boat hire and Labourers to help sett the Gibet and
    there Attendance at the Execution and Diging the
    grave for White                                           3:10:8

    To Expences for Victuals and Drink for the Sherifs
    officers and Constables after the Executions att Mrs.
    Mary Gilberts her Bill                                    3:15:8

    To George May, Blockmaker, 5 Blocks with straps and
    hooks and Sheaves                                          1: 5:-

    To Makeing of the Chains for John Rose Archer one of
    the Pyrats and the hire of a man to help fix him on
    the Gebbet att Bird Island                                12:10:-

    To treating the Gentlemen that listed the Piratical
    Goods                                                      0: 5:-
                                                             --------
                                                             £36: 3:10

                             “E: Excepted
                                     “P Edward Stanbridge.”


FOOTNOTES

[160] Babson, _History of Gloucester_, p. 287. This very likely is
true as Jeremiah Bumstead of Boston recorded in his diary on May 3,
1724, that “Phillip’s & Burrill’s heads were brought to Boston in
pickle.”--_N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg._, Vol. 15, p. 201.

[161] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. 63, leaf 341.

[162] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. 63, leaf 381.

[163] _Ibid._, Vol. 63, leaf 386.

[164] _Massachusetts Archives_, Vol. 63, leaf 383.

[165] Phillips had captured between August 29, 1723 and April 14, 1724,
a snow from New York, Low, master; three shallops; fifteen fishing
vessels; three schooners, Haskel of Cape Ann, Furber and Chadwell;
three brigantines, Moore, Read, and Francisco, masters; four sloops,
Barrow, Salter and Harradine, masters; five ships, one from France, and
a Frenchman, another from Martinico, Hussam from London to Virginia,
two from Virginia for London, John Phillips and Robert Mortimer; in all
thirty-four vessels.--_Boston News-Letter_, Apr. 30--May 7, 1724 issue.

[166] _Boston News-Letter_, May 28-June 4, 1724 issue.




CHAPTER XVIII

WILLIAM FLY, WHO WAS HANGED IN CHAINS ON NIX’S MATE


The piratical career of this fellow was very short, a fortunate thing
for shipping along the New England coast, as he was a bloody-minded
man who would undoubtedly have become a scourge had he been able to
increase his ship’s company and secure a vessel better suited to his
purposes. The “Remarkable Relation of a Cockatrice crush’d in the Egg”
is the characterization made by the Rev. Cotton Mather in his narrative
of Fly’s career published in Boston soon after the execution of the
pirates.

Fly was born in England and went to sea early. He was of obscure
parentage and of limited education and until he led the mutiny and
capture of the Bristol snow, in May, 1726, he had served only as a
foremast-man or petty officer.

In the spring of 1726 he was at Jamaica, in the West Indies, when a
snow owned by Bristol merchants and commanded by Capt. John Green, came
to anchor in the harbor. The snow “Elizabeth” was bound for the coast
of Guinea on a slaving voyage and being short of hands, Fly was shipped
as boatswain. The captain of a slaving ship must be a man of strong
character, a rough and ready type, and Captain Green soon incurred, in
some way, the enmity of Fly who began plotting with several of the men
whom he found ripe for any kind of villainy. They resolved before long
to seize the snow, murder the captain and mate and turn pirates.

On May 27, 1726, Fly had the early morning watch. At one o’clock,
accompanied by the other mutineers, he went to the helmsman, Morice
Cundon, and told him with many curses that if he spoke a word or
stirred from his post they would blow his brains out. Fly then rolled
up his shirt sleeves and cutlass in hand went into the captain’s cabin
accompanied by Alexander Mitchell. Captain Green awoke instantly and
asked what was the matter. Mitchell replied that they had no time to
answer impertinent questions; that he was to go on deck at once and if
he refused they would be at the trouble of scraping the cabin to clean
up his blood, for Captain Fly had been chosen commander and they would
have no other captain on board nor waste provisions to feed useless
men. Captain Green said he would make no resistance and proposed that
they should put him ashore somewhere meanwhile keeping him in irons.

[Illustration:

                        The
                      TRYALS
                        OF
         Sixteen Persons for PIRACY, _&c._

        _Four of which were found Guilty_,

              And the rest Acquitted.

 At a Special Court of Admiralty for the Tryal of
   Pirates, Held at _Boston_ within the Province
   of the _Massachusetts-Bay_ in _New-England_,
   on Monday the Fourth Day of _July_, Anno Dom.
   1726. Pursuant to His Majesty’s Commission,
   Founded on an Act of Parliament, made in the
   Eleventh and Twelfth Years of the Reign of
   King WILLIAM the Third, Intitled; _An Act for
   the more Effectual Suppression of Piracy_.
   And made Perpetual by an Act of the Sixth of
   King GEORGE.

                  [Illustration]

 _BOSTON_: Printed for and Sold by _Joseph
   Edwards_, at the Corner Shop on the North
   side of the Town-House, 1726.
]

“Ay, God damn ye,” said Fly, “to live and hang us, if we are ever
taken. No! no! Walk up and be damn’d, that bite won’t take. It has
hanged many an honest fellow already.”

Without more words they pulled the captain out of bed, hauled him into
the steerage and drove him up on deck, Fly cutting him several times
with his cutlass. Once there, one of them asked the unfortunate man if
he would rather take a leap like a brave fellow or be tossed overboard
like a sneaking rascal. In despair, the captain said to Fly,--“For the
Lord’s sake, don’t throw me overboard, boatswain; for if you do, you
throw me into Hell immediately.”

“Damn you!” answered Fly. “Since he’s so devilish godly, we’ll give him
time to say his prayers and I’ll be parson. Say after me, _Lord, have
mercy on my soul_, short prayers are best, and then over with him, my
lads.”

When the men seized him, the captain clutched at the mainsheet and one
of them, Thomas Winthrop, picked up a cooper’s broadax and chopped off
the poor master’s hand at the wrist and then overboard he went and soon
disappeared from sight.

While this was going on, Winthrop, Samuel Cole and Henry Hill had
pounced on the mate, Thomas Jenkins, and dragged him on deck telling
him he was “of the Captain’s Mess, and they should e’en drink together;
it was a pity to part good Company.” As the mate struggled to escape,
one of them snatched up the broadax with which Winthrop had lopped off
the captain’s hand, and aimed a blow at the mate’s head which landed
instead on his shoulder and then he was thrown overboard just before
the main shrouds. As he fell he cried out to the ship’s doctor, “For
the Lord’s sake, fling me a rope.” But Fly soon put the doctor in irons
and also confined the gunner and the carpenter who declined to fall in
with the others.

Captain Fly was now saluted and escorted to the great cabin with some
ceremony, where a bowl of punch was made. While it was brewing, Morice
Cundon, the helmsman, was called down and one John Fitzherbert set
in his place. A seaman named Thomas Streator was also brought into
the cabin and Fly told the two men that they were rascals and richly
deserved to be sent after the captain and the mate, but the company was
willing to show them mercy and not put them to death in cold blood; but
for the security of the ship’s company they would be placed in irons.
The snow was then renamed the “Fame’s Revenge.” She was well stored
with powder, rum and provisions but was a slow sailer.

While the company was still debating what course should be taken word
was brought down that a ship was near them and the council broke up. As
it grew lighter she was recognized as the “Pompey,” which had come out
from England in company with Captain Green and had sailed from Jamaica
at the same time. The “Pompey” stood in near the snow and hailed,
asking for Captain Green’s health. Fly answered “He is very well. At
your service!” Not having hands enough Fly decided not to attack the
ship so the company returned to the cabin and the bowl of punch and
soon voted to make for the North Carolina coast.

On June 3d, off Cape Hatteras, they came upon a sloop lying at anchor
inside the bar. She was the “John and Hannah,” John Fulker, master,
bound for Boston in New England. When the snow stood in for the harbor
of Carolina, Captain Fulker thought she might be in need of a pilot
and so took his boat and accompanied by Samuel Walker, the mate, a
young lad, and two passengers,--Capt. William Atkinson, late master
of the brigantine “Boneta,” and Richard Ruth, rowed out to the snow
intending to bring her in. When on board they were told the snow was
from Jamaica. Fly received them very civilly and invited them down to
the cabin where a bowl of punch was ordered. When it was brought in
Fly told his guests “that he was no Man to mince Matters: that he and
his Comrades were Gentlemen of Fortune, and should make bold to try if
Captain Fulker’s Sloop was a better sailer than the Snow; if she was,
she would prove much fitter for their Business, and they must have her.”

The snow came to anchor about a league from the sloop and Fly ordered
Captain Fulker with six men to bring her alongside the snow. The wind
was in the wrong quarter, however, and after several attempts they
gave it up for the time and brought Captain Fulker back to the snow
where Fly received him in a violent passion, cursing and damning him
for not bringing off the sloop. Fulker said it was impossible. “Damn
ye,” replied Fly, “you lie like a Dog, but damn my Blood, your Hide
shall pay for your Roguery, and if I can’t bring her off I’ll burn her
where she lies.” He then ordered Captain Fulker “to the Geers.” He was
at once stripped and given an unmerciful beating. The boat’s crew were
then sent back again to bring off the sloop and after a time got her as
far as the bar where she bilged and sank.

With Captain Fulker, Captain Atkinson and the rest on board, the
“Fame’s Revenge” set sail on June 5th and the next day sighted the ship
“John and Betty,” Capt. John Gale, bound from Barbadoes for Virginia.
Fly gave chase and finding that the ship could outsail him he hoisted
“a Jack at the Main topmast Head, in token of Distress.” Captain Gale
was suspicious and ignoring the signal kept his course with Fly still
in chase. The pursuit was kept up all night and early in the morning,
the wind having slackened, Fly came within gunshot and hoisting a black
flag, fired several times until Captain Gale struck his colors. Fly
manned his long boat, which carried a pateraro in the bow, and went on
board well armed with pistols and cutlasses and having made the master
and crew prisoners sent them on board the snow. Fly lay by for two days
and finding little on board of value to him, save some sail cloth and
small arms, he permitted the ship to go after forcing six of the crew.
In her went Captain Fulker, Mr. Ruth and Captain Green’s surgeon, who
had steadfastly refused to serve the pirate company. Captain Atkinson,
however, was forced to remain with Fly as he understood navigation and
also was familiar with the New England coast. When Captain Atkinson
asked to be allowed his liberty, Captain Fly replied as follows:--

“Look ye, Captain Atkinson, it is not that we care a T----d for
your Company, G----d d----n ye, G----d d----n my Soul, not a
T----d, by G----d, and that’s fair; but G----d d----n ye, and
G----d’s B----d and W----ds, if you don’t act like an honest
Man, G----d d----n ye, and offer to play us any Rogue’s Tricks,
by G----d, and G----d sink me, but I’ll blow your Brains out;
G----d d----n me if I don’t. Now, Captain Atkinson, you may
do as you please, you may be a Son of a Whore, and pilot us
wrong, which, G----d d----n ye, would be a rascally Trick, by
God, because you would betray Men who trust in you; but, by the
eternal J----s, you shan’t live to see us hang’d. I don’t love
many Words, G----d d----n ye, if you have a Mind to be well
used you shall, G----d’s B----d; but if you will be a Villain
and betray your trust, may G----d strike me dead, and may I
drink a Bowl of Brimstone and Fire with the D----l, if I don’t
send you head-long to H----ll, G----d d----n me; and so there
needs no more Arguments, by G----d, for I’ve told you my Mind,
and here’s all the Ship’s Crew for Witnesses, that if I do blow
your Brains out, you may blame no Body but your self, G----d
d----n ye.”[167]

Fly forbade Captain Atkinson to have any conversation with other forced
men lest he should hatch a conspiracy and to prevent any communication
between them at night a hammock was given him in the cabin.

Off Delaware Bay they met the sloop “Rachel,” Samuel Harris, commander,
bound for Pennsylvania from New York. She had about fifty Scotch-Irish
passengers aboard. When Fly hoisted his black ensign and ordered her to
strike she did so at once. The sloop was ransacked and held for a day
and then permitted to go. One of her crew, a lusty fellow named James
Benbrook, was forced.

Fly now ordered Captain Atkinson to bear away for Martha’s Vineyard
proposing to water there and then sail for the Guinea coast; but
Atkinson, instead of steering for the Vineyard, purposely carried them
past and out into the Bay. When Fly discovered this he told Captain
Atkinson that “he was a rascally Son of an envenom’d Bitch, and damn
his Blood it was a Piece of Cruelty to let such a son of a Whore live,
who design’d the Death of so many honest Fellows.”

Atkinson replied that he never pretended to know the coast and it
was very hard that he should die for being thought an abler man than
he really was. “G----d d----n you,” said Fly, “you are an obstinate
Villain,” and he was about to draw a pistol to shoot Atkinson when
Mitchell interposed and saved his life.

On June 23d they met a fishing schooner lying to on Brown’s bank. She
was the “James,” of Marblehead, George Girdler, master, and as Fly
came up he fired a gun and hoisted his black ensign. When the master
came aboard, Fly told him that he proposed taking his vessel unless
he found a better sailer. About noon, as they lay near each other,
several other schooners came in sight and Fly ordered six of his
pirates and a prisoner named George Tasker, to man the prize schooner
and go in pursuit. This was a very hazardous thing to do for it left
him on board the “Fame’s Revenge” with only three of his pirate crew,
one of whom, Samuel Cole, was in irons on suspicion of mutiny. Against
this small number of armed men were Captain Atkinson, Captain Fulker’s
mate, a couple of his boys, Captain Green’s gunner and carpenter, five
of Captain Gale’s men, James Benbrooke, and three fishermen belonging
to the Marblehead schooner. Atkinson already had secretly had some
conversation with Samuel Walker and Thomas Streaton and Walker had
spoken to Benbrook. This seemed to be the opportunity that they had
waited for. By good fortune, just at this time, several other vessels
appeared in sight and Atkinson, by telling Fly what he saw from the
bows, drew him forward from his loaded guns and cutlass which he had
kept beside him on the quarter-deck. At first Fly was loath to leave
the quarter-deck and told Atkinson that he could see but one sail, but
Atkinson insisted that he could see two others and told Fly that he
would soon have a fleet of prizes. “If you were but here, Sir, with
your glass, ahead, you would easily see them all,” said Atkinson. Fly
in his intense interest forgot his earlier caution and came off the
quarter-deck where his arms lay and went ahead to spy the sails that
Atkinson claimed to have seen. He sat on the windlass and with his
prospective glass tried to locate the mythical vessels. Benbrook and
Walker now came forward and directed the captain to look a point or
two at one side and while so engaged, Atkinson, a spare and slender
man, slipped aft towards the guns and as Walker and Benbrook seized
Fly he quickly pointed a gun at him and told him that “he was a dead
man if he didn’t immediately submit.” Benbrook already had broken
Fly’s sword. About this time Greenville, one of the pirates, heard the
struggle and put his head above to see what was the matter. Atkinson
at once struck him over the head with his gun and with the help of the
carpenter the other man was soon in irons. Meanwhile the rest of the
forced men stood by as in a trance but soon came to and with a will
aided in securing the prisoners.

[Illustration:

      _It is a fearful thing to fall into the
             Hands if the Living GOD._

                         A
                     _SERMON_

            Preached to some miserable
                     _PIRATES_

                  July 10. 1726.

         On the _Lord’s Day_, before their
                    Execution.

               By _Benjamin Colman_,
          Pastor of a Church in _Boston_.

  To which is added some Account of said Pirates.

 Deut. XVII. 13. _And all the People shall
   hear and fear, and do no more so
   presumptuously._

 _BOSTON, N. E._ Printed for _John Phillips_ and
   _Thomas Hancock_, and Sold at their Shops.
   1726.
]

Fly, when he found himself in irons, began to blaspheme, cursing all
rovers who should ever give quarter to an Englishman. This was the
brave-spirited fellow who would say when it had thundered, “They are
playing bowls in the air”; and when it lightned, he would say, “Who
fires now? Stand by,” etc. Four days later Captain Atkinson had brought
the snow and the pirates to anchor in Boston harbor and on July 4,
1726 they came to a speedy trial before the Honorable William Dummer,
Lieutenant-Governor, and the judges of the Admiralty Court, among whom
was Samuel Sewall.

The court was held in the old Court House that formerly stood at the
head of what is now State street. Captain Atkinson was tried first and
soon cleared as were Joseph Marshall and William Ferguson, sailors
on the schooner “James.” Then followed the trials of John Cole, John
Browne, Robert Dauling, John Daw, James Blair and Edward Lawrence who
had been forced from the “John and Betty,” Edward Apthorp, who belonged
to the “John and Hannah,” James Benbrook, the spry young seaman forced
from the “Rachel,” and Morice Cundon, the helmsman on the “Elizabeth”
when Captain Green was thrown overboard. These all were acquitted.

The four pirates that had been taken were brought to trial last.
Captain Fly, aged twenty-seven years, denied that he had aided in
throwing overboard either Captain Green or Jenkins, the mate. “I can’t
charge myself with Murder,” he said. “I did not strike or wound the
Master or Mate. It was Mitchel did it.” Samuel Cole, aged thirty-seven
years, owned to having a wife and seven children. He had served as
quartermaster on the pirate snow and when Fly suspected him of mutiny
he ordered a hundred lashes given him “whereof he continued sore to his
Death.” Henry Greenville, about forty years of age, was a married man.
George Condick, a young man of twenty years, had usually been the worse
for drink and not able to bear arms when vessels had been taken. He had
served as cook for the company. This may have saved his neck for he was
fortunate enough to be recommended for a reprieve. The other three were
sentenced to be hanged, Fly’s body afterwards to be hung in chains from
a gibbet erected on Nix’s Mate, a small island in Boston harbor which
now has been entirely washed away. A granite monument marks the site
and also serves as a warning to navigators.

With the pirates sentenced to death and awaiting execution the
ministers of the town began their ministrations and “great pains were
taken to dispose them for a Return unto God”; so says the Rev. Cotton
Mather who always occupied a prominent place in the public eye at such
times. The account of his conference with the doomed pirates, held on
July 6, written by him and printed soon after their execution, begins
as follows:--

“Unhappy Men:--Yet not hopeless of Eternal Happiness:--A
Marvellous Providence of GOD has put a _Quickstop_ to a Swift
Carriere you were taking in the _paths of the Destroyer_.
But had you been _at once_ cut off in your Wickedness, what
had become of you? A merciful GOD has not only given you a
_space to Repent_, but has ordered your being brought into a
place where such _means_ of Instruction will be Employ’d upon
you, and such _pains_ will be taken for the Salvation of your
Souls, as are not commonly Elsewhere to be met withal, May this
_Goodness of GOD lead you to Repentance_:--Among other and
greater proofs of This, you will accept this _Visit_, which I
now intend you.

“We thank you, Syr, replied the pirates.”

The eminent divine continues in the same strain through twenty-one
printed pages. As he left the condemned prisoners he supplied them
“with several Books of Piety,” very likely of his own voluminous
writings.

After Fly was put in prison he ate very little. New England rum
kept strength in his body. He absolutely refused to go to the North
Meeting-house, the Sunday before he was executed, when the other
prisoners were placed on exhibition and preached to by the Rev. Cotton
Mather who chose for his text--“They Dy even without Wisdom.” Fly said
“he would not have the Mob to gaze upon him.... He seemed all along
ambitious to have it said, _That he died a brave fellow!_ He pass’d
along to the place of Execution, with a _Nosegay_ in his hand, and
making his _Complements_, where he _thought he saw occasion_. Arriving
there, he nimbly mounted the stage, and would fain have put on a
Smiling Aspect. He reproached the Hangman, for not understanding his
Trade, and with his own Hands rectified matters, to render all things
more Convenient and Effectual.”[168]

[Illustration:

         _The Vial poured out upon the SEA._

                          A
                 Remarkable RELATION
                     Of certain

                       PIRATES

        Brought unto a Tragical and Untimely
                        END.

             Some CONFERENCES with them,
             after their _Condemnation_.

        Their BEHAVIOUR at their _Execution_.

                       AND _A_

                       SERMON

             Preached on that Occasion.

                     Job XX. 29.

   _This is the portion of a wicked Man from GOD,
     and the Heritage appointed unto him by GOD._

   _BOSTON_: Printed by _T. Fleet_, for _N. Belknap_,
     and sold at his Shop near _Scarlet_’s Wharf. 1726.
]

The execution occurred at the usual place near the Charlestown ferry
about where the North End park is now located, and the gallows was
placed on the shore between the ebb and flow of the tides. Thousands of
people, coming from miles around, had gathered to witness the spectacle
and after the doomed men were on the platform three ministers of the
town offered lengthy prayers.

After the execution was over and the crowd of spectators had returned
to their homes to recall its details, the bodies of the pirates “were
carried in a Boat to a small Island call’d Nicks’s-Mate, about 2
Leagues from the Town, where Fly was hung up in Irons, as a Spectacle
for the warning of others, especially Seafaring Men; the other Two were
buried there.”--_Boston News-Letter_, July 7-14, 1726.

And so ended the short reign of a would-be scoundrel who only wanted
skill and power to become as infamous as any who had scoured the seas.


FOOTNOTES

[167] Johnson, _History of the Pirates_, London, 1726.

[168] Rev. Cotton Mather, _Vial poured upon the Sea_, Boston, 1726.




CHAPTER XIX

PIRATE HAUNTS AND CRUISING GROUNDS


The pirates who frequented the New England coast during the first
century after the settlement usually remained in the warm waters of
the West Indies during the winter months. With the coming of spring
they cruised northward along the coast capturing small vessels in the
hope of obtaining provisions and looting larger craft bound to and
from England or the Leeward Islands. During the seventeenth century
there was considerable piratical barter with the settlements along
the Carolina coast and when New England was reached, on the northerly
voyage, the eastern end of Long Island and the islands off the mouth of
Buzzard’s Bay were much frequented for fresh water and trade. The Sound
off Martha’s Vineyard was used by coasting vessels bound for New York
or Virginia and here the pirates could lie in wait with the certainty
of making some capture. But not for long as ill news traveled swiftly
even in those days and armed vessels from Boston were usually sent out
in pursuit, though seldom making a capture, for the pirate captain
skilled in his trade was constantly on the move and thereby eluded
successful attack by a stronger force.

The inefficiency of the men-of-war on the various stations in the
early days is commented upon by contemporary writers. Because of the
difficulty of reckoning longitude it was customary at that time for
vessels sailing from Europe bound for the West Indies or the American
coast, to steer into the latitude of the port for which they were
bound and then sail westward without altering their course. An early
example of this practice is the course of Winthrop’s fleet when sailing
westward to found the settlement in Massachusetts Bay. After leaving
the Scilly Isles they came down to the latitude of Agamenticus, on
the Maine coast, and then sailed westward until they reached the
Gulf Stream. It was this “west-way” that the pirates frequented and
a merchant ship eluding one might be taken by another. This custom
was well-known and if the stolid men-of-war captains had taken the
same track followed by the pirates, captures must have followed. Of a
certainty the pirates would have been driven to other less-frequented
hunting grounds or forced to take refuge in some of their lurking
holes among the many uninhabited islands in the West Indies, there to
be systematically hunted down and destroyed. It seems strange that a
few pirates could range the seas for years and be engaged but rarely
by men-of-war. Captain Lowther made thirty-three captures in seventeen
months; Captain Low took one hundred and forty vessels in twenty
months; Francis Farrington Spriggs took forty in twelve months; John
Phillips, thirty-four in eight months; and greatest of all, Captain
Bartholomew Roberts took four hundred vessels in three years.

To return to the islands off Buzzard’s Bay. From there the pirates
either steered southerly or sailed directly for Cape Sable then much
frequented by fishing vessels which often were sufferers at the hands
of Low, Lowther, Phillips, and others. From there a course was usually
made for Newfoundland which had long been good plundering ground. It
also was a good place at which to obtain recruits for pirate crews, for
the West Country fishing vessels each year brought over a considerable
number of poor fellows engaged at low wages, who, by their contracts,
must pay for the return passage. Fishing, splitting and drying fish was
hard labor and as the nights were chill, “black strap” was in great
demand. This was a villainous combination of rum, molasses and chowder
beer and before the season was over it usually caused many to “outrun
the Constable” and compelled them to agree to articles of servitude
that kept them on the Island during the winter. After the fishing
vessels returned home the masters in charge of the stations saw to it
that food and clothing supplied to the needy men were charged at high
prices so that the men would soon find themselves bound for the next
season’s labor and so the merry round continued. This made men willing
converts to the Articles signed on board pirate vessels or caused them
to run away with shallops and boats and begin piratical exploits on
their own account.

From Newfoundland, the pirate captains usually took advantage of the
westerly winds and made the long voyage to the Azores, which was good
plundering ground. Sometimes they sailed south to the Cape Verde
islands and then to Sierre Leone and the Guinea coast. The Sierre Leone
river has a large mouth with small bays on one side very convenient
for cleaning and watering vessels and for some years it was a favorite
resort for pirates especially as the English traders located there were
friendly to them. About 1720, when this coast was most frequented by
pirates, there were about thirty of these traders nearly all of whom
had at some time in their lives engaged in privateering, buccaneering,
or piracy. The river also was resorted to by Bristol ships trading for
slaves and elephants’ ivory, and the ships of the Royal African Company
sailed past here regularly, richly laden with merchandize, ivory and
gold dust.

There was a great clean-up of pirates on this coast in 1722 when
Bartholomew Roberts’ ships were taken by the “Swallow,” man-of-war,
and fifty-five pirates were hanged and twenty condemned for seven
years to work in chains in the gold mines. Some died in “the Hole,” at
Cape Coast and many more were sent to London for trial and exhibition
on gibbets at Cuckold’s Point, on the Thames. It was a fatal blow to
piracy on the Guinea Coast.

From the Cape Verde islands the pirate captains would sail westerly,
taking advantage of the trade winds, and after making the coast
of Brazil and taking toll of Portuguese shipping, would cruise
northerly until the West Indies were reached and here the winter months
would be spent.

[Illustration: CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW ROBERTS

From an engraving in Johnson’s “General History of the Pirates,”
London, 1725]

The West Indies possessed many advantages as a pirate stronghold and
were resorted to by freebooters of many nations. The small, uninhabited
islands and keys supplied harbors convenient for careening vessels and
many of them abounded with fish and game. Sea turtles in great numbers
furnished meat, and edible fruits of many kinds grew everywhere.
The turtles frequented the small, sandy keys and their eggs were a
common food not only among the pirates but on the larger inhabited
islands where turtling was a recognized industry. Moreover, it was
comparatively easy to escape from pursuit among the numerous small
inlets, lagoons and harbors.

Because of the growth of the sugar-cane plantations a considerable
commerce had developed and in the vicinity of the Trading islands the
pirates were certain to find vessels laden with provisions, clothing,
naval stores and money, large sums of which were sent home to Europe,
the returns of the Assiento and private slave trade. The rich mines on
the mainland also paid tribute.

Piracy frequently began in the West Indies when desperate men got to
the end of their rope in making an honest living. Then they would set
out in the long boat of a ship or even in a large sailing canoe and
exchange successive prizes, if successful, until after a time they
would be in possession of a large ship, often a former man-of-war,
and ready for foreign expeditions. The logwood cutters in the Bay of
Honduras and the vessels that went there to load with the dyewood,
supplied good material for piratical ventures. The cutters were
generally a rough, drunken crew, some of them having been pirates at
different times and most of them sailors. It was here that Capt. Ned
Low of Boston, began his career as a pirate.

“In the dry time of the year the Logwood Cutters search for a good
Number of Logwood Trees: and then build a Hut near them where they live
during the Time they are cutting. When they have cut down the Tree,
they Log it, and Chip it, which is cutting off the Bark and Sap, and
then lay it in Heaps, cutting away the Under-wood, and making Paths to
each Heap, so that when the Rains come on, which overflows the Ground,
it serves as so many Creeks or Channels, where they go with small
Canows or Dories and load ’em, which they bring to a Creek-side and
there lade their Canows, and carry it to the Barcadares, which they
sometime fetch Thirty Miles, from whence the People who buy it fetch
it.”[169]

Capt. Nathaniel Uring writes that he went into the Bay of Campeachy
in an English ship in July, 1712, to load logwood. When he arrived
he anchored off shore and “fired several Guns, to give Notice to the
Logwood Cutters (who were up in the Lagunes) of our arrival: and in a
Day or Two, several White Men came on board to us.... I sold Provisions
and Liquor to several of the Bay Men for Wood, which cost us about
Forty Shillings per Ton, prime cost, at Jamaica.... I remained here
more than a month before any Vessels arrived; during which Time my
People were fetching down the Logwood out of the Lagunes in Canows, and
went more than Thirty Miles for some of it.”

The rise or rather increase of piracy in the West Indies after the
Peace of Utrecht, can be laid at the door of the Spanish settlements,
the governors of which having gone there to make a fortune generally
countenanced any proceeding that brought in profit. It is fair to say,
however, that the Spanish governors were not the only ones accused of
such practices. They granted commissions to great numbers of _guarda
costas_, under pretence of preventing an interloping trade, with orders
to seize all vessels within five leagues of their coasts. English ships
could not well avoid coming within this limit when on their way to
Jamaica. If the captains of Spanish _guarda costas_ exceeded their
authority, the sufferers were allowed legal redress, but usually found
after long litigation that their vessels and cargoes had been condemned
among the crew, and the captain, the only one responsible, had nothing
on which to levy.

The frequent losses of the English merchants by these Spanish _guarda
costas_ was provocation enough to call forth reprisals and the
opportunity offering in 1716, the West India traders at once made use
of it. In 1714, several of the Spanish galleons of “the plate fleet,”
were cast away in the Gulf of Florida; and in 1716 several vessels from
Havana were at work with diving engines fishing up the silver. They
had recovered several millions of “pieces of eight” and carried them
to Havana and had taken up 350,000 pieces more, which were placed in
a storehouse on shore under guard of sixty soldiers, when an English
fleet from Jamaica and Barbadoes, consisting of two ships and three
sloops under Capt. Henry Jennings, came upon them. Jennings landed
three hundred men, drove away the guard and carried off the treasure to
Jamaica. On the way he met a Spanish ship laden with cochineal, indigo
and 60,000 “pieces of eight,” and his hand being in, she was plundered,
after which he sailed boldly back to Jamaica with the Spaniard
following him. The Governor at Havana soon sent a vessel to Jamaica to
demand restitution and punishment for Jennings. As it was in a time of
peace, Jennings and his men soon realized that they would not be left
unpunished let alone protected. Having disposed of their cargo to good
advantage and furnished themselves with ammunition, provisions, &c.,
they again put to sea, but this time as full-fledged pirates, robbing
not only Spaniards but Englishmen and any one else they could lay their
hands on.

About the same time three or four small “Spanish men of war” fell upon
the logwood cutters in the bays of Campeachy and Honduras, and also
took twenty-two vessels, about half of the number hailing from New
England, and most of the crews of these vessels, made desperate by
their misfortunes, took on with the pirates under Captain Jennings,
whom they met soon after. Captain Jennings and his consorts, augmented
by “the Bay men,” consulted together about some retreat where they
might store their wealth, clean and repair their ships and make
themselves a snug abode and fixed upon New Providence the largest of
the Bahama islands. The Bahamas for some years had been under English
control with a nominal governor, but were much resorted to by pirates
who were hand and glove with the principal traders. When Captain
Jennings arrived with his fleet it became a veritable pirate stronghold
and a breeding place for most of the pirate leaders who ranged the seas
during the next five or six years.

Complaints soon reached London and in such number that on Sept. 15,
1716, Capt. Woods Rogers was placed in command of a fleet of sixteen
men-of-war and tenders and ordered to proceed to New Providence and
receive the submission of the pirates or suppress them by force.
Captain Rogers not long before had made a voyage around the world in
the course of which he had taken a Spanish ship bound for Acapulco
laden with the wealth of the Philippines. Before he sailed for New
Providence, the King’s Proclamation for suppressing pirates, or “Act
of Grace,” as it was usually called, was sent ahead so that ample
opportunity might be had for consideration and submission. On its
arrival at the Island a general council of the pirate commonwealth
was called. What took place is described in Johnson’s “History of the
Pirates,” in the following language, viz:--

“There was so much Noise and Clamour, that nothing could be
agreed on; some were for fortifying the Island, to stand upon
their own Terms, and treating with the Government upon the
Foot of a Commonwealth; others were also for strengthening the
Island for their own Security, but were not strenuous for
these Punctillios, so that they might have a general Pardon,
without being obliged to make any Restitution, and to retire,
with all their Effects, to the neighbouring British Plantations.

“But Captain Jennings, who was their Commadore, and who
always bore a great Sway among them, being a Man of good
Understanding, and a good Estate, before this Whim took him
of going a Pyrating, resolved upon surrendering, without more
ado, to the Terms of the Proclamation, which so disconcerted
all their Measures, that the Congress broke up very abruptly
without doing any Thing; and presently Jennings, and by his
Example, about 150 more, came in to the Governor of Bermudas,
and had their Certificates, tho’ the greatest Part of them
returned again, like the Dog to the Vomit. The Commanders
who were then in the Island, besides Captain Jennings above
mentioned, I think were these, Benjamin Hornigold, Edward
Teach, John Martel, James Fife, Christopher Winter, Nicholas
Brown, Paul Williams, [consort to] Charles Bellamy [lost on
the back of Cape Cod, with 142 of his crew and prisoners, Apr.
26, 1717], Oliver la Bouche, Major Penner, Edward England, T.
Burgess, Thomas Cocklyn, R. Sample, Charles Vane, and two or
three others; Hornygold, William Burgess and LaBouche were
afterwards cast away; Teach and Penner killed, and their
Crews taken; James Fife killed by his own Men; Martel’s Crew
destroyed and forced on an unhabited Island; Cocklyn, Sample
and Vane hanged; Winter and Brown surrendered to the Spaniards
at Cuba, and England lives now [1724] at Madagascar.”

Captain Rogers arrived at New Providence in June, 1717, with two
men-of-war and found that all the pirates had surrendered to the
pardon, except Charles Vane and his crew, who slipped their cable,
set fire to a large prize and sailed out of the harbor firing at the
men-of-war as they went off.

In the latter part of the seventeenth century some of the richest
commerce in the world was on the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea. The
Orientals owned much shipping and the overland trade with Europe was
increasing rapidly. The English East India Company had established
a number of important factories or trading stations and Portuguese
merchants had been established for some time at Goa, on the Malabar
coast. Finding that the game in the West Indies promised smaller
returns than the commerce of the East, many of the pirate fraternity
established themselves for a time on the island of Perim at the
entrance to the Strait of Babelmandeb. Here there was an excellent
harbor and the advantageous location permitted the levying of toll on
all vessels passing in and out of the Red Sea. The great disadvantage
was a lack of fresh water. Slaves were employed to excavate the rocky
formation to a great depth, but without success, and at last the nest
was abandoned and the pirate settlement removed to Madagascar. This
is said to have taken place not long after Captain Avery captured a
daughter of the Great Mogul of India, in a richly laden ship.

Capt. John Avery, one of the greatest of the Madagascar pirates, was
the son of a tavern keeper of Plymouth, England, and was variously
known as Avery, Every and Bridgman, while his intimates spoke of him
as “Long Ben.” He was looting shipping on the Atlantic as early as
1693, when he took two heavily armed Danish vessels at Princess Island,
on the West Coast of Africa, and he is said to have been in the West
Indies before that time. During the winter of 1693-4, while in command
of the “Fanny,” of forty-six guns and one hundred and thirty men, he
made his most famous capture, a ship carrying a daughter of the Great
Mogul on a pilgrimage to Mecca. Other vessels in his pirate fleet
were the “Dolphin,” Captain Want, of Philadelphia; the “Portsmouth
Adventure,” Captain Faro, and the “Pearl,” Capt. William Mues, both
hailing from Newport, R. I.; and the ship “Amity,” of New York,
commanded by the notorious Capt. Thomas Tew,[170] who eventually
lost his life by a cannon ball while cruising in the Red Sea.

[Illustration: CAPTAIN JOHN AVERY TAKING THE GREAT MOGUL’S SHIP

From a rare engraving in the Harry Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard
College Library]

The booty on the Mogul’s ship was immense and consisted of diamonds,
pearls and valuable jewels and also great sums of money intended to
meet the cost of the pilgrimage, an amount said to have been over
£325,000. Not content with this, Avery ravished the young princess and
eventually took her in his ship to Madagascar where he had a child
by her. When the Great Mogul learned what had happened, it aroused
a fanatical resentment against the English factories that was only
appeased by the promise of the governor to send out two ships of the
East India Company to convey the pilgrims to Jedda.

Meanwhile, large rewards for his capture were offered by the British
Government and Avery abandoned the Perim rendezvous and effected a
settlement on Madagascar where he built a strong fortification and
organized a rude form of government that exacted a tenth of the value
of all captures and required tribute from the native princes on the
island. This tribute commonly took the form of their daughters and
other young girls who were added to the harems of the pirates. Many
slaves were employed in cultivating rice, fishing and hunting and for a
time a powerful settlement existed that was resorted to by pirates from
all parts of the world. When Capt. Woods Rogers went to Madagascar in
the “Delicia,” in 1722, to buy slaves to sell to the Dutch at Batavia,
he touched at a part of the island where he met some of the pirates
who had been living there for more than twenty-five years and were
surrounded by a motley collection of children and grandchildren.

Avery ruled his little kingdom for a time but at last wearying of it,
planned with some chosen spirits to make his way to America. While
cruising with other vessels, one night his ship steered another course
and in the morning the others were no longer in sight. The first land
they made was the island of Providence, one of the Bahamas, where the
ship was sold[171] and in a sloop they touched at several American
ports at each of which some of the company disappeared. Avery intended
to settle in Boston but finding that Puritan town no safe market for
the display or sale of his store of diamonds, he sailed for Ireland and
eventually reached Bideford in Devonshire, where he changed his name
and lived quietly.[172] Through a friend he delivered his ill-gotten
fortune to Bristol merchants to be converted into money. Needing funds
he applied for an accounting and was shocked to discover that there
were as good pirates on land as he had been at sea. He died June 10,
1714 not leaving money enough to buy a coffin.

While the founding of a pirate colony on the island of Madagascar is
generally credited to Avery and other pirate captains of his time it
is likely that at some earlier date a base had been established there
by buccaneers from the west coast of South America who, after looting
the wealth of Peru and Mexico, came in search of a hiding place at
which to enjoy their gains. The first rendezvous of the pirates was
in Masseledge Bay on the northwest coast of Madagascar, but later an
important settlement grew up on the island of St. Mary, or Nosy Boraha,
on the east coast, about three leagues from the mainland, which for
some time was the resort of Avery and Plantain, the celebrated Jamaica
pirate. Here came Burgess, Clayton, Taylor, Congdon, England and
other successful leaders. The island stronghold was established, it
is said, by Mission and Carracioli, who named it Libertatia. It was
fortified and from here marauding expeditions were fitted out on a
large scale. Pirates gorged with plunder settled on plantations where
they surrounded themselves with native “wives” and slaves. The native
tribes brought down their cattle from the interior and exchanged them
for European trinkets provided by the pirates, who also incited the
numerous chiefs to war with their neighbors and then bought their
prisoners of war to be sold to slavers and taken to the plantations in
the West Indies and America.

The pirate settlements on the Madagascar coast increased in population
and required various goods and supplies necessary not only for human
comfort but also to continue the trade of plundering,--powder and shot
and the like. This demand was supplied by vessels sailing at somewhat
regular intervals from New York, Newport and Philadelphia and furnished
with passes from Governor Fletcher of New York or some other person
in authority. It was said in London that in Philadelphia they “not
onlie wink att but Imbrace pirats, Shipps and men.”[173] In 1697 many
returned pirates were living in Philadelphia and Governor Basse of New
Jersey reported that colony to be a favorite resort for such gentry.
The daughter of William Penn’s agent in Pennsylvania is said to have
married one of these retired freebooters.[174] In 1699, Bellomont, the
new governor of New York, reported that over forty of these returned
pirates were in custody in New York, Pennsylvania and Connecticut.

But the ships continued to clear from the port of New York bound for
Madagascar. In the year 1699, four vessels were cleared at one time.
The merchandise brought back so glutted the markets that some kinds of
European and Oriental goods could be bought in the Colonies cheaper
than in London; and this was at a time when all European goods, by law,
must be imported through London. One of Captain Avery’s men testified
in Admiralty Court that “Captain Gough, who keeps a mercer’s shop at
Boston, made a good estate” dealing in piratical plunder.

Rev. John Higginson, the minister at Salem, Massachusetts, had a
son Thomas, who sailed for Arabia in a privateer before 1696 and
nothing was heard from him afterward. Another son was in command at
Fort George, in Madras, and in 1699 he wrote that Thomas’ “unhappy
miscarriage” had troubled him much. Although he had met several who had
been taken by pirates and afterwards escaped he could learn nothing of
the erring Thomas. Four men-of-war had recently arrived in India having
touched at Madagascar on the way out, but met no pirate vessels. The
Salem minister replied in October, 1699:--

“I am sorry to hear there is such a crew of pirates in your parts;
and do doubt not that what you intimate of New York, Providence, and
the West Indies is too true. Frederick Phillips of New York, it is
reported, has had a pirate trade to Madagascar for near twenty years,
and it is said has attained an estate of 100,000 pounds. But I assure
you the government of this place has always been severe with all such;
and, at this time, there are many now in our gaol for piracy; namely,
Captain Kidd, who went from England with a ship and commission to take
pirates, but turned pirate himself, and robbed many ships in the East
Indies, and thence came into the West Indies, and there disposed of
much of his wealth; and at last came into these parts with some of his
stolen goods; who was here seized, and some of his men, and goods,
who are in irons, and wait for a trial. And there was one Bradish, a
Cambridge man, who sailed in an interloper bound for India, who, in
some part of the East Indies, took an opportunity, when the Captain and
some of the officers were on shore, to run away with the ship, and came
upon our coast, and sunk their ship at Block Island, and brought much
wealth ashore with them; but Bradish, and many of his company, and what
of his wealth could be found, were seized and secured. But Bradish, and
one of his men, broke prison and run away amongst the Indians; but it
is supposed that he will be taken again.”[175]

[Illustration: CAPTAIN EDWARD TEACH, COMMONLY CALLED “BLACK BEARD”

From a rare engraving in the Harry Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard
College Library]

After a time the pirate colonies at Madagascar diminished in importance
and most of the men abandoned the sea and lived at ease on their
plantations. In 1716, one of the pirate settlements was visited by an
Englishman, Robert Drury,[176] who wrote as follows:--

“One of these men was a Dutchman, named John Pro, who spoke
good English. He was dressed in a short coat with broad, plate
buttons, and other things agreeable, but without shoes or
stockings. In his sash stuck a brace of pistols, and he had
one in his right hand. The other man was dressed in an English
manner, with two pistols in his sash and one in his hand, like
his companion.... John Pro lived in a very handsome manner. His
house was furnished with pewter dishes, &c., a standing bed
with curtains, and other things of that nature except chairs,
but a chest or two served for that purpose well enough. He
had one house on purpose for his cook-room and cook-slave’s
lodging, storehouse and summer-house; all these were enclosed
in a palisade, as the great men’s houses are in this country,
for he was rich, and had many castles and slaves. His wealth
had come principally while cruizing among the Moors, from whom
his ship had several times taken great riches, and used to
carry it to St. Mary’s. But their ship growing old and crazy,
they being also vastly rich, they removed to Madagascar, made
one Thomas Collins, a carpenter, their Governor, and built a
small fort, defending it with their ship’s guns. They had now
lived without pirating for nine years.”

In the summer of 1719 there were about twenty white pirates living
permanently on the island of St. Mary’s. Others continued to sail
out from the harbor but the vigilance of the English Admiralty and
the strength and watchfulness of the ships of the East India Company
served to discourage freebooting in those parts and in 1721 when France
granted an amnesty a number of them surrendered and became colonists
on the island of Bourbon. The last of the pirates on St. Mary’s were
routed out by men-of-war during the winter of 1722-23. Others lived
and died on the mainland of Madagascar and left behind them numerous
descendants, for in 1768 the Abbe Rochon visited that part of the
island north of St. Mary’s and observed many whites and half-breeds
living about the Bay of Antongil who claimed descent from the pirates
formerly settled there.


FOOTNOTES

[169] _Voyages and Travels of Capt. Nathaniel Uring_, London, 1726.

[170] _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, 1696-1697,
pp. 260, 262.

[171] “It was at the island of St. Thomas that the famous Captain
Avery, or some of his companions, disposed of the greatest part of the
rich goods taken in a ship belonging to the Mogul, about forty years
ago, when the magazines on the Island were so excessively crowded
with rich Indian goods that they were not entirely emptied in twenty
years after, though they generally sold them at low prices; and it
was by this accident that pieces of Arabian gold, which were properly
speaking Pagodas, were long current in the West Indies under the name
of Sequins, for they knew not what to call them, at the rate of about
six shillings. And nutmegs, cloves, sinnimon and mace were likewise
bought very cheap for many years after.”--John Harris, _Collection of
Voyages_, London, 1739.

[172] Some of Avery’s pirate crew were afterwards taken in England and
brought to trial on Oct. 19, 1696, but acquitted for lack of sufficient
evidence.

[173] _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, 1696-1697,
p. 636.

[174] Channing, _History of United States_, Vol. II, p. 266.

[175] _Massachusetts Hist. Society Colls._, 3d series, Vol. VII, p. 209.

[176] _Madagascar; or Robert Drury’s Journal_, London, 1729.




CHAPTER XX

PIRATE LIFE AND DEATH


The company of men on board a pirate vessel, especially during that
great period of activity in roving following the Peace of Ryswick in
1697, well illustrate in their relations with one another, the main
features of that ideal commonwealth where everything is held in common
and where everyone has an equal voice in public affairs. As in every
well-ordered government it is necessary to have leaders, so in pirate
companies there must be captains, quartermasters, gunners, boatswains,
and other officers, but none may remain in authority after having lost
the confidence and support of the company. This appears in a speech
made at the time Bartholomew Roberts was elected a pirate captain.

“Should a Captain be so sawcy as to exceed Prescription at any time,”
said one of the pirate Lords, “why down with Him; it will be a Caution
after he is dead, to his successors, of what a fatal Consequence any
sort of assuming may be. However, it is my Advice, that, while we are
sober, we pitch upon a Man of Courage, and skill’d in Navigation,
one, who by his Council and Bravery seems best able to defend this
Commonwealth, and ward us from Dangers and Tempests of an instable
Element, and the fatal Consequences of Anarchy.”

The successful captain of a pirate vessel must possess qualities of
leadership and a dare-devil courage, for nothing will so quickly
brand a pirate leader and lose for him the support of his crew as an
appearance of cowardice,--a show of the white feather. Sometimes it
may be no more than a difference of judgment, but failing in the loyal
support of a resolute company no captain can last very long. This is
shown in the case of Capt. Charles Vane who defied Capt. Woods Rogers’
men-of-war at New Providence in 1717, but the very next year when he
fell in with a French man-of-war off Cape Nicholas, his company was
divided as to what course to pursue. Vane was for making off as fast
as possible being of the opinion that the Frenchman was too strong
for them. The quartermaster, John Rackham,[177] was of a different
opinion saying, “That tho’ she had more Guns, and a greater Weight of
Mettal, they might board her and then the best Boys would carry the
Day.” At last, although the majority were for attacking, Captain Vane
exercised his right to settle the dispute, for his power by universal
agreement was absolute in time of chase, and so the brigantine showed
her heels to the Frenchman and outsailed her. But the next day the
captain’s decision was made to stand the test of a popular vote and he
failed of support. A resolution was passed branding him a coward and
deposing him from command. He was given a small sloop with a supply of
provisions and ammunition and sent off with all those who did not vote
for boarding the French man-of-war.

The captain of a pirate company was generally chosen for his daring
and dominating character and for being “pistol proof.” Among
hardened pirates the one who went the greatest length in cruelty and
destructiveness was looked upon with a certain amount of admiration.
The captain had the great cabin to himself but any man had the right
to use his punch bowl, enter the cabin, swear at him and seize his
food without his finding fault, except as between men; but this rarely
happened.

When a captain was chosen there was usually some little ceremony on
conducting him to the cabin. After the election had taken place, a
complimentary speech would be made expressing the desire that he would
take the command as the most capable among them and on his accepting
he would be led into the cabin in state and seated at a table with
only one other chair and that at the lower end. This was reserved for
the company’s quartermaster who then would seat himself also and tell
the captain in behalf of the crew (whose spokesman he was) that having
confidence in him they all promised to obey his lawful commands. Then
taking up a sword, the quartermaster would present it and declare him
captain, at the same time saying, “This is the commission under which
you are to act; may you prove fortunate to yourself and us.” The guns
would then be fired with a charge of round shot and a rousing three
cheers given in honor of the new captain. The ceremony would end with
an invitation from the captain to such as he wished to have dine with
him and an order for a large bowl of punch for every mess.

[Illustration:

                      THE

                    TRIALS

                      OF

                 Five Persons

        For Piracy, Felony and Robbery,

 Who were found Guilty and Condemned, at a
   Court of Admiralty for the Trial of Piracies,
   Felonies and Robberies, committed on the
   High Seas, Held at the Court-House in
   _Boston_, within His Majesty’s Province of
   the _Massachusetts-Bay_ in _New-England_, on
   _Tuesday_ the Fourth Day of _October_, Anno
   Domini, 1726. Pursuant to His Majesty’s Royal
   Commission, founded on an Act of Parliament
   made in the Eleventh and Twelfth Years of the
   Reign of King _William_ the Third, Entituled,
   _An Act for the more effectual Suppression of
   Piracy_; And made Perpetual by an Act of the
   Sixth Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord
   King _GEORGE_.

 _BOSTON_: Printed by _T Fleet_ for _S Gerrish_
   at the Lower End of _Cornhill_. 1726.
]

The captain had usually a sort of privy council which was composed
of certain of the officers and older and more experienced sailors
and these were sometimes distinguished by the title of “Lord.” The
captain’s power was supreme in time of chase or action. He then had the
right to strike, stab or shoot any man who disobeyed his orders. He
also had power over prisoners and could condemn them to ill usage or
set them free but this power did not extend to cargo or captured vessel
for then the property interests of the company were concerned.

The quartermaster came next after the captain in exercising authority
over the affairs of the pirate company. He was chosen with the approval
of the crew who could claim authority in this way through him, except
in time of battle. At discretion he could punish any of the men for
insubordination, by blows or whipping, which no one else might do
without standing in danger of receiving the lash from the ship’s
company. In a way he was the trustee for all and was usually the first
on board a prize. For small offences, too insignificant for a jury,
he was the arbitrator. If any of the crew disobeyed his commands,
plundered when plundering should end, or failed to keep their weapons
in good order, the quartermaster then might punish them. He was the
manager of all duels and in fact was the magistrate of the company.

Pirate craft usually sailed under what was known as “the Jamaica
Discipline,” a commonwealth or form of government that originated
among the West India privateers or buccaneers. All pirate companies
also adopted codes of laws or “Articles,” as they were called, to
govern their actions and these were signed and sworn to by all. These
“Articles” varied somewhat in form and substance but in general
included the following obligations, viz:--


                                   I

    Every man had a vote in all affairs of importance and equal
    title to all fresh provisions or strong liquors that had been
    taken and might use them at pleasure unless a scarcity made it
    necessary to vote a restriction for the common good.


                                  II

    Every man was to be called in turn, as entered in the
    quartermaster’s list, to go on board prizes, because on such
    occasions each was allowed a shift of clothing from the
    captured stores. This was in addition to the common share in
    the plunder of the prize. If any man, however, defrauded the
    common store of the company, in plates, jewelry or money,
    to the value of a piece of eight, the punishment was to be
    marooned on some uninhabited island or shore and supplied
    with only a gun, a few shot, a bottle of water and a bottle
    of powder, and there to starve or escape if possible by some
    unexpected good fortune. If a man robbed another of the
    same company, the ears or nose of the guilty party might be
    slit, after which he sometimes would be put ashore, not on
    an uninhabited island, but where he was sure to encounter
    hardships.


                                  III

    No gaming for money at cards or dice was allowed under any
    circumstances as likely to lead to fighting and death.


                                  IV

    All lights and candles must be put out before eight o’clock at
    night and after that hour if any of the crew continued drinking
    they were to do it on the open deck. This rule in relation
    to drinking was not observed on board a number of the pirate
    ships. The snapping of arms and smoking of tobacco in the hold
    was also forbidden on board most ships.


                                   V

    Every man must keep his gun, pistol and cutlass clean and fit
    for service. This rule was seldom broken for its necessity was
    recognized by all. Moreover, there was always more or less
    competition between men over the beauty and richness of their
    arms. When an auction was held “at the mast,” sometimes as much
    as £30 or £40, would be bid for a pair of fine pistols. These
    were slung into bright colored sashes worn over the shoulders
    in a manner peculiar to the pirates, giving a very showy
    appearance to the swaggering individual.


                                  VI

    No women were allowed on board and if any man induced a woman
    to go to sea in disguise he was to suffer death. When a
    vessel was captured if a woman was found among the passengers
    a sentinel was placed over her immediately to prevent ill
    consequences from so dangerous a cause for quarrels. As a rule,
    boys were not allowed in pirate companies but exceptions to
    this rule sometimes occurred.


                                  VII

    To desert the ship or to abandon quarters in time of battle was
    punished with death or marooning.


                                 VIII

    No man was permitted to strike a member of his company while on
    board ship. All quarrels must be settled on shore, with sword
    or pistol, the quartermaster acting as master of ceremonies.
    The usual rule was for him to attempt a reconciliation but if
    the difference could not be healed without a fight he would
    go ashore with such assistants as he thought proper and after
    placing the meh back to back they would walk apart the number
    of paces agreed upon and at the word of command immediately
    turn and fire. If both missed, they might fall to with
    cutlasses and the man who drew first blood was declared the
    victor.


                                  IX

    No man was allowed to talk of breaking up their way of living
    until each had shared £1000. In case a man lost a limb or was
    otherwise injured there was to be an allowance made to him out
    of the common stock in proportion to his injury. These amounts
    varied with the company but a leg was usually estimated as
    worth eight hundred to a thousand pieces of eight.


                                   X

    The captain and the quartermaster each received usually two
    shares in a prize; the master, gunner, and boatswain, a share
    and a half, and the other officers, a share and a quarter. The
    men had a share apiece.


                                  XI

    All the larger pirate vessels carried musicians--trumpeters,
    drummers and fiddlers, and these men were given a day off on
    Sunday.

When a vessel was captured the likely men among the prisoners would be
solicited by the quartermaster or captain to join the pirate crew and
sign the “Articles,” and young and active men who refused to sign would
sometimes be compelled to join the company in the hope that later
they might have a change of heart and in any event be of service in
navigating the vessel. This was called “forcing,” and when the captain
or fellow-seamen of the forced men reached shore, an advertisement was
oftentimes inserted in a newspaper, stating the circumstances so that
in case the forced men were taken while on board a pirate vessel they
might point to the advertisement as evidence of their innocence.[178]

The flags on pirate vessels were intended to strike terror to the
hearts of mariners and usually displayed a white skull and cross-bones
on a black ground. Sometimes the skeleton of a man was depicted,
usually styled at the time “an anatomy.” Sometimes a livid heart
pierced by an arrow dripping blood was displayed. Small pirate
companies contented themselves with a plain black flag without device.
Capt. Howell Davis for lack of something better hung aloft “a dirty
Tarpawlin,” while attacking a French vessel near Hispaniola. He
afterwards used a black flag as did his associate La Bouse. Blackbeard
sailed under a black flag along the Carolina coast but Major Stede
Bonnet about the same time used “a bloody flag” and Captain Worley,
who was on the same coast in 1718, flew “a black ensign with a white
Death’s head in the middle of it.”

Captain Roberts at first used a black flag which he called “the Jolly
Roger,” although this term did not originate with him, but afterwards
becoming enraged at the many attempts made by the governors of
Barbadoes and Martinico to take him, he ordered a new jack to be made
with his own figure portrayed standing on two skulls. Under one were
the letters A. B. H. and under the other, A. M. H., signifying “A
Barbadian’s Head” and “A Martinican’s Head.” When Roberts sailed into
Whydah in January, 1722, he had a “black silk flag flying at the mizen
peak and a jack and pendant of the same: The Flag had a Death in it,
with an Hour-Glass in one Hand, and cross-Bones in the other, a Dart by
it, and underneath a Heart dropping three Drops of Blood. The Jack had
a Man pourtray’d on it, with a flaming Sword in his Hand, and standing
on two Skulls.”

Frequent mention has been made of the cruelty and destructiveness of
pirate captains. They often sank or burned the vessels that they took.
Sometimes it was done to prevent news of their presence getting abroad
before they were ready to sail for some other hunting ground. Sometimes
they lacked men enough to navigate their captures and at other times
the pirate captain would be displeased at the prolonged defense or
flight of the captured master. Sometimes the fate of a fine ship and
rich cargo was decided by a caprice or through sheer destructiveness.
Frequently enquiry would be made among the crew of a captured vessel
if their captain was a good master and kind to his men and when a
favorable answer was made such a captain would be let off more easily.

[Illustration: THE PIRATE SHIPS “ROYAL FORTUNE” AND “RANGER” IN WHYDAH
ROAD, JANUARY 11, 1722

From an engraving in Johnson’s “General History of the Pirates,”
London, 1725]

Bartholomew Roberts, one of the most successful and level-headed of the
pirate captains who plagued shipping during the first quarter of the
eighteenth century, sailed into the harbor of Trepassi in Newfoundland,
the last of June, 1720, with black colors flying, drums beating and
trumpets sounding. There were twenty-two vessels at anchor in the
harbor and every man on board fled ashore at sight of the pirate ship.
Roberts burned or sank every vessel except one, which he manned, and
then ruthlessly destroyed all the fishing stages of the poor planters,
depriving inoffensive men of their means of livelihood with absolutely
no attendant advantage to himself. It was this same crew that captured
the ship “Samuel,” Captain Cary, a few days later. She was from London
bound for Boston with a rich cargo. These furies opened the hatches and
swarmed into the hold armed with axes and cutlasses and cut and smashed
all the bales, cases and boxes they could reach and when any goods
came on deck that they didn’t want to carry aboard their ship, instead
of tossing them back into the hold they threw them overboard. Captain
Cary was told “that they should accept no Act of Grace; that the King
and Parliament might be damned with their Acts of Grace; neither would
they go to Hope’s Point, to be hang’d up a sun drying, as Kidd’s and
Braddish’s Company were; but if ever they should be overpowered, they
would set Fire to the Powder, with a Pistol, and go all merrily to Hell
together.”[179]

“Walking the plank” was a diversion practised at a later day among the
West India pirates whereby their victims were blindfolded and forced to
find a watery grave at the end of a plank thrust out from the vessel’s
side. But this was not original with them for in the days of the Roman
empire when the Mediterranean pirates took a ship they frequently
would enquire if any on board were Romans and when found the pirates
would fall down on their knees before the citizens of that illustrious
nation, as though asking pardon for what they had done. Other
deferences would be shown until their captives actually grew to believe
in their sincerity. When that point was attained the outlaws would hang
the ship’s ladder over the side and with great show of courtesy tell
their victims they were free to leave the vessel in that way. The shock
to the unfortunate Romans always greatly amused the pirates who then
would throw them overboard with much laughter.

Since those early times when men first effected crude forms of
government to guard and control their relations with each other, the
pirate has been looked upon as a common enemy. In the days of the
Roman empire neither faith nor oath need be kept with him. However,
“might made right” in those days, as in later times, and when large
bodies of successful sea rovers set up an organized state or government
that assumed a somewhat permanent form, after a time they would be
recognized by existing nations and granted the right of legalized
warfare with diplomatic and commercial intercourse. The Mediterranean
and the Baltic were nurseries for growths of this character and as
late as 1818, European nations were paying tribute to the corsair
governments on the Barbary coast.

Piracy was considered among Englishmen a kind of petty treason until
about the year 1350, when it was made a felony by law and it has
remained so ever since. In 1536, during the reign of Henry VIII, the
laws relating to piracy were defined by Act of Parliament and the
forms of trial, executions of sentence, etc., were established and
with slight modifications were in force in New England during the
period covered by the preceding chapters. By the practical working of
this statute curious applications sometimes developed. An Englishman
captured from a foreign vessel flying the flag of a country with which
England was then at war, was declared to be a pirate and so dealt with;
but a subject of a country at war with England, if taken on board an
English pirate vessel, was not deemed to be engaged in piracy but in
actual warfare.

Here are some of the laws at that time, relating to piracy, abstracted
from the “Statutes of the Realm.”

    “_If Letters of_ Marque _be granted to a Merchant, and he
    furnishes out a Ship, with a Captain and Mariners, and they,
    instead of taking the Goods, or Ships of that Nation against
    whom their Commission is awarded, take the Ship and Goods of a
    Friend, this is Pyracy; and if the Ship arrive in any Part of
    his Majesty’s Dominions, it will be seized, and for ever left
    to the Owners; but they are no Way liable to make Satisfaction._

    “_If a Ship is assaulted and taken by the Pyrates, for
    Redemption of which, the Master becomes a Slave to the Captors,
    by the Law_ Marine; _the Ship and Lading are tacitly obliged
    for his Redemption, by a general Contribution; but if it happen
    through his own Folly, then no Contribution is to be made._

    “_If Subjects in Enmity with the Crown of_ England, _are aboard
    an_ English _Pyrate, in Company with_ English, _and a Robbery
    is committed, and they are taken; it is Felony in the_ English,
    _but not in the Stranger; for it was no Pyracy in them, but the
    Depredation of an Enemy, and they will be tried by a Martial
    Law._

    “_If Pyracy is committed by Subjects in Enmity with_ England
    _upon the_ British _Seas, it is properly only punishable by
    the Crown of_ England, _who have issued_ Regimen & Domininum
    _exclusive of all other Power._

    “_If Pyracy be committed on the Ocean, and the Pyrates in the
    Attempt be overcome, the Captors may, without any Solemnity
    of Condemnation, hang them up at the Main-Yard; if they are
    brought to the next Port, and the Judge rejects the Tryal, or
    the Captors cannot wait for the Judge, without Peril or Loss,
    Justice may be done upon them by the Captors._

    “_If Merchandize be delivered to a Master, to carry to one
    Port, and he carries it to another, and sells and disposes of
    it, this is not Felony; but if, after unlading it at the first
    Port, he retakes it, it is Pyracy._

    “_If a Pyrate attack a Ship, and the Master for Redemption,
    gives his Oath to pay a Sum of Money, tho’ there be nothing
    taken, yet it is Pyracy by the Law_ Marine.

    “_If a Ship is riding at Anchor, and the Mariners all ashore,
    and a Pyrate attack her, and rob her, this is Pyracy._

    “_If a Man commit Pyracy upon the Subjects of any Prince, or
    Republick, (though in Amity with us), and brings the Goods
    into_ England, _and sells them in a Market_ Overt, _the same
    shall bind, and the Owners are for ever excluded._

    “_If a Pyrate enters a Port of this Kingdom, and robs a Ship at
    Anchor there, it is not Pyracy, because not done_, super altum
    Mare; _but is Robbery at common Law, because_ infra Corpus
    Comitatus. _A Pardon of all Felonies does not extend to Pyracy,
    but the same ought to be especially named._

    “_This Act shall not prejudice any Person, or Persons, urged
    by Necessity, for taking Victuals, Cables, Ropes, Anchors or
    Sails, out of another Ship that may spare them, so as they
    either pay ready Money, or Money worth for them, or give a
    Bill for the Payment thereof; if on this Side the Straits
    of_ Gibraltar, _within four Months; if beyond, within twelve
    Months._

    “_If any natural born Subjects or Denizons of_ England, _commit
    Pyracy, or any Act of Hostility, against his Majesty’s Subjects
    at Sea, under Colour of a Commission or Authority, from any
    foreign Prince or State, or Person whatsoever, such Offenders
    shall be adjudged Pyrates._

    “_If any Commander or Master of a Ship, or Seaman or Mariner,
    give up his Ship, &c. to Pyrates, or combine to yield up, or
    run away with any Ship, or lay violent Hands on his Commander,
    or endeavour to make a Revolt in the Ship, he shall be adjudged
    a Pyrate._

    “_All Persons who after the 29th of_ September, 1720, _shall
    set forth any Pyrate (or be aiding and assisting to any such
    Pyrate) committing Pyracy on Land or Sea, or shall conceal such
    Pyrates, or receive any Vessel or Goods pyratically taken,
    shall be adjudged accessary to such Pyracy, and suffer as
    Principals._

    “_All Persons who have committed, or shall commit any Offences,
    for which they ought to be adjudged Pyrates, may be tried for
    every such Offence, in such Manner as by the Act 28_ Henry
    VIII, _chapter 15, is directed for the Tryal of Pyrates; and
    shall not have the Benefit of the Clergy._”[180]

The enforcement of the English statute relating to piracy was variously
interpreted in the colonial courts and local enactments sometimes
superseded it in actual practice. Previous to 1700, the statute
required that men accused of piracy should be sent to England to be
tried before a High Court of Admiralty. Pound, Hawkins, Bradish, Kidd
and other known pirates were accordingly sent in irons to London for
trial. But the difficulties and delays, to say nothing of the expense,
induced Parliament by an Act of 11 and 12 William III, to confer
authority by which trials for piracy might be held by the Courts of
Admiralty sitting in the colonies. On the other hand, the Massachusetts
Court of Assistants, in 1675, found John Rhoades and others, guilty of
piracy and sentenced them to be “hanged presently after the lecture.”
This was in accordance with an order adopted by the Great and General
Court on Oct. 15, 1673. When Robert Munday was tried at Newport, R.
I., in 1703, it was by a jury in the ordinary criminal court, in open
disregard of the King’s commission.

Governor Bellomont in a letter to the Council of Trade, described the
situation in Massachusetts in 1699, as follows:--

    “A pirate cannot suffer death in this province, and what to
    do with Bradish’s crew and Kidd and his men, I know not, and
    therefore desire your orders. The reason why their Act, that
    was approved in England, will not reach the life of a pirate is
    this: Piracy by the Law of England is felony without benefit
    of clergy and punishment with death. Here there’s no such
    thing in practice as the benefit of clergy; neither is felony
    punishable with death, but by their law the felon is only to
    make a three-fold restitution of the value of the offence or
    trespass.”[181]

The Courts of Admiralty held in the colonies were composed of certain
officials designated in the Royal commission, including the Governor,
Lieutenant-Governor, the Judge of the Vice-Admiralty for the Province,
the Chief Justice, the Secretary, Members of the Council and the
Collector of Customs. Counsel was assigned to the accused to advise
and to address the Court “upon any matter of law,” but the practice at
that time was different from the present. Accused persons in criminal
cases were obliged to conduct their own defence and their counsel were
not permitted to cross-examine witnesses, the legal theory at the time
being that the facts in the case would appear without the necessity for
counsel; that the judge could be trusted to see this properly done; and
the jury would give the prisoner the benefit of any reasonable doubt.

Trials occupied but a short time and executions generally took place
within a few days after the sentence of the Court was pronounced.
During the interval the local clergy labored with the condemned to
induce repentance and all the terrors of Hell were pictured early and
late. Usually, the prisoners were made the principal figures in a
Sunday spectacle and taken through the streets to the meeting-house of
some prominent minister, there to be gazed at by a congregation that
crowded the building, while the reverend divine preached a sermon
suited to the occasion. This discourse was invariably printed and
avidly read by the townsfolk, so that few copies have survived the
wear and tear of the years. From these worn pamphlets may be learned
something of the lives and future of the prisoners as reflected by the
mental attitude of the attending ministers.

The day of execution having arrived, the condemned prisoners were
marched in procession through the crowded streets safely guarded by
musketeers and constables. The procession included prominent officials
and ministers and was preceded by the Marshal of the Admiralty Court
carrying “the Silver Oar,” his emblem of authority. This was usually
about three feet long and during the trial was also carried by him in
the procession of judges to the court room where it was placed on the
table before the Court during the proceedings.[182]

Time-honored custom and the Act of Parliament, as well, required that
the gallows should be erected “in such place upon the sea, or within
the ebbing or flowing thereof, as the President of the Court ... shall
appoint,”[183] and this necessitated the construction of a scaffold or
platform suspended from the framework of the gallows by means of ropes
and blocks. When an execution took place on land, that is to say, on
solid ground easily approached, it was the custom at that time to carry
the condemned in a cart under the cross-arm of the gallows and after
the hangman’s rope had been adjusted around the neck and the signal
had been given, the cart would be driven away and the condemned person
left dangling in the air. In theory, the proper adjustment of the knot
in the rope and the short fall from the body of the cart when it was
driven away, would be sufficient to break the bones of the neck and
also cause strangulation; but in practice this did not always occur.

In the winter of 1646, a case of infanticide was discovered in Boston
by a prying mid-wife and when the suspected mother was brought before
a jury and caused to touch the cloth-covered face of the murdered
infant, the covering was instantly stained with fresh blood. Then the
young woman confessed. This was the medieval “ordeal of touch” which
was practiced in Massachusetts as late as 1768. The young mother was
condemned to death and Governor Winthrop relates in his “Journal,” that
“after she was turned off and had hung a space, she spake, and asked
what they did mean to do. Then one stepped up and turned the knot of
the rope backward and then she soon died.”

When pirates were executed on a gallows placed between “the ebb and
flow of the tide,” the scaffold on which they stood was allowed to
fall by releasing the ropes holding it suspended in mid-air. This was
always the climax of the spectacle for which thousands of spectators
had gathered from far and near. Six pirates were hanged in Boston in
1704 and “when the scaffold was let sink, there was such a Screech of
the women” present that the sound was heard over half a mile away. So
writes Samuel Sewall, one of the judges who had condemned the pirates
to execution.

Not infrequently the judges of a Court of Admiralty had brought before
them for trial, a pirate whose career had been more infamous than the
rest. A cruel and bloody-minded fellow fit only for a halter,--and
then the sentence to be hanged by the neck until dead would be followed
by another judgment,--dooming the lifeless body of the pirate to be
hanged in chains from a gibbet placed on some island or jutting point
near a ship channel, there to hang “a sun drying” as a warning to other
sailormen of evil intent. In Boston harbor there were formerly two
islands--Bird island and Nix’s Mate--on which pirates were gibbetted.
Bird island long since disappeared and ships now anchor where the
gibbet formerly stood. Nix’s Mate was of such size that early in the
eighteenth century the selectmen of Boston advertised its rental for
the pasturage of cattle. Today, every foot of its soil has washed away
and the point of a granite monument alone marks the site of the island
where formerly a pirate hung in chains beside the swiftly flowing tides.

[Illustration: NIX’S MATE, BOSTON HARBOR, IN 1775, WHERE CAPTAIN FLY
WAS GIBBETED IN 1726

From an engraving in the “Atlantic Neptune,” Part III, London, 1781, in
the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society]

[Illustration: MONUMENT ON THE SHOAL, FORMERLY NIX’S MATE, IN 1637 AN
ISLAND OF MORE THAN TEN ACRES

From a photograph made about 1900]


FOOTNOTES

[177] This was the man who enticed Anne Bonny to go to sea with him and
become a female pirate.

[178] _Advertisement._ John Smith of Boston in New England late Mate
of the Briganteen Rebecca of Charlestown burthen’d about Ninety Tuns
whereof James Flucker was late Commander and Charles Meston of Boston
aforesaid Mariner, late belonging to the said Briganteen, severally
Declare and say, That the said Briganteen in her Voyage from St.
Christophers to Boston, on the Twenty-eighth of May last past, being
in the Latitude of Thirty Eight Degrees and odd Minutes North, the
said Briganteen was taken by a Pirate Sloop, Commanded by one Lowther,
having near one Hundred Men, and Eight Guns mounted. The Day after
the said Briganteen was taken, the said Pirate parted their Company.
Forty of them went on Board the said Brigantine Commanded by Edward
Loe of Boston aforesaid, Mariner; and the rest of the said Pirates
went on board the Sloop, Commanded by the said Lowther. And Declarants
further say, That Joseph Sweetser of Charlestown aforesaid, and Richard
Rich and Robert Willis of London, Mariners, all belonging to the said
Brigantine, were forced and compelled against their Wills to go with
the said Pirates, viz. Joseph Sweetser and Richard Rich on board the
Brigantine, & Robert Willis on Board the Sloop. The said Willis having
broke his Arm by a Fall from the Mast, desired that considering his
Condition they would let him go; but they utterly refused and forced
him away with them.

                                            _Signum_ JOHN SMITH
                                                     CHARLES MESTON

_Suffolk ss._                            Boston, June 12, 1722.

The abovenamed John Smith and Charles Meston personally appearing, made
Oath to the Truth of the aforewritten Declaration.

                         _Coram me_ J. WILLARD, Secr. & J. Pac.
                             --_New England Courant_, June 18, 1722.

[179] Johnson, _History of the Pirates_, London, 1726.

[180] By the old English law the clergy were exempted from trial before
a secular judge. This privilege was afterwards extended, for many
offences, to all laymen who could read. The legal recognition of the
“Benefit of the Clergy” was not wholly repealed until 1827.

[181] _Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies_, 1699, p. 746.

[182] The origin of this emblem is not known but it dates back at least
to the fourteenth century. The existing silver oar of the High Court of
Admiralty in England is believed to be of Tudor date, and that of the
Cinque Ports, now preserved at Dover Castle, England, is of an earlier
period. The silver oar had inscribed on its blade, the Royal Arms, an
anchor, or some similar device. Miniature silver oars were also in use
as badges of authority when effecting arrests under the order of an
Admiralty Court. See an article on “The Jurisdiction of the Silver Oar
of the Admiralty,” in the _Nautical Magazine_, Vol. XLVI (1877).--W. G.
PERRIN, _The Library, Admiralty, London_. Admiralty Courts in America
continue to use the oar as an emblem of authority. The oar preserved in
the Federal Building, Boston, is made of wood.

[183] This was because the Admiralty Courts, in theory and practice,
had authority over acts committed on the sea and that control ceased at
high-water mark.




APPENDIX




I

CAPTAIN PLOUGHMAN’S PRIVATEERING COMMISSION

 =Joseph Dudley=, _Esq; Captain General and Governour in Chief,
    in and over Her Majesties Provinces of the_ Massachusetts
    Bay, _and_ New-Hampshire _in_ New-England _in_ America, _and
    Vice-Admiral of the same. To Capt._ Daniel Plowman, _Commander
    of the Briganteen_ Charles _of_ Boston, _Greeting_.

Whereas Her Sacred Majesty _ANNE_ by the Grace of GOD, of _England_,
_Scotland_, _France_ and _Ireland_, QUEEN, Defender of the Faith, _&c._
Hath an Open and Declared War against _France_ and _Spain_, their
Vassals and Subjects. AND FORASMUCH as you have made Application unto
Me for Licence to Arm, Furnish and Equip the said Briganteen in Warlike
manner, against Her Majesties said Enemies, I do accordingly Permit
and Allow the same; And, Reposing special Trust and Confidence in your
Loyalty, Courage and good Conduct, Do by these Presents, by Virtue of
the Powers and Authorities contained in Her Majesties Royal Commission
to Me granted, Impower and Commissionate you the said _Daniel Plowman_,
to be Captain or Commander of the said Briganteen _Charles_, Burthen
Eighty Tuns or thereabouts: Hereby Authorizing you in and with the said
Briganteen and Company to her belonging, to War, Fight, Take, Kill,
Suppress and Destroy, any Pirates, Privateers, or other the Subjects
and Vassals of _France_, or _Spain_, the Declared Enemies of the Crown
of _England_, in what Place soever you shall happen to meet them;
Their Ships, Vessels and Goods, to take and make Prize of. And your
said Briganteens Company are Commanded to Obey you as their Captain:
And your self in the Execution of this Commission, to Observe and
Follow the Orders and Instructions herewith given you. And I do hereby
Request all Governors and Commanders in Chief, of any of Her Majesties
Territories, Islands, Provinces or Plantations, where the said Captain
or Commander shall arrive with his said Vessel and Men: And all
Admirals, Vice-Admirals and Commanders of Her Majesties Ships of War,
and others, that may happen to meet him at Sea; Also all Officers and
Subjects of the Friends or Allies of Her said Sacred Majesty, to permit
him the said Captain or Commander with his said Vessel, Men, and the
Prizes that he may have taken, freely and quietly to pass and repass,
without giving or suffering him to receive any Trouble or Hindrance,
but on the contrary all Succour and Assistance needful. And this
Commission is to continue in Force for the Space of Six Months next
ensuing (if the War so long last) and not afterwards. _Given under my
Hand and Seal at Arms at_ Boston _the Thirteenth Day of_ July: _In the
Second Year of Her said Majesties Reign_, Annoque Domini, 1703.

   _By His Excellencies Command_,
 =Isaac Addington=, Secr.




II

CAPTAIN PLOUGHMAN’S INSTRUCTIONS


 _Province of the_ Massachusetts
 Bay _in_ New-England.

              _By His Excellency_ =Joseph Dudley=, Esq; _Captain-General
                             and Governour in Chief_, &c.

_Instructions to be Observed by Capt._ Daniel Plowman, _Commander of
the Briganteen_ Charles _of_ Boston, _In Pursuance of the Commission
herewith given him._

_First_, You are to keep such good Orders among your said Briganteen’s
Company, that Swearing Drunkenness and Prophaneness be avoided, or duly
Punished; And that GOD be duly worshipped.

_2dly_, You are upon all Occasions to Endeavour the maintaining of
Her Majesties Honour, and to give Protection to Her Subjects, by
endeavouring to secure them in their Trade, and in no wise to hurt or
injure any of Her Majesties Subjects, Friends or Allies.

_3dly._ You are to take, seize, sink, or destroy any of the Ships,
Vessels or Goods belonging to _France_ or _Spain_, their Vassals or
Subjects, the Declared Enemies of the Crown of _England_. And all such
Ships and Vessels with their Lading, Goods, and Merchandizes, which you
shall happen to seize or take, you are to carry or send into some Port
or Ports within Her Majesties Kingdom or Dominions, to be proceeded
against and adjudged: And if near this Coast, then to bring or send
them to _Boston_, your Commission Port.

_4thly._ You are to take effectual Care, That no Money, Goods,
Merchandizes, or what else shall be taken by you in any Ship, Vessel,
or otherwise, be Imbezelled, Purloyned, Concealed, or Conveyed away.
And that Bulk be not broken until the same be first adjudged to be
Lawful Prize: And Order given for the landing and securing thereof,
as by Law is directed. And likewise you are carefully to preserve all
Books, Papers, Letters and Writings which shall be found in any Ship
or Vessel to be by you taken, to the intent a more clear Evidence and
Discovery may be made to what Persons such Ship or Vessel and her
Lading did belong.

_5thly._ You are to take care, That no Person or Persons taken or
surprized by you in any Ship or Vessel as aforesaid, though known to
be of the Enemies side, be in cold Blood killed, maimed, or by Torture
or Cruelty inhumanly treated contrary to the Common Usage or Just
Permission of War.

_6thly._ You are to keep a fair Journal of all your Proceedings, That
so you may be the better enabled to give a Copy thereof when you shall
be thereunto duly required.

_7thly._ You may not at any time wear on Board your said Briganteen,
by Virtue of the said Commission, any other Jack than that Ordered by
Her Majesties Royal Proclamation, of the Eighteenth of _December_ 1702,
to be worn by such Ships as have Commission of Mart or Reprizal; and
upon meeting with any of Her Majesties Ships of War, you are to pay all
Customary Respect unto them, according to the Laws and Orders of the
Sea.

_8thly._ You may not enter or retain on Board your said Briganteen any
Mens Sons under Age, or Servants, contrary to the Law of this Province:
And before you depart with your said Briganteen from the same, you are
to deliver into the Secretaries Office a List by you signed, of the
Names of the Company belonging to your said Briganteen with the Place
of their Respective Dwellings, or Aboad, as near as you can learn; and
such of them as are Inhabitants, or belonging to this Province, you are
to bring back with you to the same, or use your best Endeavours so to
do, not willingly leaving any of them behind in other Parts.

_9thly._ You are to take care, That the Prisoners which you shall take
in any Prize Ship or Vessel, or so many of them as you may be able to
keep under Command (especially the Officers or more Principal of them)
be brought or sent into your Commission Port, or where else within Her
Majesties Dominions you send your Prizes: To the intent there may be
the more full Evidences for Condemning the same, and also an advantage
for the Exchange of Prisoners.

_Lastly._ You are carefully to observe and keep all the foregoing
Articles and Instructions, and not to make any breach thereof, or of
Her Majesties Laws, respecting Letters of Reprisal, and Prize Ships and
Goods; and to see that the full and just Parts and Shares of all such
Vessels and Goods as shall be taken and seized by you, by Law accruing
unto Her Majesty, and the Lord High Admiral, be duly and truly answered
and paid.

_Given under my Hand at_ Boston, _the Thirteenth Day of_ July, _in the
Second Year of Her Majesties Reign_, Annoque Domini, 1603.

    _Copy of the Instructions given unto me_                J. DUDLEY.
        Daniel Plowman.

                              _Register._




III

THE DYING SPEECHES OF CAPTAIN QUELCH AND HIS COMPANIONS

An Account of the Behaviour and last Dying

SPEECHES

Of the Six Pirates, that were Executed on _Charles River, Boston_ side,
on Fryday _June_ 30th. 1704. _Viz._

_Capt._ John Quelch, John Lambert, Christopher Scudamore, John Miller,
Erasmus Peterson _and_ Peter Roach.


The Ministers of the Town, had used more than ordinary Endeavours,
to Instruct the Prisoners, and bring them to Repentance. There were
Sermons Preached in their hearing, Every Day: And Prayers daily made
with them. And they were Catechised; and they had many occasional
Exhortations. And nothing was left, that could be done for their Good.

On Fryday the _30th. of June_ 1704. Pursuant to Orders in the Dead
Warrant, the aforesaid Pirates were guarded from the Prison in
_Boston_, by Forty Musketeers, Constables of the Town, the Provost
Marshal and his Officers, _&c._ with Two Ministers, who took great
pains to prepare them for the last Article of their Lives. Being
allowed to walk on Foot through the Town, to Scarlets Wharff; where the
Silver Oar being carried before them; they went by Water to the Place
of Execution, being Crowded and thronged on all sides with Multitudes
of Spectators. The Ministers then Spoke to the Malefactors, to this
Effect.

“We have told you often, ye we have told you Weeping, That you have by
Sin undone your selves; That you were born Sinners, That you have lived
Sinners, That your Sins have been many and mighty; and that the Sins
for which you are now to Dy, are of no common aggravation. We have told
you, That there is a Saviour for Sinners, and we have shewn you, how to
commit your selves into His Saving and Healing Hands. We have told you,
That if He Save you, He will give you an hearty Repentance for all your
Sins, and we have shown you how to Express that Repentance. We have
told you, What Marks of Life, must be desired for your Souls, that you
may Safely appear before the Judgment Seat of God. Oh! That the means
used for your Good, may by the Grace of God be made Effectual. We can
do no more, but leave you in His Merciful Hands!

“When they were gone up upon the Stage, and Silence was Commanded, One
of the Ministers Prayed.”...

                   _They then severally Spoke_, Viz.

I. Capt. _John Quelch_. The last Words he spake to One of the Ministers
at his going up the Stage, were, _I am not afraid of Death, I am not
afraid of the Gallows, but I am afraid of what follows; I am afraid
of a Great God, and a Judgment to Come_. But he afterwards seem’d to
brave it out too much against that fear: also when on the Stage first
he pulled off his Hat, and bowed to the Spectators, and not Concerned,
nor behaving himself so much like a Dying man as some would have done.
The Ministers had in the Way to his Execution, much desired him to
Glorify God at his Death, by bearing a due Testimony against the Sins
that had ruined him, and for the ways of Religion which he had much
neglected: yet now being called upon to speak what he had to say, it
was but thus much; _Gentlemen, ’Tis but little I have to speak: What I
have to say is this, I desire to be informed for what I am here, I am
Condemned only upon Circumstances. I forgive all the World: So the Lord
be Merciful to my Soul._ When _Lambert_ was Warning the Spectators to
beware of _Bad-Company_, _Quelch_ joyning, _They should also take care
how they brought Money into New-England, to be Hanged for it!_

II. _John Lambert._ He appeared much hardened, and pleaded much on
his Innocency: He desired all men to beware of Bad Company; he seem’d
in a great Agony near his Execution: he called much and frequently on
Christ, for Pardon of Sin, that God Almighty would Save his innocent
Soul: he desired to forgive all the World: his last words were, _Lord,
forgive my Soul! Oh, receive me into Eternity! blessed Name of Christ
receive my Soul._----

III. _Christopher Scudamore._ He appeared very Penitent since his
Condemnation, was very diligent to improve his time going to, and at
the place of Execution.

IV. _John Miller._ He seem’d much concerned, and complained of a great
Burden of Sins to answer for; Expressing often, _Lord! What shall I do
to be Saved!_

V. _Erasmus Peterson._ He cryed of injustice done him; and said, it is
very hard for so many mens Lives to be taken away for a little Gold. He
often said, _his Peace was made with God; and his Soul would be with
God_: yet extream hard to forgive those he said wronged him: He told
the Executioner, _he was a strong man, and Prayed to be put out of
misery as soon as possible_.

VI. _Peter Roach._ He seem’d little concerned, and said but little or
nothing at all.

_Francis King_ was also Brought to the place of Execution, but
Repriev’d.

       *       *       *       *       *

_Printed for and Sold by_ Nicholas Boone, _at his Shop near the Old
Meeting-House in_ Boston, 1704.




IV

JOHN FILLMORE’S NARRATIVE


In 1802, there was published at Suffield, Conn., a pamphlet of twelve
pages with the following title, viz:--

    “_Narrative of the Singular Sufferings of John Fillmore and
    others on board the noted Pirate Vessel Commanded by Captain
    Phillips_”....

This pamphlet was reprinted at Johnstown in 1809 and at Aurora, N. Y.
in 1837, and again, in the “Publications of the Buffalo Historical
Society,” Volume X. It was written when John Fillmore was an old man
and the testimony given at the trial of the pirates shows it to be
inaccurate in some particulars. It preserves, however, biographical
details which are probably correct.

Fillmore relates that his father was a sailor who was taken into
Martinico by a French frigate where he was imprisoned and suffered
many hardships so that when sent home in a French cartel he died on
the voyage. Young Fillmore was apprenticed to a carpenter and across
the road from where he lived was a tailor who had an apprentice named
William White who afterwards went to sea. When young Fillmore met him
again it was on board Phillips’ pirate vessel off the Newfoundland
coast.

When seventeen years old Fillmore went to sea in the sloop “Dolphin,”
Captain Haskell, and was taken by Phillips soon after reaching the
fishing grounds. “Having heard of the cruelties committed by Phillips,”
he refused to go on board his vessel until White came back with an
order to bring him on board “dead or alive.” He states that while
with Phillips he was assigned the helm for much of the time, and on
one occasion when a fine merchant ship was sighted, Captain Phillips
“walked the deck with his glass in his hand” and damned young Fillmore
for not steering as well as he thought he should and at last struck him
over the head with his broadsword, cutting his hat. The merchant was
light and a better sailer and so got away.

When Fern, the carpenter, attempted to get away the second time,
Phillips ran his sword through his body and then blew out his brains
with a pistol. Phillips also killed a young friend of Fillmore’s in the
same manner.

Fillmore represents that he played a very active part in the overthrow
of the pirates, which he initiated the evening before by burning the
soles of the feet of White and Archer, as they lay dead drunk below
deck, so that they were unable to come on deck the next day. At the
time of the attack the master was preparing to take an observation and
“the quartermaster was in the cabin drawing out some leaden slugs for a
musket.” Fillmore relates that he split open the head of the boatswain
with a broadax, hit the captain on the head and stunned him and when
the quartermaster, hearing the noise, came running out of the cabin
with a hammer in his hand he “gave him a blow on the back of his head
cutting his wig and neck almost off so that his head hung down before
him.” As Archer was the quartermaster of the vessel and was supposed
to be suffering with burned feet and unable to come on deck, Fillmore
at this point seems to add embroidery to his narrative. He also states
that three of the pirates were sent to England for trial and hanged
there.

James Cheeseman returned to England where he was rewarded by the
Government, says Fillmore, and enjoyed until his death the office of
quartermaster in the dockyard at Portsmouth.




V

AN “ACT OF GRACE”


From time to time proclamations were published granting a gracious
pardon to those guilty of acts of piracy who would surrender themselves
to the authorities on or before a certain date. These offers of pardon
were known as “Acts of Grace.” The proclamation made in 1717, which
brought about the great surrender of pirates in the Bahamas, is here
reprinted.


                             By the King
              A PROCLAMATION for Suppressing of PYRATES

    “Whereas we have received information, that several Persons,
    Subjects of Great Britain, have, since the 24th Day of June,
    in the Year of our Lord, 1715, committed divers Pyracies and
    Robberies upon the High-Seas, in the West-Indies, or adjoyning
    to our Plantations, which hath and may Occasion great Damage
    to the Merchants of Great Britain, and others trading into
    those Parts; and tho’ we have appointed such a Force as we
    judge sufficient for suppressing the said Pyrates, yet the more
    effectually to put an End to the same, we have thought fit, by
    and with the Advice of our Privy Council, to Issue this our
    Royal Proclamation; and we do hereby promise, and declare, that
    in Case any of the said Pyrates, shall on, or before, the 5th
    of September, in the Year of our Lord 1718, surrender him or
    themselves, to one of our Principal Secretaries of State in
    Great Britain or Ireland, or to any Governor or Deputy Governor
    of any of our Plantations beyond the Seas; every such Pyrate
    and Pyrates so surrendering him, or themselves, as aforesaid,
    shall have our gracious Pardon, of, and for such, his or their
    Pyracy, or Piracies, by him or them committed, before the fifth
    of January next ensuing. And we do hereby strictly charge and
    command all our Admirals, Captains, and other Officers at Sea,
    and all our Governors and Commanders of any Forts, Castles, or
    other Places in our Plantations, and all other our Officers
    Civil and Military, to seize and take such of the Pyrates, who
    shall refuse or neglect to surrender themselves accordingly.
    And we do hereby further declare, that in Case any Person or
    Persons, on, or after, the 6th Day of September, 1718, shall
    discover or seize, or cause or procure to be discovered or
    seized, any one or more of the said Pyrates, so refusing or
    neglecting to surrender themselves as aforesaid, so as they
    may be brought to Justice, and convicted of the said Offence,
    such Person or Persons, so making such Discovery or Seizure,
    or causing or procuring such Discovery or Seizure to be made,
    shall have and receive as a Reward for the same, viz. for every
    Commander of any private Ship or Vessel, the Sum of 100 l. for
    every Lieutenant, Master, Boatswain, Carpenter, and Gunner,
    the Sum of 40 l. for every inferior Officer, the Sum of 30 l.
    and for every private Man, the Sum of 20 l. And if any Person
    or Persons, belonging to, and being Part of the Crew, of any
    Pyrate Ship and Vessel, shall, on or after the said sixth Day
    of September, 1718, seize and deliver, or cause to be seized
    or delivered, any Commander or Commanders, of such Pyrat Ship
    or Vessel, so as that he or they be brought to Justice, and
    convicted of the said Offence, such Person or Persons, as a
    Reward for the same, shall receive for every such Commander,
    the Sum of 200 l. which said Sums, the Lord Treasurer, or the
    Commissioners of our Treasury for the time being, are hereby
    required, and desired to pay accordingly.

    “Given at our Court, at Hampton-Court, the fifth Day of
    September, 1717, in the fourth Year of our Reign.

                                                       GEORGE R.

                         “God save the KING.”




[Illustration: BOSTON HARBOR FROM THE SURVEY IN THE “ENGLISH PILOT,”
Part IV. London, 1707

From an original in the Harvard College Library.]

[Illustration: MAP OF CAPE COD IN 1717, SHOWING THE LOCATION OF THE
PIRATE WRECK

From a chart surveyed and published by Capt. Cyprian Southack of
Boston, now in possession of John W. Farwell.]




INDEX


 Acadie, 45.

 Acapulco, 15.

 Ackin, John, 303.

 Act of Grace, 344, 361, 381.

 Addington, Isaac, 67, 107.

 Aernouts, Jurriaen, 44, 45.

 Aix-la-Chapelle, Treaty of, 10.

 Allen, Rev. John, 68.

 Alsop, ----, 61.

 Andreson, Cornelius, 45-51.

 Andros, Gov. Edmund, 54, 69.

 Angola, 87.

 Annisquam, 310, 313.

 Anstis, Captain, 314, 318.

 Apthorp, Edward, 335.

 Archer, John Rose, 312, 316, 323-325, 380.

 Arnold, Sion, 38.

 Ashton, Benjamin, 229.
   Philip, 142, 150, 204, 218-270, 281.
   Sarah (Hendly), 221.

 Atkins, John, xxii.

 Atkinson, William, 331-335.

 Atwell, Christopher, 144, 289.

 Austin, James, 102, 103.

 Avery, “Long Ben,” xviii, 76, 92, 97.
   John, 346-348, 350.

 Ayres, Captain, 144.

 Azores, 152, 155, 233, 271, 340.


 Babson, James, 322.

 Bahama Islands, 344.

 Baker, Thomas, 123, 130, 131.

 Baptis, John, 317, 322, 324.

 Barbary Coast, 3, 5, 23.

 Barlow, Jonathan, 217, 285, 286.

 Barnard, Rev. John, 221, 222.

 Barnes, Henry, 294, 298, 300.

 Barney, Jonathan, 217, 284.

 Barrows, George, 317.

 Bartlett, Sarah, 221.

 Bass, Rev. ----, 308.

 Basse, Governor, 38.
   Jeremiah, 96.

 Beal, Obadiah, 322.

 Beer, Captain, 121, 122.

 Belcher, Andrew, 9.

 Bell, John, 236.

 Bellamy, Samuel, 116-131.

 Bellomont, Governor, 17, 34, 42, 73-80, 365.

 Benbrook, James, 333-335.

 Bennett, William, 58, 71.

 Bermuda, 84.

 Bernard, Thomas, 114.

 Bevins, Benjamin, 79.

 Bishop, ----, 5.

 Blades, William, 294, 300, 301.

 Blair, James, 335.

 Blake, Benjamin, 70.

 Blaney, ----, 61.

 Blaze, John, 241.

 Block Island, 24, 41, 209.

 Bluefield, ----, 17.

 Bonnet, Stede, 360.

 Bonny, Anne, 354.

 Bootman, John, 323.

 Borneo, 40.

 Boston, 19, 24, 25, 28, 34, 39, 41, 45, 54, 73, 96, 103, 130, 141, 322,
       335, 368.

 Bouche, Oliver la, 345.

 Bovewe, John, 282.

 Bradish, Joseph, 34, 40-43, 350.

 Bradstreet, Governor, 18, 31, 66.

 Brazil, 100.

 Breck, John, 102.

 Bredcake, Thomas, 23.

 Brenton, ----, 39.
   Jahlael, 107.

 Brethren of the Coast, 13.

 Bridgman, ----, 346.

 Bright, John, 295, 306.

 Brinkley, James, 294.

 Brisco, Lieutenant, 105.

 Broadhaven, Ireland, 3.

 Brown, Captain, 104.
   John, 123, 130, 131, 294, 300-302, 306.
   John, Jr., 148.
   Nicholas, 345.

 Browne, Edward, 60, 66, 71.
   John, 335.

 Buccaneers, 10-15.

 Buck, Eleazer, 66, 67-70.

 Bull, Dixey, 20-22.

 Bumstead, Jeremiah, 313, 326.

 Burgess, ----, 76.
   T., 345.
   William, 345, 349.

 Burk, ----, 39.

 Burlington, Captain, 205.

 Burrage, ----, 279, 280.

 Burrill, ----, 313.

 Byfield, Nathaniel, 103, 105, 107.


 Cahoon, James, 147.

 Calder, Thomas, 210.

 Calley, Edward, 31.

 Campbell, Duncan, 78.

 Campeachy, 13, 14.

 Candor, Ralph, 140.

 Cape Ann, 104.

 Cape Cod, 33.

 Cape Verde Islands, 154, 234, 340.

 Carr, John, 38.

 Carracioli, ----, 349.

 Carter, Captain, 152.
   Denis, 102.
   John, 102.

 Cary, Captain, 114, 361.

 Casco Bay, Me., 31.

 Casey, Captain, 287.

 Cass, John, 283.

 Castine, Me., 44-46.

 Caymans Islands, 143.

 Chadwell, Benjamin, 321.

 Chambly, ---- de, 45.

 Chandler, Captain, 152.

 Chard, Allen, 56.

 Cheeseman, Edward, 311-313, 321-323, 380.

 Cheever, ----, 105.

 Chevalle, Daniel, 102.

 Child, Thomas, 295, 306.

 Chuley, Daniel, 102.

 Church, Charles, 295, 302.

 Churchill, John, 140.

 Clap, Rev. ----, 308.
   Roger, 22.

 Clark, Jeremiah, 204.
   William, 210.

 Clarke, Jeremiah, 284, 300.
   William, 99, 101.

 Clayton, ----, 349.

 Clifford, John, 102, 103, 108, 109.

 Coates, Edward, 94.

 Cocklyn, Thomas, 345.

 Coddington, Capt., 37, 38.

 Codin, James, 138.

 Codman, John, 113.

 Cole, John, 124, 335.
   Joseph, 282.
   Samuel, 329, 334, 335.
   Thomas, 47.

 Collins, Daniel, 130.
   Thomas, 351.

 Collyer, John, 219, 220.

 Colman, John, 99, 101.

 Combs, Captain, 322.

 Condick, George, 336.

 Congdon, ----, 349.

 Coombs, John, 323.

 Cooper, Joseph, 279.

 Cooper, Thomas, 32.

 Coote, Richard, _see_ Bellomont.

 Coward, William, 33.

 Cox, Captain, 152.

 Craig, Captain, 202, 204.

 Cranston, Governor, 37, 295.

 Cromwell, Thomas, 23.

 Cross, William, 216.

 Crumpstey, Andrew, 122, 125, 126.

 Cues, Peter, 301.

 Cundon, Morice, 328, 330, 335.

 Cunningham, Patrick, 295, 305.

 Cuthbert, William, 36.

 Curacao, 44, 63.

 Curre, John, 272.


 Danforth, Thomas, 66.

 Daniels, James, 58, 71.

 Danson, John, 29-31.

 Darby, John, 57, 71.

 Dauling, Robert, 335.

 Davies, Capt., 36.

 Davis, ----, 14.
   Gabriel, 102.
   Howel, 132, 360.
   Silvanus, 57, 58.
   Thomas, 117, 118, 125, 127, 130.

 Daw, John, 335.

 De Haws, Captain, 279.

 Delbridge, Andrew, 202.

 Deloe, Jonathan, 137.

 Dew, Capt., 31.

 Dickenson, John, 84.

 Dicks, Anthony, 21.

 Dipper, Henry, 71.

 Doane, Joseph, 124, 127.

 Doggett, Samuel, 129.

 Dole, Francis, 34.

 Dolliber, Joseph, 150, 229.

 Dorothy, John, 102, 103.

 Douglass, James, 132.
   William, 31.

 Dove, Captain, 221, 268.

 Doyly, Colonel, 314.

 Drew, George, 85.

 Drury, Robert, 351.

 Dudley, Gov. Joseph, 18, 39, 103, 107, 115, 371, 373.
   Paul, 102, 103, 105, 114.

 Dummer, ----, 37.
   Jeremiah, 114.
   William, 130, 295, 300, 322, 335.

 Dunavan, James, 122.

 Dunbar, Captain, 60.
   Nicholas, 102.

 Dunn, William, 67, 71.

 Dunston, Thomas, 31.

 Dunwell, ----, 304.

 Durffie, Richard, 284.

 Durell, Captain, 211, 281.

 Dyer, ----, 114.


 Easton, Peter, 2, 5.

 Eastwick, Captain, 205, 207.

 Eaton, Edward, 294, 301.

 Edgecomb, Capt., 34, 36.

 Edwards, Benjamin, 144, 288, 289, 301.

 Eldridge, Webster, 126.

 Eleuthera, W. I., 29.

 Ellery, Dependence, 322.

 Ellicot, Captain, 206.

 Elwell, Joshua, 322.
   Samuel, 322.

 Emmot, Joseph, 73, 76-79.

 England, Edward, 345, 349.

 English, Philip, 56.

 Erickson, Erick, 322.

 Esquemeling, John, 12.

 Ester, Captain, 301.

 Estwick, Captain, 291, 298.


 Fabens, James, 226.
   Lawrence, 150, 219, 226, 234.

 Faro, Captain, 346.

 Falmouth, Me., 57.

 Farrington, Thomas, 102.

 Feake, John, 46, 48, 49.

 Feny, John, 94.

 Ferguson, William, 335.

 Fern, Thomas, 315, 316, 318, 319-321, 380.

 Fife, James, 345.

 Filmore, John, 311-313, 317, 321-324, 379.

 Fillmore, Millard, 311.

 Fisher, Dr. Archibald, 298, 303, 309.

 Fitz-Gerald, John, 294, 298, 307.

 Fitzgerald, Thomas, 122-124.

 Fitzherbert, John, 330.

 Flags, _see_ Pirate flags.

 Fletcher, Gov. Benjamin, 17,84,92-95.
   John, 295, 306.

 Flucker, James, 145, 148, 150, 219, 359.

 Fly, William, 328-337.

 Folger, Abissai, 305.

 Forcing men, 359.

 Ford, John, 260.

 Forrest, William, 25.

 Foster, John, 68.
   William, 23.

 Franklin, Benjamin, 294.

 Fraser, William, 205, 206.

 Frontenac, Governor, 18.

 Freeborn, Matthew, 140.

 Freeman, Edward, 322.

 Fulker, John, 331, 332.

 Fulmore, Simon, 280.

 Furber, Captain, 317.


 Gale, John, 331.

 Gallison, Jane, 221.

 Gallop, Benjamin, 63, 99.

 Gardiner, ----, 38.
   John, 79.

 Gardiner’s Island, N. Y., 30, 37, 41, 79.

 George, John, 68, 69.

 Gibbetting, 83, 113, 326, 327, 336, 340, 369.

 Giddings, John, 60, 66, 71.

 Giddins, Paul, 102.

 Gifford, Jane, 270.
   Robert, 218-220, 270.

 Gilbert, Mrs. Mary, 327.
   Richard, 84.

 Giles, Harry, 312, 320, 323.

 Gillam, James, 34-38.

 Girdler, George, 333.

 Glen, Thomas, 285.

 Gloucester, Mass., 18, 105.

 Glover, ----, 93, 96.

 Goffe, Christopher, 30-32.

 Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 20.

 Gough, Captain, 96, 350.

 Gould, ----, 272.

 Goulden, Penelope, 92.

 Goulding, Captain, 154.

 Gourdon, Zana, 236.

 Graham, ----, 28.

 Grande, Thomas, 264.

 Granger, Roger, 140.

 Grant, Peter, 50.

 Graves, Captain, 214.

 Green, John, 328, 329.

 Greenman, Captain, 207.

 Greenville, Henry, 334, 336.

 Grenada, W. I., 201.

 Griffin, Richard, 55, 66, 67, 70.
   Thomas, 31.

 Gross, Dixey, 279, 280.

 Gulleck, Thomas, 40.

 Gullock, Capt., 38.

 Gwatkins, Captain, 136.


 Hains, Richard, 215.

 Hall, Nathaniel, 149.
   Thomas, 84.

 Hallam, Nicholas, 28.

 Halsey, Dinah, 39.
   James, 39.
   John, 39, 40.

 Hamilton, Captain, 144.

 Haraden, Andrew, 310-323.

 Harding, Samuel, 127, 128.
   Thomas, 9.

 Hargrave, ----, 136.

 Harvey, ----, 27.

 Harris, Charles, 5, 135, 144, 145, 153, 154, 206, 208, 212, 226, 282,
       288-309.
   Samuel, 333.

 Harwood, John, 102.

 Haskell, Captain, 322, 379.

 Hawkins, Abigail, 68.
   Hannah, 68.
   Thomas, 23, 33, 55-70, 279-281.

 Hazell, Thomas, 295, 306.

 Headland, John, 148.

 Heath, Peleg, 33.

 Heed, Captain, 138.

 Henley, ----, 30.

 Herrick, Captain, 105.

 Hesh, George, 58.

 Hester, ----, 306.

 Higginson, Rev. John, 89, 350.
   Nathaniel, 89.
   Thomas, 350.

 Hill, Henry, 329.
   John, 58, 71.

 Hilliard, Edward, 46.

 Hinchard, Dr. John, 295.

 Hobby, Charles, 99, 110.

 Holding, Anthony, 102, 109.

 Holloway, Henry, 31.

 Holman, John, 229.

 Honan, Daniel, 94.

 Honduras, Bay of, 142, 203, 288, 341-344.

 Hood, Captain, 211.
   John, 137.

 Hoof, Peter Cornelius, 130, 131.

 Hope, John, 260, 264, 265.

 Hopkins, Caleb, 128.
   John, 282.

 Hore, ----, 17, 34, 38, 93.

 Hornygold, Benjamin, 116, 345.

 Hubbard, Captain, 9.

 Huggit, Thomas, 294, 301.

 Hull, Edward, 24.
   John, 23, 24.

 Hunt, Captain, 216.

 Hunter, Andrew, 137, 140.
   Henry, 137, 140.

 Hussam, Captain, 320.

 Hutchinson, ----, 9.
   Elisha, 68.

 Hutnot, Joseph, 102.

 Hyde, Daniel, 149, 294, 298.


 Ireland, John, 74.

 Isles of Shoals, 31, 106.

 Ivemay, Charles, 312, 321, 323.


 Jacob, ----, 270.

 Jamaica Discipline, 356.

 James, Charles, 102.

 Jenkins, Thomas, 329.

 Jennings, ----, 5.
   Henry, 343-345.

 Johnson, Charles, v, xviii.

 Johnson, Isaac, 102.
   Thomas, 33, 56-70.

 Jones, Captain, 281.
   Thomas, 92, 96, 294, 301, 302, 304.
   William, 102, 106, 295, 301.

 Judson, Randall, 47, 50.

 Julian, John, 122, 125, 130.


 Kelly, James, 35.

 Kelsey, Captain, 285.

 Kencate, Dr. John, 302, 304.

 Kendale, Ralph, 137.

 Kent, Ebenezer, 285.
   John, 59.

 Kewes, Peter, 294.

 Kidd, Robert, 83.
   Rev. John, 74.
   Mrs. Sarah, 79, 80.
   William, 35, 36, 42, 43, 73-83, 350.

 King, Charles, 102.

 King, Francis, 111, 113, 378.
   John, 102.
   Peter, 135.

 Knight, Christopher, 33.

 Knot, Captain, 35, 36, 39.


 La Bouche, Oliver, 345, 360.

 Lacey, Abraham, 294.

 Lakin, Thomas, 66.

 Lambert, ----, 122.
   John, 102, 103, 110-113, 376, 378.

 Lancy, William, 321-323.

 Lander, Daniel, 66, 67, 70.

 Lansley, Captain, 322.

 Larkin, David, 58.
   George, 88.

 Larramore, Captain, 104-106, 114.

 Lassen, Isaac (indian), 317, 323.

 Laughton, Francis, 298.

 Lawrence, Edward, 335.
   Richard, 102, 103.

 Laws, Captain, 319.

 Lawson, Edward, 294, 298.
   Nicholas, 102.

 Layal, Captain, 301.

 Layton, Francis, 295.

 Lebous, Louis, 116, 117.

 Legg, Colonel, 104, 105.

 Leonard, Robert, 201, 203.

 Leverett, Governor, 45.

 Levercott, Samuel, 140.

 Lewis, Nicholas, 140.

 Libbie, Joseph, 150, 219, 226, 236, 295, 303-305.

 Libertatia, Madagascar, 86, 89, 349.

 Lilly, Captain, 155.

 Lindsay, David, 144, 289.

 Linisker, Thomas, 295.

 Littleton, Captain, 273.

 Livingston, Robert, 74, 75.

 Logwood, 341.

 L’Olonnais, ----, 14.

 Long, Captain, 149.

 Long Island, N. Y., 17.

 Loper, Jacobus, 61.

 Lopez, Jacob, 309.

 Lord, John, 58, 71.
   William, 60.

 Lovering, Captain, 206.

 Low, Edward, 132, 134, 135, 138, 139, 141-242, 270, 277, 279, 286, 290,
       293, 304, 322, 339, 359.
   Elizabeth, 142.

 Lowther, George, 132-140, 143-146, 213-216, 277, 281, 289, 290, 339,
       359.

 Lyde, Edward, 204.

 Lyne, Philip, 287.


 Machias, Me., 47.

 MacKarty, Captain, 286.

 Mackconachy, Alexander, 122, 124.

 Mackdonald, Edward, 140.

 Madagascar, 19, 40, 42, 86, 87, 92, 95, 346-352.

 Madbury, John, 204.

 Main, Paul, 69.

 Maine coast, 20.

 Mainwaring, Henry, 2-4.

 Maise, ----, 42.

 Manning, George, 46, 48.

 Marble, Eliza, 141.

 Marblehead, 99, 101, 103, 150, 270.

 Marooning, 13, 356.

 Marsh, William, 298-300.

 Marshall, Joseph, 335.

 Martel, John, 345.

 Mason, ----, 93.

 Masters, John, 317, 323.

 Mather, Rev. Cotton, 9, 25, 66, 112, 115, 125, 131, 328, 336, 337.
   Rev. Increase, 49.

 Maverick, Samuel, 22.

 May, George, 327.

 Mayhew, Matthew, 63.

 Maze, William, 74.

 Meinzies, James, 108, 114.

 Mercy, Captain, 301.

 Merritt, Nicholas, 150, 155, 218, 219, 222, 224, 226, 229, 234,
       270-276.

 Meston, Charles, 359.

 Miller, John, 102, 103, 110, 111, 376, 378.

 Mills, William, 313.

 Minott, William, 315, 324.

 Mission, Captain, 86, 90, 91, 349.

 Mitchell, Alexander, 329, 333.
   George, 129.
   Thomas, 50, 51.

 Mixture, Sam, 69.

 Montgomery, ----, 119.

 Moore, Captain, 281, 317.
   Walter, 139, 140.
   William, 82, 83.

 Morris, Thomas, 280.

 Morgan, Henry, 14, 15.

 Mortimer, Robert, 321.

 Mosely, Samuel, 48, 50.

 Mountjoy, George, 50, 51.

 Mudd, John, 300, 303.

 Mues, William, 346.

 Mumford, Thomas (indian), 300, 302, 305.

 Munday, Robert, 365.

 Mundon, Stephen, 294.


 Nantucket, 209.

 Narramore, Richard, 29-31.

 Nauset, Mass., 61.

 Navigation Acts, 16.

 Neff, William, 58, 71.

 Nelley, James, 280.

 Newfoundland, 2, 39, 150, 210, 315, 339, 361.

 New London, Conn., 27.

 Newport, R. I., 9, 17, 30, 87, 92, 94, 103, 148, 295-307, 346, 365.

 New Providence, W. I., 344.

 New York, N. Y., 349.

 Nichols, William, 218, 219.

 Norton, Benjamin, 204.
   George, 102.

 Noxon, Thomas, 135.

 Nutt, John, 311, 312, 315, 324.


 Oort, John, 79.

 Orford, Earl of, 74.

 Orleans, Mass., 124, 128.

 Orne, ----, 225.

 Otley, Colonel, 139.

 Outerbridge, William, 84, 88.

 Owen, Richard, 202.


 Paige, Nicholas, 29, 99.

 Pain, Thomas, 36.

 Panama, 14.

 Papillion, Peter, 148.

 Pare, ----, 234.

 Parrot, James, 102, 103, 108.

 Parsons, John, 317.
   Joseph, 327.

 Patteshall, Richard, 28.

 Pattison, James, 102.

 Payne, ----, 145.
   Henry, 323.

 Pearce, Richard, 51.

 Pease, James, 155.
   Samuel, 63-66.

 Peirse, George, 102.

 Pemaquid, Me., 21, 22.

 Penner, Major, 345.

 Perkins, Benjamin, 102, 106.

 Perrin, W. G., 367.

 Perry, Matthew, 285.

 Peterson, ----, 9.
   Erasmus, 102, 110, 111, 113, 376, 378.

 Phillips, Frederick, 42, 89, 350.
   John, 310-324, 339, 379, 380.
   Thomas, xvii.
   William, 319, 320, 323.

 Phips, Richard, 58, 66, 71.

 Picket, John, 62.

 Pier, ----, 270.

 Pierson, Henry, 41.

 Pike, Samuel, Jr., 279, 280.

 Pimer, Matthew, 102, 103, 108, 109.

 Piracy, executions for, 25, 33, 43, 67, 83, 112, 131, 140, 287, 307,
       324, 337, 367, 376.
   Laws against, 25, 100, 362.
   Trials for, 25, 33, 43, 49, 66, 82, 107, 113, 130, 296, 322, 335,
       365.

 Pirate articles, 21, 122, 146, 314, 315, 320, 356.
   Pirate flags, 59, 64, 116, 164, 208, 278, 288, 292, 308, 324, 359.

 Pirate vessel, life on a, 157-199, 353-358.

 Pitman, Captain, 207.
   John, 102.

 Plantain, ----, 349.

 Ploughman, Daniel, 371-375.

 Plowman, Daniel, 99, 101, 109.

 Plymouth, Mass., 23, 209.

 Port Mayo, 145.

 Port Royal, Jamaica, 14, 15, 152.

 Porto Bello, 11.

 Portsmouth, N. H., 31.

 Pound, Thomas, 33, 54-70.

 Povey, Thomas, 102, 103, 107.

 Powel, Thomas, 294.

 Pownall, Thomas, 303-305.

 Prentice, John, 27.

 Prince, Isaac, 55.
   Job, 211.
   Lawrence, 118.

 Privateering, 9, 18, 22, 23, 84.
   Commission, 371.
   Instructions, 373.

 Pro, John, 351.

 Puerto Velo, 14.


 Quelch, John, 9, 18, 99-115.
   John, Dying speech of, 376, 377.

 Quintor, Hendrick, 130.

 Quittance, John, 102.


 Rackham, John, 354.

 Randolph, Edward, 19, 31.

 Ray, Caleb, 41, 42.

 Rayner, William, 102.

 Rea, Captain, 138.
   Dr. Caleb, 113.

 Read, Mary, xviii.
   William, 294.

 Red Sea, 17, 30, 34, 85, 89, 96, 346.

 Reed, Captain, 317.

 Reeve, Thomas, 295.

 Rhoades, John, 365.

 Rhode, John, 44-53, 271.

 Rhode Island, 17, 19, 36, 37, 42, 92.

 Rice, Owen, 294.

 Rich, Richard, 359.
   Robert, 146.

 Richards, Captain, 117.
   John, 68.

 Richardson, Nicholas, 102.
   William, 281.

 Roach, Captain, 152.
   Peter, 106, 110, 111, 376, 378.

 Roatan, W. I., 220, 241, 280.

 Roberts, Bart., 43.
   Bartholomew, 314, 339, 340, 353, 360, 361.
   George, 156-199.

 Robinson, Captain, 211.
   Abraham, 18.

 Roderigo, Peter, 45-51.

 Rogers, Woods, 344, 345, 347, 354.

 Romney, Earl of, 74.

 Roseway, N. S., 149, 218-220, 224-231.

 Ross, Captain, 314.

 Rush, James, 279.

 Russell, Charles, 132.
   John, 156, 163, 169-198, 225, 230.

 Ruth, Richard, 331, 332.

 Ryswick, Peace of, 10, 15.


 Salem, Mass., 111.

 Sallee, Morocco, 5.

 Salter, John, 321.
   Thomas, 218, 219.

 Sample, R., 345.

 Sandison, Captain, 205.

 Sanford, Colonel, 34, 35.

 Sargent, Epes, 313.

 Scarlett, Captain, 49.

 Scot, Andrew, 155, 157, 302.
   Lewis, 14.

 Scottow, Joshua, 50.

 Scudamore, Christopher, 102, 109, 110, 376, 378.

 Scudder, Thomas, 30.

 Sebada, Kempo, 24.

 Sergeant, Peter, 73, 76, 80.

 Sewall, Samuel, 66, 67, 102-107, 112, 114, 335, 368.
   Stephen, 104-107, 220.

 Shapleigh, Major, 47.
   Nicholas, 25.

 Sharp, Bart., xviii.

 Shaw, John, 140.

 Sheehan, John, 130.

 Shelley, ----, 38.

 Shipton, Captain, 217, 283-287.

 Shortrigs, William, 32.

 Shrewsbury, Duke of, 74.

 Shrimpton, Epaphras, 68.
   Samuel, 67.

 Shute, Gov. Samuel, 127, 130.

 Shutfield, William, 294.

 Siccadam, John, 66, 67, 70.

 Silver oar, 367, 376.

 Simons, Nicholas, 285, 286.

 Simpkins, Captain, 155, 202.

 Skiff, Nathan, 209.

 Skillegorne, Captain, 276.

 Slyfield, George, 138.

 Smart, John, 58.

 Smith, Edward, 298.
   Henry, 144, 289.
   John, 1, 4, 7, 25, 359.
   William, 124.

 Sole, John, 127.

 Solgard, Peter, 207, 208, 212, 282, 292-309.

 Somers, Lord, 74, 81.

 Sound, Joseph, 294, 300, 302.

 South, Thomas, 117, 130, 131.

 Southack, Cyprian, 127-129.

 Spafforth, Captain, 204.

 Sparks, James, 312, 315, 324.

 Spiller, Mary, 311.

 Spriggs, Francis Farrington, 156, 184, 185, 189, 193, 201, 203, 206,
       216, 217, 220, 238, 264, 277-287, 290, 339.

 Sprinkly, James, 302.

 Stamford, Conn., 17.

 Stanbridge, Edward, 327.

 Stanny, Richard, 137.

 Staples, Captain, 155.

 Start, Captain, 322.

 Staunton, Daniel, 27.

 Stephens, ----, 279.
   Richard, 161.

 Stephenson, Captain, 216.

 Stone, Captain, 88.

 Storey, Thomas, 33.

 Storms, severe, 151, 234.

 Streator, Thomas, 330, 334.

 Sweating, 278.

 Sweet, Dr. James, 129.

 Sweetser, Joseph, 146, 294, 295, 303-305, 359.

 Symonds, John, 265-268.


 Taffery, Peter, 317, 324.

 Tasker, George, 334.

 Taylor, ----, 349.
   William, 317, 319, 323, 324.

 Teach, Captain, 316.
   Edward, 345, 360.

 Templeton, John, 102, 106.

 Tew, Richard, 84.
   Thomas, 17, 74, 84-98, 347.

 Thaxter, Joseph, 59.

 Thomas, James, 32.

 Thomas, John, 50.

 Thompson, ----, 5.
   Captain, 152, 214.

 Thorogood, Samuel, 287.

 Thurbar, Richard, 102.

 Tillinghast, Peter, 215.

 Tomkins, John, 294.

 Tortuga, 11-15.

 Tosh, William, 129.

 Tozer, Captain, 117.
   Elias, 282.

 Trefry, Thomas, 218-220.

 Triangles, W. I., 200, 235.

 Tricker, Israel, 313.

 Trot, Nicholas, 282.

 Tulford, Richard, 50.

 Turner, Captain, 105, 107.


 Umper, Tom (indian), 295.

 Uran, Edward, 51.

 Uring, Nathaniel, 342.


 Valentine, John, 108, 296.

 Van der Scure, Frederick, 202.

 Van Vorst, Simon, 123, 130, 131.

 Vane, Charles, 345, 354.

 Veale, Captain, 27.

 Vessels.
   Abraham Fisher (privateer), 62.
   Adventure (hakeboat), 40, 41.
   Adventure (sloop), 39.
   Adventure Galley (ship), 75.
   Advice (man-of-war), 43, 80.
   Albemarle (East Indiaman), 40.
   America (ship), 38.
   Amity (ship), 346.
   Amity (sloop), 84, 87, 96, 97.
   Amsterdam Merchant (ship), 207, 291, 296, 298.
   Amy (ship), 136.
   Antonio (ship), 25.
   Batchelor’s Delight (ship), 283.
   Bijoux (ship), 91.
   Boneta (brigantine), 331.
   Brothers Adventure (sloop), 62.
   Carteret (ship), 207.
   Charles (brigantine), 39, 99-102, 107, 134.
   Childhood (sloop), 87.
   Content (sloop), 317.
   Crown (ship), 206.
   Daniel (brigantine), 282.
   Delight (ship), 216, 278.
   Diamond (man-of-war), 215, 217, 268, 283, 284.
   Dolphin (sloop), 379.
   Dolphin (vessel), 346.
   Dove (ship), 152.
   Eagle (sloop), 139, 140.
   Edward and Thomas (barque), 46.
   Elinor (ketch), 32.
   Elizabeth (shallop), 218.
   Elizabeth (snow), 328.
   Endeavor (sloop), 279.
   Fame’s Revenge (snow), 330, 334.
   Fancy (schooner), 203, 218, 220, 226, 277, 290.
   Fanny (vessel), 346.
   Farley (sloop), 210.
   Feversham (man-of-war), 134.
   Flying Horse (privateer), 44, 45.
   Fortune (ship), 63.
   Fortune (sloop), 206, 291.
   Frederick (ship), 89.
   Gambia Castle (ship), 132, 277.
   Glasgow (sloop), 320, 323.
   Good Fortune (ship), 314.
   Good Speed (sloop), 58, 59.
   Good-Will (schooner), 321.
   Greyhound (man-of-war), 207, 208, 212, 292, 296, 308.
   Greyhound (ship), 144, 145, 288, 289.
   Guernsey (man-of-war), 115.
   Happy Delivery (ship), 132, 135, 139, 140, 144.
   Happy Delivery (sloop), 216, 289, 290.
   Hopefull Betty (sloop), 207.
   Irwin (ship), 314.
   James (schooner), 333.
   Jane (shallop), 218, 219, 270.
   John and Betty (ship), 331, 335.
   John and Elizabeth (brigantine), 137.
   John and Hannah (sloop), 331.
   Jolly Batchelor (vessel), 279.
   King George (vessel), 206.
   King Sagamore (ship), 155, 157.
   King William (ship), 206.
   Larramore Galley, 104, 106.
   Liberty (sloop), 87.
   Lincolnshire (sloop), 138.
   Little Joseph (sloop), 136.
   Liverpool Merchant (ship), 154, 301.
   Margaret (sloop), 156-199.
   Mary (brigantine), 317.
   Mary (ketch), 56, 71.
   Mary (schooner), 150, 218, 219.
   Mary (sloop), 63.
   Mary and John (ship), 285.
   Mary Ann (pink), 122, 131.
   Mary Ann (sloop), 116.
   Mary Galley (ship), 135.
   Mere de Dieu (ship), 152.
   Mermaid (man-of-war), 202, 203, 238, 277.
   Merriam (sloop), 281.
   Merrimack (brigantine), 59.
   Merry Christmas (ship), 213, 216, 217.
   Milton (schooner), 218, 219, 224.
   Mocha (frigate), 34.
   Nathaniel (sloop), 127.
   Nostra Dame (ship), 152.
   Nostra Signiora de Victoria (ship), 201.
   Pearl (vessel), 346.
   Penobscot (shallop), 46.
   Philip (shallop), 46.
   Pompey (ship), 330.
   Portsmouth Adventure (vessel), 346.
   Postillion (sloop), 116.
   Princess (vessel), 139.
   Province Galley, 127.
   Quidah Merchant (ship), 42.
   Rachel (sloop), 333.
   Ranger (sloop), 145, 206, 208, 226, 277, 278, 291, 300, 303, 308.
   Rebecca (brigantine), 145, 148, 149, 218, 219, 277, 359.
   Rebeckah (schooner), 218, 219.
   Resolution (sloop), 59.
   Revenge (schooner), 315-324.
   Rose (frigate), 54, 68.
   Rose (pink), 152-155, 200, 220, 233, 270.
   St. Michael (ship), 117.
   Sally Rose (frigate), 69.
   Samuel (schooner), 218.
   Samuel (ship), 361.
   Sea Flower (sloop), 114.
   Seafort (ship), 23.
   Sea Horse (man-of-war), 212, 281.
   Separation (ship), 23.
   Solebay (man-of-war), 150, 151.
   Sparrow (ketch), 29.
   Squirrel (ship), 216.
   Squirrel (sloop), 310-313.
   Stanhope (pink), 202.
   Sultana (ship), 117, 118.
   Susannah (ship), 160.
   Swallow frigott (barque), 24.
   Swallow (man-of-war), xxii.
   Swan (ship), 9, 31.
   Swan (sloop), 129.
   Swift (schooner), 137.
   Sycamore (galley), 302, 303, 306.
   Thomasine (ship), 287.
   Trial (shallop), 104.
   Unity (snow), 201, 203.
   Victoire (ship), 90, 91.
   Whidaw (galley), 117-130.
   William (sloop), 205.
   Wright (galley), 153.

 Vyall, John, 28.


 Wadham, Captain, 315.

 Wainwright, Colonel, 104.

 Wake, Captain, 96.
   Thomas, 74.

 Wakefield, Samuel, 104.

 Waldron, Captain, 309.
   Jacob, 210.
   William, 46, 48.

 Walker, Samuel, 331, 334.

 Walking the plank, 361.

 Wall, John, 149.

 Walters, John, 295.

 Want, Captain, 95, 96, 346.

 Wappen, Rupert, 138.

 Wapping, Eng., 5, 83.

 Ward, ----, 5.

 Warden, William, 320.

 Warren, William, 66, 67, 70.

 Waters, John, 300, 302.
   Sampson, 28.

 Watkins, John, 58, 71.

 Watson, Harry, 137, 140.

 Watts, Samuel, 71.

 Way, John, 102.

 Weaver, ----, 84.

 Webb, Rev. ----, 326.

 Weekham, Benjamin, 300.

 Welch, John, 276.

 Welland, John, 207, 291, 296, 298-300, 303.

 Wellfleet, Mass., 125.

 Wells, ----, 114.

 West Indies, 10-15, 341, 342, 348.

 West, Richard, 140.

 Wetherley, Tee, 34, 42.

 Wharton, ----, 19.

 Wheeler, Benjamin, 282, 322.
   John, 28.
   Thomas, 50.

 White, ----, 105.
   Anthony, 84, 88.
   Robert, 140.
   William, 315, 320, 322-325, 379.

 Whiting, William, 102, 103.

 Wickstead, Captain, 139.

 Wiggoner, ----, 69.

 Wild, Elias, 213.

 Wiles, William, 102, 103, 111.

 Wilkinson, Thomas, 31.

 Williams, James, 117, 131.
   John, 45, 51.
   Paul, 116, 117, 119, 121, 129, 345.
   Paulsgrave, 116.

 Williard, John, 207.

 Willing, Captain, 205.

 Willis, Joseph, 144, 289.
   Robert, 140, 146, 359.

 Wilson, Alexander, 25.
   John, 294, 300, 305.

 Winter, Christopher, 345.

 Winthrop, Adam, 68.
   John, 24.
   Thomas, 329, 330.
   Waitstill, 67, 68.

 Wollery, William, 30.

 Wood, James, 319.
   William, 280.

 Woodbury, John, 57.

 Worley, Captain, 360.

 Wyndham, James, 215, 283.


 Yaw, David, 322.




                      PUBLICATIONS OF THE
                    MARINE RESEARCH SOCIETY

                     SALEM, MASSACHUSETTS


    I. THE SAILING SHIPS OF NEW ENGLAND, 1607-1907, by JOHN
       ROBINSON and GEORGE FRANCIS DOW. Large 8vo. (7 x 10),
       320 illustrations, 430 pages, blue buckram binding.

          Sixty copies were printed on large paper.

   II. THE PIRATES OF THE NEW ENGLAND COAST, 1630-1730, by
       GEORGE FRANCIS DOW and JOHN HENRY EDMONDS, WITH AN
       INTRODUCTION BY CAPT. ERNEST H. PENTECOST, R. N. R.
       Large 8vo. (7 x 10), 47 illustrations, 416 pages, red
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          Eighty-five copies were printed on large paper.

  III. WRECKED AMONG CANNIBALS IN THE FIJIIS, by WILLIAM
       ENDICOTT, WITH NOTES BY LAWRENCE WATERS JENKINS, 8vo.
       (6¼ x 9½), 13 illustrations, 82 pages, Fabriano paper
       boards, linen back.




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