The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Invisible Government, by Dan Smoot
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Title: The Invisible Government
Author: Dan Smoot
Release Date: December 30, 2006 [EBook #20224]
Language: English
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"_I know no safe depository of the ultimate powers of society but the
people themselves; and if we think them not enlightened enough to
exercise their control with a wholesome discretion, the remedy is not to
take it from them, but to inform their discretion by education._"
--Thomas Jefferson
The Invisible Government
by
Dan Smoot
[Transcriber's note: Although copyrighted in 1962, the author did not
renewal his copyright claim after 28 years (which was required to retain
copyright for works published before 1964). Therefore, this text is now
in the public domain. The text of the copyright notice from the original
book is preserved below.]
Copyright 1962 by Dan Smoot
All rights reserved
First Printing June, 1962; Second Printing July, 1962; Third Printing
August, 1962; Fourth Printing September, 1962; Fifth Printing October,
1962
Sixth Printing (in pocketsize paperback) August, 1964
Communists in government during World War II formulated major policies
which the Truman administration followed; but when the known communists
were gone, the policies continued, under Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson.
The unseen _they_ who took control of government during World War II
still control it. Their tentacles of power are wrapped around levers of
political control in Washington; reach into schools, big unions,
colleges, churches, civic organizations; dominate communications; have a
grip on the prestige and money of big corporations.
For a generation, _they_ have kept voters from effecting any changes at
the polls. Voters are limited to the role of choosing between parties to
administer policies which _they_ formulate. _They_ are determined to
convert this Republic into a socialist province of a one-world socialist
system.
This book tells who _they_ are and how _they_ work. If enough Americans
had this information, our Republic would be saved. Please do your utmost
to spread the word: order extra copies of this book and help give it
wide distribution. See inside of back cover for quantity prices.
Published by
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, INC.
P.O. Box 9538
Dallas, Texas 75214
Table of Contents
Foreword i
Chapter I History and The Council 1
Chapter II World War II and Tragic Consequences 23
Chapter III FPA-WAC-IPR 35
Chapter IV Committee For Economic Development 51
Chapter V Business Advisory Council 81
Chapter VI Advertising Council 97
Chapter VII UN and World Government Propaganda 103
Chapter VIII Foreign Aid 129
Chapter IX More of The Interlock 137
Chapter X Communications Media 153
Chapter XI Interlocking Untouchables 161
Chapter XII Why? What Can We Do? 173
Appendix I CFR Membership List 186
Appendix II AUC Membership List 201
Index 227
FOREWORD
On May 30, 1961, President Kennedy departed for Europe and a summit
meeting with Khrushchev[A]. Every day the Presidential tour was given
banner headlines; and the meeting with Khrushchev was reported as an
event of earth-shaking consequence.
It was an important event. But a meeting which was probably far more
important, and which had commanded no front-page headlines at all, ended
quietly on May 29, the day before President and Mrs. Kennedy set out on
their grand tour.
On May 12, 1961, Dr. Philip E. Mosely, Director of Studies of the
Council on Foreign Relations, announced that,
"Prominent Soviet and American citizens will hold a week-long
unofficial conference on Soviet-American relations in the Soviet
Union, beginning May 22."
Dr. Mosely, a co-chairman of the American group, said that the State
Department had approved the meeting but that the Americans involved
would go as "private citizens" and would express their own views.
_The New York Times'_ news story on Dr. Mosely's announcement (May 13,
1961) read:
"The importance attached by the Soviet Union to the meeting appears
to be suggested by the fact that the Soviet group will include
three members of the communist party's Central Committee ... and
one candidate member of that body....
"The meeting, to be held in the town of Nizhnyaya Oreanda, in the
Crimea, will follow the pattern of a similar unofficial meeting,
in which many of the same persons participated, at Dartmouth
College last fall. The meetings will take place in private and
there are no plans to issue an agreed statement on the subjects
discussed....
"The topics to be discussed include disarmament and the
guaranteeing of ... international peace, the role of the United
Nations in strengthening international security, the role of
advanced nations in aiding under-developed countries, and the
prospects for peaceful and improving Soviet-United States
relations.
"The Dartmouth conference last fall and the scheduled Crimean
conference originated from a suggestion made by Norman Cousins,
editor of _The Saturday Review_ and co-chairman of the American
group going to the Crimea, when he visited the Soviet Union a year
and a half ago....
"Mr. Cousins and Dr. Mosely formed a small American group early
last year to organize the conferences. It received financial
support from the Ford Foundation for the Dartmouth conference and
for travel costs to the Crimean meeting. This group selected the
American representatives for the two meetings.
"Among those who participated in the Dartmouth conference were
several who have since taken high posts in the Kennedy
Administration, including Dr. Walt W. Rostow, now an assistant to
President Kennedy, and George F. Kennan; now United States
Ambassador to Yugoslavia...."
* * * * *
The head of the Soviet delegation to the meeting in the Soviet Union,
May 22, 1961, was Alekesander Y. Korneichuk, a close personal friend of
Khrushchev. The American citizens scheduled to attend included besides
Dr. Mosely and Mr. Cousins:
_Marian Anderson_, the singer; _Dean Erwin N. Griswold_, of the Harvard
Law School; _Gabriel Hauge_, former economic adviser to President
Eisenhower and now an executive of the Manufacturers Trust Company; _Dr.
Margaret Mead_, a widely known anthropologist whose name (like that of
Norman Cousins) has been associated with communist front activities in
the United States; _Dr. A. William Loos_, Director of the Church Peace
Union; _Stuart Chase_, American author notable for his pro-socialist,
anti-anti-communist attitudes; _William Benton_, former U.S. Senator,
also well-known as a pro-socialist, anti-anti-communist, now Chairman of
the Board of _Encyclopaedia Britannica_; _Dr. George Fisher_, of the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology; _Professor Paul M. Doty_, _Jr._,
of Harvard's Chemistry Department; _Professor Lloyd Reynolds_, Yale
University economist; _Professor Louis B. Sohn_ of the Harvard Law
School; _Dr. Joseph E. Johnson_, an old friend and former associate of
Alger Hiss in the State Department, who succeeded Hiss as President of
the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and still holds that
position; _Professor Robert R. Bowie_, former head of the State
Department's Policy Planning Staff (a job which Hiss also held at one
time), now Director of the Center for International Affairs at Harvard;
and _Dr. Arthur Larson_, former assistant to, and ghost writer for,
President Eisenhower. Larson was often called "Mr. Modern Republican,"
because the political philosophy which he espoused was precisely that of
Eisenhower (Larson is now, 1962, Director of the World Rule of Law
Center at Duke University, where his full-time preoccupation is working
for repeal of the Connally Reservation, so that the World Court can take
jurisdiction over United States affairs).
* * * * *
I think the meeting which the Council on Foreign Relations arranged in
the Soviet Union, in 1961, was more important than President Kennedy's
meeting with Khrushchev, because I am convinced that the Council on
Foreign Relations, together with a great number of other associated
tax-exempt organizations, constitutes the invisible government which
sets the major policies of the federal government; exercises controlling
influence on governmental officials who implement the policies; and,
through massive and skillful propaganda, influences Congress and the
public to support the policies.
I am convinced that the objective of this invisible government is to
convert America into a socialist state and then make it a unit in a
one-world socialist system.
My convictions about the invisible government are based on information
which is presented in this book.
The information about membership and activities of the Council on
Foreign Relations and of its interlocking affiliates comes largely from
publications issued by those organizations. I am deeply indebted to
countless individuals who, when they learned of my interest, enriched my
own files with material they had been collecting for years, hoping that
someone would eventually use it.
I have not managed to get all of the membership rosters and publications
issued by all of the organizations discussed. Hence, there are gaps in
my information.
* * * * *
One aspect of the over-all subject, omitted entirely from this book, is
the working relationship between internationalist groups in the United
States and comparable groups abroad.
The Royal Institute of International Affairs in England (usually called
Chatham House) and the American Council on Foreign Relations were both
conceived at a dinner meeting in Paris in 1919. By working with the CFR,
the Royal Institute, undoubtedly, has had profound influence on American
affairs.
Other internationalist organizations in foreign lands which work with
the American Council on Foreign Relations, include the Institut des
Relations Internationales (Belgium), Danish Foreign Policy Society,
Indian Council of World Affairs, Australian Institute of International
Affairs, and similar organizations in France, Italy, Yugoslavia, Greece,
and Turkey.
The "Bilderbergers" are another powerful group involved in the
internationalist web. The "Bilderbergers" take their name from the scene
of their first known meeting--the Bilderberg Hotel, Oosterbeck, The
Netherlands, in May, 1954. The group consists of influential Western
businessmen, diplomats, and high governmental officials. Their meetings,
conducted in secrecy and in a hugger-mugger atmosphere, are held about
every six months at various places throughout the world. His Royal
Highness, Prince Bernhard of The Netherlands, has presided at every
known meeting of the Bilderberger Group.
Prince Bernhard is known to be an influential member of the Societé
Generale de Belgique, a mysterious organization which seems to be an
association of large corporate interests from many countries. American
firms associated with the society are said to be among the large
corporations whose officers are members of the Council on Foreign
Relations and related organizations. I make no effort to explore this
situation in this volume.
My confession of limitation upon my research does not embarrass me,
because two committees of Congress have also failed to make a complete
investigation of the great _camarilla_ which manipulates our government.
And the congressional committees were trying to investigate only one
part of the web--the powerful tax-exempt foundations in the United
States.
My own research does reveal the broad outlines of the invisible
government.
D.S.
May, 1962
Chapter 1
HISTORY AND THE COUNCIL
President George Washington, in his Farewell Address to the People of
the United States on September 17, 1796, established a foreign policy
which became traditional and a main article of faith for the American
people in their dealings with the rest of the world.
Washington warned against foreign influence in the shaping of national
affairs. He urged America to avoid permanent, entangling alliances with
other nations, recommending a national policy of benign neutrality
toward the rest of the world. Washington did not want America to build a
wall around herself, or to become, in any sense, a hermit nation.
Washington's policy permitted freer exchange of travel, commerce, ideas,
and culture between Americans and other people than Americans have ever
enjoyed since the policy was abandoned. The Father of our Country wanted
the American _government_ to be kept out of the wars and revolutions and
political affairs of other nations.
Washington told Americans that their nation had a high destiny, which it
could not fulfill if they permitted their government to become entangled
in the affairs of other nations.
Despite the fact of two foreign wars (Mexican War, 1846-1848; and
Spanish American War, 1898) the foreign policy of Washington remained
the policy of this nation, _unaltered_, for 121 years--until Woodrow
Wilson's war message to Congress in April, 1917.
* * * * *
Wilson himself, when campaigning for re-election in 1916, had
unequivocally supported our traditional foreign policy: his one major
promise to the American people was that he would keep them out of the
European war.
Yet, even while making this promise, Wilson was yielding to a pressure
he was never able to withstand: the influence of Colonel Edward M.
House, Wilson's all-powerful adviser. According to House's own papers
and the historical studies of Wilson's ardent admirers (see, for
example, _Intimate Papers of Colonel House_, edited by Charles Seymour,
published in 1926 by Houghton Mifflin; and, _The Crisis of the Old
Order_ by Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., published 1957 by Houghton
Mifflin), House created Wilson's domestic and foreign policies, selected
most of Wilson's cabinet and other major appointees, and ran Wilson's
State Department.
House had powerful connections with international bankers in New York.
He was influential, for example, with great financial institutions
represented by such people as Paul and Felix Warburg, Otto H. Kahn,
Louis Marburg, Henry Morgenthau, Jacob and Mortimer Schiff, Herbert
Lehman. House had equally powerful connections with bankers and
politicians of Europe.
Bringing all of these forces to bear, House persuaded Wilson that
America had an evangelistic mission to save the world for "democracy."
The first major twentieth century tragedy for the United States
resulted: Wilson's war message to Congress and the declaration of war
against Germany on April 6, 1917.
House also persuaded Wilson that the way to avoid all future wars was to
create a world federation of nations. On May 27, 1916, in a speech to
the League to Enforce Peace, Wilson first publicly endorsed Colonel
House's world-government idea (without, however, identifying it as
originating with House).
* * * * *
In September, 1916, Wilson (at the urging of House) appointed a
committee of intellectuals (the first President's Brain Trust) to
formulate peace terms and draw up a charter for world government. This
committee, with House in charge, consisted of about 150 college
professors, graduate students, lawyers, economists, writers, and others.
Among them were men still familiar to Americans in the 1960's: Walter
Lippmann (columnist); Norman Thomas (head of the American socialist
party); Allen Dulles (former head of C.I.A.); John Foster Dulles (late
Secretary of State); Christian A. Herter (former Secretary of State).
These eager young intellectuals around Wilson, under the clear eyes of
crafty Colonel House, drew up their charter for world government (League
of Nations Covenant) and prepared for the brave new socialist one-world
to follow World War I. But things went sour at the Paris Peace
Conference. They soured even more when constitutionalists in the United
States Senate found out what was being planned and made it quite plain
that the Senate would not authorize United States membership in such a
world federation.
Bitter with disappointment but not willing to give up, Colonel House
called together in Paris, France, a group of his most dedicated young
intellectuals--among them, John Foster and Allen Dulles, Christian A.
Herter, and Tasker H. Bliss--and arranged a dinner meeting with a group
of like-minded Englishmen at the Majestic Hotel, Paris, on May 19, 1919.
The group formally agreed to form an organization "for the study of
international affairs."
The American group came home from Paris and formed The Council on
Foreign Relations, which was incorporated in 1921.
The purpose of the Council on Foreign Relations was to create (and
condition the American people to accept) what House called a "positive"
foreign policy for America--to replace the traditional "negative"
foreign policy which had kept America out of the endless turmoil of
old-world politics and had permitted the American people to develop
their great nation in freedom and independence from the rest of the
world.
The Council did not amount to a great deal until 1927, when the
Rockefeller family (through the various Rockefeller Foundations and
Funds) began to pour money into it. Before long, the Carnegie
Foundations (and later the Ford Foundation) began to finance the
Council.
In 1929, the Council (largely with Rockefeller gifts) acquired its
present headquarters property: The Harold Pratt House, 58 East 68th
Street, New York City.
In 1939, the Council began taking over the U.S. State Department.
Shortly after the start of World War II, in September, 1939, Hamilton
Fish Armstrong and Walter H. Mallory, of the Council on Foreign
Relations, visited the State Department to offer the services of the
Council. It was agreed that the Council would do research and make
recommendations for the State Department, without formal assignment or
responsibility. The Council formed groups to work in four general
fields--Security and Armaments Problems, Economic and Financial
Problems, Political Problems, and Territorial Problems.
The Rockefeller Foundation agreed to finance, through grants, the
operation of this plan.
In February, 1941, the Council on Foreign Relations' relationship with
the State Department changed. The State Department created the Division
of Special Research, which was divided into Economic, Security,
Political, Territorial sections. Leo Pasvolsky, of the Council, was
appointed Director of this Division. Within a very short time, members
of the Council on Foreign Relations dominated this new Division in the
State Department.
During 1942, the State Department set up the Advisory Committee on
Postwar Foreign Policy. Secretary of State Cordell Hull was Chairman.
The following members of the Council on Foreign Relations were on this
Committee: Under Secretary of State Sumner Welles (Vice-Chairman), Dr.
Leo Pasvolsky (Executive Officer); Hamilton Fish Armstrong, Isaiah
Bowman, Benjamin V. Cohen, Norman H. Davis, and James T. Shotwell.
Other members of the Council also found positions in the State
Department: Philip E. Mosely, Walter E. Sharp, and Grayson Kirk, among
others.
The crowning moment of achievement for the Council came at San Francisco
in 1945, when over 40 members of the United States Delegation to the
organizational meeting of the United Nations (where the United Nations
Charter was written) were members of the Council. Among them: Alger
Hiss, Secretary of State Edward R. Stettinius, Leo Pasvolsky, John
Foster Dulles, John J. McCloy, Julius C. Holmes, Nelson A. Rockefeller,
Adlai Stevenson, Joseph E. Johnson, Ralph J. Bunche, Clark M.
Eichelberger, and Thomas K. Finletter.
By 1945, the Council on Foreign Relations, and various foundations and
other organizations interlocked with it, had virtually taken over the
U.S. State Department.
Some CFR members were later identified as Soviet espionage agents: for
example, Alger Hiss and Lauchlin Currie.
Other Council on Foreign Relations members--Owen Lattimore, for
example--with powerful influence in the Roosevelt and Truman
Administrations, were subsequently identified, not as actual communists
or Soviet espionage agents, but as "conscious, articulate instruments of
the Soviet international conspiracy."
I do not intend to imply by these citations that the Council on Foreign
Relations is, or ever was, a communist organization. Boasting among its
members Presidents of the United States (Hoover, Eisenhower, and
Kennedy), Secretaries of State, and many other high officials, both
civilian and military, the Council can be termed, by those who agree
with its objectives, a "patriotic" organization.
The fact, however, that communists, Soviet espionage agents, and
pro-communists could work inconspicuously for many years as influential
members of the Council indicates something very significant about the
Council's objectives. The ultimate aim of the Council on Foreign
Relations (however well-intentioned its prominent and powerful members
may be) is the same as the ultimate aim of international communism: to
create a one-world socialist system and make the United States an
official part of it.
Some indication of the influence of CFR members can be found in the
boasts of their best friends. Consider the remarkable case of the
nomination and confirmation of Julius C. Holmes as United States
Ambassador to Iran. Holmes was one of the CFR members who served as
United States delegates to the United Nations founding conference at San
Francisco in 1945.
Mr. Holmes has had many important jobs in the State Department since
1925; but from 1945 to 1948, he was out of government service.
During that early postwar period, the United States government had
approximately 390 Merchant Marine oil tankers (built and used during
World War II) which had become surplus.
A law of Congress prohibited the government from selling the surplus
vessels to foreign-owned or foreign-controlled companies, and prohibited
any American company from purchasing them for resale to foreigners.
The purpose of the law was to guarantee that oil tankers (vital in times
of war) would remain under the control of the United States government.
Julius Holmes conceived the idea of making a quick profit by buying and
selling some of the surplus tankers.
Holmes was closely associated with Edward Stettinius, former Secretary
of State, and with two of Stettinius' principal advisers: Joe Casey, a
former U.S. Congressman; and Stanley Klein, a New York financier.
In August, 1947, this group formed a corporation (and ultimately formed
others) to buy surplus oil tankers from the government. The legal and
technical maneuvering which followed is complex and shady, but it has
all been revealed and reported by congressional committees.
Holmes and his associates managed to buy eight oil tankers from the U.S.
government and re-sell all of them to foreign interests, in violation of
the intent of the law and of the surplus-disposal program. One of the
eight tankers was ultimately leased to the Soviet Union and used to haul
fuel oil from communist Romania to the Chinese reds during the Korean
war.
By the time he returned to foreign service with the State Department in
September, 1948, Holmes had made for himself an estimated profit of
about one million dollars, with practically no investment of his own
money, and at no financial risk.
A Senate subcommittee, which, in 1952, investigated this affair,
unanimously condemned the Holmes-Casey-Klein tanker deals as "morally
wrong and clearly in violation of the intent of the law," and as a
"highly improper, if not actually illegal, get-rich-quick" operation
which was detrimental to the interests of the United States.
Holmes and his associates were criminally indicted in 1954--but the
Department of Justice dismissed the indictments on a legal technicality
later that same year.
A few weeks after the criminal indictment against Holmes had been
dismissed, President Eisenhower, in 1955, nominated Julius C. Holmes to
be our Ambassador to Iran.
Enough United States Senators in 1955 expressed a decent sense of
outrage about the nomination of such a man for such a post that Holmes
"permitted" his name to be withdrawn, before the Senate acted on the
question of confirming his appointment.
The State Department promptly sent Holmes to Tangier with the rank of
Minister; brought him back to Washington in 1956 as a Special Assistant
to the Secretary of State; and sent him out as Minister and Consul
General in Hong Kong and Macao in 1959.
And then, in 1961, Kennedy nominated Julius C. Holmes for the same job
Eisenhower had tried to give him in 1955--Ambassador to Iran.
Arguing in favor of Holmes, Senator Prescott Bush admitted that Holmes'
tanker deals were improper and ill-advised, but claimed that Holmes was
an innocent victim of sharp operators! The "innocent" victim made a
million dollars in one year by being victimized. He has never offered to
make restitution to the government. Moreover, when questioned, in April,
1961, Holmes said he still sees nothing wrong with what he did and
admits he would do it again if he had the opportunity--and felt that no
congressional committee would ever investigate.
All Senators, who supported Holmes in debate, hammered the point that,
although Holmes may have done something shady and unsavory during the
three-year period in the late 1940's when he was _out_ of government
service, there was no evidence that he had ever misbehaved while he was
_in_ government service.
This amoral attitude seems to imply that a known chicken thief cannot be
considered a threat to turkey growers, unless he has actually been
caught stealing turkeys.
Senate debates on the confirmation of Holmes as Ambassador to Iran are
printed in the _Congressional Record_: pp. 6385-86, April 27, 1961; pp.
6668-69, May 3, 1961; and pp. 6982-95, May 8, 1961.
The vote was taken on May 8. After the history of Julius C. Holmes had
been thoroughly exposed, the Senate confirmed Holmes' nomination 75 to
21, with 4 Senators taking no stand. Julius C. Holmes was sworn in as
United States Ambassador to Iran on May 15, 1961.
The real reason why Holmes was nominated for an important ambassadorship
by two Presidents and finally confirmed by the Senate is obvious--and
was, indeed, inadvertently revealed by Senator Prescott Bush: Holmes, a
Council on Foreign Relations member, is a darling of the leftwing
internationalists who are determined to drag America into a socialist
one-world system.
During the Senate debate about Holmes' nomination Senator Bush said:
"I believe that one of the most telling witnesses with whom I have
ever talked regarding Mr. Holmes is Mr. Henry Wriston, formerly
president of Brown University, now chairman of the Council on
Foreign Relations, in New York, and chairman of the American
Assembly. Mr. Wriston not only holds these distinguished offices,
but he has also made a special study of the State Department and
the career service in the State Department.
"He is credited with having 'Wristonized' the Foreign Service of
the United States. He told me a few years ago ... [that] 'Julius
Holmes is the ablest man in the Foreign Service Corps of the United
States.'"
Dr. Wriston was (in 1961) President (not Chairman, as Senator Bush
called him) of the Council on Foreign Relations. But Senator Bush was
not exaggerating or erring when he said that the State Department has
been _Wristonized_--if we acknowledge that the State Department has been
converted into an agency of Dr. Wriston's Council on Foreign Relations.
Indeed, the Senator could have said that the United States government
has been _Wristonized_.
Here, for example, are _some_ of the members of the Council on Foreign
Relations who, in 1961, held positions in the United States Government:
John F. Kennedy, President; Dean Rusk, Secretary of State; Douglas
Dillon, Secretary of the Treasury; Adlai Stevenson, United Nations
Ambassador; Allen W. Dulles, Director of the Central Intelligence
Agency; Chester Bowles, Under Secretary of State; W. Averell Harriman,
Ambassador-at-large; John J. McCloy, Disarmament Administrator; General
Lyman L. Lemnitzer, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff; John Kenneth
Galbraith, Ambassador to India; Edward R. Murrow, Head of United States
Information Agency; G. Frederick Reinhardt, Ambassador to Italy; David
K. E. Bruce, Ambassador to United Kingdom; Livingston T. Merchant,
Ambassador to Canada; Lt. Gen. James M. Gavin, Ambassador to France;
George F. Kennan, Ambassador to Yugoslavia; Julius C. Holmes, Ambassador
to Iran; Arthur H. Dean, head of the United States Delegation to Geneva
Disarmament Conference; Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., Special White House
Assistant; Edwin O. Reischauer, Ambassador to Japan; Thomas K.
Finletter, Ambassador to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization for
Economic Co-operation and Development; George C. McGhee, Assistant
Secretary of State for Policy Planning; Henry R. Labouisse, Director of
International Cooperation Administration; George W. Ball, Under
Secretary of State for Economic Affairs; McGeorge Bundy, Special
Assistant for National Security; Paul H. Nitze, Assistant Secretary of
Defense; Adolf A. Berle, Chairman, Inter-Departmental Committee on Latin
America; Charles E. Bohlen, Assistant Secretary of State.
The names listed do not, by any means, constitute a complete roster of
all Council members who are in the Congress or hold important positions
in the Administration.
In the 1960-61 Annual Report of the Council on Foreign Relations, there
is an item of information which reveals a great deal about the close
relationship between the Council and the executive branch of the federal
government.
On Page 37, The Report explains why there had been an unusually large
recent increase in the number of non-resident members (CFR members who
do not reside within 50 miles of New York City Hall):
"The rather large increase in the non-resident academic category is
largely explained by the fact that many academic members have left
New York to join the new administration."
* * * * *
Concerning President Kennedy's membership in the CFR, there is an
interesting story. On June 7, 1960, Mr. Kennedy, then a United States
Senator, wrote a letter answering a question about his membership in the
Council. Mr. Kennedy said:
"I am a member of the Council on Foreign Relations in New York
City. As a long-time subscriber to the quarterly, Foreign Affairs,
and as a member of the Senate, I was invited to become a member."
On August 23, 1961, Mr. George S. Franklin, Jr., Executive Director of
the Council on Foreign Relations, wrote a letter answering a question
about President Kennedy's membership. Mr. Franklin said:
"I am enclosing the latest Annual Report of the Council with a list
of members in the back. You will note that President Eisenhower is
a member, but this is not true of either President Kennedy or
President Truman."
President Kennedy is not listed as a member in the 1960-61 Annual Report
of the CFR.
The complete roster of CFR members, as set out in the 1960-61 Annual
Report, is in Appendix I of this volume. Several persons, besides
President Kennedy, whom I have called CFR members are not on this
roster. I have called them CFR members, if their names have ever
appeared on _any_ official CFR membership list.
The Council is actually a small organization. Its membership is
restricted to 700 resident members (American citizens whose residences
or places of business are within 50 miles of City Hall in New York
City), and 700 non-resident members (American citizens who reside or do
business outside that 50-mile radius); but most of the members occupy
important positions in government, in education, in the press, in the
broadcasting industry, in business, in finance, or in some
multi-million-dollar tax-exempt foundation.
An indication of overall accomplishments of the Council can be found in
its Annual Report of 1958-59, which reprints a speech by Walter H.
Mallory on the occasion of his retiring after 32 years as Executive
Director of the Council. Speaking to the Board of Directors of the
Council at a small dinner in his honor on May 21, 1959, Mr. Mallory
said:
"When I cast my mind back to 1927, the year that I first joined the
Council, it seems little short of a miracle that the organization
could have taken root in those days. You will remember that the
United States had decided not to join the League of Nations.... On
the domestic front, the budget was extremely small, taxes were
light ... and we didn't even recognize the Russians. What could
there possibly be for a Council on Foreign Relations to do?
"Well, there were a few men who did not feel content with that
comfortable isolationist climate. They thought the United States
had an important role to play in the world and they resolved to try
to find out what that role ought to be. Some of those men are
present this evening."
The Council's principal publication is a quarterly magazine, _Foreign
Affairs_. Indeed, publishing this quarterly is the Council's major
activity; and income from the publication is a principal source of
revenue for the Council.
On June 30, 1961, _Foreign Affairs_ had a circulation of only 43,500;
but it is probably the most influential publication in the world. Key
figures in government--from the Secretary of State downward--write
articles for, and announce new policies in, _Foreign Affairs_.
Other publications of the Council include three volumes which it
publishes annually (_Political Handbook of the World_, _The United
States in World Affairs_ and _Documents on American Foreign Relations_),
and numerous special studies and books.
The Council's financial statement for the 1960-61 fiscal year listed the
following income:
Membership Dues $123,200
Council Development Fund $ 87,000
Committees Development Fund $ 2,500
Corporation Service $112,200
Foundation Grants $231,700
Net Income from Investments $106,700
Net Receipt from Sale of Books $ 26,700
_Foreign Affairs_ Subscriptions and Sales $210,300
_Foreign Affairs_ Advertising $ 21,800
Miscellaneous $ 2,900
---------
Total $925,000
"Corporation Service" on this list means money contributed to the
Council by business firms.
Here are firms listed as contributors to the Council during the 1960-61
fiscal year:
Aluminum Limited, Inc.
American Can Company
American Metal Climax, Inc.
American Telephone and Telegraph Company
Arabian American Oil Company
Armco International Corporation
Asiatic Petroleum Corporation
Bankers Trust Company
Belgian Securities Corporation
Bethlehem Steel Company, Inc.
Brown Brothers, Harriman and Co.
Cabot Corporation
California Texas Oil Corp.
Cameron Iron Works, Inc.
Campbell Soup Company
The Chase Manhattan Bank
Chesebrough-Pond's Inc.
Chicago Bridge and Iron Co.
Cities Service Company, Inc.
Connecticut General Life Insurance Company
Continental Can Company
Continental Oil Company
Corn Products Company
Corning Glass Works
Dresser Industries, Inc.
Ethyl Corporation
I. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., Inc.
Farrell Lines, Inc.
The First National City Bank of New York
Ford Motor Company, International Division
Foster Wheeler Corporation
Freeport Sulphur Company
General Dynamics Corporation
General Motors Overseas Operations
The Gillette Company
W. R. Grace and Co.
Gulf Oil Corporation
Halliburton Oil Well Cementing Company
Haskins and Sells
H. J. Heinz Company
Hughes Tool Company
IBM World Trade Corporation
International General Electric Company
The International Nickel Company, Inc.
International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation
Irving Trust Company
The M. W. Kellogg Company
Kidder, Peabody and Co.
Carl M. Loeb, Rhoades and Co.
The Lummus Company
Merck and Company, Inc.
Mobil International Oil Co.
Model, Roland and Stone
The National Cash Register Co.
National Lead Company, Inc.
The New York Times
The Ohio Oil Co., Inc.
Olin Mathieson Chemical Corporation
Otis Elevator Company
Owens-Corning Fiberglas Corporation
Pan American Airways System
Pfizer International, Inc.
Radio Corporation of America
The RAND Corporation
San Jacinto Petroleum Corporation
J. Henry Schroder Banking Corporation
Sinclair Oil Corporation
The Singer Manufacturing Company
Sprague Electric Company
Standard Oil Company of California
Standard Oil Company (N. J.)
Standard-Vacuum Oil Company
Stauffer Chemical Company
Symington Wayne Corporation
Texaco, Inc.
Texas Gulf Sulphur Company
Texas Instruments, Inc.
Tidewater Oil Company
Time, Inc.
Union Tank Car Company
United States Lines Company
United States Steel Corporation
White, Weld and Co.
Wyandotte Chemicals Corporation
What do these corporations get for the money contributed to the Council
on Foreign Relations?
From the 1960-61 Annual Report of the Council:
"Subscribers to the Council's Corporation Service (who pay a
minimum fee of $1,000) are entitled to several privileges. Among
them are (a) free consultation with members of the Council's staff
on problems of foreign policy, (b) access to the Council's
specialized library on international affairs, including its unique
collection of magazine and press clippings, (c) copies of all
Council publications and six subscriptions to _Foreign Affairs_ for
officers of the company or its library, (d) an off-the-record
dinner, held annually for chairmen and presidents of subscribing
companies at which a prominent speaker discusses some outstanding
issue of United States foreign policy, and (e) two annual series of
Seminars for business executives appointed by their companies.
These Seminars are led by widely experienced Americans who discuss
various problems of American political or economic foreign policy."
_All_ speakers at the Council's dinner meetings and seminars for
business executives are leading advocates of internationalism and the
total state. Many of them, in fact, are important officials in
government. The ego-appeal is enormous to businessmen, who get special
off-the-record briefings from Cabinet officers and other officials close
to the President of the United States.
The briefings and the seminar lectures are consistently designed to
elicit the support of businessmen for major features of Administration
policy.
For example, during 1960 and 1961, the three issues of major importance
to both Presidents Eisenhower and Kennedy were Disarmament, the
declining value of the American dollar, and the tariff-and-trade
problem. The Eisenhower and Kennedy positions on these three issues were
virtually identical; and the solutions they urged meshed with the
internationalist program of pushing America into a one-world socialist
system.
The business executives who attended CFR briefings and seminars in the
1960-61 fiscal year received expert indoctrination in the
internationalist position on the three major issues of that year. From
"Seminars For Business Executives," Pages 43-44 of the 1960-61 Annual
Report of the Council on Foreign Relations:
"The Fall 1960 Seminar ... was brought to a close with an appraisal
of disarmament negotiations, past and present, by Edmund A.
Gullion, then Acting Deputy Director, United States Disarmament
Administration....
"'The International Position of the Dollar' was the theme of the
Spring 1961 Seminar series. Robert Triffin, Professor of Economics
at Yale University, spoke on the present balance of payments
situation at the opening session. At the second meeting, William
Diebold, Jr., Director of Economic Studies at the Council,
addressed the group on United States foreign trade policy. The
third meeting dealt with foreign investment and the balance of
payments. August Maffry, Vice President of the Irving Trust
Company, was discussion leader....
"On June 8, George W. Ball, Under Secretary of State for Economic
Affairs, spoke at the annual Corporation Service dinner for
presidents and board chairmen of participating companies....
Secretary Ball [discussed] the foreign economic policy of the new
Kennedy Administration."
George W. Ball was, for several years, a registered lobbyist in
Washington, representing foreign commercial interests. He is a chief
architect of President Kennedy's 1962 tariff-and-trade proposals--which
would internationalize American trade and commerce, as a prelude to
amalgamating our economy with that of other nations.
In 1960-61, 84 leading corporations contributed 112,200 tax-exempt
dollars to the Council on Foreign Relations for the privilege of having
their chief officers exposed to the propaganda of international
socialism.
A principal activity of the Council is its meetings, according to the
1958-1959 annual report:
"During 1958-59, the Council's program of meetings continued to
place emphasis on small, roundtable meetings.... Of the 99 meetings
held during the year, 58 were roundtables.... The balance of the
meetings program was made up of the more traditional large
afternoon or dinner sessions for larger groups of Council members.
In the course of the year, the Council convened such meetings for
Premier Castro; First Deputy Premier Mikoyan; Secretary-General Dag
Hammarskjold...."
The Council's annual report lists all of the meetings and
"distinguished" speakers for which it convened the meetings. It is an
amazing list. Although the Council has tax-exemption as an organization
to study international affairs and, presumably, to help the public
arrive at a better understanding of United States foreign policy, not
one speaker for any Council meeting represented traditional U. S.
policy. Every one was a known advocate of leftwing internationalism. A
surprising number of them were known communists or communist
sympathizers or admitted socialists.
Kwame Nkrumah, Prime Minister of Ghana, who is widely believed to be a
communist; who is admittedly socialist; and who aligned his nation with
the Soviets--spoke to the Council on "Free Africa," with W. Averell
Harriman presiding.
Mahmoud Fawzi, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the United Arab Republic,
a socialist whose hatred of the United States is rather well known,
spoke to the Council on "Middle East."
Herbert L. Matthews, a member of the editorial board of _The New York
Times_ (whose articles on Castro as the Robin Hood of Cuba built that
communist hoodlum a worldwide reputation and helped him conquer Cuba)
spoke to the Council _twice_, once on "A Political Appraisal of Latin
American Affairs," and once on "The Castro Regime."
M. C. Chagla, Ambassador of India to the United States, a socialist,
spoke to the Council on "Indian Foreign Policy."
Anastas I. Mikoyan, First Deputy Premier, USSR, spoke to the Council on
"Issues in Soviet-American Relations," with John J. McCloy (later
Kennedy's Disarmament Administrator) presiding.
Fidel Castro spoke to the Council on "Cuba and the United States."
Here are some other well-known socialists who spoke to the Council on
Foreign Relations during the 1958-59 year:
Dag Hammarskjold, Secretary-General of the United Nations; Per
Jacobsson, Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund; Abba
Eban, Ambassador of Israel to the United States; Willy Brandt, Mayor of
West Berlin; Stanley de Zoysa, Minister of Finance of Ceylon; Mortarji
Desai, Minister of Finance of India; Victor Urquidi, President of
Mexican Economic Society; Fritz Erler, Co-Chairman of the Socialist
Group in the German Bundestag; Tom Mboya, Member of the Kenya
Legislative Council; Sir Grantley H. Adams, Prime Minister of the West
Indies Federation; Theodore Kollek, Director-General of the Office of
the Prime Minister of Israel; Dr. Gikomyo W. Kiano, member of the Kenya
Legislative Council.
Officials of communist governments, in addition to those already listed,
who spoke to the Council that year, included Oscar Lange, Vice-President
of the State Council of the Polish People's Republic; and Marko Nikezic,
Ambassador of Yugoslavia to the United States.
* * * * *
Throughout this book, I show the close inter-locking connection between
the Council on Foreign Relations and many other organizations. The only
organizations formally affiliated with the Council, however, are the
Committees on Foreign Relations, which the Council created, which it
controls, and which exist in 30 cities: Albuquerque, Atlanta,
Birmingham, Boise, Boston, Casper, Charlottesville, Denver, Des Moines,
Detroit, Houston, Indianapolis, Little Rock, Los Angeles, Louisville,
Nashville, Omaha, Philadelphia, Portland (Maine), Portland (Oregon),
Providence, St. Louis, St. Paul-Minneapolis, Salt Lake City, San
Francisco, Seattle, Tucson, Tulsa, Wichita, Worcester.
A booklet entitled _Committees on Foreign Relations: Directory of
Members, January, 1961_, published by the Council on Foreign Relations,
contains a roster of members of all the Committees on Foreign Relations,
except the one at Casper, Wyoming, which was not organized until later
in 1961. The booklet also gives a brief history of the Committees:
"In 1938, with the financial assistance of the Carnegie Corporation
of New York, the Council began to organize affiliated discussion
groups in a few American cities....
"Each Committee is composed of forty or more men who are leaders in
the professions and occupations of their area--representatives of
business, the law, universities and schools, the press, and so on.
About once a month, from October through May, members come together
for dinner and an evening of discussion with a guest speaker of
special competence.... Since the beginning in 1938, the Carnegie
Corporation of New York has continued to make annual grants in
support of the Committee program."
The following information about the Committees on Foreign Relations is
from the 1960-61 Annual Report of the Council on Foreign Relations:
"During the past season the Foreign Relations Committees carried on
their customary programs of private dinner meetings. In all, 206
meetings were held....
"The Council arranged or figured in the arrangement of about
three-quarters of the meetings held, the other sessions being
undertaken upon the initiative of the Committees. Attendance at the
discussions averaged 28 persons, slightly more than in previous
years and about the maximum number for good discussion. There was
little change in membership--the total being just under 1800. It
will be recalled that this membership consists of men who are
leaders in the various professions and occupations....
"On June 2 and 3, the 23rd annual conference of Committee
representatives was held at the Harold Pratt House. Mounting
pressures throughout the year ... made it advisable to plan a
conference program that would facilitate re-examination of the
strategic uses of the United Nations for American Policy in the
years ahead. Accordingly, the conference theme was designated as
_United States Policy and the United Nations_. Emphasis was upon
re-appraisal of the United States national interest in the United
Nations--and the cost of sustaining that interest....
"In the course of the year, officers and members of the Council and
of the staff visited most of the Committees for the purpose of
leading discussions at meetings, supervising Committee procedures
and seeking the strengthening of Committee relations with the
Council."
Chapter 2
WORLD WAR II AND TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES
Although the Council on Foreign Relations had almost gained controlling
influence on the government of the United States as early as 1941, it
had failed to indoctrinate the American people for acceptance of what
Colonel House had called a "positive" foreign policy.
In 1940, Franklin D. Roosevelt (although eager to get the United States
into the Second World War and already making preparations for that
tragedy) had to campaign for re-election with the same promise that
Wilson had made in 1916--to keep us out of the European war. Even as
late as the day before the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in December,
1941, the American people were still overwhelmingly "isolationist"--a
word which internationalists use as a term of contempt but which means
merely that the American people were still devoted to their nation's
traditional foreign policy.
It was necessary for Roosevelt to take steps which the public would not
notice or understand but which would inescapably involve the nation in
the foreign war. When enough such sly involvement had been manipulated,
there would come, eventually, some incident to push us over the brink
into open participation. Then, any American who continued to advocate
our traditional foreign policy of benign neutrality would be an object
of public hatred, would be investigated and condemned by officialdom as
a "pro-nazi," and possibly prosecuted for sedition.
* * * * *
The Council on Foreign Relations has heavy responsibility for the
maneuvering which thus dragged America into World War II. One major step
which Roosevelt took toward war (at precisely the time when he was
campaigning for his third-term re-election on a platform of peace and
neutrality to keep America out of war) was his radical alteration of
traditional concepts of United States policy in order to declare
Greenland under the protection of our Monroe Doctrine. The Council on
Foreign Relations officially boasts full responsibility for this fateful
step toward war.
On pages 13 and 14 of a book entitled _The Council on Foreign Relations:
A Record of Twenty-Five Years, 1921-1946_ (written by officials of the
Council and published by the Council on January 1, 1947) are these
passages:
"One further example may be cited of the way in which ideas and
recommendations originating at Council meetings have entered into
the stream of official discussion and action.
"On March 17, 1940, a Council group completed a confidential report
which pointed out the strategic importance of Greenland for
transatlantic aviation and for meteorological observations. The
report stated:
"'The possibility must be considered that Denmark might be overrun
by Germany. In such case, Greenland might be transferred by treaty
to German sovereignty.'
"It also pointed out the possible danger to the United States in
such an eventuality, and mentioned that Greenland lies within the
geographical sphere 'within which the Monroe Doctrine is presumed
to apply.'
"Shortly after this, one of the members of the group which had
prepared the report was summoned to the White House. President
Roosevelt had a copy of the memorandum in his hand and said that he
had turned to his visitor for advice because of his part in
raising the question of Greenland's strategic importance.
"Germany invaded Denmark on April 9, 1940. At his press conference
three days later, the President stated that he was satisfied that
Greenland was a part of the American continent. After a visit to
the White House on the same day, the Danish Minister said that he
agreed with the President.
"On April 9, 1941, an agreement was signed between the United
States and Denmark which provided for assistance by the United
States to Greenland in the maintenance of its status, and granted
to the United States the right to locate and construct such
airplane landing-fields, seaplane facilities, and radio and
meteorological installations as might be necessary for the defense
of Greenland, and for the defense of the American continent. This
was eight months before Germany declared war on the United States.
"The Council's report on Greenland was only one item in an
extensive research project which offered an unusual instance of
wartime collaboration between Government agencies and a private
institution.... The project ... exhibited the kind of contribution
which the Council has been uniquely equipped to provide...."
* * * * *
The Danish colony of Greenland--a huge island covered by polar ice--lies
in the Arctic Ocean, 1325 miles off the coast of Denmark. It is 200
miles from Canada, 650 miles from the British Isles. The extreme
southwestern tip of Greenland is 1315 miles from the most extreme
northeastern tip of the United States (Maine). In other words, Canada
and England, which were at war with Germany when we undertook to protect
Greenland from Germany, are both much closer to Greenland than the
United States is.
But history gives better proof than geography does, that the learned
Council members who put Greenland in the Western Hemisphere, within the
meaning of the Monroe Doctrine, were either ignorant or dishonest. The
Monroe Doctrine, closing the Western Hemisphere to further European
colonization, was proclaimed in 1823. Denmark, a European nation,
colonized Greenland, proclaiming sole sovereignty in 1921, without any
hint of protest from the United States that this European colonization
infringed upon the Monroe Doctrine.
* * * * *
Members of the Council on Foreign Relations played a key role in getting
America into World War II. They played _the_ role in creating the basic
policies which this nation has followed since the end of World War II.
These policies are accomplishing:
(1) the redistribution to other nations of the great United States
reserve of gold which made our dollar the strongest currency in the
world;
(2) the building up of the industrial capacity of other nations, at
our expense, thus eliminating our pre-eminent productive
superiority;
(3) the taking away of world markets from United States producers
(and even much of their domestic market) until capitalistic America
will no longer dominate world trade;
(4) the entwining of American affairs--economic, political,
cultural, social, educational, and even religious--with those of
other nations until the United States will no longer have an
independent policy, either domestic or foreign: until we can not
return to our traditional foreign policy of maintaining national
independence, nor to free private capitalism as an economic system.
The ghastly wartime and post-war decisions (which put the Soviet Union
astride the globe like a menacing colossus and placed the incomparably
stronger United States in the position of appeasing and retreating) can
be traced to persons who were members of the Council on Foreign
Relations.
Consider a specific example: the explosive German problem.
* * * * *
In October, 1943, Cordell Hull (U. S. Secretary of State), Anthony Eden
(Foreign Minister for Great Britain), and V. Molotov (Soviet Commissar
for Foreign Affairs), had a conference at Moscow. Eden suggested that
they create a European Advisory Commission which would decide how
Germany, after defeat, would be partitioned, occupied, and governed by
the three victorious powers. Molotov approved. Hull did not like the
idea, but agreed to it in deference to the wishes of the two others.
Philip E. Mosely, of the CFR, was Hull's special adviser at this Moscow
Conference.
The next month, November, 1943, President Franklin D. Roosevelt went to
Tehran for his first conference with Stalin and Churchill. Aboard the U.
S. S. _Iowa_ en route to Tehran, Roosevelt had a conference with his
Joint Chiefs of Staff. They discussed, among other things, the post-war
division and occupation of Germany.
President Roosevelt predicted that Germany would collapse suddenly and
that "there would definitely be a race for Berlin" by the three great
powers. The President said: "We may have to put the United States
divisions into Berlin as soon as possible, because the United States
should have Berlin."
Harry Hopkins suggested that "we be ready to put an airborne division
into Berlin two hours after the collapse of Germany."
Roosevelt wanted the United States to occupy Berlin and northwestern
Germany; the British to occupy France, Belgium, and southern Germany;
and the Soviets to have eastern Germany.
At the Tehran Conference (November 27-December 2, 1943), Stalin seemed
singularly indifferent to the question of which power would occupy which
zones of Germany after the war. Stalin revealed intense interest in only
three topics:
(1) urging the western allies to make a frontal assault, across the
English Channel, on Hitler's fortress Europe;
(2) finding out, immediately, the name of the man whom the western
allies would designate to command such an operation (Eisenhower had not
yet been selected); and
(3) reducing the whole of Europe to virtual impotence so that the Soviet
Union would be the only major power on the continent after the war.
Roosevelt approved of every proposal Stalin made.
A broad outline of the behavior and proposals of Roosevelt, Churchill,
and Stalin at Tehran can be found in the diplomatic papers published in
1961 by the State Department, in a volume entitled _Foreign Relations of
the United States: Diplomatic Papers: The Conferences at Cairo and
Tehran 1943_.
As to specific agreements on the postwar division and occupation of
Germany, the Tehran papers reveal only that the European Advisory
Commission would work out the details.
We know that Roosevelt and his military advisers in November, 1943,
agreed that America should take and occupy Berlin. Yet, 17 months later,
we did just the opposite.
* * * * *
In the closing days of World War II, the American Ninth Army was rolling
toward Berlin, meeting little resistance, slowed down only by German
civilians clogging the highways, fleeing from the Russians. German
soundtrucks were circulating in the Berlin area, counseling stray
troops to stop resistance and surrender to the Americans. Some twenty or
thirty miles east of Berlin, the German nation had concentrated its
dying strength and was fighting savagely against the Russians.
Our Ninth Army could have been in Berlin within a few hours, probably
without shedding another drop of blood; but General Eisenhower suddenly
halted our Army. He kept it sitting idly outside Berlin for days, while
the Russians slugged their way in, killing, raping, ravaging. We gave
the Russians control of the eastern portion of Berlin--and of _all_ the
territory surrounding the city.
To the south, General Patton's forces were plowing into Czechoslovakia.
When Patton was thirty miles from Prague, the capital, General
Eisenhower ordered him to stop--ordered him not to accept surrender of
German soldiers, but to hold them at bay until the Russians could move
up and accept surrender. As soon as the Russians were thus established
as the conquerors of Czechoslovakia, Eisenhower ordered Patton to
evacuate.
Units of Czechoslovakian patriots had been fighting with Western armies
since 1943. We had promised them that they could participate in the
liberation of their own homeland; but we did not let them move into
Czechoslovakia until after the Russians had taken over.
Czechoslovakian and American troops had to ask the Soviets for
permission to come into Prague for a victory celebration--after the
Russians had been permitted to conquer the country.
Western Armies, under Eisenhower's command, rounded up an estimated five
million anti-communist refugees and delivered them to the Soviets who
tortured them, sent them to slave camps, or murdered them.
All of this occurred because we refused to do what would have been easy
for us to do--and what our top leaders had agreed just 17 months before
that we must do: that is, take and hold Berlin and surrounding territory
until postwar peace treaties were made.
* * * * *
Who made the decisions to pull our armies back in Europe and let the
Soviets take over? General Eisenhower gave the orders; and, in his book,
_Crusade in Europe_ (published in 1948, before the awful consequences of
those decisions were fully known to the public), Eisenhower took his
share of credit for making the decisions. When he entered politics four
years later, Eisenhower denied responsibility: he claimed that he was
merely a soldier, obeying orders, implementing decisions which
Presidents Roosevelt and Truman had made.
Memoirs of British military men indicate that Eisenhower went far
_beyond_ the call of military duty in his "co-operative" efforts to help
the Soviets capture political prisoner's and enslave all of central
Europe. _Triumph in the West_, by Arthur Bryant, published in 1959 by
Doubleday & Company, as a "History of the War Years Based on the Diaries
of Field-Marshal Lord Alanbrooke, Chief of the Imperial General Staff,"
reveals that, in the closing days of the war, General Eisenhower was
often in direct communication with Stalin, reporting his decisions and
actions to the Soviet dictator before Eisenhower's own military
superiors knew what was going on.
Regardless of what responsibility General Eisenhower may or may not have
had for _formulating_ the decisions which held our armies back from
Eastern Europe, those decisions seem to have stemmed from the
conferences which Roosevelt had with Stalin at Tehran in 1943 and at
Yalta in 1945.
* * * * *
But who made the decision to isolate Berlin 110 miles deep inside
communist-controlled territory without any agreements concerning access
routes by which the Western Powers could get to the city? According to
Arthur Krock, of the _New York Times_, George F. Kennan, (a member of
the Council on Foreign Relations) persuaded Roosevelt to accept the
Berlin zoning arrangement. Kennan, at the time, was political adviser to
Ambassador John G. Winant, who was the United States Representative on
the three-member European Advisory Commission.
Mr. Krock's account (in the _New York Times_, June 18, 1961 and July 2,
1961) is rather involved; but here is the essence of it:
President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill agreed to enclose
Berlin 110 miles within the Soviet occupation zone. Winant
submitted a recommendation, embracing this agreement. Winant felt
that it would offend the Soviets if we asked for guaranteed access
routes, and believed that guarantees were unnecessary anyway. When
submitting his recommendation to Washington, however, Winant
attached a map on which a specific allied corridor of access into
the city was drawn.
Winant's proposal was never acted on in Washington. Therefore, the
British submitted a recommendation. Roosevelt rejected the British
plan, and made his own proposal. The British and Soviets disliked
Roosevelt's plan; and negotiations over the zoning of Berlin were
deadlocked.
George F. Kennan broke the deadlock by going directly to Roosevelt
and persuading him to accept the Berlin zoning agreement, which Mr.
Krock calls a "war-breeding monstrosity," and a "witless travesty
on statecraft and military competence."
Mr. Krock says most of his information came from one of Philip E.
Mosely's articles in an old issue of _Foreign Affairs_--which I have
been unable to get for my files. I cannot, therefore, guarantee the
authenticity of Mr. Krock's account; but I can certainly agree with his
conclusion that only Joseph Stalin and international communism
benefitted from the "incredible zoning agreements" that placed "Berlin
110 miles within the Soviet zone and reserved no guaranteed access
routes to the city from the British and American zones."
It is interesting to note that Philip E. Mosely (CFR member who was
Cordell Hull's adviser when the postwar division of Germany was first
discussed at the Moscow Conference in 1943) succeeded George F. Kennan
as political adviser to John G. Winant of the European Advisory
Commission shortly after Kennan had persuaded Roosevelt to accept the
Berlin zoning agreements.
* * * * *
It is easy to see why the Soviets wanted the Berlin arrangement which
Roosevelt gave them. It is not difficult to see the British viewpoint:
squeezed between the two giants who were his allies, Churchill tried to
play the Soviets against the Americans, in the interest of getting the
most he could for the future trade and commerce of England.
But why would any American want (or, under any conditions, agree to) the
crazy Berlin agreement? There are only three possible answers:
(1) the Americans who set up the Berlin arrangement--which means,
specifically, George F. Kennan and Philip E. Mosely, representing the
Council on Foreign Relations--were ignorant fools; or
(2) they _wanted_ to make Berlin a powder keg which the Soviets could
use, at will, to intimidate the West; or
(3) they wanted a permanent, ready source of war which the United States
government could use, at any time, to salvage its own internationalist
policies from criticism at home, by scaring the American people into
"buckling down" and "tightening up" for "unity" behind our "courageous
President" who is "calling the Kremlin bluff" by spending to prepare
this nation for all-out war, if necessary, to "defend the interests of
the free-world" in Berlin.
George F. Kennan and Philip E. Mosely and the other men associated with
them in the Council on Foreign Relations are not ignorant fools. I do
not believe they are traitors who wanted to serve the interests of the
Kremlin. So, in trying to assess their motives, I am left with one
choice: they wanted to set Berlin up as a perpetual excuse for any kind
of program which the Council on Foreign Relations might want the
American government to adopt.
Long, long ago, King Henry of England told Prince Hal that the way to
run a country and keep the people from being too critical of how you run
it, is to busy giddy minds with foreign quarrels.
A study of President Kennedy's July 25, 1961, speech to the nation about
Berlin, together with an examination of the spending program which he
recommended to Congress a few hours later, plus a review of contemporary
accounts of how the stampeded Congress rushed to give the President all
he asked--such a study, set against the backdrop of our refusal to do
anything vigorous with regard to the communist menace in Cuba, will, I
think, justify my conclusions as to the motives of men, still in power,
who created the Berlin situation.
Chapter 3
FPA--WORLD AFFAIRS COUNCIL--IPR
Through many interlocking organizations, the Council on Foreign
Relations "educates" the public--and brings pressures upon Congress--to
support CFR policies. All organizations, in this incredible propaganda
web, work in their own way toward the objective of the Council on
Foreign Relations: to create a one-world socialist system and to make
America a part of it. All of the organizations have federal
tax-exemption as "educational" groups; and they are all financed, in
part, by tax-exempt foundations, the principal ones being Ford,
Rockefeller, and Carnegie. Most of them also have close working
relations with official agencies of the United States Government.
The CFR does not have formal affiliation--and can therefore disclaim
official connection with--its subsidiary propaganda agencies (except the
Committees on Foreign Relations, organized by the CFR in 30 cities
throughout the United States); but the real and effective interlock
between all these groups can be shown not only by their common objective
(one-world socialism) and a common source of income (the foundations),
but also by the overlapping of personnel: directors and officials of the
Council on Foreign Relations are also officials in the interlocking
organizations.
* * * * *
The Foreign Policy Association-World Affairs Center, 345 East 46th
Street, New York 17, New York, is probably the most influential of all
the agencies which can be shown as propaganda affiliates of the Council
on Foreign Relations in matters concerned primarily with American
foreign policy.
On April 29, 1960, the March-April Term Grand Jury of Fulton County,
Georgia, handed down a Presentment concerning subversive materials in
schools, which said:
"An extensive investigation has been made by the Jury into the
Foreign Policy Association of New York City and its 'Great
Decisions Program,' which it is sponsoring in our area....
"This matter was brought to our attention by the Americanism
Committee of the Waldo M. Slaton Post 140, American Legion, and
several other local patriotic groups. We were informed that the
Great Decisions Program was being taught in our public high schools
and by various well-meaning civic and religious groups, who were
not aware of the past records of the leaders of the Foreign Policy
Association, nor of the authors of the textbooks prescribed for
this Great Decisions program.
"Evidence was presented to us showing that some of these leaders
and authors had a long record, dating back many years, in which
they either belonged to, or actively supported left-wing or
subversive organizations.
"We further found that invitations to participate in these 'study
groups' were being mailed throughout our county under the name of
one of our local universities.... We learned that the prescribed
booklets were available upon request in our local public
libraries....
"The range of the activity by this organization has reached
alarming proportions in the schools and civic groups in certain
other areas in Georgia. Its spread is a matter of deep concern to
this Jury and we, therefore, call upon all school officials
throughout the state to be particularly alert to this insidious and
subversive material. We further recommend that all textbook
committee members--city, county and state--recognize the
undesirable features of this material and take action to remove it
from our schools.
"Finally, we urge that all Grand Juries throughout the State of
Georgia give matters of this nature their serious consideration."
On June 30, 1960, the May-June Term Grand Jury of Fulton County,
Georgia, handed down another Presentment, which said:
"It is our understanding that the Foreign Policy Association's
Great Decisions program, criticized by the March-April Grand Jury,
Fulton County, has been removed from the Atlanta and Fulton County
schools....
"Numerous letters from all over the United States have been
received by this grand jury, from individuals and associations,
commending the Presentment of the previous grand jury on the
Foreign Policy Association. Not a single letter has been received
by us criticizing these presentments."
In September, 1960, the Americanism Committee of Waldo M. Slaton Post
No. 140, The American Legion, 3905 Powers Ferry Road, N.W., Atlanta 5,
Georgia, published a 112-page mimeographed book entitled _The Truth
About the Foreign Policy Association_ (available directly from the Post
at $1.00 per copy). In the Foreword to this book, the Americanism
Committee says:
"How can we account for our apathetic acceptance of the presence of
this arch-murderer (Khrushchev, during his tour of the United
States at Eisenhower's invitation) in America? What has so dulled
our sense of moral values that we could look on without revulsion
while he was being wined and dined by our officials? How could we
dismiss with indifference the shameful spectacle of these officials
posing for pictures with this grinning Russian assassin--pictures
which we knew he would use to prove to communism's enslaved
populations that the Americans are no longer their friends, but the
friends of Khrushchev?
"There is only one explanation for this lapse from the Americanism
of former days: we are being brainwashed into the belief that we
can safely do business with communism--brainwashed by an
interlocked group of so-called 'educational' organizations offering
'do-it-yourself' courses which pretend to instruct the public in
the intricacies of foreign policy, but which actually mask clever
propaganda operations designed to sell 'co-existence' to Americans.
There are many of these propaganda outfits working to undermine
Americans' faith in America, but none, in our opinion, is as slick
or as smooth or as dangerous as the Foreign Policy Association of
Russian-born Vera Micheles Dean....
"This documented handbook has been prepared in response to numerous
requests for duplicates of the file which formed the basis of the
case (before the Fulton County Grand Juries) against the Foreign
Policy Association. We hope that it will assist patriots everywhere
in resisting the un-American propaganda of the Red China appeasers,
the pro-Soviet apologists, the relativists, and other dangerous
propagandists who are weakening Americans' sense of honor and their
will to survive."
_The Truth About The Foreign Policy Association_ sets out the communist
front record of Vera Micheles Dean (who was Research Director of the FPA
until shortly after the Legion Post made this exposure, when she
resigned amidst almost-tearful words of praise and farewell on the part
of FPA-WAC officials). The Legion Post booklet sets out the communist
front records of various other persons connected with the FPA; it
presents and analyzes several publications of the FPA, including
materials used in the Great Decisions program; it reveals that FPA
establishes respectability and public acceptance for itself by
publicizing "endorsements" of prominent Americans; it shows that many of
the FPA's claims of endorsements are false; it shows the interlocking
connections and close working relationships between the Foreign Policy
Association and other organizations, particularly the National Council
of Churches; and it presents a great deal of general documentation on
FPA's activities, operations, and connections.
The Foreign Policy Association was organized in 1918 and incorporated
under the laws of New York in 1928 (the Council on Foreign Relations was
organized in 1919 and incorporated in 1921). Rockefeller and Carnegie
money was responsible for both FPA and CFR becoming powerful
organizations.
The late U. S. Congressman Louis T. McFadden (Pennsylvania), as early as
1934, said that the Foreign Policy Association, working in close
conjunction with a comparable British group, was formed, largely under
the aegis of Felix Frankfurter and Paul Warburg, to promote a "planned"
or socialist economy in the United States, and to integrate the American
system into a worldwide socialist system. Warburg and Frankfurter (early
CFR members) were among the many influential persons who worked closely
with Colonel Edward M. House, father of the Council on Foreign
Relations.
* * * * *
From its early days, the Foreign Policy Association had interlocking
personnel, and worked in close co-operation with the Institute of
Pacific Relations, which was formed in 1925 as a tax-exempt educational
organization, and which was financed by the great foundations--and by
the same groups of businessmen and corporations which have always
financed the CFR and the FPA.
The IPR played a more important role than any other American
organization in shaping public opinion and influencing official
American policy with regard to Asia.
For more than twenty years, the IPR influenced directly or indirectly
the selection of Far Eastern scholars for important teaching posts in
colleges and universities--and the selection of officials for posts
concerning Asia in the State Department. The IPR publications were
standard materials in most American colleges, in thirteen hundred public
school systems, and in the armed forces; and millions of IPR
publications were distributed to all these institutions.
Along toward the end of World War II, there were rumblings that the
powerful IPR might be a communist front, despite its respectable
façade--despite the fact that a great majority of its members were
Americans whose patriotism and integrity were beyond question.
* * * * *
In 1951, the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, under the
chairmanship of the late Pat McCarran (Democrat, Nevada) began an
investigation which lasted many months and became the most important,
careful, and productive investigation ever conducted by a committee of
Congress.
The McCarran investigation of the IPR was predicated on the assumption
that United States diplomacy had never suffered a more disastrous defeat
than in its failure to avert the communist conquest of China.
The communist conquest of China led to the Korean war; and the tragic
mishandling of this war on the part of Washington and United Nations
officialdom destroyed American prestige throughout Asia, and built
Chinese communist military power into a menacing colossus.
The Senate investigation revealed that the American policy decisions
which produced these disastrous consequences were made by IPR officials
who were traitors, or under the influence of traitors, whose allegiance
lay in Moscow.
Owen Lattimore, guiding light of the IPR during its most important years
(and also a member of the Council on Foreign Relations), was termed a
conscious articulate instrument of the Soviet international conspiracy.
Alger Hiss (a CFR member who was later identified as a Soviet spy) was
closely tied in with the IPR during his long and influential career in
government service. Hiss became a trustee of the IPR after his
resignation from the State Department. The secret information which Hiss
delivered to a Soviet spy ring in the 1930's kept the Soviets apprised
of American activity in the Far East.
Lauchlin Currie (also a member of the CFR) was an administrative
assistant to President Roosevelt. Harry Dexter White virtually ran the
Treasury Department under both Roosevelt and Truman. Both Currie and
White had strong connections with the IPR; and both were Soviet
spies--who not only channeled important American secrets to Soviet
military intelligence, but also influenced and formulated American
policies to suit the Soviets.
By the time the McCarran investigation ended, the whole nation knew that
the IPR was, as the McCarran committee had characterized it, a
transmission belt for Soviet propaganda in the United States.
The IPR, thoroughly discredited, had lost its power and influence; but
its work was carried on, without any perceptible decline in
effectiveness, by the Foreign Policy Association.
* * * * *
The FPA did this job through its Councils on World Affairs, which had
been set up in key cities throughout the United States.
These councils are all "anti-communist." They include among their
members the business, financial, social, cultural, and educational
leaders of the community. Their announced purpose is to help citizens
become better informed on international affairs and foreign policy. To
this end, they arrange public discussion groups, forums, seminars in
connection with local schools and colleges, radio-television programs,
and lecture series. They distribute a mammoth quantity of expensively
produced material--to schools, civic clubs, discussion groups, and so
on, at little or no cost.
The Councils bring world-renowned speakers to their community. Hence,
Council events generally make headlines and get wide coverage on radio
and television. The Foreign Policy Associations' Councils on World
Affairs, through the parent organization, through the Council on Foreign
Relations, and through a multitude of other channels, have close working
relationships with the State Department.
Hence, many of the distinguished speakers whom the Councils present are
handpicked by the State Department; and they travel (sometimes from
distant foreign lands) at United States taxpayers' expense.
To avert criticism (or to provide themselves with ammunition against
criticism when it arises) that they are nothing but internationalist
propaganda agencies, the Councils on World Affairs distribute a little
literature which, and present a few speakers who, give the general
appearance of being against the internationalist program of one-world
socialism. But their anti-internationalism presentations are generally
milk-and-water middle-of-the-roadism which is virtually meaningless.
Most Councils-on-World-Affairs presentations give persuasive
internationalist propaganda.
Thus, the Foreign Policy Association, through its Councils on World
Affairs--and another affiliated activity, the Great Decisions
program--has managed to enroll some "conservative" community leadership
into an effective propaganda effort for one-world socialism.
The World Affairs Center was set up with national headquarters at 345
East 46th Street in New York City, as a formal affiliate of the Foreign
Policy Association, to handle the important job of directing the various
"independent" Councils on World Affairs, located in major cities
throughout the nation. In March, 1960, the FPA merged with the World
Affairs Center to form one organization: the Foreign Policy
Association-World Affairs Center.
* * * * *
The FPA-WAC describes its Great Decisions program as an annual
nation-wide review, by local groups under local sponsorship, of problems
affecting United States Foreign Policy. FPA-WAC provides Fact Sheet
Kits, which contain reading material for these local discussion groups.
These kits present what FPA calls a "common fund of information" for all
participants. They also provide an "opinion" ballot which permits each
participant, at the end of the Great Decisions discussion program, to
register his viewpoint and send it to officials in Washington.
The old IPR line (fostering American policies which helped communists
take over China) was that the Chinese communists were not communists at
all but democratic "agrarian reformers" whom the Chinese people loved
and respected, and whom the Chinese people were going to install as the
rulers of new China, regardless of what America did; and that,
therefore, it was in our best interest to be friendly with these
"agrarian reformers" so that China would remain a friendly power once
the "reformers" took over.
A major objective of the FPA-WAC--since it fell heir to the work of the
IPR--is to foster American diplomatic recognition of red China.
The FPA-WAC, and its subordinate Councils on World Affairs, do this
propaganda job most cleverly. Most FPA spokesmen (except a few like
Cyrus Eaton, who is a darling of the FPA and occasionally writes for its
publications) are "anti-communists" who admit that the Chinese
communists are real communists. They admit that it is not pleasant (in
the wake of our memories of Korea) to think of extending diplomatic
recognition to red China; and they do not always openly advocate such a
move; but their literature and Great Decisions operations and other
activities all subtly inculcate the idea that, however much we may
dislike the Chinese communists, it is highly probable that we can best
promote American interests by "eventually" recognizing red China.
In this connection, the FPA-WAC Great Decisions program for 1957 was
especially interesting. One question posed that year was "Should U. S.
Deal With Red China?" Discussion of this topic was divided into four
corollary questions: _Why Two Chinas? What are Red China's goals? Does
Red China threaten 'uncommitted' Asia? Red China's record--what U. S.
Policy?_
The FPA-WAC Fact Sheet Kit, which sets out background information for
the "study" and "voting" on the red China question, contains nothing
that would remind Americans of Chinese communist atrocities against our
men in Korea or in any way make Americans really angry at the
communists. In the discussion of the "two Chinas," the communists sound
somewhat more attractive than the nationalists. In the discussion of red
China's "goals," there is nothing about the communist goal of enslaving
all Asia; there are simply statistics showing how much more progress red
China has made than "democratic" India--with less outside help than
"democratic" India has received from the United States.
In the discussion of whether red China threatens the rest of Asia, the
FPA-WAC material makes no inference that the reds are an evil,
aggressive power--but it does let the reader know that the reds in China
are a mighty military power that we must reckon with, in realistic
terms. Nothing is said in the FPA-WAC Fact Sheet Kit about the
communist rape of Tibet. Rather, one gets the impression that Tibet is
a normal, traditional province of China which has now returned to the
homeland.
After studying the problems of communist China from this FPA-WAC "Fact
Sheet," Great Decisions participants were given an opportunity to cast
an "Opinion Ballot" on the four specific questions posed. The "Opinions"
were already written out on the FPA-WAC ballot. The voter had only to
select the opinion he liked best, and mark it. Here are the five choices
of opinions given voters on the Foreign Policy Association's Great
Decisions 1957 Opinion Ballot, concerning U. S. diplomatic recognition
of red China.
"a. Recognize Peiping now, because we can deal with Far East
political and other problems more easily if we have diplomatic
relations with Peiping.
"b. Go slow on recognizing them but agree to further talks and, if
progress is made, be willing to grant recognition at some future
date.
"c. Refuse to recognize them under any circumstances.
"d. Acknowledge that the Peiping government is the effective
government of China (recognition _de facto_) and deal with it as
much as seems useful, on this basis, but avoid full diplomatic
relations for the present.
"e. Other."
* * * * *
General purposes of the Foreign Policy Association-World Affairs Center
are rather well indicated in a fund-raising letter, mailed to American
businessmen all over the nation, on February 23, 1961. The letter was on
the letterhead of Consolidated Foods Corporation, 135 South La Salle
Street, Chicago 3, Illinois, and was signed by Nathan Cummings, Chairman
of the Board. Here is a part of Mr. Cummings' appeal to other
businessmen to contribute money to the FPA-WAC:
"In his inaugural address which I had the privilege of personally
hearing in Washington, President Kennedy summoned the American
people to responsibility in foreign policy: ...
"This call for individual initiative by the President characterizes
the kind of citizen responsibility in world affairs which the
Foreign Policy Association-World Affairs Center has been
energetically trying to build since its founding in 1918....
"The FPA-WAC's national program for informing the American public
of the urgent matters of foreign policy such as those mentioned by
the President--'the survival and the success of liberty,'
'inspection and control of arms,' the forging of 'a grand and
global alliance' to 'assure a more fruitful life for all
mankind'--is making remarkable progress.
"The enclosed 'Memorandum: 1960-61' describes the program and past
achievement of this 42-year-old organization. Particularly worthy
of mention is their annual 'Great Decisions' program which last
year engaged more than a quarter of a million Americans in eight
weeks of discussion of U. S. foreign policy and reached hundreds of
thousands of others with related radio, television and newspaper
background programs and articles on these important topics.
"Of the basic budget for 1960-61 of $1,140,700, nearly one-third
must be raised from individual and corporate sources to meet
minimal operating needs. The fact that over 400 major corporations,
some of whom contribute as much as $5,000, already support FPA-WAC
is evidence of the effectiveness and vitality of its educational
program....
"I hope that you and your company will join ours in generously
supporting this work."
Erwin D. Canham, editor of _The Christian Science Monitor_, has
caustically denounced the American Legion Post in Atlanta for its
"attack" on the FPA.
Mr. Canham, in a letter dated April 25, 1961, accused the American
Legion Post of making a "completely false" statement when the Post
contended that Mr. Canham and the _Monitor_ advocated the seating of red
China in the UN. Mr. Canham said:
"This newspaper's editorial policy has never espoused any such
position."
I have in my file a letter which Mr. Canham wrote, April 29, 1960, as
editor of _The Christian Science Monitor_, on the _Monitor's_
letterhead. In this letter, Mr. Canham says:
"I believe that the United States should open diplomatic relations
with communist China."
The interesting thing here is the coincidence of Mr. Canham's policy
with regard to red China, and the policy of the Foreign Policy
Association-World Affairs Center.
The Great Decisions program for 1957 (discussed above) was obviously
intended to lead Americans to acceptance of U. S. diplomatic recognition
of red China. The same material, however, made it clear that the
invisible government was not yet advocating the seating of red China in
the UN! Do these backstairs formulators and managers of United States
opinion and governmental policies have more respect for the UN than they
have for the US? Or, do they fear that bringing red China into the UN
(before U. S. recognition) would finish discrediting that already
discredited organization and cause the American people to demand
American withdrawal?
Christian Scientists (through Mr. Canham and the _Monitor_), Protestants
(through the National Council of Churches), Quakers (through the
American Friends Service Committee), and Jews (through the American
Jewish Committee, The Anti-Defamation League, and other organizations)
are among the religious groups which have publicly supported activities
of the Foreign Policy Association. Powerful Catholic personalities and
publications have endorsed FPA work, too.
On December 9, 1959, The Right Rev. Timothy F. O'Leary, Superintendent
of Catholic Schools for the Archdiocese of Boston, wrote to all Catholic
schools in the district, telling them that he was making plans for their
participation with the World Affairs Council and the Foreign Policy
Association in the Great Decisions 1960 Program.
On November 27, 1960, _Our Sunday Visitor_ (largest and perhaps most
influential Catholic newspaper in America) featured an article by Frank
Folsom, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Board of Directors of
the Radio Corporation of America, and a leading Catholic layman. Mr.
Folsom was effusive in his praise of the FPA-WAC Great Decisions
program.
* * * * *
The interlock between the Council on Foreign Relations and the Foreign
Policy Association-World Affairs Center can be seen in the list of
officers and directors of the FPA-WAC:
Eustace Seligman, Chairman of the FPA-WAC, is a partner in Sullivan
and Cromwell, the law firm of the late John Foster Dulles, a
leading CFR member.
John W. Nason, President of FPA-WAC, is a member of the Council on
Foreign Relations.
Walter H. Wheeler, Jr., President of Pitney-Bowes, Inc., is Vice
Chairman of FPA-WAC, and also a member of the CFR.
Gerald F. Beal, of the J. Henry Schroeder Banking Corporation of
New York, is Treasurer of FPA-WAC, and also a member of the Council
on Foreign Relations.
Mrs. Andrew G. Carey is Secretary of FPA-WAC. Her husband is a
member of the CFR.
Emile E. Soubry, Executive Vice President and Director of the
Standard Oil Company of New Jersey, is Chairman of the Executive
Committee of FPA-WAC, and also a member of the CFR.
Benjamin J. Buttenwieser, of Kuhn, Loeb, and Company, in New York,
is a member of the Executive Committee of FPA-WAC, and also a
member of the CFR.
Joseph E. Johnson (old friend of Alger Hiss, who succeeded Hiss as
President of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace) is a
member of the Executive Committee of the FPA-WAC, and also a member
of the CFR.
Harold F. Linder, Vice Chairman of the General American Investors
Company, is a member of the Executive Committee of FPA-WAC, and
also a member of the CFR.
A. William Loos, Executive Director of the Church Peace Union, is a
member of the Executive Committee of the FPA-WAC. Mr. Loos attended
the CFR meeting with high communist party officials in the Soviet
Union in May, 1961.
Henry Siegbert, formerly a partner in the investment banking firm
of Adolph Lewisohn & Sons, is a member of the Executive Committee
of the FPA-WAC, and also a member of the CFR.
Chapter 4
COMMITTEE FOR ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
On June 20, 1961, _The San Francisco Examiner_ published a United Press
International news story with a June 19, Washington, D. C. date line,
under the headline "J.F.K. Backs Tax Cut Plan."
Here are portions of the article:
"President Kennedy today urged Congress and the people to give a
close study to a monetary reform proposal which would empower him
to cut income taxes in recession periods.
"He issued the statement after receiving a bulky report from the
Commission of [sic] Money and Credit....
"The 27-member commission was set up in 1957 by the Committee for
Economic Development (CED). Its three-year study was financed by
$1.3 million in grants from the CED and the Ford and Merrill
Foundation.
"One of the key recommendations was to give the President limited
power to cut the 20 percent tax rate on the first $2000 of personal
income, if needed to help the economy....
"The report also recommended extensive changes in the Federal
Reserve System, set up in 1913 as the core of the Nation's banking
system...."
This _San Francisco Examiner_ article is a classic example of propaganda
disguised as straight news reporting.
* * * * *
A story about the President supporting a plan for reducing taxes could
not fail to command sympathetic attention. But the truth is that the
tax reform proposals of the Commission on Money and Credit would give
the President as much power and leeway to _raise_ taxes as to lower
them.
In its 282-page report, the Commission made 87 separate proposals. One
would permit the President (on his own initiative) to reduce the basic
income-tax rate (the one that applies to practically every person who
has any income at all) from 20% to 15%. It would also permit the
President to raise the basic rate from 20% to 25%.
The idea of giving the President such power is as alien to American
political principles as communism itself is. The proposed "machinery"
for granting such Presidential power would violate every basic principle
of our constitutional system. Under the Commission's proposal, the
President would announce that he was going to increase or decrease
taxes. If, within sixty days, Congress did not veto the plan, it would
become law, effective for six months, at which time it would have to be
renewed by the same procedure. That is very similar to the Soviet way.
It could not be more foreign to the American way if it had been lifted
from the Soviet constitution.
Other proposals in the report of the Commission on Money and Credit,
filed on June 18, 1961, after a three-year study:
1. The Federal Reserve Act would be amended to give the President
control over the Federal Reserve System--which, as set up in 1913,
is supposed to be free of any kind of political control, from the
White House or elsewhere.
2. The Commission recommends elimination of the legal requirement
that the Federal Reserve System maintain a gold reserve as backing
for American currency. A bill was introduced in Congress (May 9,
1961, by U. S. Congressman Abraham Multer, New York Democrat) to
implement this Commission recommendation. The bill would take away
from American citizens twelve billion dollars in gold which
supports their own currency, and enable government to pour this
gold out to foreigners, as long as it lasts, leaving Americans with
a worthless currency, and at the mercy of foreign governments and
bankers (see the _Dan Smoot Report_, "Gold and Treachery," May 22,
1961).
3. The banking laws of individual states would be ignored or
invalidated: banking laws of 33 states prohibit mutual savings
banks; the Commission on Money and Credit wants a federal law to
permit such banks in all states.
4. The Commission would circumvent, if not eliminate, state laws
governing the insurance industry: the Commission proposes a federal
law which would permit insurance companies to obtain federal
charters and claim federal, rather than state, regulation.
5. The Commission would subject all private pension funds to
federal supervision.
6. The Commission would abolish congressional limitations on the
size of the national debt--so that the debt could go as high as the
President pleased, without any interference from Congress.
7. The Commission recommends that Congress approve all federal
public works projects three years in advance, so that the President
could order the projects _when he felt_ the economy needed
stimulation.
Remembering how President Kennedy and his administrative officials and
congressional leaders used political extortion and promises of bribes
with public money to force the House of Representatives, in January,
1961, to pack the House Rules Committee, imagine how the President could
whip Congress, and the whole nation, into line if the President had just
_some_ of the additional, unconstitutional power which the Commission on
Money and Credit wants him to have.
* * * * *
The objective of the Commission on Money and Credit (to finish the
conversion of America into a total socialist state, under the
dictatorship of whatever "proletarian" happens to be enthroned in the
White House) can be seen, between the lines, in the Commission's remarks
about the "formidable problem" of unemployment.
The Commission wants unemployment to drop to the point where the number
of jobless workers will equal the number of vacant jobs! And the clear
implication is that the federal government must adopt whatever policies
necessary to create this condition.
Such a condition can exist only in a slave system--like the socialist
system of communist China where, for example, all "farmers" (men, women,
and children) enjoy full employment; under the whips of overseers, on
the collective farms of communism.
The Commission on Money and Credit was created on November 21, 1957, by
the Committee for Economic Development (CED). In the 1957 Annual Report
of the CED, Mr. Donald K. David, CED Chairman, gave the history of the
Commission on Money and Credit. Mr. David said:
"CED began nine years ago [1948] to call attention to the need for
a comprehensive reassessment of our entire system of money and
credit.
"When the last such survey of the economic scene was made by the
Aldrich Commission in 1911, we had no central banking system, no
guaranteed deposits or guaranteed mortgages. There were no personal
or corporate income taxes; no group insurance plans, pension funds,
or Social Security system....
"Although CED had envisaged a commission created by government, the
inability of government to obtain the consensus required for
launching the study became as apparent as the need for avoiding
further delay. So, after receiving encouragement from other
research institutions, leaders in Congress, the Administration, and
from various leaders in private life, CED's Trustees decided to
sponsor the effort, assisted by a grant from The Ford
Foundation...."
Here is the membership of the CED's Commission on Money and Credit:
Frazar B. Wilde, Chairman (President of Connecticut General Life
Insurance Company)
Hans Christian Sonne, Vice-Chairman (New York; official in numerous
foundations and related organizations, such as Twentieth Century
Fund; American-Scandanavian Foundation; National Planning
Association; and so on)
Adolf A. Berle, Jr. (New York; Berle has been in and out of
important posts in government for many years; he is an
anti-communist socialist; he resigned from the Commission on Money
and Credit to accept his present job handling Latin American
affairs in the State Department)
James B. Black (Chairman of the Board of Pacific Gas and Electric
Company)
Marriner S. Eccles (Chairman of the Board of the First Security
Corporation; formerly Assistant to the Secretary of the Treasury
under Roosevelt; Governor of Federal Reserve Board; and official in
numerous international banking organizations, such as the
Export-Import Bank)
Lamar Fleming, Jr. (Chairman of the Board of Anderson, Clayton &
Co., Houston, Texas)
Henry H. Fowler (Washington, D.C.; resigned from the Commission on
February 3 to accept appointment from Kennedy as Under Secretary of
the Treasury)
Gaylord A. Freeman, Jr. (President of the First National Bank,
Chicago)
Philip M. Klutznick (Park Forest, Ill., resigned from the
Commission on February 8, to accept appointment from President
Kennedy as United States Representative to the United Nations
Economic and Social Council)
Fred Lazarus, Jr. (Chairman of the Board of Federated Department
Stores, Inc.)
Isador Lubin (Professor of Public Affairs at Rutgers University)
J. Irwin Miller (Chairman of the Board of Cummins Engine Company)
Robert R. Nathan (Washington, D.C.; has been in and out of many
important government jobs since the first Roosevelt Administration)
Emil Rieve (President emeritus of the Textile Workers
Union--AFL-CIO)
David Rockefeller (President of Chase Manhattan Bank)
Stanley H. Ruttenberg (Research Director for AFL-CIO)
Charles Sawyer (Cincinnati lawyer, prominent in Democratic Party
politics in Ohio)
Earl B. Schwulst (President of the Bowery Savings Bank in New York)
Charles B. Shuman (President of the American Farm Bureau
Federation)
Jesse W. Tapp (Chairman of the Board, Bank of America)
John Cameron Thomson (former Chairman of the Board of Northwest
Bancorporation, Minneapolis)
Willard L. Thorp (Director of the Merrill Center for Economics at
Amherst College)
Theodore O. Yntema (Vice President in Charge of Finance, Ford Motor
Company)
William F. Schnitzler (Secretary-Treasurer of AFL-CIO; resigned
from the Commission in 1960)
Joseph M., Dodge (Chairman of the Board of Detroit Bank and Trust
Co.; resigned from the Commission in 1960)
Beardsley Ruml (well-known and influential new deal economist who
held numerous posts with foundations and related organizations; is
sometimes called the father of the federal withholding tax law,
enacted during World War II; Dr. Ruml died before the Commission on
Money and Credit completed its report)
Fred T. Greene (President of the Home Loan Bank of Indianapolis;
died before the Commission completed its report)
The director of research for the Commission Was Dr. Bertrand Fox,
professor at the Harvard Graduate School of Business Administration. His
assistant was Dr. Eli Shapiro, Professor of Finance at the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology.
Of the 27 persons who served as members of the Commission on Money and
Credit, 13 (Wilde, Sonne, Berle, Fleming, Fowler, Lubin, Nathan,
Rockefeller, Tapp, Thorp, Yntema, Dodge, Ruml) were members of the
Council on Foreign Relations.
In other words, the Commission on Money and Credit was just another
tax-exempt propaganda agency of America's invisible government, the
Council on Foreign Relations.
* * * * *
The above discussion of the Commission on Money and Credit, together
with the roster of membership, was first published in _The Dan Smoot
Report_ dated July 3, 1961.
On September 22, 1961, Mr. Charles B. Shuman, President of the American
Farm Bureau Federation, wrote me a letter, saying:
"I was a member of the Commission on Money and Credit but you will
notice that I filed very strong objections to several of the
recommendations which you brought to the attention of your
readers. I do not agree with the Commission recommendations to
authorize the President of the United States to vary the rate of
income tax. Neither do I agree that the gold reserve requirement
should be abandoned. I agree with several of your criticisms of the
Report but I cannot agree that 'the objective of the Commission on
Money and Credit (to finish the conversion of America into a total
socialist state, under the dictatorship of whatever proletarian
happens to be enthroned in the White House) can be seen, between
the lines, in the Commission's remarks about the formidable problem
of unemployment.'
"At its worst, it was a compromise of the divergent viewpoint of
the conservative and liberal members of the Commission."
I will not argue with Mr. Shuman, an honest and honorable man, about the
objective of the Commission; but I will reassert the obvious:
recommendations of the Commission on Money and Credit, if fully
implemented, would finish the conversion of America into a total
socialist state.
* * * * *
As pointed out before, the various agencies which interlock with the
Council on Foreign Relations do not have formal affiliation with the
Council, or generally, with each other; but their effective togetherness
is revealed by their unanimity of purpose: They are all working toward
the ultimate objective of creating a one-world socialist system and
making America a part of it.
This ambitious scheme was first conceived and put into operation, during
the administrations of Woodrow Wilson, by Colonel Edward M. House, and
by the powerful international bankers whom House influenced.
House founded the Council on Foreign Relations for the purpose of
creating (and conditioning the American people to accept) what House
called a "positive" foreign policy for America--a policy which would
entwine the affairs of America with those of other nations until this
nation would be sucked into a world-government arrangement.
Colonel House knew, however, that America could not become a province in
a one-world socialist system unless America's economy was first
socialized. Consequently, House laid the groundwork for "positive"
domestic policies of government too--policies which could gradually
place government in control of the nation's economy until, before the
public realized what was happening, we would already have a socialist
dictatorship.
The following passages are from pages 152-157 of _The Intimate Papers of
Colonel House_:
"The extent of Colonel House's influence upon the legislative plans
of the Administration [Wilson's] may be gathered from a remarkable
document.... In the autumn of 1912, immediately after the
presidential election [when Wilson was elected for his first term]
there was published a novel, or political romance, entitled _Philip
Dru: Administrator_.
"It was the story of a young West Point graduate ... who was caught
by the spirit of revolt against the tyranny of privileged
interests. A stupid and reactionary government at Washington
provokes armed rebellion, in which Dru joins whole-heartedly and
which he ultimately leads to complete success. He himself becomes a
dictator and proceeds by ordinance to remake the mechanism of
government, to reform the basic laws that determine the relation of
the classes, to remodel the defensive forces of the republic, and
to bring about an international grouping or league of powers....
"Five years after its publication, an enterprising bookseller,
noting the growing influence of House in the Wilson Administration,
wrote with regard to the book: 'As time goes on the interest in it
becomes more intense, due to the fact that so many of the ideas
expressed by _Philip Dru: Administrator_, have become laws of this
Republic, and so many of his ideas have been discussed as becoming
laws.... Is Colonel E. M. House of Texas the author?' ...
"Colonel House was, in truth, the author....
"'Philip Dru' ... gives us an insight into the main political and
social principles that actuated House in his companionship with
President Wilson. Through it runs the note of social democracy
reminiscent of Louis Blanc and the revolutionaries of 1848....
"Through the book also runs the idea that in the United States,
government is unresponsive to popular desires--a 'negative'
government, House calls it....
"The specific measures enacted by Philip Dru as Administrator of
the nation, indicated the reforms desired by House.
"The Administrator appointed a 'board composed of economists ...
who ... were instructed to work out a tariff law which would
contemplate the abolition of the theory of protection as a
governmental policy.'
"'The Administrator further directed the tax board to work out a
graduated income tax....
"Philip Dru also provided for the 'formulation of a new banking
law, affording a flexible currency bottomed largely upon commercial
assets.... He also proposed making corporations share with the
government and states a certain part of their earnings....
"'Labor is no longer to be classed as an inert commodity to be
bought and sold by the law of supply and demand.'
"Dru 'prepared an old age pension law and also a laborer's
insurance law....'
"'He had incorporated in the Franchise Law the right of Labor to
have one representative upon the boards of corporations and to
share a certain percentage of the earnings above the wages, after a
reasonable percent upon the capital had been earned. In turn, it
was to be obligatory upon them (the laborers) not to strike, but to
submit all grievances to arbitration.'"
Need it be pointed out that "Louis Blanc and the revolutionaries of
1848," on whom Colonel House patterned his plan for remaking America,
had a scheme for the world virtually identical with that of Karl Marx
and Frederick Engles--those socialist revolutionaries who wrote the
_Communist Manifesto_ in 1848?
* * * * *
In 1918, Franklin K. Lane, Woodrow Wilson's Secretary of the Interior,
in a private letter, wrote, concerning the influence of 'Philip Dru' on
President Wilson:
"All that book has said should be, comes about.... The President
comes to _Philip Dru_, in the end."
The _end_ is a socialist dictatorship of the proletariat, identical with
that which now exists in the Soviet Union. We have already "come to" a
major portion of Colonel House's program for us. The unrealized portions
of the program are now promises in the platforms of both our major
political parties, they are in the legislative proposals of the
Administration in power and of its leaders in Congress; they are the
objectives of the Council on Foreign Relations, whose members occupy key
posts in Government, from the Presidency downward, and who dominate a
vast network of influential, tax-exempt "educational" agencies, whose
role is to "educate" the Congress and the people to accept the total
socialist program for America.
The Committee for Economic Development (which created the Commission on
Money and Credit) is the major propaganda arm of the Council on Foreign
Relations, in the important work of socializing the American economy.
* * * * *
Paul G. Hoffman is the father of CED. Hoffman, an influential member of
the CFR, was formerly President of Studebaker Corp.; former President of
Ford Foundation; Honorary Chairman of the Fund for the Republic; has
held many powerful jobs in government since the days of Roosevelt; and
is now Director of the Special United Nations Fund for Economic
Development--SUNFED--the UN agency which is giving American tax money as
economic aid to communist Castro in Cuba. Hoffman, in 1939, conceived
the idea of setting up a tax-exempt "economic committee" which would
prepare new economic policies for the nation and then prepare the public
and Congress to accept them.
Hoffman founded the Committee for Economic Development in 1942. The
organization was incorporated in September of that year, with Paul G.
Hoffman as Chairman. Major offices in the Committee for Economic
Development have always been occupied by members of the Council on
Foreign Relations--persons who generally have important positions in
many other interlocking organizations, in the foundations, in the big
corporations which finance the great interlock, and/or in government.
* * * * *
Here are the Council on Foreign Relations members who joined Paul
Hoffman in setting up the CED in 1942:
William Benton (former U.S. Senator, now Chairman of the Board of
_Encyclopaedia Britannica_; former Assistant Secretary of State;
Trustee and former Vice President, University of Chicago)
Will L. Clayton (founder of Anderson, Clayton & Co., Houston;
former Assistant Secretary of Commerce and Under Secretary of State
under Roosevelt and Truman; Eisenhower's National Security Training
Commissioner)
Ralph E. Flanders (former United States Senator)
Marion B. Folsom (Eisenhower's Secretary of the Department of
Health, Education, and Welfare; many other positions in the
Roosevelt and Truman Administrations; Board of Overseers, Harvard)
Eric A. Johnston (former Director, Economic Stabilization Agency;
many other positions in the Roosevelt-Truman-Eisenhower
Administrations; former Director and President of U.S. Chamber of
Commerce; now President of the Motion Picture Association of
America)
Thomas B. McCabe (former Lend-Lease Administrator; former Chairman
of the Board of Governors, Federal Reserve System; President of
Scott Paper Company since 1927)
Harry Scherman (founder and Chairman of the Board, Book of the
Month Club, Inc.)
* * * * *
Here are Council on Foreign Relations members who were Chairmen of the
Committee for Economic Development from 1942 through 1959:
Paul G. Hoffman, 1942-48
Marion B. Folsom, 1950-53
Meyer Kestnbaum, 1953-55 (President, Hart Schaffner & Marx;
Director, Fund for the Republic; Director, Chicago and Northwestern
Railroad)
J. D. Zellerbach, 1955-57 (Eisenhower's Ambassador to Italy;
President and Director of Crown-Zellerbach Corp.; Chairman of the
Board and Director, Fibreboard Products, Inc.; Director, Wells
Fargo Bank & Union Trust Co.)
Donald K. David, 1957-59 (Dean, Harvard University; Trustee of the
Ford Foundation, Carnegie Institute, Merrill Foundation; Board of
Directors, R. H. Macy & Co., General Electric Corp., First National
City Bank of New York, Aluminum, Ltd., Ford Motor Co.)
Of the CED Board of Trustees listed in the CED's 1957 Annual Report, 47
were members of the Council on Foreign Relations.
* * * * *
The Research and Policy Committee of the Committee for Economic
Development is the select inner-group which actually runs the CED. In
1957, the following members of the Research and Policy Committee were
also members of the Council on Foreign Relations:
Frazar B. Wilde, Chairman
Frank Altschul (Chairman of the Board, General American Investors
Corp.; Vice Chairman, National Planning Association; Vice
President, Woodrow Wilson Foundation)
Elliott V. Bell (former economic adviser to Thomas E. Dewey; former
research consultant to Wendell Willkie; now Chairman of the
Executive Committee, McGraw-Hill Publishing Co., Inc.; Publisher
and Editor of _Business Week_; Director of Bank of Manhattan Co.,
New York Life Insurance Co., Carrier Corp., Trustee of the John S.
Guggenheim Memorial Foundation)
William Benton
Thomas D. Cabot (former Director of Office of International
Security Affairs, State Department; now President of Godfrey L.
Cabot, Inc.; Director of John Hancock Mutual Life Insurance Co.,
American Mutual Liability Insurance Co.; Trustee, Hampton
Institute, Radcliff College; member of the Corporation of
Massachusetts Institute of Technology)
Walker L. Cisler (former member of the Atomic Energy Commission,
Economic Cooperation Administration, Military Government of
Germany; now President of Detroit-Edison Co., Trustee, Cornell
University)
Emilio G. Collado (former State Department career official; now
Treasurer, Standard Oil Company of New Jersey)
Gardner Cowles (former Domestic Director, Office of War
Information; now President, _Des Moines Register & Tribune_, Cowles
Magazines, Inc.--_Look_, etc.--)
Donald K. David
William C. Foster (former Under Secretary of Commerce, Deputy
Secretary of Defense; now Executive Vice President, Olin Mathieson
Chemical Corp.)
Philip L. Graham (former law secretary to Supreme Court Justices
Stanley Reed and Felix Frankfurter; now President and Publisher of
_The Washington Post and Times Herald_)
Meyer Kestnbaum
Thomas B. McCabe
Don G. Mitchell (Chairman of the Board, Sylvania Electric Products,
Inc.)
Alfred C. Neal (former official, Office of Price Administration;
now member of the Board of Governors, Federal Reserve Bank of
Boston; President of CED)
Howard C. Petersen (former council to Committee to Draft Selective
Service Regulations; Assistant Secretary of War; now President,
Philadelphia Trust Company; Trustee, Temple University)
Philip D. Reed (many positions in the Roosevelt and Truman
Administrations; member, U. S. Delegation to UN Conference at San
Francisco, 1945; now Chairman, Finance Committee, General Electric
Co.; Director of Canadian General Electric Co., Bankers Trust Co.,
Metropolitan Life Insurance Co.)
Beardsley Ruml
Harry Scherman
Wayne Chatfield Taylor (many government positions including
Assistant Secretary of Treasury, Under Secretary of Commerce;
presently an economic adviser)
Theodore O. Yntema
* * * * *
In its annual report for 1957, the Committee for Economic Development
boasted of some of its past accomplishments and its future plans.
Mr. Howard C. Petersen, Chairman of the CED's Subcommittee on Economic
Development Assistance (and a member of the Council on Foreign
Relations) said that his committee originated the idea of creating the
Development Loan Fund, which was authorized by Congress in Section 6 of
the Foreign Aid Bill of 1957, which Eisenhower established by Executive
Order on December 13, 1957, and which may be the most sinister step ever
taken by the internationalist foreign-aid lobby.
In 1956, when President Eisenhower requested an appropriation of
$4,860,000,000 for foreign aid, he asked Congress to authorize foreign
aid commitments for the next ten years. Congress refused the ten-year
plan. In 1957, the internationalists' ideal of a _permanent_
authorization for foreign aid was wrapped up in the Development Loan
Fund scheme.
Only a few Congressmen raised any question about it. Below are passages
taken from the _Congressional Record_ of July 15, 1957, the day the
Development Loan Fund was discussed in the House.
Congressman A. S. J. Carnahan (Democrat, Missouri) floor manager for the
Foreign Aid Bill, rose to explain Section 6, which established the
Development Loan Fund, saying:
"The United States, in order to provide effective assistance [to
all underdeveloped countries of the world] ... must have available
a substantial fund upon which it can draw. The fund must be large
enough so that all of the underdeveloped nations of the free world
will feel that they will have an opportunity to participate in it.
"We cannot wisely say that we should make a small amount available
the first year and see how things work out. If we are able to offer
assistance only to the select few, we will inevitably antagonize
many other countries whose future friendship and cooperation will
be important to us ... in addition to an initial authorization of
an appropriation of $500 million, the bill includes authorization
for borrowing from the Treasury $500 million beginning in fiscal
1959, and an additional $500 million beginning in fiscal 1960."
Thus, Congressman Carnahan, arguing for foreign aid, outlined some of
the absurd fallacies of foreign aid: namely, if we give foreign aid at
all, we must provide enough so that every foreign government in the
world will always be able to get all it wants. We can exercise no choice
in whom we give or lend our money to. If we give only "to the select
few" we offend all others.
Congressman H. R. Gross (Republican, Iowa) asked a question:
"What interest rate will be charged upon the loans that are to be
made?"
Congressman Carnahan:
"The legislation does not designate the interest rate."
Mr. Gross:
"What will be the length of the loan to be made?"
Mr. Carnahan:
"The legislation does not designate the length of the loans. The
rules for the loans, which will determine the interest rates, the
length of time the loans will run, the size of the installment
repayments, and other administrative details, will be taken care of
by the Executive Department."
Congressman John L. Pilcher (Democrat, Georgia) made the point that the
manager of the Development Loan Fund, appointed by the President, could
lend money to:
"any foreign government or foreign government agency, to any
corporation, any individual or any group of persons."
Congressman Carnahan:
"That is correct."
Congressman Pilcher:
"In other words, it would be possible for an individual to borrow
$1 million or $5 million to set up some business in some foreign
country, if the manager so agreed; is that correct?"
Congressman Carnahan:
"If they met the criteria set up for loans."
Congressman Pilcher:
"The manager ... has the authority to collect or compromise any
obligation in this fund. In other words, he can make a loan this
month and if he so desires he can turn around and compromise it or
cancel it next month which is a straight out grant in the disguise
of a soft-loan program."
Congressman Porter Hardy, Jr. (Democrat, Virginia) said:
"The manager of the Fund has almost unlimited authority to do
anything he pleases."
Congressman Barratt O'Hara (Democrat, Illinois), trying to quiet fears
that this bill was granting unlimited, uncontrollable power to some
appointed manager, said that the blank-check grant of authority was not
really being made to the fund manager at all. The power was being given
to the President of the United States, and the manager would merely
"perform such functions with respect to this title as the President may
direct."
Congressman Gross said:
"That is more power than any President should ask for or want the
responsibility for."
Congressman Leon H. Gavin (Republican, Pennsylvania) pointed out that we
already have 5 or 6 lending agencies in this field: The International
Co-operation Administration; the Export-Import Bank; the International
Bank; the International Monetary Fund; the International Development
Corporation; and the World Bank. Why, then, do we need this new one, the
Development Loan Fund?
Congressman Walter H. Judd (Republican, Minnesota) had already answered
that question, explaining that Development Loan Fund money would go to
foreigners who could not qualify for loans from other agencies.
Congressman Gross said that all foreign nations which will borrow from
this Fund could get all the American private capital they need if they
had political systems which made lending to them sensible or feasible.
In short, the Development Loan Fund (which the Committee for Economic
Development boasts paternity of) is a scheme for giving American tax
money to foreigners who have proven themselves such poor credit risks
that they cannot obtain loans even from other governmental and UN
agencies--and who will use the money to line their own pockets and to
build socialistic enterprises which will eliminate possibilities of
freedom in their own land, and will compete in world markets with
American enterprise.
* * * * *
In its 1957 annual report, the CED also boasted about the work of its
Area Development Committee. At that time, the two leading members of
this particular committee of the CED (who were also members of the
Council on Foreign Relations) were Mr. Stanley Marcus, President of
Neiman-Marcus Co., in Dallas; and the late Dr. Beardsley Ruml, widely
known New Deal socialist "economist." Mr. Jervis J. Babb, Chairman of
the CED's Area Development Committee (President of Lever Brothers
Company) said:
"The new area development program, approved by the Trustees [of
CED] at their May [1957] meeting in Chicago is underway....
Already, close relationships have been established with
organizations, both public and private, that are conducting
research and administering programs relating to area
development....
"Five of CED's College-Community Research Centers ... have been
selected as a starting point of CED's area development pilot
projects. The five centers are: Boston, Utica, Alabama, Arkansas,
and Oklahoma."
The CED's Area Development work has brought CED personnel into close
cooperation with the collection of tax-exempt "municipal planning"
organizations housed in a Rockefeller-financed center at 1313 East 60th
Street, Chicago, which has become national headquarters for the
production and placement of experts--who fabricate "progressive"
legislation for government at all levels; who rewrite our "archaic"
state constitutions; and who take over as city managers, or county
managers, or metropolitan managers, or regional managers whenever people
in any locality have progressed to the point of accepting government by
imported experts as a substitute for government by elected local
citizens.
In other words, through the Area Development activities of the Committee
for Economic Development, the invisible government of America--the
Council on Foreign Relations--has a hand in the powerful drive for
Metropolitan Government. Metropolitan Government, as conceived by
socialist planners, would destroy the whole fabric of government and
social organization in the United States.
* * * * *
Metropolitan Government would eliminate the individual states as
meaningful political entities, would divide the nation into metropolitan
regions sprawling across state lines, and would place the management of
these regional governments in the hands of appointed experts answerable
not to local citizens but to the supreme political power in Washington.
(For detailed discussion, see _The Dan Smoot Report_, April 13 and 20,
1959, "Metropolitan Government--Part One," and "Metropolitan
Government--Part Two.")
Through the Area Development activities of the Committee for Economic
Development, the Council on Foreign Relations has supported the Urban
Renewal program.
Urban Renewal with federal tax money was authorized in the National
Housing Act of 1949, and enlarged in scope by amendments to the Housing
Acts of 1954, 1956, and 1957; but it did not become a vigorously
promoted nationwide program until late 1957, after the Council on
Foreign Relations (through the CED) started pushing it.
* * * * *
Urban Renewal is a federally financed program of city planning which
requires city governments to seize homes and other private property from
some citizens and re-sell them, at below cost, to real estate promoters
and other private citizens for developments that the city planners
consider desirable.
Under the ancient, but awesome, right of eminent domain, city
governments do not have the power to take private real estate from one
citizen for the profit of another citizen. But in November, 1954, the
Supreme Court in an urban renewal case, said that Congress and state
legislature can do anything they like to the private property of private
citizens as long as they claim they are doing it for public good.
Federal urban renewal has opened rich veins of public money for graft,
corruption, and political vote buying; and it is destroying private
property rights under the pretext that clearing slums will eliminate the
causes of crime. Moreover, urban renewal authorizes the seizure not just
of slum property, but of all private property in a whole section of a
city, for resale to private interests which promise to build something
that governmental planners will like.
Federal urban renewal--since the Council on Foreign Relation's CED
started supporting it--has become a national movement with frightful
implications and dangers. (For detailed discussion of urban renewal, see
_The Dan Smoot Report_, September 29, 1958, and October 6, 1958.)
* * * * *
In its 1957 Annual Report, the Committee for Economic Development gave
details on its educational work in public schools and colleges. This
work was, at that time, carried on primarily by the CED's
Business-Education Committee, and by two subsidiary operations which
that Committee created: the College-Community Research Centers and the
Joint Council on Economic Education. From the 1957 Annual Report of the
Committee for Economic Development:
"CED's efforts to promote and improve economic education in the
schools are of special appeal to those who are concerned ... both
with education and the progress of the free enterprise system. The
Business-Education program and the numerous College-Community
Research Centers it has sponsored, together with the use of CED
publications as teaching materials, represent an important
contribution to economic education on the college level.
"In the primary and secondary schools, the introduction of
economics into teaching programs is moving forward steadily, thanks
largely to the Joint Council on Economic Education which CED helped
to establish and continues to support....
"The Business-Education Committee continued in 1957 its work with
the College-Community Research Centers and with the Joint Council
on Economic Education.
"The Joint Council's program to improve the teaching of economics
in the public schools is now operating in 39 states, and the 25
college-community research centers active last year brought to more
than 3000 the number of business and academic men who have worked
together on economic research projects of local and regional
importance....
"In its work, the committee [Business-Education Committee] is
finding especially valuable the experience gained through the
operation of the College-Community Research Centers. These centers
are financed partly by CED, partly by the Fund for Adult Education
[a Ford Foundation operation] and partly by locally-raised
funds....
"The Joint Council [on Economic Education] is making excellent
progress in training teachers and incorporating economics education
in all grade levels of public school systems. In addition to its
national service programs, the Council has developed strong local
or state councils which not only help guide its work but last year
raised more than $500,000 to finance local projects.
"CED helped to establish and works closely with this independent
organization [Joint Council on Economic Education] which is now
conducting four major types of activities.
"1. _Summer Workshops for Teachers._ These working sessions,
sponsored by colleges and universities, provide three weeks
training in economics and develop ways to incorporate economics
into the school curriculum. Over 19,000 persons have participated
since the program began.
"2. _Cooperating School Program._ Twenty school systems are working
with the Joint Council [on Economic Education] to demonstrate how
economics can be incorporated into the present curriculum....
"3. _College Program._ Few students majoring in education now take
economics courses; therefore, 20 leading institutions are working
with the Joint Council [on Economic Education] to develop better
training in economics for prospective teachers....
"4. _High School-Community Projects._ The Joint Council [on
Economic Education] is helping to conduct demonstration programs
which show how students can use community resources to improve
their economics education. For example, the Whittier, California
school system conducted a six-week program to help high school
seniors understand the kind of economy in which they would live and
work. They joined in research studies on regional economic problems
being carried on by the Southern California College-Community
research center...."
The Committee for Economic Development claims that its educational work
in economics is dedicated to progress of free enterprise; and many of
its programs in schools and colleges are educational; but its subtle and
relentless emphasis is on the governmental interventionism that is the
essence of New-Dealism, Fair-Dealism, Modern-Republicanism, and
New-Frontierism--the governmental interventionism prescribed long ago as
the way to socialize the economy of America in preparation for
integrating this nation into a worldwide socialist system.
* * * * *
Paul Hoffman's CED has come a long way since 1942. In 1957, the CED's
College-Community Research Centers had "Projects in Progress" in 33
institutions of higher learning:
Bates College, Boston College, Boston University, Bowdoin College,
Brown University, Colby College, Dartmouth College, Emory
University, Harvard Graduate School of Business Administration,
Iowa State College, Lewis & Clark College, McGill University,
Northeastern University, Northwestern University, Occidental
College, Pomona College, Reed College, Rutgers University, Southern
Methodist University, Tulane University, University of Alabama,
University of Arkansas, University of Iowa, University of Maine,
University of Michigan, University of Minnesota, University of
North Carolina, University of Oklahoma, University of Pennsylvania,
University of Washington, University of Wisconsin, Utica College of
Syracuse University, and Washington University.
* * * * *
In 1957, the following institutions of higher learning were
participating in the CED's Joint Council on Economic Education "College
Program" to develop training in economics for prospective teachers:
Brigham Young University, George Peabody College for Teachers,
Indiana University, Montclair State Teachers College, New York
University, Ohio State University, Oklahoma A & M College,
Pennsylvania State University, Purdue University, Syracuse
University, Teachers College of Columbia University, University of
Colorado, University of Connecticut, University of Illinois,
University of Iowa, University of Minnesota, University of Southern
California, University of Tennessee, University of Texas,
University of Washington.
* * * * *
In 1957, the following 20 school systems were working in the CED's Joint
Council on Economic Education "Cooperating School Program," to
demonstrate how economics can be incorporated in the school curriculum,
beginning in the first grade:
Akron, Ohio; Albion, Illinois; Chattanooga, Tennessee; Colton,
California; Dayton, Ohio; Fort Dodge, Iowa; Hartford, Connecticut;
Kalamazoo, Michigan; Lexington, Alabama; Minneapolis, Minnesota;
New York City, New York; Portland, Oregon; Providence, Rhode
Island; Ridgewood, New Jersey; Seattle, Washington; Syracuse, New
York; University City, Missouri; Webster Groves, Missouri; West
Hartford, Connecticut; Whittier, California.
As indicated, the Business-Education Committee of the CED is the select
group which supervises this vast "educational" effort reaching into
public schools, colleges, and communities throughout the nation:
_James L. Allen_, Senior Partner of Booz, Allen & Hamilton; _Jervis
J. Babb_, Chairman of the Board of Lever Brothers, Company; _Sarah
G. Blanding_, President of Vassar College; _W. Harold Brenton_,
President of Brenton Brothers, Inc.; _James F. Brownlee_, former
government official who is Chairman of the Board of the Minute Maid
Corporation, and a director of many other large corporations, such
as American Sugar Refining Co., Bank of Manhattan, Gillette Safety
Razor, R. H. Macy Co., Pillsbury Mills, American Express; _Everett
Needham Case_, President of Colgate University; _James B. Conant_,
former President of Harvard and Ambassador to Germany; _John T.
Connor_, President of Merck & Co.; _John S. Dickey_, President of
Dartmouth College; _John M. Fox_, President of Minute Maid
Corporation; _Paul S. Gerot_, President of Pillsbury Mills;
_Stanley Marcus_, President of Neiman-Marcus; _W. A. Patterson_,
President of United Air Lines; _Morris B. Pendleton_, President of
Pendleton Tool Industries; _Walter Rothschild_, Chairman of the
Board of Abraham & Straus; _Thomas J. Watson, Jr._, President of
International Business Machines Corporation; _J. Cameron Thomson_,
Chairman of the Board of Northwest Bancorporation.
Note that three of these CED Business-Education Committee
members--Conant, Dickey, and Marcus--are influential members of the
Council on Foreign Relations and have many connections with the big
foundations financing the great CFR interlock.
* * * * *
In addition to the educational work which it discusses in its 1957
Annual Report, the Committee for Economic Development utilizes many
other means to inject its (and the CFR's) economic philosophies into
community thought-streams throughout the nation.
Here, for example, are passages from a news story in _The Dallas Morning
News_, June 30, 1953:
"Dallas businessmen and Southern Methodist University officials
Monday [June 29] launched a $25,000 business research project
financed through agencies of the Ford Foundation.
"Stanley Marcus of Dallas, a national trustee of Ford Foundation's
Committee for Economic Development, said the project would go on
two or three years under foundation funds. After that ... the City
might foot the bill....
"The SMU project--along with several others like it throughout the
nation--is designed to foster study in regional and local business
problems, Marcus commented.
"Here's how the Dallas project will work:
"A business executive committee, composed of some of Dallas' top
businessmen, will be selected. These men then will select a group
of younger executives for a business executive research committee.
This will be the working group, Marcus explained....
"At SMU, several of the schools' chief officials will act as a
senior faculty committee.... Acting as co-ordinator for the project
will be Warren A. Law ... who soon will get his doctorate in
economics from Harvard University."
The "experimental" stage of this Business Executives Research Committee
lasted five years in Dallas. During that time, the researchers filed two
major reports: an innocuous one in 1955 concerning traffic and transit
problems in Dallas; and a most significant one in 1956, strongly urging
metropolitan government for Dallas County, patterned after the metro
system in Toronto, Canada.
* * * * *
In October, 1958, Dr. Donald K. David, then Chairman of the Committee
for Economic Development and Vice Chairman of the Ford Foundation (and
also a member of the Council on Foreign Relations) went to Dallas to
speak to the Citizens Council, an organization composed of leading
Dallas business executives, whose president that year was Stanley
Marcus.
Dr. David told the business men that they should give greater support
and leadership to the government's foreign aid program; and, of course,
he urged vast expansion of foreign aid, particularly to "underdeveloped
nations."
That was the signal and the build-up. The next month--November,
1958--the experimental Business Executives Research Committee, which the
CED had formed in 1953 and which had already completed its mission with
its report and recommendation on metropolitan government for Dallas, was
converted into "The Dallas CED Associates."
Here is a news story about that event, taken from the November 11, 1958,
_Dallas Morning News_:
"A Dallas Committee for Economic Development--the first of its kind
in the nation--has been founded at Southern Methodist University.
It will give voice to Southwestern opinions--and knowledge--on
economic, matters or international importance. Keystone will be an
economic research center to be established soon at SMU.
"A steering group composed of Dallas and Southwestern business,
industrial and educational leaders laid the groundwork for both
committee and center in a weekend meeting at SMU."
The "steering group" included George McGhee and Neil Mallon.
Mr. McGhee (presently Assistant Secretary of State for Policy Planning)
is, and has been for many years, a member of the Council on Foreign
Relations.
Neil Mallon, then Chairman of the Board of Dresser Industries and a
former official of the Foreign Policy Association, founded the Dallas
Council on World Affairs in 1951. Dresser Industries is one of the big
corporations which contribute money to the Council on Foreign Relations.
In the group with Mr. McGhee and Mr. Mallon were five SMU officials, a
Dallas banker, a real estate man, and Stanley Marcus, the head man in
the "steering group" which set up the Dallas Associates of the Committee
for Economic Development.
The first literary product of the Dallas Associates of the CED--at
least, the first to come to my attention--is a most expensive-looking
14-page printed booklet entitled "The Role of Private Enterprise in the
Economic Development of Underdeveloped Nations." The title page reveals
that this pamphlet is a policy statement of The Dallas Associates of
CED. It is little more than a rewrite of the speech which Dr. Donald K.
David had made to the Dallas Citizens Council in November, 1958, urging
business to give support and leadership to the government's foreign aid
programs.
Chapter 5
BUSINESS ADVISORY COUNCIL
Whereas the Foreign Policy Association-World Affairs Center is primarily
interested in fostering the _foreign_ policy desired by the CFR, and the
Committee for Economic Development is primarily interested in
formulating economic and other policies which, through governmental
controls, will lead us into total socialism--another, smaller (but, in
some ways, more powerful) organization has (or, until mid-1961, had) the
primary responsibility of infiltrating government: of selecting men whom
the CFR wants in particular jobs, and of formulating, inside the
agencies of government, policies which the CFR wants. This small but
mighty organization was the Business Advisory Council.
Daniel C. Roper, F. D. Roosevelt's Secretary of Commerce, formed the
Business Advisory Council on June 26, 1933. Roper set it up as a panel
of big businessmen to act as unofficial advisers to President Roosevelt.
He was disappointed in it, however. The biggest businessmen in America
did, indeed, join; but they did not support the total New Deal as Roper
had expected they would when he made them "advisers."
Roper, however, was a figurehead. The brains behind the formation of the
Business Advisory Council were in the head of Sidney J. Weinberg, Senior
Partner of the New York investment house of Goldman, Sachs & Co.--and
also on the boards of directors of about thirty of the biggest
corporations in America. Weinberg helped organize the BAC. He recruited
most of its key members. He was content to let America's big businessmen
ripen for a while in the sunshine of the New Deal's "new" philosophy of
government, before expecting them to give that philosophy full support.
Secretary of Commerce Daniel C. Roper pouted and ignored the Business
Advisory Council when he discovered that the big businessmen, enrolled
as governmental "advisors," tried to advise things that governmental
leaders did not like. But Sidney Weinberg was shrewd, and had a
definite, long-range plan for the Business Advisory Council. He held the
BAC together as a kind of social club, keeping the big business men
under constant exposure to the "new" economic philosophies of the New
Deal, waiting for the propitious moment to enlist America's leading
capitalists on the side of the socialist revolutionaries, determined to
destroy capitalism and create a one-world socialist society.
* * * * *
The right time came in 1939, when World War II started in Europe and
Roosevelt developed his incurable ambition to get in that war and become
President of the World. Plans for America's frenzied spending on
national defense began in 1939. With mammoth government contracts in the
offing, Weinberg had no trouble converting the Business Advisory Council
of leading businessmen into an agency for helping governmental leaders
plan the policies for war and for the post-war period.
* * * * *
In September, 1960, _Harper's Magazine_ published an article by Hobart
Rowen, entitled "America's Most Powerful Private Club," with a
sub-title, "How a semi-social organization of the very biggest
businessmen--discreetly shielded from public scrutiny--is 'advising' the
government on its top policy decisions." Here are passages from the
article:
"The Business Advisory Council meets regularly with government
officials six times a year.... On two of these six occasions ...
the BAC convenes its sessions at plush resorts, and with a
half-dozen or more important Washington officials and their wives
as its guests, it indulges in a three-day 'work and play'
meeting....
"The guest list is always impressive: on occasion, there have been
more Cabinet officers at a ... BAC meeting than were left in the
Capital....
"These meetings cost the BAC anywhere from $6,000 to $12,000 or
more, paid out of the dues of members ... which have been judged
tax-deductible by the Internal Revenue Service....
"After the 1952 election, the BAC was having its fall 'work and
play' meeting at the Cloister, just off the Georgia coast and a
short distance from Augusta, where Ike was alternating golf with
planning his first-term Cabinet. [Sidney] Weinberg and [General
Lucius D.] Clay [members of the BAC executive committee] ...
hustled ... to Augusta, conferred with Ike [a 'close, intimate,
personal friend' of both men]....
"The result was historic: Ike tapped three of the BAC leaders ...
for his Cabinet. They were Charles E. Wilson of General Motors as
Defense Secretary; [George M.] Humphrey, then boss of the M. A.
Hanna Co., as Treasury Secretary; and Robert T. Stevens of the J.
P. Stevens & Co., as Army Secretary....
"Afterwards, [Secretary] Humphrey himself dipped into the BAC pool
for Marion Folsom of Eastman Kodak as Under Secretary of the
Treasury [later Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare]....
"Membership in the Council gives a select few the chance to bring
their views to bear on key government people, in a most pleasant,
convivial, and private atmosphere....
"The BAC, powerful in its composition and with an inside track, is
thus a special force. An intimation of its influence can be gleaned
from its role in the McCarthy case.... BAC helped push Senator Joe
McCarthy over the brink in 1954, by supplying a bit of backbone to
the Eisenhower Administration at the right time. McCarthy's chief
target in the Army-McCarthy hearings was the aforementioned Robert
T. Stevens--a big wheel in the BAC who had become Secretary of the
Army. The BAC didn't pay much--if any--attention to Joe McCarthy as
a social menace until he started to pick on Bob Stevens. Then, they
burned up.
"During the May 1954 meeting at the Homestead [expensive resort
hotel in Hot Springs, Virginia, where the BAC often holds its 'work
and play' sessions with high government officials and their wives],
Stevens flew down from Washington for a weekend reprieve from his
televised torture. A special delegation of BAC officials made it a
point to journey from the hotel to the mountaintop airport to greet
Stevens. He was escorted into the lobby like a conquering hero.
Then, publicly, one member of the BAC after another roasted the
Eisenhower Administration for its McCarthy-appeasement policy. The
BAC's attitude gave the Administration some courage, and shortly
thereafter former Senator Ralph Flanders (a Republican and BAC
member) introduced a Senate resolution calling for censure."
* * * * *
Active membership in the Business Advisory Council is limited to about
70. After a few years as an "active," a member can become a "graduate,"
still retaining his full voting and membership privileges.
I have obtained the names of 120 "active" and "graduate" members of the
BAC, listed below. Those who are members of the Council on Foreign
Relations are identified by "CFR" after their names.
Winthrop W. Aldrich (CFR)
William M. Allen (President of Boeing Airplane Company; member
Board of Directors of Pacific National Bank of Seattle)
S. C. Allyn (CFR)
Robert B. Anderson
Clarence Avildsen (Chairman, Avildsen Tools & Machines, Inc.)
William M. Batten (President, J. C. Penney Company)
S. D. Bechtel (CFR)
S. Clark Beise (President, Bank of America; member Board of
Directors, National Trust and Savings Association, San Francisco)
Roger M. Blough (CFR)
Harold Boeschenstein (President, Owens-Corning Fiberglas
Corporation; Chairman of the Board, Fiberglas Canada, Ltd.; member
of the Board of Directors of National Distillers Products
Corporation, International Paper Company, Toledo Trust Company,
Dow, Jones & Co.)
Fred Bohen (President of Meredith Publishing Company--_Better Homes
and Gardens, Better Farming_; member of Board of Directors of
Meredith Radio & Television Stations, Iowa, Northwest
Bancorporation, Central Life Assurance Society, Allis-Chalmers
Manufacturing Co., Northwestern Bell Telephone Co., Iowa-Des Moines
National Bank)
Ernest R. Breech (Executive Vice President, Ford Motor, Company;
member of Board of Directors of Transcontinental & Western Air,
Inc., Pan-American Airways; President of Western Air Express)
George R. Brown (Chairman of the Board, Texas Eastern Transmission
Corp.; Executive Vice President, Brown & Root, Inc. of Houston;
President of Board of Trustees, Rice University)
Carter L. Burgess (CFR)
Paul C. Cabot (President of State Street Investment Corp.; partner
in State Street Research & Management Co.; member of the Board of
Directors of J. P. Morgan & Co., Continental Can Co., Inc.,
National Dairy Products Corp., Tampa Electric Co., The B. F.
Goodrich Co.; Treasurer of Harvard University)
James V. Carmichael (President, Scripto, Inc.; member of Board of
Directors of Lockheed Aircraft Corp., Trust Company of Georgia,
Atlanta Transit Co., The Southern Co.)
Walker L. Cisler (CFR)
General Lucius D. Clay (CFR)
Will L. Clayton (CFR)
John L. Collyer (CFR)
Ralph J. Cordiner (Chairman of the Board and President of General
Electric Co.)
John E. Corette (President of Montana Power Co.)
John Cowles (CFR)
C. R. Cox (CFR)
Harlow H. Curtice (retired President of General Motors Corp.;
Chairman of the Board of Directors of Genesee Merchants Bank &
Trust Co.; member of the Board of Directors of the National Bank of
Detroit)
Charles E. Daniel (head of Daniel Construction Co., member of Board
of Directors of First National Bank of Greenville, South Carolina,
La France Industries, J. P. Stevens Co., Inc., Textron, Inc.;
Trustee of Clemson College)
Donald K. David (CFR)
Paul M. Davies (President and Chairman of the Board of Food
Machinery & Chemical Corp.; member of Board of Directors of
American Trust Company of California, National Distillers Products
Corp., Caterpillar Tractor Co.; Professor at Stanford University;
Director of Stanford Research Institute, San Jose State College,
Pacific School of Religion; Trustee of Committee for Economic
Development)
Frank R. Denton (Vice Chairman and Director of Mellon National Bank
and Trust Company, Pittsburgh; member of the Board of Directors of
Swindell-Dressler Corp., Westinghouse Electric Co., Jones &
Laughlin Steel Corporation, Pullman, Inc., National Union Fire
Insurance Co., Shamrock Oil & Gas Corp., M. W. Kellogg Co., Pullman
Standard Car Manufacturing Co., Trailmobile, Inc., National Union
Indemnity Co.; Trustee of Pennsylvania State University, Kansas
University Endowment Association)
Charles D. Dickey (Vice President, member of the Board of
Directors, and Chairman of the Executive Committee of Morgan
Guaranty Trust Co.; member of the Board of Directors of General
Electric Co., Beaver Coal, Kennekott Copper Corp., Braden Copper
Co., Merck & Co., Inc., Panhandle Eastern Pipeline Co., New York
Life Insurance Co., Church Life Insurance Corp., Church Fire
Insurance Corp.)
Frederick G. Donner (CFR)
William Y. Elliott (CFR)
Ralph E. Flanders (CFR)
Marion B. Folsom (CFR)
Henry Ford II (President of Ford Motor Co.; Chairman of the Board
of American Heritage Foundation)
William C. Foster (CFR)
G. Keith Funston (President of New York Stock Exchange; member of
the Board of Directors of Metropolitan Life Insurance Co.; Trustee
of Trinity College of Connecticut, Virginia Theological Seminary,
Samuel H. Kress Foundation)
Frederick V. Geier (CFR)
Elisha Gray II (President and Director of Whirlpool Corp.)
Crawford H. Greenewalt (President and Director of E. I. du Pont de
Nemours Company, Christiana Securities Company; member of the
Board of Directors of Massachusetts Institute of Technology;
Trustee of the Carnegie Institute, Washington)
General Alfred M. Gruenther (CFR)
Joseph B. Hall (President of Kroger Company, Manufacturers and
Merchants Indemnity Co., Selective Insurance Co.; member of the
Board of Directors of Robert A. Cline, Inc., AVCO Manufacturing
Corp., Cincinnati and Suburban Bell Telephone Co., General Stores
Corp.; member of the Board of the Federal Reserve Bank of
Cleveland)
W. Averill Harriman (CPR)
William A. Hewitt (President and member of the Board of Directors
of Deere & Company)
Milton P. Higgins (CFR)
Paul G. Hoffman (CFR)
Eugene Holman (CFR)
John Holmes (President, member of the Board of Directors, and
retired Chairman of Swift & Company; member of the Board of
Directors of Continental Illinois National Bank and Trust Company,
General Electric Corporation)
Herbert Hoover, Jr. (CFR)
Preston Hotchkis (Vice Chairman of the Board of Directors and
Treasurer of Founders' Insurance Company; Executive Vice President
and member of the Board of Directors of Fred H. Bixby Ranch
Company; member of the Board of Directors of Metropolitan Coach
Lines, Pacific Mutual Life Insurance Co., Pacific Telephone &
Telegraph Co., Blue Diamond Corp.)
Amory Houghton (CFR)
Theodore V. Houser (retired Chairman of the Board of Sears, Roebuck
& Co.; member of the Board of Directors of Sears, Roebuck & Co.,
Bell and Howell Co., Quaker Oats Co., Massachusetts Institute of
Technology; Trustee of Northwestern University, Williams College)
A. W. Hughes (Chairman of the Board of Directors, J. C. Penney Co.)
Gilbert W. Humphrey (President of M. A. Hanna Company, Hanna Mining
Company; Chairman of the Board of Hausand Steam Ship Company;
member of the Board of Directors of Industrial Rayon Corp., General
Electric Corp., National City Bank of Cleveland, Texaco, Inc.;
Trustee of Committee for Economic Development)
Eric A. Johnston (CFR)
Alfred W. Jones (Chairman of the Board of Sea Island Company,
Talbott Corp.; member of the Board of Directors of Seaboard
Construction Co., Brunswick Paper & Pulp Co., The Mead Corp.,
Thompson Industries, Inc., First National Bank of Atlanta, Georgia
Power Co., Florida-Georgia TV Co.)
Devereux C. Josephs (CFR)
Ernest Kanzler (retired Chairman of the Board of Universal C.I.T.
Credit Corp,; member of the Board of Directors of C.I.T. Financial
Corp., Bendix Aviation Corp.)
Frederick Kappel (President and Director of American Telephone &
Telegraph Company; retired President of Western Electric Co.;
member of the Board of Directors of Chase Manhattan Bank,
Metropolitan Life Insurance Co.)
John R. Kimberly (CFR)
E. H. Lane (Chairman of the Board of Lane Company, Inc.)
Joseph L. Lanier (Chairman of the Board of Wellington Sears
Company; President of West Point Manufacturing Company of Georgia;
member of the Board of Directors of Cabin Crafts, Inc., First
National Bank of Atlanta, Rivington Carpets, Ltd. of Britain)
Barry L. Leithead (President and Director of Cluett, Peabody and
Company, Inc.; Chairman of Cluett, Peabody and Company of Canada,
Ltd.; member of the Board of Directors of B. F. Goodrich Company)
Augustus C. Long (Chairman of the Board of Texaco, Inc.; member of
the Board of Directors of Freeport Sulphur Co., Equitable Life
Assurance Society of the United States, Federal Reserve Bank of New
York)
Donold B. Lourie (President and Director of Quaker Oats Company;
member of the Board of Directors of Northern Trust Co.,
International Paper Co., Pure Oil Co.; Trustee of Princeton
University)
George H. Love (Chairman of the Board of Pittsburgh-Consolidation
Coal Company, M. A. Hanna Company; member of the Board of Directors
of Union Carbide & Carbon Corp., Mellon National Bank & Trust
Company of Pittsburgh, Pullman Co., General Electric Co., National
Steel Corp., Hanna Mining Co.; Trustee of Princeton University,
University of Pittsburgh)
James Spencer Love (Chairman of the Board of Burlington Mills
Corp.; Chairman and President of Burlington Industries, Inc.;
Trustee of University of North Carolina, Davidson College)
George P. MacNichol, Jr. (President and Director of
Libbey-Owens-Ford Glass Company; member of the Board of Directors
of Wyandotte Chemical Co., Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland)
Roswell F. Magill (member of Cravath, Swaine & Moore, Lawyers;
Trustee of Mutual Life Insurance Company of New York, Macy
Foundation, Guggenheim Foundation)
Deane W. Malott (President, Cornell University; member of the Board
of Directors of Pitney-Bowes, Inc., B. F. Goodrich Co., General
Mills, Inc., Owens-Corning Fiberglas Corp.; former Vice President
of Hawaiian Pineapple Co.; Professor of Business at Harvard,
Chancellor of University of Kansas)
James W. McAfee (President of Union Electric Company of Missouri,
Edison Electric Institute; member of the Board of Directors of St.
Louis Union Trust Co., American Central Insurance Co., North
American Co.)
S. Maurice McAshan (President, Anderson, Clayton & Company)
Thomas B. McCabe (CFR)
John L. McCaffrey (retired Chairman of International Harvester Co.;
member of the Board of Directors of Harris Trust & Savings Bank of
Chicago, American Telephone & Telegraph Co., Corn Products Co.,
Midwest Stock Exchange; Trustee of the University of Chicago,
University of Notre Dame, Eisenhower Exchange Fellowships, Inc.)
Leonard F. McCollum (CFR)
Charles P. McCormick (Chairman of the Board and retired President
of McCormick & Co., Inc.; member of the Board of Directors of
Massachusetts Mutual Life Insurance Co., Equitable Trust Co. of
Baltimore, Advertising Council; Chairman of the Board of Regents,
University of Maryland)
Neil H. McElroy (Chairman of the Board, Procter & Gamble Co.;
Secretary of Defense 1957-1961)
Earl M. McGowin (Vice President of W. T. Smith Lumber Co.; member
of the Board of Directors of The Southern Company of New York,
Alabama Power Co.)
James H. McGraw, Jr. (CFR)
Paul B. McKee (Chairman of Pacific Power & Light Co.)
John P. McWilliams (retired President and Chairman of the Board of
Youngstown Steel Door Co.; member of the Board of Directors of
National City Bank of Cleveland, Eaton Manufacturing Co., Goodyear
Tire & Rubber Co., Union Carbide & Carbon Corp.)
George G. Montgomery (Chairman of Kern County Land Co.; member of
the Board of Directors of American Trust Co., Bankers Trust Co.,
Castle & Cook, Ltd., General Electric Co., Matson Navigation Co.,
Matson Assurance Co., Oceanic Steam Ship Co., Pacific Lumber Co.)
Charles G. Mortimer (Chairman and retired President of General
Foods Corp.; member of the Board of Directors of National City Bank
of New York, Union Theological Seminary)
William B. Murphy (President of Campbell Soup Co.; member of the
Board of Directors of Merck & Co.)
Aksel Nielsen (President of Title Guaranty Co., Mortgage
Investments Co.; member of the Board of Directors of C. A. Norgren
Co., United American Life Insurance Co., Landon Abstract Co.,
Empire Savings & Loan Association, United Airlines)
Thomas F. Patton (President and Director of Republic Steel Corp.,
Union Drawn Steel Co.; member of the Board of Directors of Air-Vue
Products Corp., Maria Luisa Ore Co., Berger Manufacturing Company
of Massachusetts, Iron Ore Company of Canada, Liberia Mining Co.,
Ltd., Liberian Navigation Corp., Union Commerce Bank, Tankore
Corp., Standard Oil Company of Ohio; Trustee of Ohio State
University)
Charles H. Percy (President and Director of Bell & Howell Co.;
member of the Board of Directors of Chase Manhattan Bank, Harris
Trust & Savings Bank, Burroughs Corp., Fund for Adult Education of
the Ford Foundation; Trustee, University of Chicago)
Theodore S. Petersen (President and Director of Standard Oil of
California; member of the Board of Directors of Pacific Mutual
Insurance Co.; Trustee of Committee on Economic Development;
consulting Professor, Stanford University)
Gwilym A. Price (Chairman and President of Westinghouse Electric
Corp.; member of the Board of Directors of Mellon National Bank &
Trust Company of Pittsburgh, Eastman-Kodak Co., Carnegie Corp.,
National Union Fire Insurance Co., Great Atlantic & Pacific Tea
Co.; Trustee of Allegheny College, The Hanover Bank, Carnegie
Institute, Carnegie Institute of Technology; Chairman of the Board
of Trustees, University of Pittsburgh; Chairman of Crusade for
Freedom)
Edgar Monsanto Queeny (Chairman of the Board, Monsanto Chemical
Co.; member of the Board of Directors of American Airlines, Union
Electric Co. of Missouri, Chemstrand Corp., Sicedison S.P.A. of
Italy, World Rehabilitation Fund; Trustee Herbert Hoover
Foundation)
Clarence B. Randall (Chairman of the Board, Inland Steel Co.;
member of the Board of Directors, Bell & Howell Co.; Trustee,
University of Chicago)
Philip D. Reed (CFR)
Richard S. Reynolds, Jr. (President of Reynolds Metals Co.;
Chairman of the Board of Robertshaw-Fulton Controls Co.; member of
the Board of Directors of Manufacturers Trust Co., British
Aluminum, Ltd., U. S. Foil Co., Central National Bank of Richmond)
Winfield W. Riefler (CFR)
William E. Robinson (Chairman of the Coca-Cola Co.; member of the
Board of Directors of Manufacturers Trust Co.; Coca-Cola Export
Co., Libbey-Owens-Ford Glass Co., Trustee of New York University;
former Director and Publisher of _New York Herald-Tribune_)
Donald J. Russell (President and Director of Southern Pacific Co.;
Texas and New Orleans Railroad Co.; Chairman of the Board of St.
Louis-Southwestern Railroad; Director of Stanford Research
Institute; Trustee of Stanford University)
Stuart T. Saunders (President of Norfolk and Western Railway;
Director of First and Merchants National Bank of Richmond)
Blackwell Smith (CPR)
C. R. Smith (President, American Airlines)
Lloyd B. Smith (President, A. O. Smith Corp.; Chairman, A. O. Smith
of Texas)
John W. Snyder (Executive Vice President, Overland Corp.; Secretary
of Treasury of the United States 1946-1953)
Joseph P. Spang, Jr. (retired President and Chairman of Gillette
Co.; member of the Board of Directors of Gillette Co., Sheraton
Corp. of America, First National Bank of Boston, U. S. Steel Corp.,
International Packers, Ltd.)
A. E. Staley, Jr. (Chairman of A. E. Staley Manufacturing Co.;
Trustee, Millikin University)
Frank Stanton (President, Columbia Broadcasting System; Chairman of
Center for Advanced Study in Behavioral Sciences; Trustee of Rand
Corp.; member of the Board of Directors of New York Life Insurance
Co.)
Robert T. Stevens (President and former Chairman of the Board, J.
P. Stevens & Co.; member of the Board of Directors of General
Electric Co., Owens-Corning Fiberglas Corp.; Trustee of Mutual Life
Insurance Co. of New York; Secretary of the Army 1953-1955)
Hardwick Stires (partner, Scudder, Stevens & Clark Investment
Counsels)
Lewis L. Strauss (CFR)
H. Gardiner Symonds (Chairman and President of Tennessee Gas and
Transmission Company of Houston; Vice Chairman of Petro-Texas
Chemical Corp.; Chairman of Bay Petroleum Corp.,
Tennessee-Venezuela South America, Chaco Petroleum of South
America, Tennessee de Ecuador, South America, Tennessee-Argentina,
Midwest Gas Transmission Co.; member of the Board of Directors of
General Telephone & Electronics Corp., Carrier Corp., Food
Machinery & Chemical Corp., National Bank of Commerce of Houston,
Southern Pacific Co., Advertising Council; Trustee of Committee for
Economic Development; member of the Business School, Stanford
University)
A. Thomas Taylor (Chairman of International Packers, Ltd.; Vice
President and Director of Swift & Company; member of the Board of
Directors of Wedron Silica Co.)
Reese H. Taylor (Chairman of Union Oil Company of California;
member of the Board of Directors of Federal Reserve Bank of San
Francisco, Westinghouse Electric Corp., Collier Carbon & Chemical
Corp., Manufacturers Trust Company; Trustee, University of Southern
California, Cornell University Council)
Charles Allen Thomas (President and member of the Board of
Directors of Monsanto Chemical Co.; member of the Board of
Directors of Chemstrand Corp., First National Bank of St. Louis,
St. Louis Union Trust Co.; Trustee of Carnegie Corp.; member of the
Corporation of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology)
Juan T. Trippe (CFR)
Solon B. Turman (President and Director of Lykes Brothers Steam
Ship Co., Inc.; Vice Chairman of Lykes Brothers, Inc.; Chairman of
Gulf and South American Steam Ship Co.)
John C. Virden (Chairman and Director of Eaton Manufacturing Co.;
member of the Board of Directors of Cleveland Electric Illuminating
Co., Youngstown Steel Door Co., Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co.,
Interlake Iron Corp., Diamond Alkali Co.)
J. Carlton Ward, Jr. (President of Vitro Corp., American Heavy
Minerals Corp.; member of the Board of Directors of U. S. Manganese
Co.; Trustee, Cornell University)
Sidney J. Weinberg (partner in Goldman, Sachs & Co.; member of the
Board of Directors of Cluett, Peabody & Co., Inc., Continental Can
Co., Inc., General Cigar Co., General Electric Co., General Foods
Corp., B. F. Goodrich Co., Ford Motor Co., McKesson & Robbins,
Inc., National Dairy Products Corp., Champion Paper & Fibre Co.,
Van Raalte Co., Inc.; former Governor of New York Stock Exchange)
Walter H. Wheeler, Jr. (CFR)
John Hay Whitney (CFR)
Langbourne M. Williams (CFR)
Thomas J. Watson, Jr. (CFR)
Of these 120 BAC members, 41 are members of the Council on Foreign
Relations. Most of those who are not CFR members have affiliations with
foundations or other organizations that are interlocked with the CFR.
Sidney Weinberg, for example (father of the BAC), is not listed (in any
Council on Foreign Relations Annual Report in my files) as a member of
the CFR; but he is a member of the board of many corporations which
support the CFR; and has many close connections with CFR leaders through
foundations and other CFR subsidiary agencies.
All Secretaries of Commerce since 1933 have served as ex-officio General
Chairman of the BAC.
On July 10, 1961, Roger M. Blough announced that the Business Advisory
Council had changed its name to Business Council; had severed its
connection with the Commerce Department; and would in the future give
its consultative services to any governmental agency that asked for
them. The BAC had been under intense criticism for the expensive
entertainment it had been giving to governmental officials it advised.
Chapter 6
ADVERTISING COUNCIL
The Advertising Council, 25 West 45th Street, New York 36, N. Y. (with
offices at 203 North Wabash Avenue, Chicago; 1200 18th Street, N. W.,
Washington; 425 Bush Street, San Francisco) serves as a public relations
operation to promote selected projects supported by the Council on
Foreign Relations and its interlocking affiliates.
The Advertising Council was created in 1942 (then called War Advertising
Council) as a tax-exempt, non-governmental agency to promote wartime
programs of government: rationing, salvage, the selling of war bonds,
and so on.
The Advertising Council's specific job was to effect close cooperation
between governmental agencies and business firms using the media of mass
communication. A governmental agency would bring a particular project
(rationing, for example) to the Advertising Council, for help in
"selling" the project to the public. The Council would enlist the aid of
some advertising agency. The agency (giving its services for nothing, as
a contribution to the war effort) would prepare signs, newspaper mats,
advertising layouts, broadcasting kits and what not. The Advertising
Council might then enlist the free services of a public relations firm
to get this material into newspapers and magazines; get it inserted in
the regular ads of business firms; get it broadcast, free, as
public-service spot announcements by radio networks; get it inserted
into regular commercials on radio broadcasts; get slogans and art work
stamped on the envelopes and business forms of corporations.
The Advertising Council rendered a valuable service to advertisers,
broadcasting organizations, and publishers. Everyone wanted to support
projects that would help the war effort. The Advertising Council did the
important job of screening--of presenting projects which were legitimate
and urgent.
Even the advertising agencies and public relations firms, which
contributed free services, profited from the arrangement. They earned
experience and prestige as agencies which had prepared nationally
successful campaigns.
* * * * *
The Advertising Council continued after the war to perform this same
service--selecting, for free promotion, projects that are "importantly
in the public interest." Indeed, the service is more valued in peace
time than in war by many advertisers and broadcasting officials who are
badgered to support countless causes and campaigns, most of which sound
good but some of which may be objectionable. Investigating to screen the
good from the bad is a major job. The Advertising Council does this job.
The Council is respected by industry, by the public, and by government.
It is safe to promote a project which the Advertising Council claims to
be "importantly in the public interest."
Thus, officials of the Advertising Council have become czars in a most
important field. They arbitrarily decide what is, and what is not, in
the public interest. When the Advertising Council "accepts" a project,
the most proficient experts in the world--leading Madison Avenue
people--go to work, without charge, to create (and saturate the media of
mass communication with) the skillful propaganda that "sells" the
project to the public.
Officials of the Advertising Council are aware of their power as
moulders of public opinion. Theodore S. Repplier, head of the
Advertising Council, was quoted in a June, 1961, issue of _Saturday
Review_, as saying:
"There are Washington officials hired to collect figures on about
every known occupation, to worry about the oil and miners under the
ground, the rain in the sky, the wildlife in the woods, and the
fish in the streams--but it is nobody's job to worry about
America's state of mind, or whether Americans misread a situation
in a way that could be tragic.
"This is a dangerous vacuum. But it is also a vacuum which explains
to a considerable degree the important position the Advertising
Council holds in American life today."
Note, particularly, that the Advertising Council is responsible to no
one. If a business firm should decide on its own to include some "public
service" project in its advertising, and the project evoked public
indignation, the business firm would lose customers. The Advertising
Council has no customers to please. Yet, the Advertising Council is a
private agency, beyond the reach of voter and taxpayer indignation
which, theoretically, can exercise some control over public agencies.
* * * * *
Who are these autocrats who have become so powerful that they can
condition, if not control, public opinion? They are the members of the
Public Policy Committee of the Advertising Council. Here were the 19
members of the Advertising Council's Committee, on June 23, 1958:
_Sarah Gibson Blanding_, President of Vassar College; _Ralph J.
Bunche_, United Nations Under Secretary; _Benjamin J.
Buttenwieser_, partner in Kuhn, Loeb & Co.; _Olive Clapper,_
publicist; _Evans Clark_, member of the _New York Times_ editorial
board; _Helen Hall_, Director of Henry Street Settlement; _Paul G.
Hoffman_, Chairman of this Public Policy Committee; _Charles S.
Jones_, President of Richfield Oil Corporation; _Lawrence A.
Kimpton_, Chancellor of University of Chicago; _A. E. Lyon_,
Executive Secretary of the Railway Labor Executives Association;
_John J. McCloy_, Chairman of the Chase Manhattan Bank; _Eugene
Meyer_, Chairman of the _Washington Post & Times-Herald_; _William
I. Myers_, Dean of Agriculture at Cornell University; _Elmo Roper_,
public opinion analyst; _Howard A. Rusk_, New York University
Bellevue Medical Center; _Boris Shishkin_, Assistant to the
President of AFL-CIO; _George N. Shuster_, President of Hunter
College; _Thomas J. Watson, Jr._, President of International
Business Machines Corporation; _Henry M. Wriston_, Executive
Director of the American Assembly.
Of these 19, 8 are members of the Council on Foreign Relations--Bunche,
Buttenwieser, Hoffman, McCloy, Roper, Shishkin, Shuster, Wriston. The
remaining 11 are mostly "second level" affiliates of the CFR, or under
the thumb of CFR members in the business world.
* * * * *
Some Advertising Council projects really are "in the public interest."
The "Stop Accidents" campaign and the "Smokey Bear" campaign to prevent
forest fires are among several which probably have done much good.
There has never been an Advertising Council project which insinuated
anything to remind anyone of the basic American political idea written
into our organic documents of government--the idea that men are endowed
by God with inalienable rights; that the greatest threat to those rights
is the government under which men live; and that government, while
necessary to secure the God-given blessings of liberty, must be
carefully limited in power by an inviolable Constitution. But there have
been many Advertising Council projects which were vehicles for the
propaganda of international socialism.
The Advertising Council has promoted Law Day, which is an annual
occasion for inundating America with "World Peace Through World Law"
propaganda, designed to prepare the people for giving the World Court
jurisdiction over American affairs, as a major step toward world
government (see _The Dan Smoot Report_, September 14, 1959, "The World
Court").
The Advertising Council has promoted the "mental health" project, which,
superficially, appears to be an admirable effort to make the public
aware of the truth that we have more mentally ill people than we have
facilities for--but whose underlying, and dubious, purpose is to promote
the passage, in all states, of "mental health" laws fabricated by
international socialists in the World Health Organization and in the U.
S. Public Health Service. These laws, to "facilitate access to hospital
care" for mentally ill people, provide no new facilities, prescribe no
better treatment, nor do anything else to relieve the suffering of sick
people.
The new "mental health" laws, which the Advertising Council is helping
to persuade people in all states to accept, eliminate the constitutional
safeguards of a person accused of being mentally ill, thus making it
easier for bureaucrats, political enemies and selfish relatives to
commit him and get him out of the way.
The Advertising Council has touted ACTION--American Council to Improve
Our Neighborhoods, Box 462, Radio City Station, New York 20, N. Y.--an
organization for urban renewal. Of the 66 persons on the ACTION Board of
Directors, a controlling majority are:
known members of the Council on Foreign Relations--such as Philip
L. Graham and Stanley Marcus;
known members of important CFR affiliates--such as, Sidney Weinberg
of the Business Advisory Council;
union bosses like Harry C. Bates, Ben Fischer, Joseph D. Keenan,
Jacob S. Potofsky, Walter Reuther;
bureaucrats in charge of various "Housing Authorities," including
Dr. Robert Weaver, Kennedy's present Housing Administrator whose
appointment was challenged in the Senate because of Dr. Weaver's
alleged communist front record;
"liberal" politicians dedicated to the total socialist
revolution--such as, Joseph S. Clark, Jr., U. S. Senator from
Pennsylvania;
officials of construction and real estate firms which can make
mammoth profits on urban renewal projects and who are also
"liberal" in their support of all governmental controls and
subsidies, the tools for converting capitalism into socialism--such
as, William Zeckendorf;
representatives of organizations also "liberal" in the sense
indicated above--such as, Philip M. Klutznick of B'nai B'rith, and
Mrs. Kathryn H. Stone of the League of Women Voters.
* * * * *
The Advertising Council supports United Nations propaganda.
The 1959 annual report of the United States Committee for the United
Nations pays special tribute to the "radio-TV campaign, conducted
through the cooperation of the Advertising Council and the National
Association of Broadcasters." Here are some passages, from this tribute,
which show how the Advertising Council gets one-world socialist
propaganda into millions of American homes:
"Perry Como read the UN spot personally to his audience of
33,000,000."
"Jack Paar ... [showed] a filmed visit to the UN by his daughter,
Randy ... following a splendid statement [by Paar]. This 7-minute
segment of the show reached a minimum of 30,000,000 viewers."
"The campaign received tremendous recognition also on Meet the
Press, the Today Show, I Love Lucy, the Desilu Playhouse, and the
Jack Benny Show, among many others."
"Broadcast kits went out to every radio and television station in
the country."
A recent accomplishment of the Advertising Council was its saturation
bombing (1961) of the American public with propaganda in support of
Kennedy's Youth Peace Corps.
Chapter 7
UNITED NATIONS AND WORLD GOVERNMENT PROPAGANDA
All American advocates of _supra_-national government, or world
government, claim their principal motive is to achieve world peace. Yet,
these are generally the same Americans whose eager interventionism
helped push America into the two world wars of this century.
The propaganda for involving America in the bloodshed and hatreds of
Europe--in World War I and World War II--was the same as that now being
used to push us into world government. In World War I, we rushed our
soldiers across the wide seas to die in the cause of making the world
safe for democracy--of eliminating evil in the world so that there would
not be any more war! This was precisely what the world-government
interventionists wanted us to do. The so-called American isolationists
were _not_ pacifists who recommended refusal to take up arms in defense
of their own country: most of them were patriots who would have been
among the foremost to fight in defense of America. Being intelligent
citizens of a peaceful and civilized nation, they wanted to keep it that
way.
The world-government interventionists used the extraordinary arguments
of a man who, though living in an orderly and law-abiding neighborhood,
says that he must go carousing around in adjoining communities and get
involved in every street fight and barroom brawl he can find in order to
avoid violence! Such a man not only becomes a party to lawless violence
which he claims to deplore, but also creates hatreds and resentments
which will ultimately bring to the sane citizens of his own peaceful
neighborhood the evils which they had managed to keep out.
This is what Woodrow Wilson's intervention in World War I did to the
United States. It sacrificed the lives of 250,000 American men--not to
mention the hundreds of thousands crippled and otherwise wrecked by war.
But this sacrifice of American youth did not make the world safe for
anything. It helped make the world a breeding place for communism,
fascism, naziism, and other varieties of socialism; and it planted the
seeds for a second world war more destructive than the first.
But the world-government interventionists--when their bloody crusade
proved worse than a tragic failure--did not admit error. They tried to
place all the blame on the isolationists who had tried to keep us from
making the ghastly mistake.
* * * * *
If we had stayed out of World War I, the European powers would have
arrived, as they have been doing for thousands of years, at some kind of
negotiated peace which would have saved not only hundreds of thousands
of American lives, but millions of European lives as well. By entering
World War I, we merely converted it into total war, prolonged it, and
made it more savage.
The destruction and slaughter of World War I created power vacuums and
imbalances and economic chaos, which inevitably led to World War II.
Again, the world-government advocates, who claimed to want peace,
insisted that we go to war. They also intensified their efforts to
entangle America, irretrievably, in political and economic union with
European nations so that there would never again be any _possibility_ of
the United States staying out of the endless wars and turmoil of the old
world.
It is, perhaps, fruitless to question the motives of people leading the
campaign to push America into world government. All organizations which
have been active in this movement--World Fellowship, Inc., Federal
Union, Inc., Atlantic Union Committee, United World Federalists, and so
on--have had a sprinkling of communist-fronters among their directors
and members. But they have also had the official support of many
prominent and respected Americans: Harry Truman, Dwight Eisenhower, John
Kennedy, Richard Nixon, Estes Kefauver, John Sparkman, Adlai Stevenson,
Dean Acheson, John Foster Dulles, Christian Herter, cabinet officers;
senators and congressmen; Supreme Court justices; prominent churchmen,
businessmen, financiers, entertainers, judges, union officials;
newspaper and magazine editors; famous columnists and radio-television
commentators.
* * * * *
Although the cry of "peace" is the perennial clarion call of all
world-government advocates, many of them have, in recent years, added
the claim that their recommendations (for converting America into a
province of world government) are means of "fighting communism." Indeed,
some of the most vigorous advocates of one-worldism have wide
reputations as anti-communists--Walter Judd, a Republican Congressman
from Minnesota, for example. Even Clarence Streit (leader of the
now-defunct Federal Union, Inc., and father of that organization's very
active and influential tax-exempt successor, Atlantic Union Committee)
has ugly things to say about communism.
The fact is that every step the United States takes toward political and
economic entanglements with the rest of the world is a step toward
realization of _the_ end objective of communism: creating a one-world
socialist political and economic system in which we will be one of the
subjugated provinces.
Because of the wealth we have created as a free and independent nation,
we would be the most heavily taxed province in any conceivable
supra-national government--whether in a "limited, federal union of the
western democracies," which is what the Atlantic Union Committee people
say they want; or in a total one-world system, which is what _all_
advocates of international union really have as their final goal.
Because of our population, however, we would have minority
representation in any supra-national government now being planned.
Americans would be subjected to laws enacted by an international
parliament in which we would have little influence; taxing us,
regulating our economic activities, controlling our schools, and
dictating our social and cultural relations with each other and with the
rest of the world.
* * * * *
America was founded, populated, and developed by people seeking escape
from oppressive governments in Europe. Now our own leaders ask us to
give up the freedom and independence which our forebears won for us with
blood and toil and valorous devotion to high ideals, to become subjects
in a governmental system that would inevitably be more tyrannical than
any which our forefathers rebelled against or any that presently exist.
If the world government included the despotic and oligarchic and
militaristic, and feudalistic and primitive systems of Asia, the Middle
East, Africa, and Latin America, it would necessarily become the
bloodiest and most oppressive tyranny the world has ever known.
Nowadays, when two or more nations amalgamate their economic, political,
and social systems they necessarily take the lowest common denominator
of freedom rather than the highest. In fact, they must take something
lower than the lowest: the union government will be more restrictive
than the government of any of the nations which formed the union.
This will be true of _any_ _supra_-national government that the United
States might get into: the union will not extend American freedom to
other nations; it will extend to all nations in the union the most
restrictive controls of the most oppressive government which enters the
union, and make even those controls worse than they were before the
union was formed--because the American principle of federalism has been
discarded by the "liberals" who manage our national affairs; and
American federalism is the only political principle ever to exist in the
history of the world that can make individual human freedom possible in
a federation of states.
Hard core American communists know (and some admit) that any move toward
American membership in any kind of supra-national government is a move
toward the Soviet objective of a one-world socialist dictatorship; but
all other American advocates of international union claim their schemes
are intended to repeat and extend the marvelous achievement of 13
American states which, by forming a political union, created a free and
powerful nation.
All United States advocates of any kind of world government point to the
founding of America: 13 sovereign states, each one proud and
nationalistic, all with special interests that were divergent from or in
conflict with the interests of the others; yet, they managed to
surrender enough sovereignty to join a federal union which gave the
united strength of all, while retaining the individuality and freedom of
each.
* * * * *
The 13 American states, in forming a federal union, did not take the
lowest common denominator of freedom; they took the highest, and
elevated that.
The American principle of federalism (indeed, the whole American
constitutional system) grew out of the philosophical doctrine (or,
rather, statement of faith) which Jefferson wrote into the Declaration
of Independence:
"_...all men are ... endowed by their Creator with certain
inalienable rights..._"
Men get their rights from God, not from government. Government, a
man-made creature, has nothing except what it takes from God-created
men. Government can give the people nothing that it has not first taken
away from them. Hence, if man is to remain free, he must have a
government which will play a very limited and negative role in his
private affairs.
The United States is the only nation, ever, whose institutions and
organic law were founded on this principle. The United Nations'
Declaration of Human Rights; the Constitution of the Soviet Union; and
the written and unwritten constitutions of every other nation in the
world are all built on a political principle exactly opposite in meaning
to the basic principle of Americanism. That is, the Constitution of the
Soviet Union, and of every UN agency, and of all other nations, specify
a large number of rights and privileges which citizens should have, if
possible, and which _government_ will grant them _if_ government can,
and _if_ government thinks proper.
Contrast this with the American Constitution and Bill of Rights which do
not contain one statement or inference that the federal government has
any responsibility, or power, to grant the people rights, privileges, or
benefits of any kind. The total emphasis in these American documents is
on telling the federal government _what it cannot do_ to and for the
people--on ordering the federal government to stay out of the private
affairs of citizens and to leave their God-given rights alone.
* * * * *
This negative, restricted role of the federal government, and this
assumption that God and not government is the source of man's rights
and privileges, are clearly stated in the Preamble to our Constitution.
The Preamble says that this Constitution is being _ordained_ and
established, not to _grant_ liberties to the people, but to _secure_ the
liberties which the people already had (before the government was ever
formed) as _blessings_.
The essence of the American constitutional system, which made freedom in
a federal union possible, is clearly stated in the first sentence of the
first Article of our Constitution and in the last Article (the Tenth
Amendment) of our Bill of Rights.
The first Article of our Constitution begins with the phrase, "All
legislative Powers _herein_ granted...." That obviously meant the
federal government had no powers which were not granted to it by the
Constitution. The Tenth Amendment restates the same thing with emphasis:
"The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution,
nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States
respectively, or to the people."
Clearly and emphatically, our Constitution says that the federal
government cannot legally do anything which is not authorized by a
specific grant of power in the Constitution.
This is the one constitutional concept that made the American
governmental system different from all others; it is the one which left
our people so free and unmolested by their own government that they
converted the backward, American continent into the land of freedom, the
most fruitful and powerful nation in history.
And this was the constitutional proviso which created the American
principle of federalism. The Constitution made no grant, or even
inferred a grant, of power to the federal government for meddling, to
any extent, or for any purpose whatever, in the private cultural,
economic, social, educational, religious, or political affairs of
individual citizens--or in the legitimate governmental activities of
the individual states which became members of the federal union. Hence,
states could join the federal union without sacrificing the freedom of
their citizens.
Modern "liberalism" which has been continuously in control of the
federal government (and of most opinion-forming institutions and media
throughout our society) since Franklin D. Roosevelt's first
inauguration, March 4, 1933, has, by ignoring constitutional restraints,
changed our _Federal_ government with _limited_ powers into a _Central_
government with _limitless_ power over the individual states and their
people.
Modern "liberalism" has abandoned American constitutional government and
replaced it with democratic centralism, which, in _fundamental theory,
is identical_ with the democratic centralism of the Soviet Union, and of
every other major nation existing today.
It was possible to enlarge the size of the old American federal union
without diminishing freedom for the people. When you enlarge the land
area and population controlled by democratic centralism you must
necessarily diminish freedom for the people, because the problems of
centralized government increase with the size of population and area
which it controls.
* * * * *
Look at what has happened to America since our _federal_ government was
converted into a centralized absolutism. The central government in
Washington arrogated to itself the unconstitutional power and
responsibility of regulating the relationships between private employers
and their employees, enacting laws which established "collective
bargaining" as "national policy," and which, to that end, gave
international unions a virtual monopoly over large segments of the labor
market.
It follows that a minor labor dispute between two unions on the
waterfront of New York is no longer a concern only of the people and
police in that neighborhood. A handful of union members who have no
grievance whatever against their employers but who are in a
jurisdictional struggle with another union, can shut down the greatest
railroad systems in the world, throw thousands out of work, and paralyze
vital transportation for business firms and millions of citizens all
over the nation.
Harry Bridges on the West Coast can order a political demonstration
having nothing to do with "labor" matters, and paralyze the economy of
half the nation.
Imagine what it will be like if we join a world government. Then a dock
strike in London will cripple, not just the British Isles but the whole
world.
Now, the central government in Washington sends troops into local
communities to enforce, at bayonet point, the illegal edicts of a
Washington judicial oligarchy concerning the operation of local schools.
If we join world government, the edict and the troops will come
(depending on what nations are in the international union, of course)
from India and Japan and the Congo.
* * * * *
There was a time when Americans, learning of suffering and want in a
distant land, could respond to their Christian promptings and native
kindliness by making voluntary contributions for relief to their fellow
human beings abroad. Our central government's foreign aid programs have
already taken much of that freedom away from American citizens--taxing
them so heavily for what government wants to give away, that private
citizens can't spend their own money the way they would like to.
What will it be like if we join a world government that embraces the
real have-not nations of the earth? The impoverished subcontinent of
India, because of population, would have more representatives in the
international parliament than we would have. They, with the support of
representatives from Latin America and Africa, could easily vote to lay
a tax on "surplus" incomes for the benefit of all illiterate and hungry
people everywhere; and outvoted Americans would be the only people in
the world with incomes high enough to meet the international definition
of "surplus."
We read with horror of Soviet slaughter in Hungary when the Soviets
suppress a local rebellion against their partial world-government. What
kind of horror would we feel after we join a world government and see
troops from Europe and Africa and the Middle East machinegunning people
on the streets of United States cities in order to suppress a rebellion
of young Americans who somehow heard about the magnificent
constitutional system and glorious freedom their fathers used to have
and who are trying to make a public demonstration of protest against the
international tyranny being imposed upon them?
A genuine world government might eliminate the armed conflict (between
nations) which we now call war; but it would cause an endless series of
bloody uprisings and bloody suppressions, and would cause more human
misery than total war itself.
* * * * *
In 1936, the Communist International formally presented its three-stage
plan for achieving world government--_Stage 1:_ socialize the economies
of all nations, particularly the Western "capitalistic democracies"
(most particularly, the United States); _Stage 2:_ bring about federal
unions of various groupings of these socialized nations; _Stage 3:_
amalgamate all of the federal unions into one world-wide union of
socialist states. The following passage is from the official program of
the 1936 Communist International:
"...dictatorship can be established only by a victory of
socialism in different countries or groups of countries, after
which the proletariat republics would unite on federal lines with
those already in existence, and this system of federal unions would
expand ... at length forming the World Union of Socialist Soviet
Republics."
In 1939 (three years after this communist program was outlined) Clarence
K. Streit (a Rhodes scholar who was foreign correspondent for _The New
York Times_, covering League of Nations activities from 1929-1939) wrote
_Union Now_, a book advocating a gradual approach through regional
unions to final world union--an approach identical with that of the
communists, except that Streit did not say his scheme was intended to
achieve world dictatorship, and did not characterize the end result of
his scheme as a "World Union of Socialist Soviet Republics."
* * * * *
In 1940, Clarence K. Streit (together with Percival F. Brundage, later a
Director of the Budget for Eisenhower; and Melvin Ryder, publisher of
the _Army Times_) formed Federal Union, Inc., to work for the goals
outlined in Streit's book, _Union Now_, published the year before.
In 1941, Streit published another book: _Union Now With Britain_. He
claims that the union he advocated would be a step toward "formation of
free world government." But the arguments of his book make it very clear
that in joining a union with other nations, the United States would not
bring to the union old American constitutional concepts of
free-enterprise and individual freedom under limited government, but
would rather amalgamate with the socialistic-communistic systems that
exist in the other nations which became members of the union.
The following passages are from page 192 of Streit's _Union Now With
Britain_:
"Democrats cannot ... quarrel with Soviet Russia or any other
nation because of its economic collectivism, for democracy itself
introduced the idea of collective machinery into politics. It is a
profound mistake to identify democracy and Union necessarily or
entirely with either capitalist or socialist society, with either
the method of individual or collective enterprise. There is room
for both of these methods in democracy....
"Democracy not only allows mankind to choose freely between
capitalism and collectivism, but it includes marxist governments,
parties and press...."
When the year 1941 ended, America was in World War II; and all American
advocates of world-peace-through-world-law-and-world-government
jubilantly struck while the iron was hot--using the hysteria and
confusion of the early days of our involvement in the great catastrophe
as a means of pushing us into one or another of the schemes for union
with other nations.
Clarence Streit states it this way, in his most recent book (_Freedom's
Frontier Atlantic Union Now_, 1961):
"Japan Pearl Harbored us into the war we had sought to avoid by
disunion.... Now, we Americans had the white heat of war to help
leaders form the nuclear Atlantic Union."
* * * * *
On January 5, 1942 (when we had been at war less than a month), Clarence
Streit's Federal Union, Inc., bought advertising space in major
newspapers for a petition urging Congress to adopt a joint resolution
favoring immediate union of the United States with several specified
foreign nations. Such people as Harold L. Ickes (Roosevelt cabinet
officer), Owen J. Roberts (Supreme Court Justice), and John Foster
Dulles (later Eisenhower's Secretary of State) signed this newspaper ad
petitioning Congress to drag America into world government. In fact,
these notables (especially John Foster Dulles) had actually written the
Joint Resolution which Federal Union wanted Congress to adopt.
The world government resolution (urged upon Congress in January, 1942)
provided among other things that in the federal union of nations to be
formed, the "union" government would have the right: (1) to impose a
common citizenship; (2) to tax citizens directly; (3) to make and
enforce all laws; (4) to coin and borrow money; (5) to have a monopoly
on all armed forces; and (6) to _admit new members_.
The following is from a Federal Union, Inc., ad published in _The
Washington Evening Star_, January 5, 1942, urging upon the people and
Congress of America an immediate plunge into world government:
"....Resolved:
"That the President of the United States submit to Congress a
program for forming a powerful union of free peoples to win the
war, the peace, the future;
"That this program unite our people, on the broad lines of our
Constitution, with the people of Canada, the United Kingdom, Eire,
Australia, New Zealand, and the Union of South Africa, together
with such other free peoples, both in the Old World and the New as
may be found ready and able to unite on this federal basis....
"We gain from the fact that all the Soviet republics are already
united in one government, as are also all the Chinese-speaking
people, once so divided. Surely, we and they must agree that union
now of the democracies wherever possible is equally to the general
advantage....
"Let us begin now a world United States....
"The surest way to shorten and to win this war is also the surest
way to guarantee to ourselves, and our friends and foes, that this
war will end in a union of the free. The surest way to do all this
is for us to start that union now."
* * * * *
World Fellowship, Inc., was also busy putting pressure on Congress in
January, 1942. World Fellowship, Inc., is one of the oldest world
government organizations. It was founded in 1918 as the "League of
Neighbors."
In 1924, the League of Neighbors united with the Union of East and West
(which had been founded in India). In 1933, this combined organization
reorganized and changed its name to World Fellowship of Faiths. In late
1941, it changed its name again and incorporated--and has operated since
that time as World Fellowship, Inc.
Dr. Willard Uphaus, a notorious communist-fronter, has been Executive
Director of World Fellowship, Inc., since February, 1953. Here is a
Joint Resolution which World Fellowship, Inc., urged Congress to adopt
on or before January 30, 1942--as a _birthday present_ to President
Franklin D. Roosevelt.
"Now, therefore, be it
"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America, in Congress assembled, That the Congress of the
United States of America does hereby solemnly declare that all
peoples of the earth should now be united in a commonwealth of
nations to be known as the United Nations of the World, and to that
end it hereby gives to the President of the United States of
America all the needed authority and powers of every kind and
description, without limitations of any kind that are necessary in
his sole and absolute discretion to set up and create the
Federation of the World, a world peace government under the title
of the 'United Nations of the World,' including its constitution
and personnel and all other matters needed or appertaining thereto
to the end that all nations of the world may by voluntary action
become a part thereof under the same terms and conditions.
"There is hereby authorised to be appropriated, out of any money in
the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, the sum of 100 million
dollars or so much thereof as may be necessary, to be expended by
the President in his sole and absolute discretion, to effectuate
the purposes of this joint resolution, and in addition, the sum of
1 billion dollars for the immediate use of the United Nations of
the World under its constitution as set up and created by the
President of the United States of America as provided in this joint
resolution...."
Congress rejected the world-government resolutions urged upon it in 1942
by Federal Union, Inc., and by World Fellowship, Inc.
* * * * *
But the formation of the United Nations in 1945 was a tremendous step in
the direction these two organizations were travelling. The "world peace"
aspects of the United Nations were emphasized to enlist support of the
American public. Few Americans noticed that the UN Charter really
creates a worldwide social, cultural, economic, educational, and
political alliance--and commits each member nation to a program of total
socialism for itself and to the support of total socialism for all other
nations.
The United Nations is, to be sure, a weaker alliance than world
government advocates want; but the UN was the starting point and
framework for world government.
The massive UN propaganda during the first few years after the formation
of the UN (1945) was so effective in brainwashing the American people,
that the United World Federalists, beginning with the State Assembly of
California, managed to get 27 state legislatures to pass resolutions
demanding that Congress call a Constitutional Convention for the purpose
of amending our Constitution in order to "expedite and insure"
participation of the United States in a world government. When the
American people found out what was going on, all of these "resolutions"
were repealed--most of them before the end of 1950.
But 1949 was a great year for American world government advocates.
* * * * *
On April 4, 1949, Dean Acheson's "brainchild," the North Atlantic
Treaty, was ratified by the United States. President Truman signed the
proclamation putting NATO in force on August 24, 1949. Most Americans
were happy with this organization. It was supposedly a military alliance
to protect the free world against communism. But few Americans bothered
to read the brief, 14-article treaty. If they had, Article 2 would have
sounded rather strange and out of place in a military alliance. Here is
Article 2 of the NATO Treaty:
"The parties will contribute toward the future development of
peaceful and friendly international relations by strengthening
their free institutions, by bringing about a better understanding
of the principles upon which these institutions are founded, and by
promoting conditions of stability and _well being_. They will seek
to eliminate conflict in their international economic policies and
will encourage economic collaboration between any or all of them."
Here in this "military" treaty, which re-affirms the participants'
"faith in the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United
Nations," is the legal basis for a union, an Atlantic Union, a
_supra_-national government, all under the United Nations.
* * * * *
Immediately upon the formation of NATO, Clarence K. Streit created (in
1949) the Atlantic Union Committee, Inc. Strait's old Federal Union was
permitted to become virtually defunct (although it technically still
exists, as publisher of Streit's books, and so on). Streit got federal
tax exemption for the Atlantic Union Committee by writing into its
charter a proviso that the organisation would not "attempt to influence
legislation by propaganda or otherwise."
Yet, the charter of AUC states its purposes as follows:
"To promote support for congressional action requesting the
President of the United States to invite the other democracies
which sponsored the North Atlantic Treaty to name delegates,
representing their principal political parties, to meet with
delegates of the United States in a federal convention to explore
how far their peoples, and the peoples of such other democracies as
the convention may invite to send delegates, can apply among them,
within the framework of the United Nations, the principles of free
federal union."
An Atlantic Union Committee Resolution, providing for the calling of an
international convention to "explore" steps toward a limited world
government, was actually introduced in the Congress in 1949--with the
support of a frightful number of "liberals" then in the Congress.
The Resolution did not come to a vote in the 81st Congress (1949-1950).
Estes Kefauver (Democrat, Tennessee) gravitated to the leadership in
pushing for the Resolution in subsequent Congresses; and he had the
support of the top leadership of both parties, Republican and Democrat,
north and south--including people like Richard Nixon, William Fulbright,
Lister Hill, Hubert Humphrey, Mike Mansfield, Kenneth Keating, Jacob
Javits, Christian Herter, and so on.
From 1949 to 1959, the Atlantic Union Resolution was introduced in each
Congress--except the one Republican-controlled Congress (83rd--1953).
* * * * *
In 1959, Atlantic Union advocates, having got nowhere in ten years of
trying to push their Resolution through Congress, changed tactics. In
1959, Streit's Atlantic Union Committee published a pamphlet entitled,
_Our One Best Hope--For Us--For The United Nations--For All Mankind_,
recommending an "action" program to "strengthen the UN." This "action"
program asks the U.S. Congress to pass a Resolution calling for an
international convention which would accomplish certain "fundamental
objectives," to wit:
"That only reasonably experienced democracies be asked to
participate; and that the number asked to participate should be
small enough to enhance the chance for early agreement, yet large
enough to create, if united, a preponderance of power on the side
of freedom.
"That the delegates be officially appointed but that they be
uninstructed by their governments so that they shall be free to act
in accordance with their own individual consciences.
"That, whatever the phraseology, it should not be such as to
preclude any proposal which, in the wisdom of the convention, is
the most practical step.
"That the findings of the delegates could be only recommendations,
later to be accepted or rejected by their legislatures and their
fellow citizens."
* * * * *
The NATO Citizens Commission Law of 1960 fully carries out the purposes
and intent of the new Atlantic Union strategy fabricated in 1959 to
replace the old Resolution which had failed for ten years.
The roll-call vote on this law (published in the February 27, 1961,
issue of _The Dan Smoot Report_) shows what a powerful array of United
States Congressmen and Senators are for this step toward world
government.
The debates in House and Senate (Senate: _Congressional Record_, June
15, 1960, pp. 11724 _ff_; House: _Congressional Record_, August 24,
1960, pp. 16261 _ff_) show something even more significant.
While denying that the NATO Citizens Commission Law had any relation to
the old Atlantic Union Resolution which Congress had refused for ten
years to consider, "liberals" in both Senate and House used language
right out of the Atlantic Union Committee pamphlet of 1959 (_Our Best
Hope ..._) to "prove" that this NATO Citizens Commission proposal was
not dangerous: They argued, for example, that Commission members would
be free to act in accordance with their own individual consciences; that
the meetings of the Commission would be purely exploratory, and that
Commission findings would be "only recommendations," not binding on the
U.S. government.
Congressional "liberals" supporting the NATO Citizens Commission also
tried to establish the respectability of the Commission by arguing that
it was merely being created to explore means of implementing Article 2
of the NATO Treaty. Are these "liberal" congressmen and senators so
ignorant that they do not know the whole Atlantic Union movement is
built under the canopy of "implementing Article 2 of this NATO Treaty?"
Or, are they too stupid to understand this? Or, are they so dishonest
that they distort the facts, thinking that the public is too confused or
ignorant to discover the truth?
Although the liberals in Congress loudly denied that the NATO Citizens
Commission Law of 1960 had anything to do with Atlantic Union, Clarence
Streit knew better--or was more honest. As soon as the law was passed,
Streit began a hasty revision of his old _Union Now_. Early in 1961,
Harper & Brothers published the revision, under the title _Freedom's
Frontier Atlantic Union Now_.
In this new book, Streit expresses jubilation about the NATO Citizens
Commission Law; and, on the second page of the first chapter, he says:
"One change in the picture, which has seemed too slight or too
recent to be noted yet by the general public, seems to me so
significant as to give in itself reason enough for new faith in
freedom's future, and for this new effort to advance it. On
September 7, 1960, President Eisenhower signed an act of Congress
authorizing a United States Citizens Commission on NATO to
organize and participate in a Convention of Citizens of North
Atlantic Democracies with a view to exploring fully and
recommending concretely how to unite their peoples better."
_The Atlantic Union News_ (published by the Atlantic Union Committee,
Inc.) in the September, 1960, issue presents an exultant article under
the headline "AUC Victorious: Resolution Signed by President Becomes
Public Law 86-719."
The article says:
"Members of the Atlantic Union Committee could certainly be
forgiven if by now they had decided that the Resolution for an
Atlantic Exploratory Convention would never pass both Houses of
Congress. However, it has just done so. It was signed into law by
the President September 7, 1960. The incredible size of this
victory is hard, even for us in Washington, to comprehend...."
Who actually runs Clarence Streit's Atlantic Union Committee which
finally succeeded in ordering the Congress and the President of the
United States to take this sinister step toward world government? The
Council on Foreign Relations! The three top officials of the Atlantic
Union Committee are members of the CFR: Elmo Roper, President; William
L. Clayton, Vice President; and Lithgow Osborne, Secretary.
As of December, 1960, there were 871 members of the Atlantic Union
Committee. Of these, 107 were also members of the Council on Foreign
Relations. The December, 1960, membership list of the AUC is in Appendix
II of this volume. Each Council on Foreign Relations member is
designated on that list with CFR in parentheses after his name.
* * * * *
The NATO Citizens Commission Law of 1960 provided that the Speaker of
the House and the Vice President should select 20 persons to serve on
the Commission. In March, 1961, Sam Rayburn and Lyndon Johnson appointed
the following persons as members of the Commission:
Donald G. Agger; Will L. Clayton; Charles William Engelhard, Jr.;
George J. Feldman; Morris Forgash; Christian A. Herter; Dr. Francis
S. Hutchins; Eric Johnston; William F. Knowland; Hugh Moore; Ralph
D. Pittman, Ben Regan; David Rockefeller; Elmo B. Roper (Jr.); Mrs.
Edith S. Sampson; Adolph W. Schmidt; Oliver C. Schroeder; Burr S.
Swezey, Sr.; Alex Warden; and Douglas Wynn.
Of the 20 members of the NATO Citizens Commission, 7 are members of the
Council on Foreign Relations: Clayton, Herter, Johnston, Moore,
Rockefeller, Roper, Schmidt. Roper is President and Clayton is Vice
President of the Atlantic Union Committee. The others are generally
second-level affiliates of the CFR.
* * * * *
The United World Federalists does not have as much power and influence
as Clarence Streit's Atlantic Union, but is clearly the second most
influential organization working for world government.
The specific objective of the United World Federalists is rapid
transformation (through expansion of the jurisdiction of the World
Court, establishment of an international "police force," and so on) of
the United Nations into an all-powerful world government.
The aim of the UWF organization, as expressed in its own literature (the
most revealing piece of which is a pamphlet called _Beliefs, Purposes
and Policies_) is:
"To create a world federal government with authority to enact,
interpret, and enforce world law adequate to maintain peace."
The world federal government would be,
"based upon the following principles and include the following
powers....
"Membership open to all nations without the right of secession....
World law should be enforceable directly upon individuals.... The
world government should have direct taxing power independent of
national taxation."
The UWF scheme provides for a world police force and the prohibition of
"possession by any nation of armaments and forces beyond an approved
level required for internal policing."
The UWF proposes to work toward its world government scheme,
"By making use of the amendment process of the United Nations to
transform it into such a world federal government;
"By participating in world constituent assemblies, whether of
private individuals, parliamentary or other groups seeking to
produce draft constitutions for consideration and possible adoption
by the United Nations or by national governments...."
Norman Cousins and James P. Warburg (both prominent Council on Foreign
Relations members) formed the United World Federalists in February,
1947, at Ashville, North Carolina, by amalgamating three small
organizations (World Federalists, Student Federalists, and Americans
United For World Government).
Cousins is still honorary president of UWF. Walter Reuther (a
"second-level" affiliate of the CFR), Cousins, and Warburg actually run
the UWF at the top. Other Council on Foreign Relations members who are
officials in the UWF include Harry A. Bullis, Arthur H. Bunker, Cass
Canfield, Mark F. Ethridge, Douglas Fairbanks, Jr., Harold K.
Guinzburg, Isador Lubin, Cord Meyer, Jr., Lewis Mumford, Harry Scherman,
Raymond Gram Swing, Paul C. Smith, Walter Wanger, James D. Zellerbach.
* * * * *
The Institute for International Order, 11 West 42nd Street, New York 36,
New York, is another organization working for world government. It was
founded on November 17, 1948, at Washington, D.C., as the Association
for Education in World Government. On May 17, 1952, it changed its name
to Institute for International Government. On May 7, 1954, it changed
names again, to the present Institute for International Order.
The purpose of this organization has remained constant, through all the
name changing, since it was originally founded in 1948: to strengthen
the United Nations into a genuine world government. And it is a part of
the interlocking apparatus which constitutes our invisible government.
The Institute for International Order gets 75% of its income from
foundations which members of the Council on Foreign Relations control;
and the following CFR members are officers of the Institute: Earl D.
Osborn (President), Henry B. Cabot (Vice President), Edward W. Barrett,
Paul G. Hoffman, and Irving Salomon.
In 1948, the State Department created the U.S. Committee for the UN
(mentioned in Chapter VIII, in connection with the Advertising Council)
as a semi-official organization to propagandize for the UN in the United
States, with emphasis on promoting "UN Day" each year.
The Council on Foreign Relations dominates the U.S. Committee for the
UN. Such persons as Stanley C. Allyn, Ralph Bunche, Gardner Cowles, H.
J. Heinz, II, Eric Johnston, Milton Katz, Stanley Marcus, Hugh Moore,
John Nason, Earl D. Osborn, Jack I. Straus, and Walter Wheeler, Jr.--all
Council on Foreign Relations members--are members of the U.S. Committee
for the United Nations.
Walter Wheeler, Jr., (last name in the list above) is President of
Pitney-Bowes, maker of postage meter machines. In 1961, Mr. Wheeler
tried to stop all Pitney-Bowes customers from using, on their meter
machines, the American patriotic slogan, "This is a republic, not a
democracy: let's keep it that way." Mr. Wheeler said this slogan was
controversial. But Mr. Wheeler supported a campaign to get the slogan of
international socialism, _UN We Believe_, used on Pitney-Bowes postage
meter machines--probably the most controversial slogan ever to appear in
American advertising, as we shall see presently.
The American Association for the United Nations--AAUN--is another
tax-exempt, "semi-private" organization set up (not directly by the CFR,
but by the State Department which the Council runs) as a propaganda
agency for the UN. It serves as an outlet for UN pamphlets and, with
chapters in most key cities throughout the United States, as an
organizer of meetings, lecture-series, and other programs which
propagandize about the ineffable goodness and greatness of the United
Nations as the maker and keeper of world peace.
The Council on Foreign Relations dominates the AAUN. Some of the leading
CFR members who run the AAUN are: Ralph J. Bunche, Cass Canfield,
Benjamin V. Cohen, John Cowles, Clark M. Eichelberger, Ernest A. Gross,
Paul G. Hoffman, Palmer Hoyt, Herbert Lehman, Oscar de Lima, Irving
Salomon, James T. Shotwell, Sumner Welles, Quincy Wright.
* * * * *
In 1958, the United States Committee for the UN created an Industry
Participation Division for the specific purpose of getting the UN emblem
and _UN We Believe_ slogan displayed on the commercial vehicles,
stationery, business forms, office buildings, flag poles, and
advertising layouts of American business firms. The first major firm to
plunge conspicuously into this pro-UN propaganda drive was United Air
Lines.
W. A. Patterson, President of United, is an official of the Committee
For Economic Development, a major Council on Foreign Relations
propaganda affiliate, and has served on the Business-Education Committee
of the CED. Mr. Patterson had the _UN We Believe_ emblem painted in a
conspicuous place on every plane in the United Air Lines fleet. There
was a massive protest from Americans who know that the UN is part of the
great scheme to destroy America as a free and independent republic. Mr.
Patterson had the UN emblems removed from his planes.
* * * * *
In 1961, the American Association for the United Nations and the U. S.
Committee for the UN (both enjoying federal tax exemption, as
"educational" in the "public interest") created another tax-exempt
organization to plaster the UN emblem all over the American landscape.
The new organization is called UN We Believe. Here is an article from
the May-June, 1961, issue of _Weldwood News_, a house organ of United
States Plywood Corporation (New York 36, New York):
"A. W. (Al) Teichmeier, USP director of merchandising, is the
Company's closest physical link to the United Nations--he's
President of UN We Believe.
"UN We Believe, under joint auspices of the American Association
for the UN and the U. S. Committee for the UN, is a non-profit,
year-round program geared to convince industry, organizations and
individuals how important public support can mean in preserving
world peace.
"USP uses the seal ... (UN emblem and _UN We Believe_ slogan) on
its postage meters for all New York mailings. Among some other
active companies in the program are CIT, General Telephone, Texaco,
American Sugar Refining, P. Lorillard Co., and KLM Dutch Airlines."
Plywood companies (small ones, producing hardwood plywood, if not big
ones like USP) have been grievously hurt by the trade and foreign-aid
policies which the UN, international-socialist crowd is responsible for.
Lenin is said to have remarked that when it comes time for communists to
hang all capitalists, the capitalists will bid against each other for
contracts to sell the rope.
The article from _Weldwood News_, quoted above, was quoted in the July
17, 1961, issue of _The Dan Smoot Report_. The companies mentioned
received some mail, criticizing them for supporting UN We Believe. The
Texaco Company denied that it had ever been active in UN We Believe and
said that the editor of _Weldwood News_ had apologized for the error in
publishing the reference to Texaco and had expressed regret for "the
embarrassment caused" Texaco.
While denying support for UN We Believe, however, Mr. Augustus C. Long,
Chairman of the Board of Texaco (and a member of the Business Advisory
Council) gave unqualified endorsement of the Council on Foreign
Relations. In a letter dated August 17, 1961, Mr. Long said:
"The Council on Foreign Relations is one of the most effective
organizations in this country devoted to spreading information on
international problems. The officers and directors of the Council
are men of reputation and stature. We believe that the Council
through its study groups makes an outstanding contribution to
public information concerning foreign policy issues."
Chapter 8
FOREIGN AID
One day in the spring of 1961, a New York lawyer received a long
distance telephone call. Concerning this call, the _New York Times_
reported:
"'This is President Kennedy,' the telephone voice said.
"'The hell you say,' retorted the lawyer. 'I guess that makes me
the Prime Minister of England, but what can I do for you?'
"'Nobody's pulling your leg,' the telephone voice said. 'This is
President Kennedy all right. I want to talk to you about coming
down here to Washington to help me with this long-term foreign aid
legislation.'"
One week later, the New York lawyer took an apartment in Washington and,
as a member of President Kennedy's "Task Force" on foreign aid, started
writing the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961. The lawyer is Theodore
Tannenwald, Jr., a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, who wrote
many of the foreign aid bills which President Harry Truman presented to
Congress and who, during the first Eisenhower term, was assistant
director of the Mutual Security Program.
After Mr. Tannenwald and his task force had finished writing the 1961
foreign aid bill, President Kennedy appointed Tannenwald coordinator in
charge of "presenting" the bill to committees of the House and Senate.
Three cabinet officers and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
took their orders from Mr. Tannenwald, who was, according to the _New
York Times_, "the Administration's composer, orchestrator and conductor
of the most important legislative symphony of the Congressional
session."
With admiration, the _Times_ said:
"Mr. Tannenwald has been a kind of special White House ambassador
to Capitol Hill. While the legislative committees struggled with
the controversial proposal to by-pass the appropriating process and
give the President authority to borrow $8,800,000,000 (8 billion,
800 million) for development lending in the next five years, he was
the man in the ante-room empowered to answer questions in the name
of the President."
* * * * *
In July, 1961, President Kennedy completed Mr. Tannenwald's foreign aid
"orchestra." On July 10, in ceremonies at the White House, the President
formally announced creation of the newest foreign-aid propaganda
organization, the Citizens Committee for International Development, with
Warren Lee Pierson as chairman. Here is the membership of the Citizens
Committee for International Development:
_Eugenie Anderson_ (member of the Atlantic Union Committee);
_William Benton_ (Chairman of the Board of _Encyclopaedia
Britannica_; member of the Atlantic Union Committee); _Everett N.
Case_ (President of Colgate University); _O. Roy Chalk_ (President
of the District of Columbia Transit Company); _Malcolm S. Forbes_
(Editor and Publisher of _Forbes Magazine_); _Eleanor Clark
French_; _Albert M. Greenfield_ (Honorary Chairman of the Board of
Bankers Security Corporation, Philadelphia); _General Alfred M.
Gruenther_ (President of the American National Red Cross; member of
the Atlantic Union Committee); _Murray D. Lincoln_ (Chairman of
Nationwide Insurance Company); _Sol M. Linowitz_ (Chairman of Zerox
Corporation); _George Meany_ (President of AFL-CIO); _William S.
Paley_ (Chairman of the Board, Columbia Broadcasting System);
_Warren Lee Pierson_ (Chairman of the Board, Trans-World Airways);
_Ross Pritchard_ (Professor of Political Science, Southwestern
University, Memphis); _Thomas S. Nichols_ (Chairman of the Board
of Olin Mathieson Chemical Corporation; member of the Atlantic
Union Committee); _Mrs. Mary G. Roebling_ (President Of Trenton
Trust Company); _David Sarnoff_ (Chairman of Radio Corporation of
America); _Walter Sterling Surrey_ (legal consultant, Economic
Cooperation Administration); _Thomas J. Watson, Jr._, (President of
International Business Machines Corporation); _Walter H. Wheeler,
Jr._, (President of Pitney-Bowes); _James D. Zellerbach_ (President
and Director of Crown-Zellerbach Corporation; Chairman of
Fibreboard Products, Inc.; member of the Atlantic Union Committee
and United World Federalists); _Ezra Zilkha_ (head of Zilkha &
Sons).
Of these 22 people, 12 (including the Chairman) are members of the
Council on Foreign Relations: Benton, Case, Gruenther, Paley, Pierson,
Pritchard, Nichols, Sarnoff, Surrey, Watson, Wheeler, and Zellerbach.
* * * * *
Heads of the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations attended the White House
luncheon when the Committee was formed. Vice President Johnson,
Secretary of State Dean Rusk, and Attorney General Robert Kennedy were
also present. The President urged each and all to get foundations,
business firms, civic organizations, and the people generally, to put
pressure on Congress in support of the 1961 foreign aid bill.
Within a week after the July 10, White House luncheon meeting (which
launched the CFR's foreign aid committee), the President and his
high-level aides were talking about a grave crisis in Berlin and about
foreign aid as _the_ essential means of "meeting" that crisis.
On July 25, when congressional debates over the foreign aid bill were in
a critical stage, President Kennedy spoke to the nation on radio and
television, solemnly warning the people that the Berlin situation was
dangerous.
Immediate, additional support for the foreign aid bill came from the
country's liberal and leftwing forces, who united in a passionate
plea--urging the American people to support the President "in this grave
hour."
* * * * *
On August 27, an Associated Press release announced that House Leader
John W. McCormack (Democrat, Massachusetts), was attempting to enlist
the cooperation of 2,400 city mayors in support of a long-range foreign
aid bill to meet the President's demands.
McCormack sent the city officials a statement of his views with a cover
letter suggesting that the matter be brought to "the attention of
citizens of your community through publication in your local newspaper,"
and, further, urging their "personal endorsement of this bipartisan
program through the medium of your local press...."
State Department officials scheduled speaking tours throughout the land,
and CFR affiliated organizations (like the Councils on World Affairs)
started the build-up to provide audiences--all in the interest of
"briefing" the American people on the necessity and beauties of foreign
aid.
Anyone with sense had to wonder how the giving of American tax money to
communist governments in Europe and to socialist governments all over
the earth could help us resist communism in Berlin. But with the top
leaders in our society (from the President downward to officials in the
National Council of Churches) telling us that the survival of our nation
depended on the President's getting all the foreign aid "authorization"
he wanted--most Americans remained silent, feeling that such
consequential and complicated matters should be left in the hands of our
chosen leaders.
By the end of August, the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 had been passed
by both houses of Congress; and the Berlin crisis moved from front page
lead articles in the nation's newspapers to less important columns.
Thus, in 1961, as always, the foreign aid bill was a special project of
our invisible government, the Council on Foreign Relations. And, in
1961, as always, the great, tax-supported propaganda machine used a fear
psychology to bludgeon the people into silence and the Congress into
obedience.
President Kennedy signed the Act as Public Law 87-195 on September 4,
1961.
* * * * *
Public Law 87-195 authorized $10,253,500,000 (10 billion, 253 million,
500 thousand) in foreign aid: $3,066,500,000 appropriated for the 1962
fiscal year, and $7,187,000,000 Treasury borrowing authorized for the
next five years. The law does require the President to obtain annual
appropriations for the Treasury borrowing, but permits him to make
commitments to lend the money to foreign countries, _before_ he obtains
appropriations from Congress.
It was widely reported in the press that Congress had denied the
President the long-term borrowing authority he had requested; but the
President himself was satisfied. He knew that by promising loans to
foreign governments (that is, "committing" the funds in advance of
congressional appropriation) he would thus force Congress (in the
interest of showing "national unity" and of not "repudiating" our
President) to appropriate whatever he promised.
On August 29, the President said:
"The compromise ... is wholly satisfactory. It gives the United
States Government authority to make commitments for long-term
development programs with reasonable assurance that these
commitments will be met."
* * * * *
Former Vice President Richard M. Nixon (a member of the CFR) was happy
about the 1961 foreign aid bill. On August 29, Nixon, on the ABC radio
network, said that he favored such "long-range foreign aid planning,
financed through multi-year authorizations and annual appropriations."
Nelson A. Rockefeller, Republican Governor of New York, announced that
he too favored "long-range foreign aid planning, financed through
multi-year authorizations and annual appropriations"--exactly like
Nixon.
Former President Eisenhower was also happy. He, too, said he favored
this sort of thing.
Senator J. William Fulbright (Democrat, Arkansas) was almost jubilant:
he said Congress for the next five years would be under "strong
obligation" to put up the money for whatever the President promises to
foreign governments.
All in all, it is improbable that Congress ever passed another bill more
destructive of American constitutional principles; more harmful to our
nation politically, economically, morally, and militarily; and more
helpful to communism-socialism all over the earth--than the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961, which was, from beginning to end, a product of
the Council on Foreign Relations.
* * * * *
Our foreign aid does grievous harm to the American people by burdening
them with excessive taxation, thus making it difficult for them to
expand their own economy. This gives government pretext for intervening
with more taxation and controls for domestic subsidies.
Furthermore, the money that government takes away from us for foreign
aid is used to subsidize our political enemies and economic competitors
abroad. Note, for example, the large quantities of agricultural goods
which we give every year to communist satellite nations, thus enabling
communist governments to control the hungry people of those nations.
Note that while we are giving away our agricultural surpluses to
communist and socialist nations, we, under the 1961 foreign aid bill (as
under previous ones), are subsidizing agricultural production in the
underdeveloped countries.
The 1961 foreign aid bill prohibited direct aid to Cuba, but authorized
contributions to United Nations agencies, which were giving aid to Cuba.
At a time when the American economy was suffering from the flight of
American industry to foreign lands, the 1961 foreign aid bill offered
subsidies and investment guarantees to American firms moving abroad.
Our foreign aid enriches and strengthens political leaders and ruling
oligarchies (which are often corrupt) in underdeveloped lands; and it
does infinite harm to the people of those lands, when it inflates their
economy and foists upon them an artificially-produced industrialism
which they are not prepared to sustain or even understand.
* * * * *
The basic argument for foreign aid is that by helping the underdeveloped
nations develop, we will keep them from falling under the dictatorship
of communism. The argument is false and unsound, historically,
politically, economically, and morally.
The communists have never subjugated a nation by winning the loyalties
of the oppressed and downtrodden. The communists first win the support
of liberal-intellectuals, and then use them to subvert and pervert all
established mores and ideals and social and political arrangements.
Our foreign aid does not finance freedom in foreign lands; it finances
socialism; and a world socialist system is what communists are trying to
establish. As early as 1921, Joseph Stalin said that the advanced
western nations must give economic aid to other nations in order to
socialize their economies and prepare them for integration in the
communist's world socialist system.
Socializing the economies of all nations so that all can be merged into
a one-world system was the objective of Colonel Edward M. House, who
founded the Council on Foreign Relations, and has been the objective of
the Council, and of all its associated organizations, from the
beginning.
Chapter 9
MORE OF THE INTERLOCK
It is impossible in this volume to discuss all organizations interlocked
with the Council on Foreign Relations. In previous chapters, I have
discussed some of the most powerful agencies in the interlock. In this
chapter, I present brief discussions of a few organizations which make
significant contributions to the over-all program of the Council.
INSTITUTE FOR AMERICAN STRATEGY
There are some men in the Council on Foreign Relations who condemn the
_consequences_ of the CFR's policies--but who never mention the CFR as
responsible for those policies, and who never really suggest any change
in the policies.
Frank R. Barnett is such a man. Mr. Barnett, a member of the Council on
Foreign Relations, is research director for the Richardson Foundation
and also program director for the Institute for American Strategy, which
is largely financed by the Richardson Foundation. The Institute for
American Strategy holds two-day regional "Strategy Seminars" in cities
throughout the United States. Participants in the seminars are carefully
selected civic and community leaders. The announced official purpose of
the seminars is:
"...to inform influential private American citizens of the danger
which confronts the United States in the realm of world politics.
They have been conceived as a means for arousing an informed and
articulate patriotism which can provide the basis for the
sustained and intensive effort which alone can counter the skillful
propaganda and ruthless conquest so successfully practiced by the
Soviet Union and her allies and satellites."
Mr. Barnett is generally one of the featured speakers at these seminars.
He speaks effectively, arousing his audience to an awareness of the
Soviets as an ugly menace to freedom and decency in the world. He makes
his audience squirm with anxiety about how America is losing the cold
war on all fronts, and makes them burn with desire to reverse this
trend. But when it comes to suggesting what can be done about the
terrible situation, Mr. Barnett seems only to recommend that more and
more people listen to more and more speakers like him in order to become
angrier at the Soviets and more disturbed about American losses--so that
we can continue the same policies we have, but do a better job with
them.
Mr. Barnett never criticizes the basic internationalist policy of
entwining the affairs of America with those of other nations, because
Mr. Barnett, like all other internationalists, takes it for granted that
America can no longer defend herself, without "allies," whom we must buy
with foreign aid. He does imply that our present network of permanent,
entangling alliances is not working well; but he never hints that we
should abandon this disastrous policy and return to the traditional
American policy of benign neutrality and no-permanent-involvement, which
offers the only possible hope for our peace and security. Rather, Mr.
Barnett would just like us to conduct our internationalist policy in
such a way as to avoid the disaster which our internationalist policy is
building for us.
* * * * *
Mr. Barnett's recommendations on how to fight communism on the domestic
front also trail off, generally, into contradictions and confusion. For
example, in his speech to the "Strategy Seminar" arranged by the
Institute for American Strategy and sponsored by the Fulton County
Medical Society in Atlanta, Georgia, June, 1961, Mr. Barnett urged all
citizens to inform themselves about the communist threat and become
educated on its aims so that they will be capable of combatting
communist propaganda. But, Mr. Barnett said, citizens are "silly" who
concern themselves with trying to find communists and fellow-travelers
in the PTA!
In a speech to reserve officers at the War College in July, 1961, Mr.
Barnett denounced "crackpots" who hunt "pinkos" in local colleges. He
said the theory that internal subversion is the chief danger to the
United States is fallacious--and is harmful, because it has great
popular appeal. Belief in this theory, Mr. Barnett said, makes people
mistakenly feel that they "don't have to think about ... strengthening
NATO, or improving foreign aid management, or volunteering for the Peace
Corps, or anything else that might require sacrifice."
Mr. Barnett, who speaks persuasively as an expert on fighting communism,
apparently does not know that the real work of the communist conspiracy
is not performed by the shabby people who staff the official apparatus
of the communist party, but is done by well-intentioned people (in the
PTA and similar organizations) who have been brainwashed with communist
ideas. Communists (whom Mr. Barnett hates and fears) did not do the
tremendous job of causing the United States to abandon her traditional
policies of freedom and independence for the internationalist policies
which are dragging us into one-world socialism. The most distinguished
and respected Americans of our time, in the Council on Foreign Relations
(of which Mr. Barnett is a member) did this job.
It is interesting to note that the principal book offered for sale and
recommended for reading at Mr. Barnett's, "Strategy Seminars" is
_American Strategy For The Nuclear Age_. The first chapter in the book,
entitled "Basic Aims of United States Foreign Policy," is a reprint of a
Council on Foreign Relations report, compiled by a CFR meeting in 1959,
attended by such well-known internationalist "liberals" as Frank
Altschul, Hamilton Fish Armstrong, Adolf A. Berle, Jr., Robert Blum,
Robert R. Bowie, John Cowles, Arthur H. Dean, Thomas K. Finletter,
William C. Foster, W. Averell Harriman, Philip C. Jessup, Joseph E.
Johnson, Henry R. Luce, I. I. Rabi, Herman B. Wells, Henry M. Wriston.
COMMISSION ON NATIONAL GOALS
On December 6, 1960, President Eisenhower presented, to President-elect
Kennedy, a report by the President's Commission on National Goals, a
group of "distinguished" Americans whom President Eisenhower had
appointed 11 months before to find out what America's national purpose
should be.
The national purpose of this nation _should be_ exactly what it was
during the first 125 years of our national life: to stand as proof that
free men can govern themselves; to blaze a trail toward freedom, a trail
which all people, if they wish, can follow or guide themselves by,
without any meddling from us.
Hydrogen bombs and airplanes and intercontinental ballistic missiles do
not change basic principles. The principles on which our nation was
founded are eternal, as valid now as in the 18th century.
Indeed, modern developments in science should make us cling to those
principles. If foreign enemies can now destroy our nation by pressing a
button, it seems obvious that our total defense effort should be devoted
to protecting our nation against such an attack: it is suicidal for us
to waste any of our defense effort on "economic improvement" and
military assistance for other nations.
All of this being obvious, it is also obvious that the President's
Commission on National Goals was not really trying to discover our
"national purpose." "National Purpose" was the label for a propaganda
effort intended to help perpetuate governmental policies, which are
dragging America into international socialism, regardless of who
succeeded Eisenhower as President.
The Report is actually a rehash of major provisions in the 1960 Democrat
and Republican party platforms. More than that, it is, in several
fundamental and specific ways, identical with the 1960 published program
of the communist party. (For a full discussion of the President's
Commission on National Goals, see _The Dan Smoot Report_, "Our National
Purpose," December 12, 1960.)
Who were the "distinguished" Americans whom Eisenhower appointed to draw
this blueprint of America's National Purpose? They were:
Erwin D. Canham, Editor-in-Chief of the _Christian Science
Monitor_; James B. Conant, former President of Harvard; Colgate W.
Darden, Jr., former President of the University of Virginia and
former Governor of Virginia; Crawford H. Greenewalt, President of
E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., Inc.; General Alfred M. Gruenther,
President of the American Red Cross; Learned Hand, retired judge of
the U.S. Court of Appeals; Clark Kerr, President of the University
of California; James R. Killian, Jr., Chairman of the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology; George Meany, President of the AFL-CIO;
Frank Pace, Jr., former member of Truman's cabinet; Henry M.
Wriston, President of American Assembly and President Emeritus of
Brown University.
Of the 11, 7 are members of the Council on Foreign Relations--Canham,
Conant, Gruenther, Hand, Killian, Pace, Wriston. All of the others are
lower-level affiliates of the CFR.
NATIONAL PLANNING ASSOCIATION
The National Planning Association was established in 1934 "to bring
together leaders from agriculture, business, labor, and the professions
to pool their experience and foresight in developing workable plans for
the nation's future...."
The quotation is from an NPA booklet, which also says:
"Every year since the NPA was organized in 1934, its reports have
strongly influenced our national economy, U.S. economic policy, and
business decisions."
Here are members of the Council on Foreign Relations listed as officials
of the National Planning Association: Frank Altschul, Laird Bell,
Courtney C. Brown, Eric Johnston, Donald R. Murphy, Elmo Roper,
Beardsley Ruml, Hans Christian Sonne, Lauren Soth, Wayne Chatfield
Taylor, John Hay Whitney.
The following officials of National Planning Association are generally
second-level affiliates of the CFR--or are, at any rate, worth noting:
Arnold Zander, International President of American Federation of State,
County and Municipal Employees; Solomon Barkin, Director of Research for
the Textile Workers Union of America; L. S. Buckmaster, General
President, United Rubber, Cork, Linoleum & Plastic Workers of America;
James B. Carey, Secretary-Treasurer of CIO; Albert J. Hayes,
International President of International Association of Machinists; and
Walter P. Reuther.
AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION
In 1920, the American Civil Liberties Union was founded by Felix
Frankfurter, a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, William Z.
Foster, then head of the U.S. Communist Party; Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, a
top communist party official; Dr. Harry F. Ward, of Union Theological
Seminary, a notorious communist-fronter; and Roger Baldwin.
Patrick M. Malin, a member of the CFR, has been director of the American
Civil Liberties Union since 1952. Other CFR members who are known to be
officials in the American Civil Liberties Union are: William Butler,
Richard S. Childs, Norman Cousins, Palmer Hoyt, Jr., J. Robert
Oppenheimer, Elmo Roper, Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr.
NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF CHRISTIANS AND JEWS
The late Charles Evans Hughes (a member of the CFR) and the late S.
Parkes Cadman (former President of the Federal--now National--Council of
Churches) founded the National Conference of Christians and Jews in
1928.
In June, 1950 (at the suggestion of Paul Hoffman) the National
Conference of Christians and Jews founded World Brotherhood at UNESCO
House in Paris, France. The officers of World Brotherhood were: Konrad
Adenauer, William Benton, Arthur H. Compton, Paul Henri-Spaak, Paul G.
Hoffman, Herbert H. Lehman, John J. McCloy, George Meany, Madame Pandit,
Paul Reynaud, Eleanor Roosevelt, Adlai Stevenson.
* * * * *
In August, 1958, World Brotherhood held a seminar in Bern, Switzerland.
All of the officers listed above attended and prepared "working papers."
Here is a summary of conclusions reached at this World Brotherhood
meeting, as condensed from an article by Arthur Krock, in _The New York
Times_, November 21, 1958:
_We must recognize that the communist countries are here to stay
and cannot be wished away by propaganda. All is not bad in
communist countries. Western nations could learn from communist
experiments. We should study ways to make changes in both
systems--communist and western--in order to bring them nearer
together. We should try to eliminate the stereo-type attitudes
about, and suspicion of, communism. We must assume that the
communist side is not worse than, but merely different from, our
side._
In May, 1960, World Brotherhood held a conference on "World Tensions" at
Chicago University. Lester B. Pearson (socialist-internationalist from
Canada) presided at the conference; and the following members of the
Council on Foreign Relations served as officials: William Benton, Ralph
Bunche, Marquis Childs, Harlan Cleveland, Norman Cousins, Ernest A.
Gross, Paul G. Hoffman, and Adlai Stevenson.
The National Conference of Christians and Jews-World Brotherhood 1960
meeting on "World Tensions," at Chicago University, concluded that the
communists are interested in more trade but not interested in political
subversion, and recommended:
(1) a three-billion-dollar-a-year increase in U. S. foreign aid to
"poor" countries; (2) repeal of the Connally Reservation; (3) closer
relations between the U. S. and communist countries.
Adlai Stevenson told the group that Khrushchev is merely a "tough and
realistic politician and polemicist," with whom it is possible to
"conduct the dialogue of reason."
* * * * *
In 1961, World Brotherhood, Inc., changed its name to Conference On
World Tensions.
AMERICAN ASSEMBLY
In 1950, when President of Columbia University, General Dwight D.
Eisenhower founded the American Assembly--sometimes calling itself the
Arden House Group, taking this name from its headquarters and meeting
place. The Assembly holds a series of meetings at Arden House in New
York City about every six months, and other round-table discussions at
varying intervals throughout the nation.
The 19th meeting of the Arden House Group, which ended May 7, 1961, was
typical of all others, in that it was planned and conducted by members
of the Council on Foreign Relations--and concluded with recommendations
concerning American policy, which, if followed, would best serve the
ends of the Kremlin.
This 1961 Arden House meeting dealt with the problem of disarmament.
Henry M. Wriston (President of American Assembly and Director of the
Council on Foreign Relations) presided over the three major discussion
groups--each group, in turn, was under the chairmanship of a member of
the Council: Raymond J. Sontag of the University of California; Milton
Katz, Director of International Legal Studies at Harvard; and Dr. Philip
E. Mosely, Director of Studies for the Council on Foreign Relations.
John J. McCloy (a member of the CFR) as President Kennedy's Director of
Disarmament, sent three subordinates to participate. Two of the three
(Edmund A. Gullion, Deputy Director of the Disarmament Administration;
and Shepard Stone, a Ford Foundation official) are members of the CFR.
Here are two major recommendations which the May, 1961, American
Assembly meeting made:
(1) that the United States avoid weapons and measures which might
give "undue provocation" to the Soviets, and which might reduce the
likelihood of disarmament agreements;
(2) that the United States strengthen its conventional military
forces for participation in "limited wars" but avoid building up an
ordnance of nuclear weapons.
We cannot match the communist nations in manpower or "conventional
military forces" and should not try. Our only hope is to keep our
military manpower in reserve, and uncommitted, in the United States,
while building an overwhelming superiority in nuclear weapons. When we
"strengthen our conventional forces for participation in limited wars,"
we are leaving the Soviets with the initiative to say when and where
those wars will be fought; and we are committing ourselves to fight with
the kind of forces in which the Soviets will inevitably have
superiority. More than that, we are consuming so much of our economic
resources that we do not have enough left for weaponry of the kind that
would defend our homeland.
AMERICANS FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION
The ADA was founded in April, 1947, at a meeting in the old Willard
Hotel, Washington, D. C. Members of the Council on Foreign Relations
dominated this meeting--and have dominated the ADA ever since.
Here are members of the Council on Foreign Relations who are, or were,
top officials in Americans For Democratic Action: Francis Biddle,
Chester Bowles, Marquis Childs, Elmer Davis, William H. Davis, David
Dubinsky, Thomas K. Finletter, John Kenneth Galbraith, Palmer Hoyt,
Hubert H. Humphrey, Jacob K. Javits, Herbert H. Lehman, Reinhold
Niebuhr, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.
Here are some of the policies which the ADA openly and vigorously
advocated in 1961:
Abolition of the House Committee on Un-American Activities
Congressional investigation of the John Birch Society
Total Disarmament under United Nations control
U. S. recognition of red China
Admission of red China to the United Nations, in place of
nationalist China
Federal aid to all public schools
Drastic overhaul of our immigration laws, to permit a more
"liberal" admission of immigrants
Urban renewal and planning for all cities
* * * * *
Here is a good, brief characterization of the ADA, from a _Los Angeles
Times_ editorial, September 18, 1961:
"The ADA members ... are as an organization strikingly like the
British Fabian Socialists.... The Fabians stood for non-Marxian
evolutionary socialism, to be achieved not by class war but by
ballot....
"ADA is not an organization for subversive violence like
Marxist-Lenin communism.... The socialism they want to bring about
would be quite as total, industrially, as that in Russia, but they
would accomplish it by legislation, not by shooting, and, of
course, by infiltrating the executive branch of the government...."
SANE NUCLEAR POLICY, INC.
In 1955, Bertrand Russell (British pro-communist socialist) and the late
Albert Einstein (notorious for the number of communist fronts he
supported) held a meeting in London (attended by communists and
socialists from all over the world). In a fanfare of publicity, Russell
and Einstein demanded international co-operation among atomic
scientists.
Taking his inspiration from this meeting, Cyrus Eaton (wealthy American
industrialist, notorious for his consistent pro-communist sympathies),
in 1956, held the first "Pugwash Conference," which was a gathering of
pro-Soviet propagandists, called scientists, from red China, the Soviet
Union, and Western nations.
Another Pugwash Conference was held in 1957; and from these Pugwash
Conferences, the idea for a Sane Nuclear Policy, Inc., emerged.
* * * * *
Sane Nuclear Policy, Inc., was founded in November, 1957, with national
headquarters in New York City, and with Bertrand Russell of England and
Swedish socialist Gunnar Myrdal (among others) as honorary sponsors.
Officers of Sane Nuclear Policy, Inc., are largely second-level
affiliates of the Council on Foreign Relations, with a good
representation from the CFR itself. Here are past and present officials
of SANE, who are also members of the Council on Foreign Relations: Harry
A. Bullis, Henry Seidel Canby, Norman Cousins, Clark M. Eichelberger,
Lewis Mumford, Earl D. Osborn, Elmo Roper, James T. Shotwell, James P.
Warburg.
Other national officials of SANE, who are not members of the CFR, but
worthy of note, are: Steve Allen, Harry Belafonte, Walt Kelly, Martin
Luther King, Linus Pauling, Norman Thomas, Bruno Walter.
A typical activity of SANE was a public rally at Madison Square Garden
in New York City on May 19, 1960, featuring speeches by Eleanor
Roosevelt, Walter Reuther, Norman Thomas, Alf Landon, Israel Goldstein,
and G. Mennen Williams. All speakers demanded disarmament and
strengthening the United Nations until it becomes strong enough to
maintain world peace.
Commenting on this SANE rally at Madison Square Garden, Senator James O.
Eastland, Chairman of the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee said (in
a press release from his office, dated October 12, 1960):
"The communists publicized the meeting well in advance through
their own and sympathetic periodicals.... The affair, in Madison
Square Garden May 19, was sponsored by the Committee for a Sane
Nuclear Policy.... Chief organizer of the Garden meeting, however,
was one Henry H. Abrams of 11 Riverside Drive, New York, New York,
who was a veteran member of the communist party.... It is to the
credit of the officers of the organization that, when Abrams'
record of communist connections was brought to their attention,
Abrams was immediately discharged."
FREE EUROPE COMMITTEE
The Free Europe Committee, Inc., was founded in New York, primarily by
Herbert H. Lehman (then United States Senator) in 1949. Its revenue
comes from the big foundations (principally, Ford) and from annual
fund-raising drives conducted in the name of Crusade for Freedom. The
main activity of The Free Europe Committee (apart from the fund raising)
is the running of Radio Free Europe and Free Europe Press.
Every year, Crusade for Freedom (with major assistance from Washington
officialdom) conducts a vigorous nationwide drive, pleading for "truth
dollars" from the American people to finance the activities of Radio
Free Europe and Free Europe Press, which are supposed to be fighting
communism behind the iron curtain by spreading the truth about communism
to people in the captive satellite nations.
It is widely known among well-informed anti-communists, however, that
Radio Free Europe actually helps, rather than hurts, the cause of
international communism--particularly in the captive nations.
Radio Free Europe broadcasts tell the people behind the iron curtain
that communism is bad--as if they did not know this better than the RFE
broadcasters do; but the broadcasts consistently support the programs,
and present the ideology, of international socialism, always advocating
the equivalent of a one-world socialist society as the solution to all
problems. This is, of course, the communist solution. And it is also the
solution desired by the Council on Foreign Relations.
A bill of particulars which reveals that Radio Free Europe helps rather
than hurts communism with its so-called "anti-communist" broadcasts can
be found in the _Congressional Record_ for June 20, 1956. An article,
beginning on page A4908, was put in the _Record_ by former Congressman
Albert H. Bosch, of New York. It was written by George Brada, a
Czechoslovakian who fled his homeland after the communists had taken
over in 1948. Brada now lives in Western Germany and is active in a
number of anti-communist groups in Western Europe.
In reality, the Free Europe Committee and its subsidiary organizations
constitute another propaganda front for the Council on Foreign
Relations. Here, for example, are the CFR members who are, or have been,
top officials of Free Europe Committee, Crusade for Freedom, or Radio
Free Europe--or all three: Adolf A. Berle, David K. E. Bruce, General
Lucius D. Clay, Will L. Clayton, Allen W. Dulles, Dwight D. Eisenhower,
Mark F. Ethridge, Julius Fleischmann, Henry Ford II, Walter S. Gifford,
Joseph C. Grew, Palmer Hoyt, C. D. Jackson, Herbert H. Lehman, Henry R.
Luce, Edward R. Murrow, Irving S. Olds, Arthur W. Page, David Sarnoff,
Whitney H. Shepardson, George N. Shuster, Charles M. Spofford, Harold E.
Stassen, H. Gregory Thomas, Walter H. Wheeler, Jr.
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE
The Council on Foreign Relations has had a strong (though, probably, not
controlling) hand in the NAACP. Felix Frankfurter, CFR member, was an
attorney for the NAACP for ten years. Other CFR members who are, or
were, officials of the NAACP: Ralph Bunche, Norman Cousins, Lewis S.
Gannett, John Hammond, Herbert H. Lehman.
AMERICAN COMMITTEE ON AFRICA
The American Committee on Africa is a propaganda agency which
concentrates on condemning the apartheid policies of the government of
the Union of South Africa--a nation of white people (practically
encircled by millions of black savages), who feel that their racial
policies are their only hope of avoiding total submergence and
destruction. In addition to disseminating propaganda to create ill-will
for South Africa among Americans, the American Committee on Africa gives
financial assistance to agitators and revolutionaries in the Union of
South Africa.
It has, for example, given financial aid to 156 persons charged with
treason under the laws of the Union.
Here are some of the Council on Foreign Relations members who are
officials of the American Committee on Africa: Gardner Cowles, Lewis S.
Gannett, John Gunther, Senator Hubert H. Humphrey, Dr. Robert L.
Johnson, Dr. Reinhold Niebuhr, Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. Mrs. Chester
Bowles is also an official.
WORLD POPULATION EMERGENCY CAMPAIGN
The World Population Emergency Campaign urges the United States
government to use American tax money in an effort to solve the world
population problem. It specifically endorses the 1959 Draper Report on
foreign aid, which recommended that the United States appropriate money
for a United Nations population control project.
Leadership of the World Population Emergency Campaign is dominated by
such CFR members as: Will L. Clayton, Lammot DuPont Copeland, Major
General William H. Draper, John Nuveen. Most of the members of the
"Campaign" also belong to the Atlantic Union Committee, or to some other
second-level affiliate of the CFR.
SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL SERVICE
The School of International Service at American University in
Washington, D. C., initiated a new academic program to train foreign
service officers and other officials in newly independent nations,
commencing in September, 1961. The foreign diplomats will study courses
on land reforms, finance, labor problems, and several courses on Soviet
and Chinese communism. The program (under the newly created Center of
Diplomacy and Foreign Policy) is directed by former Under Secretary of
State Loy W. Henderson, a member of the Council on Foreign Relations.
INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION
In 1919, Elihu Root and Stephen Duggan (both members of the Council on
Foreign Relations) founded the Institute of International Education, to
develop international understanding and goodwill through exchange of
students, teachers, and others in the educational field.
Prior to World War II, the Institute was financed by the Carnegie
Corporation. Since the War, the federal government has contributed a
little more than one-third of the Institute's annual income of about 1.8
million dollars. Foundations, corporations, individuals, and colleges,
contribute the rest.
The Institute is wholly a CFR operation. Its officials are: Stanley C.
Allyn, Edward W. Barrett, Chester Bowles, Ralph J. Bunche, William C.
Foster, Arthur A. Houghton, Grayson L. Kirk, Edward R. Murrow, George N.
Shuster, and James D. Zellerbach--all members of the CFR.
Chapter 10
COMMUNICATIONS MEDIA
In nine chapters of this Volume, I have managed to discuss only a few of
the most powerful organizations interlocked with the Council on Foreign
Relations, to form an amazing web which is the invisible government of
the United States. There are scores of such organizations.
I have managed to name, relatively, only a few of the influential
individuals who are members of the Council on Foreign Relations, or of
affiliated agencies, and who also occupy key jobs in the executive
branch of government, including the Presidency.
I have asserted that the objective of the invisible government is to
convert America into a socialist nation and then make it a unit in a
one-world socialist system.
The managers of the combine do not admit this, of course. They are
"liberals" who say that the old "negative" kind of government we used to
have is inadequate for this century. The liberals' "positive" foreign
policy is said to be necessary for "world peace" and for meeting
"America's responsibility" in the world. Their "positive" domestic
policies are said to be necessary for the continued improvement and
progress of our "free-enterprise" system.
But the "positive" foreign policy for peace has dragged us into so many
international commitments (many of which are in direct conflict with
each other: such as, our subsidizing national independence for former
colonies of European powers, while we are also subsidizing the European
powers trying to keep the colonies) that, if we continue in our present
direction, we will inevitably find ourselves in perpetual war for
perpetual peace--or we will surrender our freedom and national
independence and become an out-voted province in a socialist one-world
system.
The liberals' "positive" domestic policies always bring the federal
government into the role of subsidizing and controlling the economic
activities of the people; and that is the known highway to the total,
tyrannical socialist state.
The Council on Foreign Relations is rapidly achieving its purpose. An
obvious reason for its success: it is reaching the American public with
its clever propaganda.
However much power the CFR combine may have inside the agencies of
government; however extensive the reach of its propaganda through
organizations designed to "educate" the public to acceptance of CFR
ideas--the CFR needs to reach the _mass_ audience of Americans who do
not belong to, or attend the meetings of, or read material distributed
by, the propaganda organizations. Council on Foreign Relations leaders
are aware of this need, and they have met it.
* * * * *
In the 1957 Annual Report of the Committee for Economic Development (a
major propaganda arm of the CFR), Gardner Cowles, then Chairman of CED's
Information Committee, did a bit of boasting about how successful CED
had been in communicating its ideas to the general public. Mr. Cowles
said:
"The value of CED's research and recommendations is directly
related to its ability to communicate them ... the organization's
role as an agency that can influence private and public economic
policies and decisions ... can be effective ... only to the extent
that CED gets its ideas across to thinking people....
"During the year [1957], the Information Division [of CED]
distributed 42 pamphlets having a total circulation of 545,585;
issued 37 press releases and texts of statements; arranged 4 press
conferences, 10 radio and television appearances, 12 speeches for
Trustees, 3 magazine articles and the publication of 3 books.... In
assessing the year, we are reminded again of the great debt we owe
the nation's editors. Their regard for the objectivity and
non-partisanship of CED's work is reflected in the exceptional
attention they give to what CED has to say. The [CED] statement,
'Toward a Realistic Farm Policy,' for example not only received
extended news treatment but was the subject of 362 editorials. The
circulation represented in the editorials alone totaled
19,336,299."
Mr. Cowles was modest. He gave only a hint of the total extent to which
the mass-communication media have become a controlled propaganda network
for the Council on Foreign Relations and its inter-connecting agencies.
I doubt that anyone really knows the full extent. My research reveals a
few of the CFR members who have (or have had) controlling, or extremely
influential, positions in the publishing and broadcasting industries. My
list of _CFR members_ in this field is far from complete; and I have not
tried to compile a list of the thousands of people who are _not_ members
of the CFR, but who _are_ members of CED, FPA, or of some other CFR
affiliate--and who also control important channels of public
communications.
Hence, the following list--of Council on Foreign Relations members whom
I know to be influential in the communications industries--is intended
to be indicative, rather than comprehensive and informative:
Herbert Agar (former Editor, _Louisville Courier-Journal_)
Hanson W. Baldwin (Military Affairs Editor, _New York Times_)
Joseph Barnes (Editor-in-Chief, Simon & Schuster, Publishers)
Elliott V. Bell (Chairman of Executive Committee, McGraw-Hill
Publishing Co.; Publisher and Editor of _Business Week_)
John Mason Brown (Editor, _Saturday Review of Literature_, drama
critic, author)
Cass Canfield (Chairman of the Editorial Board of Harper &
Brothers, Publishers)
Marquis Childs (author, syndicated columnist)
Norman Cousins (Editor-in-Chief, _Saturday Review of Literature_)
Gardner Cowles, quoted above from the 1957 CED Annual Report, and
John Cowles (They occupy controlling offices in Cowles Magazine
Company, which owns such publications as _Look_, _Minneapolis Star
and Tribune_, and _Des Moines Register and Tribune_, and which also
owns a broadcasting company.)
Mark Ethridge (Publisher, _Louisville Courier-Journal_, _Louisville
Times_)
George Gallup (public opinion analyst, Gallup Poll; President,
National Municipal League)
Philip Graham (Publisher, _Washington Post and Times Herald_)
Allen Grover (Vice President of _Time_, Inc.)
Joseph C. Harsch (of _The Christian Science Monitor_)
August Heckscher (Editor, _New York Herald Tribune_)
Palmer Hoyt (Publisher, _Denver Post_)
David Lawrence (President and Editor-in-Chief, _U. S. News and
World Report_)
Hal Lehrman (Editor, _New York Post_)
Irving Levine (NBC news official and commentator)
Walter Lippmann (author, syndicated columnist)
Henry R. Luce (Publisher, _Time_, _Life_, _Fortune_, _Sports
Illustrated_)
Malcolm Muir (Chairman of the Board and Editor-in-Chief,
_Newsweek_)
William S. Paley (Chairman of the Board, Columbia Broadcasting
System)
Ogden Reid (former Chairman of the Board, _New York Herald
Tribune_)
Whitelaw Reid (former Editor-in-Chief, _New York Herald Tribune_)
James B. Reston (Editorial writer, _New York Times_)
Elmo Roper (public opinion analyst, Roper Poll)
David Sarnoff (Chairman of the Board, Radio Corporation of
America--NBC, RCA Victor, etc.)
Harry Scherman (founder and Chairman of the Board,
Book-of-the-Month Club)
William L. Shirer (author, news commentator)
Paul C. Smith (President and Editor-in-Chief, Crowell-Collier
Publishing Company)
Leland Stone (head of News Reporting for Radio Free Europe,
_Chicago Daily News_ foreign correspondent)
Robert Kenneth Straus (former research director for F. D.
Roosevelt's Council of Economic Advisers; owner and publisher of
the San Fernando, California, _Sun_; largest stockholder and member
of Board of Orange Coast Publishing Company, which publishes the
_Daily Globe-Herald_ of Costa Mesa, the _Pilot_ and other small
newspapers in California; member of group which owns and publishes
_American Heritage_ and _Horizon_ magazines; Treasurer and
Director of Industrial Publishing Company of Cleveland, which
publishes trade magazines)
Arthur Hayes Sulzberger (Chairman of the Board, _New York Times_)
C. L. Sulzberger (Editorial writer, _New York Times_)
I do not mean to imply that all of these people are controlled by the
Council on Foreign Relations, or that they uniformly support the total
program of international socialism which the Council wants. The Council
does not _own_ its members: it merely has varying degrees of influence
on each.
For example, former President Herbert Hoover, a member of the Council,
has fought eloquently against many basic policies which the Council
supports. Spruille Braden is another.
Mr. Braden formerly held several important ambassadorial posts and at
one time was Assistant Secretary of State in charge of American Republic
Affairs. In recent years, Mr. Braden has given leadership to many
patriotic organizations and efforts, such as For America and The John
Birch Society; and, in testimony before various committees of Congress,
he has given much valuable information about communist influences in the
State Department.
Mr. Braden joined the Council on Foreign Relations in the late 1920's or
early 30's, when membership in the Council was a fashionable badge of
respectability, helpful to the careers of young men in the foreign
service, in the same way that membership in expensive country clubs and
similar organizations is considered helpful to the careers of young
business executives.
Men who know Braden well say that he stayed in the Council after he came
to realize its responsibility for the policies of disaster which our
nation has followed in the postwar era--hoping to exert some
pro-American influence inside the Council.
It apparently was a frustrated hope. There is a story in well-informed
New York circles about the last time the Council on Foreign Relations
ever called on Spruille Braden to participate in an important activity.
Braden was asked to preside over a Council on Foreign Relations meeting
when the featured speaker was Herbert Matthews (member of the _New York
Times_ editorial board) whose support of communist Castro in Cuba is
notorious. It is said that the anti-communist viewpoint which Braden
tried to inject into this meeting will rather well guarantee against his
ever being asked to officiate at another CFR affair.
Generally, however, the degree of influence which the CFR exerts upon
its own members is very high indeed.
* * * * *
Apart from an occasional article or editorial which criticizes some
aspect of, or some leader in, the socialist revolution in America; and
despite much rhetoric in praise of "free enterprise" and "the American
way," such publications as _Time_, _Life_, _Fortune_, _New York Times_,
_New York Post_, _Louisville Courier-Journal_, _Washington Post and
Times Herald_, _Saturday Review of Literature_, the _Denver Post_, _The
Christian Science Monitor_ and _Look_ (I name only those, in the list
above, which I, personally, have read a great deal.) have not one time
in the past 15 years spoken editorially against any fundamentally
important aspect of the over-all governmental policies which are
dragging this nation into socialism and world government--at least, not
to my knowledge.
On the contrary, these publications heartily support those policies,
criticizing them, if at all, only about some detail--or for being too
timid, small and slow!
In contrast, David Lawrence, of _U. S. News & World Report_, publishes
fine, objective news-reporting, often featuring articles which factually
expose the costly fallacies of governmental policy. This is especially
true of _U. S. News & World Report_ in connection with domestic issues.
On matters of foreign policy, David Lawrence often goes down the line
for the internationalist policy--being convinced (as all
internationalists seem to be) that this is the only policy possible for
America in the "shrunken world" of the twentieth century.
An intelligent man like David Lawrence--who must see the endless and
unbroken chain of disasters which the internationalist foreign policy
has brought to America; and who is thoroughly familiar with the proven
record of marvelous success which our traditional policy of benign
neutrality and no-permanent-involvement enjoyed: how can he still feel
that we are nonetheless inescapably bound to follow the policy of
disaster? I wish I knew.
Chapter 11
INTERLOCKING UNTOUCHABLES
Members of Congress are not unaware of the far-reaching power of the
tax-exempt private organization--the CFR; but the power of the Council
is somewhat indicated by the fact that no committee of Congress has yet
been powerful enough to investigate it or the foundations with which it
has interlocking connections and from which it receives its support.
On August 1, 1951, Congressman E. E. Cox (Democrat, Georgia) introduced
a resolution in the House asking for a Committee to conduct a thorough
investigation of tax-exempt foundations. Congressman Cox said that some
of the great foundations,
"had operated in the field of social reform and international
relations (and) many have brought down on themselves harsh and just
condemnation."
He named the Rockefeller Foundation,
"whose funds have been used to finance individuals and
organizations whose business it has been to get communism into the
private and public schools of the country, to talk down America and
to play up Russia."
He cited the Guggenheim Foundation, whose money,
"was used to spread radicalism throughout the country to an extent
not excelled by any other foundation."
He listed the Carnegie Corporation, The Rosenwald Fund, and other
foundations, saying:
"There are disquieting evidences that at least a few of the
foundations have permitted themselves to be infiltrated by men and
women who are disloyal to our American way of life. They should be
investigated and exposed to the pitiless light of publicity, and
appropriate legislation should be framed to correct the present
situation."
Congressman Cox's resolution, proposing an investigation of foundations,
died in Committee.
* * * * *
On March 10, 1952, Cox introduced the same resolution again. Because he
had mentioned foundation support for Langston Hughes, a Negro communist,
Congressman Cox was accused of racial prejudice. Because he had
criticized the Rosenwald Fund for making grants to known communists, he
was called anti-semitic. But the Cox resolution was adopted in 1952; and
the Cox committee to investigate tax-exempt foundations was set up.
Congressman Cox died before the end of the year; and the final report of
his committee (filed January 1, 1953) was a pathetic whitewash of the
whole subject.
A Republican-controlled Congress (the 83rd) came into existence in
January, 1953.
* * * * *
On April 23, 1953, the late Congressman Carroll Reece, (Republican,
Tennessee) introduced a resolution proposing a committee to carry on the
"unfinished business" of the defunct Cox Committee. The new committee to
investigate tax-exempt foundations (popularly known as the Reece
Committee) was approved by Congress on July 27, 1953. It went out of
existence on January 3, 1955, having proven, mainly, that the mammoth
tax-exempt foundations have such power in the White House, in Congress,
and in the press that they are quite beyond the reach of a mere
committee of the Congress of the United States.
If you want to read this whole incredible (and rather terrifying) story,
I suggest _Foundations_, a book written by Rene A. Wormser who was
general counsel to the Reece Committee. His book was published in 1958
by The Devin-Adair Company.
In the final report on Tax-Exempt Foundations, which the late
Congressman Reece made for his ill-fated Special Committee (Report
published December 16, 1954, by the Government Printing Office), Mr.
Reece said:
"Miss Casey's report (Hearings pp. 877, et seq.) shows clearly the
interlock between _The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace_,
and some of its associated organizations, such as the _Council on
Foreign Relations_ and other foundations, with the State
Department. Indeed, these foundations and organizations would not
dream of denying this interlock. They proudly note it in reports.
They have undertaken vital research projects for the Department;
virtually created minor departments or groups within the Department
for it; supplied advisors and executives from their ranks; fed a
constant stream of personnel into the State Department trained by
themselves or under programs which they have financed; and have had
much to do with the formulation of foreign policy both in principle
and detail.
"They have, to a marked degree, acted as direct agents of the State
Department. And they have engaged actively, and with the
expenditure of enormous sums, in propagandizing ('educating'?)
public opinion in support of the policies which they have helped to
formulate....
"What we see here is a number of large foundations, primarily _The
Rockefeller Foundation_, _The Carnegie Corporation of New York_,
and the _Carnegie Endowment for International Peace_, using their
enormous public funds to finance a one-sided approach to foreign
policy and to promote it actively, among the public by propaganda,
and in the Government through infiltration. The power to do this
comes out of the power of the vast funds employed."
Mr. Reece listed The Council on Foreign Relations, The Institute of
International Education, The Foreign Policy Association, and The
Institute of Pacific Relations, as among the interlocking organizations
which are "agencies of these foundations," and pointed out that research
and propaganda which does not support the "globalism" (or
internationalism) to which all of these agencies are dedicated, receive
little support from the tax-exempt foundations.
I disagree with Mr. Reece here, only in the placing of emphasis. As I
see it, the foundations (which do finance the vast, complex, and
powerful interlock of organizations devoted to a socialist one-world
system) have, nonetheless, become the "agencies" of the principal
organization which they finance--the Council on Foreign Relations.
* * * * *
The Reece Committee investigation threw some revealing light on the
historical blackout which the Council on Foreign Relations has ordered
and conducted.
Men who run the Council do not want the policies and measures of
Franklin D. Roosevelt to undergo the critical analysis and objective
study which exposed the policies of Woodrow Wilson after World War I.
The Council has decided that the official propaganda of World War II
must be perpetuated as history and the public protected from learning
the truth. Hence, the Council sponsors historical works which give the
socialist-internationalist version of historical events prior to and
during World War II, while ignoring, or debunking, revisionist studies
which attempt to tell the truth.
Here is how all of this is put in the 1946 Annual Report of the
Rockefeller Foundation:
"The Committee on Studies of the Council on Foreign Relations is
concerned that the debunking journalistic campaign following World
War I should not be repeated and believes that the American public
deserves a clear competent statement of our basic aims and
activities during the second World War."
In 1946, the Rockefeller Foundation allotted $139,000 to the cost of a
two-volume history of World War II, written by William L. Langer, a
member of the CFR, and S. Everett Gleason. The generous grant was
supplemented by a gift of $10,000 from the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation.
The Langer-Gleason work was published by Harper and Brothers for the
Council on Foreign Relations: Volume I in 1952 under the title, _The
Challenge To Isolationism, 1937-1940_; Volume II in 1953, under the
title, _The Undeclared War_.
The CFR's stated purpose in bringing out this work was to head off the
revisionist historians like Charles Callan Tansill, Harry Elmer Barnes,
Frederic R. Sanborn, George Morgenstern, Frances Neilson. The truth,
however, is not easy to suppress. Though written by and for the CFR, to
perpetuate that organization's version of history, the Langer-Gleason
volumes contain a wealth of information which helps to prove the basic
thesis of this present volume.
* * * * *
One thing that the ill-fated Reece Committee found out in 1953-55, when
trying to investigate the foundations, is that the tax-exempt
organizations are set up, not for the purpose of doing some good in our
society, but for the purpose of avoiding the income tax.
Rene A. Wormser, in _Foundation_ says:
"The chief motivation in the creation of foundations has long
ceased to be pure philanthropy--it is now predominantly tax
avoidance.... The increasing tax burden on income and estates has
greatly accelerated a trend toward creation of foundations as
instruments for the retention of control over capital assets that
would otherwise be lost....
"The creation of a new foundation very often serves the purpose of
contributing to a favorable public opinion for the person or
corporation that endows it...."
The tax-exempt organizations have a vested interest in the oppressive,
inequitable, and wasteful federal-income-tax system. Tax experts have
devised, for example, a complicated scheme by which a wealthy man can
actually save money by giving to tax-exempt organizations.
In short, many of the great philanthropies which buy fame and
respectability for wealthy individuals, or corporations, are
tax-avoidance schemes which, every year, add billions to the billions of
private capital which is thus sterilized. These accumulations of
tax-exempt billions place a heavier burden on taxpayers. Removing
billions from taxation, the tax-exempt organizations thus obviously make
taxpayers pay more in order to produce all that government demands.
* * * * *
The big tax-exempt organizations use their tax-exempt billions to buy
prestige and power for themselves, and to bludgeon some critics into
silence. For example, the Ford Foundation established the Fund for the
Republic with a 15 million dollar grant in 1952--at a time when public
awareness of the communist danger was seeping into the thinking of
enough Americans to create a powerful anti-communist movement in this
country.
By late 1955, the Fund's activities (publicly granting awards to
fifth-amendment communists and so on) had become so blatant that public
indignation was rising significantly. Just at the right time, the Ford
Foundation announced a gift of 500 million dollars to the colleges of
America.
Newspapers--also beholden in many ways to the big foundations--which
will not publish news about the foundations' anti-American activities,
give banner headlines to the lavish benefactions for purposes
universally believed to be good.
Where will you find a college administration that will not defend the
Ford Foundation against all critics--if the college has just received,
or is in line to receive, a million-dollar gift from the Foundation?
How far must you search to find college professors or school teachers
who will not defend the Foundation which gives 25 million dollars at one
time, to raise the salaries of professors or school teachers?
Where will you find a plain John Doe citizen who is not favorably
impressed that the hospitals and colleges in his community have received
a multi-million dollar gift from a big foundation?
Every significant movement to destroy the American way of life has been
directed and financed, in whole or in part, by tax-exempt organizations,
which are entrenched in public opinion as benefactors of our society.
Worst of all: this tremendous power and prestige are in the hands of
what Rene Wormser calls a special elite--a group of eggheads like Robert
Hutchins (or worse) who neither understand nor respect the
profit-motivated economic principles and the great political ideal of
individual-freedom-under-limited-government which made our nation great.
Overlapping of personnel clearly shows a tight interlock between the
Council on Foreign Relations and the big foundations.
The following information, concerning assets and officers of
foundations, all comes from _The Foundation Directory_, prepared by The
Foundation Library Center and published by the Russell Sage Foundation,
New York City, 1960.
FORD FOUNDATION: Assets totaling $3,316,000,000.00 (3 billion, 316
million) on September 30, 1959. The Trustees of the Ford Foundation are:
Eugene R. Black (CFR); James B. Black; James F. Brownlee; John Cowles
(CFR); Donald K. David (CFR); Mark F. Ethridge (CFR); Benson Ford; Henry
Ford II; H. Rowan Gaither, Jr. (CFR); Laurence M. Gould (CFR); Henry T.
Heald (CFR); Roy E. Larsen; John J. McCloy (CFR); Julius A. Stratton
(CFR); Charles E. Wyzanski, Jr. (CFR).
Note that of the 15 members of the Board of Trustees, 10 are members of
the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR).
FUND FOR THE REPUBLIC, Santa Barbara, California, a subsidiary of Ford,
had assets totaling $6,667,022.00 on September 30, 1957. Officers and
directors: Robert Hutchins; Paul G. Hoffman (CFR); Elmo Roper (CFR);
George N. Shuster (CFR); Harry S. Ashmore; Bruce Catton; Charles W. Cole
(CFR); Arthur J. Goldberg; William H. Joyce, Jr.; Meyer Kestnbaum (CFR);
Msgr. Francis Lally; Herbert H. Lehman (CFR); M. Albert Linton; J.
Howard Marshall; Jubal R. Parten; Alicia Patterson; Mrs. Eleanor B.
Stevenson; Henry P. Van Dusen (CFR).
Note that 7 of the 18 are CFR members.
ROCKEFELLER FOUNDATION, 111 West 50th Street, New York 20, New York, had
assets totaling $647,694,858.00 on December 31, 1958. Officers and
Trustees: John D. Rockefeller 3rd (CFR); Dean Rusk (CFR); Barry Bingham;
Chester Bowles (CFR); Lloyd D. Brace; Richard Bradfield (CFR); Detlev W.
Bronk (CFR); Ralph J. Bunche (CFR); John S. Dickey (CFR); Lewis W.
Douglas (CFR); Lee A. DuBridge; Wallace K. Harrison; Arthur A. Houghton,
Jr. (CFR); John R. Kimberly (CFR); Robert F. Loeb; Robert A. Lovett
(CFR); Benjamin M. McKelway; Henry Allen Moe; Henry P. Van Dusen (CFR);
W. Barry Wood, Jr.
Of the 20, 12 are CFR members.
ROCKEFELLER BROTHERS FUND, 30 Rockefeller Plaza, New York 20, New York,
had assets totaling $53,174,210.00 on December 31, 1958. Officers and
Trustees: Laurence S. Rockefeller; David Rockefeller (CFR); Detlev W.
Bronk (CFR); Wallace K. Harrison; Abby Rockefeller Mauze; Abby M.
O'Neill; John D. Rockefeller 3rd (CFR); Nelson A. Rockefeller (CFR);
Winthrop Rockefeller.
Of the 9, 4 are CFR members.
CARNEGIE CORPORATION OF NEW YORK, 589 Fifth Avenue, New York 17, New
York, had assets totaling $261,244,471.00 on September 30, 1959.
Officers and Trustees: John W. Gardner (CFR); Morris Hadley; James A.
Perkins (CFR); Robert F. Bacher; Caryl P. Haskins (CFR); C. D. Jackson
(CFR); Devereux C. Josephs (CFR); Nicholas Kelley (CFR); Malcolm A.
MacIntyre (CFR); Margaret Carnegie Miller; Frederick Osborn (CFR);
Gwilym A. Price; Elihu Root, Jr. (CFR); Frederick Sheffield; Charles
Spofford (CFR); Charles Allen Thomas.
Of the 16, 10 are CFR members.
CARNEGIE ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE, United Nations Plaza & 46th
Street, New York 17, New York, had a net worth of $22,577,134.00 on June
30, 1958. Officers and Trustees: Joseph E. Johnson (CFR); Whitney North
Seymour (CFR); O. Frederick Nolde; Lawrence S. Finkelstein (CFR); Arthur
K. Watson (CFR); James M. Nicely (CFR); Dillon Anderson (CFR); Charles
E. Beard; Robert Blum (CFR); Harvey H. Bundy (CFR); David L. Cole;
Frederick S. Dunn (CFR); Arthur J. Goldberg; Ernest A. Gross (CFR);
Philip C. Jessup (CFR); Milton Katz (CFR); Grayson L. Kirk (CFR); Mrs.
Clare Boothe Luce; Charles A. Meyer (CFR); Otto L. Nelson, Jr.; Ellmore
C. Patterson (CFR); Howard C. Petersen (CFR); Howard P. Robertson; David
Rockefeller (CFR); W. J. Schieffelin, Jr.; George N. Shuster (CFR).
Of the 26, 18 are CFR members.
CARNEGIE FOUNDATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF TEACHING, had assets totaling
$20,043,859.00 on June 30, 1959. Officers and Trustees: Carter Davidson
(CFR); John W. Gardner (CFR); James A. Perkins (CFR); William F.
Houston; Harvie Branscomb; Arthur H. Dean (CFR); Robert F. Goheen (CFR);
Laurence M. Gould (CFR); A. Whitney Griswold (CFR); Rufus C. Harris;
Frederick L. Hovde (CFR); Clark Kerr; Lawrence A. Kimpton; Grayson L.
Kirk (CFR); Thomas S. Lamont (CFR); Robert A. Lovett (CFR); Howard F.
Lowry; N. A. M. MacKenzie; Katharine E. McBride; Millicent C. McIntosh;
John S. Millis (CFR); Franklin D. Murphy (CFR); Nathan M. Pusey (CFR);
Herman B. Wells (CFR); Logan Wilson; O. Meredith Wilson.
Of the 26, 15 are CFR members.
CARNEGIE INSTITUTE OF WASHINGTON, 1530 "P" Street, N.W., Washington 5,
D. C., had assets totaling $80,838,528.00 on June 30, 1958. Officers and
Trustees: Caryl P. Haskins (CFR); Walter S. Gifford (CFR); Barklie McKee
Henry; Robert Woods Bliss (CFR); James F. Bell; General Omar N. Bradley;
Vannevar Bush; Crawford H. Greenewalt; Alfred L. Loomis (CFR); Robert A.
Lovett (CFR); Keith S. McHugh; Margaret Carnegie Miller; Henry S. Morgan
(CFR); Seeley G. Mudd; William I. Myers; Henning W. Prentis, Jr.; Elihu
Root, Jr. (CFR); Henry R. Shepley; Charles P. Taft; Juan Terry Trippe
(CFR); James N. White; Robert E. Wilson.
Of the 22, 8 are CFR members.
ALFRED P. SLOAN FOUNDATION, 630 Fifth Avenue, New York 20, New York, had
assets totaling $175,533,110.00 on December 31, 1958. Officers and
Trustees: Albert Bradley (CFR); Alfred P. Sloan, Jr. (CFR); Raymond P.
Sloan; Arnold J. Zurcher (CFR); Frank W. Abrams; Henry C. Alexander
(CFR); Walter S. Carpenter, Jr. (CFR); General Lucius D. Clay (CFR);
John L. Collyer (CFR); Lewis W. Douglas (CFR); Frank A. Howard;
Devereux C. Josephs (CFR); Mervin J. Kelly (CFR); James R. Killian, Jr.
(CFR); Laurence S. Rockefeller; George Whitney (CFR).
Of the 16, 12 are CFR members.
THE COMMONWEALTH FUND OF NEW YORK, 5500 Maspeth Avenue, New York 78, New
York, had assets totaling $119,904,614.00 on June 30, 1959. Officers and
Trustees: Malcolm P. Aldrich; John A. Gifford; Leo D. Welch (CFR);
George P. Berry; Roger M. Blough (CFR); Harry P. Davison (CFR); Harold
B. Hoskins; J. Quigg Newton (CFR); William E. Stevenson (CFR); Henry C.
Taylor.
Of the 10, 6 are CFR members.
TWENTIETH CENTURY FUND, INC., 41 East 70th Street, New York 3, New York,
had assets totaling $17,522,441.00 on December 31, 1958. Officers and
Trustees: Adolf A. Berle, Jr. (CFR); Francis Biddle (CFR); August
Heckscher (CFR); Hans Christian Sonne (CFR); Morris B. Abram; Arthur F.
Burns (CFR); Erwin D. Canham (CFR); Evans Clark (CFR); Benjamin V. Cohen
(CFR); Wallace K. Harrison (CFR); David E. Lilienthal (CFR); Robert S.
Lynd; James G. McDonald (CFR); J. Robert Oppenheimer (CFR); Edmund
Orgill; James H. Rowe, Jr.; Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. (CFR); Herman W.
Steinkraus; Charles P. Taft; W. W. Waymack.
Of the 20, 13 are CFR members.
Chapter 12
WHY? WHAT CAN WE DO?
Claiming to believe in the high destiny of America as a world-leader,
our invisible government urges timid policies of appeasement and
surrender which make America a world whipping-boy rather than a world
leader. Claiming to believe in the dignity and worth of the human
individual, the modern liberals who run our invisible government urge an
ever-growing welfare-state which is destroying individualism--which has
already so weakened the American sense of personal responsibility that
crime rates have increased 98 percent in our land during the past ten
years.
Why? Why do prominent Americans support programs which are so harmful?
It is a difficult question to answer.
* * * * *
Somewhere at the top of the pyramid in the invisible government are a
few sinister people who know exactly what they are doing: they want
America to become part of a worldwide socialist dictatorship, under the
control of the Kremlin.
* * * * *
Some may actually dislike communists, but feel that one-world socialism
is desirable and inevitable. They are working with a sense of urgency
for a "benign" world socialist dictatorship to forestall the Kremlin
from imposing its brand of world dictatorship by force.
* * * * *
Some leaders in the invisible government are brilliant and power-hungry
men who feel that the masses are unable to govern themselves and who
want to set up a great dictatorship which will give them power to
arrange things for the masses.
The leadership of the invisible government doubtless rests in the hands
of a sinister or power-hungry few; but its real strength is in the
thousands of Americans who have been drawn into the web for other
reasons. Many, if not most, of these are status-seekers.
* * * * *
When you are a rising junior executive, or a man of any age looking for
good business and social connections, it seems good to go to a luncheon
where you can sit at the head table and call leaders of the community by
their first names. Most of the propaganda agencies affiliated with the
Council on Foreign Relations provide such opportunities for members.
A businessman enjoys coming home from a black-tie affair in New York or
Washington where he and a few other "chosen" men have been given a
"confidential, off-the-record briefing" by some high governmental
official. The Council on Foreign Relations provides such experiences for
officials of companies which contribute money to the CFR.
This status-seeking is a way of life for thousands of American
businessmen. Some of them would not give it up even if they knew their
activities were supporting the socialist revolution, although at heart
they are opposed to socialism. Most of them, however, would withdraw
from the Foreign Policy Association, and the World Affairs Councils, and
the Committee for Economic Development, and the American Association for
the UN, and the National Conference of Christians and Jews, and the
Advertising Council, and similar organizations, if they were educated to
an understanding of what their membership in such organizations really
means.
The job of every American who knows and cares is to make sure that all
of the people in the invisible government network know exactly what they
are doing.
* * * * *
But beyond that, what can we do? What can we Americans do about the
Council on Foreign Relations and its countless tentacles of power and
money and influence and propaganda which are wrapped around all the
levers of political power in Washington; which reach into the schools
and churches and respected civic organizations of America; which control
major media of communications; which are insinuated into controlling
positions in the big unions; and which even have a grip on the prestige
and money of major American corporations?
It is often suggested that investigation by the FBI might be the answer.
For example, after the March-April Term (1960) Grand Jury in Fulton
County, Georgia, condemned Foreign Policy Association literature as
"insidious and subversive" and the American Legion Post published _The
Truth About The Foreign Policy Association_ to document the Grand Jury's
findings (see Chapter V), supporters of the Foreign Policy Association
denounced the legionnaires, saying, in effect, that if there were a need
to investigate the FPA, the investigation should be done in proper,
legal manner by trained FBI professionals and not by "vigilantes" and
"amateurs" and "bigoted ignoramuses" on some committee of an American
Legion Post.
This is an effective propaganda technique. It gives many the idea that
the organization under criticism has nothing to hide and is willing to
have all its activities thoroughly investigated, if the investigation is
conducted properly and decently.
* * * * *
But the fact is that the FBI has no jurisdiction to investigate the kind
of activities engaged in by the Foreign Policy Association and its
related and affiliated organizations. The Foreign Policy Association is
not a _communist_ organization. If it were, it could be handled easily.
The Attorney General and the committees of Congress could simply post it
as a communist organization. Then, it would receive support only from
people who are conscious instruments of the communist conspiracy; and
there are not, relatively, very many of those in the United States.
The FPA's Councils on World Affairs are supported by patriotic community
leaders. Yet, these Councils have done more than all _communists_ have
ever managed to do, in brainwashing the American people with propaganda
_for_ governmental intervention in the economic affairs of the people,
and _for_ endless permanent entanglement in the affairs of foreign
nations--thus preparing this nation _for_ submergence in a one-world
socialist system, which is the objective of communism.
* * * * *
Inasmuch as the invisible government is composed of organizations which
enjoy the special privilege of federal tax-exemption (a privilege seldom
given to organizations advocating return to traditional American
policies) it is often suggested that public pressures might persuade the
Treasury Department to withdraw the tax-exempt privilege from these
organizations.
How could the Treasury Department ever be persuaded to take action
against the Council on Foreign Relations, when the Council controls the
Department? Douglas Dillon, Secretary of the Treasury, is a member of
the CFR.
It is impractical to think of getting Treasury Department action against
the CFR. Moreover, such a solution to the problem could be dangerous.
A governmental agency which has limitless power to withdraw special
tax-privileges must also have limitless power to grant special
privileges. The Treasury Department could destroy all of the
organizations composing the invisible government interlock by the simple
action of withdrawing the tax-exempt privilege, thus drying up major
sources of revenue. But the Treasury Department could then create
another Frankenstein monster by giving tax-exemption to other
organizations.
It is often suggested that some congressional committee investigate the
Council on Foreign Relations and the network of organizations
interlocked with it.
Yet, as we have seen, two different committees of Congress--one
Democrat-controlled and one Republican-controlled--_have tried_ to
investigate the big tax-exempt foundations which are interlocked with,
and controlled by, and provide the primary source of revenue for, the
Council on Foreign Relations and its affiliates.
Both committees were gutted with ridicule and vicious denunciation, not
just by the official communist party press, but by internationalists in
the Congress, by spokesmen for the executive branch of government, and
by big respected publishing and broadcasting firms which are a part of
the controlled propaganda network of the Council on Foreign Relations.
* * * * *
The invisible government is not, however, beyond the reach of the whole
Congress, _if_ the Congress has the spur and support of an informed
public.
Our only hope lies in the Congress which _is_ responsive to public will,
when that will is fully and insistently expressed.
Every time I suggest that aroused citizens write their Congressmen and
Senators, I get complaints from people who say they have been writing
for years and that it does no good.
Yet, remember the Connally Reservation issue in January, 1960. The
Humphrey Resolution (to repeal the Connally Reservation and thus permit
the World Court to assume unlimited jurisdiction over American affairs)
was before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. The Chairman of this
Committee was J. William Fulbright (Democrat, Arkansas) a Rhodes-scholar
internationalist, determined to repeal the Connally Reservation. Leaders
in Congress and in the Administration were determined to repeal the
Connally Reservation, and so was the invisible government of the United
States--which means that the vast thought-controlling machine of the CFR
(radio and television networks; major newspapers and magazines; and an
imposing array of civic, church, professional, and "educational"
organizations) had been in high gear for many months, saturating the
public with "world-peace-through-world-law" propaganda intended to shame
and scare the public into accepting repeal of the Connally Reservation.
But word got out, and the American public positively Stunned Congress
with protests. Fulbright let the resolution die in committee.
The expression of public will was massive and explosive in connection
with the Connally Reservation, whereas in connection with many other
equally important issues, the public seems indifferent. The reason is
that the Connally Reservation is a simple issue. It is easy for a voter
to write or wire his elected representatives saying, "Let's keep the
Connally Reservation"; or, "If you vote for repeal of the Connally
Reservation, I'll vote against you."
What kind of wire or letter can a voter send his elected representatives
concerning the bigger and more important issue which I have labeled
"Invisible Government"?
The ultimate solution lies in many sweeping and profound changes in the
policies of government, which cannot be effected until a great many more
Americans have learned a great deal more about the American
constitutional system than they know now.
* * * * *
But there is certain action which the people could demand of Congress
immediately; and every Congressman and Senator who refuses to support
such action could be voted out of office the next time he stands for
re-election.
1. We should demand that Congress amend the Internal Revenue Code
in such a way that no agency of the executive branch of government
will have the power to grant federal tax-exemption. The
Constitution gives the power of _taxation_ only to the Congress.
Hence, only Congress should have the power to grant _exemption_
from taxation.
Instead of permitting the Internal Revenue Service of the Treasury
Department to decide whether a foundation or any other organization
shall have federal tax-exemption, Congress should exercise this power,
fully publicizing and frequently reviewing all grants of tax-exemption.
2. In addition to demanding that Congress take the power of
granting and withholding federal tax-exemption away from the
executive agencies, voters should demand that the House of
Representatives form a special committee to investigate the Council
on Foreign Relations and its associated foundations and other
organizations.
The investigation should be conducted for the same purpose that the
great McCarran investigation of the Institute of Pacific Relations was
conducted--that is, to identify the people and organizations involved
and to provide an authentic record, of the invisible government's aims
and programs, and personnel, for the public to see and study. Such an
investigation, if properly conducted, would thoroughly discredit the
invisible government in the eyes of the American people.
* * * * *
There is, however, only _one sure_ and _final_ way to stop this great
and growing evil--and that is to cut it out as if it were cancerous,
which it is. The only way to cut it out is to eliminate the income-tax
system which spawned it.
The federal income-tax system suckles the forces which are destroying
our free and independent republic. Abolish the system, and the sucklings
will die of starvation.
That is the ultimate remedy, but before we can compel Congress to
provide this remedy, we must have an educated electorate. The problem of
educating the public is great--not because of the inability of the
people to understand, but because of the difficulty of reaching them
with the freedom story.
If the federal government, during the 1962 fiscal year, had not
collected one penny in tax on personal incomes, the government would
still have had more tax revenue from other sources than the _total_ of
what Harry Truman collected in his most extravagant peacetime spending
year. Every American, who knows that, can readily understand the
possibility and the necessity of repealing the federal tax on personal
incomes. But how many Americans know those simple facts? The job of
everyone who knows and cares is to get such facts to others.
* * * * *
Even if we did take action to divest the Council on Foreign Relations
and its powerful interlock of control over our government; and even if
we did reverse the policies which are now dragging us into a one-world
socialist dictatorship--what would we do about some of the dangerous
messes which our policies already have us involved in? What, for
example, could we do about Cuba? About Berlin?
In some ways, the policies of our invisible government have taken us
beyond the point of no return. Consider the problem of Cuba. Armed
intervention in the affairs of another nation violates the principles of
the traditional American policy of benign neutrality, to which I think
our nation should return. Yet, our intervention in Cuban affairs (on the
side of communism) has produced such a dangerous condition that we
should now intervene with armed might in the interest of our own
survival.
* * * * *
For sixteen years, we have seen the disastrous fallacy of trying to
handle the foreign affairs of our great nation through international
agencies. This leaves us without a policy of our own, and makes it
impossible for us to take any action in our own interest or against the
interests of communism, because communists have more actual votes, and
infinitely more influence, in all the international agencies than we
have. At the same time, our enemies, the communist nations, set and
follow their own policies, contemptuously ignoring the international
agencies which hamstring America and bleed American taxpayers for
subsidies to our mortal enemies.
America must do two things soon if she expects to survive as a free and
independent nation:
(1) We must withdraw from membership in all international, governmental,
or quasi-governmental, organizations--including, specifically, the World
Court, the United Nations, and all UN specialized agencies. (2) We must
act vigorously, unilaterally, and quickly, to protect vital American
security interests in the Western Hemisphere--particularly in Cuba.
We have already passed the time when we can act in Cuba easily and at no
risk; but if we have any sane, manly concern for protecting the vital
security of the American nation and the lives and property of United
States citizens, we had better do the only thing left for us to do: send
overwhelming American military force to take Cuba over quickly, and keep
it under American military occupation, as beneficently as possible,
until the Cuban people can hold free elections to select their own
government.
The other nations of the world would scream; but they would,
nonetheless, respect us. Such action in our own interests is the only
thing that will restore our "prestige" in the world--and restore
American military security in the Western Hemisphere.
* * * * *
What should we do about Berlin?
The Berlin problem must be solved soon, because it is too effectively
serving the purpose for which it was created in the first place: to
justify whatever programs the various governments involved want to
pursue.
It sometimes looks as if the Kremlin and Washington officialdom are
working hand-in-glove to deceive the people of both nations, turning the
Berlin "crisis" on and off to cover up failures and to provide excuses
for more adventures.
Berlin will cause a world war only when the United States is willing to
go to war with the Soviet Union to free Berlin from the trap it is in.
If we won't defend our own vital interests against the aggressive and
arrogant actions of communists 90 miles from our shores, what would
prompt us to cross the ocean and defend Germans from communists?
The cold fact of the matter is that we should not defend Berlin. This is
a job for Germans, not Americans.
The Germans are an able and prosperous people. They are capable of
fighting their own war, if war is necessary to protect them from
communism.
It is inaccurate to refer to the eastern part of Germany as "communist
Germany." That part of Germany is under communist enslavement; but the
Germans who live there probably hate communists more than any other
people on earth do.
The uprisings of 1953, and the endless stream of refugees fleeing from
the communist zone in Germany, are proof enough that the communists
could not hold East Germany without the presence of Soviet troops.
There is enough hunger and poverty and hatred of communism in eastern
Germany to justify the conclusion that even Khrushchev knows he has a
bear by the tail there. If we would do our part, Khrushchev would either
turn loose and run; or the bear would pull loose and destroy Khrushchev.
What part should we play? We should do exactly what the President and
the State Department assure the world they will not do: we should
present the Soviets with a _fait accompli_, and an ultimatum.
We should call an immediate conference with the governments of France,
England, and West Germany to explain that America has devoted 16 years
and many billions of dollars to rehabilitating and defending western
Europe; that Europe is now in many ways more soundly prosperous than we
are; that the 180 million Americans can no longer be expected to ruin
their own economy and neglect the defense of their own homeland for the
purpose of assisting and defending the 225 million people of Western
Europe; and that, therefore, we are through.
We have no need, at home, for all of the vast stores of military
equipment which we now have in Europe for the defense of Europe. What we
do not need for the defense of our homeland, we should offer as a gift
to West Germany, since we produced the material in the first place for
the purpose of resisting communism, and since the West Germans are the
only people in Western Europe who apparently want to resist it.
We should give the West Germans (and the other western powers) six
months to train whatever manpower they want for manning their own
defenses. At the end of that time, we should pull out and devote
ourselves to defending America.
With or without the consent of France and England, we should sign a
peace treaty with the government of Western Germany, recognizing it as
the lawful government of all Germany and imposing no restrictions on the
sovereignty of Germany--that is, leaving Germany free to arm as it
pleases.
Immediately following the signing of this treaty, we should announce to
the world that, when we pull out of Europe at the end of six months, we
expect the Soviets to pull out of Germany entirely. If, within one week
after we effect our withdrawal, the Soviets are not out--or if they
later come back in, against the wishes of the German nation--we should
break off diplomatic relations with _all_ communist countries; deny all
representatives of all communist nations access to United Nations
headquarters which are on United States soil; and exert maximum
pressures throughout the world to isolate all communist countries,
economically and diplomatically, from all non-communist countries.
That is an _American_ plan, which would solve the German "problem" in
the interests of peace and freedom.
* * * * *
Many Americans, who see what the solution to our grave problems ought to
be, have lost hope that we will ever achieve such solution, because, in
the end, the solution rests with the people.
It is the people who must compel their elected representatives to make a
thorough investigation of the Council on Foreign Relations and its
interlock.
It is the people who must compel Congress to deny administrative
Agencies of government the unconstitutional power of granting
tax-exemption.
It is the people who must compel Congress to submit a constitutional
amendment calling for repeal of the income tax amendment.
It is the people who must compel Washington officialdom to do what is
right and best for America in foreign affairs, especially in Cuba and
Berlin.
Many Americans are in despair because they feel that the people will
never do these things. These pessimists seem to share the late Harry
Hopkins' conviction that the American people are too dumb to think.
I do not believe it. I subscribe to the marvelous doctrine of Thomas
Jefferson, who said:
"I know no safe depository of the ultimate powers of society but
the people themselves; and if we think them not enlightened enough
to exercise their control with a wholesome discretion, the remedy
is not to take it from them, but to inform their discretion by
education."
Appendix
COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS MEMBERSHIP ROSTER
This roster of membership is from the 1960-61 Annual Report of the CFR.
_Directors_
Frank Altschul 1984-
Hamilton Fish Armstrong 1928-
Elliott V. Bell 1953-
Isaiah Bowman 1921-1950
William A. M. Burden 1945-
Archibald Cary Coolidge 1921-1928
Paul D. Cravath 1921-1940
John W. Davis 1921-1955
Norman H. Davis 1921-1944
Arthur H. Dean 1955-
Harold W. Dodds 1935-1943
Lewis W. Douglas 1940-
Stephen P. Duggan 1921-1950
Allen W. Dulles 1927-
Thomas K. Finletter 1944-
John H. Finley 1921-1929
William C. Foster 1959-
Leon Fraser 1936-1945
Edwin F. Gay 1921-1945
W. Averell Harrman 1950-1955
Caryl P. Haskins 1961-
David F. Houston 1921-1927
Charles P. Howland 1929-1931
Clarence E. Hunter 1942-1953
Philip C. Jessup 1934-1942
Joseph E. Johnson 1950-
Devereux C. Josephs 1951-1958
Otto H. Kahn 1921-1934
Grayson L. Kirk 1950-
R. C. Leffingwell 1927-1960
Walter Lippman 1932-1937
Walter H. Mallory 1945, 1951-
George O. May 1927-1953
John J. McCloy 1953-
Wesley C. Mitchell 1927-1934
Frank L. Polk 1921-1943
Philip D. Reed 1945-
Winfield W. Riefler 1945-1950
David Rockefeller 1949-
Whitney H. Shepardson 1921-
William R. Shepherd 1921-1927
Charles M. Spofford 1955-
Adlai E. Stevenson 1958-
Myron C. Taylor 1943-1959
Paul M. Warburg 1921-1932
Edward Warner 1940-1945
George W. Wickersham 1921-1936
John H. Williams 1937-
Clarence M. Woolley 1932-1935
Henry M. Wriston 1943-
Owen D. Young 1927-1940
_Resident Members_
Albrecht-Carrie, Rene
Aldrich, Winthrop W.
Alexander, Archibald S.
Alexander, Henry C.
Alexander, Robert J.
Allan, F. Aley
Allen, Charles E.
Allen, Philip E.
Alley, James B.
Allport, Alexander W.
Alpern, Alan N.
Altschul, Arthur G.
Altschul, Frank
Ames, Amyas
Ammidon, Hoyt
Anderson, Arthur M.
Anderson, Harold F.
Anderson, Robert B.
Angell, James W.
Armour, Norman
Armstrong, Hamilton Fish
Ascoli, Max
Aubrey, Henry G.
Ault, Bromwell
Backer, George
Baker, Edgar R.
Baldwin, Hanson W.
Bancroft, Harding F.
Barber, Charles F.
Barber, Joseph
Barker, Robert R.
Barkin, Solomon
Barnes, Joseph
Barnett, A. Doak
Barnett, Frank R.
Barrett, Edward W.
Bastedo, Philip
Baumer, William H.
Baxter, James P., 3rd
Beal, Gerald F.
Beckhart, Benjamin H.
Bedard, Pierre
Beebe, Frederick S.
Bell, Elliott V.
Bennett, John C.
Benton, William B.
Beplat, Tristan E.
Berle, Adolf A., Jr.
Bessie, Simon Michael
Bevis, Herman W.
Bidwell, Percy W.
Bienstock, Abraham L.
Bingham, Jonathan B.
Black, Peter
Blair, Floyd G.
Blake, Robert O.
Blough, Roger M.
Blough, Roy
Blum, John A.
Boardman, Arthur G., Jr.
Bogdan, Norbert A.
Bolte, Charles G.
Bonsal, Dudley B.
Boorman, Howard L.
Boyd, Hugh N.
Braden, Spruille
Bradford, Amory H.
Bramstedt, W. F.
Braxton, Carter M.
Breck, Henry C.
Brinckeroff, Charles M.
Brittenham, Raymond L.
Bronk, Detlev W.
Brown, Courtney C.
Brown, Francis
Brown, John Mason
Brown, Walter L.
Brownell, George A.
Brownell, Lincoln C.
Bruce, James
Brzezinski, Zbigniew
Bullock, Hugh
Bunche, Ralph J.
Bunker, Arthur H.
Bunker, Ellsworth
Bunnell, C. Sterling
Burden, William A. M.
Burgess, Carter L.
Burkhardt, Frederick
Burns, Arthur F.
Bush, Donald F.
Butler, William F.
Buttenwieser, Benjamin J.
Cain, Charles, Jr.
Calder, Alexander, Jr.
Calhoun, Alexander D.
Campbell, H. Donald
Campbell, John C.
Canfield, Cass
Carey, Andrew G.
Carpenter, George W.
Carroll, Mitchell B.
Carson, Ralph M.
Case, James H., Jr.
Case, John C.
Cattier, Jean
Chadbourne, William M.
Champion, George
Chase, W. Howard
Cheney, Ward
Childs, Thomas W.
Christie, Lansdell K.
Chubb, Percy, 2nd
Church, Edgar M.
Clapp, Gordon R.
Clark, Brig. Gen. Edwin N.
Clark, James F.
Clay, Gen. Lucius D.
Clinchy, Everett R.
Coffin, Edmund
Cohen, Jerome B.
Collado, Emilio G.
Collings, L. V.
Collingwood, Charles P.
Colwell, Kent G.
Conant, James B.
Conant, Melvin
Cook, Howard A.
Coombs, Charles A.
Cooper, Franklin S.
Cordier, Andrew W.
Cousins, Norman
Cowan, L. Gray
Cowles, Gardner
Cox, Charles R.
Creel, Dana S.
Cummings, Robert L., Jr.
Cusick, Peter
Dallin, Alexander
Danner, Arthur V.
Darrell, Norris
Daum, Earl C.
Davenport, John
Davis, Norman P.
Davison, W. Phillips
Dean, Arthur H.
Debevoise, Eli Whitney
De Lima, Oscar A.
De Vegh, Imrie
De Vries, Henry P.
Dewey, Thomas E.
D'Harnoncourt, Rene
Diebold, William, Jr.
Dillon, Clarence
Dilworth, J. Richardson
Dodge, Cleveland E.
Donner, Frederick G.
Donovan, Hedley
Dorr, Goldthwaite H.
Dorwin, Oscar John
Douglas, Lewis W.
Douglas, Percy L.
Dryfoos, Orvil E.
Dubinsky, David
DuBois, J. Delafield
Durdin, Tillman
Eagle, Vernon A.
Eaton, Fredrick M.
Eberstadt, Ferdinand
Edelman, Albert I.
Eder, Phanor J.
Eichelberger, Clark M.
Elliott, L. W.
Emmet, Christopher
Engel, Irving M.
Ernst, Albert E.
Erpf, Armand G.
Evans, Roger F.
Eveleth, George S., Jr.
Ewing, Sherman
Ewing, William, Jr.
Exter, John
Fahs, Charles B.
Field, William Osgood, Jr.
Fischer, John S.
Fisher, Henry J.
Fleck, G. Peter
Fleischmann, Manly
Florinsky, Michael T.
Ford, Nevil
Forkner, Claude E.
Forrestal, Michael V.
Fosdick, Raymond B.
Fox, Joseph C.
Fox, William T. R.
Foye, Arthur B.
Franklin, George S., Jr.
Franklin, John M.
Freedman, Emanuel R.
French, John
Freudenthal, David M.
Friele, Berent
Friendly, Henry J.
Fry, Varian
Fuerbringer, Otto
Fuller, C. Dale
Fuller, Robert G.
Galantiere, Lewis
Gallatin, James P.
Gamble, Sidney D.
Gant, George F.
Gardner, John W.
Garretson, Albert H.
Garrison, Lloyd K.
Gaston, George A.
Gates, Samuel E.
Gates, Thomas S.
Gay, Edward R.
Geneen, Harold S.
Gevers, Max E.
Gibney, Frank B.
Gideonse, Harry D.
Gifford, Walter S.
Gillespie, S. Hazard, Jr.
Gilpatric, Chadbourne
Golden, William T.
Goldsmith, Arthur
Goldstone, Harmon H.
Goodrich, Leland M.
Gordon, Albert H.
Goss, James H.
Grace, J. P., Jr.
Graff, Robert D.
Gray, William Latimer
Gray, William Steele
Grazier, Joseph A.
Griffith, Thomas
Grimm, Peter
Grondahl, Teg C.
Gross, Ernest A.
Grover, Allen
Guggenheim, Harry F.
Gunther, John
Gurfein, Murray I.
Haight, George W.
Hall, Perry E.
Hamilton, Thomas J.
Hamlin, Chauncey J.
Hammond, Capt. Paul
Hance, William A.
Hanes, John W., Jr.
Harrar, J. G.
Harriman, E. Roland
Hasler, Frederick E.
Hauge, Gabriel
Hayes, Alfred
Hazard, John N.
Heald, Henry T.
Heckscher, August
Heineman, Dannie N.
Henderson, William
Herod, W. Rogers
Herring, Pendleton
Herzog, Paul M.
Hess, Jerome S.
Hill, Forrest F.
Hill, James T. Jr.
Hill, John A.
Hills, Robert C.
Hirschman, Albert O.
Hochschild, Harold K.
Hochschild, Walter
Hoglund, Elis S.
Hoguet, Robert L., Jr.
Hohenberg, John
Holland, Henry F.
Holland, Kenneth
Holman, Eugene
Holst, Willem
Holt, L. Emmett, Jr.
Homer, Sidney, Jr.
Hoopes, Townsend
Hoover, Lyman
Horn, Garfield H.
Horton, Philip
Hottelet, Richard C.
Houghton, Arthur A., Jr.
Houston, Frank K.
Howard, John B.
Howe, John
Hughes, Emmet John
Hughes, John Chambers
Humphreys, H. E., Jr.
Hupper, Roscoe H.
Hurewitz, J. C.
Hyde, Henry B.
Hyde, James N.
Ide, John J.
Inglis, John B.
Irwin, John N., 2nd
Iselin, O'Donnell
Jackson, C. D.
Jackson, William E.
James, George F.
Jaretzki, Alfred, Jr.
Jay, Nelson Dean
Jessup, Alpheus W.
Jessup, John K.
Johnson, Edward F.
Johnson, Howard C.
Johnson, Joseph E.
Jones, David J.
Jones, W. Alton
Josephs, Devereux C.
Joubert, Richard Cheney
Kaminer, Peter H.
Kane, R. Keith
Kappel, Frederick E.
Keezer, Dexter Merriam
Keiser, David M.
Kelley, Nicholas
Kenney, F. Donald
Kern, Harry F.
Kettaneh, Francis A.
Keyser, Paul V., Jr.
Kiaer, Herman S.
King, Frederic R.
Kirk, Adm. Alan G.
Kirk, Grayson L.
Klots, Allen T.
Knoke, L. Werner
Knoppers, Antonie T.
Knowles, John Ellis
Knox, William E.
Koenig, Robert P.
Kohn, Hans
Kraft, Joseph
Lada-Mocarski, V.
La Farge, Francis W.
Lamb, Horace R.
Lamont, Peter T.
Lamont, Thomas S.
Lang, Robert E.
Larmon, Sigurd S.
LaRoche, Chester J.
Laukhuff, Perry
LeBaron, Eugene
Lee, Elliott H.
Lehman, Herbert H.
Lehman, Orin
Lehman, Robert
Lehrman, Hal
Leich, John F.
Leonard, James G.
Leroy, Norbert G.
Leslie, John C.
Levy, Walter J.
Lewis, Roger
Lewisohn, Frank
Lieberman, Henry R.
Lightner, M. C.
Lilienthal, David E.
Lindquist, Warren T.
Lissitzyn, Oliver J.
Lockwood, John E.
Lockwood, Mancie deF., 3rd
Lockwood, William A.
Lodge, Henry Cabot
Loeb, John L.
Logan, Sheridan A.
Loomis, Alfred L.
Loos, Rev. A. William
Loucks, Harold H.
Lounsbury, Robert H.
Lubin, Isador
Luce, Henry R.
Ludt, R. E.
Luitweiler, J. C.
Lunning, Just
Lyford, Joseph P.
McCance, Thomas
McCarthy, John G.
McCloy, John J.
McDaniel, Joseph M., Jr.
McDonald, James G.
McGraw, James H., Jr.
McKeever, Porter
McLean, Donald H., Jr.
MacDuffie, Marshall
MacEachron, David W.
MacIntyre, Malcolm A.
MacIver, Murdoch
MacVeagh, Ewen Cameron
Maffry, August
Maguire, Walter N.
Malin, Patrick Murphy
Mallory, Walter H.
Mark, Rev. Julius
Markel, Lester
Martino, Joseph A.
Marvel, William W.
Masten, John E.
Mathews, Edward J.
Mattison, Graham D.
May, A. Wilfred
May, Stacy
Menke, John R.
Merz, Charles
Metzger, Herman A.
Mickelson, Sig
Midtbo, Harold
Millar, D. G.
Millard, Mark J.
Miller, Edward G., Jr.
Miller, Paul R., Jr.
Miller, William J.
Millis, Walter
Mills, Bradford
Minor, Clark H.
Mitchell, Don G.
Mitchell, Sidney A.
Model, Leo
Monaghan, Thomas E.
Moore, Ben T.
Moore, Edward F.
Moore, George S.
Moore, Maurice T.
Moore, William T.
Morgan, Cecil
Morgan, D. P.
Morgan, Henry S.
Morris, Grinnell
Mosely, Philip E.
Muir, Malcolm
Munroe, Vernon, Jr.
Munyan, Winthrop R.
Murdin, Forrest D.
Murphy, Grayson M-P.
Murphy, J. Morden
Nason, John W.
Neal, Alfred C.
Nebolsine, George
Nicely, James M.
Nichols, Thomas S.
Nichols, William I.
Nickerson, A. L.
Nielsen, Waldemar A.
Nolte, Richard H.
Northrop, Johnston F.
Notestein, Frank W.
Noyes, Charles Phelps
Oakes, John B.
O'Brien, Justin
O'Connor, Roderic L.
Ogden, Alfred
Olds, Irving Sands
Oppenheimer, Fritz E.
Osborn, Earl D.
Osborn, Frederick H.
Osborn, William H.
Osborne, Stanley de J.
Ostrander, F. Taylor, Jr.
Overby, Andrew N.
Overton, Douglas W.
Pace, Frank, Jr.
Page, Howard W.
Page, John H.
Page, Robert G.
Pagnamenta, G.
Paley, William S.
Parker, Philo W.
Patterson, Ellmore C.
Patterson, Frederick D.
Patterson, Morehead
Patterson, Richard C., Jr.
Payne, Frederick B.
Payne, Samuel B.
Payson, Charles Shipman
Peardon, Thomas P.
Peffer, Nathaniel
Pennoyer, Paul G.
Peretz, Don
Perkins, James A.
Perkins, Roswell B.
Peters, C. Brooks
Petersen, Gustav H.
Petschek, Stephen R.
Phillips, Christopher H.
Pierce, William C.
Pierson, Warren Lee
Pifer, Alan
Pike, H. Harvey
Plimpton, Francis T. P.
Poletti, Charles
Polk, Judd
Poor, Henry V.
Potter, Robert S.
Powers, Joshua B.
Pratt, H. Irving, Jr.
Proudfit, Arthur T.
Quigg, Philip W.
Rabi, Isidor I.
Rathbone, M. J.
Ray, George W., Jr.
Reber, Samuel
Redmond, Roland L.
Reed, Philip D.
Reeves, Jay B. L.
Reid, Ogden
Reid, Whitelaw
Rheinstein, Alfred
Richardson, Arthur Berry
Richardson, Dorsey
Richardson, John R., Jr.
Riegelman, Harold
Ripley, Joseph P.
Roberts, George
Roberts, Henry L.
Robinson, Geroid T.
Robinson, Leland Rex
Rockefeller, David
Rockefeller, John D., 3rd
Rockhill, Victor E.
Rodriguez, Vincent A.
Rogers, Lindsay
Roosevelt, George Emlen
Root, Elihu, Jr.
Root, Oren
Roper, Elmo
Rosenberg, James N.
Rosenman, Samuel I.
Rosenstiel, Lewis
Rosenwald, William
Rosinski, Herbert
Ross, Emory
Ross, T. J.
Rouse, Robert G.
Royce, Alexander B.
Ruebhausen, Oscar M.
Rush, Kenneth
Rustow, Dankwart A.
Sachs, Alexander
Sachs, Howard J.
Saltzman, Charles E.
Samuels, Nathaniel
Sargeant, Howland H.
Sargent, Noel
Sarnoff, Brig. Gen. David
Sawin, Melvin E.
Schaffner, Joseph Halle
Schapiro, J. Salwyn
Scherman, Harry
Schiff, John M.
Schiller, A. Arthur
Schilthuis, Willem C.
Schmidt, Herman J.
Schmoker, J. Benjamin
Schwartz, Harry
Schwarz, Frederick A. O.
Scott, John
Sedwitz, Walter J.
Seligman, Eustace
Seymour, Whitney North
Sharp, George C.
Sharp, James H.
Shea, Andrew B.
Sheffield, Frederick
Shepard, David A.
Shepard, Frank P.
Shepardson, Whitney H.
Shepherd, Howard C.
Sherbert, Paul C.
Sherman, Irving H.
Shields, Murray
Shields, W. Clifford
Shirer, William L.
Shute, Benjamin R.
Siegbert, Henry
Sims, Albert G.
Slater, Joseph E.
Slawson, John
Sloan, Alfred P., Jr.
Smith, Carleton Sprague
Smith, David S.
Smith, Hayden N.
Smith, W. Mason, Jr.
Smull, J. Barstow
Solbert, Peter O. A.
Sonne, H. Christian
Soubry, E. E.
Spaght, Monroe E.
Spang, Kenneth M.
Spencer, Percy C.
Spofford, Charles M.
Stackpole, Stephen H.
Stebbins, James H.
Stebbins, Richard P.
Stern, H. Peter
Stevenson, Adlai E.
Stevenson, John R.
Stewart, Robert McLean
Stillman, Chauncey
Stillman, Ralph S.
Stinebower, Leroy D.
Stoddard, George D.
Stokes, Isaac N. P.
Stone, Shepard
Straka, Jerome A.
Straus, Donald B.
Straus, Jack I.
Straus, Oscar S.
Straus, Ralph I.
Straus, R. Peter
Strauss, Simon D.
Strong, Benjamin
Sulzberger, Arthur Hays
Swatland, Donald C.
Swingle, William S.
Swope, Gerard, Jr.
Tannenbaum, Frank
Tannenwald, Theodore
Thomas, H. Gregory
Thompson, Earle S.
Thompson, Kenneth W.
Tibby, John
Tinker, Edward Laroque
Tomlinson, Roy E.
Townsend, Edward
Townsend, Oliver
Traphagan, J. C.
Travis, Martin B., Jr.
Trippe, Juan Terry
Truman, David B.
Tweedy, Gordon B.
Uzielli, Giorgio
Van Dusen, Rev. Henry P.
von Mehren, Robert B.
Voorhees, Tracy S.
Walker, Joseph, Jr.
Walkowicz, T. F.
Wallace, Schuyler C.
Warburg, Eric M.
Warburg, Frederick M.
Warburg, James P.
Ward, Thomas E.
Warfield, Ethelbert
Warren, John Edwin
Wasson, Donald
Wasson, R. Gordon
Watson, Arthur K.
Watson, Thomas J., Jr.
Wauchope, Rear Adm. George
Weaver, Sylvester L., Jr.
Webster, Bethuel M.
Welch, Leo D.
Wellborn, Vice Adm. Charles, Jr.
Wernimont, Kenneth
Wheeler, Walter H., Jr.
Whidden, Howard P.
Whipple, Taggart
Whipple, Brig. Gen. William
White, Frank X.
White, H. Lee
White, Theodore H.
Whitman, H. H.
Whitney, John Hay
Whitridge, Arnold
Wight, Charles A.
Wilkinson, Col. Lawrence
Willcox, Westmore
Williams, Langbourne M.
Willits, Joseph H.
Wilson, John D.
Wilson, Orme
Wilson, Philip D.
Wingate, Henry S.
Winslow, Richard S.
Wood, Bryce
Woodward, Donald B.
Woodyatt, Philip
Woolley, Knight
Wright, Harry N.
Wriston, Henry M.
Wriston, Walter B.
Yost, Charles W.
Young, John M.
Zurcher, Arnold J.
_Non-Resident Members_
Acheson, Dean
Achilles, Theodore C.
Adams, Roger
Agar, Herbert
Akers, Anthony B.
Allen, Raymond B.
Allyn, S. C.
Amory, Robert, Jr.
Anderson, Dillon
Anderson, Vice Adm. George
Anderson, Roger E.
Anderson, Gen. Samuel E.
Armstrong, John A.
Atherton, J. Ballard
Attwood, William
Auld, George P.
Babcock, Maj. Gen. C. Stanton
Badeau, John S.
Baker, George P.
Ball, George W.
Ballou, George T.
Barghoorn, Frederick C.
Barker, James M.
Barnett, Robert W.
Barrows, Leland
Bartholomew, Dana T.
Bass, Robert P., Jr.
Bassow, Whitman
Bateman, William H.
Bates, Marston
Bator, Francis M.
Bayne, Edward Ashley
Bechtel, S. D.
Bell, Holley Mack
Benda, Harry J.
Bennett, Martin Toscan
Bergson, Abram
Berkner, L. V.
Bernstein, Edward M.
Betts, Brig. Gen. Thomas J.
Bissell, Richard M., Jr.
Black, Cyril E.
Black, Col. Edwin F.
Black, Eugene R.
Blackie, William B.
Bliss, C. I.
Bliss, Robert Woods
Bloomfield, Lincoln P.
Blum, Robert
Boeschenstein, Harold
Bohlen, Charles E.
Bonesteel, Maj. Gen. C. H. 3rd
Boothby, Albert C.
Borton, Hugh
Bowie, Robert R.
Bowles, Chester
Braden, Thomas W.
Bradfield, Richard
Braisted, Paul J.
Brett, George P., Jr.
Brewster, Kingman, Jr.
Briggs, Ellis O.
Brinton, Crane
Bristol, William M.
Bronwell, Arthur
Brophy, Gerald B.
Brorby, Melvin
Bross, John A.
Brown, Irving
Brown, Sevellon, 3rd
Brown, William O.
Bruce, David K. E.
Brundage, Percival F.
Bruton, Henry J.
Bundy, Harvey H.
Bundy, McGeorge
Bundy, William P.
Burgess, W. Randolph
Byrne, James MacGregor
Byrnes, Robert F.
Byroade, Henry A.
Cabot, John M.
Cabot, Louis W.
Cabot, Thomas D.
Caldwell, Robert G.
Calkins, Hugh
Camp, Jack L.
Campbell, Kenneth H.
Canfield, Franklin O.
Caraway, Lt. Gen. Paul W.
Carpenter, W. Samuel, 3rd
Carter, William D.
Cary, William L.
Case, Clifford P.
Case, Everett N.
Chapin, Selden
Chapman, John F.
Cheever, Daniel S.
Cherrington, Ben M.
Childs, Marquis
Cisler, Walker L.
Clark, Ralph L.
Clayton, W. L.
Cleveland, Harlan
Clough, Ernest T.
Coffey, Joseph Irving
Cohen, Benjamin V.
Cole, Charles W.
Collbohm, F. R.
Collyer, John L.
Conlon, Richard P.
Conrad, Brig. Gen. Bryan
Considine, Rev. John J., M. M.
Coons, Arthur G.
Copeland, Lammot du Pont
Corson, John J.
Costello, William A.
Cotting, Charles E.
Cowen, Myron M.
Cowles, John
Crane, Winthrop Murray, 3rd
Creighton, Albert M.
Cross, James E.
Crotty, Homer D.
Crowe, Philip K.
Culbertson, Col. William S.
Curran, Jean A., Jr.
Curtis, Edward P.
Dangerfield, Royden
Darlington, Charles F.
David, Donald K.
Davidson, Alfred E.
Davidson, Carter
Davies, Fred A.
Davis, Nathanael V.
Dean, Edgar P.
Decker, William C.
de Guigne, Christian, 3rd
da Kiewiet, C. W.
de Krafft, William
Deming, Frederick L.
Despres, Emile
Deuel, Wallace R.
Deutch, Michael J.
Dewhurst, J. Frederic
Dexter, Byron
Dickey, John S.
Dillon, C. Douglas
Dodds, Harold Willis
Dollard, Charles
Donkin, McKay
Donnell, James C., 2nd
Donnelly, Maj. Gen. Harold C.
Dorr, Russell H.
Douglas, Donald W., Jr.
Draper, William H., Jr.
Drummond, Roscoe
Ducas, Robert
Duce, James Terry
Duke, Angier Biddle
Dulles, Allen W.
Dunn, Frederick S.
Eckstein, Alexander
Edelstein, Julius C. C.
Edwards, A. R.
Edwards, William H.
Einaudi, Mario
Einstein, Lewis
Eisenhower, Dwight D.
Elliott, Byron K.
Elliott, Randle
Elliott, William Y.
Elsey, George M.
Elson, Robert T.
Emeny, Brooks
Emerson, E. A.
Emerson, Rupert
Eppert, Ray R.
Estabrook, Robert H.
Ethridge, Mark
Evans, J. K.
Everton, John Scott
Fainsod, Merle
Fairbank, John King
Fairbanks, Douglas
Farmer, Thomas L.
Fay, Sidney B.
Feely, Edward F.
Feis, Herbert
Ferguson, John H.
Finkelstein, Lawrence S.
Finlay, Luke W.
Finletter, Thomas K.
Firestone, Harvey S., Jr.
Fischer, George
Fisher, Edgar J.
Fleischmann, Julius
Fleming, Lamar, Jr.
Follis, R. G.
Ford, Guy Stanton
Ford, Thomas K.
Foster, Austin T.
Foster, William C.
Fowler, Henry H.
Foy, Fred C.
Frank, Isaiah
Frank, Joseph A.
Frankfurter, Felix
Fredericks, J. Wayne
Free, Lloyd A.
Fuller, Carlton P.
Furber, Holden
Furniss, Edgar S., Jr.
Galbraith, J. Kenneth
Gallagher, Charles F.
Gannett, Lewis S.
Gardiner, Arthur Z.
Gardner, Richard N.
Garner, Robert L.
Garthoff, Raymond L.
Gaud, William S.
Gavin, Lt. Gen. James M.
Gaylord, Bradley
Geier, Frederick V.
Geier, Paul E.
Gerhart, Lt. Gen. John K.
Giffin, Brig. Gen. Sidney F.
Gilbert, Carl J.
Gilbert, H. N.
Gilchrist, Huntington
Gillin, John P.
Gilpatric, Roswell L.
Gleason, S. Everett
Glennan, T. Keith
Goheen, Robert F.
Goldberg, Arthur J.
Goodhart, Arthur L.
Goodpaster, Maj. Gen. Andrew J.
Goodrich, Carter
Gordon, Lincoln
Gornick, Alan L.
Gorter, Wytze
Gould, Laurence M.
Graham, Philip L.
Grant, James P.
Grant, Maj. Gen. U. S., 3rd
Gray, Gordon
Green, Joseph C.
Greene, A. Crawford
Greene, James C.
Greenewalt, Crawford H.
Greenwood, Heman
Griffith, William E.
Griswold, A. Whitney
Grove, Curtiss C.
Gruenther, Gen. Alfred M.
Gullion, Edmund A.
Halle, Louis J., Jr.
Hamilton, Fowler
Hamilton, Maj. Gen. Pierpont M.
Hammonds, Oliver W.
Hansell, Gen. Haywood S., Jr.
Harbison, Frederick
Harriman, W. Averell
Harris, Irving B.
Harsch, Joseph. C.
Hart, Augustin S.
Hartley, Robert W.
Haskell, Broderick
Haskins, Caryl P.
Hauck, Arthur A.
Haviland, H. Field, Jr.
Hayes, Samuel P.
Hays, Brooks
Hays, John T.
Heffelfinger, Totton P., 2nd
Heilperin, Michael A.
Heintzen, Harry L.
Heinz, H. J., 2nd
Henderson, Loy W.
Henkin, Louis
Henry, David Dodds
Herter, Christian A.
Hill, George Watts
Hitch, Charles J.
Hofer, Philip
Hoffman, Michael L.
Hoffman, Paul G.
Holborn, Hajo
Holland, William L.
Holmes, Julius C.
Homer, Arthur B.
Hook, George V.
Hoover, Calvin B.
Hoover, Herbert
Hoover, Herbert, Jr.
Hopkins, D. Luke
Hopper, Bruce C.
Hornbeck, Stanley K.
Hoskins, Halford L.
Hoskins, Harold B.
Houghton, Amory
Hovde, Frederick L.
Hovey, Allan, Jr.
Howard, Graeme K.
Howe, Walter
Hoyt, Edwin C., Jr.
Hoyt, Palmer
Huglin, Brig. Gen. H. C.
Humphrey, Hubert H.
Hunsberger, Warren S.
Hunt, James Ramsay, Jr.
Hunter, Clarence E.
Issawi, Charles P.
Iverson, Kenneth R.
Jackson, Elmore
Jackson, William H.
Jaffe, Sam A.
Jansen, Marius B.
Javits, Jacob K.
Jenney, John K.
Jessup, Philip C.
Johnson, Herschel V.
Johnson, Lester B.
Johnson, Robert L.
Johnston, Henry R.
Johnstone, W. H.
Jones, Peter T.
Jordan, Col, Amos A.
Jorden, William J.
Kahin, George McT.
Kaiser, Philip M.
Kamarck, Andrew M.
Katz, Milton
Katzenbach, Edward L., Jr.
Kauffman, James Lee
Kaufmann, William W.
Kelso, A. Donald
Kempner, Frederick C.
Kennan, George F.
Kerr, Clark
Killian, James R., Jr.
Kimberly, John H.
King, James E., Jr.
King, John A., Jr.
Kinkaid, Adm. Thomas C.
Kintner, Col. William R.
Kissinger, Henry A.
Knight, Douglas
Knorr, Klaus
Kohler, Foy D.
Kohler, Walter J.
Korbel, Josef
Korol, Alexander G.
Kotschnig, Walter
Labouisse, Henry R.
Ladejinsky, Wolf
Lamson, Roy, Jr.
Landis, James M.
Langer, Paul F.
Langer, William L.
Langsam, Walter Consuelo
Lanham, Maj. Gen. Charles T.
Lansdale, Gen. Edward G.
Larson, Jens Frederick
Lasswell, Harold D.
Latourette, Kenneth S.
Lattimore, Owen
Lawrence, David
Lawrence, W. H.
Laybourne, Lawrence E.
Laylin, John G.
Leddy, John M.
Lee, Charles Henry
Leghorn, Richard S.
Lemnitzer, Gen. L. L.
Leslie, Donald S.
Lesueur, Larry
Levine, Irving R.
Levy, Marion J., Jr.
Lewis, Herbert
Lewis, Wilmarth S.
Lichtenstein, Walter
Lincoln, Col. G. A.
Linder, Harold F.
Lindley, Ernest K.
Lindsay, Franklin A.
Lindsay, John V.
Lindsay, Lt. Gen. Richard C.
Linebarger, Paul M. A.
Lingelbach, William E.
Lingle, Walter L., Jr.
Lippmann, Walter
Litchfield, Edward H.
Little, Herbert S.
Little, L. K.
Lockard, Derwood W.
Locke, Edwin A., Jr.
Lockwood, William W.
Lodge, George Cabot
Loomis, Robert H.
Lunt, Samuel D.
Lyon, E. Wilson
McCabe, Thomas B.
McClintock, Robert M.
McCone, John Alex
McCormack, Maj. Gen. J., Jr.
McCracken, Paul W.
McCutcheon, John D.
McDougal, Edward D., Jr.
McDougal, Myres S.
McFarland, Ross A.
McGee, Gale W.
McGhee, George C.
McKay, Vernon
McKittrick, Thomas H.
McLaughlin, Donald H.
McArthur, Douglas, 2nd
MacChesney, A. Brunson, 3rd
MacDonald, J. Carlisle
MacVeagh, Lincoln
Machold, William F.
Maddox, William P.
Maddux, Maj. Gen. H. R.
Mallinson, Harry
Mallory, George W.
Manning, Bayless
Marcus, Stanley
Marshall, Charles B.
Martin, Edwin M.
Martin, William McC., Jr.
Masland, John W.
Mason, Edward S.
Mathews, William R.
Maximov, Andre
May, Oliver
Mayer, Ferdinand[B] L.
Mayer, Gerald M.
Meagher, Robert F.
Meck, John F.
Menke, John R.
Merchant, Livingston T.
Merillat, H. C. L.
Merriwether, Duncan
Metcalf, George R.
Meyer, Charles A.
Meyer, Clarence E.
Meyer, Cord, Jr.
Milbank, Robbins
Miller, Francis P.
Miller, William B.
Millikan, Clark B.
Millikan, Max F.
Millis, John S.
Minor, Harold B.
Mitchell, James P.
Moore, Hugh
Moran, William E., Jr.
Morgan, George A.
Morgan, Shepard
Morgenstern, Oskar
Morgenthau, Hans J.
Mott, John L.
Mudd, Henry T.
Munoz Marin, Luis
Munro, Dana G.
Munson, Henry Lee
Murphy, Donald R.
Murphy, Franklin D.
Murphy, Robert
Murrow, Edward R.
Myers, Denys P.
Nathan, Robert R.
Nelson, Fred M.
Neumann, Sigmund
Newman, Richard T.
Newton, Quigg, Jr.
Nichols, Calvin J.
Niebuhr, Reinhold
Nitze, Paul H.
Nixon, Richard M.
Nover, Barnet
Noyes, W. Albert, Jr.
Nuveen, John
Oakes, George W.
Oelman, R. S.
Oppenheimer, J. Robert
Orchard, John E.
Osborne, Lithgow
Owen, Garry
Paffrath, Leslie
Palmer, Norman D.
Pantzer, Kurt F.
Park, Richard L.
Parker, Barrett
Parsons, John C.
Patterson, Gardner
Paul, Norman S.
Pelzer, Karl J.
Penfield, James K.
Perera, Guido R.
Perkins, Courtland D.
Perkins, Milo
Petersen, Howard C.
Phillips, William
Phleger, Herman
Piquet, Howard S.
Poque, L. Welch
Polk, William R.
Pool, Ithiel deSola
Power, Thomas F., Jr.
Prance, P. F. A.
Preston, Jerome
Price, Don K.
Pritchard, Ross J.
Prizer, John B.
Prochnow, Herbert V.
Pulling, Edward S.
Pusey, Nathan M.
Pye, Lucien W.
Radway, Laurence I.
Ravenholt, Albert
Reinhardt, G. Frederick
Reischauer, Edwin O.
Reitzel, William
Rennie, Wesley F.
Reston, James B.
Rich, John H., Jr.
Richardson, David B.
Ridgway, Gen. Matthew B.
Riefler, Winfield W.
Ries, Hans A.
Riley, Edward C.
Ripley, S. Dillon, 2nd.
Rivkin, Arnold
Robinson, Donald H.
Rockefeller, Nelson A.
Rogers, James Grafton
Romualdi, Serafino
Roosa, Robert V.
Roosevelt, Kermit
Roosevelt, Nicholas
Rosengarten, Adolph G., Jr.
Ross, Michael
Rostow, Eugene V.
Rostow, Walt W.
Rusk, Dean
Russell, Donald S.
Ryan, John T., Jr.
Salomon, Irving
Satterthwaite, Joseph C.
Sawyer, John E.
Schaetzel, J. Robert
Schelling, T. C.
Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr.
Schmidt, Adolph W.
Schneider, Hubert A.
Schorr, Daniel L.
Schuyler, Gen. C. V. R.
Schwab, William B.
Schwebel, Stephen M.
Scott, William Ryland
Seymour, Charles
Seymour, Forrest W.
Sharp, Walter R.
Sharpe, Henry D., Jr.
Shaw, G. Howland
Shearer, Warren W.
Sheean, Vincent
Shishkin, Boris
Shulman, Marshall D.
Shuster, George
Simons, Hans
Simpson, John L.
Slocum, John J.
Smith, Everett R.
Smith, Gerard G.
Smith, H. Alexander
Smith, Adm. Harold Page
Smith, Robert W.
Smithies, Arthur
Smyth, Henry DeW.
Snyder, Richard C.
Sontag, Raymond James
Soth, Lauren K.
Southard, Frank A., Jr.
Spaatz, Gen. Carl
Speers, Rev. Theodore C.
Spencer, John H.
Spiegel, Harold R.
Sprague, Mansfield D.
Sprague, Robert C.
Sproul, Robert G.
Sprout, Harold
Staley, Eugene
Stanton, Edwin F.
Stason, E. Blythe
Stasson, Harold E.
Stein, Eric
Stein, Harold
Stephens, Claude O.
Sterling, J. E. Wallace
Stevenson, William E.
Stewart, Col. George
Stewart, Robert Burgess
Stilwell, Col. Richard G.
Stone, Donald C.
Stowe, Leland
Straton, Julius A.
Straus, Robert Kenneth
Strauss, Lewis L.
Strausz-Hupe, Robert
Strayer, Joseph R.
Struble, Adm. A. D.
Sulzberger, C. L.
Sunderland, Thomas E.
Surrey, Walter Sterling
Sweetser, Arthur
Swensrud, Sidney A.
Swihart, James W.
Symington, W. Stuart
Talbot, Phillips
Tanham, George K.
Tapp, Jesse W.
Taylor, George E.
Taylor, Gen. Maxwell D.
Taylor, Wayne Chatfield
Teller, Edward
Templeton, Richard H.
Tennyson, Leonard B.
Thayer, Charles W.
Thayer, Robert H.
Thornburg, Max W.
Thorp, Willard L.
Trager, Frank N.
Triffin, Robert
Trowbridge, Alexander B.
Truscott, Gen. Lucian K., Jr.
Tuck, William Hallam
Ulmer, Alfred C., Jr.
Upgren, Arthur R.
Valentine, Alan
Van Cleve, Thomas C.
Van Slyck, DeForest
Van Stirum, John
Vernon, Raymond
Viner, Jacob
Wadsworth, James J.
Wait, Richard
Wallich, Henry C.
Walmsley, Walter N.
Wanger, Walter
Ward, Rear Adm. Chester
Warren, Shields
Washburn, Abbott
Watkins, Ralph J.
Weeks, Edward
Wells, Herman B.
Westmoreland, Maj. Gen. W. C.
Westphal, Albert C. F.
Wheeler, Oliver P.
Whitaker, Arthur P.
White, Gilbert F.
White, John Campbell
Whiteford, William K.
Wiesner, Jerome B.
Wilbur, Brayton
Wilbur, C. Martin
Wilcox, Francis O.
Wilcox, Robert B.
Wild, Payson S., Jr.
Wilde, Frazar B.
Wilds, Walter W.
Williams, John H.
Wilmerding, Lucius, Jr.
Wilson, Carroll L.
Wilson, Howard E.
Wilson, O. Meredith
Wimpfheimer, Jacques
Winton, David J.
Wisner, Frank G.
Wohl, Elmer P.
Wohlstetter, Albert
Wolfers, Arnold
Wood, Harleston R.
Wriggins, W. Howard
Wright, Adm. Jerauld
Wright, Quincy
Wright, Theodore P.
Wyzanski, Charles E., Jr.
Yntema, Theodore O.
Young, Kenneth T.
Young, T. Cuyler
Zellerbach, J. D.
Appendix 2
ATLANTIC UNION COMMITTEE MEMBERSHIP ROSTER
This membership list was published by the Atlantic Union Committee in
December, 1960. "CFR" in parentheses after a name is an editorial
indication that the person is also a member of the Council on Foreign
Relations. No other biographical information is given for CFR members.
The biographical information, on the AUC members who are not also CFR
members, was taken from _Who's Who_ and/or the _American Dictionary of
Biography_.
Abbott, Mrs. George
Abend, Hallet
Achilles, Paul S., Chairman of the Board, Psychological Corporation;
Board member, Eastman-Kodak Company
Adams, James D., Partner, McCutchen, Doyle, Brown & Enersen, Lawyers,
San Francisco
Adams, Hon. Paul L., Attorney General, State of Michigan
Agar, Herbert (CFR)
Agnew, Albert C.
Aiken, Hon. Paul C., former Assistant Postmaster General of the U. S.
Alexander, Mrs. Sadie T. M.
Allen, H. Julian, General Manager, Paris Office, Morgan Guaranty Trust
Company
Allen, Dr. Max P.
Alvord, Ellsworth C., Member, law firm of Alvord & Alvord, Washington,
D. C.; Board member, General Dynamics Corp., Smith-Corona, Inc.
Amen, John Harlan, Associate Trial Counsel, Nurnburg War Criminals
Trials; Member, Amen, Weisman & Butler, New York City
Amory, Copley
Anderson, Don
Anderson, Eugene N., Professor of History, University of Southern
California at Los Angeles
Anderson, Mrs. Eugene
Anderson, Eugenie Former Ambassador to Denmark
Anderson, Maj. Gen. Frederick L. Trustee, Rand Corp.
Anderson Dr. Paul R., President, Chatham College, Pittsburgh
Anderson Steve
Anderson, Victor E., Former Governor of Nebraska
Andrews, Mark Edwin, President, Second M. E. Andrews, Ltd., Houston
Andrews, Dr. Stanley, Executive Director, Kellogg Foundation
Apperson John W.
Armour, Norman (CFR)
Armstrong, George S., President, George S. Armstrong & Co., New York
City, Trustee, Committee for Economic Development
Armstrong, O. K., Member, Editorial Staff Reader's Digest, Former
Congressman; Founder, Department of Journalism, University of
Florida
Arnold, Remmie L.
Arnold, Thurman, Former U. S. Assistant Attorney General
Arzt, Dr. Max, President, Jewish Theological Seminary
Atherton, Warren H., Past National Commander, American Legion
Aurner, Dr. Robert R., President, Aurner & Associates, Carmel,
California
Babian, Haig
Bache, Harold L., Sr., Senior Partner, Bache & Co., New York City
Bacon, Mrs. Robert Low, Chairman, Administration Liaison Committee,
National Federation of Republican Women
Bagwell, Dr. Paul D., Past President, U. S. Junior Chamber of Commerce
Baker, Dr. Benjamin M., Jr.
Baker, Mrs. Frank C.
Baker, Rev. Richard, Bishop, Episcopal Diocese of North Carolina;
Member, General Board, National Council of Churches
Balduf, Dr. Emery W.
Baldwin, Henry P., Vice President, Water Power & Paper Co., Wisconsin;
Member, National Board, National Conference of Christians and Jews,
Chairman, Brotherhood Week, 1956
Baldwin, Howard C., Chairman of the Board of Standard Federal Savings &
Loan Association, Detroit; Vice President and Trustee, The Kresge
Foundation, Member, Board of Publications, Methodist Church
Baldwin, Hon. Raymond E., Former U. S. Senator and Governor of
Connecticut
Ball, George (CFR)
Ball, Hon, Joseph H., Former U. S. Senator from Minnesota
Banning, Mrs. Margaret
Barclay, Dr. Thomas Swain, Professor of Political Science, Stanford
University, Member, National Municipal League; Member, American
Delegation to Negotiate the Peace, 1919
Barinowski, R. E.
Barnes, Julius H. (CFR)
Barrows, Mrs. Ira
Bartlett, Lynn M., Superintendent of Public Schools, State of Michigan;
Former President, National Education Assn.
Barzun, Jacques, Dean of Faculty and Provost, Columbia. University;
Author, Historian, Musicologist
Batcheller, Hiland G., Chairman of the Board, Allegheny-Ludlum Steel
Corp.
Bates, Dr. Rosalind Goodrich, Past President, International Federation
of Women Lawyers
Battle, Laurie C., Former Congresswoman from Alabama
Baukhage, H. R., Consulting Editor, Army Times Publishing Company; Radio
Commentator
Bayne, The Rt. Rev. Stephen F., Jr., Executive Officer, Anglican
Communion
Beaton, Harold D.
Becker, Herman D.
Becker, Ralph E., Past Chairman, Young Republican National Federation
Beckett, Mrs. R. Capel
Beeley, Dr. Arthur L. Dean Emeritus, School of Social Work, University
of Utah; Official, National Association for Mental Health
Belknap, William
Bell, Edgar D.
Bell, Robert C., Jr.
Belsheim, Dr. Edmund O., Dean, College of Law, University of Nebraska
Benedict, Harry E. (CFR)
Bennet, Augustus W.
Bennett, Admiral Andrew C.
Benson, Dr. Oscar A., President, Augustana Lutheran Church
Bertholf, Dr. Lloyd M., President, Illinois Wesleyan University
Biddle, George
Bidgood, Dr. Lee
Bingham, Alfred M.
Birkhead, Kenneth M.
Bishop, Robert J.
Bissantz, Edgar
Bixler, J. Seelye, President, Colby College, Maine; Former Dean, Harvard
Divinity School
Blackwelder, Dr. Eliot, Professor Emeritus of Geology, Stanford
University
Blair, Paxton, Solicitor General, State of New York
Blanchard, Rt. Rev. Roger W.
Blanshard, Dr. Brand, Professor of Philosophy, Yale University
Blewett, Edward Y., President, Westbrook Junior College, Maine; Former
Dean of Liberal Arts, University of New Hampshire
Bliss, Robert Woods (CFR)
Boas, Dr. George, Professor of Philosophy, John Hopkins University
Boekel, William A.
Boggs, Dr. Marion A., Moderator, Presbyterian Church, U.S.
Bohn, William E.
Bonds, Dr. Alfred B., Jr., President, Baldwin-Wallace College, Ohio
Borsody, Dr. Stephen
Bowles, Mrs. Istvan
Bowles, Chester (CFR)
Boyd, Brig. Gen. Ralph G.
Bradley, Rev. Preston, Founder and Pastor, People's Unitarian Church,
Chicago
Braendel, Helmuth G.
Brand, Hon. James T., Associate Justice, Oregon Supreme Court
Brandt, Dr. Karl, Director, Food Research Institute, Stanford University
Brannan, Charles F., Former U. S. Secretary of Agriculture
Branscomb, Dr. Harvie, Chancellor, Vanderbilt University
Braucher, Robert, Professor of Law, Harvard University
Breckinridge, John B.
Brees, Orlo M.
Briefs, Dr. Goetz A., Professor of Labor Economics, Georgetown
University
Briscoe, John D.
Bronk, Dr. Detlev W. (CFR)
Brooklings, Mrs. Robert S., Philanthropist
Brown, John Nicholas, Former Under Secretary of Navy for Air
Brown, Julius A.
Brown, Mary Agnes, Member, U. S. Board of Veterans Appeals
Brown, Prentiss M., Former U. S. Senator from Michigan
Brown, Thomas Cook, Editor Emeritus, Buffalo Courier-Express; Member,
Foreign Policy Association; Member Advisory Board, Buffalo Council
on World Affairs
Browning, Gordon
Brundage, Hon. Percival F. (CFR)
Bryson, Dr. Lyman (CFR)
Bullis, Harry A. (CFR)
Bunker, Arthur H. (CFR)
Bunker, Hon. Ellsworth (CFR)
Bunting, Dr. J. Whitney, Professor of Finance, New York University;
Research Consultant, General Electric Company; Former President,
Oglethorpe University
Burch, Lucius E., Jr.
Burling, Edward B., Partner, Covington & Burling, Lawyers, Washington,
D. C.
Burnett, Leo, Chairman of the Board, Leo Burnett Company; Director,
Advertising Council, Chicago Better Business Bureau; Trustee,
American Heritage Foundation
Burns, Dr. Arthur F. (CFR)
Burns, James MacGregor, Professor of Political Science, Williams College
Burt, Katharine Newlin
Burwell, W. Russell, Vice Chairman Of the Board, Clevite Corp.; Past
President, Cleveland Council on World Affairs
Cabot, Henry B. (CFR)
Cahn, Mrs. Moise S.
Caldwell, Dr. Frank H., President, Louisville Presbyterian Seminary
Caldwell, Dr. Harmon W., Chancellor, University System of Georgia
Caldwell, Dr. John T., Chancellor, North Carolina State College
Canaday, Ward M., President and Chairman of the Board, The Overland
Corp.
Canfield, Cass (CFR)
Cantril, Dr. Hadley, Chairman, Institute for International Social
Research, Princeton
Capra, Frank, Motion Picture Producer
Carlton, Doyle E., Former Governor of Florida
Carmichael, Dr. Oliver C. (CFR)
Carrington, Paul, Partner, Carrington, Johnson & Stephens, Lawyers,
Dallas; Past President, Dallas Council on World Affairs; National
Councilor, Boy Scouts of America; Trustee Southwest Legal
Foundation, S.M.U.
Carter, Edward W., President, Broadway-Hale Stores, Inc., Los Angeles;
Trustee, Committee for Economic Development; Member, Board of
Regents, University of California
Carter, Hodding, Pulitzer Prize Editor, Greenville, Mississippi
Carter, John L.
Cary, Sheldon
Casey, Dr. Ralph D., Director Emeritus, School of Journalism, University
of Minnesota
Catton, Bruce, Editor, American Heritage Magazine; Pulitzer Prize for
History, 1954
Chabrak, Thomas
Chadwick, Stephen F., Past National Commander, American Legion
Chandler, Walter C., Former Congressman from Tennessee; Former Mayor of
Memphis
Chenery, William L.
Chipps, Roy B.
Cisler, Walker L. (CFR)
Clagett, J. R.
Claypool, Mrs. J. Gordon
Clayton, William L. (CFR)
Clingman, Rt. Rev. Charles
Clothier, Dr. Robert C.
Clough, Dr. Shepard B., Director, Casa Italiana, Columbia University
Code, Dr. Charles F., Professor of Physiology, University of Minnesota;
Consultant, Mayo Clinic
Coe, Dr. Albert Buckner, Official, National Council of Churches;
Delegate to 1st and 2nd World Council of Churches
Coffee, John M.
Cohen, Harry, Retired Surgeon; Former Editor, _American Jewish
Cyclopedia_; Editor-in-Chief, _American Jews: Their Lives and
Achievements_
Cole, Wilton D., Chairman of the Board, Crowell-Collier Publishing
Company
Collier, W. Edwin
Compton, Dr. Arthur H., Professor, Washington University, St. Louis;
Nobel Prize in Physics, 1927; Former Co-Chairman, National
Conference of Christians and Jews; Former member, Committee for
Economic Development; Former General Chairman, World Brotherhood;
Dean Emeritus, Washington University, St. Louis
Compton, Dr. Wilson, Former President, State College of Washington;
Chairman of the Board, Cameron Machine Co.; Director, International
Council of Christian Leadership
Comstock, Alzada
Comstock, Louis K.
Cook, Lyle E.
Coons, Dr. Arthur Gardiner (CFR)
Corn, James F.
Corsi, Edward, Former Commissioner of Immigration and Naturalization
Cortney, Philip, Chairman, U. S. Council, International Chamber of
Commerce; President, Coty, Inc. and Coty International
Cotton, Aylett B.
Cowles, Gardner (CFR)
Cox, C. R. (CFR)
Crane, Dr. Henry Hitt, Official, World Council of Churches
Crawford, Arthur L., Director, College of Mines & Minerals, University
of Utah
Cross, Dr. George L., President, University of Oklahoma
Crosswaith, Frank, Chairman, Negro Labor Committee
Crouch, Harry E.
Cruikshank, Nelson H., Director, Department of Social Security, AFL-CIO,
Member, Federal Advisory Council, Department of Labor, Member,
National Planning Association; Official, National Council of
Churches
Cruse, Mrs. W. C.
Cutting, Fulton (CFR)
Dail, Charles C.
Daltry, Joseph S., Director, Graduate Summer School for Teachers,
Wesleyan University, Connecticut
Dandridge, Rt. Rev. E. P.
Darden, Hon. Colgate W., Retired President, University of Virginia;
Former Governor of Virginia; Former Congressman from Virginia
Darling, Jay N., Retired Cartoonist, _New York Herald-Tribune_; Pulitzer
Prize, 1923, 1942
Daugherty, Paul E.
Davidson, Dr. Philip G., President, University of Louisville
Davies, Mrs. A. Powell
Davis, Chester C., Associate Director, Ford Foundation
Davis, J. Lionberger
Davis, Dr. Stanton Ling
Davis, William H. (CFR)
Dawson, John P., Professor of Law, Harvard University; Former Professor
of Law, University of Michigan
Day, Dean John W.
Deane, Maj. Gen. John R., Former Chief, American Military Mission to
U.S.S.R.
Debevoise, Thomas M. (CFR)
Deinard, Amos S.
deKiewiet, Dr. C. W. (CFR)
Dempsey, James
Dennis, Don
De Pasquale, Judge Luigi
de Spoelberch, Mrs. Eric
D'Estournelles, Mrs. Julie
Devers, Gen. Jacob L., Retired Commander of Sixth Army Group
Dewhurst, Dr. J. Frederic (CFR)
Dickason, H. L.
Dickey, Dr. Frank G., President, University of Kentucky
Diemer, Dr. George W.
Dietz, Howard, Vice President, MGM
Dimock, Edward Jordan, Federal District Judge, Southern District of New
York
Dodge, Cleveland E. (CFR)
Doman, Nicholas
Donohue, F. Joseph
Donovan, Dr. Herman L., President Emeritus, University of Kentucky
Donovan, James G., Former Congressman from New York; Director of the
Federal Housing Administration, 1957-58
Dorothy, Mrs. Dorothy
Dorr, Dr. Harold M., Dean, State-wide Education, University of Michigan
Dorr, John V. N. (CFR)
Douglass, Dr. Paul F., Former President, American University
Draper, Maj. Gen. William H., Jr. (CFR)
Draughon, Dr. Ralph B., President, Alabama Polytechnic Institute
(Auburn)
Dun, The Rt. Rev. Angus, Episcopal Bishop of Washington, D. C.; Former
official of Federal Council of Churches
Dunbar, Charles E., Jr., Professor Emeritus of Law, Tulane University;
Vice President, National Civil Service League
Duncan, Robert F.
Earnest, Dr. G. Brooks, President, Fenn College, Cleveland; Trustee,
Cleveland Council on World Affairs
Eastvold, Dr. Seth C., First Vice President, Evangelical Lutheran Church
Eberstadt, Ferdinand (CFR)
Eccles, Marriner S., Former Chairman, Board of Governors, Federal
Reserve System; Chairman of the Board, First Securities Corp.
Edge, Nelson J., Jr.
Edgren, Mrs. M. C.
Edmonds, Douglas L., Former Justice, Supreme Court of California
Edmunds, J. Ollie, President, John B. Stetson University, DeLand,
Florida
Edson, Col. C. A.
Edwards, Horace H., City Manager, Richmond, Virginia; Campaign Manager,
Roosevelt, 1936; General Director, National Democratic Campaigns
1940, 1944
Edwards, James E., President, Prairie Farmer Publishing Co., Radio
Station WLS, Chicago
Eichleay, John W.
Elligett, Mrs. Raymond T.
Elliott, Dr. William M., Jr., Pastor, Highland Presbyterian Church,
Dallas; former Chairman & Moderator, World Missions, Presbyterian
Church, U. S.
Ellis, Dr. Calvert N., President, Juanita College, Pennsylvania
Ellis, Clyde T.
Ellis, Dr. Elmer, President, University of Missouri
Elmendorf, Armin
Emerson, E. A. (CFR)
Emrich, The Rt. Rev. Richard S. M., Episcopal Bishop of Michigan
Engel, Irving M., President, American Jewish Committee; Member, Law Firm
of Engel, Judge, Miller, Sterling & Reddy, New York City
Erlanger, Milton S.
Estwing, Ernest
Ethridge, Mrs. Mark (husband in CFR)
Evjue, William T., Editor, Madison, Wisconsin, _Capital-Times_
Fairbanks, Douglas, Jr. (CFR)
Farley, Eugene Shedden, President, Wilkes College, Pennsylvania
Farnsley, Charles P., Lawyer, Former Mayor of Louisville, Kentucky
Feller, Karl F., President, International Union of United Brewery,
Flour, Cereal, Soft Drink & Distillery Workers of America; Member,
American Heritage Foundation
Ferguson, Charles W., Senior Editor, _The Reader's Digest_
Ferguson, Mrs. Walter
Fischer, Louis, Author, Foreign Correspondent; Authority on the Soviet
Union, Spain and Mahatma Gandhi
Fisher, Kenneth
Fitch, H. M., Vice-president, American Air Filter Company
Fitz-Hugh, Col. Alexander
Flower, Henry C., Jr., Vice Chairman, J. Walter Thompson Co.
Flynt, Dr. Ralph C. M., Assistant U. S. Commissioner of Education;
Former President, Atlantic Treaty Association
Folsom, Marion B. (CFR)
Forgan, J. Russell, Partner, Glore, Forgan & Co., Investments, Chicago;
Board member, National Distillers Products Corp., Studebaker-Packard
Corp., Borg-Warner Corp.
Foster, Dr. Luther H., President, Tuskegee Institute
Fowler, Earle B.
Francis, Clarence, Former Chairman of Board, General Foods Corp.
Freeman, Orville L., Secretary of Agriculture; Former Governor of
Minnesota
Friedrich, Carl J., Eaton Professor of Government, Harvard University;
Author
Fritchey, Clayton, Publisher, _Northern Virginia Sun_, Arlington;
Director, Foreign Policy Association; Deputy Chairman, National
Democratic Committee, 1952-61
Fuller, Alfred C., Chairman of Board, Fuller Brush Company
Fuller, Carlton P. (CFR)
Fuller, Dr. Richard E., President, Seattle Art Museum; Research
Professor, University of Washington; Former Chairman, Northwest
Division, Institute of Pacific Relations
Funk, Wilfred, Chairman, Wilfred Funk, Inc., Publishers; President, Funk
& Wagnalls Company, Publishers
Furlong, Mrs. Margaret K.
Gammage, Dr. Grady, President, Arizona State University; Director,
National Conference of Christians and Jews
Gannon, Rev. Robert I., S. J., Former President, Fordham University
Gape, Charles
Garwood, W. St. John, Former Justice, Supreme Court of Texas
Garwood, Mrs. W. St. John
Gaston, C. Marion
Gates, Hon. Artemus L. (CFR)
Gavin, Lt. Gen. James M. (CFR)
Gerstenfeld, Rabbi Norman, Washington (D.C.) Hebrew Congregation
Gettell, Dr. Richard Glenn, President, Mt. Holyoke College
Geyer, Bertram B., Retired Chairman of the Board, Geyer Advertising,
Inc.
Gideonse, Dr. Harry D. (CFR)
Gifford, Miss Chloe, Past President, General Federation of Women's
Clubs
Giles, Dr. Philip Randall, General Superintendent, Universalist Church
of America
Gillette, Guy M., Former Senator from Iowa
Gilliam, Miss Elsie
Glenn, Dr. C. Leslie, Professor, Mental Health Institute, University of
Michigan; Former Rector, St. John's Cathedral, Washington, D. C.;
Former Rector, Christ Church, Cambridge, Massachusetts
Golden, Clinton S., Former Vice-President, United Steelworkers of
America
Gorin, Louis J., Jr.
Gould, Dr. Laurence M. (CFR)
Grace, Miss Charity
Granger, Lester, Executive Secretary, National Urban League
Grew, Joseph C. (CFR)
Griffith, Dr. Ernest S., Dean, School of International Service, American
University; Member, National Municipal League, American Association
of Public Administrators; Former Chairman, National Conference of
Christians and Jews; Former member, Board of Missions and Church
Extension, Methodist Church; Director, Library of Congress
Legislative Reference Service, 1940-1958
Gross, Dr. Mason W., President & Former Provost, Rutgers University
Grosse, Dr. Aristid V., President, Research Institute, Temple University
Grover, Allen (CFR)
Gulick, Dr. Robert L., Jr.
Hackett, Mrs. John R.
Haflich, Victor
Hager, Lawrence W., President, Owensboro, Kentucky _Inquirer_,
_Messenger_, and Broadcasting Company
Hager, Dr. Walter E.
Hale, Robert, Former Member of Congress from Maine
Haley, Andrew G., Member Federal Communications Commission; Member,
Society for Comparative Legislation & International Law
Hall, Dr. Clarence W., Editor, _Reader's Digest_
Hall, Hon. Fred, Former Governor of Kansas
Hallauer, Carl S., Chairman of the Board, Bausch & Lomb Optical Company
Halverson, Rev. Dr. W. Q.
Hamilton, G. E.
Hamlin, Chauncey J. (CFR)
Hammond, H. O.
Hancher, Dr. Virgil M., President, State University of Iowa
Hand, Dr. George H., Vice President, Southern Illinois University
Haralson, William
Harden, Dr. Edgar L., President, Northern Michigan College; Official,
National Education Association
Hardin, Dr. Clifford M., Chancellor, University of Nebraska
Hardy, Grace C., M. D.
Hardy, Mrs. T. W., Sr.
Hare, James M.
Hargrave, Thomas J., Chairman, Eastman Kodak Company; Director,
Executive Committee, Westinghouse Electric Corp.
Harless, Richard F.
Harmer, Miss Vera
Harmon, Dr. Henry Gadd, President, Drake University
Harriman, E. Roland (CFR)
Harriman, Lewis G., Chairman of the Board, Manufacturers & Traders Trust
Company; President, M&T Discount Corp,; Founder, National Better
Business Bureau; Member, Buffalo Council on World Affairs; Vice
Chairman, University of Buffalo; Recipient, Brotherhood Citation,
National Conference of Christians and Jews, 1956
Harris, Duncan G., Chairman of the Board, Brown, Harris, Stevens, Inc.;
Director, Paramount Pictures Corp.
Harris, Morgan
Harris, Dr. Rufus Carrollton, President, Tulane University; Former
Chairman of Board, Federal Reserve Bank, Atlanta; Trustee,
Eisenhower Exchange Fellowships, Inc.
Harrison, W. B.
Hartley, Livingston
Hartung, Albert F., International President, International Woodworkers
of America
Harvill, Dr. Richard A., President, University of Arizona
Hawley, James H., Jr.
Hayes, A. J., President, International Association of Machinists
Hayt, Miss Jessie
Hazard, Leland, Former Professor of Law, Carnegie Institute of
Technology; Vice-President, Pittsburgh Plate Glass Co.
Healy, G. W. Jr., Past President, American Society of Newspaper Editors;
Editor, New Orleans _Times-Picayune_; Director, The Advertising
Council, Inc.
Heard, Gerald, Former Editor, _The Realist_, London; Former Lecturer,
Oxford University; Founder, Irish Agriculture Co-operative Movement;
Founder, English Co-operative Movement; Lecturer, New School of
Social Research, New York City; Lecturer, Oberlin College
Heinsohn, Mrs. Robert A.
Heistand, Rt. Rev. John T.
Hellyer, Dr. David T.
Helmer, Borden
Helsley, Dr. Charles W.
Henderson, Ernest, President, Sheraton Corporation of America; Director,
Boston World Affairs Council: Recipient, Brotherhood Citation,
National Conference of Christians and Jews, 1959
Henry, Gerald B., Treasurer, Atlantic Union Committee
Henry, Rev. Leland B.
Herbert, R. Beverly
Herndon, Rev. Henry
Hertz, Rabbi Richard C.
Hesburgh, Rev. Theodore, C. S. C., President, University of Notre Dame;
President, Institute of International Education; Member, Rockefeller
Brothers Fund special studies project; Member, Civil Rights
Commission of the United States
Hicks, Dr. Weimer K., President, Kalamazoo College
Hill, George Watts (CFR)
Hill, Herbert W., Professor of History, Dartmouth College; Director, New
Hampshire Council on World Affairs
Hillis, Fred L.
Hilton, Conrad N., President, Hilton Hotels Corporation; Recipient,
Brotherhood Citation, National Conference of Christians and Jews
Hilton, Dr. James H., President, Iowa State College of A & M Arts
Hines, Rt. Rev. John E., Episcopal Bishop of Texas
Hinshaw, David
Hobby, Mrs. Oveta Culp, Former U. S. Secretary of Health, Education &
Welfare; President, Editor, Publisher, Houston _Post_; Trustee,
American Assembly of Columbia University, Eisenhower Exchange
Fellowships, Inc.; Director, Committee for Economic Development;
Chairman of the Board, National Bank of Texas; Director, Mutual
Insurance Company of New York
Hobson, Rt. Rev. Henry W., Episcopal Bishop of Southern Ohio
Hodes, Gen. Henry I., USA, Retired, Former Commander-in-Chief, U. S.
Army, Europe
Hook, Sidney, Professor of Philosophy, New York University; Member,
International Committee for Academic Freedom, John Dewey Society;
Author: _Heresy, Yes-Conspiracy, No_, _Common Sense and the Fifth
Amendment_, _Marx and the Marxists_
Hopkins, Dr. Ernest M. (CFR)
Horn, Dr. Francis H., President, University of Rhode Island; Former
Director, Mental Hygiene Society of Maryland
Hornblow, Arthur, Jr., Motion Picture Producer, MGM
Horwood, Mrs. Henry A.
Hotchkis, Preston, Vice Chairman of the Board, Founders' Insurance
Company; Member, Business Advisory Council
Houghton, Dr. Henry S.
Houston, Howard E.
Hovde, Dr. Frederick L. (CFR)
Howard, Ernest
Hoyt, Alfred O.
Hoyt, Palmer (CFR)
Hudson, C. B.
Hudson, Edward F., Advertising Consultant, Ted Bates & Co., New York
City
Hudson, Paul H., Retired Executive Vice President, Empire Trust Company;
Trustee, New York University
Humbert, Dr. Russell J., President, DePauw University, Indiana; Former
official, Federal Council of Churches
Humphrey, Wolcott J.
Hunt, Dr. Charles W.
Hunt, Mrs. Walter S.
Hunter, Dr. Frederick
Hurd, Volney, Chief, Paris Bureau, _Christian Science Monitor_
Hutchinson, Martin B.
Isaacs, Norman E., Managing Editor, Louisville _Times_, Recipient,
Journalism Medal, Southern Methodist University, 1955
Jacobson, Albert H., Insurance Broker; Past President, B'nai B'rith
Jacobson, Rabbi David
Jameson, Miss Betty
Jaszi, Dr. Oscar
Jenks, Almet, Author, _The Huntsman at the Gate; The Second Chance_
Jessel, George, Actor, Producer, Twentieth Century-Fox Films Corporation
Jessen, Herman F., Mink Farmer; National Democratic Committee-man from
Wisconsin; Member, Foreign Policy Association, Americans for
Democratic Action
Johnson, Dr. Eldon L., President, University of New Hampshire; Member,
American Society of Public Administrators
Johnson, Herbert F., Chairman of the Board, S. C. Johnson & Son, Inc.;
Trustee, Profit Sharing Research Foundation, Cornell University
Johnson, Iris Beatty
Johnson, Leroy, Former Congressman from California
Johnson, Dr. Robert L. (CFR)
Johnston, T. R.
Jones, Rt. Rev. Everett H., Episcopal Bishop of West Texas
Jordan, Dr. Wilbur K., President, Radcliffe College
Joseph, Franz Martin
Kallick, Sidney S., Chairman, National Board of Directors, Young
Democratic Clubs of America
Kanzler, Ernest, Retired Chairman of the Board, Universal C. I. T.
Credit Corporation; Member, Business Advisory Council, Committee for
Economic Development
Kaplan, Dr. Joseph, Chairman, U. S. National Committee for International
Geophysical Year; Professor of Physics, University of California;
Member, Administrative Board, Hebrew Union College
Karelsen, Frank E., (Jr.) Partner, Karelsen & Karelsen, Lawyers, New
York City; Commissioner, Community Mental Health Board, New York
City; Member, Americans for Democratic Action; Honorary Chairman,
American Jewish Committee
Katz, Donald L., Chairman of the Department of Chemical Engineering,
University of Michigan
Keenan, Joseph H., Chairman, Department of Mechanical Engineering,
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Keith, William Scott
Keller, Oliver J., President & Manager, Radio Station WTAX, Springfield,
Illinois
Kelley, Nicholas (CFR)
Kelly, Dr. Melvin J. (CFR)
Kennedy, Bishop Gerald, President, Methodist Council of Bishops; Member,
Executive Committee, National Council of Churches
Keppel, A. R., President Catawba College, Salisbury, N. C.
Kerr, Dr. Clark, President, University of California
Ketchum, Carlton G., President, Ketchum, Inc, Campaign Director; Member,
National Republican Finance Committee; Director, Association for
Improvement of the Poor
Keyserling, Leon H., Former Chairman, President Truman's Council of
Economic Advisers; President, Conference on Economic Progress
Kidder, George V., Dean of Liberal Arts, University of Vermont
King, Glen A.
Kinsolving, Rt. Rev. A. B., II, Episcopal Bishop of Arizona; Former
President, Arizona Council of Churches
Kinsolving, Rev. Arthur Lee, Rector, St. James Episcopal Church, New
York City; Dean, Convocation of Manhattan; Member, Department of
Evangelism, National Council of Churches
Kirk, Adm. Alan Goodrich (CFR)
Kissinger, Dr. Henry A. (CFR)
Kizer, Benjamin H., Partner, Graves, Kizer & Gaiser, Lawyers, Spokane;
Chairman, World Affairs Council of Inland Empire; Trustee, Institute
of Pacific Relations; Former President, American Society of Planning
Officials
Klutznick, Philip M., Vice Chairman, Illinois State Housing Board;
Chairman of the International Council, B'nai B'rith; Member,
National Council, Boy Scouts of America; Member, Commission on Money
and Credit; Director, American Council to Improve Our Neighborhoods
Knight, O. A., President, Oil, Chemical & Atomic Workers International
Union
Knutson[C], Coya, Former Congresswoman from Minnesota
Koessler, Horace H.
Kohn, Dr. Hans (CFR)
Kolthoff, Isaac M., Chairman, Department of Chemistry, University of
Minnesota
Kreps, Dr. Theodore J., Professor of Business Economy, Stanford
University
Kress, Ralph H.
Kretzmann, Dr. Otto P., President, Valparaiso University, Indiana
Kruger, Morris
Lamb, F. Gilbert
Lamont, Austin
Lancoine, Nelson, Past President, Young Democratic Clubs of America
Land, Adm. Emory S., President, Air Transport Association of America
Lang, Reginald D. (CFR)
Langlie, Arthur B., Former Governor of Washington
LaRue, D. W.
Lawrence, David L., Governor of Pennsylvania
Lederberg, Dr. Joshua, Nobel Prize Winner, Medicine & Physiology, 1958;
Professor of Genetics, Stanford University
Lee, Dr. Russell V.
Lehman, Hon. Herbert H. (CFR)
Leibowitz, Judge Samuel S., Judge, Kings County Court, Brooklyn
Lemann, Mrs. Lucy Benjamin
Lerner, Abba P.
Levitas, Samuel M.
Lewis, Mrs. Dorothy
Lewis, Rt. Rev. William F., Episcopal Bishop of Olympia
Linder, Hon. Harold F. (CFR)
Linen, James A., Publisher, _Time_ Magazine
Linton, M. Albert, Retired Chairman of the Board, Provident Mutual Life
Insurance Company of Philadelphia; Member, American Friends Service
Committee
Lipsky, Dr. George A.
Litchfield, Dr. Edward H. (CFR)
Little, Dr. Clarence C., Professor Emeritus, Harvard University and
University of Michigan
Littlejohn, Edward
Lockmiller, Dr. David A., President, Ohio Wesleyan University; Former
President, University of Chattanooga
Loehr, Rev. Clement D.
Loehr, Rev. Franklin D.
Louchheim, Stuart F.
Louis, Karl N.
Loveless, Herschel C., Governor of Iowa
Loynd, H. J., President, Parke, Davis & Co.
Lubin, Isador (CFR)
Luce, Hon. Clare Boothe, Former Ambassador to Italy; Playwright (Husband
in CFR)
Luce, Henry III (CFR)
Lucey, Most Rev. Robert E., S.T.D., Archbishop of San Antonio; Vice
President, Catholic Association for International Peace
Lund, Dr. P. Edward
Lunsford, Frank
Mabey, Charles R., Former Governor of Utah
MacLachlan, James A., Professor of Law, Harvard University
Malott, Dr. Deane W., President, Cornell University
Mann, Gerald C., Former Secretary of State for Texas; Former Attorney
General, State of Texas; Chairman of the Board, Diversa, Inc.,
Dallas; Secretary, Board of Trustees; Southern Methodist University
Marlowe, Mark V.
Marshall, Gen. George C., Former Secretary of State; Former Secretary of
Defense
Marshall, Brig. Gen. S. L. A., Chief Editorial Writer, Detroit _News_
Martie, J. E., Past National Vice Commander, American Legion
Martin, Dr. B. Joseph, President, Wesleyan College, Macon, Georgia
Martin, Laurance C.
Marts, Dr. Arnaud C. (CFR)
Mather, Dr. J. Paul, President, University of Massachusetts
Mather, Wiley W.
Mathews, Lt. Col. John A.
Mathieu, Miss Beatrice
Matthews, Allan F.
McAllister, Mrs. Dorothy
McAshan, Mrs. S. M.
McCain, Dr. James A., President, Kansas State College; Former President,
Montana State University
McCall, Dr. Duke, President, Southern Baptist Theological Seminary
McCalmont, David B.
McCann, Dr. Kevin, President, Defiance College, Ohio; Special Assistant
and speech writer for President Eisenhower, 1955-61
McCarthy, Frank, Producer, Twentieth Century-Fox Films; Former Assistant
Secretary of State; Secretary to General George C. Marshall,
1941-1945
McCord, Dr. James I., President, Princeton Theological Seminary
McCormick, Charles T., Distinguished Professor of Law, University of
Texas; Former Dean of School of Law, University of North Carolina;
Former Professor of Law, Northwestern University
McCormick, Leo H.
McCrady, Dr. Edward, President, University of the South
McDonald, David J., President, United Steelworkers of America
McDonald, Rt. Rev. Msgr. William J., Rector, Catholic University of
America.
McFarland, Mrs. Cole
McFee, William
McIntosh, Henry T.
McInturff, George L.
McKee, Frederick C. (CFR)
McKeldin, Theodore R., Former Governor of Maryland
McKinney, Robert, Publisher & Editor, Santa Fe _New Mexican_; Former
Assistant Secretary of the Interior
McLane, John R., Retired Chairman, New Hampshire State Board of
Arbitration and Conciliation; Trustee, Dartmouth College
McMath, Sidney S., Former Governor of Arkansas
McMullen, Mrs. Stewart Y.
McNaughton, F. F.
McNaughton, William F.
McNichols, Stephen L. R., Governor of Colorado
McQuarrie, Mrs. Irvine
Means, Paul B., Chairman, Department of Religion, University of Oregon
Meeman, Edward J., Editor, Memphis _Press-Scimitar_
Melvin, Crandall, Partner, Melvin & Melvin, Lawyers; President,
Merchants National Bank & Trust Company, Syracuse; Trustee, Syracuse
University; Member, National Council, Boy Scouts of America
Menuhin, Yehudi, Concert Violinist and Symphony Conductor
Merriam, H. G.
Mesta, Perle, Former Minister to Luxembourg
Meyer, Maj. Gen. G. Ralph
Meyner, Robert B., Governor of New Jersey
Mickle, Dr. Joe J., President, Centenary College, Louisiana; Member,
Foreign Policy Association; Recipient, Distinguished Alumnis Award,
Southern Methodist University, 1953
Midgley, Grant W.
Miller, Dr. Arthur L., Past Moderator, United Presbyterian Church, USA;
member, General Board, National Council of Churches
Miller, Francis P. (CFR)
Miller, Harlan, Columnist, Des Moines _Register & Tribune_
Miller, Perry, Professor of American Literature, Harvard University
Miller, Mrs. Walter I.
Milligan, Mrs. Harold, Past President, National Council of Women
Millikan, Dr. Clark B. (CFR)
Millikan, Dr. Max (CFR)
Millis, Dr. John S. (CFR)
Mitchell, Don G. (CFR)
Moehlman, W. F.
Moll, Dr. Lloyd A.
Monroe, J. Raburn, Partner, Monroe & Lemann, Lawyers, New Orleans;
Regional Vice President, National Municipal Association
Montgomery, Greenville D.
Montgomery, Dr. John C.
Montgomery, Dr. Riley B., President, College of the Bible, Lexington,
Kentucky; Official, National Council of Churches; Member, Fellowship
of Reconciliation, World Fellowship, National Education Association,
National Council of Churches; Former Chairman, Committee on
Activities, Virginia Council of Churches; Former member Executive
Committee, Federal Council of Churches
Montgomery, Victor P.
Mooney, James D. (CFR)
Moor, N. R. H.
Moore, Bishop Arthur J., President, Board of Missions and Church
Extension, Methodist Church
Moore, Hugh (CFR)
Moore, Rev. Philip S.
Moore, Walden
Morgan, Dr. Arthur E., Former President, Antioch College; Former Head,
TVA
Morgenthau, Dr. Hans J. (CFR)
Morrison, deLesseps S., U. S. Ambassador to the Organization of American
States; Mayor of New Orleans, 1946-1961
Morse, Samuel F. B., Realtor, San Francisco
Mueller, Bishop Reuben H., Vice-President, National Council of Churches;
President, Board of Bishops, United Brethren Church; Vice Chairman,
World Council of Christian Education; Official, World Council of
Churches
Muir, Malcolm (CFR)
Mullins, Dr. David W., President, University of Arkansas; Member
National Council, National Planning Association; Official, National
Education Association
Murphy, Dr. Franklin D. (CFR)
Mynders, Alfred D.
Nason, Dr. John W. (CFR)
Nelson, Hon. Gaylord A., Governor of Wisconsin
Neuberger, Richard L., Senator from Oregon; Official, American for
Democratic Action
Newman, Dr. James H., Executive Vice President, University of Alabama
Newstetter, Wilbur I., Jr.
Nichols, Rt. Rev. Shirley H., Episcopal Bishop of Kansas
Nichols, Thomas S. (CFR)
Noble, Rev. Charles C., Dean, Chapel of Syracuse University
Noelte, Albert E.
Northrop, Dr. Filmer S. C., Sterling Professor of Philosophy and Law,
Yale University; Author
Norton, Hon. Garrison, President, Institute for Defense Analyses;
Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1956-59; Assistant Secretary of
State, 1947-49
Norton, Mrs. H. W.
Norton, R. W., Jr.
Nutting, Charles B., President, Action-Housing, Inc.; Former Vice
Chancellor, University of Pittsburgh; Former Professor of Law,
University of Nebraska
Nuveen, John (CFR)
Odegard, Dr. Peter, Professor of Political Science, University of
California; Member, Foreign Policy Association, Former Official,
Ford Foundation
Oldham, Rt. Rev. G. Ashton
O'Neal, F. Hodge, Professor of Law, Duke University
Oppenheimer, Dr. J. Robert (CFR)
Oppenheimer, William H., Lawyer, St. Paul, Minnesota
Orgill, Hon. Edmund, Former Mayor of Memphis
Orgill, Joseph, Jr.
Ormond, Dr. John K., Surgeon, Pontiac, Michigan
Orr, Edgar K.
Osborn, Mrs. Chase S., Author, Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan
Osborne, Hon. Lithgow (CFR)
Osgood, William B.
Otenasek, Dr. Mildred
Otis, Courtlandt
Owens, Lee E., Official, Owens Publications, California
Owens, Lee E., Jr.
Pack, Rev. John Paul
Palmer, Charles Forrest, President, Palmer, Inc., Realtor, Atlanta;
Official, National Planning Association; Member, Foreign Policy
Association, American Society of Planning Officials
Palmer, Miss Hazel, Past President, National Federation of Business and
Professional Women's Clubs
Palmer, Robert C.
Parker, Haven
Parker, Mrs. Kay Peterson
Parran, Dr. Thomas, President, Avalon Foundation; Former Surgeon
General, U.S.; Former Dean, Graduate School of Public Health,
University of Pittsburgh
Parran, Mrs. Thomas
Partch, Mrs. Wallace
Pasqualicchio, Leonard H., President, National Council of
American-Italian Friendship
Patten, James G., President, National Farmers' Union; President,
International Federation of Agricultural Producers; Trustee,
National Planning Association
Patty, Dr. Ernest N., President, University of Alaska
Pavlo, Mrs. Hattie May
Pearl, Stuart D.
Peattie, Donald Culross, Author, Roving Editor, _Reader's Digest_
Pell, Herbert Claiborne, Former Congressman from New York; Member,
Advertising Council, Rhode Island Labor Department; Member, Advisory
Council, Yenching University, Peiping, China
Pell, Rev. Walden, II
Perkins, Dr. John A., President, University of Delaware; Undersecretary
of Health, Education & Welfare, 1957-58; Director, International
City Managers Association; Member, Committee for Economic
Development; Member National Planning Association
Perkins, Ralph
Phillips, Duncan, Director, Phillips Gallery, Washington, D. C.
Phillips, Dr. Hubert
Phillips, Dr. J. Donald, President, Hillsdale College, Michigan
Phillips, William (CFR)
Pillsbury, Philip W., Chairman of the Board, Pillsbury Mills, Inc.
Pillsbury, Mrs. Philip W.
Pines, Rabbi Jerome M.
Pinkerton, Roy D., President & Editorial Director, John P. Scripps
Newspapers
Pond, Harold S.
Pool, Rev. Dr. D. deSola (CFR)
Popejoy, Dr. Tom L., President, University of New Mexico
Porter, Paul A., Former Chairman, Federal Communications Commission
Posner, Stanley I., Professor of Business Administration, American
University, Washington, D. C.
Prange, Charles H., President, Austenal, Inc.
Price, Gwilym A., Chairman, Westinghouse Electric Corporation; Member,
Business Advisory Council
Prickett, William, Lawyer, Wilmington, Delaware
Puffer, Dr. Claude E., Vice Chancellor, University of Buffalo; Member,
Committee for Economic Development
Qualls, J. Winfield
Quay, Richard R.
Quimby, Thomas H. E., Democratic National Committeeman for Michigan;
Vice President, Perry Land Company
Quinn, William Francis, Governor of Hawaii
Raasch, John E., Chairman of Board, John Wanamaker
Rabb, Maxwell M., Partner, Stroock, Stroock & Lavan, New York City;
Secretary to the Cabinet of the U. S., 1953-58; Former Chairman,
Government Division, United Jewish Appeal; Consultant, Secretary of
the Navy, 1946; Administrative Assistant to Senator Henry Cabot
Lodge, 1937-43; Administrative Assistant to Senator Sinclair Weeks,
1944
Radley, Guy R.
Raines, Bishop Richard C., Indiana Area, Methodist Church
Rainey, Dr. Homer P., Former President, University of Texas, Stephens
College, Bucknell University; Liberal-Loyalist Democratic Candidate
for Governor of Texas, 1946
Raley, Dr. John Wesley, President, Oklahoma Baptist University
Rasmuson, Elmer E., President, National Bank of Alaska
Redd, Charles
Reed, Alexander P., Chairman of the Board, Fidelity Trust Company,
Pittsburgh
Reed, Dr. R. Glenn, Jr.
Reese, Dr. Curtis W., Editor, _Unity_; Member, Council of Liberal
Churches
Reeves, Dr. George N.
Remsen, Gerard T.
Renne, Dr. Roland R., President, Montana State College
Rettaliata, Dr. John T., President, Illinois Institute of Technology
Reuther, Victor G., Administrative Assistant to the President, United
Automobile Workers
Reuther, Walter P., President, United Automobile Workers; President, CIO
Division, AFL-CIO; Vice President, United World Federalists
Rhodes, Dr. Peyton N., President, Southwestern University, Memphis
Rhyne, Charles S., Past President, American Bar Association; Member,
Executive Council, American Society for International Law
Rice, Dr. Allan Lake
Rice, Dr. Warner G., Chairman, Department of English, University of
Michigan
Roberts, David W.
Roberts, Mrs. Owen J.
Robertson, Andrew W. (CFR)
Robertson, Walter S., Former Assistant Secretary of State for far
Eastern Affairs; former delegate to U. N.
Robinson, Claude W.
Robinson, Miss Elizabeth
Robinson, J. Ben
Robinson, John Q.
Robinson, Thomas L. (CFR)
Roebling, Mrs. Mary G., President & Chairman of Board, Trenton Trust
Company
Rogers, Will, Jr., Newspaper Publisher, Former Congressman
Rolph, Thomas W.
Roosevelt, Nicholas (CFR)
Roper, Elmo (CFR)
Rose, Dr. Frank A., President, University of Alabama
Rosenthal, Milton F., President, Hugo Stinnes Corp.
Rostow, Dr. Eugene V. (CFR)
Rowland, W. T.
Rudick, Harry J., Partner, Lord, Day & Lord; Professor of Law New York
University; Member, Committee for Economic Development, National
Planning Association
Rust, Ben
Ruthenburg, Louis, Chairman of Board, Servel, Inc.
Ryder, Melvin, Publisher, Editor, President, Army Times Publishing
Company
Sagendorph, Robb, Publisher, _Old Farmer's Almanack_
Sandelius, Walter E.
Sanders, Walter B., Chairman, Department of Architecture, University of
Michigan
Sanford, Arthur
Sayman, Mrs. Thomas
Sayre, Francis B., Assistant Secretary of State, 1933-39; U. S.
Ambassador to the United Nations, 1947-52; Professor of Law, Harvard
University, 1917-34
Scherman, Harry (CFR)
Schiff, Mrs. Dorothy, Publisher and owner, _New York Post_
Schlesinger, Dr. Arthur, Jr. (CFR)
Schmidt, Adolph W. (CFR)
Schmidt, John F.
Schmitt, Mrs. Ralph S.
Schroeder, Walter, President, Christian Schroeder & Sons Inc.,
Milwaukee
Schroth, Thomas N., Editor & Publisher, Congressional Quarterly, Inc.
Schultz, Larry H.
Scullin, Richard J., Jr.
Seedorf, Dr. Evelyn H.
Semmes, Brig Gen. Harry H.
Sengstacke, John H., Publisher, _Chicago Defender_
Serpell, Mrs. John A.
Shackelford, Francis, Lawyer, Atlanta; Assistant Secretary of the Army,
1952-53
Shapiro, Ascher H., Professor of Engineering, Massachusetts Institute of
Technology
Shea, George E., Jr., Financial Editor, _Wall Street Journal_
Shelton, E. G.
Shepley, Dr. Ethan A. H., Chancellor, Washington University, St. Louis;
Board member, Southwestern Bell Telephone Company, Anheuser-Busch,
Inc.
Sherman, Dr. Mary S.
Sherwood, Carlton M., President, Pierce, Hedrick & Sherwood, Inc.;
Member, Executive Committee, Foundation for Integrated Education;
Commission member, National Council of Churches
Shirpser, Mrs. Clara
Shotwell, Dr. James T. (CFR)
Sibley, Brig. Gen. Alden K.
Sick, Emil G., Chairman of the Board, Sicks' Breweries, Ltd.; President,
Washmont Corp., Sicks' Breweries Enterprises, Inc.
Sikes, W. E.
Simons, Dolph, President, The World Company; Publisher, Editor,
Lawrence, Kansas _Daily Journal-World_; Director, Associated Press
Simonton, Theodore E.
Simpson, James A., Lawyer, Birmingham, Alabama; Former State Senator
Sittler, Edward L., Jr.
Skouras, Spyros P., President, Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corp.;
President of Skouras Lines
Slee, James N.
Slick, Tom, Chairman of the Board, Slick Oil Company; Board Member,
Slick Airways, Inc., Dresser Industries of Dallas
Sloan, Rev. Harold P., Jr.
Slosson, Dr. Preston W., Professor of History, University of Michigan;
Author
Sly, Rev. Virgil A., Vice-President, National Council of Churches,
Official, World Council of Churches
Smith, Bishop A. Frank, Chairman of the Board of Trustees, Southern
Methodist University, Dallas; Methodist Bishop of Houston and San
Antonio
Smith, Maj. Gen. Edward S., Former Vice-President, Southern Bell T & T
Company
Smith, Dr. Francis A.
Smith, H. Alexander (CFR)
Smith, Paul C. (CFR)
Smith, Robert Jerome
Smith, Russell G.
Smith, Dr. Seymour A., President, Stephens College
Smith, Sylvester C., Jr., Lawyer, Newark, New Jersey
Snow, Miss Jessie L.
Snyder, John I., Jr., Chairman of the Board, President, U. S.
Industries, Inc.; Formerly with Kuhn, Loeb & Co.; Trustee Committee
for Economic Development, National Urban League, New York University
Soffel, Judge Sara M., Judge, Court of Common Pleas, Allegheny County,
Pennsylvania; Trustee, University of Pittsburgh; Official, National
Conference of Christians and Jews
Sommer, Mrs. Sara
Sonne, Hans Christian (CFR)
Spaulding, Rev. Clarence
Spaulding, Eugene R., Vice-President, _The New Yorker_
Spaulding, George F.
Spilsbury, Mrs. Margaret C.
Spivak, Lawrence E., Producer, "Meet the Press," NBC-TV; Former Editor &
Publisher, _American Mercury_
Sporn, Philip, President, American Electric Power Company & subsidiaries
Springer, Maurice
Sproul, Dr. Robert Gordon (CFR)
Stafford, Mrs. Carl
Standley, Rear Adm. William H. (CFR)
Stanton, Dr. Frank, President, Columbia Broadcasting System; Member,
Business Advisory Council
Starcher, Dr. George W., President, University of North Dakota
Stark, George W., Arthur, Columnist, Detroit _News_
Steinbicker, Dr. Paul G., Chairman, Department of Government, St. Louis
University
Steiner, Dr. Celestin John, S. J., President, University of Detroit;
Member, Foreign Policy Association; Member, National Conference of
Christians and Jews
Steinkraus, Herman W., Chairman of the Board, Bridgeport Brass Co.;
Former President, U. S. Chamber of Commerce; Trustee, Twentieth
Century Fund
Steinman, Dr. David B., Bridge Engineer
Stern, William
Sterne, Dr. Theodore E., Simon Newcomb Professor of Astrophysics,
Harvard University
Stevenson, Adlai (CFR)
Stevenson, Dr. William E. (CFR)
Steward, Roy F.
Stewart, Dr. Robert B. (CFR)
Stoddard, Ralph
Stoke, Dr. Harold Walter, President, Queens College, Flushing, New York;
Former President, Louisiana State University
Straus, Ralph I. (CFR)
Strausz-Hupe, Dr. Robert (CFR)
Streit, Clarence K., President, Federal Union, Inc.; Author
Stuart, Dr. Graham H.
Sturt, Dr. Daniel W.
Suits, Hollis E.
Talbott, Philip M., Past President, U. S. Chamber of Commerce
Tally, Joseph, Jr., Past President, Kiwanis International
Tatum, Lofton L.
Tawes, J. Millard, Governor of Maryland
Taylor, Dr. Edgar Curtis
Taylor, James L.
Taylor, Gen. Maxwell D. (CFR)
Taylor, Brig. Gen. Telford, U. S. Chief of Consul, Nurnburg War
Criminals Trials
Taylor, Dr. Theophilus Mills, Moderator, United Presbyterian Church,
USA; Official, World Council of Churches
Taylor, Wayne Chatfield (CFR)
Teller, Dr. Edward (CFR)
Thom, W. Taylor, Jr., Chairman Emeritus of Geological Engineering,
Princeton University
Thomas, J. R.
Thompson, Dr. Ernest Trice, Professor, Union Theological Seminary;
Co-Editor, Presbyterian Outlook
Thompson, Kelly, President, Western Kentucky State College
Tobie, Llewellyn A.
Todd, Dr. G. W.
Todd, George L., Vice President, Burroughs Corp.
Tolan, Mrs. Thomas L.
Towill, John Bell
Towster, Julian
Trickett, Dr. A. Stanley, Chairman, Department of History, University of
Omaha; Official, World Council of Churches
Truman, Harry S., Former President of the United States
Turner, Gardner C.
Turner, Jennie M.
Twiss, Rev. Malcolm N.
Upgren, Dr. Arthur R. (CFR)
Urey, Dr. Harold C., Nobel Prize Atomic Chemist; Professor of Chemistry,
University of California; Former Professor of Chemistry, University
of Chicago
Valimont, Col. R. W.
Van Doren, Mark, Pulitzer Prize Poet
van Nierop, H. A.
Van Zandt, J. Parker
Veiller, Anthony
Velte, Charles H.
Vereide, Abraham, President, International Christian Leadership
Vernon, Lester B.
Vieg, Dr. John A.
Vincent, John H.
Visson, Andre
Walker, Elmer
Walker, Dr. Harold Blake, President, McCormick Theological Seminary,
Evanston, Illinois
Walling, L. Metcalfe, Director, U. S. Operations Mission, Colombia; Vice
President, National Consumers League
Walsh, John R.
Walsh, Dr. Warren B., Chairman of the Board, Department of Russian
Studies, Syracuse University; Director, American Unitarian
Association
Walton, Miss Dorothy C.
Wampler, Cloud, Chairman of Board, Carrier Corporation
Wanger, Walter F. (CFR)
Wansker, Harry A.
Warner, Dr. Sam B., Publisher, _Shore Line Times, The Clinton_
Warren, Hamilton M.
Warwick, Dr. Sherwood
Waterman, Professor Leroy
Watkins, Bishop William T., Methodist Bishop of Louisville, Kentucky
Watts, Olin E., Member, Jennings, Watts, Clarke & Hamilton, Lawyers;
Jacksonville, Florida; Trustee, University of Florida
Waymack, William Wesley, Former member, Atomic Energy Commission; Former
Editor, Des Moines _Register & Tribune_; Pulitzer Prize, 1937;
Member, National Committee, American Civil Liberties Union; Trustee,
Twentieth Century Fund
Webb, Marshall
Webb, Vanderbilt (CFR)
Wedel, Mrs. Theodore O., Past President, United Church Women
Weeks, Dr. I. D., President, University of South Dakota
Welch, Mrs. George Patrick
Wells, Dr. Herman B. (CFR)
Weltner, Dr. Philip
Wendover, Sanford H.
West, Donald C.
Weston, Eugene, Jr., Architect, Los Angeles; Member, American Society of
Planning Officials
Weston, Rev. Robert G.
Wetmore, Rev. Canon J. Stuart
Whitaker, Robert B.
White, Edward S.
White, Dr. Lee A., Retired Editorial Writer, Detroit _News_
White, William L., Publisher, Emporia, Kansas _Gazette_; Author; Member,
Former Director, American Civil Liberties Union
White, Dr. W. R., President, Baylor University, Waco, Texas
Whitman, Walter G., Chairman. Department of Chemical Engineering,
Massachusetts Institute of Technology; Secretary-General, United
Nations Conference on Peaceful Use of Atomic Energy, 1955
Whitney, Edward Allen
Whorf, Richard, Producer, Actor, Director, Warner Brothers; Producer,
CBS, Hollywood
Wiesner, Dr. Jerome B. (CFR)
Wigner, Dr. Eugene P., Professor, Princeton University
Wilkin, Robert N.
Willham, Dr. Oliver S., President, Oklahoma State University
Williams, A. N., Former Chairman of Board, Westinghouse Air Brake
Company
Williams, Dr. Clanton W., President, University of Houston
Williams, Herbert H.
Williams, Mrs. Lynn A., Sr.
Williams, Ray G.
Williams, Whiting
Williamson, Alexander J.
Willkie, Philip, Son of Wendell Willkie
Wilson, Alfred M., Vice President, Director, Minneapolis-Honeywell
Regulator Company
Wilson, Dr. Logan, President, University of Texas; Director, Center of
Advanced Study in Behavioral Sciences; Former member, Fund for the
Republic
Wilson, Dr. O. Meredith, President, University of Minnesota
Wise, Watson W., Owner, W. W. Wise Drilling, Inc., Tyler, Texas; Member,
Executive Committee, Lone Star Steel Co.; Dallas; Special Council,
Schuman Plan, NATO, 1949-52; Member, National Planning Association;
U. S. Delegate, 13th General Assembly of the United Nations
Woodring, Harry H., Former Secretary of War; Past National Commander,
American Legion
Wright, William
Yarnell, Rear Adm. H. E. (CFR)
Young, John L., Vice-President, U. S. Steel Corporation; Chairman of the
Board, Dad's Root Beer Bottling Company; Member, Foreign Policy
Association
Young, John Orr, Advertising Consultant, New York City
Young, Owen D. (CFR)
Youngdahl, Luther W., Judge, U. S. District Court for District of
Columbia; Former Governor of Minnesota; Trustee, American University
Zanuck, Darryl F., Vice-President, Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corp.
Zellerbach, Harold L., Former Board Chairman, Crown Zellerbach Corp.;
Member, Board of Governors, Hebrew Union College; Trustee,
University of Pennsylvania
INDEX
This is an index to the text of this volume. Names which appear in
Appendix I and Appendix II (membership rosters of the Council on Foreign
Relations and of the Atlantic Union Committee) are not in this index
unless they are mentioned in the text.
A
Abraham & Straus, 76 ff
Abram, Morris B., 171
Abrams, Frank W., 170
Abrams, Henry H., 149
Acheson, Dean, 105; 118
ACTION, 101
ADA, 146 ff
Adams, Grantley H., 20
Adenauer, Konrad, 143
ADVERTISING COUNCIL, 91; 95; 97-102; 174;
Public Policy Committee, 99;
Mental Health project, 101;
support of UN, 102
ADVISORY COMMITTEE ON POSTWAR FOREIGN POLICY, 5
AFL-CIO, 56; 100; 130
AFRICA, 105
Agar, Herbert, 155
Agger, Donald G., 123
Air-Vue Products Corp., 92
Alabama Power Company, 91
Alanbrooke, Field-Marshal, 30
ALDRICH COMMISSION, 54
Aldrich, Malcolm P., 171
Aldrich, Winthrop W., 84
Alexander, Henry C., 170
Allen, James L., 76
Allen, Steve, 148
Allen, William M., 84
Allis-Chalmers Manufacturing Co., 85
Allyn, Stanley C., 85; 125; 152
Altschul, Frank, 64; 140; 142
Aluminum Limited, Inc., 14; 63
American Airlines, 93
AMERICAN ASSEMBLY, 100; 144 ff
AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR THE UNITED NATIONS, 126 ff; 173
American Can Company, 14
American Central Insurance Co., 91
AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION, 142
AMERICAN COMMITTEE ON AFRICA, 151
AMERICAN COUNCIL TO IMPROVE OUR NEIGHBORHOODS (ACTION), 101
American Express, 76
AMERICAN FARM BUREAU FEDERATION, 56 ff
AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE, 47
American Heavy Minerals Corp., 95
_American Heritage_, 157
AMERICAN HERITAGE FOUNDATION, 87
AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE, 47
AMERICAN LEGION (Americanism Committee of Waldo Slaton Post 140), 36 ff;
46; 175
American Metal Climax, Inc., 14
American Mutual Liability Insurance Co., 64
AMERICAN NATIONAL RED CROSS, 130
AMERICAN-SCANDANAVIAN FOUNDATION, 55
AMERICANS FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION (ADA), 146 ff
_American Strategy For The Nuclear Age_, 140
American Sugar Refining Company, 76; 127
AMERICANS UNITED FOR WORLD GOVERNMENT, 124
American Tel. & Tel., 14; 89; 91
American Trust Company, 86; 91
"America's Most Powerful Private Club," 82
Anderson, Clayton, Company, 55; 62; 91
Anderson, Dillon, 169
Anderson, Eugenie, 130
Anderson, Marian, ii
Anderson, Robert B., 85
ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE, 47
Arabian American Oil Company, 14
ARDEN HOUSE GROUP, 145
AREA DEVELOPMENT COMMITTEE, 70 ff
Armco International Corp., 14
Armstrong, Hamilton Fish, 4 ff; 140
ARMY-McCARTHY HEARINGS, 84
_Army Times_, 113
Ashmore, Harry S., 168
ASIA, 40; 106;
communist goal to enslave, 44
Asiatic Petroleum Corp., 14
ASSOCIATION FOR EDUCATION IN WORLD GOVERNMENT, 125
Atlanta Transit Co., 86
ATLANTIC EXPLORATORY CONVENTION, 122
ATLANTIC UNION, 113 ff
ATLANTIC UNION COMMITTEE, Inc., 105 ff; 118 ff; 130; 152;
membership, 202
_Atlantic Union News_ (quote from), 122
AUSTRALIAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, v
AVCO Manuf. Corp., 88
Avildsen, Clarence, 85
B
Babb, Jervis J., 70; 76
Bacher, Robert F., 169
Baldwin, Hanson W., 155
Baldwin, Roger, 143
Ball, George W., 11; 180
Bank of America, 56; 85
Bank of Manhattan Company, 64; 76
Bankers Security Corporation, 130
Bankers Trust Company, 14; 65; 92
Barkin, Solomon, 142
Barnes, Harry Elmer, 165
Barnes, Joseph, 156
Barnett, Frank R., 137
Barrett, Edward W., 125; 152
Bates, Harry C., 101
Batten, William M., 85
Bay Petroleum Corp., 94
Beal, Gerald F., 48
Beard, Charles E., 169
Beaver Coal Co., 87
Bechtel, S. D., 85
Beise, S. Clark, 85
Belafonte, Harry, 148
_Beliefs, Purposes and Policies_ (quote from UWF pamphlet), 123 ff
Belgian Securities Corp., 14
Bell and Howell Co., 88; 92; 93
Bell, Elliott V., 64; 156
Bell, James F., 170
Bell, Laird, 142
Bendix Aviation Corp., 89
Benny, Jack, 102
Benton, William, affiliations: iii; 62; 64; 130; 143
Berger Manufacturing Co., of Mass., 92
Berle, Adolf A., Jr., affiliations: 11; 55, 140; 150; 171
BERLIN, 28 ff; 132, 180
Bernhard, Prince of The Netherlands, v
Berry, George P., 171
Bethlehem Steel Co., Inc., 14
_Better Farming_, 85
_Better Homes and Gardens_, 85
Biddle, Francis, 146, 171
"Bilderbergers," v
BILL OF RIGHTS, The U. S., 108 ff
Bingham, Barry, 168
BIRCH (JOHN) SOCIETY, 147, 158
Bixby (Fred H.) Ranch Co., 88
Black, Eugene R., 168
Black, James B., 55, 168
Blanc, Louis, 60-61
Blanding, Sarah G., 76, 99
Bliss, Robert Woods, 170
Bliss, Tasker H., 3
Blough, Roger M., 85, 96, 171
Blue Diamond Corp., 88
Blum, Robert, 140; 169
B'NAI B'RITH, 102
Boeing Airplane Co., 84
Boeschenstein, Harold, 85
Bohen, Fred, 85
Bohlen, Charles E., 11
Book of the Month Club, Inc., 63
Booz, Allen and Hamilton, 76
Bosch, Albert H., 150
Bowery Savings Bank, 56
Bowie, Robert R., iii; 140
Bowles, Chester, affiliations: 10, 146; 152; 168
Bowles, Mrs. Chester, 151
Bowman, Isaiah, 5
Brada, George, 150
Brace, Lloyd D., 168
Braden Copper Co., 87
Braden, Spruille, 158 ff
Bradfield, Richard, 168
Bradley, Albert, 170
Bradley, Omar N., 170
Brandt, Willy, 20
Branscomb, Harvie, 170
Breech, Ernest R., 85
Brenton, W. Harold, 76
Bridges, Harry, 111
British Aluminum, Ltd., 93
Bronk, Detlev W., 168, 169
Brown Brothers, Harriman and Co., 14
Brown, Courtney C., 142
Brown, George R., 85
Brown, John Mason, 156
Brown & Root, Inc., 85
Brownlee, James F., 76, 168
Bruce, David K. E., 10, 150
Brundage, Percival F., 113
Brunswick Paper and Pulp Co., 89
Bryant, Arthur, 30
Buckmaster, L. S., 142
Bullis, Harry A., 124, 148
Bunche, Ralph J., affiliations: 5, 99, 125, 144; 151, 152, 168
Bundy, Harvey H., 169
Bundy, McGeorge, 11
Bunker, Arthur H., 124
Burgess, Carter L., 85
Burlington Industries, Inc., 90
Burns, Arthur F., 171
Burroughs Corp., 92
Bush, Prescott, (favoring Holmes nomination), 8-10
Bush, Vannevar, 170
BUSINESS ADVISORY COUNCIL (BAC), 81-96;
influence on gov. policy, 82;
influence on Army-McCarthy hearings, 83;
membership, 84 ff, 128;
tax-exempt status, 83
BUSINESS COUNCIL (_see_ Business Advisory Council)
BUSINESS EXECUTIVES RESEARCH COMMITTEE, 72 ff, 77 ff
_Business Week_, 64
Butler, William, 143
Buttenwieser, Benjamin J., 49; 99
C
Cabin Crafts, Inc., 89
Cabot Corporation, 14
Cabot (Godfrey L.) Inc., 64
Cabot, Henry B., 125
Cabot, Paul C., 85
Cabot, Thomas D., 64
Cadman, S. Parkes, 143
California Texas Oil Corp., 14
Cameron Iron Works, Inc., 14
Campbell Soup Co., 14; 92
Canadian General Electric Co., 65
Canby, Henry Seidel, 148
Canfield, Cass, 124; 126; 156
Canham, Erwin D., 46 ff; 141; 171
Carey, Mrs. Andrew G., 48
Carey, James B., 142
Carmichael, James V., 86
Carnahan, A. S. J., 66 ff
Carnegie Corporation of New York, 21; 93; 95; 152; 161; 169
CARNEGIE ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE, iii; 49: 163; 169
CARNEGIE FOUNDATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF TEACHING, 170
CARNEGIE FOUNDATION, 4; 35; 39
CARNEGIE INSTITUTE, 63; 88; 93
CARNEGIE INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY, 93
CARNEGIE INSTITUTE OF WASHINGTON, 170
Carpenter, Walter S., Jr., 170
Carrier Corp., 64; 95
Case, Everett Needham, 76; 130
Casey, Joe, 7
Castle & Cook, Ltd., 92
Castro, Fidel, 18 ff; 62; 159
Caterpillar Tractor Co., 86
Catton, Bruce, 168
CED (_see_: Committee for Economic Development)
CENTER FOR ADVANCED STUDY IN BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES, 94
CENTER OF DIPLOMACY AND FOREIGN POLICY, 152
CENTRAL GOVERNMENT (powers of), 110
Central Life Assurance Society, 85
Central National Bank of Richmond, 93
CFR (_see_: Council on Foreign Relations)
Chaco Petroleum of South America, 94
Chagla, M. C., 19
Chalk, O. Roy, 130
_Challenge To Isolationism, 1937-1940_, 165
CHAMBER OF COMMERCE, THE U. S., 63
Champion Paper and Fibre Co., 96
Chase Manhattan Bank, The, 14; 56; 89; 92; 100
Chase, Stuart, iii
CHATHAM HOUSE, iv
Chemstrand Corporation, 93; 95
Chesebrough-Pond's Inc., 14
Chicago and Northwestern Railroad, 63
Chicago Bridge and Iron Co., 14
_Chicago Daily News_, 157
Childs, Marquis, 144; 146; 156
Childs, Richard S., 143
CHINA,
communist conquest of, 40-47;
employment in Red China, 54;
recognition of Red China, 147
_Christian Science Monitor_, 46 ff; 156; 159
Christiana Securities Company, 87
CHRISTIANITY (American heritage of), 111
Church Fire Insurance Corp., 87
CHURCH PEACE UNION, iii; 49
Churchill, Winston, 27
Cincinnati and Suburban Bell Telephone Co., 88
Cisler, Walker L., 64; 86
C. I. T. Financial Corp., 89
Cities Service Co., Inc., 14
CITIZENS COMMITTEE FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT, 130 ff
CITIZENS OF NORTH ATLANTIC DEMOCRACIES (Convention), 122
CITY PLANNING, 71
Clapper, Olive, 99
Clark, Evans, 99; 171
Clark, Joseph S., 102
Clay, Lucius D., affiliations: 83; 86; 150; 170
Clayton, William L., affiliations: 15; 62; 86; 122; 123
Cleveland Electric Illuminating Co., 95
Cleveland, Harlan, 144
Cline (Robert A.) Inc., 88
Cluett, Peabody and Co., Inc., 89; 96
Coca-Cola Co., 93
Cohen, Benjamin V., 5; 126; 171
Cole, Charles W., 168
Cole, David L., 169
Collado, Emilio G., 65
COLLEGE-COMMUNITY RESEARCH CENTERS, 72 ff
COLLEGES (_see_: Universities and Colleges)
Collier Carbon & Chemical Corp., 95
Collyer, John L., 86; 170
Columbia Broadcasting System, 94; 130
COMMITTEE FOR ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT (CED), 51-79; 81;
Annual Report (1957), 54, 64 ff, 70 ff, 77, 154, 174;
Area Development, 70;
Business-Education Committee, 76 ff, 127;
College-Community Research Centers, 70 ff;
Dallas CED Associates, 78 ff;
education programs, 73, 154;
Research and Policy Committee, 64
COMMISSION ON MONEY AND CREDIT, 51-61
COMMISSION ON NATIONAL GOALS, 140 ff
COMMITTEES ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, 20 ff; 35
COMMONWEALTH FUND OF NEW YORK, 171
COMMUNICATIONS MEDIA, 153
COMMUNISM (World Brotherhood's opinion of), 144
COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL (quotation of plan for World Government), 112
_Communist Manifesto_, 61
COMMUNIST PARTY, i; 143
Como, Perry, 102
Compton, Arthur H., 143
Conant, James B., 76; 141
CONFERENCE ON WORLD TENSIONS, 144
CONGRESS, THE U. S.,
AUC Resolution presented to, 119;
CFR influence on, 35;
CMC recommendations to, 52 ff;
debates on NATO Citizens Commission Law, 120 ff;
the 83rd Session, 162;
foreign aid appropriations, 66, 133;
House Rules Committee, 53;
investigating committees, v, 177 ff;
rejecting world government resolution, 115 ff
_Congressional Record_,
debates on Holmes nomination, 9;
debates on NATO Citizens Commission Law, 120;
quoting Carnahan on Development Loan Fund, 66:
on Radio Free Europe, 150
CONNALLY RESERVATION, iii; 144; 177 ff
Connecticut General Life Insurance Co., 14; 55
Conner, John T., 76
Consolidated Foods Corp., 45
CONSTITUTION, THE U. S., 100; 108 ff; 179;
Preamble, 109
Continental Can Company, 14; 86; 96
Continental Illinois National Bank & Trust, 88
Continental Oil Co., 15
Copeland, Lammot DuPont, 151
Cordiner, Ralph J., 86
Corette, John E., 86
Corn Products Co., 15
Corning Glass Works, 15
COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS,
Annual Reports, 11, 12, 16 ff, 18, 21;
Corporation Service, 16 ff;
Financial contributors to, 14 ff, 18, 79;
Financial Statement, 13;
History of, iii ff, 1 ff;
Influence on:
Berlin zoning agreements, 32 ff;
communications media, 153;
Disarmament discussions, 145;
Greenland protection move, 25;
foreign aid, 132;
foreign policy, 36, 153;
Foundations, 162 ff;
National Housing Acts, 71;
'National Purpose,' 140;
Radio Free Europe, 149;
World War II, 24-26;
Interlocking organizations:
35-49, 57, 61 ff, 70 ff, 81 ff, 96 ff, 122, 125 ff, 131, 137 ff,
145 ff, 150 ff, 161 ff;
International affiliations, 143;
members in U. S. government, 10 ff;
membership list, 187;
organizations formally affiliated with, 20;
related foreign organizations, v;
summary discussion of, 173 ff;
tax-exempt status, 19
_Council on Foreign Relations: A Record of Twenty-Five Years, 1921-1946_,
24
COUNCILS ON WORLD AFFAIRS, 41 ff; 132
Cousins, Norman, affiliations: ii ff; 124; 143 ff; 148; 151; 156
Cowles, Gardner, affiliations: 65; 125, 151, 156;
quote from, 154
Cowles, John, affiliations: 86; 126; 140; 156; 168
Cowles Magazines, Inc., 65
COX COMMITTEE, 162
Cox, C. R., 86
Cox, E. E., 161 ff
Cravath, Swaine & Moore, 90
CRIMEAN CONFERENCE, i ff
_Crises of the Old Order_, 2
Crowell-Collier Publishing Co., 157
Crown-Zellerbach Corporation, 63
CRUSADE FOR FREEDOM, 93, 149
_Crusade in Europe_ (Dwight D. Eisenhower), 30
CUBA, 135; 180
Cummings, Nathan, 45
Cummins Engine Company, 56
Currie, Lauchlin, 5; 41
Curtice, Harlow H., 86
CZECHOSLOVAKIA, betrayal of, 29
D
DALLAS CED ASSOCIATES, 78 ff
DALLAS CITIZENS COUNCIL, 78 ff
DALLAS COUNCIL ON WORLD AFFAIRS, 79
_Dallas Morning News_ (quote from), 77 ff
Daniel, Charles E., 86
DANISH FOREIGN POLICY SOCIETY, v
Darden, Colgate W., Jr., 141
David, Donald K., affiliations: 63; 65; 78 ff; 86; 168
Davidson, Carter, 170
Davies, Paul M., 86
Davis, Elmer, 146
Davis, Norman H., 5
Davis, William H., 146
Davison, Harry P., 171
Dean, Arthur H., 10; 140; 170
Dean, Vera Micheles, 38
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, 108
Deere and Co., 88
de Lima, Oscar, 126
DEMOCRACY (definition by Streit), 114
DEMOCRATIC CENTRALISM, 110
DENMARK, German invasion of, 24 ff.
Denton, Frank R., 87
_Denver Post_, 159
Desai, Mortarji, 20
Desilu Playhouse, 102
_Des Moines Register and Tribune_, 65
Detroit Bank and Trust Co., 57
Detroit-Edison Co., 64
DEVELOPMENT LOAN FUND, 66 ff.
Devin-Adair Publishing Co., 163
Dewey, Thomas E., 64
de Zoysa, Stanley, 20
Diamond Alkali Co., 95
Dickey, Charles D., 87
Dickey, John S., 76; 168
Diebold, Williams, Jr., 18
Dillon, Douglas, 10; 176
District of Columbia Transit Co., 130
_Documents on American Foreign Relations_ (CFR publication), 13
Dodge, Joseph M., 57
Donner, Frederick, G., 87
Doty, Paul M., Jr., iii
Douglas, Lewis W., 168; 171
Dow, Jones & Co., 85
Draper, William H., 152
Dresser Industries, Inc., 15; 79
Dubinsky, David, 146
DuBridge, Lee A., 168
Duggan, Stephen, 152
Dulles, Allen, 3; 10; 150;
Dulles, John Foster, 3; 5; 105; 114
Dunn, Frederick S., 169
du Pont (E. I.) de Nemours Co., 15; 87
E
Eastland, James O. (quote from), 148
Eastman Kodak, 83; 93
Eaton, Cyrus, 43; 147
Eaton Manufacturing Co., 91; 95
Eban, Ebba, 20
Eccles, Marriner S., 55
ECONOMIC COLLECTIVISM, 113
ECONOMIC STABILIZATION AGENCY, 63
Eden, Anthony, 27
Edison Electric Institute, 91
Eichelberger, Clark M., 5; 126; 148
Einstein, Albert, 147
EISENHOWER ADMINISTRATION, 34
Eisenhower, Dwight D., 6; 12; 37, 66; 105; 134; 150;
Army-McCarthy hearings, 84;
authorizing participation in CNAD, 121;
BAC advisors, 83;
founder of American Assembly, 145;
part in occupation of Berlin, 28 ff;
President's Commission on National Goals, 140
EISENHOWER EXCHANGE FELLOWSHIPS, INC., 91
Elliott, William Y., 87
Empire Savings and Loan Association, 92
_Encyclopaedia Britannica_, iii, 62; 130
Engelhard, Charles William, 123
ENGLAND, 183
Engles, Frederick, 61
Equitable Life Assurance Society of U.S., 90
Equitable Trust Co., of Baltimore, 91
Erler, Fritz, 20
Ethridge, Mark F., 124; 150; 156; 168
Ethyl Corp., 15
EUROPE, 183
EUROPEAN ADVISORY COMMISSION, 27; 31
Export-Import Bank, 55; 69
F
FABIAN SOCIALISTS, 147
Fairbanks, Douglas, Jr., 124
Farrell Lines, Inc., 15
Fawzi, Mahmoud, 19
FEDERAL AID, to schools, 147
FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION (FBI), 175
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, Constitutional powers, 109
FEDERAL INCOME TAX SYSTEM, 180
FEDERAL RESERVE ACT, 52
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston, 65
Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, 88; 90
Federal Reserve Bank of New York, 90
Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, 95
FEDERAL RESERVE BOARD, 55
FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM, 51 ff; 63
FEDERAL UNION, INC., 105; 113 ff; 118
Federated Department Stores, Inc., 56
FEDERATION OF WORLD GOVERNMENTS, plan for, 115 ff
Feldman, George J., 123
Fiberglas Canada, Ltd., 85
Fibreboard Products, Inc., 63
Finkelstein, Lawrence S., 169
Finletter, Thomas K., 5; 10; 140; 146
First National Bank of Atlanta, 89
First National Bank of Boston, 94
First National Bank, Chicago, 55
First National Bank of Greenville, 86
First National Bank of St. Louis, 95
First National City Bank of New York, 15; 63
First Security Corporation, 55
Fischer, Ben, 101
Fisher, George, iii
Flanders, Ralph E., 62; 84; 87
Fleischmann, Julius, 150
Fleming, Lamar, Jr., 65
Florida-Georgia TV Co., 89
Flynn, Elizabeth Gurley, 143
Folsom, Frank, 48
Folsom, Marion B., 63; 83; 87
Food Machinery & Chemical Corp., 86; 95
FOR AMERICA, 158
_Forbes Magazine_, 130
Forbes, Malcolm S., 130
Ford, Benson, 168
FORD FOUNDATION, 62 ff; 77; 92; 131; 145;
recipients of financial aid from: 4, 51, 55, 149, 166 ff;
tax-exempt status, 35
Ford, Henry, II, 87; 150; 168
Ford Motor Company, 56; 63; 85; 87; 96;
International Division, 15
_Foreign Affairs_ (CFR publication), 13; 16; 31
FOREIGN AID, 129-136; 143;
1957 Bill, 66 ff;
failure of, 135;
programs, 111;
to underdeveloped countries, 67; 78
FOREIGN ASSISTANCE ACT of 1961, 129 ff
FOREIGN POLICY, U. S., 36; 43; 46; 153;
traditional, 1, 180
FOREIGN POLICY ASSOCIATION, 35-49; 79; 164; 175
FOREIGN POLICY ASSOCIATIONS' COUNCILS ON WORLD AFFAIRS, 42
FOREIGN POLICY ASSOCIATION-WORLD AFFAIRS CENTER, 35-49; 81; 174
_Foreign Relations of the United States:
Diplomatic Papers: The Conferences at Cairo and Tehran 1943_, 28
Forgash, Morris, 128
_Fortune_, 157; 159
Foster Wheeler Corp, 15
Foster, William C. affiliations: 65; 87; 140; 152
Foster, William Z., 143
_Foundations_, 162, 165
_Foundation Directory_, 167
FOUNDATION LIBRARY CENTER, 167
Founders' Insurance Co., 88
Fowler, Henry H., 55
Fox, Bertrand, 57
Fox, John M., 76
FRANCE, 183
Frankfurter, Felix, 39; 65; 142; 150
Franklin, George S., Jr., 12
FREEDOM, a Constitutional concept of, 109 ff
_Freedom's Frontier Atlantic Union Now_, 121
FREE EUROPE COMMITTEE, 149
FREE EUROPE PRESS, 149
Freeman, Gaylord A., Jr., 55
Freeport Sulphur Co., 15; 90
French, Eleanor Clark, 130
Fulbright, J. William, 119; 134; 178
FULTON COUNTY (Georgia) Grand Jury, 36 ff
FULTON COUNTY MEDICAL SOCIETY, 139
FUND FOR ADULT EDUCATION (Ford Foundation), 73
FUND FOR THE REPUBLIC, 62 ff; 166 ff
Funston, G. Keith, 87
G
Gaither, H. Rowan, Jr., 168
Galbraith, John Kenneth, 10; 146
Gallup, George, 156
Gannett, Lewis S., 151
Gardner, John W., 169 ff
Gavin, James M., 10
Gavin, Leon H., 69
Geier, Frederick, V., 87
General American Investors Co., 49; 64
General Cigar Company, 96
General Dynamics Corporation, 15
General Electric Corporation,
directors' affiliations: 63; 65; 86; 87; 88; 90; 94; 96
General Foods Corp., 92; 96
General Motors, 83; 86;
Overseas Operations, 15
General Stores Corp., 88
General Telephone, 127
General Telephone & Electronics Corp., 95
Genesee Merchants Bank & Trust Co., 86
Georgia Power Company, 89
GERMANY, occupation plans for, 27 ff;
West Germany, 182
Gerot, Paul S., 76
Gifford, John A., 171
Gifford, Walter S., 150; 170
Gillette Company, 15; 94
Gillette Safety Razor, 76
Gleason, S. Everett, 165
Goheen, Robert F., 170
Goldberg, Arthur J., 168 ff
Goldman, Sachs and Co., 81
GOLD RESERVE, 52 ff
Goldstein, Israel, 148
Goodrich (B. F.) Company, 86; 90; 96
Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co., 91; 95
Gould, Laurence M., 168; 170
Graham, Philip, 65; 101; 156
Great Atlantic & Pacific Tea Co., 93
Grace (W. R.) and Co., 15
GRAND JURY PRESENTMENT (Fulton Co., Ga.) 36 ff; 175
Gray, Elisha, II, 87
GREAT DECISIONS PROGRAM, 36 ff; 42; 44 ff
Greene, Fred T., 57
Greenfield, Albert M., 130
GREENLAND, under the Monroe Doctrine, 24 ff
Greenewalt, Crawford H., 87; 141; 170
Grew, Joseph C., 150
Griswold, A. Whitney, 170
Griswold, Erwin N., ii
Gross, Ernest A., 126; 144; 169
Gross, H. R., 67
Grover, Allen, 156
Gruenther, Alfred M., 88; 130; 141
GUGGENHEIM MEMORIAL FOUNDATION, 64; 90; 161
Guinzburg, Harold K., 125
Gulf and South American Steam Ship Co., 95
Gulf Oil Corporation, 15
Gullion, Edmund A., 17; 145
Gunther, John, 151
H
Hadley, Morris, 169
Hall, Helen, 99
Hall, Joseph B., 88
Halliburton Oil Well Cementing Co., 15
Hammarskjold, Dag, 18; 20
Hammond, John, 151
HAMPTON INSTITUTE, 64
Hancock (John) Mutual Life Ins. Co., 64
Hand, Learned, 141
Hanna (M. A.) Company, 83; 89; 90
Hanover Bank, 93
Hansand Steam Ship Co., 89
Hardy, Porter, Jr., 68
HAROLD PRATT HOUSE, 4; 21
Harper & Brothers, 121; 156; 165
_Harper's Magazine_, 82
Harriman, W. Averell, 10; 19; 88; 140
Harris, Rufus, C., 170
Harris Trust & Savings Bank, 91 ff
Harrison, Wallace K., 168; 169; 171
Harsch, Joseph C., 156
Hart Schaffner and Marx, 63
Haskins and Sells, 15
Haskins, Caryl P., 169
Hauge, Gabriel, ii
Hawaiian Pineapple Co., 90
Hayes, Albert J., 142
Heald, Henry T., 168
Heckscher, August, 156; 171
Heinz, H. J., II, 125
Heinz (H. J.) Company, 15
Henderson, Loy W., 152
Henri-Spaak, Paul, 143
Henry, Barklie McKee, 170
HENRY STREET SETTLEMENT, 99
Herter, Christian A., affiliations: 3; 105; 119; 123
Hewitt, William A., 88
Higgins, Milton P., 88
Hill, Lister, 119
Hiss, Alger, iii; 5; 41; 49
Hitler, Adolph, 28
Hoffman, Paul G., affiliations: 62 ff; 88; 99; 125; 126; 143; 168
Holmes-Casey-Klein, tanker purchases, 7
Holmes, John, 88
Holmes, Julius C.,
CFR, 10;
delegate UN organiz. meeting, 5;
violation surplus-disposal program, 6-10;
becomes Ambassador to Iran, 8-9
Home Loan Bank of Indianapolis, 57
Hoover, Herbert, 6; 158
Foundation, 93
Hoover, Herbert, Jr., 88
Hopkins, Harry, 27; 185
_Horizon_, 157
Hoskins, Harold B., 171
Hotchkis, Preston, 88
Houghton, Amory, 88
Houghton, Arthur A., 152; 168
HOUSE COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES, 146
House, Edward M.,
Wilson's adviser, 2 ff;
influence on CFR, 3 ff, 23, 39;
influence on domestic and foreign policy, 58 ff;
one-world aims, 136;
(_also see: The Intimate Papers of Colonel House_, and _Philip
Dru, Administrator_)
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES (_see:_ Congress)
Houser, Theodore V., 88
Houston, William F., 170
Hovde, Frederick L., 170
Howard, Frank A., 171
Hoyt, Palmer, affiliations: 126; 143; 146; 150; 156
Hughes, A. W., 89
Hughes, Charles Evans, 143
Hughes, Langston, 162
Hughes Tool Co., 15
Hull, Cordell, 5; 27; 32
Humphrey, George M., 83
Humphrey, Gilbert W., 89
Humphrey, Hubert, 119; 146; 151
HUMPHREY RESOLUTION, 177
HUNGARY, 112
Hutchins, Francis S., 123
Hutchins, Robert, 167 ff
I
IBM World Trade Corporation, 15
Ickes, Harold L., 114
"I Love Lucy," 102
INDIA, 44
INDIAN COUNCIL OF WORLD AFFAIRS, v
Industrial Publishing Co., 158
Industrial Rayon Corp., 89
INFORMATION AGENCY, U. S., 10
Inland Steel Corp., 93
INSTITUT DES RELATIONS INTERNATIONALES, v
INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL GOVERNMENT, 125
INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL ORDER, 125
INSTITUTE OF AMERICAN STRATEGY, 137 ff
INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION, 152; 164
INSTITUTE OF PACIFIC RELATIONS (IPR), 39 ff; 179
INTER-DEPARTMENTAL COMMITTEE ON LATIN AMERICA, 11
Interlake Iron Corp., 95
INTERLOCKING UNTOUCHABLES, 161-171
INTERNAL REVENUE CODE, 179
INTERNAL REVENUE SERVICE, 83
International Bank, 69
International Business Machines Corp., 77; 100
INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION ADMINISTRATION, 11; 69
INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT CORP., 69
International General Electric Co., 15
International Harvester Co., 91
INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND, 20; 69
International Nickel Company, Inc., 15
International Packer, Ltd., 94 ff
International Paper Co., 85; 90
International Telephone and Telegraph Corp., 15
_Intimate Papers of Colonel House_, 2; 59 ff
Invisible government, appeal of, 173
Iowa-Des Moines National Bank, 85
IPR (_see:_ Institute of Pacific Relations)
Iron Ore Co. of Canada, 92
Irving Trust Co., 15; 18
J
Jackson, C. D., 150; 169
Jacobsson, Per, 20
Javits, Jacob K., 119; 146
Jefferson, Thomas, 108; 185
Jessup, Philip C., 140; 169
Johnson, Joseph E., affiliations: iii; 5; 49; 140; 169
Johnson, Lyndon, 123; 131
Johnson, Robert L., 151
Johnston, Eric A., affiliations: 63; 89: 123; 125; 142
JOINT COUNCIL ON ECONOMIC EDUCATION, 72 ff; 76
Jones, Alfred W., 89
Jones and Laughlin Steel Corp., 87
Jones, Charles S., 99
Josephs, Devereux C., 89; 169; 171
Joyce, William H., Jr., 168
Judd, Walter H., 69; 105
K
Kahn, Otto H., 2
KANSAS UNIVERSITY ENDOWMENT ASSOCIATION, 87
Kanzler, Ernest, 89
Kappel, Frederick, 89
Katz, Milton, 125; 145; 169
Keating, Kenneth, 119
Keenan, Joseph, D., 101
Kefauver, Estes, 105; 119
Kelley, Nicholas, 169
Kellogg (M. W.) Co., 15; 87
Kelly, Mervin J., 171
Kelly, Walt, 148
Kennan, George F., ii; 10; 31 ff
KENNEDY ADMINISTRATION, ii
Kennedy, John F., 46; 51; 105; 140;
CFR membership, 6, 10-12;
1961 summit meeting, i; iii;
on foreign aid, 129-133
Kennedy, Robert, 131
Kennekott Copper Corp., 87
Kern County Lend Co., 91
Kerr, Clark, 141; 170
Kestnbaum, Meyer, 63; 65; 168
KEYSTONE ECONOMIC RESEARCH CENTER, 79
Khrushchev, Nikita,
problems in Germany, 183;
Stevenson's opinion of, 144;
summit meeting (1961), i; iii;
United States tour, 37
Kiano, Gikomyo W., 20
Kidder, Peabody and Co., 15
Killian, James R., Jr., 141; 171
Kimberly, John R., 89; 168
Kimpton, Lawrence A., 99; 170
King, Martin Luther, 148
Kirk, Grayson, 5; 152; 169; 170
Klein, Stanley, 7
KLM Dutch Airlines, 127
Klutznick, Philip M., 55; 102
Knowland, William F., 123
Kollek, Theodore, 20
Korneichuk, Alekesander Y., ii
KOREAN WAR, 7; 40; 44
KRESS (SAMUEL H.) FOUNDATION, 87
Krock, Arthur,
quotes from, 31; 144
Kroger Company, 88
Kuhn, Loeb and Co., 49
L
Labor (_see_: Unions)
Labouisse, Henry R., 11
La France Industries, 86
Lally, Francis, 168
Lamont, Thomas S., 170
Landon Abstract Co., 92
Landon, Alf, 148
Lane Company, Inc., 89
Lane, E. H., 89
Lane, Franklin K., 61
Lange, Oscar, 20
Langer, William L., 165
Lanier, Joseph L., 89
Larsen, Roy E., 168
Larson, Arthur, iii
LATIN AMERICA, 105
Lattimore Owen, 5; 41
LAW DAY, 100
Law, Warren A., 78
Lawrence, David, 156; 159
Lazarus, Fred, Jr., 56
LEAGUE OF NATIONS, 13; 113
LEAGUE OF NATIONS COVENANT, 3
LEAGUE OF NEIGHBORS, 116
LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS, 102
LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE, 2
Lehman, Herbert H., affiliations: 2; 126; 143; 146; 149; 151; 168
Lehrman, Hal, 156
Leithead, Barry L., 89
Lemnitzer, Lyman L., 10
Lenin, Nikolai, 128
Lever Brothers Company, 70; 76
Levine, Irving, 157
Lewisohn (Adolph) and Sons, 49
Libbey-Owens-Ford Glass Co., 90; 93
Liberia Mining Co., Ltd., 92
Liberian Navigation Corp., 92
_Life_, 159
Lilienthal, David E., 171
Lincoln, Murray D., 130
Linder, Harold F., 49
Linowitz, Sol M., 130
Linton, M. Albert, 168
Lippmann, Walter, 3; 157
Lockheed Aircraft Corp., 86
Loeb (Carl M.), Rhoades and Co., 15
Loeb, Robert F., 168
Long, Augustus C., 90; 128
_Look_, 65; 159
Loomis, Alfred L., 170
Loos, A. William, iii; 49
Lorillard (P.) Company, 127
_Los Angeles Times_, 147
_Louisville Courier-Journal_, 155; 156; 159
_Louisville Times_, 156
Lourie, Donold B., 90
Love, George H., 90
Love, James Spencer, 90
Lovett, Robert A., 168; 170
Lowry, Howard F., 170
Lubin, Isador, 56; 125
Luce, Clare Boothe, 169
Luce, Henry R., 140; 150; 157
Lummus Company, 15
Lykes Brothers Steam Ship Co., Inc., 95
Lynd, Robert S., 171
Lyon, A. E., 99
Mc
McAfee, James W., 91
McAshan, S. Maurice, 91
McBride, Katharine E., 170
McCabe, Thomas B., 63; 65; 91
McCaffrey, John L., 91
McCARRAN COMMITTEE, 179
McCarran, Pat, Committee investigation, 40 ff
McCarthy, Joseph R., 83 ff
McCloy, John J., affiliations: 5; 10; 19; 99; 143; 145; 168
McCollum, Leonard F., 91
McCormack, Charles P., 91
McCormack, John W., 132
McDonald, James G., 171
McElroy, Neil H., 91
McFadden, Louis T., 39
McGhee, George C., 11; 79
McGowin, Earl M., 91
McGraw-Hill Publishing Co., Inc., 64
McGraw, James H., Jr., 91
McHugh, Keith S., 170
McIntosh, Millicent C., 170
McKee, Paul B., 91
McKelway, Benjamin M., 168
McKesson & Robbins, Inc., 96
McWilliams, John P., 91
M
MacIntyre, Malcolm A., 169
MacKenzie, N.A.M., 170
MacNichol, George P., Jr., 90
Macy (R. H.) & Co., 63; 76
MACY FOUNDATION, 90
Maffry, August, 18
Magill, Roswell F., 90
Malin, Patrick M., 143
Mallon, Neil, 79
Mallory, Walter H., 4; 12 ff
Malott, Deane W., 90
Mansfield, Mike, 119
Manufacturers and Merchants Indemnity Co., 88
Manufacturers Trust Co., iii; 93; 95
Marburg, Louis, 2
Marcus, Stanley, 70; 76 ff; 101; 125
Maria Luisa Ore Co., 92
Marshall, J. Howard, 168
Marx, Karl, 61
Massachusetts Mutual Life Insurance Co., 91
Mathieson (Olin) Chemical Corp., 15; 65; 131
Matson Assurance Co., 92
Matson Navigation Co., 92
Matthews, Herbert L., 19; 159
Mauze, Abby Rockefeller, 169
Mboya, Tom, 20
Mead Corp., 89
Mead, Margaret, iii
Meany, George, 130; 141; 143
"Meet the Press," 102
Mellon National Bank & Trust Co., 87; 90; 93
Merchant, Livingston T., 10
Merck & Co., Inc., 15; 76; 87; 92
Meredith Publishing Co., 85
Meredith Radio & Television Stations, 85
MERRILL CENTER FOR ECONOMICS, 56
MERRILL FOUNDATION, 51; 63
Metropolitan Coach Lines, 88
METROPOLITAN GOVERNMENT, 71; 78
Metropolitan Life Insurance Co., 65; 87; 89
MEXICAN WAR (1846-1848), 1
Meyer, Charles A., 169
Meyer, Cord, 125
Meyer, Eugene, 100
Midwest Gas Transmission Co., 94
Midwest Stock Exchange, 91
Mikoyan, Anastas I., 18; 19
Miller, J. Erwin, 56
Miller, Margaret Carnegie, 169 ff
Mills, John S., 170
_Minneapolis Star and Tribune_, 156
Minute Maid Corporation, 76
Mitchell, Don G., 65
Mobil International Oil Co., 15
Model, Roland and Stone, 15
Moe, Henry Allen, 168
Molotov, Vyacheslav M., 27
MONROE DOCTRINE, 24; 26
Monsanto Chemical Co., 93; 95
Montana Power Co., 86
Montgomery, George G., 91
Moore, Hugh, 123; 125
Morgan Guaranty Trust Co., 87
Morgan, Henry S., 170
Morgan (J. P.) and Company, 86
Morgenstern, George, 165
Morgenthau, Henry, 2
Mortgage Investments Co., 92
Mortimer, Charles G., 92
MOSCOW CONFERENCE (1943), 27; 32
Mosely, Philip E.,
affiliations: 5; 145;
at Moscow conference (1943), 27;
quoted on Berlin zoning, 31 ff;
quoted on Soviet-American relations conference, i ff
MOTION PICTURE ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA, 63
Mudd, Seeley G., 170
Muir, Malcolm, 157
Multer, Abraham, 52
Mumford, Lewis, 125; 148
MUNICIPAL PLANNING, 70
Murphy, Donald R., 142
Murphy, Franklin D., 170
Murphy, William B., 92
Murrow, Edward R., 10; 150; 152
Mutual Life Insurance Co., of N. Y., 90; 94
Myers, William I., 100; 170
Myrdal, Gunnar, 148
N
NAACP, 150
Nason, John W., 48; 125
Nathan, Robert R., 56
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE (NAACP), 150
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF BROADCASTERS, 102
National Bank of Commerce, Houston, 95
National Cash Register Co., 15
National City Bank of Cleveland, 89; 91
National Bank of Detroit, 86
National City Bank of N. Y., 92
NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF CHRISTIANS AND JEWS, 143; 173
NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CHURCHES, 39; 47; 132; 143
National Dairy Products Corp., 86; 96
National Distillers Products Corp., 85 ff
NATIONAL HOUSING ACTS (1949 through 1957), 71
National Lead Company, Inc., 15
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE, 156
NATIONAL PLANNING ASSOCIATION, 55; 64; 142
National Steel Corporation, 90
National Trust and Savings Assoc., 85
National Union Fire Insurance Co., 87; 93
National Union Indemnity Co., 87
Nationwide Insurance Co., 130
NATO CITIZENS COMMISSION LAW, 120
Neal, Alfred C., 65
Neilson, Frances, 165
Neiman-Marcus Company, 70; 76
Nelson, Otto L., Jr., 169
_Newsweek_, 157
Newton, Henry C., 171
_New York Herald-Tribune_, 93; 156; 157
New York Life Insurance Co., 64; 87; 94
_New York Post_, 156; 159
New York Stock Exchange, 96
_New York Times_, 15; 19; 99; 113; 155; 157 ff;
quote from: 31; 129 ff; 143
Nicely, James M., 169
Nichols, Thomas S., 131
Niebuhr, Reinhold, 146; 151
Nielsen, Aksel, 92
Nikezic, Marko, 20
NINTH ARMY, U. S., 28 ff
Nitze, Paul H., 11
Nixon, Richard, 105; 119; 133
NIZHNYAYA OREANDA (Crimea), i
Nkrumah, Kwame, 19
Nolde, O. Frederick, 169
Norfolk and Western Railway, 93
Norgren (C. A.) Co., 92
North American Company, 91
NORTH ATLANTIC TREATY ORGANIZATION (NATO), 11; 118
Northern Trust Co., 90
Northwest Bancorporation, 56; 77; 85
Northwestern Bell Telephone Co., 85
Nuveen, John, 152
O
Oceanic Steam Ship Co., 92
O'Hara, Barratt, 69
Ohio Oil Company, Inc., 15
Olds, Irving S., 150
O'Leary, Timothy F., 48
O'Neill, Abby M., 169
OOSTERBECK, The Netherlands, v
Oppenheimer, J. Robert, 143; 171
ORGANIZATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT, 11
Orgill, Edmund, 171
Osborn, Earl D., 125; 148
Osborn, Frederick, 169
Osborne, Lithgow, 122
Otis Elevator Co., 15
_Our One Best Hope_ (AUC Pamphlet), 119 ff
_Our Sunday Visitor_, 48
Overland Corporation, 94
Owens-Corning Fiberglas Corp., 15; 85; 90; 94
P
Paar, Jack, 102
Pace, Frank, Jr., 141
Pacific Gas and Electric Co., 55
Pacific Lumber Co., 92
Pacific Mutual Life Ins. Co., 88; 92
Pacific National Bank of Seattle, 84
Pacific Power & Light Co., 91
Pacific School of Religion, 86
Pacific Telephone & Telegraph Co., 88
Page, Arthur W., 150
Paley, William S., 130; 157
Pan American Airways, 15; 85
Pandit, Vijaya L., 143
Panhandle Eastern Pipeline Co., 87
PARENT-TEACHERS ASSOCIATION, 139
PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE, 3
Parten, Jubal R., 168
Pasvolsky, Leo, 5
Patterson, Alicia, 168
Patterson, Ellmore C., 169
Patterson, W. A., 76; 127
Patton, George, 29
Patton, Thomas F., 92
Pauling, Linus, 148
PEACE CORPS, 139
PEARL HARBOR, 23; 114
Pearson, Lester B., 144
PEIPING, 45
Pendleton, Morris B., 76
Penney (J. C.) Company, 85; 89
Percy, Charles H., 92
Perkins, James A., 169 ff
Petersen, Howard C., 65 ff; 169
Petersen, Theodore S., 92
Petro-Texas Chemical Corp., 94
Pfizer International, Inc., 15
Philadelphia Trust Co., 65
_Philip Dru: Administrator_, 59 ff
Pierson, Warren Lee, 130
Pilcher, John L., 68
Pillsbury Mills, 76
Pitney Bowes, Inc., 48; 90
Pittman, Ralph D., 123
Pittsburgh-Consolidation Coal Co., 90
PLYWOOD INDUSTRY, 128
POLISH PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC, 20
_Political Handbook of the World_ (CFR publication), 13
Potofsky, Jacob S., 101
Prentis, Henning W., Jr., 170
Price, Gwilym A., 92; 169
Pritchard, Ross, 130
Proctor & Gamble Co., 91
PUBLIC LAW 86-719, 122
PUBLIC LAW, 87-195,188
PUBLIC LIBRARY COMMITTEE, 99
PUGWASH CONFERENCE, 147 ff
Pullman, Inc., 87; 90
Pure Oil Co., 90
Pusey, Nathan M., 170
Q
Quaker Oats Co., 88; 90
Queeny, Edgar Monsanto, 93
R
Rabi, I. I., 140
Radio Corp. of America, 15; 48; 131
RADIO FREE EUROPE, 149; 157
RAILWAY LABOR EXECUTIVES ASSOCIATION, 99
RAND Corporation, 16; 94
Randall, Clarence B., 93
Rayburn, Sam, 123
Reece, Carroll, 162 ff
REECE COMMITTEE, 165
Reed, Philip D., 65; 93
Reed, Stanley, 65
Regan, Ben, 123
Reid, Ogden, 157
Reid, Whitelaw, 157
Reinhardt, G. Frederick, 10
Reischauer, Edwin O., 10
Repplier, Theodore S., 98
Republic Steel Corp., 92
Reston, James B., 157
Reuther, Walter, 101; 124; 142; 148
Reynaud, Paul, 143
Reynolds, Lloyd, iii
Reynolds Metals Co., 93
Reynolds, Richard S., Jr., 93
RICHARDSON FOUNDATION, 137
Richfield Oil Corp., 99
Riefler, Winfield, W., 93
Rieve, Emil, 56
Rivington Carpets, Ltd., 89
Roberts, Owen J., 114
Robertshaw-Fulton Controls Co., 93
Robertson, Howard P., 169
Robinson, William E., 93
ROCKEFELLER BROTHERS FUND, 169
Rockefeller, David, 56; 123; 169
ROCKEFELLER FOUNDATION, 4; 35; 39; 70; 131; 161; 164; 168
Rockefeller, John D., 3rd., 168 ff
Rockefeller, Laurence S., 169; 171
Rockefeller, Nelson A., 5; 134; 169
Rockefeller, Winthrop, 169
Roebling, Mary G., 131
_Role of Private Enterprise in the Economic Development of
Underdeveloped Nations_ (Dallas CED (pamphlet)), 79
Roosevelt, Eleanor, 143; 148
Roosevelt, Franklin D., 41; 55; 82; 110;
at Tehran Conference, 27;
at Yalta Conference, 30;
ideas on Berlin zoning, 31 ff;
policies of, 164;
1940 campaign, 23 ff
Root, Elihu, Jr., 152; 169; 170
Roper, Daniel C., 81 ff
Roper, Elmo, affiliations: 100; 122; 123; 142; 143; 148; 157; 168
ROSENWALD FUND, 161 ff
Rostow, Walt W., ii
Rothschild, Walter, 76
Rowe, James H., Jr., 171
Rowen, Hobart, 82
ROYAL INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS IN ENGLAND (Chatham House), iv
Ruml, Beadsley, 57; 65; 70; 142
Rusk, Dean, 10; 131; 168
Rusk, Howard A., 100
Russell, Bertrand, 147
Russell, Donald J., 93
Ruttenberg, Stanley H., 56
Ryder, Melvin, 113
S
SAGE (RUSSELL) FOUNDATION, 167
St. Louis-Southwestern Railroad, 93
St. Louis Union Trust Co., 91; 95
Salomon, Irving, 125; 126
Sampson, Edith S., 123
Sanborn, Frederic R., 165
SANE NUCLEAR POLICY, INC., 147 ff
_San Francisco Examiner_, 51
San Jacinto Petroleum Corp., 16
Sarnoff, David, 131; 150; 157
_Saturday Review_, ii; 98; 156; 159
Saunders, Stuart T., 93
Sawyer, Charles, 56
Scherman, Harry, 63; 66; 125; 157
Schieffelin, W. J., Jr., 169
Schiff, Jacob, 2
Schiff, Mortimer, 2
Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr., affiliations: 2; 10; 143; 146; 151; 171
Schmidt, Adolph W., 123
Schnitzler, William F., 56
SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL SERVICE, 152
Schroeder (J. Henry) Banking Corp., 16; 48
Schroeder, Oliver C., 123
Schwulst, Earl B., 56
Scott Paper Company, 63
Scripto, Inc., 86
Scudder, Stevens & Clark, 94
Seaboard Construction Co., 89
Sea Island Company, 89
Sears, Roebuck & Co., 88
Selective Insurance Co., 88
Seligman, Eustace, 48
SENATE, THE U. S.,
debates on NATO Citizens
Commission Law, 120 ff;
Foreign Relations Committee, 178;
Internal Security Subcommittee, 40
refuses U. S. membership in world federation, 3;
rejects first Holmes nomination, 8
Seymour, Whitney North, 169
Shamrock Oil & Gas Corp., 87
Shapiro, Eli, 57
Sharp, Walter R., 5
Sheffield, Frederick, 169
Shepardson, Whitney H., 150
Shepley, Henry R., 170
Sheraton Corp. of America, 94
Shirer, William L., 157
Shishkin, Boris, 100
Shotwell, James T., 5; 126; 148
Shuman, Charles B., 56-58
Shuster, George N., 100; 150; 152; 168; 169
Sicedison S. P. A. of Italy, 93
Siegbert, Henry, 49
Simon & Schuster, 156
Sinclair Oil Corp., 16
Singer Manufacturing Co., 16
Slaton, Waldo M. (_see:_ American Legion)
SLOAN (ALFRED P.) FOUNDATION, 165; 170
Sloan, Alfred P., Jr., 170
Sloan, Raymond P., 170
Smith (A. O.) Corporation, 94
Smith, Blackwell, 94
Smith, Lloyd B., 94
Smith, Paul C., 125; 157
Smith (W. T.) Lumber Co., 91
_Smoot Report_ (references to) 53; 57-58; 71; 72; 101; 120; 128; 141
Snyder, John W., 94
SOCIAL SECURITY SYSTEM, 54
SOCIETE GENERALE DE BELGIQUE, v
Sohn, Louis B., iii
Sonne, Hans Christian, 55; 142; 171
Sontag, Raymond J., 145
Soth, Lauren, 142
Soubry, Emile E., 48
Southern Company, 86
Southern Company of New York, 91
Southern Pacific Co., 93; 95
SOVIET UNION, 61; 184;
at Crimean Conference, i ff;
Constitution of, 52, 108;
democratic centralism in, 110;
espionage, 4-5;
occupation of Berlin, 29;
post-war strengthening of, 26 ff;
propaganda in U. S., 41
Spang, Joseph P., Jr., 94
SPANISH AMERICAN WAR, 1
Sparkman, John, 105
SPECIAL UNITED NATIONS FUND FOR ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT (SUNFED), 62
Spofford, Charles M., 150; 169
_Sports Illustrated_, 157
Sprague Electric Co., 16
Staley, A. E., Jr., 94
Stalin, Joseph, 27 ff; 30; 135
Standard Oil Company of Calif., 16; 92
Standard Oil Company of N. J., 16; 49; 65
Standard Oil Company of Ohio, 92
Standard-Vacuum Oil Co., 16
STANFORD RESEARCH INSTITUTE, 86; 93
Stanton, Frank, 94
Stassen, Harold E., 150
STATE DEPARTMENT, THE U. S., 126; 132; 183;
CFR influence in, 4-5, 8, 10, 42, 163;
Division of Special Research, 4;
Office of International Security Affairs, 64;
Policy Planning Staff, iii
State Street Investment Corp., 85
State Street Research & Management Co., 85
Stauffer Chemical Co., 16
Steinkraus, Herman W., 171
Stettinius, Edward R., 5; 7
Stevens (J. P.) and Co., 83; 86; 94
Stevens, Robert T., 83 ff; 94
Stevenson, Adlai, 5; 10; 105; 143 ff
Stevenson, Mrs. Eleanor B., 168
Stevenson, William E., 171
Stires, Hardwick, 94
Stone, Mrs. Kathryn H., 102
Stone, Leland, 157
Stone, Shepard, 145
Stratton, Julius A., 168
Straus, Jack I., 125
Straus, Robert Kenneth, 157
Strauss, Lewis L., 94
Streit, Clarence K., 105; 113; 118; 123
Studebaker Corporation, 62
STUDENT FEDERALISTS, 124
Sullivan and Cromwell, 48
Sulzberger, Arthur Hayes, 158
Sulzberger, C. L., 158
SUNFED, 62
SUPREME COURT, THE U. S., 72
SURPLUS-DISPOSAL PROGRAM, 7
Surrey, Walter Sterling, 131
Swezey, Burr S., Sr., 123
Swift and Company, 88; 95
Swindell-Dressler Corporation, 87
Swing, Raymond Gram, 125
Sylvania Electric Products, Inc., 65
Symington, Wayne Corporation, 16
Symonds, H. Gardiner, 94
T
Taft, Charles P., 170 ff
Talbott Corporation, 89
Tampa Electric Co., 86
TANGIER, 8
Tankore Corp., 92
Tannenwald, Theodore Jr., 129
Tansill, Charles Callan, 165
Tapp, Jesse W., 56
TARIFF-AND-TRADE PROPOSALS, 18
TAXATION,
presidential power in, 52
TAX-EXEMPT FOUNDATIONS REPORT, 161 ff
Taylor, Henry C., 171
Taylor, Reese H., 95
Taylor, Thomas A., 95
Taylor, Wayne Chatfield, 66; 142
TEHRAN CONFERENCE, 27 ff; 30 ff
Teichmeier, A. W., 127
Tennessee-Argentina, 94
Tennessee de Ecuador, S. A., 94
Tennessee Gas & Transmission Co., 94
Tennessee-Venezuela S. A., 94
Texaco, Inc., 16; 89; 127
Texas and New Orleans Railroad Co., 93
Texas Eastern Transmission Corp., 85
Texas Gulf Sulphur Co., 16
Texas Instruments, Inc., 16
TEXTILE WORKERS UNION (AFL-CIO), 56
Textron, Inc., 86
Thomas, Charles Allen, 95; 169
Thomas, H. Gregory, 150
Thomas, Norman, 3; 148
Thompson Industries, Inc., 89
Thomson, John Cameron, 56; 77
Thorp, Willard L., 56 ff
TIBET, 45
Tidewater Oil Co., 16
_Time_, 16; 156; 159
Title Guaranty Co., 92
"Today Show," 102
Toledo Trust Co., 85
Trailmobile, Inc., 87
Transcontinental & Western Air, Inc., 85
Trans-World Airways, 130
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, THE U. S., 41; 67
Trenton Trust Co., 131
Triffin, Robert, 17
Trippe, Juan T., 95; 170
_Triumph in the West_, 30
Truman, Harry S., 12; 105; 118; 180
Trust Company of Georgia, 86
_Truth About the Foreign Policy Association_, 37 ff; 175
Turman, Solon B., 95
TWENTIETH CENTURY FUND, 55; 171
U
_Undeclared War_, (Langer-Gleason), 165
UNESCO HOUSE, 143
Union Carbide & Carbon Corp., 90 ff
Union Commerce Bank, 92
Union Drawn Steel Co., 92
Union Electric Company of Mo., 91; 93
_Union Now_ (Streit), 113; 121
_Union Now With Britain_ (Streit), 113
UNION OF EAST AND WEST, 116
UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA, 151
Union Oil Co., of Calif., 95
Union Tank Car Co., 16
UNIONS, 56; 100; 110 ff; 130; 142
United Air Lines, 76; 92; 127
United American Life Insurance Co., 92
UNITED NATIONS,
ADA support of, 147;
Advertising Council support of, 102;
Aid to Cuba, 135;
_American_ Association for, 126;
CFR support of, 22;
Charter, creating socialistic alliance, 117;
Declaration of Human Rights, 108;
discussed at Soviet-American conference, ii;
discussed in AUC purpose, 119;
Economic and Social Council, 56;
IIO support of, 125;
Korean War, 40;
organizational meeting, 5;
population control, 151;
SANE support of, 148;
seating Red China, 47;
step toward world government, 103 ff; 116 ff;
SUNFED, 62;
_UN We Believe_, 126 ff;
U. S. Committee for, 125 ff;
U. S. withdrawal, 181;
UWF plans for, 124
UNITED NATIONS OF THE WORLD, plan for, 116
UNITED STATES COMMITTEE FOR THE UN, 125 ff
UNITED STATES COMMUNIST PARTY, 143
United States Foil Co., 93
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT,
sovereignty of, 107 ff;
traditional foreign policy, 1, 26
_United States in World Affairs_ (CFR publication), 13
United States Lines Co., 16
United States Manganese Co., 95
United States Plywood Corp., 127
United States Steel Corp., 16; 94
UNITED WORLD FEDERALISTS, 105; 117 ff; 123 ff
Universal C. I. T. Credit Corp., 89
UNIVERSITIES AND COLLEGES
Allegheny College, 93
American University, 152
Amherst College, 56
Clemson College, 86
Colgate University, 76; 130
Cornell University, 64; 90; 95; 100
Dartmouth College, ii; 76
Davidson College, 90
Duke University, World Rule of Law Center, iii
Harvard University, ii; 63; 76; 86; 90
Harvard University, Center for International Affairs, iii
Harvard University, Graduate
School of Business Admin., 57
Harvard University, International Legal Studies, 145
Hunter College, 100
Massachusetts Institute of Technology, iii; 57; 64: 88; 95; 141
Millikin University, 94
New York University, 93
New York University, Bellevue Medical Center, 100
Northwestern University, 88
Ohio State University, 92
Pacific School of Religion, 86
Pennsylvania State University, 87
Princeton University, 90
Radcliff College, 64
Rice University, 85
Rutgers University, 56
San Jose State College, 86
Southern Methodist University, 77 ff
Southwestern University, 130
Stanford University, 86; 92 ff; 95
Temple University, 65
Trinity College of Connecticut, 87
Union Theological Seminary, 92; 143
University of California, 141; 145
University of Chicago, 62; 91; 92; 93; 99; 144
University of Kansas, 87; 90
University of Maryland, 91
University of North Carolina, 90
University of Notre Dame, 91
University of Pittsburgh, 90; 93
University of Southern California, 95
University of Virginia, 141
Vassar College, 76
Virginia Theological Seminary, 87
Williams College, 88
Yale University, iii; 17
Uphaus, Willard, 116
URBAN RENEWAL, 71 ff; 101 ff; 147
Urquidi, Victor, 20
_U. S. News and World Report_, 156
V
Van Dusen, Henry P., 168
Van Raalte Company, Inc., 96
Virden, John C., 95
Vitro Corporation, 95
W
Walter, Bruno, 148
Wanger, Walter, 125
WAR ADVERTISING COUNCIL, (_see_: Advertising Council)
Warburg, Felix, 2
Warburg, James P., 124; 148
Warburg, Paul, 2; 39
Ward, Harry F., 143
Ward, J. Carlton, Jr., 95
Warden, Alex, 123
_Washington Evening Star_, 115
Washington, George,
Farewell Address, 1
_Washington Post and Times Herald_, 65; 100; 156; 159
Watson, Arthur K., 169
Watson, Thomas J., Jr., 77; 96; 100; 131
Waymack, W. W., 171
Weaver, Robert, 101
Wedron Silica Co., 95
Wemberg, Sidney J., 81 ff; 95 ff; 101
Welch, Leo D., 171
_Weldwood News_, 127
Welles, Sumner, 5; 126
Wellington Sears Co., 89
Wells Fargo Bank and Union Trust Co., 63
Wells, Herman B., 140; 170
Western Air Express, 85
Westinghouse Electric Corp., 87 ff; 92; 95
West Point Manufacturing Co., 89
Wheeler, Walter H., Jr., 48; 96; 125 ff; 131; 150
Whirlpool Corp., 87
White, Harry Dexter, 41
White, James N., 170
White, Weld and Co., 16
Whitney, George, 171
Whitney, John Hay, 96; 142
Wilde, Frazar B., 55; 64
Williams, G. Mennen, 148
Williams, Langbourne M., 96
Willkie, Wendell, 64
Wilson, Charles E., 83
Wilson, Logan, 170
Wilson, O. Meredith, 170
Wilson, Robert E., 170
Wilson, Woodrow, 2 ff; 23; 58; 61; 104; 164
WILSON (WOODROW) FOUNDATION, 64
Winant, John G., 31-32
Wood, W. Barry, Jr., 168
WORLD AFFAIRS CENTER, 35 ff; 42 ff
WORLD AFFAIRS COUNCILS, 35 ff; 174; 176
WORLD BANK, 69
WORLD BROTHERHOOD, 143 ff
WORLD COURT, iii; 100; 177 ff; 181
WORLD FEDERALISTS, 124
WORLD FELLOWSHIP, INC., 105; 116
WORLD FELLOWSHIP OF FAITHS, 116
WORLD GOVERNMENT, support for, 2 ff; 103 ff; 111 ff; 124; 173 ff
WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION, 101
WORLD-PEACE-THROUGH-WORLD-LAW, 112 ff; 124
WORLD POPULATION EMERGENCY CAMPAIGN, 151
WORLD REHABILITATION FUND, 93
WORLD RULE OF LAW CENTER, iii
WORLD UNION OF SOCIALIST SOVIET REPUBLICS, 113
WORLD WAR I, 2; 103 ff; 164
WORLD WAR II, 23 ff; 40; 57; 82; 103 ff; 114; 164
Wormser, Rene A., 162-167
Wright, Quincy, 126
Wriston, Henry M., 9 ff; 100; 140; 141; 145
"Wristonized," (Foreign Service), 10
Wyandotte Chemicals Corporation, 16; 90
Wynn, Douglas, 123
Wyzanski, Charles E., Jr., 168
Y
YALTA CONFERENCE, 30
Yntema, Theodore O., 56; 66
Youngstown Steel Door Co., 91; 95
YOUTH PEACE CORPS, 102
Z
Zander, Arnold, 142
Zeckendorf, William, 102
Zellerbach, James D., 63; 125; 131; 152
Zerox Corporation, 130
Zilkha, Ezra, 131
Zurcher, Arnold J., 170
TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES
In addition to the following specific changes, several punctuation
changes were made for consistency within the text.
[A] "Khruschchev" changed to "Khrushchev".
[B] "Fedinand" changed to "Ferdinand".
[C] "Kntuson" changed to "Knutson".
[D] "611" changed to "161".
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