The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Story of the Great War, Volume VII (of
VIII), by Various
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Title: The Story of the Great War, Volume VII (of VIII)
American Food and Ships; Palestine; Italy invaded; Great
German Offensive; Americans in Picardy; Americans on the
Marne; Foch's Counteroffensive.
Author: Various
Editor: Francis J. Reynolds
Allen L. Churchill
Francis T. Miller
Release Date: November 5, 2010 [EBook #34161]
Language: English
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE STORY OF THE GREAT WAR ***
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THE STORY OF THE GREAT WAR
History of the European War from Official Sources
Complete Historical Records of Events to Date,
Illustrated with Drawings, Maps, and Photographs
Prefaced by
What the War Means to America
Major General Leonard Wood, U.S.A.
Naval Lessons of the War
Rear Admiral Austin M. Knight, U.S.N.
The World's War
Frederick Palmer
Theatres of the War's Campaigns
Frank H. Simonds
The War Correspondent
Arthur Ruhl
Edited by
Francis J. Reynolds
Former Reference Librarian of Congress
Allen L. Churchill
Associate Editor, The New International Encyclopedia
Francis Trevelyan Miller
Editor in Chieft, Photographic History of the Civil War
P. F. Collier & Son Company
New York
[Illustration: Marechal Ferdinand Foch
_Generalissimo of the Armies of the Allies_.]
THE STORY OF THE GREAT WAR
AMERICAN FOOD AND SHIPS
PALESTINE · ITALY INVADED
GREAT GERMAN OFFENSIVE
AMERICANS IN PICARDY
AMERICANS ON THE MARNE
FOCH'S COUNTEROFFENSIVE
VOLUME VII
P · F · Collier & Son · New York
Copyright 1919
By P. F. Collier & Son
CONTENTS
PART I.--THE WESTERN FRONT
CHAPTER Page
I. Franco-British Forces Victorious at Ypres--Germans
Lose Ground at Lens 9
II. French Break the German Lines at Verdun--Canadians
Gain at Lens 22
III. Lens in Ruins--British Advance Near Ypres 33
IV. Haig Strikes Again at Ypres--The French Break the
German Lines on the Aisne 42
V. German Retreat from Chemin-des-Dames--British Advance
Toward Cambrai 54
VI. Germans Gain in the Cambrai Area--Cold Weather
Halts Important Operations 66
PART II.--THE UNITED STATES AS A BELLIGERENT
VII. The New Ally in Council 77
VIII. On the Lorraine Front 83
IX. Pope and President 97
X. America's War Aims 102
XI. Moving the Military Machine 111
XII. Fleets in the Making 119
XIII. Food as a War Factor 124
XIV. Transportation and Fuel 128
PART III.--REVOLUTIONARY RUSSIA
XV. The Last Days of Kerensky 134
XVI. The Bolshevist Revolution 142
XVII. The Siege of the Winter Palace 145
XVIII. The Bolsheviki and Their Leaders 147
XIX. First Bolsheviki Peace Move 153
XX. The Peace Parleys Begin 156
XXI. Publication of Secret Treaties 158
XXII. The Peace Negotiations 162
XXIII. An Attempted Counter-Revolution 165
XXIV. Legislation by Decrees 169
PART IV.--ITALIAN FRONT
XXV. The Capture of Monte Santo 186
XXVI. The Struggle on the Isonzo Front 193
XXVII. The Austro-German Offensive in Italy 200
XXVIII. The Italians at Bay on the Piave 208
PART V.--CAMPAIGNS IN PALESTINE, ARABIA MESOPOTAMIA, AND AFRICA
XXIX. The Palestine Campaign 214
XXX. The Fall of Jerusalem 223
XXXI. Palestine--Arabia--Mesopotamia 232
PART VI.--THE BALKANS
XXXII. The Balkans--Greece and Macedonia 245
XXXIII. Rumania 250
PART VII.--NAVAL AND AIR WARFARE
XXXIV. On the Sea 253
XXXV. The War in the Air 260
PART VIII.--THE WESTERN FRONT
XXXVI. Preparing for the Great Offensive--The Attack of March
21--First Phase of the Battle 269
XXXVII. The Second Phase of the Great Offensive 284
XXXVIII. The German Offensive Renewed--Ypres Threatened--The
Allies' Heavy Losses 298
XXXIX. Dark Days for the Allies--The German Offensive
Declines--French Gain in the Rheims Region--British
Victory at Hamel 310
XL. The New German Drive Around Rheims--The New
Battle of the Marne--The Allies Launch a New
Offensive Movement 325
PART IX.--THE UNITED STATES AS A BELLIGERENT
XLI. Force to the Utmost 389
XLII. The American Legions 343
XLIII. Raiding the Foe 347
XLIV. America Over the Top 351
XLV. At Seicheprey and Xivray 359
XLVI. On the Chemin-des-Dames 364
XLVII. Before Amiens 367
XLVIII. Cantigny 373
XLIX. Around Château-Thierry 376
L. A Drive by the Marines 381
LI. Belleau Wood 387
LII. Their Presence Felt 393
LIII. Vaux and Hamel 396
LIV. Across the Marne and Back 400
LV. Forward with Foch 406
LVI. Fighting Through Forests 409
LVII. Sergy and Seringes 413
PART X.--RUSSIA
LVIII. The Peace Without Treaty 417
LIX. The Germans Renew Hostilities with Russia 422
LX. The Peace Treaty That Was Signed 426
LXI. Continued German Aggression 429
LXII. Japanese Take Action in the East 432
LXIII. German Policy of Aggression 437
LXIV. Germany's Appeal to Class Hatred 439
LXV. Assassination of the German Ambassador 442
LXVI. The March of the Czecho-Slovaks Through Siberia 444
LXVII. Execution of ex-Czar Nicholas 447
PART XL--AUSTRO-ITALIAN CAMPAIGN
LXVIII. Italy Revives 450
PART XII.--THE WAR ON THE SEA
LXIX. Naval Warfare 460
PART XIII.--THE WAR IN THE AIR
LXX. Bombing and Reconnoissance 475
PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY 489
INDEX 501
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Marshal Ferdinand Foch, Generalissimo of the Armies of the
Allies _Colored Frontispiece_
Opposite Page
The French Victory at Fort Malmaison 46
General Diaz with French and Italian Officers 206
The Surrender of Jerusalem 222
Marshal Foch, King George, Field Marshal Haig, Generals
Pétain, Fayolle, Debeney, and Rawlinson 286
American Soldiers Storming Cantigny 366
Château-Thierry with American Soldiers on Guard 398
The Cruiser "Brooklyn" in the Harbor of Vladivostok 446
The Cruiser "Vindictive" After the Fight at Zeebrugge 462
LIST OF MAPS
Page
The Western Battle Field, Showing the International Frontiers,
the Important Railways, the Position of the Lines at the
Culmination of Important Campaigns, and the Battle Front
as it Existed in September, 1918 _Colored Insert_
The Battle Fronts of the Great War--as the Lines Were Drawn
in Belgium, France, the Balkans, Italy, Palestine, and
Mesopotamia, September, 1918. The Russian Front Had Completely
Disappeared _Colored Insert_
The Western Front from Nancy to Calais (_Colored Map_) _Front Insert_
The Western Front, 1917-1918 11
The Taking of Malmaison and Chemin-des-Dames 49
The Battle of Cambrai 68
American Front in France Where the First Clashes Between
Americans and Germans Occurred 87
The Italian Advance in Istria 190
Different Stages of the Italian Retreat 205
The Campaign in Palestine 219
The British Advance in Mesopotamia and Palestine 235
Five Zeppelins Destroyed After the Air Raid on London, October
19-20, 1917 263
German Offensive from Arras to the Oise, March-June, 1918 271
Range of the German 80-Mile Gun 279
German Advance Between Ypres and Arras, March-June, 1918 292
German Drive Toward Paris, Which Began May 27, 1918. This
Map Shows the Farthest Advance 309
German Thrust South of Ypres and Where It was Stopped 316
Where Foch Definitely Stopped the German Offensive, June
14, 1918 316
Line-up at the Great German Offensive, March-June, 1918 323
Allied Counteroffensive on the Marne 326
Military Establishments in the United States 345
Where American Marines Stopped the German Advance on the
Marne 383
Austrian Offensive and the Italian Counteroffensive, June-August,
1918 453
The "Montello," Where the Austrian Offensive Broke Down 457
Austro-Italian operations on the lower Piave river 457
Raids of German Submarines on United States Shipping on the
Atlantic Coast 465
Italian Naval Exploits 469
British Naval Attacks on the German Bases of Zeebrugge and
Ostend 472
PART I--WESTERN FRONT
CHAPTER I
THE FRANCO-BRITISH FORCES VICTORIOUS AT YPRES--GERMANS LOSE GROUND AT
LENS
On August 1, 1917, the second day of the Franco-British offensive in
Flanders, Field Marshal Haig's troops delivered a counterattack at a
late hour of the night against the Germans north of Frezenberg, and
close to the Ypres-Roulers railway. The assault, made through heavy rain
that transformed the battle field into a morass, was a complete success,
the British winning back lost ground on a front of 300 yards, which
Prince Rupprecht had captured in a dashing attack a few hours before. At
every point in this sector the British succeeded in driving out the
enemy and completely reestablished their former lines.
In the morning and again in the afternoon of August 2, 1917, persistent
and violent efforts were made by the Germans to win back lost territory
to the east of Ypres. In spite of heavy losses they continued to attack
at short intervals British positions from the Ypres-Roulers railway to
St. Julien. Every assault was shattered by the British artillery barrage
or the concentrated rifle fire of the British infantry.
Although the constant falling rain made observation difficult the
British aviators continued active. When not scouting for the infantry
they carried out daring attacks on the German aerodromes and on
transport and infantry bodies with bombs and machine-gun fire. Few
German machines ventured above the lines in the unfavorable weather. The
British airmen brought down six machines and lost three.
The number of German prisoners captured in this sector had now risen to
6,122, of whom 132 were officers. The captured material included eight
field guns, fifty-three machine guns and thirty-two mortars.
The territory about the Ypres salient showed the devastating character
of the British fire. In many places the German dead lay in piles, and
from their position it was evident that they were in the act of falling
back when struck down. Many had fallen victims to their own artillery,
when the German gunners in frenzied efforts to stem the onslaught of the
Entente troops dropped shells among their own men.
East and southeast of Rheims the Germans attempted two surprise attacks
on the French positions in the night of August 1, 1917, which were
crushed. On the left bank of the Meuse there was violent artillery
action, the Germans renewing their attacks at 9 o'clock in the evening
in the sector of Avocourt Wood. The assaults failed, and cost the
Germans heavy losses. In the same region in the Apremont Forest,
southeast of St. Mihiel, attempts made to surprise the French met with
disaster.
August 3, 1917, the British continued to regain ground lost to the
Germans earlier in the week. They established themselves again in St.
Julien. North of the Ypres-Roulers railway large bodies of Germans
massing for a fresh attack were scattered by the well-directed fire of
British guns and were unable to deliver the assault.
In the course of the day (August 3) the British drove out the Germans
from most of the positions they had gained during the previous night
east of Monchy-le-Preux, and in a determined push won considerable
ground south of Hollebeke.
[Illustration: The Western Front, 1917-1918.]
During the night of August 4, 1917, the Canadian troops to the southwest
of Lens made a spirited dash and drove enemy patrols back 200 yards over
a front of over 1,000 yards, sustaining very small losses in the
operation. The majority of the Germans scurried back to Lens, but many
were caught by the intense gunfire. The Canadians established themselves
in the buildings and ruins between the Lens-Grenay railway and the Cité
du Moulin.
This dashing advance further tightened the British lines around the
city. The new position gained by the Canadians was now less than 1,000
yards from the center of Lens on the western front. On the south, at
Avlon and Leauvitte, Canadian outposts were now about a mile from the
center, while opposite St. Laurent in the northwest sector their line
was about 1,500 yards from the heart of the city.
No attempt was made by the Germans to recapture their lost positions and
the Canadians were enabled to complete their work of consolidation. By
morning of August 5, 1917, they had linked up the new line with barbed
wire and were prepared for any emergency.
After five days of almost continuous rain that had hindered observation
and hampered military operations the sky cleared and the sun shone out.
The Germans were the first to take advantage of the favorable weather
and at 5 o'clock in the morning launched a heavy attack against
Hollebeke and the British post just north of the Ypres-Commines Canal,
hoping to regain the positions they had lost in the first day of the
Flanders battle. The onslaught was preceded by a tremendous fire from
the German batteries to which the British guns replied with equal vigor
and for miles around the ground was shaken by the continued thunder of
great guns.
After shelling British positions south and north of the Ypres-Commines
Canal the Germans attacked on both sides of the waterway and succeeded
in gaining temporary footing in Hollebeke. A spirited counterattack
launched by the British drove the enemy out and a number of prisoners
were taken. On the left front the British continued to make gains,
pushing their posts forward to the east side of the Steenbeek River
along a front of about a mile, beginning near St. Julien and running
northwest.
In the morning of August 5, 1917, the Germans made a heavy attack on the
French front to the northwest of Rheims south of Juvincourt. At only one
point they succeeded in penetrating the French trenches and from this
they were quickly ejected. North of the Aisne and at other points on the
French front the Germans attacked again and again, but were unable to
win a foot of ground.
The Canadians, who had been closing in on Lens, made a further advance
during the night of August 5, 1917, that carried their outposts to the
main line of the German defenses on the railway embankment to the left
of the city. Two battalions in a hotly pressed attack captured a crater
east of Cité du Moulin and another to the north on the Lens-Lieven road,
which runs through the former place. These craters had been held in
strong force by the Germans from which they could work great damage to
the Canadians by rifle and grenade fire during the night. The Canadians
bombed their way forward through the ruins of houses and fortified
points and the Germans after feeble attempts to hold fast retreated to
their main positions. Having incorporated the craters in their advanced
lines the Canadians rushed forward and bombed two tunnels that were
known to be occupied by the enemy.
On the same night the British beat off two new attacks made by Prince
Rupprecht at Hollebeke southeast of Ypres and north of Arleux.
The British lines around Lens were farther advanced on August 6, 1917,
when Canadian troops pushed forward 600 yards over a front of about the
same depth, a substantial addition to their defenses south and west on
the outskirts of the mining center.
That the Germans were worried over the continued advance made by the
British, fearing the loss of Lens, was evidenced by their practice of
throwing a curtain of fire on the British trenches at sunrise every
day. In the morning of August 7, 1917, they directed a heavy machine-gun
barrage and artillery fire on a crater recently captured by the
Canadians. Under the protection of this shower of shells the German
infantry pushed forward and the Canadians fighting stubbornly were
forced to withdraw, without, however, suffering any casualties.
On the Champagne front French troops during the night of August 6, 1917,
broke into the lines of the German Crown Prince at three points,
inflicting severe losses on the enemy and bringing back prisoners. In
the Verdun sector the Germans made futile attacks between Avocourt Wood
and Hill 304. In Caurières Wood they gained a foothold for a time in the
French first line, but were driven out by a counterattack on the
following day (August 7).
The British front in Belgium to the north and east of Ypres was actively
bombarded during the night of August 7, 1917. Near Lombaertzyde a
British raiding party penetrated the German trenches and brought back
prisoners and guns. In the early part of this same night the artillery
on both sides was active over the Aisne front. Troops of the German
Crown Prince attempted to reach the French lines to the east of
Vauxaillon and west of the Californie Plateau but were driven back,
their ranks shattered by the well-directed fire of the French guns.
Other attempts at surprise attacks made by the Germans north of St.
Mihiel and in upper Alsace were equally futile.
It was during the fighting at this time that the Germans introduced a
curious device which they employed when withdrawing their batteries, and
which would cause the opponents to believe that their guns were still in
action. This was a mechanism with capsules filled with explosives which
they placed on the site of the battery that had been, or was about to
be, withdrawn. These capsules exploded at intervals of about half a
minute, and heard at some distance would be mistaken for the reports of
a field gun. Even an old campaigner would have been deceived by this
device and led to believe that he was really facing artillery. By
employing the mechanism the Germans were able to get their guns away
unknown by their opponents, and it also prevented untimely attacks.
At an early hour in the morning of August 10, 1917, General Haig's
troops by a dashing drive penetrated the German lines to a depth of
several hundred yards, carrying completely the village of Westhoek and
the remaining positions held by the enemy on Westhoek Ridge. Haig's
successful stroke was delivered on a front of nearly two miles south of
the Ypres-Roulers railway. Every forward position held by the Germans
east of the town of Hooge on the fighting front between Frezenberg and
the Ypres-Menin road was won. This section had been the scene of some of
the fiercest fighting on the first day of the great Flanders battle. The
terrain offered many obstacles in the way of attack. The wooded sections
had been strongly fortified by the Germans, and south of Westhoek the
ground was broken by marshes that made military operations difficult.
Such was the spirit of the British troops on the morning of the 10th
that every objective was won in a short time despite the frenzied
efforts of the Germans to defend their positions. There was very heavy
fighting in Glencorse Wood, where the British established themselves
after inflicting heavy casualties on the Germans and taking 240
prisoners.
The British airmen during the day hovered over the scene of battle and
engaged the enemy machines whenever they appeared. In every aerial
engagement the British were victorious. Five German machines were
destroyed and five others driven out of control. In addition two German
observation balloons were brought down in flames and four others sent to
earth badly damaged.
Late in the day of August 10, 1917, the German troops made no less than
six desperate attacks on the British position on Westhoek Ridge, but in
each offensive were driven off, their ranks shattered, and with heavy
losses. The last futile attack was made at 10 o'clock at night, and
after it failed the Germans began a furious bombardment of the sector
above the village of Westhoek, which was continued throughout the night.
In spite of the repeated failure of their counterattacks the Germans
renewed their efforts to regain the lost positions on the morning of
August 11, 1917. The British, who had been exposed to heavy fire during
the night in Glencorse Wood, were forced to give ground, for their
position was a salient and presented an easy mark for the German guns
near Polygon Wood and east of it.
About noon the British, having established their positions on Westhoek
Ridge, sent a call for the guns to hold back the enemy while they
strengthened their defenses. British airmen above the German lines had
noted great gatherings of enemy troops in Nun's and Polygon Woods.
British guns, in groups stretching miles back into the country, began to
speak in thunderous tones. The Germans among the shell craters in and
about Nun's Wood were moving forward when the British bombardment began.
A storm of shells from the 15-inch "heavies" to the small but deadly
6-inch and 4.2s swept over them, around them, and through them. British
airmen observed that as a result of this withering fire the Germans lay
in heaps over the terrain and the shell craters which they had been
unable to leave were full of dead and wounded. Close fighting continued
during the day, but only at one point on the right could the Germans
make any progress.
About 6 o'clock word came to the British gunners that German troops were
gathered in the valley of Hannebeke. Two battalions had advanced some
distance toward the British lines before the British guns got the range.
In the storm of fire that swept through them the Germans tried to escape
by flinging themselves into shell craters, but very few found safety.
The failure of their counterattacks seemed to have completely unnerved
the German troops. Reserves that had been brought forward to relieve
shattered battalions lost their head completely and wandered aimlessly
about in the open, where they were shot down or surrendered.
The number of prisoners taken by the British since August 10, 1917, had
now risen to 454, including nine officers. In the same operations six
guns were captured.
During the night of August 11, 1917, French troops resumed their
counterattacks against the positions which the Germans had captured
during the night of August 9-10, 1917, north of St. Quentin. They were
successful in recovering all the trench elements lost in the previous
fighting, and also took a considerable number of prisoners. In the
sector of Noissy Farm and Laffaux Mill French scouting parties
penetrated the German lines at a number of points and returned with
prisoners. South of Ailles German troops made a determined effort to
recover trenches which the French had occupied a few days before. Two
attacks were made with strong forces, the Germans displaying a reckless
disregard of life, but their determined efforts came to naught and the
attackers were dispersed with heavy losses. The French not only
maintained their positions but in the course of the night made further
progress.
During the day there was violent cannonading in Belgium and along the
Aisne and in the Verdun region. The Germans also directed a scattered
artillery fire all over the city of Rheims, killing two civilians and
wounding another.
In the night of August 12, 1917, Lens became the center of activity on
the British front. The Germans were desperately anxious to maintain
their hold on this valuable city, because of its important position in
the Pas de Calais coal fields.
The Canadian troops occupying strong positions in the western outskirts
of the city received special attention from the German guns. They were
continuously harassed too by German snipers hidden among the ruined
houses to the north of the Lieven road, and early in the night of August
13, 1917, their advanced posts were pushed out over a front of 600 yards
and the ruins occupied, the enemy offering only a slight resistance.
This advance brought the Canadians within 800 yards of the center of the
city on the west. From houses on the other side of a belt of open ground
covered with the débris of shattered buildings the Germans directed a
heavy machine-gun fire on the Canadian positions. In the violent
artillery duel that raged through the night the Canadian gunners had far
the best of it, eight explosions being noted in German gun positions and
their gun pits entirely destroyed.
Throughout the night of August 14, 1917, the British big guns were
sending a stream of high-explosive shells into the German positions
east and south of Loos while preparations were going forward for a big
offensive movement. The attack began at 4.25 when the first light of
dawn was glimmering in the east. For a short space of time the British
guns were silent, but ten minutes before the Canadians, crouching in
their trenches, received the order to move forward every British gun
within range poured a steady stream of fire on the German positions. The
battle scene was wrapped in pink-tinted clouds, shot with streaks of
crimson fire. Just when the time arrived for the Canadians to strike,
and when a protecting barrage was dropped before their trenches, the
clouds parted and a pale-yellow moon poured its mild rays over the
scene. It was by this light that the Canadians advanced to attack. They
mounted the famous Hill 70, where so much blood had been spilled in days
gone by, expecting that heavy fighting awaited them on the crest, which
was well manned with machine guns. They were agreeably disappointed,
however, for the German resistance was not strong. It was only when the
Canadians gained the first houses in the outskirts that really strenuous
fighting began. There was one point where the enemy was strongly
intrenched in concreted cellars where a struggle of the deadliest
description developed.
Lens before the war had a population of 30,000, but was now a mass of
ruins. The Germans had constructed strong subterranean defenses,
undermining the whole place with tunnels and dugouts reenforced with
concrete. Such bits of ruined buildings that remained standing had been
used for gun emplacements. It was through this stronghold that the
Canadians had to force their way. The tremendous bombardment that
preceded the attack had quite unnerved the Germans, and numbers were
seen to desert their posts and flee to the rear, but in many parts of
the outer defenses north and west of the city the garrison fought
fiercely. In an hour and a half the Canadians had pushed forward 1,500
yards, having gained most of the outward bastion of Lens formed by the
separate colonies, or "cités," so called, consisting of blocks of
miners' cottages and works united in one big mining district.
The most important operation during the day, however, was the capture of
Hill 70, which the British had taken and lost two years before, for the
hill commanded a wide territory and was the last dominating position in
this section that had remained in German hands.
August 16, 1917, marked another important advance for the French and
British. Early in the morning the Allies, striking together on a
nine-mile front east and northeast of Flanders, carried all their
objectives excepting those on the right flank. French troops on the left
drove the Germans from the tongue of land between the Yser Canal and the
Martjevaart and won the bridgehead at Dreigrachten. Langemarck, which
had been strongly held by the Germans since the Allied attack early in
the month, was captured by Haig's troops, who swept forward half a mile
beyond. On the right the British tried to win the high ground almost
directly east of Ypres, lying north of the Menin road, but the Germans
in face of appalling losses attacked in such fury that the British were
forced to abandon the attempt.
More than 1,800 prisoners, including thirty-eight officers and a number
of guns, were captured by the Anglo-French forces in this advance.
On the Lens battle front there was continuous fighting, the Germans
making desperate efforts to recover their lost positions. The Canadians
still clung tenaciously to Hill 70, having beaten off ten furious
attacks directed by Prince Rupprecht. The Prussian Guard, so active in
the fighting, here lost heavily. A Canadian machine-gun officer stated
that his men had killed more Germans than they had ever seen together at
any one time since fighting began here, having had as a target for an
hour and a quarter enemy reenforcements coming up in columns of fours
for use in counterattacks. The Seventh Prussian Division was completely
annihilated. The fire of the Canadian guns was so intense that German
ration parties refused to go to the relief of their comrades on the
hill, and the hundreds of prisoners taken were in a half-famished
condition, all the fighting spirit gone out of them.
It was noted in the struggle here that many of the Germans were mere
children. A large number of boys, not over seventeen were in the thick
of the battle, and some were even younger, belonging evidently to the
1919 class.
The attitude of the civilians who had been living in the suburbs of Lens
would have puzzled a master psychologist. In the midst of terrors they
remained calm and undismayed. Some had lived there since the beginning
of the war, in houses that were repeatedly shelled and often wrecked.
Death stalked them day and night. Yet they continued their peaceful
vocations in cellars, their children being protected by gas masks going
to school. When the British soldiers appeared, and while the shells were
bursting a few yards away, young girls and women, for the most part
neatly dressed and generally in black, were there to greet with cheerful
faces the welcome visitors.
On August 17, 1917, the French completed their conquest of enemy
territory south of the St. Jansbeek River and the Breenbeek River by the
capture of two strong German redoubts which had held out against all
attacks since the beginning of the great offensive on the 16th. One
redoubt, Les Lilas, was a large concrete and steel structure strongly
armed with machine guns. It was impregnable against infantry attacks,
and it was only when the French brought heavy guns to bear on the
stronghold that the German garrison surrendered. Mondovi Farm, the other
redoubt, lay in an angle formed by the St. Jansbeek and the Breenbeek
Rivers. The French bombarded the redoubt during the night of the 17th,
and after the concrete walls were shattered and crumbling the enemy
surrendered. Attempts were made later by the Germans to shell the French
out of the captured stronghold, but were not successful.
On this date the Germans counterattacked in force against the Canadian
positions northwest of Lens. According to prisoners the German troops
had been ordered to retake Hill 70 at any cost. In the afternoon of the
17th the first great attack was made, a fierce and determined onslaught
accompanied by a storm of flaming projectiles and gas shells. The
Canadians met the attack with cold steel, and the Germans were driven
back in confusion with heavy losses. Another assault made in the evening
against the suburb of St. Emilie and at Hugo Wood to the north failed
with serious losses to the attackers.
At 1.30 in the morning of the 18th the Germans were again in action.
Along the entire line north of Lens their infantry attacked, supported
by a concentrated artillery fire. They fought with reckless bravery,
hurling themselves again and again upon the Canadians in hand-to-hand
conflicts of the fiercest description. The latter held their ground,
though sorely beset by superior numbers. The Germans were loath to give
ground, clinging to every foot, but were slowly forced back, their ranks
shattered, leaving many dead and wounded on the field. This was the most
sanguinary fighting in which the Canadians had engaged since the capture
of Hill 70. Never before had they used the bayonet so freely or met the
enemy in such a man-to-man grapple to the death.
During the day French and British aviators were engaged in many
successful combats in the air. The British downed thirty German
aeroplanes, twelve of which were known to have been destroyed. Twelve
British machines were missing, two having collided during the fighting
and fallen within the enemy lines. On this day, and during the night of
August 17-18, 1917, French aviators shot down seven German airplanes and
a captive balloon and forced down eight other machines, which, badly
damaged, fell in the German lines. A bombing raid in which 111 French
machines took part in various sorties dropped 13,000 kilograms (28,600
pounds) of projectiles on aviation grounds at Colmar, Friedrichshafen,
and Habsheim. Aviation camps and railway stations at other points were
showered with projectiles, producing fires and explosions.
British troops on the front northeast of Ypres made a further advance in
an attack made in the morning of August 18, 1917, in the vicinity of the
Ypres-Poelcappelle road east of Langemarck. By this operation the
British advanced their lines 500 yards on a like front, winning all
their objectives, including a series of strongly fortified farms.
Southeast of Epihy a successful local operation was carried out by the
British troops in the early morning of the following day, when German
trenches in the neighborhood of Guillemont Farm were captured and a
considerable number of prisoners.
It was in this the fourth year of the war that the Germans made some
radical changes in their methods of defense, owing principally to the
preponderance of British artillery, which reduced their front-line
trenches to mere furrows of earth and made mantraps of the carefully
constructed dugouts. The Germans now scattered their advanced forces
over a greater depth. There was no longer an unbroken line of defenses
for the British guns to shatter, but strongholds were constructed in
isolated shell holes along the front, cunningly concealed from aviators.
These stretched back from the first lines to a considerable depth. Along
the front strong outposts were established at some distance apart,
backed by fortified craters and connected by tunnels and often with
dugouts. Back of these shell-hole nests were gun emplacements commanding
the openings between the shell holes. Thus when enemy attackers had
forced their way through the fortified shell craters they were met with
torrents of machine-gun fire. Further back from these defenses there
would be found a line of more or less connected trenches, or a series of
connected fortified shell holes. The Germans also constructed strong
concrete redoubts in every farm house for their machine guns. They built
small forts of steel and concrete that were impervious to artillery
fire. Many of these strongholds were constructed underground with a
steel trapdoor as the only exit, by which the Germans came out to set up
their machine guns.
CHAPTER II
THE FRENCH BREAK THE GERMAN LINES AT VERDUN--CANADIANS GAIN AT LENS
North of Verdun, in a region that had witnessed many of the most
desperate struggles of the campaign in France during the previous year,
the French won a great victory on August 20, 1917. After three days of
almost continuous shelling of the German lines the French armies
attacked simultaneously on both banks of the Meuse and carried their
objectives at all points. On the west bank of the river they gained
Avocourt Wood, the summit of the famous Dead Man Hill, and the Corbeaux
and Cumières Woods. The French advance reached at some points a depth of
a mile and a quarter. Over 4,000 unwounded Germans were made prisoner.
At 4.40 in the morning the French artillery preparations reached the
final phase when vigorous attacks were made on Avocourt Wood and
Bezonvaux. The first objective was won by 6 o'clock and German prisoners
were on their way to the rear. The three days' artillery fire had so
devastated Hill 304, Dead Man Hill, and Talou Ridge that the Germans
were forced to abandon their first line. The French found less
opposition from the enemy than they had expected, for the well-served
French guns had taken much of the fighting spirit out of their
opponents. At some points, however, where the French fire had been less
felt there was hard fighting. The greatest advance made was on the right
bank of the river to the north of Vacherauville. They occupied Talou
Ridge, Mormont Farm, and Hills 240 and 344. To the east the Germans were
driven out of parts of the Fosses and Chaume Woods.
During the advance the French army was greatly aided in its operations
by the brilliant and daring work of its aviators. Hovering low they
showered machine-gun bullets on the enemy lines, dispersing assemblies
forming for counterattacks and bombing German gunners at close quarters.
In a series of combats in the air the French flyers brought down eleven
German machines on the Verdun front, while two others were destroyed by
antiaircraft guns.
An interesting phase of the fighting on the French front at this time
was the unusually large proportion of German officers captured, 201
being taken with about 6,700 men. This seemed to show that the German
officer class had deteriorated, that the best trained had been killed or
made prisoners, and that the new officers who replaced them were lacking
in spirit or had not become steeled to war work.
In the fighting on this front certain German army formations had been
badly smashed. Three regiments which formed the Sixth Reserve Division
of Brandenburgers and the kaiser's favorite troops were literally
annihilated as fighting units, losing sixty-nine officers and about
2,800 men as prisoners.
On the same day that the French were advancing in the Verdun sector the
Canadians around Lens were winning fresh laurels. Northwest of the city
they had by desperate fighting established strong posts among the
trenches and railway cuttings that formed the last line of German
defense in that quarter. This was the scene of much strenuous but
indecisive fighting two days before.
From their new positions the Canadians had now command of the last bit
of ground from which the defenders of the city could overlook the
advance from the west. They were now in a hollow all around the front
which swings about Lens in a semicircular form. As every eastern exit to
the city was now subjected to a continuous and harassing fire from
machine guns and artillery, the work of bringing up provisions and
supplies of ammunition had become extremely hazardous.
The Canadians in their continued struggle around Lens had displayed such
irresistible courage and resolution that their deeds will long be
remembered in the pages of history. No soldiers during the war faced
more difficulties or confronted more formidable defenses. They forced
their way through streets entangled with hedges of steel and houses
bristling with machine guns. They penetrated tunnels too strong to be
touched by shell fire. They threw themselves against fortress positions
amid a fiery hail of shells and explosives. They swept through the towns
of St. Laurent, St. Théodore, and St. Emilie to the north and west of
Lens where sunken roads and slag heaps were strongly fortified, and so
on through the apparently endless and formidable defenses to the western
streets of the inner city.
The Germans never let a day pass without at least one attack on the
Canadian positions, and once within twenty-four hours they launched no
less than seven strong assaults. Between the attacks the men of Canada
were subjected to a heavy gunfire from a wide semicircle of strong
batteries.
Between August 10 and August 20, 1917, they were attacked in turn by
six German divisions, each being shattered by the Canadians' dogged
courage and amazing fighting power. These were the Seventh, Eighth, the
Eleventh Reserve, the 220th and the First Guards Reserve Division.
Besides those five divisions it was known that portions at least of the
185th Division and of the Sixth Reserve Division had also been engaged.
It was conservatively estimated by military observers of the struggle
here that the German strength used at Lens was upwards of 50,000 men,
and their losses were estimated at between 12,000 and 15,000 men.
At an early hour in the morning of August 20, 1917, the Canadians made a
trench raid on the German front northwest of Avlon, where heavy fighting
ensued. This front was strongly fortified by the Germans as protection
for an important mining suburb southeast of Lens, and it was here that
they had set up the guns withdrawn after the Canadian advance two days
before. Here the hand-to-hand fighting was fierce and deadly, the
Germans fighting with desperate courage, but the Canadians got the upper
hand by slow degrees, and after inflicting heavy casualties took some
prisoners and retired to their positions.
Early in the morning of the following day the forces from Canada again
struck hard, attacking German trenches west and northwest of Lens. The
battle raged throughout the day and far into the night. The Canadians
advanced against strong opposition, using bomb and bayonet freely,
winning important enemy positions to the northwest and southwest of the
center of the city. It appears that the Germans had massed strong forces
for a counterattack at daybreak against the newly won Canadian
positions, and had already begun their forward push when they
encountered the Canadians rushing across no-man's-land. Owing to a dense
mist that prevailed at the time, the Germans did not see them until the
foe fell upon them with bomb and bayonet.
This dramatic surprise for the Germans seemed to have had a chilling
effect on their fighting spirit. They retreated in wild haste to the
trenches they had left, despite the frenzied attempts of their officers
to rally them. Close on their heels dashed the Canadians, and mounting
the parapets showered bombs among the other troops that had gathered for
the attack. As the Germans fled for the communication trenches the
Canadians leaped among them, and with bomb and bayonet killed a great
number.
In the Verdun region on this date the French continued to make important
gains. All day long the tide of battle ebbed and flowed in waves of
fire. On the left bank of the Meuse the French captured the famous Côte
de l'Oie and the village of Régneville. On the right bank of the river,
sweeping through Samogneux, they seized an entire system of trenches
between that village and Hill 344 which had been won on the previous
day. The Germans delivered a number of strong and determined attacks on
both sides of the river, but lost heavily in their attempts to check the
French advance. Some idea of the French gains on the left bank of the
Meuse may be gathered from the fact that when the Germans held the
village of Fleury and menaced Verdun they were two and a half miles from
the fortress. On August 21, 1917, when the French held the village of
Samogneux, the Germans were seven miles from the fortifications.
Throughout the day's fighting the German counterattacks failed
completely. The French maintained all their gains and organized captured
positions. Nearly 7,000 prisoners were taken during the advance, of whom
116 were officers.
The capture of Dead Man Hill by the French troops was an especially
notable achievement, for its system of underground defenses made it as
nearly impregnable as human ingenuity could devise. That it could be
captured in a single day was owing to the ceaseless activity of the
French gunners, who had ravaged the stronghold with explosives so
thoroughly that it seemed impossible that anything human could survive,
however hidden underground. There were a hundred deserters to the French
lines, and the Germans surrendered in squads with their noncommissioned
officers. The whole garrison of Dead Man Tunnel, which included two
battalion commanders, were also made prisoners. When it is considered
that the Germans had 400 batteries in action back of their front lines
during the two days' advance it will be understood that the French
fighting man was heartened up and could look with confidence to the
future.
The British resumed the offensive in the morning of August 22, 1917,
east and northeast of Ypres along the Ypres-Menin road, capturing a
series of fortified farms and strong points in front of their positions
and gaining in the advance a third of a mile of territory.
Further to the north the British carried forward their lines about half
a mile over a front of two and a half miles. Owing to the fierce
character of the fighting encountered in the forward push the number of
prisoners taken was out of all proportion to the total losses inflicted
on the enemy. Since the offensive began in the morning of August 15,
1917, the British had taken 1,378 men, including officers. In the same
period they captured thirty-one machine guns and twenty-one trench
mortars.
South and southwest of Lens the Canadians continued to fight hard and to
make important gains. They succeeded in getting a firm grip on a
stronghold only 300 yards south of the main railway station of the town.
This was a huge slag pile which had been tunneled by the Germans and was
known as "Green Crassier." The odd position constituted a barrier
between the Canadians and the defenses of the city proper. It was
connected by tunnels with dugouts and defenses underneath Lens, and the
Germans, appreciating its value, clung to it tenaciously. Preceded by a
heavy bombardment the Canadians attacked at early dawn and were atop of
the Germans before the latter had any warning of what was impending. The
long series of counterattacks in which they had been engaged during the
previous days had not entirely quenched the German fighting spirit, and
the slag pile was such a network of defenses that the Canadians were
from the start roughly handled, but they held on with dogged
determination, though they had never faced more formidable conditions,
and despite the desperate efforts of the Germans to oust them.
Surrounding the slag pile or "crassier" many of the ruined buildings had
been transformed into strong and most ingeniously constructed
fortifications. The Canadians systematically bombed their way through
these defenses and drove out the defenders, who sought refuge in the
numerous tunnels under the city. Lens was crowded with German troops of
the Fourth Guards Division and the First Guards Reserve. Forced to live
among the dead and wounded in underground caves, their lot was hideous
beyond description.
French troops operating in the Verdun sector gained an important victory
on August 24, 1917. In the early morning they began a powerful offensive
on the left bank of the Meuse between Avocourt Wood and Dead Man Hill.
By a single charge they carried Hill 304 and Camard Wood to the west of
it. All the German positions were captured and the defenders made
prisoners. To make doubly secure their possession of Hill 304, the
French pushed on beyond it for a distance of about a mile and a quarter.
The loss of Hill 304 and Dead Man Hill, which commanded all the
approaches and ravines as far as Douaumont, deprived the Germans of
every observation point from which they could watch the operations of
the French troops.
The Germans won some success against the British forces along the
Ypres-Menin road on this date, while the Canadians were forced to retire
from the crest of the "crassier," or slag-pile stronghold, and to take
up positions adjoining it. The Germans had succeeded in bringing forward
fresh troops against the Canadians, who were worn down but not
discouraged by almost continuous fighting day and night. The enemy had
the advantage of numberless underground retreats, tunnels, subterranean
chambers, and a network of cellars connected by passages from which they
could dash suddenly, and after striking a shrewd blow disappear
mysteriously from sight. The Germans were in a precarious situation and
showed a disposition to conserve their forces.
On the Verdun front the French continued their victorious progress,
capturing north of Hill 304 three strongly fortified works near
Bethincourt. Since the beginning of this offensive the French had taken
over 8,000 prisoners. If they cherished any belief in the superiority of
the Germans as fighters, they held it no longer. The German High Command
had issued orders that every position must be held regardless of the
cost, but except in isolated instances they had displayed no unusual
fighting qualities, while the German officers often perpetrated amazing
blunders.
The French renewed the offensive on August 25, 1917, when they delivered
a smashing blow on the right bank of the Meuse in the Verdun sector,
gaining two-thirds of a mile on a front of two and a half miles. This
gave them possession of the Fosses and Beaumont Woods and brought them
to the outskirts of Beaumont. Violent artillery fighting continued
around Hill 304 during the day. The French continued the drive, pushing
their advanced posts forward to the southern outskirts of the village of
Bethincourt and Forges Brook. A violent counterattack made by the
Germans from Wavrille Wood was caught by French artillery fire and
driven back shattered and in disorder.
On the British front during the night of August 25, 1917, the Germans
were driven out of a trench northeast of Guillemont Farm which they had
captured earlier in the day. In the morning of August 26, 1917, British
troops attacking east of Hargicourt on a front of over a mile won half a
mile of ground, and carried by assault strong enemy positions at Cologne
and Malakoff Farms. About the same hour of the morning when this advance
was made the Germans under cover of a heavy bombardment attacked in the
neighborhood of the Ypres-Menin road. In this assault flame projectors
were freely used and they succeeded for a brief time in recovering
positions in the northwest corner of Inverness Copse. Before they could
organize their defenses the British rallied and in a hotly pressed
counterattack drove them out and reestablished their positions.
The British did not undertake any infantry action on a large scale
during the next few days, but their guns, which far outmatched the
Germans', were not taking a rest. An eyewitness whose experience covered
many battle fields said he had never seen so many guns great and small
as on the wide stretch of country back of Ypres. For miles he walked
through concentric lines of batteries and estimated that the British
were able to fire a hundred shells to the Germans' one. It was probably
with the hope of saving man power that the Germans now built concrete
blockhouses in front-line positions capable of holding a score of men,
while keeping their main forces far back for counterattacks. But
notwithstanding their new methods of defense the Germans lost heavily,
for the British guns in forward positions kept the enemy support lines
under a constant and blasting fire.
Owing to the fine weather the German aviators were active. In the course
of a number of aerial engagements the British brought down four German
aeroplanes and drove three others out of control, losing two of their
own machines.
It had been circulated throughout the German press that the kaiser's
forces had abandoned Hill 304 to the French for strategical reasons.
This was disproved by the discovery of an order signed by the German
commander in this sector of the Verdun front addressed to his troops,
who were urged to hold the hill at any cost and emphasized the
importance of the position as a point of observation.
The new French line on the west of the Meuse, now supported by the
commanding positions on Hill 304 and Dead Man Hill, ran a mile beyond
these strongholds, facing Forges Brook. On the heights east of the Meuse
and along the river the line of the French left was now extended at
Samogneux and on Hill 344. From this point the front runs eastward down
hill past Mormont Farm to the Vacherauville-Beaumont highroad, then
along the ravine between the Louvemont and Beaumont Woods up to the
plateau, including what remained of the larger wood of Les Fosses, and
so across the north to the Chambrettes Farm.
A comparative calm reigned in the Verdun region during August 27-28,
1917. The Germans attempted a few feeble counterattacks, and there were
times when their guns became vociferous, but no important operation was
begun, and the French had ample time to consolidate their gains and
strengthen the newly won positions.
In the midst of a driving rain British troops in Flanders launched an
attack in the afternoon of August 27, 1917, along the St.
Julien-Poelcappelle road. They had set out to seize some of the concrete
fortifications, each of which held a score or so of Germans with
machine guns and heaps of ammunition, who could sweep a wide field with
fire and had caused the British many losses in men. The Steenbeke and
Hannebeke Rivers had overflowed and transformed the region round into
bogs. Into this marshland the men from Yorkshire and other English
counties, drenched to the skin from being out all night, struggled
forward to destroy the Germans' "pill boxes." There was violent fighting
near the Springfield and Vancouver Farms northeast of St. Julien, which
were strongly held by the Germans. The machine-gun fire was especially
heavy at these places, but the British pushed forward and the
Württembergers who had been sent up from Roulers to strengthen the
German advance posts, were driven back. The British succeeded in
capturing two of the concrete forts, making prisoners of the defenders.
On the Aisne front northwest of Hurtebise the Germans during the night
of September 1, 1917, tried by desperate assaults to recover lost
positions, but were driven off by gunfire. North of Hill 304, on the
same date there was intermittent artillery activity, and on the heights
above the river the French foiled two attempted surprise attacks.
Near Lens and La Bassée the Germans endeavored to raid British trenches,
but were repulsed. Southwest of Havrincourt they achieved a temporary
success, bombing their way into British advanced posts and forcing the
defenders to fall back. But the British quickly rallied, and by a
dashing counterattack forced out the invaders and reoccupied the posts,
taking prisoners and leaving a considerable number of dead Germans on
the field.
The reappearance of the sun and fair weather after days of rain made it
possible to resume military operations. The Germans were the first to
attack during the night of September 2, 1917, a British position
southwest of Havrincourt. The assault was preceded by a heavy
bombardment in which gas shells were freely used, but the British
artillery and machine-gun fire was so intense that the attackers were
driven back in disorder.
Southeast of Monchy on the same date the British carried out a
successful raid on the German trenches that proved a complete surprise
to the enemy. British troops were atop of the Germans before they could
make a strong defense, but finding they were inferior in numbers the
raiders, after destroying many of the enemy, withdrew with their
prisoners.
At Lens, where the Canadians had been holding on with grim determination
to portions of the famous "crassier," or slag pile, and among the ruins
adjoining, surrounded by nests of Germans and subjected to almost
continuous fire, there was renewed activity with the clearing weather.
During the night of September 3, 1917, the "Kanucks" struck in upon the
outer shell of Lens, gaining 250 yards on a 600-yard front. This was
really an advance of importance, considering the nature of the ground
fought over. For the neighborhood was packed with Germans, who had guns
everywhere. This forward push brought the Canadians in some places to
the north of Lens, where there was only an open space of about 300 yards
between their positions and the buildings of the city proper.
Fair weather brought renewed fighting on the Champagne and Verdun
fronts. No day passed without a German attack, but the French, occupying
commanding positions, were successful in holding their own and slightly
extended their gains.
In this first week of September the British air service carried on an
extensive campaign of bombing German bases back of the lines of Belgium
and northern France. Tons of bombs and explosives were dropped with good
results on railway tracks at Ghent, on aerodromes near Cambrai,
Courtrai, and Lille, and on billets around Douai. German air raids over
the British lines one night killed thirty-seven German prisoners and
wounded forty-eight.
Early in the morning of September 6, 1917, troops from British Columbia,
operating on the edge of the city of Lens, captured a row of houses 300
yards long occupied by four companies of German troops. This important
success served to further reduce the area within Lens that still
remained in German hands.
North of Frezenberg the British carried some strong positions and
dispersed a hostile counterattack launched against them later in the
day. In the evening the Germans returned in strength to the attack and
forced the British out.
The Canadians around Lens continued to be in the center of the storm.
In the morning of September 7, 1917, the Germans counterattacked all
along the front to the west of Lens. After repeated efforts of extreme
violence the Canadians were bombed out of part of their positions, but
in the area of the slag pile or "crassier" the men from overseas
extended their holdings and the new front they established now became a
serious menace to German positions along the north side of the Souchez
River. This latest advance so enraged the enemy that their entire front
was deluged with the heaviest shells that had ever been seen in this
area, while from time to time clouds of gas were released which blotted
out the scene of the battle, but not the intrepid Canadians, whose gas
masks afforded perfect protection.
On the French front there was continuous activity. Every time that the
German press gave notice to its public that the French military power
was waning and had become a negligible factor in the war the indomitable
Gauls by some dashing attack gave evidence that they were very much
alive and had no thought of surrender.
For some days the French in the Verdun sector had been busy every day in
beating off German attacks, but on September 8, 1917, they assumed the
offensive on the right bank of the Aisne and occupied important
positions on a front of a mile and a half, capturing during the advance
over 800 prisoners. Assaults on the French lines east of Rheims and on
the Aisne front resulted in crushing German defeats. At almost every
point the French wall of defense held firm, and against it the seasoned
troops of the kaiser, who lacked neither persistence nor bravery, dashed
themselves in vain.
CHAPTER III
LENS IN RUINS--BRITISH ADVANCE NEAR YPRES
French positions on the right bank of the Meuse north of Verdun were
attacked by strong German forces in the morning of September 9, 1917.
The assault was delivered over a front of about two miles on both sides
of Hill 344. In one section of the line the Germans succeeded in gaining
a temporary foothold. By a vigorous counterattack made a little later
the French drove them out and captured fifty prisoners. This smashing
blow had cost the Germans dearly, for they left over 1,000 dead on the
battle field.
On this date (September 9) the British forces carried out successful
local operations southeast of Hargicourt, when Northumberland troops
carried by storm 600 yards of German trenches and took fifty-two
prisoners. East of Malakoff Farm the British attacked and won after
heavy fighting a strip of hostile trenches which was much needed to
round out their lines in that sector.
German prisoners captured around Lens spoke of the awful havoc wrought
by the British gas cylinders and gas shells. The German First Guards
Reserve Regiment lost twenty men when a gas shell exploded in the cellar
where they lay asleep. Another company of this regiment had seventeen
casualties from the same cause in one day. The failure of Germany to get
a sufficient supply of rubber was a contributing cause of the gas
fatalities. German masks were of poor quality and tore easily. Masks of
soft leather were used by them at this time on some parts of the Lens
front. The objection to masks of leather was that they could not be put
on as easily as those made of rubber, a serious defect when a moment's
delay might prove fatal.
Northumberland troops operating in the neighborhood of Villaret extended
their gains southward 400 yards in an attack made on German trenches in
the morning of September 11, 1917. During the day the Germans attempted
three counterattacks with bombs on the new British positions but were
driven off.
The French continued active in the Verdun region, where they had to
defend themselves from frequent counterattacks. In the Champagne
territory French troops struck a shrewd blow on September 11, 1917, when
in successful raids they drove across the German trenches between St.
Hilaire and St. Souplet and penetrated the second line. Here there was
intense and deadly fighting. The German defenders were either killed or
made prisoners, and the French captured large quantities of supplies.
North of Caurières Wood, northeast of Verdun, the French advanced line
on a front of about 500 yards penetrated the German trenches and close
fighting developed. This was the scene of continuous attacks and
counterattacks for two days in which each side gained in turn a
temporary ascendancy, but the result was indecisive. It was not until
the night of September 14-15, 1917, that the French succeeded in
ejecting the Germans from the greater part of the trench system here and
took possession. In Champagne on September 14, 1917, a surprise attack
made by the French in the region of Mont Haut was successfully carried
out. A German observatory and a number of shelters and dugouts were
destroyed and much damage wrought to the enemy defenses.
No important operation was attempted by the British troops around Lens
for several days following, but bombardments were incessant. The
Canadians, though constantly under fire and subjected day and night to
strong attacks, firmly held their positions. The situation of the
Germans in the center of Lens with an active enemy occupying high ground
to the north and south was not a comfortable one. When they did fight it
was with rage and despair. Prisoners taken told of the deadly effects of
the British gas projectiles which wrought awful havoc among the troops
herded in tunnels and dugouts. The constant bombardment of Lens had
reduced the city to the same ruined condition as the suburbs. The
subterranean caverns which the Germans had built by the forced labor of
civilians two years and more before became death traps. Often they
collapsed under a heavy bombardment, burying alive whole companies in
the ruins. Again, as frequently happened, a shell would explode inside
the caves with fatal results to the occupants.
The Germans had every reason to wish that they had never introduced
poison gas in warfare, for as employed by the British it had become a
far deadlier destructive weapon than in their own hands. Many times
during these days the Canadians had flooded the city with gas which
soaked down into the tunnels and dugouts and stifled men in their
sleep, or they died with their masks on if they delayed a second too
long.
After days of raids and counterattacks insignificant when considered as
separate operations, but important in the aggregate, British troops
under Field Marshal Haig delivered a powerful attack against the German
lines east of Ypres on an eight-mile front on September 20, 1917.
According to an eyewitness, the barrage that preceded the advance was
the heaviest on record.
The British were successful in attaining all their objectives. The
German center along the Ypres-Menin road was penetrated to the depth of
a mile.
Rain had fallen steadily during the night preceding the assault, but the
assembling of the regiments assigned to the operation was carried
through without a mishap. North Country troops carried the Inverness
Copse. Australian troops stormed Glencorse Wood and Nonneboschen (Nun's
Wood); Scottish and South African brigades captured Potsdam, Vampire,
and Borey Farms; West Lancashire Territorials carried Iberian Farm and
the strong point known as Gallipoli. After making a swift "clean-up" of
these places and positions the British forces advanced on the final
objectives.
Troops from the counties who drove forward on the right encountered
fierce opposition in the woods north of the Ypres-Commines Canal, and in
the vicinity of the Tower Hamlets, but cut through with mighty thrusts
and gained the desired goal with light casualties. In the center North
Country and Australian battalions pierced German positions to a depth of
over a mile and won all their objectives, which included the village of
Veldhoek and the western part of Polygon Wood. Zevenkote, farther north,
was won and the London and Highland Territorials made a clean sweep of
the second line of farms, including Rose, Quebec, and Wurst Farms, all
on the line of their final objectives.
Though the Germans were prepared, the British advance worked smoothly.
Some of the hardest fighting was encountered south of Langemarck to the
Ypres-Roulers railway, where there were numerous strong concrete and
steel redoubts. Many positions like Rose and Quebec Farms were captured
by the British in the face of deadly machine-gun fire, and over a
terrain of heavy mud and through pools of water.
When the advance was begun and the Australians went over the top, a
heavy barrage was dropped by the Germans just back of them, but many
shells fell among the advancing men and caused a number of casualties.
The Australians were in an unpleasant situation, but pressed cheerfully
forward without pause and gained Anzac Farm, where their standard was
raised in honor of the victory.
In the course of the evening the British in local attacks northeast of
Langemarck drove the Germans out of the last strong points in that
region, and like operations were successfully carried out on the rest of
the front, the enemy offering only slight opposition.
The Germans lost heavily at every point, especially around the Anzac
Ridge, where they counterattacked six times. This ridge was one of the
key positions east of Ypres and the German command appreciated its
importance.
There was little change in the situation on the day following the
advance, though local fights occurred, where the Germans still held on
to some small defense, or redoubt, which the British needed to
consolidate with their new line.
The British captured during the push over 3,000 men of all ranks. German
officers paid an unwilling tribute to the British artillery and
machine-gun service, which had virtually shattered every attempted
counterattack.
The new German method of holding lines by small garrisons in concrete
blockhouses with large reserves behind for counterattacks had broken
down completely.
Massed attacks were made by the Germans on September 22, 1917, against
the positions captured by the British in the recent drive, but only at
one advanced point on the line did they meet with success. There was
every evidence that the Germans were making desperate efforts to stem
the advancing tide of British troops, regardless of the cost. In the
main their attacks broke down, and where they gained a little ground it
hardly compensated them for the frightful loss of life incurred. The
British were forced to yield ground south of the Ypres-Menin road, where
they had not as yet consolidated their positions. The Germans attacked
in waves from the height, and in the hand-to-hand fighting that
developed, both sides pounding away with their heaviest guns, there
ensued one of the fiercest struggles of the war.
East of St. Julien the Teutons pierced the British line, but were almost
immediately thrust out by a spirited counterattack. Three times the
Germans assaulted the front east of Langemarck, but after heavy losses
and having failed to gain the slightest advantage they drew off, greatly
reduced in numbers.
During these days of heavy fighting the British airmen were continually
active. The weather favored observation and scout aeroplanes and
balloons performed invaluable service in finding the range for Haig's
guns and in locating centers of attack where a shower of shells was
needed. Over the wide battle area British aircraft swept in flocks,
raining down death and destruction in their flight. Ten tons of bombs
were dropped, the stations at Roulers, Menin, and Ledeghem were squarely
hit, an aerodrome bombarded, while masses of German troops moving along
the Ypres-Menin road were showered with explosives. These offensive
operations from the air cost the British in all a dozen machines. Ten
German airships were brought down and eight others were driven out of
control.
Though the battle of Menin road had practically ended, the British
continued to add slightly to their gains, and to strengthen their
positions. North of Langemarck in Flanders they won additional German
defenses in the morning of September 23, 1917, and took a number of
prisoners. Since the offensive began on the 20th, the British had
captured 3,243 Germans, of whom eighty were officers.
It was in the course of the fighting in Flanders that the Germans
employed a new kind of frightfulness in some attacks. British troops
reported that they were fired on by "flaming bullets" that set the
clothing afire. It was related that men struck by these bullets had to
be rolled in the mud to extinguish the flames.
During these days of busy fighting on the British front in Flanders
French troops along the Aisne and the Meuse Rivers were constantly
engaged in local fights with the enemy, though no important operations
were attempted. The French command was exceedingly careful not to waste
men unless there was some highly important advantage to be gained,
contented to act on the defensive until a master stroke could be
delivered. The German troops were not spared in the same way, but were
constantly driven forward by their inexorable masters and lost heavily
in futile attacks.
On September 24, 1917, the Teutons took the offensive at an early hour
in the morning. On the right bank of the Meuse four German battalions,
supported by special assaulting troops, made a drive against French
trenches north of Bois le Chaume, along a front of about a mile and a
half. The French "75's" broke the front of the attack, but in the center
some trench elements were pierced by the Germans and violent fighting
ensued. It was a short, sharp struggle at close quarters, when the
French forced out the invaders and reoccupied the positions. Two other
German attacks on the same front were made in the afternoon in which
they gained nothing, while the French took fifty prisoners.
A more ambitious attempt was made on the same day to force the French
from their positions that extended from the northwest corner of Fosses
Wood to the eastern fringe of Chaume Wood, in the Verdun area. The
Germans began the assault with sprays of liquid flame, which was
followed by a furious grenade attack and bombardment. The intrepid
French troops dashed out to meet their assailants and with bayonet and
hand grenade drove them in disorder back to their trenches. There were
numerous hand-to-hand struggles between the lines. The Germans made
extraordinary efforts to regain lost ground around Hill 352, which
offered every advantage for observation, but they were unable to break
through the steel wall of French resistance. At Bezonvaux, and to the
south of Beaumont, attacks were made in the hope of distracting
attention from the real objective, but here the French Colonial
battalions were on guard, veterans known for their dash and daring, who
hurled the enemy back to his own lines, leaving heaps of dead on the
field.
While the French troops, fighting against overwhelming odds, continued
to hold their lines inviolate, came the painful news that their most
famous aviator, Captain George Guynemer, had been killed by the enemy.
Guynemer had won world-wide fame by his daring exploits. At the time he
was reported missing he had a record of having destroyed fifty-two
German machines. Two years before he was a simple soldier. He entered
the army as a volunteer after having been rejected five times by the
medical inspectors. One of his most striking achievements was the
shooting down of three German aeroplanes in less than three minutes in
September, 1916. Captain Guynemer operated his aeroplane alone, serving
both as pilot and gunner. He was twenty-one years old.
At daybreak on September 26, 1917, Field Marshal Haig's troops made a
heavy attack against the German positions east of Ypres on a six-mile
front in which they won an advance ranging from half a mile to a mile in
depth. The offensive was started along the major portion of the lines
reached by the British on September 20, 1917, extending from east of St.
Julien to southwest of Gheluvelt. The most important points involved in
the new offensive were east of the city of Ypres, between the
Ypres-Roulers railway and the Ypres-Menin highway, as was the case in
the previous week. Here the Germans held elevated positions on ridges
and in forests, the vital points of their defenses in Belgium.
The Australian, Scotch, and English troops engaged in this new offensive
had a desperately hard road to travel, forcing their way over sodden and
flooded ground among steel and concrete redoubts heavily manned with
machine guns. On every elevated point and in every scrap of woods the
Germans had established a vast number of rapid-firing guns.
The main British attack was directed against the German front in the
Zonnebeke region. The village was stormed and the Germans were thrust
back nearly a mile.
To the right of this sector and north of the Menin road, there was
fierce fighting throughout the day when the British drove the enemy from
all positions and made secure the flank of their principal advance.
Australian troops fighting farther south swept the Germans from Polygon
Wood and won a trench position to the east of it. Near Tower Hamlets an
important height that had been much fought over was won by British
forces, who also occupied strong field works on the eastern slope. On
the left of the main attack there was an advance of about half a mile
along the road to Gravenstafel.
For days the Germans had been bringing up reenforcements in anticipation
of the British offensive. The German command, appreciating the
importance of the elevated positions, had given orders to their troops
to hold fast at whatever loss of life. The British consequently
encountered everywhere a desperate resistance, especially on the right
of the offensive around Tower Hamlets Ridge west of Gheluvelt.
In the course of the afternoon and evening the Germans projected seven
powerful counterattacks against positions the British had captured east
of Ypres, but were unable to shake the victors' bulldog grip. Here and
there the Germans were successful in capturing a redoubt, but were only
able to hold it for a short time before being thrust out by a
well-directed counterattack. In this offensive the British captured
1,614 Germans, of whom forty-eight were officers.
The result of this British drive was to remove almost the last cover for
the Germans between their advanced line in Flanders and the Ostend-Lille
railway, their principal means of communication and of supplies in this
part of Belgium. Parts of this line could be clearly seen from Zonnebeke
Heights and within easy reach of the British guns, six miles away.
While the British were gaining ground their naval aeroplanes were
attacking this line from the sky, dropping tons of explosives on the
Thourout and Roulers junctions and on the German base at Ostend. The
last British advance of a mile had brought this important objective
almost within reach. Its capture would result in the evacuation of
Belgium as far as the Scheldt and free the French cities of Lille,
Roubaix, and Tourcoing.
The Germans continued to counterattack and bombard British positions
that had been won during the advance, but they were unable to score any
permanent successes. The net result of the fighting in the Ypres area
was the capture by the British of 5,296 prisoners, including 146
officers. They had also taken during the month eleven guns, including
heavy pieces, 377 machine guns, and fifty-seven trench mortars.
On the French front during these days, particularly in the Aisne sector,
there was almost continuous fighting in which the Germans displayed
dogged determination and reckless bravery, but every attack broke down.
On the right bank of the Meuse they were partly successful in an assault
on French outposts. Here they penetrated the French center, where they
held on for a time, but the French returned in force, and after a
struggle of the most sanguinary description in which the opponents
fought murderously at close quarters the Germans were forced out and
driven back to their lines.
North of Verdun the German attacks were especially violent. Here they
employed "flame throwers" freely, but were unable to overcome the French
resistance or to gain any marked advantage.
Wastage of German man power was an outstanding feature of recent
engagements on the French front. The combat front of Verdun was held by
twelve German divisions, that along the Aisne in 1917 was held by
fourteen divisions. During the same period of time from May to
September, 1916 and 1917, respectively the Germans engaged along the
Verdun front, twenty-five new divisions in 1916; along the Aisne
thirty-five new divisions in 1917. The Allied armies had so improved
their mechanical means and fighting methods that the Germans were forced
to maintain a reserve of at least forty divisions for the safety of
their battle line in the west.
CHAPTER IV
HAIG STRIKES AGAIN AT YPRES--THE FRENCH BREAK THE GERMAN LINES ON THE
AISNE
The greatest gun duel of the war continued to rage in the region around
Ypres in the last days of September, 1917. East of the city the Germans
launched six attacks during the day and night on October 1, 1917,
against the British lines. Every assault was smashed by the British
artillery, rifle, and machine-gun fire. Not since fighting began in this
area had such hurricanes of shells and explosives been seen. The Germans
gambled against great odds and lost heavily. It was only in Polygon Wood
that they obtained the slightest success. Here two small posts were won,
but otherwise the British line remained intact.
On October 4, 1917, Field Marshal Haig delivered another mighty blow
against the German lines east of the Ypres, gaining territory at the
most advanced point to a depth of about a mile and a half on a front of
more than eight miles.
The ground covered by the British assault was from north of Langemarck
on the Ypres-Staden railway to a point south of Tower Hamlets, a height
south of the Ypres-Menin highroad. The very important system of defenses
along the Passchendaele-Gheluvelt road, which the Germans had held so
long, was swept over by the victorious British troops.
On the northern wing they pushed on to within a short distance of
Poelcappelle and gained a footing on Gravenstafel Ridge which projects
from Passchendaele Ridge on the west, and broke through
Zonnebeke-Broodseinde Ridge of bloody memory. The crest of the ridge was
held against counterattacks which the Germans launched again and again
with desperate daring and at the cost of frightful losses.
The British had begun the attack at 6 o'clock in the morning. The day
was cloudy and promised rain. A mist hung over the battle field. The
advance made into the enemy country was preceded by a heavy barrage,
which, breaking in a fiery flood over the German lines, created such
terror that in many places the enemy rushed out in groups with raised
hands in sign of surrender.
The drive forward had forestalled a German attack which was in
preparation near Zonnebeke on the same morning. Three German divisions
here were ordered to take the line the British had captured the previous
week. As they were pushing forward they were caught in the British
barrage and met with appalling disaster.
The loss of the Passchendaele-Gheluvelt Ridge was a serious one for the
Germans, as it constituted a barrier between the British and occupied
Belgium. Many important positions had been torn from them during recent
thrusts, and on the 4th the British by a dashing advance penetrated
German lines to a depth of 2,500 yards, carrying important defenses.
South of the Ypres-Roulers railway the British troops could now overlook
the slopes of the main ridge, and in some places had pushed their way
into the valley below. Along the Strombeek River, on the left, the
advance was slow owing to the marshy condition of the ground. The troops
were aided in the advance by a number of tanks which performed immense
service in reducing strong redoubts and concrete "pill boxes."
Poelcappelle, which the British reached by 10.30, though heavily
garrisoned, did not offer very strong resistance.
Abraham Heights, near Gravenstafel, was the scene of brief cellar
fighting, but a sharp struggle developed near the fort where the Germans
had eight strong concrete redoubts. The fighting here was close and
heavy, but in the end the German resistance broke down under rifle fire
and bomb. In the course of the day's fighting the British took 4,446
prisoners, including 114 officers.
It was estimated by correspondents who visited the battle area after the
fight that the Germans had lost more killed than the number of their
wounded and prisoners combined. On one section of the Australian front a
thousand bodies were counted. A little farther south there was another
lot of over seven hundred.
The manner in which the German defense was conducted showed many flaws,
and indicated faulty organization. In the attempts made to stem the
advance there was a lack of cohesion among the various units that were
thrown out promiscuously along the whole battle front. The German
artillery work, too, was weak and showed imperfect planning. A great
number of Germans were caught in British barrages, and their officers
spoke of the terrifying effect of the British fire, which surpassed
anything known on that front and so dazed their troops that it was
difficult to get them to follow out orders.
The Germans had been punished so severely that no infantry attack was
attempted by them on the following day, and the British were free to
consolidate their gains and strengthen their new positions.
In the evening of October 7, 1917, a German attack in force was made
east of Polygon Wood in the vicinity of Reutel on a front of about 500
yards. For all they had made great preparations and preceded the assault
by a heavy barrage, it was quickly beaten off by British artillery and
machine-gun fire. During the day a heavy rainfall had turned the battle
ground into a morass; every shell hole became filled to the brim, and
for the time any military operation of importance must be abandoned.
After the hard fighting they had been through the British troops
welcomed a rest, though soaked to the skin, but it was a difficult and
painful task bringing in the wounded through the deep, clinging mud.
In the early morning of October 9, 1917, British and French forces in
the Ypres area launched an attack north and northwest of that city and
were successful in gaining all their objectives.
The French troops, driving forward on the left of the British line north
of Ypres, cut through the German positions to a depth of a mile and a
quarter on a front of more than a mile and a half. The villages of St.
Jean de Mangelaer and Veldhoek and a system of blockhouses were
captured, and the advance reached the southern edge of Houthulst Wood,
seven miles to the north of Ypres. From the south the British pushed
northeast from Gravenstafel Ridge to a point about 1,000 yards southwest
of the village of Passchendaele to the heights of that name. Between the
Ypres-Roulers railway and the village of Broodseinde, which they
occupied, the British forced the Germans down the slopes of Broodseinde
Ridge on the eastern side. In these notable advances the Allied troops
gained possession of most of the observation points that commanded a
view of the great plain of Flanders.
A heavy rain on the day preceding the attack had transformed the battle
ground into a quagmire, and many formations of the Allied troops having
been without shelter during the night were drenched to the skin when the
order came to attack.
The French advance was fortunately timed. The Germans in the first line
were in the act of changing troops. A division newly arrived from the
Russian front was about to take possession. Before they could realize
the situation the French had dashed in among them, and, killing a great
many, dispersed the others in every direction. After a brief pause, to
allow the British on the right to advance, the French proceeded to their
next objective, the village of Mangelaer, which was quickly won.
The British had gained in the forward movement to the depth of half a
mile on a front of about a mile, stretching from Draeibank to
Wyndendreeft.
Every point was won which they had fixed on as their objective, and more
than a thousand prisoners were captured during the push. The French had
gained about 1,200 yards in the two stages of their advance, taking over
300 prisoners and a large number of guns.
On the day following the British were forced to relinquish a few of
their advanced posts, but in the main the positions gained in the
advance were securely held.
Recent rains had transformed the battle field into a vast swamp, in
which men sank to their knees, and even waists. Despite the unfavorable
conditions of the terrain, Field Marshal Haig began another offensive
early in the morning of October 12, 1917, along the entire front in
Flanders. In less than three hours his assaulting troops had gained
ground to an average depth of 800 yards, which brought them within 500
yards of the village of Passchendaele. Further operations were brought
to a standstill by a heavy fall of rain, and the British command decided
to make no further attempts to attain their objectives that day.
The storm did not abate until the following morning, when the
appearance of the sun cheered the much-bedraggled troops. But days of
fair weather must pass before the boglands that constituted the battle
area could dry up and admit of any important infantry operations. The
Germans indeed ventured a few counterattacks in the hope of wresting
from the British positions won in the last advance, but these were
smashed by artillery fire.
[Illustration: French soldiers are bringing German prisoners from
Malmaison Fort, the dominating position on the Craonne Plateau, which
was taken by the French October 26, 1917. The Germans overran the
position again in their drive of May, 1918.]
The British carried out night raids on enemy trenches in the Flanders
front on October 15, 1917, and near Roeux, east of Arras. On the Aisne
front the French were successful in repulsing German assaults and
carried out daring attacks on enemy trenches in the Champagne and
Argonne.
For a week quiet reigned on the western front. "Quiet" meaning in a
military sense that no important infantry actions were attempted. But
each day, and often through the night, the guns on both sides were
seldom silent, and raids, counterattacks, and patrol encounters served
to keep warm the fighting spirit of the German, French, and British
forces.
October 22, 1917, was a day of intense activity on the Flanders front,
when, operating in conjunction with the French troops, British forces in
the neighborhood of Poelcappelle carried out a successful advance in the
southern part of Houthulst Forest, north of Ypres. Southeast of
Poelcappelle the British stormed and occupied valuable positions, and
further north, aided by French troops, a series of fortified farms and
defenses south of Houthulst Farm were won. The Germans in a spirited
counterattack checked the advance in the vicinity of the Ypres-Staden
railway, but at other points were unable to prevent the British from
pushing forward.
For more than a week the French forces in the Verdun and Champagne areas
had been inactive save for sporadic raids and gun duels, but early in
the morning of October 23, 1917, operating over a six-mile front, they
smashed the German lines north of the Aisne and seven miles northeast of
Soissons. This swift and dashing attack, one of the most brilliant of
the war, resulted in a gain of ground for the French of more than two
miles at one point. Over 8,000 German prisoners, of whom 160 were
officers, were captured, and seventy heavy field and eighty machine
guns.
The morning of the attack was misty and rainy, and it was barely light
when the French sprang out of their trenches, and, with a terrific
barrage fire preceding them, swept over the first German positions,
driving out or destroying the defenders. The front of the French attack
was from the northeast of Laffaux, in the neighborhood of Vauxaillon, to
La Royère Farm.
Six German infantry divisions tried to bar their way, but these were
unable to check the spirited onslaught. The various stages of the French
advance, which were carried out with precision and dispatch, were as
follows: In the first dash the French captured the line indicated by the
quarries of Fruty and Bohéry, and somewhat later Malmaison Fort was
stormed and occupied. Montparnasse quarries, which had been previously
damaged by big shells, was the scene of intensely hot fighting before
the Germans were finally driven out.
The French center in its advance was opposed by fresh German reserves,
and the fighting became bitter around the village of Chavignon, which
the Germans only yielded after a violent struggle. It was in this area
that the greatest advance of the day, two and a fifth miles, was made.
On the right the French took the villages of Allemant and Vaudesson, and
carried their line to the heights commanding Pargny-Filain.
Squadrons of tanks were active during the advance, while the French
aviators distinguished themselves aloft by showering machine-gun bullets
upon the German infantry from an altitude of not more than 100 yards.
The capture of the Malmaison plateau by the French was of the first
importance, for it was the key of the ridge between the Aisne and
Ailette Valleys; an unrivaled observation point commanding the Laon
plain. In gaining it the French really "turned" the Chemin-des-Dames
Ridge, to the northern slopes of which the Germans had clung so long.
[Illustration: The taking of Malmaison and Chemin-des-Dames.]
On October 25, 1917, the French forces on the Aisne resumed the
offensive, a general push being made beyond the positions reached in the
last advance, extending to the Oise-Aisne Canal. The village and forest
of Pinon were captured, and the hamlet of Pargny-Filain. South of Filain
the fortified farms of St. Martin and La Chapelle Ste. Berthe were
occupied. On the front between Mont des Singes (Monkey Mountain) and
Chavignon French troops made further progress and reached Rohay Farm.
The Germans counterattacked at various points on the fighting front, but
were unable to make any progress. The French held securely all the new
positions gained during the advance, and the number of German prisoners
had now increased to over 12,000, of whom 200 were officers. Among the
spoils captured were 120 guns, many of the heaviest description.
On the British fronts in France and Flanders there were no important
actions. During the night of October 24, 1917, British aviators made a
successful raid on Saarbrücken. West of this place naval machines
dropped three and one-half tons of explosives on the Burbach works, and
other factories as well as railway communications were attacked with
good results, many explosions being noted. A train proceeding from
Saarbrücken received a direct hit from a big bomb and was destroyed.
On October 26, 1917, the British and French armies north, northeast, and
east of Ypres renewed the offensive. The attacks began in a cold rain
that had been falling for several hours. Haig's troops first advanced
from a point near St. Janshoek westward through the southern fringe of
Houthulst Forest to the neighborhood of Nieuemolen. The other assault
was on both sides of the Ypres-Menin highway along the Gheluvelt Ridge
toward the town of that name. Bellevue Spur, west of Passchendaele, was
crowded with machine guns, but the British entered it an hour after the
attack began. The Germans concentrated a heavy artillery fire on
Bellevue, while the British were fighting arduously with rifle, bomb,
and bayonet among the concrete fortifications. Through Wolf Copse, near
Bellevue, that had been the scene of many sanguinary struggles, the
British swept on, gaining Polderhoek Château, north of Gheluvelt, where
there was close, intense fighting before the Germans were forced to
yield.
On the same date the French continued their drive against the German
positions along the Aisne. On the right of their attacking front they
captured the village of Filain and pushed their lines forward north of
Chevregny. In the Champagne area French trenches at Maisons de Champagne
were heavily bombarded. Two surprise attacks attempted by the Germans
were crushed. On the Flanders front, this day, the French captured the
village of Draeibank, Papagoed Wood, and a number of fortified farms.
Several hundred German prisoners were gathered in during these
operations.
According to the reports made by French aviators scouting on the front,
the Germans were preparing a retreat, for beyond the Ailette Valley
fruit trees had been cut down and farms destroyed, just such destructive
measures as the Germans had employed when they retired on the Somme in
the spring of the year.
The French line now ran along the southern side of the Aisne-Oise Canal
without a break, from westward of Vauxaillon to the town of Filain.
French guns could now enfilade the German positions in three directions:
northwestward of Anizey-le-Château, along the valley of Laon, and
through the Ailette Valley, threatening the German lines on the
Chemin-des-Dames Ridge.
German prisoners from the Empress Elizabeth's Guards Regiment captured
during the recent French advance had been without food for three days
and complained bitterly of their officers, who had slipped away and left
them without commanders during the struggle.
The Germans had seven divisions in action during the first day's
fighting here, and when it was evident that the tide of battle was
running against them, fresh divisions were rushed up which had recently
arrived from Galicia. The reenforcements reached the battle field only
to fall under the murderous fire of French guns, or were taken prisoner,
catastrophes which only added to the general confusion that seems to
have reigned among the Teutonic forces.
French troops on the Flanders front began another dashing drive on
October 27, 1917, capturing all the German positions on a front of two
and a half miles. The advance was made on both sides of the road between
Dixmude and Ypres. On the right the French gained the western outskirts
of Houthulst Wood, capturing the villages of Verbrandesmis, Aschoop,
Merckem, and Kippe, and also a system of strongly fortified farms. Again
the French had to wade through morasses into which they sank waist deep,
but there was no holding the brave "poilus" back. Soaked with mud and
water they had to attack heavily defended hamlets and innumerable
concrete blockhouses bristling with machine guns, but every objective
was won.
West of Passchendaele the Canadians were improving the positions in this
sector which they had captured in the first stages of the battle, across
the neck of the Bellevue Spur. The Germans had endeavored by repeated
counterattacks to force them out of this dominating height, and there
were anxious moments for the Canadians, when, as the result of a
struggle at close quarters, they were forced to yield ground. But they
quickly rallied, and in a fierce onslaught drove out the Germans and
recovered the position.
Northwest of Verdun, near Chaume Wood, the German Crown Prince's army
made a strong assault on French positions on October 29, 1917. The
attack was preceded by a bombardment of intense violence. The German
infantry pressed forward impetuously in the face of a blasting fire from
rifles and machine guns and penetrated French positions north of
Courrières Wood. But they were only able to hold the ground for a short
time, when the French struck back and forced them out, dispersing the
invaders, who fled to their own lines.
On the Flanders front the Canadians continued to forge their way forward
toward Passchendaele. In the morning of October 30, 1917, they attacked
the outer defenses of that place. At Meetscheede village, a mass of
ruins, there stood a number of concrete blockhouses, strongly manned,
and the struggle that developed here was fierce and bloody. The place
was only won by the individual cunning of the Canadians, who hid among
the shell craters, dashing forward separately and in groups whenever
there was a slight pause in the enemy's fire. It was slow, hard work,
and costly, but they slogged away until the German guns were silent.
Beyond Meetscheede stood another row of blockhouses, and more intense
fighting ensued, but at length the Germans gave up and started to run,
but very few were said to have escaped.
Another Canadian unit on the right, where the Passchendaele Ridge
stands, was fighting its way up toward Crest Farm in the face of a heavy
machine-gun fire. By dogged persistence they won the position, and
quickly turning the captured German guns were enabled to smash up the
counterattacks which followed quickly after the positions were occupied.
After these assaults that cost the Germans heavily the Canadians passed
a quiet night in their newly won trenches only 400 yards from
Passchendaele.
October 31, 1917, was warm and sunny and brought cheer to the Canadians,
who had been lying out all night in the chilly air in their wet
uniforms. The work of consolidating the newly won positions went forward
rapidly. German gunfire, which continued during the day, was especially
intense in the territory between Schaopbaillie and Poelcappelle north of
the scene of the previous day's fighting. Here the Germans gained a
small advantage: the British were shelled from two outposts in fortified
farms.
On the French front artillery battles and local engagements were
continued during October 30-31, 1917. North of the Aisne the guns
thundered on the whole sector between Vauxaillon and Pinon, and along
the new French positions in the region of Froidmont. German detachments,
which attempted to storm French posts north of the Loivre and to the
northwest of Rheims, were driven off with heavy losses. A surprise
attack in the Argonne, in the region of Boureuilles, was defeated by the
French after a sharp engagement in which the Germans were severely
punished.
Since assuming the offensive on October 23, 1917, the French had
captured over 12,000 prisoners, of whom 237 were officers. Large
quantities of war material were also taken, including 180 cannon.
CHAPTER V
GERMAN RETREAT FROM CHEMIN-DES-DAMES--THE BRITISH ADVANCE TOWARD CAMBRAI
French victories resulted in the retreat of the Germans from the
Chemin-des-Dames. It began during the night of November 1, 1917, and
continued the day following. The stupendous efforts made by them to hold
this important rampart had cost thousands of lives and had been in vain.
They were forced to retire along a fifteen-mile front to the Ailette
River, the prelude, perhaps, to the fall of Laon and La Fère.
The Germans had been in control of the Chemin-des-Dames since September,
1914, when Joffre turned back the Teuton armies in the Battle of the
Marne. Since then they had clung desperately to this ridge, which
dominates the valley of the Aisne and the Ailette Valley. The German
Crown Prince lost the best elements of his armies and the best part of
their effectives in the fighting here in October, 1917. Enfiladed day
and night by French guns it was impossible for the Germans to keep their
front lines supplied with food and ammunition, for the carriers had to
pass through a storm of fire in crossing the valley of Ailette, where
they were constantly under observation from the French positions. It was
in anticipation of a new offensive that the Germans decided to retire
from a position that had become untenable.
Possession of the Chemin-des-Dames greatly strengthened the French lines
in the Aisne sector, giving them control of the St. Gobain region
northwest of the highway. St. Gobain is between Laon and La Fère and
dominates both those points.
On November 2, 1917, the French forces organized the new ground
conquered from the Oise Canal to Corbeny. Lively artillery actions were
continued in the different sectors of the Chemin-des-Dames. In the
course of the night the French made progress between these two points
and reached the south bank of the Ailette River, over the entire front.
The Germans retired to the north bank of the stream, destroying bridges
and footbridges on the way.
The French had received timely warning of the retreat, and an hour after
it began swarmed down along the whole front in pursuit. It was evident
that the Germans had determined hurriedly to abandon the ridge, for the
first French troops to reach the positions found tins containing soup
that was still hot. The advance was made slowly and cautiously, for it
was well known that the Germans left dangerous traps behind them when
forced to retire. In Cerny village a German helmet was found fixed to a
pole so arranged that when it was lifted off it would cause the
explosion of a mine. The Germans had passed out of sight, but they were
still heard from, their guns being constantly active shelling the
abandoned positions.
The French discovered trenches and dugouts and two large tunnels almost
intact owing perhaps to the fact that the Germans feared to destroy them
lest the explosions would give the alarm. The result was that the
victors had little work to do in preparing defenses, and began their
tenancy under good cover.
No important actions were fought on the British front in France during
the first days of November, 1917. There was fierce shelling day and
night on both sides across Passchendaele Ridge.
On November 6, 1917, the indomitable Canadians began a daring drive that
resulted in the capture of Passchendaele village northeast of Ypres, a
key position dominating the plain of Roulers. After taking the place
they pushed forward and occupied positions 800 yards farther on. The
German defense was far weaker than the men from overseas anticipated,
nor did the enemy launch a counterattack immediately after the town was
captured. This failure to counterattack was afterward explained by one
of the two German battalion commanders, who were made prisoners with
their staffs when Passchendaele fell. This officer commanded a reserve
battalion brought up for the express purpose of counterattacking. He had
gone with his staff to consult with the battalion chief commanding in
the village, and when both commanders were captured their troops were
left without a responsible head. The reserve battalion waited in a state
of indecision for the officer's return and never ventured forward, thus
giving the Canadians time to consolidate their gains. From the village
it was possible to look far over occupied Belgium, and the possibilities
for artillery work from this position were wide. Its loss threatened the
retention by the Germans of their defenses for many miles.
In the course of the drive the Canadians took 400 prisoners, of whom
twenty-one were officers. The total would have been much higher, but a
number of the enemy were killed by the fire of their own guns when they
were being brought back after the taking of Passchendaele, whether by
accident or design was not learned.
Two days passed, and yet the Germans made no attempt to capture the lost
village, thus giving the Canadians ample time to organize their defenses
and secure a firm grip on the position. The enemy's heavy gunfire had
slackened too, because the Canadians had observation of his old battery
positions, so he relied mainly on lighter guns.
For months little activity had been reported on the upper Alsace sector
of the western front, but on November 7, 1917, the French made an attack
on the German positions at Schoenholz, capturing 121 prisoners including
officers, and large quantities of war material and stores.
Haig's troops began a new push early in the morning of November 10,
1917, northward along Passchendaele Ridge, on a front of one and a half
miles and piercing the German lines for half a mile. It had been raining
most of the night and the storm still continued when the British forces
went forward at 6.05 o'clock in the morning. The Germans immediately
threw a heavy barrage along the front involved, and the advance was
raked by machine-gun fire from numerous strong points. The fighting was
especially intense at several fortified farms strongly held by the
Germans. North of Goeberg there were several concreted positions whose
defenders fought with daring and tenacity. Repeatedly the British
stormed and penetrated these strongholds only to be driven out a little
later by counterattacks, but "dogged does it!" and by 10 o'clock they
had virtually gained all their objectives.
During the morning hours of November 11, 1917, the Germans bombarded
heavily the new British positions, but no counterattack was attempted.
Along the crest of Passchendaele Ridge, north of the village, the
Canadians held their advanced line strongly. On the lower ground, to the
west, the scene of bitter fighting on the previous day, the Germans
counterattacked, and at a few points the British were forced back,
though holding on to some of the newly won positions.
There were many local actions at various points on the French front,
November 10-11, 1917. Surprise attacks were attempted by the Germans
northwest of Rheims and north of Samogneux, which were shattered by the
well-directed French artillery fire. On the front of Chaume Wood, in the
Verdun sector, gun duels continued intermittently day and night.
In the Vosges the Germans after heavy artillery preparation made an
attack on the French trenches at Hartmannsweilerkopf. A violent
engagement developed in which the opponents fought at close quarters and
the bayonet was used freely. It was a short, sharp struggle in which
neither side was disposed to yield, but ultimately the Germans after
gaining a foothold in the French observation line were driven off. On
November 10-11, 1917, the Germans bombarded French advanced posts in the
region of Ramscappelle and Pervyse as well as their trenches at Dixmude.
The French guns replied with so destructive a fire that the enemy
batteries were silenced. Then their "heavies" began a bombardment of
German works at Woumen and positions on the outskirts of Dixmude.
After several days' intense shelling of British positions around
Passchendaele the Germans made a determined effort on November 13, 1917,
to recover the lost ground. They massed strong bodies of troops in the
neighborhood of Westroosebeke, advancing from the cross roads north of
Passchendaele under the protection of a violent barrage. The British
were not caught napping and their gunners concentrated a destructive
fire on the German assembly places and approaches. The first waves of
the German advance were shattered by streams of bullets, and only small
bodies struggled through the devastating fire to the British trenches,
where after sharp fighting they were driven back.
Another section of the dominating Passchendaele Ridge was wrested by
Haig's troops from the Germans during the night of November 16-17, 1917.
The credit for this advance was due to the Highland, Berkshire, and
Lancashire troops, who in the darkness left their shell holes and pushed
forward over ground that was swept by machine-gun fire. The Germans were
evidently taken by surprise, or were cowed by the impetuous dash of the
British troops, for they did not attempt a strong defense. The struggle
developed to the north of the ruins of Passchendaele village, and the
British were easy winners. A heavily fortified redoubt known as Vocation
Farm gave the attackers some trouble, but it was captured along with
other strong points in the neighborhood. The Germans did not attempt an
immediate counterattack, but increased their artillery fire on the
sector.
On the following day the Germans made a strong raid on British lines in
Flanders in the neighborhood of Guillemont Farm. At some points they
were successful in piercing defenses, but the British counterattacked
across the open, and after a short, sharp struggle, repulsed the
invaders and took a number of prisoners. In the night of November 17-18,
1917, Lancashire and Highland troops made a successful raid on enemy
trenches in the neighborhood of Monchy-le-Preux, where they killed or
captured many Germans and escaped with light casualties before reserves
could arrive.
These minor local actions were the prelude to a powerful offensive which
Field Marshal Haig was preparing, one of the greatest operations of the
war, and which broke the famous Hindenburg line. The attack was launched
on November 20, 1917, and was a complete surprise to the Germans as it
had not been preceded by any artillery preparations. The operation was
carried out by the third army under General Sir Julian Byng, the advance
being made along a thirty-two-mile front between St. Quentin and the
Scarpe River. German defenses were penetrated for a distance of five
miles at the deepest point, extending to the village of Cantaing, which
lies less than three miles to the southwest of Cambrai.
As a substitute for the usual artillery preparation the British had
secretly assembled a large number of tanks, which were sent forward
under a screen of smoke, and broke down the German barbed-wire
entanglements, opening the way for the infantry to make their forward
rushes. The British troops were in high spirits, shouting and cheering
as they pushed forward in the wake of the lumbering machines.
As the tanks rolled on, showering machine-gun bullets before them, the
British guns in the rear sent hurricanes of shells screaming over the
Hindenburg line. The surprise of the attack seemed to have dazed and
bewildered the Germans; many of them hid in their dugouts and tunnels
and then surrendered. The braver element got their machine guns in
action or used their rifles to snipe the British.
The German artillery fire was feeble, their gun positions being
smothered beneath the deluge of British shells. There were comparatively
few batteries, and their infantry gained little help from them. It was
well known to the British that they had removed many of their guns from
this sector in the past few days, as this part of the battle line was
considered "quiet."
During the night preceding the attack the British had massed large
bodies of cavalry very close to the enemy lines, ready for a sweeping
drive when the tanks had broken down the wire defenses. In hollows near
the German lines were thousands of cavalry horses with their horse
artillery limbered up ready for the dash forward. After the tanks had
made clear the way to advance the cavalry sprang forward through the
rain and mist. One squadron rode down a battery of German guns, and
other bodies swept around machine-gun emplacements and through villages
and captured many prisoners.
It was 6.20 in the morning when the tanks first pushed forward to break
down the wire entanglements and clear the way for the advance of the
British infantry. An hour later the troops were rushing through the gaps
made in the German defenses. At 7.47 British troops operating west of
Havrincourt had forced their way up and over the elevation known as
Mount Vesuvius. It was fortunate that the movement was carried out with
dispatch, for a few minutes later the knoll, which had been mined, was
blown up by the Germans. Havrincourt was captured in less than an hour,
the Germans evacuating the place in such haste that they had not time to
inflict any serious damage. The West Riding Territorials, who captured
Havrincourt, also occupied enemy trench systems to the north of the
village, while Ulster battalions, covering their left flank, pressed on
northward up the west bank of the Canal du Nord. La Vacquerie and the
strong defenses known as Welsh Ridge were won by English rifle regiments
and light infantry. In the course of the advance east, County troops
took the hamlet of Bonavis and Laffaux Wood after a bitter struggle that
resulted in heavy casualties to the Germans.
Later in the morning the British troops extended the advance at all
points. Crossings were effected of the canal at Masnières and English,
Scottish, Irish, and Welsh battalions fought together in the capture of
Marcoing and Neuf Wood. East of the Canal du Nord the West Riding troops
that took Havrincourt made important progress. They stormed and captured
the villages of Graincourt and Anneux. In conjunction with Ulster men
operating west of the canal they carried the whole German line northward
to the Bapaume-Cambrai road.
Important points of the Hindenburg line were penetrated east of Epihy by
the West Lancashire Territorials, while Irish troops won important
sections of the line between Bullecourt and Fontaine-les-Croisilles.
In the morning of the second day of the advance the British were within
three miles of Cambrai. After breaking through the German's last defense
line at Anneux and Cantaing, British tanks, cavalry, and infantry were
operating along a line running from west of Cambrai to the south of that
town. On the left, in the region of Bullecourt, the German line had been
pushed back, widening the salient which the British drove into enemy
territory south and southwest of Cambrai. In the attack around
Bullecourt the British took 700 prisoners.
The Germans had now recovered their fighting spirit, which suffered a
decline during the first stages of the British advance, and everywhere
opposed a stiff resistance. At Noyelles, Rumilly, and Bullecourt they
made desperate counterattacks during the night, but were unable to
overcome British resistance.
In the two days' fighting the British had captured more than 9,000
prisoners.
There was heavy fighting during the morning of November 22, 1917, near
Bourlon Wood, Fontaine Wood, and the village of Fontaine Notre Dame east
of it, less than three miles from Cambrai. When the British captured the
last place named, they were able to release more than a hundred civilian
prisoners, who hailed their rescuers with cheers and many wept for joy.
At Masnières the same scene was enacted, where some hundreds of
civilians were freed from the odious rule of their German oppressors.
They had been kept from starving almost entirely by the American Relief
Committee, and after America entered the war by the Spanish-Dutch
Committee. The men had been forced by the Germans to work long hours in
the fields and workshops, and the women had to sweep the roads, wash the
soldiers' dirty linen, and scrub their quarters.
"For three years we lived in a nightmare," said the Mayor of Masnières,
"and now we seem to be in a dream too good to be true!" One man had been
living for three years in the cellar of his own house, where German
officers were billeted, being fed by his wife out of the extra ration
given to the baby born since the war began. Every week the house was
searched and husband and wife would have been punished with death if the
man had been found.
In the morning of November 23, 1917, the British drove back the Germans
from an elevation known as Tadpole Copse west of Moeuvres, commanding a
large section of the Canal du Nord, which runs east of that place and
the village itself, still in German hands. At Fontaine Notre Dame, west
of Cambrai, where the British had been pushed back, the fighting was
renewed. In the eastern part of Crevecoeur village the Germans had
concentrated an intense machine-gun fire against the British in the
western outskirts.
Heavy fighting continued throughout the day of November 23, 1917, at
Bourlon Wood, and around Fontaine. The British held a line on the low
ground about the southern edge of the wood, and from these positions had
to charge up the slopes under the fire of many machine guns.
Assisted by the tanks the British infantry made a strong forward push,
and hand-to-hand fighting ensued as soon as they had entered the forest.
Every foot of the advance was fiercely contested, but the "men of the
bulldog breed" were out to win, and by early afternoon had driven their
way through half the wood. Later in the day they gained more ground,
occupying a line through the center of the wood to the northwest of
Fontaine. In hand-to-hand combats the Germans were slowly forced back
toward the northern edge of the forest. A determined counterattack from
the north was made by the Germans in an effort to oust the British, but
they held firm. While this bloody struggle was going on in and around
the wood Fontaine village, which the Germans held strongly, was the
scene of fierce fighting. The place was heavily fortified, and the
Germans with rifles and machine guns fired from the roofs and windows of
the houses. Later in the afternoon the British tanks took a hand in the
fighting here, but at the close of the day (November 23) the Germans
were still in possession of the place, though sorely depleted in
numbers.
The fighting was continued in the neighborhood of Bourlon during
November 24-25, 1917, with varying fortunes to those engaged. The
Germans about noon on the 25th succeeded in driving the British from
the greater part of the village. In Bourlon Wood, where the British held
strong points on the high ground, the Germans, though repeatedly
attacking, failed to make any progress.
In the five days that had passed since the British began the offensive
on November 20, 1917, they had captured 9,774 prisoners, including 182
officers.
The Hindenburg support line west of Moeuvres was attacked by British
troops, some from London, during the night of November 25, 1917. The
fighting that developed was close and sanguinary, the losses on both
sides being considerable, but the British believed they had not paid too
dearly for the 2,000 yards of support trenches which they won on this
bitterly contested field.
At Bourlon Wood and Bourlon village the fighting still continued in one
of the most bitterly contested and sanguinary struggles that had been
fought up to that time on the British front in France. Bourlon Wood, to
which the British clung so tenaciously, was of special value to the
Germans if they were to hold their positions farther north, and for that
reason they were making extraordinary efforts to regain that elevation.
The British had established many guns in good working positions and were
prepared to defend it.
Fighting was continued on the southern edge of Bourlon village in the
night of November 26, 1917. The British broke the German line at one
point and brought back a body of English troops that had been isolated
for some time in the southern part of the hamlet. Having rescued their
fellow soldiers they made no attempt to remain in the village, but
dashed back through the gap they had made in the German lines.
At about 10 o'clock at night on the same date the Germans in a
counterattack struck hard against British positions on the northeast
corner of Bourlon Wood, but were driven back so decisively that they
made no further attempts to recover the lost ground. The British
artillery continued to pound the German lines effectively during the
night, but no other infantry action was attempted by either side.
The villages of Fontaine Notre Dame and Bourlon continued to be the
storm centers on the battle front. They were constantly deluged with
shells by both sides, and attacks were made from time to time in which
now the British and now the Germans gained some slight advantage. From
their positions in Bourlon Wood the British were shelling Cambrai three
and a half miles away.
On November 28, 1917, the British won a section of the ridge between
Bourlon Wood and Moeuvres in the face of a heavy barrage and intense
machine-gun fire from the direction of Bourlon village.
In the morning of the following day, under cover of a furious artillery
fire, the Germans delivered an attack in force on the British positions
between Bourlon Wood and Moeuvres on the west. In the first dash the
Germans swept over the crest of the ridge west of the wood and as far as
the vicinity of the Bapaume-Cambrai road north of Graincourt.
After the first shock of the assault the British organized a
counterattack and fell upon the advancing Germans with such fury that
the advance was checked. Fighting still continued, however, throughout
the day in this region with varying fortunes to the combatants.
The Germans had been concentrating their heaviest guns in this area to
replace those that had been captured by General Byng, and were using gas
shells on a lavish scale.
In the morning of November 30, 1917, the Germans started an important
offensive movement with the fixed purpose of driving the British from
the territory they had won in the previous week. Two great attacks were
made early in the day, one extending from Moeuvres to Bourlon Wood, the
other along a 1,200 yard front southwest of Cambrai, between Vendhuile
and Crevecoeur.
The Germans employed strong forces, and were efficiently supported by
newly concentrated guns that had been brought forward for the purpose.
Over the ridge between Moeuvres and Bourlon Wood the Germans poured in
dense masses, coming under fire of the British artillery as they swept
down the slope toward the Bapaume-Cambrai road. The Germans advanced in
such close formation that they fell by the score under the intense fire
from British rifles and machine guns. But where one fell a dozen seemed
to rise up and take his place, and the hordes moved resistlessly forward
like a tidal wave. British infantrymen were thrown into the battle line
for a counterattack and a murderous struggle developed, but the Germans
were too strong, nothing could hold them back as they pushed
relentlessly on, and the rush was only checked when they reached a point
in the vicinity of the Bapaume-Cambrai highway northwest of Graincourt.
Regardless of their heavy losses the Germans continued to pour over the
ridge all day long in waves of massed formation, offering a splendid
target for the British guns. Their ranks were torn and shattered in that
storm of fiery hail, but there was hardly a pause in the advance and
their numbers never seemed to diminish. Late in the day the British in
counterattacks gained ground at some points, but the honors rested with
the Germans, who by costly sacrifice of men won important defenses and
advanced their lines. Around Bourlon Wood the British held firmly and
the Germans, wearied at last of the slaughter that had decimated their
ranks, gave up attacking for the day.
In the south the Germans began the attack with a force of ten divisions;
six of them were on the front line. It was planned to make two turning
movements on either side of the line, which were to converge toward a
common point. German infantry supported by cavalry at the northern end
of the line delivered an assault across the canal from Crevecoeur toward
Masnières. They succeeded in forcing their way into the suburbs of the
last-named place, but were driven out before they could establish
positions.
Farther to the south the Germans won important victories, when they
broke through the British front, south of Villers-Guislain, and by an
adroit turning movement to the north, surrounded Gauche Wood,
Gouzeaucourt, Gonnelieu and La Vacquerie. In this operation the Germans
advanced their lines at one point about 4,000 yards. This was at
Gouzeaucourt, which they entered about 10 o'clock in the morning, and
where fighting of the most violent description continued until the
middle of the afternoon. The British had received reenforcements, but
they were still heavily outnumbered. The fighting was at close quarters,
a merciless hand-to-hand struggle that continued for hours without
pause. The British troops, fearing the loss of their dearly bought
ground, fought with desperation and about 3 in the afternoon succeeded
in pushing the Germans out of the village and reoccupied it.
East of Gouzeaucourt the Germans occupied a ridge with strong forces.
During the day the British repeatedly attacked, and finally forced them
to withdraw from the height to the lower ground, and occupying the
position, and also Gauche Wood, pushed on to the western edge of
Gonnelieu.
The German line in the morning of December 1, 1917, was just west of
Villers-Guislain, marking an advance of about 3,000 yards at the
greatest depth. Other less important advances were won in the north and
at Gonnelieu, and while the British regretted the loss of valuable
territory, there was nothing in the situation to cause them uneasiness.
There had been crucial periods in the fighting of the previous day, when
it seemed that the Germans would win an overwhelming victory, and all
the territory gained during General Byng's advance would be recovered,
but British determination and dogged perseverance and unconquerable
spirit prevailed, and the most ambitious plans of the enemy were
frustrated.
Heavy losses had been sustained by both sides. The German attacks, made
in massed formation, had caused a formidable death roll. They claimed to
have taken 400 British prisoners.
CHAPTER VI
GERMANS GAIN IN THE CAMBRAI AREA--COLD WEATHER HALTS IMPORTANT
OPERATIONS
All day long the waves of battle rolled around Masnières on December 1,
1917. The Germans made nine strong attacks, all of which were repulsed.
It was declared by eyewitnesses that the British destroyed more Germans
during the fight here between dawn and dark than in any similar period
since the beginning of the war. From the first German assault there was
no pause in the struggle.
Late in the day south and east of Masnières the German guns heavily
bombarded the town. The British line formed a sharp salient around the
place, which made the position difficult to hold, as it was dominated by
the high ground held by the Germans. It was therefore decided by the
British command to withdraw to the southeastern outskirts of the town
and there establish the line to the great benefit of the entire front.
Gonnelieu, which the British captured during the day, though the Germans
still clung to portions of the ruins, was completely "cleaned up" during
the night, about 300 prisoners being taken here. After the recapture of
Gauche Wood the British continued to push on up to the higher ground
southwest of the wood. During the assault on Gauche Wood one British
tank captured fifteen machine guns from the enemy.
December 2, 1917, the Germans continued their terrific attacks on the
British front south and southwest of Cambrai. With a mighty
concentration of artillery, and employing great forces of infantry, they
tried to pierce the British defenses in the Gonnelieu sector, but
General Byng's army had been strongly reenforced and held fast.
The battle began along a front that extended from La Vacquerie southward
to Vendhuile. The Germans attacked British positions at La Vacquerie at
8:45 in the morning, and penetrated the village, but only won temporary
foothold, when they were forced out. As the day wore on the fighting
spread northward toward Masnières, which the British had evacuated on
the previous day. During the night the town was an uncomfortable place
to hold, as the British continued to deluge it with shells and the
Germans were forced to find refuge in tunnels and dugouts. Southwest of
Bourlon village General Byng's troops won back a trench system that the
Germans had captured during the push of November 30, 1917. Bourlon Wood
was again in possession of the British, though a few Germans still clung
to some points on the outskirts. South of Marcoing the Germans
continued their powerful attacks on the British lines, but were unable
to cut through the defenses.
[Illustration: The battle of Cambrai.]
Under cover of the darkness the British withdrew from the salient about
Bourlon Wood during the night of December 4-5, 1917, to a prepared line
which would be stronger and easier to hold. Not until some hours had
passed did the Germans discover the retirement, when they swarmed into
the vacant territory and dug themselves in. Bourlon Wood had been
generally stripped of troops; only a rear guard being left when the
British retired, and they were later withdrawn. The Germans continued,
however, to bombard the wood, showing that they were all in the dark
concerning British movements.
The devastated area which the British had abandoned, and which included
the mined towns of Graincourt, Anneux, Cantaing, Noyelles, Marcoing, and
Masnières, was gradually occupied by the Germans. They had no easy task
before them, for the British guns dominated this desert with tons of
explosives, and hundreds of shells were hurled into their advanced ranks
as they went forward to prospect for desirable positions for defense.
Meanwhile the British army had found exceptional quarters in the
captured Hindenburg trenches with their wonderful dugouts and network of
front-line and communication trenches, all ready for occupancy.
There was continued fighting during the 6th between advanced patrols of
British and Germans. North of La Vacquerie Ulster troops won some
important defenses that strengthened the British line.
Artillery duels and sporadic raids were the only military events in this
fighting area during the several succeeding days. The British
anticipated that this lull would be followed by renewed fighting, for it
was known that the Germans had been bringing forward strong
reenforcements, probably from the Russian front.
The German offensive began on December 12, 1917, but was far from being
as formidable as the British feared. The first attack was made at dawn
against an elbow in the bend of the British line between Bullecourt and
Queant, about ten miles west of Cambrai. The Germans were in strong
force, the troops, principally from Bavaria, advancing in waves and
close formation, and by sheer weight of numbers won about 500 yards of
front-line trenches before they could be checked. Other attacks were
made from the east, and the third south of Riencourt, both of which were
shattered by British rifle and machine-gun fire.
The Germans were evidently trying to discover weak spots in the British
lines by a process of testing, for on December 14, 1917, they made an
assault on the Ypres front in Flanders. The stroke was delivered on a
front of about 300 yards southeast of Polygon Wood, against British
positions near Polderhoek Château. They won a section of front-line
trench, but were repulsed at all other points of attack.
East of Bullecourt, in the Cambrai area, German gunfire had increased in
violence. During the night the British engaged in bomb fighting that was
highly successful, and enabled them to improve their lines. North of
Bullecourt in the afternoon of December 15, 1917, the British carried
out a successful raid in which a number of prisoners were captured and
enemy dugouts and defenses were destroyed.
Snow began to fall during the night on this date, and by morning the
countryside was deeply covered, and the ugly scars of battle hidden from
sight. The snow lay in heavy drifts on the roads and fields. No military
operation was possible, and even the sinister-looking guns were silent.
This white truce was appreciated by the British as it must have been by
the soldiers of the kaiser, for both armies had been under a severe
strain since General Byng's advance on Cambrai, November 20, 1917.
It was estimated by conservative military observers that the German
strength on the Franco-British front at this time was 154 divisions, one
less than the great force amassed here in the previous July, when the
German military effort against France was at its maximum.
During these momentous days on the British battle front the French had
been nibbling away at the German positions around Verdun and along the
Aisne and Meuse Rivers. The capture of the entire line of lights through
which runs the famous Chemin-des-Dames had given them command of the
strongest positions in that region. The Germans, forced to retire across
the Ailette and to abandon the whole valley to the French, were so
situated that it would be taking a gambler's chance to attempt an
offensive on a large scale. Nor was a direct attack on Verdun probable,
for they had lost all their gains on both sides of the Meuse, while
every point of vantage in this sector was in possession of the soldiers
of the Republic.
The Champagne front between Rheims and Verdun offered the most favorable
field for the Germans to deliver a hard blow. By a strong offensive the
French positions to the east, in the Argonne Forest, might be turned,
compelling the French to draw their lines back; converting into a
narrow-necked wedge the Verdun lines, which would be hemmed in on nearly
every side.
On the Alsace and Lorraine fronts there was little to fear of any strong
action on the part of the Germans, as every movement must be made
through narrow passes, conditions that rendered large operations
impossible.
Meanwhile the Germans were evidently testing the French fronts for a
weak spot where they might strike a shrewd blow. Around Verdun and
farther east the German guns thundered unceasingly, and German trench
raids were of daily and nightly occurrence throughout the month of
December. For "a worn-out army," as the French troops had been called by
their enemies, they fought with astonishing spirit. The Germans made
slight gains from time to time, but they were unable to retain them.
On the Cambrai front the fighting was confined to raids and minor
actions of slight importance. On December 30, 1917, the Germans made
strong local attacks on a front of over two miles against the British
position on the spur known as Welsh Ridge south of Cambrai. The
attackers were forced back in the center, but on the right, toward the
north of La Vacquerie, and on the left to the south of Marcoing, they
penetrated and occupied two small salients in the British lines. In the
morning of the following day, after a short but heavy bombardment, the
Germans renewed their attack against Welsh Ridge on a front of about
1,200 yards south of Marcoing. The southern portion was assaulted by
strong forces, and assisted by liquid fire they succeeded in gaining a
foothold in one of the British trenches. The gain was only temporary,
for the British quickly rallied, and in a fierce counterattack drove out
the invaders and reoccupied the entire trench system.
German artillery thundered unceasingly throughout the day on January 1,
1918, near La Vacquerie on the Cambrai front, and in the Lens,
Armentières and Ypres sectors. In the evening, under cover of a heavy
bombardment, three bodies of German troops attempted to raid British
positions in the vicinity of Méricourt southeast of Lens. The assaulting
troops came under the concentrated fire of the British artillery and
were hurled back with heavy losses before they could reach their
objectives. In no-man's-land these disorganized Germans ran into a
British patrol, and again lost heavily, very few escaping from the
field.
The British front was now in the icy grip of winter. Snow-drifts made
the roads impassable for motor cars. The Germans, however, were not
deterred by unfavorable weather conditions from making sporadic raids on
British positions. On January 5, 1918, they had some success at
Bullecourt, where they captured a British advance post--a dearly bought
operation that cost them a heavy toll in casualties. In the afternoon
the British came back in force, and, after a tense, close struggle,
drove out the Germans and reoccupied the position.
On the French front, where a blizzard had been raging and the heaviest
snowstorm in years made military operations on any large scale
impossible, the Germans continued to be active, and the French were kept
busy defending their costly won positions.
On January 8, 1918, French troops carried out an extensive and
successful raid which was intrusted to foreign legionaries and
sharpshooters. The attack was delivered along a front of a mile and to a
depth of half a mile in front of Flirey and westward toward St. Mihiel.
The French completely cleaned out the German defenses, capturing 178
men and officers and numbers of machine guns and trench mortars. The
Germans were so completely taken by surprise that their artillery did
not get into action until the French had finished the job. The attack
was carried out with such dispatch and in so thorough a manner that the
French suffered not more than a dozen casualties, while the German dead
lay thick about the field and the snow was streaked with ominous stains.
On the same date (January 8) the spell of silence which had brooded for
some days on the British front was broken by a hostile attack made by
the Germans east of Bullecourt.
In the early dawn the British lines were bombarded with high explosives
and gas, and about 6.35 three parties of Bavarian troops, who had been
lying concealed during the night in no-man's-land, made a quick rush for
the British defenses. The front line attacked had been weakened by the
recent withdrawal of troops, as an enemy attack was not expected in a
sector considered "quiet."
Two of the parties of Bavarians carried flame throwers of the most
approved type, which darted a jet of fire thirty feet, and literally
wiped out with a touch a man's life. This engine of destruction had a
terrifying effect on troops who saw it in operation for the first time,
but the British soldiers defending the trenches at Bullecourt were
seasoned fighters and well acquainted with every type of German
frightfulness.
The Bavarians in this attack succeeded in penetrating the British line
and proceeded to make themselves at home in the position and to
strengthen the defenses. A swift counterattack delivered by the British
killed a number of them, but the others continued to hold on through the
early morning hours. Shortly before noon the snow began to fall heavily,
making observation difficult. Through the storm swept a body of British
troops to assault for a second time. The Bavarians were taken by
surprise and driven out of the position, leaving a score of prisoners
and a number of wounded in British hands. Such minor operations and
small raids made on both sides were the only interruptions of the quiet
that prevailed on the entire front where General Winter ruled. The
troops, who were enduring every discomfort in their snow-bound trenches,
longed eagerly for clearing weather, when they might find release from
deadly inaction.
The British were better off than the Germans, since they had won the
ridges on the front. They could keep dry, while the kaiser's troops
occupied trenches that were often in a fearful condition owing to lack
of natural drainage, which in bad weather transformed them into bogs.
The British took prisoners in dugouts that were filled with water. The
miserable occupants of these holes seemed to be glad enough to fall into
the hands of their enemy.
In these days there was considerable relaxation in the iron discipline
of the German army--on the British front at least. It was learned that
their officers were cautious about punishing the troops too severely
even for grave offenses against discipline. Deserters were not shot, but
sent back to Germany, where it was said the prisons were full of such
offenders. To escape service in the front-line trenches the soldiers
shammed gas-poisoning and resorted to other devices to avoid duty.
On the French front during these dreary winter days the Germans
continued their raiding attacks in Chaume Wood in the Verdun sector, and
at other points, in which every weapon of "frightfulness," including
lavish use of liquid fire, was employed. But the French troops defeated
every effort made by the enemy to oust them from the important positions
that had been won by costly sacrifices. These futile assaults served to
keep up their fighting spirit, which otherwise might have gone down with
the mercury.
During the night of January 13, 1918, Canadian troops attacked the
German trenches to the north of Lens. The Germans offered only a feeble
resistance, and after damaging the defenses the Canadians withdrew,
bringing with them a number of prisoners. The adventure was a success,
and almost unique in its way, because the raiders had not lost a man or
suffered a single casualty.
On January 13-14, 1918, during the night and the day following, the guns
of the French and Germans were active at various points along the
Champagne front and on the right bank of the Meuse. In the region north
of Louvemont the Germans had concentrated for attack, when they came
under fire of the French guns and were dispersed. This discouraged any
further attempts of the enemy to launch an infantry action that day.
On the Alsatian front, between the Thur and Doller Rivers, an artillery
duel was fought all day on January 15, 1918. In the region of
Badonviller the French carried out a successful raid that led to the
capture of forty prisoners including some officers.
During these days peace reigned in a military sense on the British front
in France and Flanders. There was generally, however, enough going on to
keep up interest among the soldiers, even if they were not called on to
do any hard fighting.
German batteries in a fitful way continued to rain a deadly fire around
the outer edge of the Ypres salient from Passchendaele downward, and
scattered shells lavishly among the back areas across the Menin road and
the old fighting grounds of Monchy and Fampoux. The British troops
holding defenses in the suburbs of Lens, Bullecourt, and Havrincourt
were not spared by these destructive visitants.
The British certainly did their part in keeping the Germans at
attention, doing counterbattery work with the aid of aeroplanes whenever
there was an hour or two of visibility, showering tons of bombs and
explosives on German working parties, trenches, and roads.
Notwithstanding the boggy condition of the ground, when it was not deep
with snow, a rumor arose, though it was impossible to trace the source,
that the Germans contemplated a great offensive. They possessed
inventive skill and perhaps they would find means to get their cannon
through the swamps of no-man's-land and the roads where heavy guns would
sink wheel deep.
During the night of January 21, 1918, British aviators raided towns in
the occupied parts of Belgium and German Lorraine. Two tons of bombs
were dropped on the steelworks at Thionville, on railway sidings at
Bernstorf, thirty miles south of Metz, and on the Arneville railway
junction.
There was considerable activity on the French front on this date when
German lines west of the Navrain Farm in the Champagne were successfully
raided. The French cut through the enemy defense as far as the third
parallel, and after destroying a trench brought away a goodly number of
dispirited and bedraggled prisoners.
In Belgium during the day there was violent gunfire in the Nieuport
sector. To the east of that place the Germans after a heavy bombardment
made a dashing attack and succeeded in penetrating the French first-line
trenches. They had hardly gained a foothold when the French rushed a
counterattack and drove out the intruders, who fled to their own lines
after losing a considerable number in wounded and prisoners.
On the right bank of the Meuse the artillery on both sides was active
during January 23, 1918, around that much-fought-over sector, Hill 344,
and the front of Chaume Wood. Following up an intense bombardment, the
Germans tried to penetrate the wood, but were scattered by the French
artillery fire.
On the 25th a strong assault was delivered on the French positions west
of St. Gobain Forest. The enemy struck in at the western edge, and at
one time seemed to be in a fair way to succeed, for the attack lacked
neither daring nor persistence, but the French guns, whose fire had been
withheld for a time that the Germans might advance near enough to
present a better target, now poured out such death-dealing volleys that
the attackers were halted and then fled back to their lines in disorder,
leaving many dead on the field.
French aviators were busy on this date as long as there was visibility.
Four German machines were brought down in aerial combats. Enemy defenses
were successfully bombed, and tons of explosives were dropped on German
establishments. Much damage was wrought to the railway stations at
Thionville, and on Freiburg in Breisgau, the aniline works at
Ludwigshafen and the cantonments in the Longuyon region.
Owing to the military collapse of Russia Germany was enabled to transfer
thirty-eight or forty divisions from east to west, which meant that the
French and British had now facing them at least 3,000,000 enemy troops.
A great German offensive was in preparation on a vaster scale than any
before attempted, having for its main object the capture of Paris or
Calais. The Allied command expected the threatened drive might begin
early in February, and had made their plans accordingly. Confident in
their strength, they waited eagerly the great battle that might end the
war.
PART II--THE UNITED STATES AS A BELLIGERENT
CHAPTER VII
THE NEW ALLY IN COUNCIL
The weight of America's participation in the war did not begin to be
felt until the autumn of 1917, when the aftermath of the Russian
collapse, followed by the Italian disasters, made the Allies turn with
more and more reliance to the new belligerent. Not alone in men, money,
ships, and munitions did the Allies look for American aid, but for
business counsel and administrative efficiency. The war had not been
well conducted. Lloyd George frankly said so. The American mind was
needed at the Allied conferences to contribute its share in remedying
the defects of a division of command, from which had flowed a succession
of costly errors. Hence the United States, being in the war to join
hands with a unified Allied command, not to act independently, became an
influential factor at the war parleys.
The presence of American representatives for the first time at an Allied
war conference in Paris, which took place in November, 1917, was greeted
in belligerent Europe as an event of deep significance. The United
States since its belligerency had not shared in the Allied
deliberations; but the need of unity--a single front, a single army, a
single nation, as the French Premier, M. Painlevé, defined it--made its
representation imperative. The delegation, which was headed by Colonel
Edward M. House, and included Admiral Benson and General Bliss, set out
on an avowed war mission while peace balloons floated in the air. As the
President's reputed bosom confidant, who had been to Europe before on
supposed peace missions, Colonel House was credited with bearing
instructions to look over the ground for practicable peace formulas. His
presence among the American representatives made this impression so
general that the State Department had to deny that he was a Wilson peace
envoy. He was heading a war mission pure and simple whose aim was to
weld the United States firmly as a member of the Allied powers.
The purpose of the Allied conference was to form a more complete
coordination of the activities of the various nations warring against
Germany. A more comprehensive understanding of their respective needs,
in order that their joint efforts attained the highest war efficiency,
was also sought. A prime factor to this end was to avoid any conflict of
interests among the participants.
"The United States," Secretary Lansing explained, "in the employment of
its man power and material resources desires to use them to the greatest
advantage against Germany. It has been no easy problem to determine how
they can be used most effectively, since the independent presentation of
requirements by the Allied Governments have been more or less
conflicting on account of each Government's appreciation of its own
wants, which are naturally given greater importance than the wants of
other governments.
"Though the resources of this country are vast and though there is every
purpose to devote them all, if need be, to winning the war, they are not
without limit. But even if they were greater they should be used to the
highest advantage in attaining the supreme object for which we are
fighting.
"It is the earnest wish of this Government to employ its military and
naval forces and its resources and energies where they will give the
greatest returns in advancing the common cause."
The American Government accordingly was represented at the conference to
determine how this object could be achieved. Primarily the conferees met
to create in effect a great general staff to direct the energies of the
cobelligerents and so motivate military strategy that entire nations
would act merely as units in the operations. They endeavored to make the
whole fighting forces of the Allies into one mighty war-making machine.
The United States projected as an indispensable bulwark in this scheme
by being practically the treasury and storehouse of the Allies. It had
already poured out money and supplies at their call with lavish hand.
Each had sent a mission to the United States to present its case and
needs. The Government heard them, and the resources of the United States
were freely drawn upon to meet their necessities. Each mission, however,
had confined its requests largely or solely to its own requirements.
Each clamored for men, ships, money, food, munitions, or whatever other
war essential it wanted. A lack of coordinated plans and predetermined
objectives weakened the scope of America's assistance on account of the
scattered and piecemeal methods by which it was obtained. Consequently
the United States, while providing for its own war necessities,
determined that it must have a voice in arbitrating on the further needs
of the Allied nations by weighing them side by side at the war
conference, so that its resources could be distributed among them in
pursuance of a coordinated plan aiming at achieving collective, not
individual, advantage. Germany had pointed the way in showing the
success to be obtained by combined effort. Germany and her three
partners were one. The Allies were many and, so far, had been
disjointed. The entry of the United States became the occasion for
making an endeavor to coalesce the Allies to a closely knit _bloc_ on
the Teutonic method.
Great Britain, momentarily disheartened by the checks the Allied cause
had sustained owing to a division of command and organization, was
braced by the appearance of the American mission at the Allied
conference. Said the London "Times":
"In several points, of late, things have not been going too well for the
Allies, but none of their reverses or disappointments matters if only
the great war power of the United States, military and economic, is
rightly directed to the common end."
"The gain to the Allied cause of the alert American intellect and
American freedom from convention," the "Daily Graphic" said, "should be
of priceless value. Seeing that the guiding principle of the American
delegates is to discover how the resources of their country can give the
greatest results in bringing about the defeat of Germany, the unanimity
of the conference is assured."
"Americans," remarked J. L. Garvin in the London "Observer," "have less
jaded brain cells and more open minds. They are not involved in any past
mistakes or shortcomings. They are uncommitted to any set theory and are
relatively free from local European feelings. Their moral compass, so to
speak, is less exposed to magnetic aberrations and is more likely to
point true. They are in Europe only to win the war in Europe. They want
to get to the bottom of the problem. They will have all conceivable data
for getting to the bottom of it."
The conference found it easier to enunciate a formula than work it out
practically; but at least a beginning was made in forming an
organization to prevent duplication. Leaks of energy were stopped as
well as waste of material. The relations of the Allies one with another
were humanized by personal contact and a good feeling established which
promised a guaranty against future misunderstanding. The envoys of every
nation concerned met with great expectations from America. On that one
subject there was a remarkable unity. All their needs were generously
met, the American resources available being allocated on the basis of
war needs as a whole. But the calls upon the American barrel were so
great that it was tilted at an angle which revealed that it was not like
the purse of Fortunatus.
As to the results of the conference, Colonel House thus reported on his
return to the United States:
"Our mission was a great success. When we left Paris the efforts of all
the Allies were focused. Up to the time of the Allied conferences they
were not focused. They were not working together. They are working
together now, and the promises are that they will continue to do so."
The principal recommendations made by the American delegation were:
"That the United States exert all their influence to secure the entire
unity of effort, military, naval, and economic, between themselves and
the countries associated with them in the war.
"Inasmuch as the successful termination of the war by the United States
and the Allies can be greatly hastened by the extension of the United
States shipping program, that the Government and the people of the
United States bend every effort toward accomplishing this result by
systematic coordination of resources of men and materials.
"That the fighting forces of the United States be dispatched to Europe
with the least possible delay incident to training and equipment."
Much foundation work was accomplished, covering the entire field of the
war organization, diplomatic, naval, military, finance, shipping, war
trade, war industries and food.
An Interallied Naval Council was formed to coordinate the naval forces
of the United States and those of its associates as one. Embraced in
this scheme were plans for a combined prosecution of the naval war
against the German submarines and keeping the American fleet informed of
the operations and policy of the British Admiralty.
In the military field the extent of the operations of the American army
in Europe was determined, after lengthy conference with the chiefs of
the Allied armies on the western front. All military resources of the
Allied belligerents were to be pooled, the contribution of each,
including the United States, being specified. The pooling arrangement,
according to the State Department, guaranteed that full equipment would
be available to all American troops sent to Europe during the year 1918.
The United States was also to participate in the deliberations of a
Supreme War Council which was created. The problem of effecting the
expeditious debarkation of American troops and their transport, with the
needful equipment, to the military bases, called for careful survey, and
new arrangements to that end, as well as for the production of military
instruments and supplies, were made.
Consideration of a vital question, that of shipping tonnage, covered a
study of the loss of vessels since the war began, the estimated output
of new tonnage in 1918, and the framing of a program whereby the
importations of all the Allies were to be restricted in order to release
a maximum amount of tonnage for the transportation of American troops.
The United States plainly was not to be a silent partner in the war. In
every sphere of joint action it was to have a voice and a vote. America
was to be represented at a Supreme War Council to determine the conduct
of military operations, at an Interallied Naval Council, at financial,
shipping, and food councils. All that was to be known of the Allied war
situation the American delegates ascertained. They consulted with the
British Cabinet, the British Admiralty, and with all the Allied
Governments; they interviewed chiefs of staff and commanders in chief,
they inspected the fronts. War preparations in the United States now
proceeded with the fullest cognizance of the conditions they were
designed to meet.
The need of American troops in Europe was more than hinted by the
agreement of the Allies to sacrifice importations so that tonnage could
be available to bring the troops across the Atlantic. "Hurry your men
across," Lord Derby urged. Admiral Sir David Beatty and Sir Auckland
Geddes were convinced that the growing American army was destined to
strike the deciding blow of the war. Germany watched the American
preparations with mingled feelings, which could only find expression in
simulated doubt, derision, and scorn. The projects for raising a huge
army, an armada of transport and freight ships, and a fleet of airships
were ridiculed by her press writers as examples of American bluff and
bluster. Americans thought in exaggerations and talked in superlatives.
The United States could not conduct a war in Europe on any such
unexampled scale. Neither troops nor transports--supposing the latter
could be built, which was doubtful--would reach their destination.
German submarines would interpose. Besides, the United States never
really intended to make more than a demonstration. It was merely making
a flourish. The American army was weak any way and that assured its
futility as a factor in the war. It was no better than Rumania's army
when that country entered the war. "The more noise the Americans make,"
the Cologne "Gazette" concluded, "the less they accomplish." That
journal actually informed its readers that the Liberty Loan was a
failure. Field Marshal von Hindenburg saw no importance in the raising
of an American army, because if it were sent abroad Japan might "show a
sudden inclination to square old accounts with America." The American
call to arms suggested "advertising methods" to him. "The transport
question would offer difficulties not less than supplies," and, of
course, "the German U-boats would be a further obstacle."
The gradual on-coming of the American hosts was otherwise seen by John
St. Loe Strachey, editor of the London "Spectator," who drew this
picture:
"I see America entering upon the field of war as does the shadow in an
eclipse. At first the orb of the moon seems barely touched. There is
only a slight irregularity perceptible on the outline of the sphere, but
gradually the inexorable shadow spreads and spreads till the crisis of
totality is reached; in the words of the Chinese astrologers, the dragon
has eaten the moon.
"What could be more soul-shaking or could bring home the sense of a
force that cannot be denied than the advance of the shadow! Nothing can
hurry it, nothing can delay it, nothing can avert it. The process is
begun; the doom will be accomplished.
"So be it, so it must be, so it will be with America and Germany in
1918."
CHAPTER VIII
ON THE LORRAINE FRONT
The American expeditionary force in France were still in process of
being "broken in" when the war entered upon its fourth year. They
remained well behind the firing lines in their training camp, continuing
their education in trench warfare. The manipulation of the hand grenade,
rifle, bayonet, trench mortar, and machine gun under conditions to which
the British and French had long been inured, and, most irksome and
unpopular task of all, trench digging, formed the order of the day.
Contingents gradually progressed toward the stage closely approximating
real warfare by undergoing the ordeal of "gassing" in order to be equal
to the quick adjustment of masks when gas shells were fired in action.
Other companies found their way behind the British lines to drill their
nerves to withstand scenes of ruin and desolation, the whine of
high-explosive shells, and the rattle of shrapnel. All these
preliminaries were directed toward a modest aim--storming a trench line.
Formerly troops were trained for undertaking rapid marches and
complicated maneuvers. In this war their endurance and fighting spirit
became restricted to a narrow field--that of penetrating enemy lines on
a front of ten kilometers, whose depth did not extend beyond one
kilometer.
The American troops did not take kindly to "digging in." Their officers
found great difficulty in impressing them with the importance of taking
cover. They were like their Canadian brothers-in-arms, of whom it was
said that they would die in the last ditch but never dig it. They were
averse to submitting to the unheroic obligation of learning to fight in
ambush; they clung to primitive ideas of warfare and wanted to spring
upon and charge the enemy in the open. Only bitter losses finally
persuaded the Canadians, French, and Australians that fighting the
Germans from a hole in the ground was the only way of fighting them at
all; but the Americans had yet to pay their toll for yielding to their
natural antipathy to fighting underground. Their zeal for the pick and
shovel, despite the war's terrible object lessons, remained lukewarm.
"It seems a shame to curb the fine fighting spirits of our troops," an
American training officer said; "but they must be made to understand as
far as possible that impetuosity must be subordinated to steadiness.
This has become a time-clock war. The men must advance in given time and
go no further. Every step of infantry advance must first be worked out
with the artillery, and when the plan is arranged it must be strictly
adhered to.
"We realize that it will be difficult to hold our men to this plan. If
they see a battle going on, their favorite impulse will be to push on as
fast as they can, and some are bound to do so, just as the Canadians did
in the earlier stages. We will undoubtedly have big losses in this way,
but the men who come through our first battles will be worth their
weight in gold thereafter. They will learn quickly the value of
steadiness and absolute discipline under fire, and they will be the
steadying influence we can distribute through the newer units of our
great army as they get their final preparation for trial by fire."
More to their taste was the training practice of charging dummy Germans
in specially prepared trenches under the direction of an English
sergeant major. At one camp three short lines of such trenches were
constructed in a dip in the ground, ending at a rise some hundred yards
off, with tin cans on sticks dotting them. The charge was thus
undertaken:
"'Ready, gentlemen,' said the drill sergeant. 'Prepare for trench
bayonet practice by half sections. You're to take these three line of
trenches, lay out every boche in the lot, and then get to cover and fire
six rounds at them 'ere tin 'ats. Don't waste a shot, gentlemen; every
bullet a boche. Now, then, ready! Over the top and give 'em 'ell right
in the stomach! Fritz likes his victuals, but not that sort. Get at
'em!'"
The men ran some ten yards and dug their bayonets savagely into dummy
Germans made of sacks, which swung in the wind, and disappeared in the
first trench. Their rifle butts rose and fell as they lunged desperately
at the supposed foe. Then they reappeared and advanced farther, taking
cover and lying spread-eagled behind a shallow trench, blazing at the
cans, which fell rattling.
After some four months' training in camp, the long-looked-for tidings
that American troops had taken their place beside the fighting forces of
the Allies at length came from General Pershing's headquarters. On
October 27, 1917, the first official announcement of war news from that
source was issued in this form:
"In continuation of their training as a nucleus for instruction later, a
contingent of some battalions of our first contingents, in association
with veteran French battalions, are in the first-line trenches of a
quiet sector on the French front. They are supported by some batteries
of our artillery, in association with veteran French batteries.
"The sector remains normal. Our men have adapted themselves to actual
trench conditions in the most satisfactory manner."
The "quiet sector" was occupied by helmeted infantry of the United
States, without the knowledge of the enemy, by arriving at night through
pouring rain and seas of mud. At six o'clock on the morning of that day,
American artillery, already installed, fired the first American shot of
the war at the German working party and shelled the German positions.
The Germans gave shell for shell. The fusillades continued all day.
During the lull in the firing at dusk the first American machine guns
appeared in a little deserted, shell-wrecked village well within hostile
gun range and a few kilometers from the American trenches. The guns were
hauled by Missouri mules, whose drivers were swathed in ponchos and
helmeted to their eyes. The cavalcade moved in a long, silent line along
a road margining a dark canal, followed by infantry rolling camp
kitchens.
Other infantry followed through the cobble-paved streets. The darkness
hid lines of men with packs on their backs, rifles slung on their
shoulders, rain glistening on their helmets and coats, the wind whipping
their coat skirts round limbs moving with machinelike precision. Only
the tramp of many hobnailed boots disclosed their march through the
village. They safely entered their trenches, unit by unit, and passed
quickly to the places assigned them. The French welcomed them with
ardor. Every American was shaken by the hand, some were hugged, and even
kissed on both cheeks in the French custom. Quietness was essential,
since the German trenches were not far away; but the fervor of the
French troops overcame their precaution. It was too great a day for mute
welcomes. The Americans had arrived!
[Illustration: The American front in France where the first clashes
between Americans and Germans occurred.]
The trenches were found to be muddy but well constructed. The troops
settled down in them, and at daylight, under low-hanging, dripping
clouds, they obtained their first view of the German lines, stretching
away in the rolling terrain. They were in contact with the enemy at
last.
They received their baptism of fire mingled with showers of mud, their
clothes soaked to the skin. American shells fell and exploded in German
territory, and German projectiles broke near the American positions,
sprinkling fragments, but doing no serious damage. They were merely
establishing contact as a prelude to more serious operations. Gunners
and infantrymen alike, the latter in first-line trenches, over which
both American and German shells whizzed, were satisfied, though wet,
feeling that the distinction of being the first Americans to be in
action more than recompensed for weather discomforts.
Their first quarry was a stray German mail carrier who had lost his way
in the dark and was taken prisoner near the American trenches. He
encountered an American patrol in no-man's-land in company with another
German, and was shot while running away after refusing to halt.
While waiting for a real attack sniping engaged the troops' attention,
especially on clear days, when German snipers sought targets. Many
bullets passed singing harmlessly overhead. Their frequency called for
retorts, and a number of infantrymen were detailed to single out the
snipers. Sniping the sniper became part of the preliminaries of settling
down to trench warfare.
The troops realized by these activities, trifling though they were,
that mimic charges and class-room demonstrations of the training camp
were things of the past and that they faced the real foe. The Germans in
fact, were not tardy in impressing them with their new situation. They
discovered that Americans were facing them and set about making a raid.
Berlin announced the result in a brief bulletin on November 3.
"At the Rhine-Marne Canal, as the result of a reconnoitering thrust,
North American soldiers were brought in as prisoners."
The news brought the American people a step nearer to a realization of
the actualities of the great struggle. It also disclosed that the
Americans were established on a section of the front defended by the
German Crown Prince's army and facing Lorraine. The so-called "quiet
sector" stood revealed as the only front through which war could be
carried into the heart of Germany. It lay before the gap in the French
barrier forts, Verdun-Toul and Epinal-Belfort, flanked by the
invulnerable Verdun on the northeast and the French positions in the
Alsatian Vosges on the southeast. A quiet sector it might be, but more
than 40,000 German dead lie buried there, the flower of the army of the
Crown Prince of Bavaria. They fell in a twenty-eight day battle in
August and September, 1914, when five French army corps under General
Castelnau fought seven under the Crown Prince The Germans finally
retired into Lorraine after vainly attempting to cross the Moselle. Both
General Pétain--who attempted an offensive there in 1916, but was
checked from proceeding with it by political high commands--and General
Castelnau were convinced of the vulnerability of this sector as a
roadway into Germany, and prophets were not wanting who saw in the
presence of the Americans there a foretoken that an American army might
essay what the two French Generals had not accomplished. At any rate,
after an unbroken calm of three years, the sector was no longer quiet.
The Germans had scored by drawing first blood. The Berlin press was
riotously gleeful over the event, one journal, the "Lokal-Anzeiger,"
gloating over it in these terms:
"Three cheers for the Americans! Clever chaps they are, it cannot be
denied. Scarcely have they touched the soil of this putrefied Europe
when they already are forcing their way into Germany.
"It is our good fortune that we are equipped to receive and entertain
numerous guests and that we shall be able to provide quarters for these
gentlemen. They will find comfort in the thought that they are rendering
their almighty President, Mr. Wilson, valuable services, inasmuch as it
is asserted he is anxious to obtain reliable information concerning
conditions and sentiments in belligerent countries.
"As Americans are accustomed to travel in luxury and comfort, we assume
that these advance arrivals merely represent couriers for larger numbers
to come. We are sure the latter will come and be gathered in by us. At
home they believe they possess the biggest and most colossal everything,
but such establishments as we have here they have not seen.
"Look here, my boy, here is the big firm of Hindenburg & Co., with which
you want to compete. Look at its accomplishments and consider whether it
would not be better to haul down your sign and engage in some other
line. Perhaps your boss, Wilson, will reconsider his newest line of
business before we grab off more of his young people."
A salient of the American position occupied by a small detachment had
been successfully raided by the Germans before daybreak, resulting in
three Americans killed, several wounded, and a dozen captured or
missing. The Teutons started a heavy barrage fire, which isolated the
salient, so that help could not reach the troops, nor could they retire,
and thus had the besieged men at the mercy of their superior force. The
Americans fought obstinately until they were overwhelmed. They had only
been in the trenches a few days and were part of the second contingent
who had entered them for training under actual war conditions. They
succeeded in capturing a German prisoner, and inflicting casualties; but
the latter did not become known as the enemy, in fleeing the trench,
took their dead and wounded with them.
After shelling the barbed-wire front of the trenches, dropping many
high-explosive missiles of large caliber, the Germans directed a heavy
artillery fire to cover all the adjacent territory, including the
passage leading to the trenches, thereby effecting a complete barrage of
the salient front and rear. Soon after the enemy, exceeding two hundred
in number, rushed the breaches and wire entanglements on each side of
the salient, lifting the barrage in the forefield to permit their
passage.
It was an elaborate encircling bombardment to achieve a trifling object.
An American platoon, numbering only nineteen men, were corraled by a
heavy fire from 77's and 115's, which searched the whole line of
trenches communicating with the salient where they were isolated. The
French, who had only recently vacated the position to make way for the
Americans, estimated that the German shells expended exceeded eight
thousand.
With the raising of the frontal barrage, the German raiders advanced.
They were composed of storm troops, volunteers, machine gunners,
artillerymen, pioneers to destroy the wire entanglements, and stretcher
bearers to carry off their casualties. They had gathered round a group
of ruined farm buildings some seven hundred yards from the American
trenches, armed with grenades, revolvers, trench knives, and rifles.
They followed, in columns of fours, a tape across no-man's-land laid out
by leaders who had previously been over the ground. Advancing across a
swampy ravine toward the salient, they penetrated the gaps in the
American wire entanglements, and a number reached the trenches at the
rear of their barrage. The Americans were thus cut off from behind.
Other raiders stayed outside the trenches to protect those who entered
them and to shoot any Americans who appeared above the parapet. The
trenches were stormed right and left of the salient, one party clearing
them as they proceeded, the other invading the dugouts for prisoners.
The darkness of the trenches veiled what next happened. After the
Germans had completed their work and retired, an American trooper,
private Enright, was found with his throat cut from ear to ear on the
top of the parapet. While fighting a German in front of him he appeared
to have been attacked from behind by another armed with a trench knife.
A second trooper, private Hay, lay dead in the trench, and outside a
dugout was the body of Corporal Gresham.
In the confusion some of the American troops mistook the Germans for
their own comrades, and paid for their error. Corporal Gresham, for
example, was the sentry at a dugout door when three men advanced toward
him. Supposing them to be Americans he shouted:
"Don't shoot! I'm an American."
"It's Americans we're looking for," answered one of the three, and shot
him dead with a revolver.
It was a brief, ordinary affray, in nowise different from other
happenings occurring nightly all along the front. But nineteen Americans
were set upon by over 200 Germans, and it was the Americans' first taste
of Teutonic warfare. They fought stoutly with pistols, knives, and
bayonets until overcome, whereupon the Germans went off with an American
sergeant, a corporal, and ten privates, all of whom were trapped in a
dugout near the tip of the besieged salient.
The raid scarcely lasted five minutes and outside the salient no one in
the American lines knew it was proceeding. The German communiqué
dismissed it in three lines. From Berlin's viewpoint it was
inconsequential; but to Americans it was of moment in being their first
clash with the enemy. Young, inexperienced soldiers, cooped in a
position they were not familiar with, encountering their baptism of fire
under circumstances of surprise, uncertainty, and darkness, had
acquitted themselves well against heavy odds, and prevented the enemy
from penetrating beyond the first line of trenches.
The American dead were buried with due honors on French soil. The
general commanding the French division in the section delivered an
oration at their graves in the presence of French and American troops
amid the roaring of guns and whistle of shells. His words belong to the
record of America's part in the war:
"Men! These graves, first to be dug in our national soil, and but a
short distance from the enemy, are as a mark of the mighty land we and
our allies firmly cling to in the common task, confirming the will of
the people and the army of the United States to fight with us to a
finish, ready to sacrifice as long as is necessary until final victory
for the most noble of causes, that of the liberty of nations, the weak
as well as the mighty. Thus the deaths of these humble soldiers appear
to us with extraordinary grandeur.
"We will, therefore, ask that the mortal remains of these young men be
left here, left with us forever. We inscribe on the tombs, 'Here lie the
first soldiers of the Republic of the United States to fall on the soil
of France for liberty and justice.' The passer-by will stop and uncover
his head. Travelers and men of heart will go out of their way to come
here to pay their respective tributes.
"Private Enright, Private Gresham, Private Hay! In the name of France I
thank you. God receive your souls. Farewell!"
After this foray shelling became of daily occurrence. The troops
continued their training under fire, the first contingent giving place
to the second contingent, and the second to the third in occupying the
trenches, after each had undergone a spell of patrol work,
sharpshooting, and accustoming their nerves to falling shrapnel. Trench
conditions enabled them to acquire a better insight of the science of
war than they could learn in months of instruction in training camps.
While the infantry were thus engaged in their underground finishing
school, the gunners, in addition to making progress in actual firing,
acquired greater facility in observation work and in locating enemy
batteries by the sound method. The heavy guns on both sides engaged in
duels at long range, with the lighter pieces working at targets nearer
the lines. This gun activity was not without its toll. German casualties
due to American marksmanship, of course, could not be ascertained, but
they were probably equal to the American killed and wounded.
The troops were eager for an opportunity to retaliate on the foe for
trapping their comrades in the salient, and on November 14, 1917, a
patrol succeeded in exacting a partial revenge. Assisted by some French
troops they planned a night ambuscade near the German lines on a
shell-ruined farm. It was a dreary vigil in the mud, where they lay
throughout the small hours, until their patience was rewarded by the
appearance of a large German patrol, in number more than double those of
the Franco-Americans. They permitted the Germans to pass, and then
attacked them on their flank. The fusillade of French and American
bullets from shell craters and other shelters where the sharpshooters
lay concealed took the Germans by surprise. They precipitately fled,
taking their fallen with them. No French or American trooper was hit by
the shots the Germans fired in their hurried retreat.
More notable than such skirmishes on the American front before Lorraine
was the part a number of unarmed American engineers, in company with
Canadians, took in the encircling movement the Germans made on the
British positions before Cambrai on November 30, 1917. For some time
past American engineers had not only been of yeoman service behind the
French lines in hauling tons of ammunition and other equipment to supply
the French forces, but had been engaged on the railroad in the rear of
the British front. They did not belong to the fighting units, and no
achievements were looked for from men whose sole arms were picks and
shovels. But the ramifications of the German assault on Gouzeaucourt
brought these workers in the rear to the forefront of the attack, and
they distinguished themselves in a manner which drew tributes from both
the French and British high commands. A staid official account of the
rôle they played thus describes the situation:
"Two and one-half companies of railway engineers, with a strength of
eight officers and 365 men, were encamped at Fins on November 30, 1917,
having completed their work in the neighborhood. At 6.30 four officers
and 280 men went to Gouzeaucourt, arriving at 7 and starting to work
with Canadian engineers. The entire contingent was under a Canadian
major and an American captain. The area was three miles in the rear of
the line and none of the troops was armed.
"At 7.15 German barrage fire moved on Gouzeaucourt after heavy shelling
to the east. At 7.30 a general retirement was ordered, and it was
effected with some difficulty, due to the artillery, machine-gun and
airplane fire.
"A number of losses were sustained at this time, and also among the men
who, cut off by the German advance, had taken refuge in dugouts. Some of
these men who had been cut off succeeded in joining British combatant
units and fought with them during the day."
A story of American grit and pluck lay concealed in the last sentence.
The American and Canadian engineers, cut off as described, were taken
prisoners by the Germans. They were fifty in number, and accompanied by
a German escort marched along the road leading from Gouzeaucourt to
Cambrai. As they proceeded disconsolately toward the zone of the German
prison cages, they encountered a small body of British troops who had
been separated from their comrades and were wandering about aimlessly.
The appearance of the Germans with the prisoners produced an immediate
charge toward them by the British. The Germans sought to drive their
captives toward La Vacquerie before the advancing British reached them.
But the prisoners, seeing rescue at hand, turned upon their guards and
fought them barehanded until the British troops interposed and
vanquished the Germans. The American engineers and their comrades
thereupon took possession of the German rifles and with their rescuers
found their way back to the British lines.
A number of American engineers were killed and injured, presumably
during the German attack on Gouzeaucourt, since no mention was made of
casualties in the adventure on the highroad. Their losses were largely
due to their being unarmed when the Germans came, a predicament which
forced them to seize the guns of dead and wounded soldiers to protect
themselves. The army commands afterward ordered that all engineers be
armed to enable them to take their place with the troops in any future
emergency which brought them again face to face with the foe. The French
Government was so impressed with their performance that it sent the
following communication to Washington:
"We must remark upon the conduct of certain American soldiers, pioneers
and workmen on the military railroad in the sector of the German attack
west of Cambrai on November 30, 1917. They exchanged their picks and
shovels for rifles and cartridges and fought with the English. Many died
thus bravely, arms in hand, before the invader. All helped to repulse
the enemy. There is not a single person who saw them at work who does
not render warm praise to the coolness, discipline, and courage of these
improvised combatants."
Their exploit stirred the American camp to enthusiasm mingled with envy.
The British front at Cambrai was a long step from the American trenches
in the Lorraine sector, and tidings of the happenings at Gouzeaucourt
impressed the troops with the fact that not on them only was the glory
of the Stars and Stripes being upheld on the soil of France. An infantry
sergeant voiced the general feeling of his comrades thus:
"We stay in the trenches for a spell and let Fritz shoot his artillery
at us and have never really had a chance to use our rifles except to
snipe and pot Fritz out in no-man's-land on dark nights. These
railroaders managed to run their trains right into a good, thick scrap,
and if this isn't luck, I don't know what it is."
Casualties continued to grow with the constant shelling. Sporadic raids
over no-man's-land and visitations of German airships added to them.
Bombs were dropped on a party of engineers, killing one of them, and two
privates were victims of a German aviator's explosive over a wood in
which they were camped.
Winter set in with a snowfall that impeded the training of the troops
and communications. Roads became impassable by drifts, and many motor
trucks, after crawling at a snail's pace over the hilly roads, became
stranded in the snow. A thaw in January turned icy roads into river
beds. Torrential streams flowed from melting snows in the hills, and
together with a downpour of fine rain combined to make weather
conditions on the American front the worst the troops had encountered
since their arrival in France. The roads were cluttered in places with
ditched motor trucks. Here and there mule-drawn vehicles were mired.
Transport trains drawn by mules suffered most before the thaw, the
animals slipping and falling on the icy roadbeds, and were unable to
rise except by the aid of thick layers of branches and twigs placed
under their hoofs. The beginning of 1918, in short, found the American
army in France, like their allied comrades on the rest of the front,
stalled by the weather, and little tidings came of their accustomed
activities.
CHAPTER IX
POPE AND PRESIDENT
Peace efforts, assiduously pursued in Berlin, and culminating in the
Reichstag resolution recorded in the previous volume, had meantime taken
a new turn; but they encountered a new element in the United States as a
resolute belligerent.
The Vatican interposed with an olive branch. The Pope tread cautiously,
sensible of the delicacy of his task in seeking to effect world peace;
but his proposals were hopelessly futile and died in the borning. Their
only welcome came from the Central Powers, and even there dissentient
voices were heard. The Allies' reception of his note was cold,
unresponsive, suspicious, and resentful. "As you were," the Pope
virtually proposed to the two groups of belligerents, running directly
counter to the chief aim of the Allies, which was to overturn the
_status quo ante_, and establish a European concert of nations on a new,
safer, and enduring foundation.
The Papal note, communicated to the various belligerent powers on August
1, 1917, invited their governments to agree on the following points,
which seemed to his Holiness, "to offer the basis of a just and lasting
peace":
"First, the fundamental point must be that the material force of arms
shall give way to the moral force of right, whence shall proceed a just
agreement of all upon the simultaneous and reciprocal decrease of
armaments, according to rules and guarantees to be established, in the
necessary and sufficient measure for the maintenance of public order in
every State; then, taking the place of arms, the institution of
arbitration, with its high pacifying function, according to rules to be
drawn in concert and under sanctions to be determined against any State
which would decline either to refer international questions to
arbitration or to accept its awards.
"When supremacy of right is thus established, let every obstacle to ways
of communication of the peoples be removed by insuring, through rules to
be also determined, the true freedom and community of the seas, which,
on the one hand, would eliminate any causes of conflict, and on the
other hand, would open to all new sources of prosperity and progress.
"As for the damages to be repaid and the cost of the war, we see no
other way of solving the question than by setting up the general
principle of entire and reciprocal conditions, which would be justified
by the immense benefit to be derived from disarmament, all the more as
one could not understand that such carnage could go on for mere economic
reasons. If certain particular reasons stand against this in certain
cases, let them be weighed in justice and equity.
"But these specific agreements, with the immense advantages that flow
from them, are not possible unless territory now occupied is
reciprocally restituted. Therefore, on the part of Germany, there should
be total evacuation of Belgium, with guaranties of its entire political,
military, and economic independence toward any power whatever;
evacuation also of the French territory; on the part of the other
belligerents, a similar restitution of the German colonies.
"As regards territorial questions, as, for instance, those that are
disputed by Italy and Austria, by Germany and France, there is reason to
hope that, in consideration of the immense advantages of durable peace
with disarmament, the contending parties will examine them in a
conciliatory spirit, taking into account, as far as is just and
possible, as we have said formerly, the aspirations of the population,
and, if occasion arises, adjusting private interests to the general good
of the great human society.
"The same spirit of equity and justice must guide the examination of the
other territorial and political questions, notably those relative to
Armenia, the Balkan States, and the territories forming part of the old
Kingdom of Poland, for which, in particular, its noble historical
traditions and suffering, particularly undergone in the present war,
must win with justice, the sympathies of the nations."
The deep esteem in which the Allies and the rest of the nations held the
Pontiff assured an attentive and respectful hearing of his appeal. But
his intervention was nevertheless denounced as an espousal of a German
peace, in that it would enable Germany to take her place at the peace
council table with all her lost colonies restored, exempt from every
demand for reparation for the ruin she had wrought, secure in the
possession of all her territory, and with the future of Alsace-Lorraine,
Trent, Trieste, Poland, Rumania, and Serbia left for settlement by
negotiation by the parties in conflict. The Papal proposals were also
objected to in making no distinction between the combatants, but placed
them all on the same footing as apparently "stricken by a universal
madness."
It soon became apparent that the Allied Powers, including the United
States, were a unit in agreeing that the Papal note, because it
overlooked the issues for which the Entente was fighting, must be
respectfully rejected. President Wilson became their spokesman in a note
he addressed to the Pontiff on August 27, 1917. While recognizing the
Pope's "moving appeal" and the "dignity and force of the humane motives
which prompted it," the President considered it would be folly to take
the path of peace the Pope pointed out if that path did not in fact lead
to the goal proposed. As to the Pope's proposals generally, he said:
"It is manifest that no part of this program can be successfully carried
out unless the restitution of the _status quo ante_ furnishes a firm and
satisfactory basis for it. The object of this war is to deliver the
free peoples of the world from the menace and the actual power of a vast
military establishment, controlled by an irresponsible Government,
which, having secretly planned to dominate the world, proceeded to carry
the plan out without regard either to the sacred obligations of treaty
or the long-established practices and long-cherished principles of
international action and honor; which chose its own time for the war;
delivered its blow fiercely and suddenly; stopped at no barrier, either
of law or of mercy; swept a whole continent within the tide of
blood--not the blood of soldiers only, but the blood of innocent women
and children also and of the helpless poor; and now stands balked, but
not defeated, the enemy of four-fifths of the world.
"This power is not the German people. It is the ruthless master of the
German people. It is no business of ours how that great people came
under its control or submitted with temporary zest to the domination of
its purpose; but it is our business to see to it that the history of the
rest of the world is no longer left to its handling.
"To deal with such a power by way of peace upon the plan proposed by his
Holiness, the Pope, would, so far as we can see, involve a recuperation
of its strength and a renewal of its policy; would make it necessary to
create a permanent hostile combination of nations against the German
people, who are its instruments; and would result in abandoning the
newborn Russia to the intrigue, the manifold subtle interference, and
the certain counter-revolution which would be attempted by all the
malign influences to which the German Government has of late accustomed
the world.
"We cannot take the word of the present rulers of Germany as a guaranty
of anything that is to endure unless explicitly supported by such
conclusive evidence of the will and purpose of the German people
themselves as the other peoples of the world would be justified in
accepting. Without such guaranties treaties of settlement, agreements
for disarmament, covenants to set up arbitration in the place of force,
territorial adjustments, reconstitutions of small nations, if made with
the German Government, no man, no nation, could now depend on.
"We must await some new evidence of the purposes of the great peoples
of the Central Powers."
In other words, the Pope's proposals were regarded as untenable because
the Allies could not trust the kaiser and his government to respect any
covenants that might flow from them. There was no responsible person to
negotiate with. The Vatican was disappointed, the German press greeted
the President's answer with abuse, and the Allies found the American
note so comprehensive and satisfying in expressing their views that they
paid no further attention to the proposal.
Germany and Austria were more responsive; but the Allies' rejection
through President Wilson of the papal suggestions imparted something of
an anticlimax to the Teutonic replies when they were forthcoming a month
later. Both reflected an earnest desire for peace; both gave
whole-hearted support to the Vatican's efforts. Austria was especially
eager to enter into negotiations on the basis the Pope proposed. But
neither was specific. The Austrian emperor favored disarmament and
arbitration in a cloud of platitudes. The kaiser accepted the Pope's
general aims, but was mute on particularizing the German aims. Both
suppressed whatever terms of peace they longed to offer. Sifted down to
essentials, and extricating their meaning from a welter of unctuous
verbiage, the Teutonic answers merely conveyed an eager desire to reach
a peace conference, withholding terms for submission until such parleys
could begin. As each evaded any suggestion of definite concessions on
vital points, the absence of which constituted the principal obstacles
to peace, and as the Allies had already refused to negotiate with the
German Government in any event, the Teutonic answers lost all
significance except as diplomatic courtesies in response to the Pope's
well-meant mediation. That was probably their main purpose.
Germany proposed nothing except that the war be ended by a promise on
her part to reduce her army reciprocally with other nations--a promise
she would not fulfill; by a promise that Great Britain reduce her
navy--a promise she would expect Great Britain faithfully to fulfill;
and a promise of the nations to arbitrate in future--a promise Germany
would ignore if conditions favored a new war. She saw "the freedom of
the seas" as the issue of the war; but the seas were as free to Germany
in time of peace as they were to Great Britain, their reputed mistress.
The rest of the world saw the German Government as the real issue of the
war.
The next peace manifestation, which caused a momentary disturbance in
Allied circles, came from the Marquis of Lansdowne, a former British
Foreign Secretary, who had also been Viceroy of India and Governor
General of Canada. Fearing that the prolongation of the war might lead
to "the ruin of the civilized world," he besought the Allies to make a
restatement of their war aims in order to bring about peace before that
catastrophe came.
The Lansdowne communication to the press looked like a plea for Germany,
and coming as it did from a British noble of ingrained toryism, who had
done his share as a Cabinet Minister to develop British imperialism, was
startling enough. To forestall any suspicion that he was voicing
unofficial sentiments of the British Government, Bonar Law and Lord
Robert Cecil declared that Lord Lansdowne only spoke his own views. The
Government repudiated them, as did the Unionist party. Lord Lansdowne
himself was obliged to acknowledge that his proposals were solely his
own and that he consulted no one in formulating them. It was realized
that his note only encouraged the German war party, which construed it
as evidence of divided counsels in Great Britain, and that the British
were weakening in their determination to conquer. The air was quickly
cleared and showed that no peace movement was possible in England while
Germany remained impenitent and unbeaten.
CHAPTER X
AMERICA'S WAR AIMS
Nevertheless, the Papal and Lansdowne letters were not entirely
fruitless. It brought the Allies a step nearer to restating their war
aims through Lloyd-George and President Wilson. But their utterances
pointed to a steadfast continuance of the war until those aims were
achieved, not a slackening of hostilities to effect an inconclusive
peace lenient to Germany.
Addressing a body of trades-union delegates at Westminster on January 5,
1918, the British Premier faced a situation--an apparent outgrowth of
the Lansdowne letter--where national unity in the prosecution of the war
was perceived to be in jeopardy. A suspicion was rife that the war was
being pursued for objects which could not be openly avowed. Lloyd-George
therefore saw the need of a restatement of war aims:
"We may begin by clearing away some misunderstandings and stating what
we are not fighting for.
"We are not fighting a war of aggression against the German people.
Their leaders have persuaded them that they are fighting a war of
self-defense against a league of rival nations, bent on the destruction
of Germany. That is not so. The destruction or disruption of Germany or
the German people has never been a war aim with us from the first day of
this war to this day.
"Nor did we enter this war merely to alter or destroy the imperial
constitution of Germany, much as we consider that military and
autocratic constitution a dangerous anachronism in the twentieth
century. Our point of view is that the adoption of a really democratic
constitution by Germany would be the most convincing evidence that her
old spirit of military domination has, indeed, died in this war and
would make it much easier for us to conclude a broad, democratic peace
with her. But, after all, that is a question for the German people to
decide.
"We are not fighting to destroy Austria-Hungary or to deprive Turkey of
its capital or the rich lands of Asia Minor and Thrace, which are
predominantly Turkish.
"The settlement of the new Europe must be based on such grounds of
reason and justice as will give some promise of stability. Therefore, it
is that we feel that government with the consent of the governed must be
the basis of any territorial settlement in this war. For that reason
also, unless treaties be upheld, unless every nation is prepared, at
whatever sacrifices, to honor the national signature, it is obvious that
no treaty of peace can be worth the paper on which it is written."
The British Premier then restated the Allies' specific war aims, which
did not materially differ from the first declaration recorded in a
previous volume of this history, except with regard to Russia,
conditions in that country having called for a suspension of judgment on
territorial questions affecting her.
Three days later (January 8, 1918), President Wilson gave to the world
the peace terms of the United States in an address to Congress. His
declaration was the most advanced doctrine of internationalism
pronounced by any of the Allied statesmen. It definitely committed the
United States not only to promoting and safeguarding the peace of Europe
but the peace of the world. The frequent question: What was America
fighting for? was answered. It was not merely to uphold American rights.
The aims of the United States had developed far beyond nationalism. It
was to uphold the rights of all the peoples menaced or outraged in the
world war.
The purpose of the President's address appeared to be threefold:
To drive a wedge into the political structure of Germany by encouraging
the Socialists and liberal elements, and exhibiting the military party
as the single obstacle to democracy and world peace.
To expose the insincerity of Germany's pretensions of liberality in her
peace offers to Russia and thus bring Russia back into partnership with
the democracy of the Allies, which she showed symptoms of abandoning.
To show the agreement of the United States with the speech of
Lloyd-George and to develop further the principles of world peace for
which America stood.
The Entente Allies welcomed the President's pronouncement as putting the
seal of American approval on their war aims, as reiterated by
Lloyd-George, and as committing the United States to the Allied cause
till it was won. The necessity for any restatement of war aims by the
United States was regarded as a question for the President to determine,
and he had done so at a time when the need was clearly urgent in Great
Britain. Hence his address, echoing and, indeed, amplifying that of
Lloyd-George, buttressed British solidarity on the war by definitely
establishing an abiding Anglo-American Entente while the war lasted.
Far from opening a way to peace, the Papal and Lansdowne pleas produced
a sequence of utterances which were in effect renewed war declarations
from the spokesmen of the Allies. Lord Lansdowne sought a reiteration of
war aims as a basis for peace negotiations. President Wilson's answer to
that suggestion was not confined to a reassertion of America's war
objects. While the dove of peace was fluttering a pair of weak wings he
went to Congress (December 4, 1917) and called for war against
Austria-Hungary to remove an "embarrassing obstacle" in the conduct of
hostilities against Germany.
"Austria-Hungary," he told Congress, "is for the time being not her own
mistress, but simply the vassal of the German Government. We must face
the facts as they are and act upon them without sentiment in this stern
business.
"The Government of Austria-Hungary is not acting upon its own initiative
or in response to the wishes and feelings of its own peoples, but as the
instrument of another nation. We must meet its force with our own and
regard the Central Powers as but one. The war can be successfully
conducted in no other way. The same logic would lead also to a
declaration of war against Turkey and Bulgaria. They also are the tools
of Germany. But they are mere tools and do not yet stand in the direct
path of our necessary action."
Both branches of Congress responded by passing a joint war resolution
with only one dissentient House vote, and on December 7, 1917, war with
Austria-Hungary was declared.
Germany meditated. There was an answer to be made to Lloyd-George and
President Wilson, but what? The military situation, as seen through
German eyes, and the political situation in Germany, as dominated by the
Junkers and annexationists, duly supplied it. Germany seemed to have
become convinced that a German peace was certain. Her confidence was
stated to be based on the war map, added to a belief that a lack of
cohesion and community of spirit prevailed among the Allies, in contrast
with her own unified will to victory, and that the United States was
merely gesturing in entering the war. There was obvious camouflage in
affecting to question the solidarity of the Allies and to asperse the
sincerity of American intervention; but no posturing was perceived in
Germany's reliance on the war map as a tangible basis for a German
peace.
The kaiser's new chancellor, Count von Hertling, addressing the
Reichstag main committee on January 22, 1918, emphasized this reliance
in a speech which constituted a tardy response to the war aims
reaffirmed by Lloyd-George and President Wilson. Demanding that the
Entente Powers abandon their attitude that Germany was the guilty party
who must do penance and promise improvement, he said:
"They may take it from me that our military position was never so
favorable as it now is. Our highly gifted army leaders face the future
with undiminished confidence in victory. Throughout the army, in the
officers and the men, lives unbroken the joy of battle.
"Our repeatedly expressed willingness for peace and the spirit of
reconciliation revealed by our proposals must not be regarded by the
Entente as a license permitting the indefinite lengthening of the war.
"If the leaders of the enemy powers really are inclined toward peace let
them revise their program once again. If they do that and come forward
with fresh proposals, then we will examine them carefully."
This was by way of preface to answering President Wilson's fourteen
requirements if the United States was to lay down its arms. The first
four, in the chancellor's view, were susceptible to agreement. Germany
accepted in principle the abolition of secret diplomacy and favored open
covenants of peace. The chancellor saw no difference of opinion on the
subject of freedom of navigation upon the seas; but it was "highly
important for the freedom of shipping in future if strongly fortified
naval bases on important international routes, such as England has at
Gibraltar, Malta, Aden, Hongkong, the Falkland Islands, and many other
places, were removed." Further, Germany was in accord with the President
regarding the removal of economic barriers that interfered with
international trade. She also affirmed that the limitation of armaments
desired by President Wilson was "discussable."
The fifth clause of the Wilson peace aims, which called for
self-determination by colonial peoples as to whose sovereignty they
should recognize, was less easily disposed of. The chancellor evaded the
issue by throwing the onus of putting the proposal in practice upon
Great Britain:
"I believe that for the present it may be left for England, which has
the greatest colonial empire, to make what she will of this proposal of
her ally. This point of the program also will have to be discussed in
due time, on the reconstitution of the world's colonial possessions."
Thus Germany submitted, as one of the foundations of peace, that England
should not only abandon her naval bases but assent to the dismemberment
of her colonial empire.
The President's demand for the evacuation of Russian territory was met
by a refusal. The Entente Powers having declined to participate in the
negotiations between the so-called Russian Government and the Teutonic
Powers, the matter was one to be decided between the negotiators alone.
Belgium was not to be evacuated and restored as a condition insisted
upon by the United States. The settlement of the Belgian question, the
chancellor said, belonged to the peace conference:
"So long as our opponents have unreservedly taken the stand-point that
the integrity of the Allies' territory can offer the only possible basis
of peace discussion, I must adhere to the stand-point hitherto always
adopted and refuse the removal in advance of the Belgian affair from the
entire discussion."
The chancellor took the same attitude toward the question of freeing
and restoring the invaded French territory and of the return of
Alsace-Lorraine to France to right an old wrong. "The occupied parts of
France are a valued pawn in our hands," said the chancellor. "The
conditions and methods of procedure of the evacuation, which must take
account of Germany's vital interest, are to be agreed upon between
Germany and France. I can only again expressly accentuate the fact that
there can never be a question of dismemberment of imperial territory."
The next four Wilson requirements (VIII to XI), relating to a
readjustment of the frontiers of Italy, autonomy for the subjugated
races of Austria-Hungary, the restoration and integrity of Rumania,
Serbia and Montenegro were not Germany's immediate concern, and the
chancellor airily relegated them to Austria-Hungary for consideration.
As to Turkey, for whose subject races the President demanded
self-government, as well as a free Dardanelles, the chancellor intimated
that her integrity vitally concerned the German Empire, while the future
of Poland was to rest entirely in the hands of Germany and
Austria-Hungary. Finally, President Wilson's proposed league of nations
admitted of basic consideration only when all other pending questions
had been settled.
The chancellor's answer was a mere repetition of the defiant and
arrogant presentations of the German position with which the Allies had
become familiar. The war aims of the President to which Count von
Hertling could assent were of trivial importance compared to the Allies'
chief aim--the overthrow of Prussian militarism. Peace gropings had
produced another declaration of war. Germany openly announced that she
was engaged on a war of conquest. Chancellor von Hertling's address
admitted of no other interpretation. The fate of Poland was to be
decided by the kaisers, that is, annexed in substance, if not in form.
The Baltic provinces of Russia were earmarked for Germany, and Russia,
thus cut off from the western seas, was to have icebound Archangel and
distant Vladivostok as her only ports. The disposition or division of
Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro was to be left to Austria-Hungary, with
Germany pledged to support her decisions. Armenia, Palestine, and
Arabia, were to be returned to the Turks, while as to Constantinople and
the Dardanelles no settlement could be permitted that was not agreeable
to German imperialism. As to Belgium, the conclusion was that it would
receive the same status as Luxemburg had before the war, with railroads,
ports, commerce, and army in German hands. Not even the return of
northern France was promised, this being a question to be discussed, not
with the Allies, but only between Germany and France, and
Alsace-Lorraine was to be kept on the fraudulent claim that it was and
always had been German territory. The question of Italia Irredenta was
remitted to Austria-Hungary, and the German colonies were to be
restored, regardless of the wishes of their inhabitants or the safety of
their neighbors.
When this grandiose scheme of conquest was ratified and realized, then,
and then only, would Germany consider entering into a league of peace,
or discuss mutual disarmament, or other of the Allies' proposals for
safeguarding peace when it came. Germany sought to be placed in
possession of doubled power before she would even talk about creating
conditions making for a durable peace. She must be able to reject flatly
any scheme proposed, and then, snapping her fingers, defy the Allies to
do what they would, for she in no wise bound herself to disarm a single
soldier or spike a single gun.
The Austrian Reichsrat heard a speech of a different tenor by Count
Czernin, Foreign Minister, on the subject of President Wilson's peace
aims. The contrast in tone from that of Chancellor von Hertling was so
marked and significant as to revive the preexisting belief that the road
to peace negotiations would eventually be opened through Austria. Though
Count Czernin's speech resolutely upheld the integrity of
Austria-Hungary and the preservation and development of her neighboring
interests without dictation from the Entente Powers, he held out an
olive branch that seemed less of an imitation than those offered by
Berlin.
"I think," he said, "there is no harm in stating that I regard the
recent proposals of President Wilson as an appreciable approach to the
Austro-Hungarian point of view, and that to some of them
Austria-Hungary joyfully could give her approval.
"Our views are identical not only on the broad principles regarding a
new organization of the world after the war, but also on several
concrete questions, and differences which still exist do not appear to
me to be so great that a conversation regarding them would not lead to
enlightenment and a rapprochement.
"This situation, which doubtless arises from the fact that
Austria-Hungary on the one side and the United States on the other are
composed of States whose interests are least at variance with one
another, tempts one to ask if an exchange of ideas between the two
powers could not be the point of departure for a personal conversation
among all States which have not yet joined in peace negotiations."
This conciliatory overture--significantly addressed, the Allies quickly
noticed, only to the United States--was clearly governed by expediency.
Count Czernin revealed a recognition of the critical condition of
internal affairs in Austria-Hungary, and sought to make advances that
would placate the restless and war-worn people of the dual monarchy
without offending the autocratic rulers in Berlin. If peace could come
by compromise, then let there be compromise, and approaches to the
United States seemed to afford a line of least resistance.
Austria's sincerity, however, was questioned alike in Washington, Paris,
and London. Count Czernin was suspected of dangling a familiar bait to
split the Allies. The Administration view was that his endeavor to
single out the United States as a party with whom to begin preliminary
peace conversations was so naive as to be amusing if the situation were
not so serious. His invitation was not acceptable. The American
Government had thrown in its lot with Great Britain, France, and Italy,
and was determined to stand or fall with them. His attempt to promote a
separate peace between Austria and the United States was viewed as
inspired by a hope that its consideration would either lessen the
effectiveness of America's part in the war or provide an opportunity for
the pacifists in the Allied countries to extend such a peace movement to
the other powers before the war's purposes had been achieved.
The French view was that while the deliverances of Count von Hertling
and Count Czernin disclosed that a real cleavage on peace sentiment
existed in the two Central Empires, and that the Austrian minister was
the first of their spokesmen to show breadth and detachment, the
contrast between the two speeches indicated Germanesque stage play.
Germany's move was not to show a conciliatory spirit; she left Austria
to perform that rôle. The Allies could take their choice in measuring
the negotiable value of the two outgivings.
The Allies decided that the war must proceed. Germany regarded herself
as a conqueror, was determined upon aggression, and would listen to no
peace terms except her own. Count Czernin's conciliatory tone was
discounted by his declared fidelity to Austria's alliance to Germany.
The two speeches were believed to have been concocted in collusion with
the object of springing a combined diplomatic offensive against the
Entente Allies.
"The attack," said the London "Times," "obviously was intended to shake
the solidarity of our defense at several points, but President Wilson
manifestly was the chief objective of the converging forces. Neither
speech discloses the least readiness to make any concessions which the
Allies declare to be indispensable."
The effect of the Austro-German pronouncements on Great Britain was to
stiffen her resolution to continue hostilities. Little weight was
attached to what Austria, the tool of Germany, had to say; the former's
peace yearnings, set against the latter's aspirations, were impotent
unless energized by a revolution in the dual monarchy. The British only
took cognizance of Count von Hertling's words, which confirmed the
prevalent belief that Prussian militarism considered itself more firmly
seated in the saddle than ever, and that although the chancellor seemed
to hold the reins, the team which drew the German car of state was at
the mercy of Ludendorff's whip and Hindenburg's spur.
CHAPTER XI
MOVING THE MILITARY MACHINE
When Congress closed an epochal session on October 6, 1917, it had
appropriated over twenty-one billion dollars. Except for $7,000,000,000
loaned to the Allies, and another billion for the normal expenses of the
Government, the amount voted was placed at the service of the
Administration as America's sinews of war for defeating the Central
Powers. No nation had applied such a huge sum to war purposes in a like
period.
The loans to the Allies were not considered as part of the American war
outlays. The Allies gave their own bonds to the Government as collateral
for the loans, bearing the same rate of interest, and a condition
attached to the loans was that the money be spent in the United States
for war equipment. Hence the loans were allocated for the purchase of
material in this country and substantially aided American industries.
Included in the work of Congress was final agreement on a war revenue
measure after six months of debate (with wide divergence of taxation
plans between the House and Senate) estimated to produce $2,534,870,000,
of which $851,000,000 was to be levied on incomes, and $1,000,000,000 on
excess profits.
On October 1, 1917, the Government appealed for popular subscriptions to
the second Liberty Loan for $3,000,000,000. As in the case of the first
Liberty Loan the response at the outset flagged. Two weeks later only 14
per cent. of the maximum total had been subscribed and a daily
subscription of $358,000,000 was needed to make the loan a success
within the time allotted for receiving subscriptions. A period of
apprehension and misgiving followed; but that had happened during the
floatation of the first loan, and no European war loan had been asked
without a similar experience. It was not an easy task to draw three
billion dollars from the public purse, and the purse was leisurely, even
lax, in loosening its strings. It needed a nationwide advertising
propaganda to open it. The President entered the fray by naming a
Liberty Day, fixed for October 24, on which he asked the American people
to assemble in their respective communities and pledge to one another
and to the Government the fullest measure of financial support.
"The might of the United States," he declared in his proclamation, "is
being mobilized and organized to strike a mortal blow at autocracy in
defense of outraged American rights and of the cause of liberty.
Billions of dollars are required to arm, feed, and clothe the brave men
who are going forth to fight our country's battles and to assist the
nations with whom we are making common cause against a common foe. To
subscribe to the Liberty Loan is to perform a service of patriotism.
"Let the result be so impressive and emphatic that it will echo
throughout the empire of our enemy as an index of what America intends
to do to bring this war to a victorious conclusion."
The Government's efforts to brace popular interest in the loan, aided by
hundreds of thousands of voluntary workers throughout the country who
formed Liberty Loan organizations, bankers, boy scouts, girl scouts, the
newspapers and magazines, and patriotic, commercial, and fraternal
bodies, produced a flood of subscriptions at the last moment which
dissipated all fear of failure. The people needed driving, knew that
their procrastination called for a dinning advertising campaign to
translate intentions into deeds, and finally yielded good-humoredly to
the impetus. They responded in such good measure that on October 27,
1917, when the loan closed, $4,617,532,300 had been subscribed, or
$1,617,532,300 over the amount asked. The oversubscription exceeded that
which the first loan yielded. Approximately 9,400,000 shared in applying
for the loan. Of this number, it was estimated, 9,306,000, or 99 per
cent., subscribed in amounts ranging from $50 to $50,000, the aggregate
of such subscriptions being $2,488,469,350.
The loan proved to be popular in a degree of which the world afforded no
equal. Never had there been a loan taken by 9,400,000 subscribers. It
surpassed all previous experience of Government loans. The single
offering was larger than the total takings in all subscriptions made in
the four years of the Civil War. It far exceeded the response to any
government loan of the other belligerents.
With an ample treasury to draw from, provided by Congress and the
public, the Government proceeded with the war preparations, but in face
of inevitable obstacles and friction. The American military
establishment was not designed for making War on a huge scale, and, like
the British War Office at the beginning of hostilities, was swamped and
confused by an avalanche of new responsibilities. There were admitted
shortages in clothing, artillery, and machine guns in the cantonments,
and delays in the construction of new shipping also produced impatient
criticism. Congress interposed by investigations into the general
conduct of the war, with the result that the air was cleared and defects
of organization located. The investigations appeared to have developed
primarily not so much from ineffective and wrong decisions in meeting
war needs as from delays due to indecision and procrastination. The
result was a change of administrative methods aiming at a centralization
of authority, which England and France had early found imperative in
conducting the war, instead of depending on a bureaucratic system with
its complicated channels of distributed authority. The friction which
had arisen seemed to be substantially due to a clash between the methods
of business men, whom the administration had requisitioned into war
service, and the red tape of an established governmental system. The
Administration recognized at length that an infusion into the Government
ranks of capable business organizers, bent on conducting their share of
the war with expedition, could not blend with departmental systems
clogged by traditions, customs, rules, and regulations, written and
unwritten. The whole Government became engaged in a process of
introspection. The investigations compelled it to see itself as others
saw it, and were salutary in that respect alone. In other directions the
inquiries revealed, in spite of departmental shortcomings, that an
enormous amount of work had been accomplished in a short time. When war
was declared the country was wholly unprepared; it was working at full
capacity in many war fields to maintain the largest foreign commerce
reached in its history. Its industries being thus occupied on the
outbreak of war, they could not readily digest a flood of orders,
aggregating more than ten billion dollars in value, which the Government
suddenly superimposed upon their capacities, with their equipments
already driving at top speed under forced draft. On one point at least
there was agreement--that the task so far accomplished could not have
been done in the same period by any other nation.
In Secretary Baker's view, much of the criticism leveled at the War
Department was due to a natural and praiseworthy impatience of the
people at large to build a war machine worthy of their country's power.
"Every one of us," he said, "wants to see our country hit like a man at
the adversary." Answering the charge that the War Department had fallen
down the Secretary set out to remove the impression prevalent in the
country that the failures and delays were disproportionate to what had
been achieved. He thereupon disclosed the results accomplished.
On April 1, 1917, a few days before the United States declared war on
Germany, the army stood at 9,524 officers and 202,510 men. On December
31 of that year this force had grown to 110,856 officers and 1,428,650
men, composed of the regular army, the National Guard, and the National
Army. In other respects the work accomplished by the War Department at
the close of 1917 was summed up by Secretary Baker as under:
"1. A large army is in the field and in training; so large that further
increments to it can be adequately equipped and trained as rapidly as
those already in training can be transported.
"2. The army has been enlisted and selected without serious dislocation
of the industries of the country.
"3. The training of the army is proceeding rapidly, and its spirit is
high. The subsistence of the army has been above criticism; its initial
clothing supply, temporarily inadequate, is now substantially complete,
and reserves will rapidly accumulate. Arms of the most modern and
effective kind--including artillery, machine guns, automatic rifles, and
small arms--have been provided by manufacture or purchase for every
soldier in France, and are available for every soldier who can be gotten
to France in the year 1918.
"4. A substantial army is ready in France, where both men and officers
have been additionally and specially trained and are ready for active
service.
"5. Independent lines of communication and supply and vast storage and
other facilities are in process of construction in France.
"6. Great programs for the manufacture of additional equipment and for
the production of new instruments of war have been formulated."
An outcome of the investigation was the creation of a War Council within
the War Department, composed of the Secretary of War, the Assistant
Secretary of War, and five general officers. Its purpose was to
supervise and coordinate the supplies of the field armies and the
military relations of those armies with the War Department.
The National Army, composed of civilians enrolled under the selective
draft law, was the most ambitious experiment in constructive military
organization any country had ever attempted. It presented innumerable
problems for which no solutions could be found in available textbooks,
and the celerity with which it was converted into a real army rested
wholly upon the skill with which the problems were grappled by the
cantonment commanders and drill officers. Before the magnitude of a
training organization could be considered and the drilling set in
motion, much groundwork had to be covered in preparing the cantonments.
There were sixteen of them, situated in various sections of the country,
each roughly housing 40,000 men, and cost the Government at least
$100,000,000. Their sites generally were in rugged, partially cleared
country, marked by scrubby timber, dirt roads, wooden buildings,
occasional patches of canvas, clouds of dust or acres of mud. They
sprang up, in brief, out of wilderness tracts, usually some miles away
from large centers of population. Their construction meant the creation
out of the void of sixteen fully equipped cities, furnished with water
supply, sewage systems, electric installations, governing organizations,
police, and transportation. Standardization of construction was the
only method by which the camps could be brought into being with
dispatch. Each type of building, and every stick and board, ventilator
and window sash used therein for all the cantonments were shaped to
identical measurements, and produced by the enormous driving power of
modern engineering, working under contract. Out of industrial plants,
devising standardized material, came the camps. The number of buildings
in the camps varied from 1,200 to 1,600, and included, besides the
barracks proper, kitchens, shower baths and sanitary units, hospitals
and administration offices, churches, schools, clubs and lodges,
laundries, commissary stores, and even moving-picture theaters.
The first stage of training the men was confined largely to elementary
military drill, which was a test of their physical capacity to withstand
the driving routine of marching fifteen to twenty miles a day, burdened
with a sixty-pound pack, ammunition, and rifle. The second stage
embraced advanced military drill, involving several weeks of Swedish
exercises, manipulating the army Springfield and marching and
countermarching in close or extended order. The third phase was
specialized warfare as taught abroad, with British and French trench
instructors.
Military tactics having been revolutionized by modern trench warfare, no
time was wasted in the open-country maneuvers formerly employed to
accustom the troops to actual field service. The National Army was
trained for the single purpose of effective trench fighting. On adjacent
hillsides and plains extensive field fortifications were prepared,
equipped with barbed-wire entanglements, artillery, and machine-gun
emplacements, bomb-proof dugouts, communication trenches, support
trenches, listening posts, and every other device which had been evolved
from the war operations in Europe. The men were taught how to enter and
leave a trench, to repel attacks, make raids in pursuit of information,
surprise forays by day or night behind the protection of barrage fire,
and how to take care of themselves, repair artillery damage, and
reenforce the barbed-wire barriers.
The training was intensive and embraced a sixteen weeks' course crowded
with manifold detail, which was vigorously observed. More attention was
paid in the curriculum to drilling individual men, platoons, and
companies than to conducting brigade, divisional, and regimental
exercises, these latter being deferred until the smaller units were fit
for advanced warfare. The platoon, commanded by a lieutenant, was the
fighting unit in trench operations, and upon the lieutenants was
therefore imposed the responsibility of training less than company units
in order to effect an intimate and sympathetic cooperation between
officers and men when they encountered the stern realities of warfare in
Europe.
Camp conditions formed a chief subject of the Congressional
investigation. The War Department had been confronted with the task of
providing for a new army which had to be rushed into training, and had
to depend upon congested railroad facilities to equip the camps. But
everything had been done, Secretary Baker told the committee, to care
for the men, and where defects had occurred they were quickly removed.
"And where, I want to know, in all history can you find an achievement
comparable to that of America's in raising this great army from her
citizenry in this period of time?" asked the Secretary of War. "It has
never been done before, and it is to America's credit that she has
accomplished it in the nine months we have been at war."
The outlook, as viewed by Secretary Baker, was that if adequate
transport facilities were available, 1,500,000 men could be shipped to
France during 1918. He indicated that a third of that number would be on
the western front early in the year as a forerunner of the main body.
The country appeared satisfied by this prospect. The War Secretary had
revealed much information regarding the military preparations to the
Senate investigators; but he had to suppress much more to keep
Germany--who was anxious to learn General Pershing's plans--in the dark,
especially as to the number and disposition of American troops already
there. The conclusions drawn from the progress of war preparations at
the beginning of 1918 were that greater advances had been made than was
expected. American troops would be in the thick of the fighting in the
early spring and would be greatly reenforced just as soon as the Entente
Allies pooled their tonnage resources.
The Administration's critics in Congress, nevertheless, were not
pacified. A bill was proposed in the Senate creating a War Cabinet, the
purpose of which was to divest the executives of Government departments
of all authority in the conduct of the war. The new body was to be
composed of "three distinguished citizens of demonstrated ability," to
be named by the President and indorsed by the Senate. They were to
control the administrative Cabinet officers and other department heads
in the war's conduct, and adjust all differences, subject to the
President's review.
The President saw in the proposed new war administration nothing but
"long additional delays" and the turning of the Government's experience
into "mere lost motion." He said as much to Senator Chamberlain, the
author of the measure, in a letter which stoutly defended the
Government's military preparations.
"The War Department," he wrote, "has performed a task of unparalleled
magnitude and difficulty with extraordinary promptness and efficiency.
There have been delays and disappointments and partial miscarriages of
plan, all of which have been drawn into the foreground and exaggerated
by the investigations which have been in progress since the Congress
assembled.... But by comparison with what has been accomplished, these
things, much as they were to be regretted, were insignificant, and no
mistake has been made which has been repeated."
CHAPTER XII
FLEETS IN THE MAKING
The navy was not exempt from the searchlight Congress cast upon the
manifold war preparations of the Government. But nothing was adduced
before the investigating subcommittee to indicate that the Navy
Department had not met the abnormal situation produced by American
belligerency. The outstanding development disclosed was that the navy
had more than 1,000 ships commissioned in the winter of 1917, as against
300 two years ago; that 425 vessels were under construction, exclusive
of 350 submarine chasers; and that contracts had been let for building
hundreds of other small craft.
The expansion of the navy occasioned by the war was notable in other
directions. Since January 1, 1917, the naval force increased from 4,500
officers and 68,000 men to 15,000 officers and 254,000 men; the number
of stations operated by the navy from 130 to 363; the number of civil
employees from 35,000 to 60,000; the strength of the Naval Reserve from
a few hundreds to 49,246 men; the average monthly expenditures from
$8,000,000 to $60,000,000; the Hospital Corps from 1,600 to 7,000; the
National Naval Volunteers from zero to 16,000 men; the Marine Corps from
344 officers and 9,921 men to 1,197 officers and 30,000 men.
The navy placed great reliance on destroyers to fulfill the part
allotted to it in the sea warfare against German submarines. A
formidable fleet of these vessels was planned at a cost of $350,000,000,
and contracts for the construction were placed with five shipbuilding
concerns in October, 1917. Their actual number was guarded as a military
secret. It was the largest project the navy department had undertaken,
and would probably give the United States a destroyer fleet exceeding
those of all other countries. The expenditure embraced the expansion of
existing shipbuilding plants and the building of additional engine and
boiler factories, as the destroyer program taxed the full capacity of
the shipbuilding industry.
The destroyer had proved to be the deadliest weapon utilized against the
submarine, and was superior to the submarine chaser, even for harbor and
in-shore patrol work, besides having better seagoing qualities.
Submarine chasers were regarded as a necessity, but the navy evinced
little enthusiasm for them as a weapon of permanent effectiveness, and
rather pinned its faith to an overwhelming destroyer armada to combat
the U-boats.
In aviation the Government made no less impressive strides. The
building of 20,000 aeroplanes, for which Congress had voted
$640,000,000, was undertaken for the creation of a great American aerial
force to operate against Germany. Their types covered the whole range of
training machines, light, high-speed fighting airships, and powerful
battle and bombing planes of heavy design. The training of aviators, the
building of motors, and the assembling and framing of the wings
proceeded uniformly so that men and equipment would be ready for service
simultaneously.
Numbers of American aviators were already abroad undergoing intensive
training behind the battle fronts. The thousands in training at home
were coached by a corps of Allied air experts of various nationalities,
forming virtually an international aviation general staff for organizing
the American aerial force.
The United States had set out resolutely to do its part in wresting the
air spaces over the western front from Germany. The arrival in France in
the autumn of 1917 of a group of American aviators with American-built
airships brought an administration announcement which viewed the event
as of signal importance. The opportunity rested with the United States
to give its Allies such a great preponderance of airships that the enemy
would be driven from the skies altogether, impotent either to give
battle or defend himself. With this aim in view, Congress was asked for
further funds for developing aviation during 1918 and 1919 to the amount
of $1,138,000,000, of which it was proposed that $1,032,294,260 be
expended on aviation: $553,219,120 on extra engines and spare parts,
$235,866,000 for airplanes and hydroaeroplanes, $77,475,000 for machine
guns, $8,050,000 for schools for military aeronautics, and the balance
for stations, depots, equipment, upkeep, and pay for instructors,
inspectors, mechanics, engineers, accountants, &c.
There was an army of aviators to meet all this development in equipment,
numbering, at the beginning of 1918, 3,900 officers and 82,120 men.
Perhaps the shipping situation called most for legislative
investigation. The paramount need of the Allies was for 6,000,000 tons
annually, and the British Shipping Controller warned that if the United
States could not produce this tonnage to replace the losses by
submarines the Allies' military and naval efforts would be crippled. The
construction of new tonnage in American shipyards had been beset by
personal conflicts in the shipping administration, resulting in
reversals of policy and retarded operations. Edward J. Hurley, chairman
of the Shipping Board, told the Senate investigating committee that one
obstacle to the expeditious pursuit of the vast program of ship
construction was that it had been superimposed on an equally extensive
naval program. When war was declared 70 per cent. of the eighteen
prominent shipyards then in existence were overtaxed by the naval
program, while only the remaining 30 per cent. of the yards could be
utilized to proceed with the mercantile ship program. The task was to
bring an adequate merchant marine into being to assist the Allies and he
assured the committee (December, 1917) that it was being accomplished
with the utmost dispatch despite past dissensions and many obstacles.
The number of ships under construction or contract was 1,427,
representing 8,573,108 dead-weight tons. Of this number 431 were ships
embracing 3,056,000 tons which were in course of building in the yards
for private and foreign owners and had been commandeered for war service
under Government order. The rest were composed of 559 steel ships of
3,965,200 dead-weight tons, 379 wooden ships of 1,344,900 dead-weight
tons, and 58 composite ships of 207,000 tons. The main need in
proceeding with this huge program was shipyard space. New yards
constructed and tonnage contracts awarded to each called for a constant
expansion in the shipping organization, so that by the end of 1917 the
Shipping Board controlled 132 yards, of which only 58 were old
establishments, the remainder, 74, being new.
The burden imposed on American shipyards can be realized by contrasting
their output in the prewar period with the total tonnage under
construction for both the navy and the Shipping Board. The navy program
was the equivalent in value, and therefore in shipbuilding effort, of
2,500,000 tons of merchant shipping. The mercantile marine program
represented a tonnage of over 8,500,000. Here was 11,000,000 tons being
produced by American shipyards whose greatest previous output in one
year had only amounted to 615,000 tons according to Mr. Hurley. For 1918
he promised an output of 6,000,000 tons. Of the vessels under contract a
good proportion were of 7,500 tons or more, classified as cargo
steamers, and of these a number were designed specially for transports.
Tonnage being the immediate need, the Shipping Board did not wait for
the completion of the new construction to supply it. As a war emergency
measure it requisitioned all American ocean cargo and passenger-carrying
vessels over 2,500 tons. This step was taken as a means to control
freight rates as well as to enable the Government to command the tonnage
it needed for war purposes. American merchant vessels for oversea
traffic exceeded 2,000,000 tonnage. Some had already been requisitioned
by the army and navy. With the exception of craft taken over for
Government service, the vessels were left in their owners' hands for
operation on Government account as the Shipping Board directed.
Between 600,000 and 700,000 tons of German shipping seized in American
ports had already been utilized as troop transports and freighters for
reenforcing the American army in France. These vessels included the
_Leviathan_, formerly the _Vaterland_, which was capable of carrying
10,000 troops on a single voyage, but the number was limited to 8,000 to
insure comfort. In January, 1918, it was disclosed that the _Leviathan_,
with fifteen other former German ships, had safely reached Entente ports
laden with men and supplies. The announcement was made from the American
army headquarters in France to disprove false reports circulated in
Germany belittling the assistance rendered the Entente cause by the use
of these vessels. They had, on their first voyage, escaped the
submarines, a feat which was not palatable to Germany, who sought to
bolster up a waning popular confidence in the U-boat campaign. The
German vessels which had run the gantlet, besides the _Vaterland_, were
the _Covington_ (ex-_Cincinnati_), _America_ (ex-_Amerika_), _President
Grant_, _President Lincoln_, _Powhatan_ (ex-_Hamburg_), _Madawaska_
(ex-_König Wilhelm II_), _George Washington_, _Mount Vernon_
(ex-_Kronprinzessin Cecilie_), _Agamemnon_ (ex-_Kaiser Wilhelm II_),
_Aeolus_ (ex-_Grosser Kurfürst_), _Mercury_ (ex-_Barbarossa_),
_Pocahontas_ (ex-_Princess Irene_), _Huron_ (ex-_Friedrich der Grosse_),
_Von Steuben_ (ex-_Kronprinz Wilhelm_), _De Kalb_ (ex-_Prinz Eitel
Friedrich_).
A further step to expedite the shipment of men and supplies to Europe
was the formation of a Committee of Shipping Control, composed of
American and Allied membership. Its chief object was to endeavor to
fulfill Secretary Baker's expectation that 1,500,000 American troops and
their requisite equipment could be landed in France in 1918 if
sufficient shipping was available. It was endowed with power of absolute
control in the allocation of all tonnage on both sides of the Atlantic,
and aimed to end the complications and delays that had hitherto
prevented the fullest use of American shipping for war purposes.
The Shipping Board had succeeded in turning over to the War Department
over 1,000,000 tons of ships on the bare board basis for the
transportation of soldiers, live stock, and munitions. Much of this
tonnage was commandeered by the Government for that purpose, the
shipyards not being sufficiently advanced in their work to provide much
new construction. To facilitate the production of the enormous amount of
new tonnage under way the Board sought a further appropriation of
$800,000,000, increasing the amount Congress had authorized for the
shipping program to $2,100,000,000.
CHAPTER XIII
FOOD AS A WAR FACTOR
Economic conditions generally had been shaped and dictated by the
nation's entry into the war. The financial advantages which the country
enjoyed in the two previous years through being neutral and not
belligerent, disappeared with the war declaration; but the accumulated
resources of the country's previous neutrality remained a continuing
bulwark, and its distance from the theaters of war gave the country
certain economic advantages of a neutral.
The situation greatly changed upon the United States throwing its entire
resources into the common stock of the Entente Allies. The Government's
enormous advances of credits to them took place when its own war
requirements were even larger. Shipments to the Allies of maximum
consignments of food and equipment proceeded in face of heavy home
demands for the same products. The abnormal efforts with which the
Shipping Board set about building new ships to repair the ravages of the
submarines coincided with unexampled calls upon the mills for domestic
needs. Such developments could not occur without profoundly affecting
American finance and production; especially in view of the intensified
economic strain on belligerent Europe by the continuance of the war
through another year and the reliance of the Allies on American aid.
There came an immediate and violent rise in commodity prices, due
largely to the Government's new demands, coming in the wake of the
increased needs of the Allies. As a consequence maximum prices on many
products were imposed either by imperative Government orders or by
agreement between the Government and the producers. The wheat crop
failed in volume, being barely eleven million bushels above the
deficient yield of 1916, and except for that season was the smallest in
half a dozen years. On the other hand, corn and oats yielded
record-breaking crops, and there was such an excellent harvest of other
cereals that the total out-turn of the five leading grains, including
wheat, exceeded by 970,000,000 bushels that of 1916. Except for 1915 the
general crops surpassed in yield that of any other year. The war,
however, robbed the country of the fruit of its own fertility. The
effect of full granaries was offset by a European wheat harvest worse
even than that of 1916 and by the difficulty of sparing ships to bring
Australia's wheat to Europe. The demand on American wheat for export
became so urgent that the Government was compelled to place the wheat
trade virtually in the hands of a paramount commission.
Governmental food control became a reality on November 1, 1917, when the
manufacture, storage, importation, and distribution of practically all
essential foodstuffs came under the jurisdiction of the Food
Administration headed by Herbert C. Hoover, and could only be conducted
under license from that body. Probably the Government had never before
undertaken such a step in commercial regulation which came so close to
the lives of the people. About twenty important and inclusive classes of
food were brought under Federal control. Virtually the whole machinery
of their manufacture and distribution became subject to Federal
pressure. All food brokers, commission men, wholesalers, jobbers,
warehousemen, importers, and grain elevator men not previously licensed
were required to take out permits, in most cases without reference to
the size of their business. Only meat packers, canners, millers, egg
packers, ginners, etc., whose business was small, were exempted. All
retailers whose gross sales of food exceeded $100,000 yearly were
licensed. The control affected small retailers also, for it was
expressly provided by Mr. Hoover that no licensee shall "knowingly sell
any food commodity to any person who shall, after this regulation goes
into effect, violate the provisions" of the Food Administration Act; and
wholesalers and jobbers were to be furnished information concerning
small retailers who hoarded or extorted. It also affected manufacturers
and dealers whose merchandise was not included in the specified classes
of food controlled.
The object, of course, was to keep food prices down to the minimum. The
Food Administration Act forbade manipulation or speculation, excessive
profits, discriminatory practices, and waste. The licensing system was
simply a means of enforcing these prohibitions. Mr. Hoover looked for
their successful operation not so much by formulating strict regulations
as by awakening a spirit of public service among food traders.
The grocers undertook to concentrate their efforts upon selling
substitutes for white flour and meat, in view of the Allies' calls on
American produce and the consequent shortage for home purposes.
Retailers promised to encourage the sale of "articles of food cheap but
good in quality in place of high-priced staples." Wholesale grocers were
urged to arrange with manufacturers for larger supplies of corn meal,
rye, and oat products. Food distributing and selling organizations
throughout the country began a campaign to induce retailers to stop
soliciting orders, to reduce deliveries to one daily for a family or
route, and to stimulate the sale of prunes, oats, corn meal, and rice in
bulk and for cash. Mr. Hoover had laid down the principle that it was
the delivered cost of food to jobber, wholesaler, and merchant that
determined the price on resale, and not market conditions at the time of
resale. No one was to profit by fluctuations upward while he held goods
in stock.
The Food Administration's task was to awaken millions of families to
recognize the necessity of food conservation, to educate millions of
producers to maximum effort, and to banish greed from the business of
thousands of distributors. The last presented the greatest difficulty.
Yet the readiness of dealers to be content with living-profit margins
and to increase efficiency, the eagerness of commission men to
discourage all speculation and to help constructively in effecting
adequate deliveries on full cars, and the assurances of most
distributors that they would aid in bringing recalcitrants into
subjection, promised that the problem was not impossible of solution.
Profiteering had been one of the banes of the war in Europe, and the
Government sought to check this rapacious method of using war conditions
to acquire ill-gotten gains by traders who preyed upon public
necessities.
Mr. Hoover thus presented the situation in the autumn of 1917:
"There is plenty of food in this country, and our problem is one of
surplus and not a deficit. This does not mean that we can send to the
Allies all they need, for there is not enough when considered from the
war point of view. The wheat we export will be the direct amount that
the people save out of their bread, for we have shipped our surplus and
must keep the bread supply for the country. We will ship wheat or flour
from month to month, but such shipments will not be allowed except our
supply warrants them. Through conservation we are gaining a 20 per cent.
surplus of wheat. This means literally that every one who saves a slice
of bread is giving a slice of bread to our Allies. We are consuming 20
per cent. less wheat than last year."
According to Mr. Hoover, the Allies' wheat requirements from the United
States amounted to 210,000,000 bushels. The country's production of
wheat in 1916 was 670,000,000 bushels, of which 590,000,000 bushels was
consumed at home, leaving only 80,000,000 bushels available for export.
There were thus 130,000,000 bushels to be found to fulfill the Allies'
needs, that is, by saving that much from the normal consumption of flour
by the people. The Food Administration found a spokesman in President
Wilson, who, in a proclamation, called on the people at large to observe
more wheatless days, and on wheat traders to curtail their stocks and
sales.
The application of the slogan, "Food will win the war," was extended to
neutral countries contiguous to Germany. If food was to win the war,
then victory would come by the weakening of Germany through being unable
to obtain American food, since the United States had virtually become
Europe's chief food source, and Germany could always obtain American
supplies through the neutrals. The President stopped further trading in
American food between the neutrals and Germany by a proclamation
ordaining that after August 30, 1917, no exports from American ports
could be shipped, except under a strict license of the Exports Council,
to any country in the Eastern Hemisphere. The restraint, though made of
universal application, was specifically aimed at the European neutrals
which flourished upon trading with Germany.
A large number of Dutch and other neutral vessels lying in New York
harbor were chartered by the American Government and added to the
available merchant shipping.
CHAPTER XIV
TRANSPORTATION AND FUEL
The war was gradually being brought home to the nation, not by tidings
of American troops taking their places side by side with their Allies in
Europe, but by internal changes. The Government stretched forth an
expropriating arm in all directions where public and private service
could be utilized for war purposes, and it duly took charge of the
railroads.
As a war measure, the President's intervention in assuming control of
the country's transportation systems was the most sweeping step he had
taken under the extraordinary powers vested in him by Congress. The
railroad authorities themselves realized its need. The war had received
many designations, but analyzing its conduct down to fundamentals, it
was a railroad war. So Marshal Joffre had termed it in recalling how the
railroad had enabled him to win the Battle of the Marne by rushing
troops and munitions where they were critically needed.
The American railroads were already overtaxed when war was declared, and
lacked facilities for proper repairs and new equipment. Early in 1915
and thenceforth they became swamped by a flood of traffic in munitions,
food, and other supplies from the interior to the seaboard for
transshipment overseas to the Allies. They needed more locomotives and
cars for this huge traffic; but the day of reasonable prices had passed,
labor was costly and uncertain, and engine and car builders were
absorbed in producing for the Allies. When the war drew in the United
States the railroad's burdens were swollen manifold by the
transportation problem incident to the mobilizing of an army of
1,500,000 men. Troop trains had to be operated by the tens and hundreds
and even thousands; for every troop train there were ten, fifteen, and
twenty trains of camp equipment; ore and fuel had to be carried; more
and more material called for transit to the seaboard for the Allies. The
traffic grew 50 per cent. above that of 1914, the year the European war
started, and it was operated with little more than 3 per cent. of
additional equipment. The working forces of the railroads, in addition,
were depleted, not only by numerous volunteer enlistments to the
regular army, but by the selective draft, and by the creation of nine
full regiments of railroad engineers for service in France.
Reviewing the situation in December, 1917, the Interstate Commerce
Commission recommended immediate unification of the railroads into one
system, operated under government control, as the only solution of the
problem of conducting the war traffic.
The President by proclamation took over the railroads on December 28,
1917. He exercised this power both under the resolutions declaring war
against Germany and Austria-Hungary, wherein he was authorized to employ
the resources of the Government and of the country to bring the conflict
to a successful termination, and under an army appropriation bill passed
on August 29, 1916 (eight months before the United States entered the
war), which provided:
"The President, in time of war, is empowered, through the Secretary of
War, to take possession and assume control of any system or systems of
transportation, or any part thereof, and to utilize the same, to the
exclusion as far as may be necessary of all other traffic thereon, for
the transfer or transportation of troops, war material and equipment, or
for such other purposes connected with the emergency as may be needful
or desirable."
The President, explaining his action in a supplementary statement, told
the country:
"This is a war of resources no less than of men, perhaps even more than
of men, and it is necessary for the complete mobilization of our
resources that the transportation systems of the country should be
organized and employed under a single authority and a simplified method
of coordination which have not proved possible under private management
and control.
"The Government of the United States is the only great government now
engaged in the war which has not already assumed control of this sort.
It was thought to be in the spirit of American institutions to attempt
to do everything that was necessary through private management, and if
zeal and ability and patriotic motive could have accomplished the
necessary unification of administration, it would certainly have been
accomplished; but no zeal or ability could overcome insuperable
obstacles, and I have deemed it my duty to recognize that fact in all
candor now that it is demonstrated and to use without reserve the great
authority reposed in me. A great national necessity dictated the action,
and I was therefore not at liberty to abstain from it."
The Government undertook to guarantee to each company such net earnings
as would amount to the ascertained average of the three-year period
ending with June, 1917. The rights of stockholders and bondholders and
other creditors of the railroads were not to be impaired by the change
in control, and the roads were to be kept in as good repair and
equipment as when taken over. For their upkeep and betterment the
President sought an appropriation of $500,000,000 from Congress.
The Secretary of the Treasury, William G. McAdoo, was appointed director
general. His first act was to order that all terminals, ports,
locomotives, rolling stock and other transportation facilities be
utilized in the common cause of serving the country. By this course he
ended all railroad compacts apportioning the distribution of traffic,
and pooled the terminals for the common use of all carriers whose lines
or cars could reach them.
Meantime a coal famine, due to freight congestion of unexampled
proportions, had been gradually developing. At the beginning of December
the country, except in the northwest, faced a serious shortage of fuel,
not through lack of coal, but through lack of means to transport it. Dr.
H. A. Garfield, the Federal Fuel Administrator, took steps to have coal
and coke given the right of way over general freight, which in turn was
subordinate to the transit of actual war supplies. Traffic priority of
coal shipments was the remedy sought to loosen the congestion of coal
cars at mines and terminals. But sufficient coal did not reach the
various points of distribution for normal winter use, nor, what was as
serious, for war purposes. It was solely a transportation problem,
involving a general freight problem, and its solution would also solve
the fuel problem. The navy and factories alone required 100,000,000
tons more than they needed before, and could get little above half that
quantity. There came an imperative call for fuel economy from Dr.
Garfield, who warned the country that unless it could save 50,000,000
tons by retrenchment, the Government would have to stop the operation of
nonessential industries where coal was a big factor in order to apply
the use of fuel so saved for essential war industries.
In the end Dr. Garfield resorted to heroic measures. Without prior
notice he issued a closing order to the industries east of the
Mississippi, which were thus made to feel the full force of the coal
famine. The operation of all factories, except those engaged in the
manufacture of foodstuffs, was suspended for five days (from January 18
to January 22, 1918), and they were also to close every Monday from
January 28 to March 25 inclusive. Coal merchants were required in
selling fuel to give preference to railroads, domestic, and public
service consumers, ships for bunker purposes, Government departments,
national and local, and manufacturers of perishable food. On the five
days named and on the succeeding Mondays, no fuel was to be delivered to
any other person or corporation for any purpose except for plants which
must be operated seven days a week to avoid injury to their equipment,
and printing establishments. The curtailment of the use of fuel was
further prescribed on the Mondays named to an extent that virtually made
them holidays. All private, business, and professional offices, except
those of banks and trust companies, physicians and dentists, were
forbidden to be heated or lighted at all except to avert the danger of
damage from frozen apparatus. Wholesale and retail stores (except those
selling food), business buildings, saloons, theaters, dance halls and
all other places of amusement came under this ban.
The country was startled by the sweeping order. Protests poured into the
White House; Congress was in a ferment; the Senate passed a resolution
urging a postponement of such a drastic step. But Dr. Garfield remained
firm. He insisted that the inadequacy of the coal supply and
transportation facilities to meet the enormous war demands, coupled with
unprecedented adverse weather, had made immediate restrictive measures
imperative. The order, with a few modifications, was enforced in the
face of a rising storm of indignation from a multitude of objectors who
saw nothing but industrial chaos in its operation.
The protests subsided as quickly as they arose. Industry had received a
violent shock; confusion and uncertainty followed; but the order was
obeyed. It fell with stunning effect upon an unprepared public opinion
which in some directions exploded with symptoms of a panic-stricken
hysteria. But presently it began to dawn on the public mind that if a
cessation of business for a few days helped the railroads to move coal
and war freight, whereby ships could get fuel and cargoes to depart to
Europe, and also removed the tantalizing spectacle (one of many like
situations elsewhere) of a coalless New York while 350,000 tons were
traffic-bound a few miles away, the fuel-curtailment order would be
remembered as marking a decision of great courage and statesmanship. The
congestion of the railroads and their terminals had produced a condition
bordering on transportation immobility. The arteries of commerce, as it
were, had become frozen. Factories and plants piled their daily output
in railroad yards and near the docks in rising quantities. The
accumulations of undelivered freight grew and grew and the panting
railroads, working beyond the limits of what their traffic would bear,
could only reduce the incubus piecemeal. The tardy recognition came
that, even had there been no coal shortage, which was the primary cause
of the shutdown, a temporary cessation of manufacture was necessary to
clear the loaded tracks and empty the groaning storehouses before they
were burdened with further accretions from the hives of industry.
The antagonism provoked by the closing order soon gave way to a cordial
spirit of cooperation, and many industries affected undertook to assume
in large part the financial burdens incident to enforced idleness.
Manufacturing was halted and further merchandise was kept from
cluttering the crowded railroads. Improved transportation conditions
followed, due largely to milder weather. The way was rapidly cleared for
a steady movement of coal to tidewater for bunkering ships loaded with
supplies for the American oversea forces and for the Allies, as well as
for supplying domestic fuel needs.
PART III-REVOLUTIONARY RUSSIA
CHAPTER XV
THE LAST DAYS OF KERENSKY
Viewed in the light of later events, there can now remain no doubt of
that the overthrow of the Russian czar was as much a reaction against
war as it was a revolution against autocracy. In July, 1917, Premier
Kerensky, representing the radical intellectuals, rather than the people
as a mass, had attempted to stimulate the enthusiasm of the armies for
another general offensive against the Austro-German forces. The effort
had failed disastrously, not through any tactical mistakes or through
any great lack of equipment or material support, but because the
stiffness had gone out of the backbone of the Russian soldier. The
propaganda of the Bolsheviki had created this situation, it was said,
but propaganda can only crystallize a sentiment: it can never create it.
The rank and file of the Russian armies accepted the Bolshevist
agitators and their doctrines only because their state of mind was in
sympathy. Ivan was willing to face any alternative to further fighting.
This fact Kerensky evidently realized better than anyone after the
collapse of the midsummer offensive. Either one of two things an army
must possess to fight effectively: iron discipline or enthusiasm. The
latter Kerensky had tried to awaken. He had failed. Hastily he tried to
establish the other: a rule of "blood and iron," as he termed it. But
Kerensky was not of the stuff of which dictators are made. Like Madero
of Mexico, he possessed too abundantly the quality of mercy to play the
rôle of the Prussian.
Kerensky, undoubtedly, knew of the growing antiwar sentiment in the rank
and file of the army. This sentiment prevailed to a much less extent
behind the lines, especially among the intellectuals of all shades of
opinion, and among the commercial classes. Or, perhaps, it would be more
correct to say that these elements saw the necessity of continuing the
war more clearly than did the soldiers at the front and therefore feared
the results of a premature, or separate, peace.
To give the prowar elements an opportunity to express themselves, to
transmit their enthusiasm to the army, perhaps, Kerensky and his
associates of the Provisional Government had called a national
conference, to be held in Moscow in the latter part of August, 1917. All
kinds of organizations and social bodies were invited to send delegates;
the zemstvos, the cooperative societies, the Red Cross, the labor
unions, the professional leagues and the army itself, through the
councils and several of the commanding officers. It was, in fact, a sort
of a provisional general assembly whose authority, Kerensky hoped, would
be strong enough to impress the army.
The scene in the ancient capital on the gathering of this notable
conference, on August 26, 1917, was a picturesque one, especially in the
neighborhood of the Grand Opera House, where the sessions were being
held. As demonstrations on the part of the Bolsheviki had been
threatened, the building itself was surrounded by a chain of soldiers
and picked officers were stationed at every few yards, the majority of
the guards being cadets from the military academies, notable for their
loyalty to the Provisional Government, as distinguished from the
Soviets, or soldiers' councils.
The interior of the Opera House was elaborately decorated, the
footbridge connecting the auditorium with the stage being hung with
festoons of revolutionary red. Among the delegates present, numbering
several hundreds, could be distinguished the various national types and
costumes of Russia; Tartars in peaked caps, white-robed mullahs from the
Volga, Georgians with their gorgeous cassocks and bearded priests with
long hair and beards.
The most notable event of the three days' sessions of the conference,
which, on the whole, accomplished nothing but an excited debate, was the
appearance and speech of General Kornilov, the Cossack chief. As he
mounted the platform, the great majority of the delegates in the
auditorium rose _en masse_ and cheered loudly. The delegates from the
soldiers' councils remained stolidly seated, however, in the boxes where
they were grouped together. Officers shouted at them indignantly.
"Rise to your feet and show respect!" they cried.
But the soldiers' delegates paid no heed, or some few shouted back:
"We are done with that! We are a free people now!"
General Kornilov made an impassioned plea for the reestablishment of the
death penalty, as the basis for that discipline without which the army
could no longer stem the Teutonic invasion.
"The old régime bequeathed to Russia," he said, "an army which, despite
the defects in its organization, nevertheless was animated by a fighting
spirit and was ready for sacrifices. The measures taken by those who are
completely foreign to the spirit and the needs of the army have
transformed it into a collection of individual groups which have lost
all sense of duty and only tremble for their personal safety. If Russia
wishes to be saved, the army must be regenerated at any cost."
Here again the general was cheered by all but the representatives of
the army itself, who remained stolidly silent.
None of the elements hid its disappointment over the results of the
conference. And the general disappointment was more or less centered on
Kerensky. His position was, indeed, a difficult one. He realized the
need of a united nation, if the war was to be continued. A radical
himself, affiliated with the Socialist Revolutionary Party, at one time
the most radical of all factions, he now felt drawn toward the
comparatively conservative elements, represented by the Cadets, or
Liberals, on account of their prowar attitude. Yet his human sympathies
were all with the recalcitrant mujiks who, soldiers now at the front, no
longer felt any desire for fighting. Endeavoring to draw these two
greater elements together, he stood between and lost the support of
each.
The last day of the Moscow Conference marked the beginning of Kerensky's
downfall.
Throughout the rest of the month and during the beginning of September,
1917, there was ample evidence that Kerensky was keenly alive to the
dangers about him; counter-revolutions from two directions. On the one
hand were the conservatives, now thoroughly disgusted with the new
régime and the disorganization which it seemed to them to represent.
During the first week of September, 1917, it was reported that a plot to
reestablish, if not the autocracy, at least a modified form of it, had
been uncovered, and a number of titled personages were arrested, among
them Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovitch, brother of the former czar, and
Grand Duke Paul. General Gurko, too, was accused of writing compromising
letters and was exiled from the country.
But more portentous, considering later events, was the reported results
of a municipal election held in Petrograd, wherein the Bolsheviki polled
an unusually large vote; 174,000, as compared to 182,000 by the more
moderate Socialists and 101,000 by the Constitutional Democrats. It was
from this quarter that the second counter-revolution threatened.
The conservative elements were to be heard from first. Whether they
really attempted a genuine counter-revolution remains to this day
somewhat of a mystery. The facts, as reported, bear very much the
aspect of an intrigue against the conservatives themselves.
On September 10, 1917, it was announced that General Kornilov, commander
in chief, had asked the Provisional Government to eliminate itself and
hand over its power to him; that he proclaimed himself dictator.
Kerensky himself supplied the first details in a personal proclamation.
Already the next day it was reported that Kornilov was moving troops on
the capital and that he had even begun bombarding government positions
with heavy guns. All the councils were issuing appeals to their
constituents, the soldiers, to refuse support to Kornilov and to rally
to the support of the Government, while this danger lasted, at least.
And then, on the second day, Kerensky proclaimed himself commander in
chief of the Russian military forces, with General Alexiev, chief of the
General Staff, as his second in command.
Kornilov now issued a proclamation, or statement, from his headquarters
at Mogilev, in which he declared that Kerensky's account of his
interview with the emissary, Lvov, was a fabrication in that he,
Kornilov, had not sent Lvov to Kerensky, but that Kerensky had sent Lvov
to him, Kornilov, with the deliberate purpose of creating a
misunderstanding.
"I, General Kornilov, the son of a peasant," added he, in a later
proclamation, "declare to all that I require nothing personally;
nothing, save the salvation of mighty Russia. I swear to lead the nation
by the road of victory over the foe to a constituent assembly, through
which the nation will decide its own fate and choose the organization of
its own political life."
From later accounts it appears that no fighting of any sort ever took
place, or even threatened. A body of Caucasians and other soldiers of
other non-Slavic races, all Moslems and speaking no Russian, did indeed
appear near Petrograd, and created considerable alarm among councils.
Being met by a body of Government troops, a misunderstanding arose and
threats of arrest were exchanged. Then came some Caucasians from
Petrograd, loyal to the Provisional Government, and interpreted,
whereupon it appeared that the supposed rebels had heard of no
rebellion and had no intention of attacking. Nevertheless, much capital
was made of the incident at the time.
On the 14th General Kornilov was arrested or, rather, he gave himself up
to a commission of inquiry which arrived at Mogilev, and henceforward
little is heard from him. On the following day Kerensky issued a
proclamation definitely declaring Russia a republic, in the following
terms:
"General Kornilov's rebellion has been quelled, but great is the
confusion caused thereby and again great is the danger threatening the
Fatherland and its freedom. Holding it necessary to put an end to the
external indefiniteness of the state's organization, remembering the
unanimous and rapturous approval of the republican idea expressed at the
Moscow Conference, the Provisional Government declares that the
constitutional organization, according to which the Russian state is
ruled, is a republican organization, and it hereby proclaims the Russian
Republic."
To this document Kerensky signed his name as "Minister and President,"
though the latter title may have referred to his presidency of the
Ministry.
Meanwhile almost daily changes were taking place in the personnel of the
Cabinet, members of which were resigning, withdrawing their resignations
and again resigning. Finally this body was reduced to five members, with
Kerensky still at the head, with practically plenary powers. Every
official utterance, whether by the premier or any one of his associates,
sounded one note: the need of stricter discipline. Evidently there was
now a genuine effort being made to counteract the laxness which had been
continually increasing since the July defeat.
It was at this time that the name of Kaledine, the hetman of the Don
Cossacks, first began to appear prominently in the reports of events.
Kaledine had evidently shown himself in sympathy with Kornilov, for an
order was now sent to the Don Cossacks to arrest their chief and send
him on to Petrograd. To this demand the Cossacks returned an evasive
reply, saying that they were holding a congress at which the presence of
Kaledine as presiding officer was necessary. One of the accusations
against Kaledine was that he was attempting to organize a separate
government among his people in southern Russia.
During these exciting days the soldiers' and workmen's councils had
indeed given their full support to the Provisional Government against
the Kornilov movement. But if Kerensky had hoped thereby to silence the
voices of the extremists, the Bolsheviki, and to create solidarity among
the radical groups, he was to be strongly disappointed. The effect was
directly contrary; within the councils, and especially in the Petrograd
Council, there was a strong reaction in favor of the extremists. For at
a meeting of that latter body, held in the evening of the 13th, in which
the policy of the Council was being discussed, the Bolsheviki for the
first time gained a substantial majority, numbering 279 against 150. The
resolution bringing out this vote demanded the absolute exclusion from
participation in the government of all representatives of the propertied
classes, with the usual invitation to all the warring states to come
together at a general peace conference. Already the second
counter-revolution was lifting. Nor was the developing situation any
more reassuring when, on the 19th, Chiesde, Skobeliev, Tsertelli,
Chernov and the rest of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Council
resigned on account of the majority vote polled by the Bolsheviki on the
13th.
Meanwhile, from Finland and from the Ukraine, or Little Russia, came
rumors of secret conferences wherein was discussed the establishment of
separate governments. In Kiev was held a congress of non-Slavic peoples
inhabiting Russia, which declared for a "democratic federal republic,"
in which the separate nationalities should each enjoy a large measure of
autonomy.
On September 28, 1917, there assembled in Petrograd what was known as
the "Democratic Congress," a conference called by the councils to offset
the Moscow Conference. About 1,200 delegates attended, representing,
first of all, the various provincial councils, then the zemstvos, labor
unions, cooperative societies, peasant organizations, etc.
Kerensky spoke from the platform during the opening session, though he
made it plain that he did so in his private capacity, and not as the
representative of the Government, which, he declared, would recognize no
other authority than that of the Constituent Assembly, when that should
have been created.
His tone was aggressive, as though he were facing an opposition, and,
indeed, from the volume of the applause accorded him it was obvious that
he had only a minority heartily with him. He expressed himself strongly
in favor of a cabinet in which should be represented the Constitutional
Democrats, and he denounced the local council of Helsingfors, which had
refused to prevent the opening of the Finnish Diet, which had been
forbidden by the Provisional Government, for it was known that the Finns
contemplated the declaration of a separate state. At this point the
speaker was hissed from the left.
"You may hiss, my friends," declared Kerensky, "but bear in mind that a
German fleet is moving up the Baltic."
At a later session a resolution was passed demanding that there should
be no change made in the Cabinet without consulting the Congress. In
open defiance of this order Kerensky, on October 4, 1917, completely
reorganized his Cabinet, appointing a number of Constitutional
Democrats. Three days later there was another reorganization of the
Cabinet, after a conference between representatives of the Democratic
Congress, the Constitutional Democrats and Premier Kerensky, in which it
seemed they had arrived at some sort of a compromise by which they could
work together.
One definite result of the Democratic Congress was the organization of a
sort of a makeshift constitutional assembly, called the "Temporary
Council of the Russian Republic," in which "nondemocratic elements were
to have 120 representatives."
At first the Congress insisted that the Cabinet should make itself
responsible to this body. This suggestion Kerensky and his associates
promptly refused to consider. Finally a compromise was effected by which
it was agreed that the temporary council should work together with the
Cabinet in an advisory capacity and should have certain initiative
powers.
This body was then organized and finally held its first meeting on
October 20, 1917.
Meanwhile the Soldiers' and Workmen's Council had held an election to
fill the vacancies created by the resignation of most of its officers
and executive committee. What political complexion the Council had now
assumed may be judged from the fact that Leon Trotzky was elected to the
chairmanship. He and several of his political associates had also been
elected members of the Temporary Council, or Preliminary Assembly, as it
was also called, but this election they utilized only as a means to
making an effective demonstration, for at the first session of the body
Trotzky made a fiery speech denouncing the Cabinet and the Temporary
Council itself as being in the hands of the "bourgeoisie."
"We will have nothing to do with you!" he shouted. "We will go among the
soldiers and the workers and the peasants and tell them that you are
endangering the revolution." Having concluded, Trotzky and the other
Bolshevist members walked out in a body.
Whatever else may be said against the Bolsheviki, they do most assuredly
give their opponents sufficient warning of their intended acts. In fact,
so continuously did they declare their intention of seizing the powers
of government, even to fixing the date, that they gave the superficial
impression of being mere boasters.
After being elected chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, Trotzky caused to
be formed a military revolutionary committee. In the evening of Sunday,
November 4, 1917, a delegation from this committee appeared at the
Government staff offices and demanded the right of entry, control, and
veto. This demand was flatly refused.
"What you will not concede voluntarily we will take by force," replied
the delegates, and went. Thus the events beginning three days later
could have been no surprise to the Kerensky Government.
CHAPTER XVI
THE BOLSHEVIST REVOLUTION
On November 7, 1917, the Bolsheviki took their first violent action. An
armed naval detachment, under orders from the military revolutionary
committee of the Soviet, which had established itself in the Smolny
Institute building, occupied the offices of the official Petrograd
Telegraph Agency and the Central Telegraph Office, the State Bank and
the Marie Palace, where the Preliminary Assembly was holding its
sessions. In a communication to the Municipal Duma, Trotzky stated that
it was not the intention of the Soviet to seize full power, but only to
assume control of the city.
Kerensky immediately took measures to oppose these overt acts, but
within the next twenty-four hours it became obvious that he had little
support among the soldiers in the capital. By next morning he had
disappeared, fleeing, as was presently to develop, to the military
forces at the front, which he believed might be loyal to the Government.
Meanwhile Trotzky declared the Preliminary Assembly dissolved and issued
a proclamation that it was the intention of the new government, when
established and in control, to open negotiations with the Germans for a
"general democratic peace."
As yet the Bolsheviki had not met with any serious opposition. Orders
issued by the Kerensky Government for the opening of the spans of the
bridge across the Neva were not carried out. Bolshevist patrols paraded
the streets and maintained order. A number of outbursts on the part of
the criminal elements, having as their object robbery and looting, were
severely suppressed and the ringleaders shot.
Late in the afternoon of the 8th the following proclamation was issued:
"To the Army Committees of the Active Army and to all Councils of
Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates and to the Garrison and
Proletariat of Petrograd:
"We have deposed the Government of Kerensky, which rose against
the revolution and the people. The change which resulted in the
deposition of the Provisional Government was accomplished without
bloodshed. The Petrograd Council of Workmen's and Soldiers'
Delegates solemnly welcomes the accomplished change and proclaims
the authority of the Military Revolutionary Committee until the
creation of a government by the Workmen's and Soldiers'
Delegates. Announcing this to the army at the front, the
Revolutionary Committee calls upon the revolutionary soldiers to
watch closely the conduct of the men in command. Officers who do
not join the accomplished revolution immediately and openly must
be arrested at once as enemies. The Petrograd Council of
Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates considers this to be the
program of the new authority:
"First--The offer of an immediate democratic peace.
"Second--The immediate handing over of large proprietarial lands
to the peasants.
"Third--The transmission of all authority to the Council of
Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates.
"Fourth--The convocation of an honest Constituent Assembly.
"The national revolutionary army must not permit uncertain
military detachments to leave the front for Petrograd. They
should use persuasion, but where this fails they must oppose any
such action on the part of such detachments by force without
mercy.
"The actual order must be read immediately to all military
detachments in all arms. The suppression of this order from the
rank and file by the army organizations is equivalent to a great
crime against the revolution and will be punished by all the
strength behind the revolutionary law.
"Soldiers! For peace, for bread, for land, and for the power of
the people!
"THE MILITARY REVOLUTIONARY COMMITTEE."
Meanwhile, simultaneously with the uprising, a General Congress of the
Soviets of all Russia convened. When Trotzky had stated that there was
no intention to take over the powers of the government, he had spoken
only for the Petrograd Soviet. This Congress was responsible for the
more ambitious program.
Of the 560 members of the Congress, 250 were Bolsheviki, 150 Social
Revolutionists, 60 were Minimalists, or Socialists of the Kerensky type,
while the rest belonged to the various other minor radical groups.
The order of business for the Congress was:
First--Organization of Power.
Second--Peace and War.
Third--A Constituent Assembly.
Among the officers elected were Lenine and Trotzky.
The Minimalists immediately presented a motion proposing a working
compromise with the Kerensky Government, but this was voted down.
The general result of the first session of the Congress was approval of
the action of the Petrograd Soviet and the declaration of a new
revolutionary government through the Congress. The Bolshevist element
were triumphant, completely so.
CHAPTER XVII
THE SIEGE OF THE WINTER PALACE
The new government was not to gain control without some fighting,
however. When the forces of the Soviet attempted to take possession of
the Winter Palace, the headquarters of the Kerensky Government, they
found the building in possession of a military force determined to give
some resistance. Among the troops stationed here was the Women's
Regiment, the Death Battalion, whose fame had been spread all over the
world. The women immediately surrendered without firing a shot. It seems
highly probable that this body was never intended for fighting, and that
its surrender was with the full consent of the defenders within the
building. The women were marched off and later disarmed; then the
fighting began.
Within the square before the palace were stacked great quantities of
firewood. Behind these woodpiles the Bolshevist forces immediately took
shelter and opened up a steady fire at the windows of the palace.
Eventually, later in the night, the defenders of the Winter Palace
surrendered.
Next day the bullet-spattered palace, the only visible sign of the
revolution, drew vast throngs of the populace to the vicinity of the
structure. On the Nevsky Prospect, where machine guns and armored cars
and infantry had been massed were to be seen only the usual moving
throng of pedestrians, among whom might be seen an occasional bandaged
soldier or sailor, who had been wounded during the fight. Of the
defenders of the Winter Palace about thirty had been killed or wounded,
while the forces of the Soviet had lost only one sailor killed and
several were wounded.
In spite of the fact that dispatches were announcing that the Bolsheviki
were in a majority only in Petrograd, similar uprisings were taking
place all over Russia, notably in Moscow. There the fighting seems to
have been of a more determined nature, however, the casualties amounting
to seven hundred on both sides. Eventually the Bolsheviki were
triumphant.
After Kerensky left Petrograd, he managed, a few days later, to obtain
the support of a small force of Cossacks, numbering three or four
thousand, under General Krasnov, and with these he began an advance on
Petrograd, reaching Gatchina, a few miles distant. Here he was joined by
an additional force of military cadets, some light and heavy artillery,
and an armored train.
Here he was attacked on Saturday, the 10th, and the fighting which then
began lasted until Monday night. The Bolshevist forces included four of
the famous Petrograd guard regiments, several battalions of sailors from
the fleet, and a large number of armed workmen, known as the Red Guard.
"Our forces," reported a Bolshevist colonel, "were under a continuous
shell fire, and many of our men were wounded, though few were killed. At
one time a squadron of Kerensky's Cossacks attempted a charge near
Tsarskoe Selo. They evidently were not familiar with the fact that
officers of veteran regiments were with the Bolshevist forces, and, to
their surprise, they were met by organized resistance. A heavy volley,
which toppled over many of their horses, caused them severe losses. This
was the last active attempt of the Kerensky forces to attack, and
afterward they retreated."
Later reports seemed to indicate that the fighting had not been very
severe and that the commander of the Kerensky forces, General Krasnov,
was only half-hearted in his support of the former Premier. Or it may
have been the attitude of his own soldiers which compelled him to begin
parleying with the Bolshevist commander, the result of which was that
the Cossacks joined the forces of the latter. General Krasnov joined
them and made the following report regarding Kerensky:
"At 3 o'clock in the afternoon of November 1 (November 14, new style) I
called at Kerensky's headquarters. He appeared nervous and excited.
"'General,' he said to me, 'you have betrayed me. Your Cossacks say they
will arrest me and hand me over to the sailors.'
"'Yes,' I answered, 'such a discussion is now going on.'
"'Do the officers feel the same way?' he asked.
"'Yes.'
"'What shall I do? Will I have to commit suicide?'
"'If you are an honest man you will go to Petrograd under a white flag
and appear before the Revolutionary Committee, where you will negotiate
as head of the Government.'
"Kerensky agreed to this and he was promised a guard. He objected to a
guard of sailors on the ground that he had enemies among them. He wanted
to wait until night, but finally agreed to go in daytime. I ordered
Colonel Kishkov, of the Tenth Don Cossacks, to appoint a guard of eight
men. A half hour later the Cossacks told me that Kerensky could not be
found. I raised the alarm, thinking he could not have left Gatchina."
It is evident that Kerensky could not trust himself to the Bolshevist
leaders. There were rumors, but no authentic news came as to his
whereabouts. Some reports placed him in Siberia; others with the
Cossacks in southern Russia.
CHAPTER XVIII
THE BOLSHEVIKI AND THEIR LEADERS
But before the final defeat of the Kerensky forces the Bolsheviki had
consolidated their hold on the political situation and had organized a
government. Most of the ministers of the former Kerensky Cabinet had
been arrested and were imprisoned in the St. Peter and St. Paul
Fortress; they were with the forces which had defended the Winter
Palace. On the occasion of their arrest Trotzky made the statement that
they would be tried for complicity in the Kornilov revolution, or
attempt at revolution, indicating that the Bolsheviki took the attitude
that the affair had been the result of an intrigue of Kerensky's.
Nikolai Lenine, whose return to Russia at the beginning of the
Revolution had been effected with the aid of Germany, headed the new
cabinet as Premier. Leon Trotzky, who posed as an internationalist, was
assigned the Department of Foreign Affairs. It may be well to discuss
briefly the origin and aims of the political party which had suddenly
achieved control.
The Bolsheviki are simply a faction of the Socialist party which may be
found in every country where the Socialists are organized. In the United
States they are known as the "Impossibilists," signifying that they will
accept no compromise in their struggle against capitalism, as compared
to their more moderate opponents, the "Opportunists," who are not averse
to playing politics with the more conservative parties. In Russia the
Bolsheviki are the "Impossibilists," the word Bolshevik being derived
from "Bolsho," meaning large, or great. Literally the name indicates
"all or nothing." The word was first coined in the summer of 1903, when
the split in the Russian Social Democratic party occurred at a general
convention, Lenine heading the secessionist movement. It is claimed
that the Maximalists of the Social Revolutionists who, during the
turbulent period that began in 1904, advocated violent expropriation and
committed robberies against the Government to obtain funds, were a
different faction.
Fundamentally the Bolsheviki are Marxian Socialists, believing that all
history is simply a record of the varying phases of the eternal class
struggle between the ruling classes and the oppressed proletariat.
Compared to this struggle, between the rulers and the ruled, all other
struggles, even the present war, are to them of no significance; they
consider them simply quarrels between the capitalist groups of the
various countries, while the soldiers forming the armies of the various
belligerents are simply--so the Bolsheviki believe--dupes. From the same
point of view, if these dupes, the working classes of all nations, were
really "class-conscious," realizing their true interests, they would
understand that nationalism and patriotism are only tricks of the ruling
classes to keep them separated, so that they may be all the more easily
controlled.
Theoretically all Socialists of the Marxian school believe this. But
when the present war broke out, such Socialists as Kerensky and Tchernov
and a great many more in this country, England and France were convinced
that the situation was exceptional and that, though the Allied countries
were, not, from their point of view, thoroughly democratic, in that the
industries are controlled by private persons for private profit, they
did, nevertheless, relatively speaking, represent democracy as against
such rank autocracy as the German and Austrian Governments.
The Bolsheviki, true to their name, would grant no such concessions. All
governments, in their eyes, were against the people, the difference
between them being only a question of degree so slight as not to matter
materially. The real fight, according to their opinion, is between the
great masses of the workers on the one hand and the exploiting traders
and other capitalists on the other. Therefore they called on the masses
of all countries to unite in a great world-wide brotherhood and
overthrow all the governments.
The intellect, the chief exponent, of the Russian Bolsheviki was and is
Vladimir Illitch Ulyanov or, as he is more generally known, Nikolai
Lenine. He was born in Simbirsk, central Russia, forty-eight years ago,
being a scion of the minor landed nobility. His father was an official
in the Department of Public Instruction and Lenine received his early
education in his native city. After graduating from the local gymnasium
he went to Petrograd where he continued his studies in the university,
specializing in economics. The early and the picturesque phase of the
Nihilist movement was past then, but its seed was sprouting and very
many students were radicals and revolutionists, Lenine among them.
But what made Lenine more determined in his revolutionary activities was
a tragedy which happened in the family when he was only seventeen years
of age. It was then, in 1887, that his elder brother, also a student in
the Petrograd University, was arrested for suspected complicity in a
revolutionary plot and, after a secret trial, was condemned to death and
hung.
Like all men of his type, Lenine was intensely emotional and this
tragedy in his life made a deep impression on him and was probably one
of the chief factors in determining him to devote his whole career to
the revolutionary movement. By this time he had become a convert to the
Socialist theories of Karl Marx, and thenceforth he spent all his spare
time spreading the propaganda among the working people. At the same time
he also continued his studies of economics and various kindred subjects.
At the age of twenty-five he published his first essay, "The Economic
Significance of the People's Movement." Four years later appeared a
historical treatise, "The Development of Capitalism in Russia," just at
the moment when two important factions in the general revolutionary
movement were carrying on a controversy as to whether the economic
development of Russia would be the same as in western Europe. Even as
the result of mere research the work was a scholarly masterpiece and was
regarded as one of the landmarks in the literature of Russian industrial
development.
It was not long before Lenine's activities caused him to become
involved with the police, and not only was he compelled to change his
name often, as did all revolutionists, but he was finally forced to
leave Russia and could only return on short visits on false passports.
Most of his time abroad was spent in Switzerland, France, and Austria.
Naturally, he took an active part in the disturbances of 1905, but did
not specially distinguish himself, as it was the Social Revolutionists
with their program of terrorism who were the most energetic during that
period. Then followed the reaction and little was heard of Lenine or his
Bolsheviki for a while. But in 1911, when Russian revolutionary
activities showed signs of reawakening, Lenine and his associates
founded the prominent Socialist daily paper, "Pravda," and took up their
propaganda work with renewed activity. In 1913 the Leninites had
developed such strength that they were able to elect six representatives
to the Duma.
When the war broke out Lenine was in Cracow. He was immediately arrested
by the Austrians as a Russian subject, but it was a moment when his past
career stood him in good turn, and he was easily able to prove himself
an enemy of the Russian Government. Being released, he went to
Switzerland, where he remained until March, 1917. On the outbreak of the
revolution which resulted in the overthrow of the Czar he at once set
out for Russia. The Germans were only too glad to offer him facilities
for crossing over to Russian territory, for they were well acquainted
with his antiwar theories and had every reason to hope that he would
play their game in the Russian capital.
But if Lenine was the scholar, the theorist, of the Bolsheviki, the
dynamic power was undoubtedly Leon Trotzky. His real name is Leber
Braunstein, and as the name indicates, he is of Jewish origin. He was
born in Kherson, a province bordering on the Black Sea, about forty-five
years ago. Of well-to-do parents, he obtained an excellent university
education and, like Lenine, became active among the university
revolutionary societies.
During the disturbances in 1905 he was at the head of the Workmen's
Council which directed the general strike, but after the attempted
revolution had been suppressed he was arrested and exiled to Siberia.
After a few years he escaped by way of Japan, thence to Europe, where he
became a familiar figure in the Russian exile colonies in Switzerland
and other European countries.
When the war broke out he was in Berlin. Not liking his brand of
Socialism for home consumption, the German Government sent him across
the frontier into Switzerland. But Switzerland proved too quiet for a
man of his turbulent temperament, so he managed to find his way to
Paris, where he began publishing a Socialist paper. Here he was allowed
to remain until the Russian troops were sent to France. His paper fell
into the hands of the Russian soldiers. Trotzky's doctrines were quite
as uncompromising as were those of Lenine, so, at the suggestion of the
Russian Government, he was requested to move on. He thereupon went to
Spain. But the Spanish Government would not tolerate a man of his
radical opinions, so he was put aboard a steamer bound for Cuba. From
Havana he at once took passage to New York, where he received a cordial
welcome from the radical Jewish elements, landing in January, 1917.
During the three months that Trotzky remained in New York he lived in
the Bronx section of the city, his friends supplying him with the
furniture for a small flat. As a means of livelihood he wrote editorials
for the Socialist Jewish papers and was one of the editors of "Novy
Mir," a Russian paper published in New York. He also wrote articles for
the German Socialist paper, the "Volkszeitung."
Shortly after the news of the March revolution in Petrograd Trotzky,
together with a number of other exiles, took passage for home. At
Halifax he was taken off the ship by the British authorities, who knew
his record. Here he was detained until, at the request of the Kerensky
Government, he was released and allowed to proceed to his destination.
In Petrograd he joined Lenine and was the executive head of the
Bolsheviki.
Of the domestic, the internal, program of the Bolsheviki little need be
said, for it could not be brought into effective application until the
international problems should be solved. Like other Socialists, they
stand for the collective ownership of all public industries and natural
resources, including the land. It is part of their doctrine that the big
estates of the church and the bigger landlords who live off their rents
should be expropriated at once. They hold that all army officers should
be elected; that once elected, they should be respected and obeyed so
far as military organization is concerned, but they should be made
subject to sudden recall, or ejection. Unlike many Socialists, the
Bolsheviki do not believe in centralization, even in a democratic
government. In other words, they are keen partisans of "states' rights,"
and believe in local autonomy, superimposed by loose federation. For
this reason, they recognize the right of secession on the part of any
distinct section of the people who may have special sectional interests,
such as radical, religious or national interests.
These are the general principles underlying the Bolshevik movement,
apart from the sinister leadership of Trotzky and Lenine, whose
treacherous connection with Germany and German gold finally betrayed
their party as well as their country and her Allies.
CHAPTER XIX
FIRST BOLSHEVIKI PEACE MOVE
The first informal notice of the peace negotiations which the Bolsheviki
proposed to initiate was issued on November 20, 1917, when the following
announcement was issued:
"By order of the All-Russian Workmen's and Soldiers' Congress, the
'Council of the People's Commissaries' had assumed power, with
obligation to offer all the peoples and their respective governments an
immediate armistice on all fronts, with the purpose of opening
pourparlers immediately for the conclusion of a 'democratic peace.'
"When the power of the Council is firmly established throughout the
country, the Council will, without delay, make a formal offer of an
armistice to all the belligerents, enemy and ally. A draft message to
this effect has been sent to all the people's commissaries for foreign
affairs and to all the plenipotentiaries and representatives of Allied
nations in Petrograd.
"The Council also has sent orders to the citizen commander in chief
that, after receiving the present message, he shall approach the
commanding authorities of the enemy armies with an offer of a cessation
of hostilities for the purpose of opening peace pourparlers, and that he
shall, first, keep the Council constantly informed by direct wire of
pourparlers with the enemy armies and, second, that he shall sign the
preliminary act only after approval by the Commissaries Council."
These instructions were, in fact, sent that same day to General
Dukhonin, who had assumed command of the armies at the front since
Kerensky's disappearance and seemed to be well inclined toward the new
régime, since he had given out an order forbidding the movements of any
troops toward Petrograd. But Dukhonin made no response to the above
instructions. Finally, three days later, on the 23d, Lenine and
Krylenko, the "Commissary of War," got into direct telephone
communication with Dukhonin, and asked the meaning of his silence and
whether he intended to obey the instructions.
"Before replying," returned Dukhonin, "I would like information on the
following points: Has the Council of the People's Commissaries had an
answer from the Powers to its appeal to belligerent nations regarding a
peace decree? Is it intended to open negotiations regarding an
armistice, and with whom--only with Germans or with Turks--or are
negotiations to be opened for a general truce?"
"These are questions not to be decided by you," replied Lenine; "all
that remains for you is to obey instructions."
"I can only understand," replied Dukhonin, "that immediate negotiations
with the Powers are impossible for us; still less are they possible for
me in your name. Only the central Government, supported by the army and
the country, can have sufficient weight with our enemy to make such
negotiations authoritative and to secure results. I, also, consider that
it is to the interest of Russia that a general peace should be concluded
as soon as possible. But I repeat that the peace necessary for Russia
can only be concluded by the central Government."
The reply to this expression of opinion was:
"In the name of the Government of the Russian Republic and of the
Council of the People's Commissaries, we dismiss you from your post for
disobeying the Government's orders and for conduct that brings
unheard-of calamities to the working classes of all countries, and
especially to the armies. Krylenko is appointed commander in chief."
A proclamation was immediately issued, addressed to the army and the
navy, authorizing regiments at the front to elect delegates to open
negotiations with the enemy, though the power to sign an agreement for
an armistice could only be exercised by the Council in Petrograd. The
soldiers were urged not to allow their generals to stand between them
and the attainment of their ends. Care should be taken, however, that
they should be in no danger from unlawful violence. They were urged to
maintain the strictest military discipline.
On the following day Trotzky sent a notification of the effort being
made to open negotiations with the Germans to the ambassadors of the
Allied nations, the text of which was as follows:
"I herewith have the honor to inform you, Monsieur Ambassador, that the
All-Russian Congress of Soldiers' and Workmen's Delegates has organized
a new Government in the form of a Council of National Commissioners. The
head of this Government is Vladimir Illitch Lenine. The direction of the
foreign policy has been intrusted to me in the capacity of National
Commissioner of Foreign Affairs.
"Drawing your attention to the text of an offer of an armistice and a
democratic peace on the basis of no annexations or indemnities and the
self-determination of nations, approved by the All-Russian Congress of
Soldiers' and Workmen's Delegates, I have the honor to beg you to regard
the above document as a formal offer of an immediate armistice on all
fronts and the immediate opening of peace negotiations--an offer with
which the authoritative Government of the Russian Republic has addressed
itself simultaneously to all the belligerent peoples and their
governments.
"Accept my assurances, Monsieur Ambassador, of the profound respect of
the Soldiers' and Workmen's Government for the people of France, which
cannot help aiming at peace, as well as all the rest of the nations,
exhausted and made bloodless by this unexampled slaughter."
CHAPTER XX
THE PEACE PARLEYS BEGIN
At four o'clock in the afternoon of November 28, 1917, a Russian
delegation crossed over into the German lines under a flag of truce and
asked the German commander of that sector to communicate their request
for immediate negotiations for an armistice to German headquarters.
The official Russian report of this first parley was as follows:
"We crossed the line, preceded by a trumpeter carrying a white flag.
Three hundred yards short of the German entanglements we were met by
German officers. Our eyes were blindfolded and we were conducted to a
battalion staff of the German army, where we handed over our credentials
to two officers of the German General Staff, who had been sent to meet
us.
"The conversation was in French. Our proposals to carry on negotiations
for an armistice on all the fronts as a preliminary to a general peace
were immediately handed over to the staff of the division, whence it was
sent by direct wire to the staff commander of the eastern front and to
the chief in command of the German armies.
"At 6.20 we were taken in a motor car to the Minister's house on the
Dvinsk-Ponevyezh road, where we were received by the Divisional General
von Hoffmeister, who informed us that our proposal had been handed to
the highest commander, and that a reply would probably be received
within twenty-four hours. But at 7.30 the first answer from the chief of
the general command already had been received, announcing agreement to
our proposals, and leaving the details of the next meeting to General
von Hoffmeister and the parliamentarians. After an exchange of opinion
and further communication by wire from the chief of the general command,
at midnight a written answer to our proposal was given to us by Von
Hoffmeister. In view of the fact that ours was written in Russian, the
answer was given in German. The reply was:
"'The chief of the German eastern front is prepared to enter into
negotiations with the Russian chief command. The chief of the German
eastern front is authorized by the German commander in chief to carry on
negotiations for an armistice. The chief of the Russian armies is
requested to appoint a commission with written authority to be sent to
the headquarters of the commander of the German eastern front. On his
side the German commander likewise will name a commission with special
authorization.
"'The day and the hour of the meeting are to be fixed by the Russian
commander in chief. It is demanded that the German commander be warned
in due time to prepare a special train for the purpose. Notice must be
given at which part it is intended to cross the line. The commander of
the German eastern front will place at the disposition of the Russian
commission the necessary apparatus, so that it may keep in communication
with its chief command.'
"The Russian parliamentarians decided to appoint as the place the
junction of the Dvinsk-Vilna line, whence the Russian representatives
will be conducted to the Brest-Litovsk headquarters of the German
commander. The time appointed is midnight of December 2, 1917. At the
same time we were informed that no firing would occur unless prompted,
and that enemy fraternization would be stopped. We were blindfolded
again and conducted to our lines."
Meanwhile the elections for the Constituent Assembly had been called,
and on November 26, 1917, the returns for Petrograd were made public. It
was announced that the Bolsheviki polled 272,000 votes, the
Constitutional Democrats 211,000 and the Social Revolutionists 116,000.
There was considerable discrepancy between this report and others which
were issued through various press agencies, though in all the Bolsheviki
were the leading party, but they still fell far short of a working
majority. They obtained six seats, the Constitutional Democrats four and
the Social Revolutionists two. Later reports covering the elections as a
whole indicated that the Bolsheviki polled about 40 or 45 per cent. of
the total vote.
CHAPTER XXI
PUBLICATION OF SECRET TREATIES
It was during this period, before the end of the month, that Trotsky
carried out his threat to publish all the secret state documents,
consisting largely of the treaties agreed to between the old Russian
autocracy and the other Entente governments.
The first of these was an official communication from Russia to the
Allies expressing the desire of the Russian Government to acquire the
Dardanelles, Constantinople and the west shore of the Bosporus, also
certain limited territories over in Asia Minor. In reply France and
England demanded that Russia agree to the freedom of Constantinople for
cargoes not to or from Russian ports, the independence of certain
Mussulman territories in Arabia, and the right of England to include
certain parts of Persia under her sphere of influence. The Russian
sphere of influence was also defined, and an agreement regarding the
northern boundary of Afghanistan was discussed.
In the second installment of published documents was a telegram from the
Russian ambassador in France, Izvolsky, dated March 11, 1917, indicating
France's recognition of Russia's right to define her own western
frontiers. This was followed by a telegram from Sergius Sazonov, former
Minister of Foreign Affairs, assuring Izvolsky of Russia's approval of
the agreement with England and France regarding Constantinople and the
Dardanelles, and also stated the willingness of Russia to give France
and England the right to define the western frontiers of Germany, but
insisted on the exclusion of the Polish question for international
discussion. There was also reference to the future exclusion of Germany
from the Chinese markets, which was held subject to further discussion
with Japan.
Another series of documents, published December 1, 1917, related to the
concessions which had been offered Greece to bring her into accord with
the Allies. One of these offered Greece all of Albania south of Avlona;
another defined concessions in Asia Minor at the expense of Turkey.
Another document discussed the handing over of Kavala to the Bulgarians
on condition that they join the Allies.
One document referred to a conference of financiers held in Switzerland,
in which the German delegates insisted that the Baltic Russian provinces
should be ceded to Germany, and Finland should become an independent
state. Another telegram, sent by the Russian ambassador at Rome on
October 31, 1917, expressed a desire on the part of the Italians to have
the Russians relieve the pressure on the Italian front by creating a
diversion on the Galician front.
There was also published the text of a treaty between France, Great
Britain, Italy, and Russia, whereby Italy was promised certain
territories for joining the Alliance; also, Italy was to disregard all
attempts on the part of the Pope to bring about peace discussions.
Italy, according to another agreement, was to have the active assistance
of the British and French fleets in destroying the Austrians on the
Adriatic. After peace Italy was to receive the Trentino or southern
Tyrol to the Brenner Pass, Trieste, Istria, and Dalmatia. In case
Albania should be granted independence, it should be under the
protection of Italy, but Italy should not oppose should it be decided to
apportion parts of Albania to Montenegro, Serbia, and Greece. The
agreement also recognized the principle of Italian control of the
balance of naval power in the Mediterranean. Italy was also to have
rights in Libia enjoyed by the Sultan on the basis of the Treaty of
Lausanne, but Italy agreed to recognize the right of independence of
those Mussulman territories including sacred places. Should France and
Great Britain increase their African colonial possessions, Italy should
have the right to increase hers at the cost of Turkey. On the whole, it
will be obvious that Trotzky's promise of sensational revelations fell
rather flat. The main features of all these treaties and agreements had
been common knowledge before.
During the last days of November, 1917, the press dispatches seemed to
indicate the possibility of a counter-revolution against the Bolsheviki
within a very brief time. It was reported that the more conservative
elements were organizing and were preparing to assert themselves. Much
significance especially was attached to the action of the Cossack
General Kaledine, who had declared the territory of his people, in the
south of Russia, an independent state with headquarters at Rostov. It
was said that he controlled the coal fields of Russia and would be able
to force the Bolsheviki to terms economically. But subsequent events
seem to indicate that these dispatches pictured the hopes of their
senders, rather than actual facts, for gradual recognition of the
authority of the Lenine-Trotzky Government was spreading and deepening.
By the first days of December, 1917, the Bolsheviki were in full control
of army headquarters, at Mogilev. General Dukhonin did, indeed, protest
their authority, but obviously he had no support from the rank and file
of his men, for the Bolsheviki, under Abram Krylenko, their new military
chief, took possession without bloodshed. General Dukhonin himself was
killed, under circumstances described by Krylenko himself in his
official report, as follows:
"I cannot be silent on the sad act of lynch law practiced upon the
former highest commander in chief, General Dukhonin. Popular hatred
surpassed the limits of reason, and in spite of all attempts to save
him, he was thrown out of a railroad train at the Mogilev station and
killed. The flight of General Kornilov, the day before the fall of
headquarters, was the cause of this excess. I cannot allow the banner
of the revolution to be stained, and it is necessary strongly to condemn
such acts. A revolutionary people are fearful in a struggle, but they
should be soft after victory."
The tendency of the old Russian Empire to break up into separate and
independent territories, or nationalities, which had been manifesting
itself even during the days of the Kerensky régime, now showed itself in
its full course. As already stated, the Bolshevist program was favorable
to this tendency as a matter of fundamental principle, therefore no
effort was made to check it, other than to give support to the
Bolshevist elements in the seceded territories.
On the outbreak of the revolution a committee had been elected by the
Soviets in Kiev, the metropolis of Little Russia, or the Ukraine, to
"safeguard the revolution." The military staff in Kiev attempted to
suppress this organization, but troops arriving from the Galician front
upheld the committee and the military staff was forced to flee.
Thereupon all power, civil and military, was vested in this committee.
On November 26, 1917, the temporary popular assembly, which had
meanwhile been called together, known as the Rada, proclaimed itself the
supreme authority throughout Ukrainia, and elections were called for a
legitimate constituent assembly. This new republic covered a vast
territory, including some of the best agricultural sections of Russia;
the governments of Kherson, Ekaterinoslav, Kharkov, Taurida, and parts
of the governments of Voronesh and Kursk; it extended to the Black Sea,
Odessa, and the Crimea, and eastward to the territory of the Don
Cossacks, where Kaledine had organized his people. At least part of the
Black Sea fleet attached itself to the Ukraine Government, recognizing
its authority.
But the Ukraine Government, though revolutionary, was not Bolshevist.
Here the Bolsheviki did not gain control, though they continued the same
agitation which had been carried on up in Petrograd for so many months.
Occasionally there were open attacks and violent fighting between the
two factions, in which the Bolsheviki from the Great Russian sections
assisted them, giving the general impression that the two republics were
at war and raising the hope in the Allied countries that, through the
triumph of the Ukrainians, assisted by the Cossacks, the Bolsheviki and
their peace policy would yet be ousted. But, as subsequent events have
since shown, there was no less danger of a separate peace on the part of
the conservative Ukrainians than from the Bolsheviki.
CHAPTER XXII
THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS
Meanwhile the Central Powers were responding to the Russian proposals
for peace negotiations with poorly concealed avidity. On November 30,
1917, Czernin, the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister, replied to the
Russian proposals as follows:
"The guiding principles announced by the Russian Government for
negotiations for an armistice and a peace treaty, counterproposals to
which are awaited by the Russian Government, are, in the opinion of the
Austro-Hungarian Government, a suitable basis for entering upon these
negotiations. The Austro-Hungarian Government therefore declares that it
is ready to enter upon negotiations as proposed by the Russian
Government regarding an immediate armistice and a general peace."
Thus Austria-Hungary was the first government to extend to the
Lenine-Trotzky Cabinet official recognition.
The Allied representatives, in protesting against the peace negotiations
which had already been initiated, had addressed themselves to the
commander in chief at Mogilev. So much did Trotzky resent this attitude
that he issued the following warning on November 30, 1917:
"The Government cannot permit Allied diplomatic and military agents to
interfere in the internal affairs of our country and attempt to excite
war. Further steps in this direction will result in the gravest
complications, responsibility for which the Government now disclaims."
Nevertheless, Trotzky did not confine his attacks to Russia's allies. On
the same day, while addressing the Soviet meeting, he made some extended
remarks regarding the impending negotiations.
"We shall be on our guard in the negotiations," he said, "and will not
permit distortion of those principles of universal peace for which the
Russian revolution is fighting. We shall allow no evasions and will make
most categorical demands, both to our allies and to our enemies.... In
no case shall we allow a wrong interpretation of our principles for a
general peace. We shall confront our enemies with questions which will
admit of no ambiguous answers. Every word spoken by us or by them will
be written down and sent by wireless to all nations, who will be the
judges of our negotiations. Under the influence of the working classes
the German and Austrian Governments have agreed to place themselves in
the dock. Be assured, comrades, that the prosecuting attorney, in the
persons of the Russian revolutionary delegation, will speak with
thunderous accusation against the diplomacy of all imperialists. It is
all the same to us how the Allied and enemy imperialists treat us. We
will carry on our independent class policy whatever they do.... Our
Allies and our enemies must learn once for all that the Czars, the
Kerenskys and the Miliukovs have passed...."
On December 2, 1917, as agreed, the Russian peace delegates again
crossed the lines and were escorted to Brest-Litovsk by the Germans,
where the first session of the conference was opened. Three days later
the Russian official version of the conference was issued from
Petrograd:
"The conference opened in the presence of the representatives of
Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey, and Bulgaria. Field Marshal von
Hindenburg and Field Marshal Hoetzendorf charged Prince Leopold of
Bavaria with the negotiations, and he in his turn nominated his chief of
staff, General Hoffmann. Other delegates received similar authority
from their highest commander in chief. The enemy declaration was
exclusively military.
"Our delegates opened the conference with a declaration of our peace
aims, in view of which an armistice was proposed. The enemy delegates
replied that that was a question to be solved by the politicians. They
said they were soldiers, having powers only to negotiate conditions of
an armistice, and could add nothing to the declaration of Foreign
Ministers Czernin and Von Kühlmann.
"Our delegates, taking note of this evasive declaration, proposed that
they should immediately address all the countries involved in the war,
including Germany and her allies, and all States not represented at the
conference, with a proposal to take part in drawing up the terms of an
armistice on all fronts.
"The enemy delegates again replied evasively that they did not possess
such powers. Our delegation then proposed that they ask their
governments for such authority. This proposal was accepted, but no reply
had been communicated to the Russian delegation up to 2 o'clock,
December 5, 1917.
"Our representatives submitted a project for an armistice on all fronts
elaborated by our military experts. The principal points of this project
were: first, an interdiction against sending forces on our fronts to the
fronts of our allies, and, second, the retirement of German detachments
from the islands around Moon Sound.
"The enemy delegation submitted a project for an armistice on the front
from the Baltic to the Black Sea. This project is now being examined by
our military experts. Negotiations will be continued to-morrow morning.
"The enemy delegation declared that our conditions for an armistice were
unacceptable, and expressed the opinion that such demands should be
addressed only to a conquered country."
On December 6, 1917, a slightly different version of the conference was
issued by the German Government, as follows:
"Yesterday the authorized representatives of the chief army
administrations of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey, and Bulgaria
concluded in writing with the authorized representatives of the Russian
chief army administration a suspension of hostilities for ten days for
the whole of the mutual fronts. The beginning is fixed for Friday noon.
The ten days' period will be utilized for bringing to a conclusion
negotiations for an armistice. For the purpose of reporting verbally
regarding the present results, a portion of the members of the Russian
deputation has returned home. The sittings of the commission continue."
On this same day, December 6, 1917, Trotzky sent to all the Allied
embassies in Petrograd a note intimating that the armistice negotiations
with the Central Powers and the initiative of the Russian delegation had
been suspended for seven days for the purpose of providing opportunity
for informing the peoples and the governments of the Entente nations of
the existence and the details of such negotiations and their tendency.
The note added that the armistice would be signed only on condition that
the Central Powers agreed not to transfer troops from the front affected
by the armistice to the other fronts where fighting was still in
progress, and that the German troops evacuated the islands around Moon
Sound. The note concluded with:
"The period of delay thus given, even in the existing disturbed
condition of international communication, is amply sufficient to afford
the Allied Governments opportunity to define their attitude toward the
peace negotiations--that is, their willingness or refusal to participate
in negotiations for an armistice and peace. In case of refusal they must
declare clearly and definitely before all mankind the aims for which the
peoples of Europe may be called to shed their blood during the fourth
year of the war."
To this communication the Allied Governments made no official reply.
CHAPTER XXIII
AN ATTEMPTED COUNTER-REVOLUTION
It will be noted that one of the outstanding characteristics of the
Bolshevist Government was the publicity with which it carried on all its
business. A history of the Bolshevist régime might almost be compiled
from the proclamations of Trotzky alone. Even facts and events which one
might suppose would be advantageously suppressed are announced. It was
this policy which gave significance to the rumors of an attempt on the
part of the conservative elements, backed by the Cossacks, to overthrow
the Bolsheviki, for on December 7, 1917, Trotzky issued a proclamation,
or announcement, stating that "Generals Kaledine and Kornilov, assisted
by the imperialists and Constitutional Democrats and bourgeoisie," were
precipitating a counter-revolution and were "raising a revolt in the Don
region against the people and the revolution."
"The Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates," added the announcement, "have
ordered the necessary movements of troops against the counter-revolution
and issued decrees authorizing the local revolutionary garrisons to
attack the enemies of the people without awaiting orders from the
supreme authorities and forbidding any attempts at mediation."
Kornilov, according to previous reports, had escaped from his
confinement at military headquarters at Mogilev the day before the
surrender to Krylenko, together with an escort of four or five hundred
Cossacks, and apparently he had succeeded in reaching the territory of
the Don Cossacks, where Kaledine had established his authority.
Further details indicated that Kaledine and his forces were advancing
against Ekatrinoslav, Kharkov, and Moscow. In the province of Orenburg
the Bolsheviki were attacked by General Dutov, at the head of an army of
Ural Cossacks, and he was now besieging Tcheliabinsk, an important
railroad junction. In the Caucasus General Karaulov was reported to be
attacking at two important points.
"While representatives of the Congress of Workmen's and Soldiers'
Delegates," continued Trotzky's announcement, "and the Congress of
Peasants' Deputies were negotiating to secure an honorable peace for
the exhausted country, the enemies of the people, the imperialists, the
bankers, the landowners, and their allies, the Cossack generals, have
undertaken a final attempt to destroy the cause of peace, wrest the
power from the hands of the soldiers and workmen and the land from the
peasants, and to compel soldiers, sailors, and Cossacks to shed their
blood for the benefit of the Russian and Allied imperialists.
"General Kaledine on the Don and General Dutov in the Ural province have
raised the flag of revolt. The Constitutional Democratic party is
supplying the necessary means to enable them to carry on the fight
against the people. The Rodziankos, the Miliukovs, the Gutchkovs and the
Konovalovs seek to regain power, and, with the aid of the Kaledines, the
Kornilovs, and the Dutovs are endeavoring to turn the Cossack laborers
into an instrument for achieving their criminal aims.
"General Kaledine has declared a state of war in the Don region, is
hindering the supply of bread to the front, and collecting his forces.
General Kornilov, who fled from prison, has arrived at his
side--Kornilov who in July introduced the death penalty and conducted a
campaign against the revolutionary power in Petrograd. In Orenburg
General Dutov has arrested the executive and the military revolutionary
committee, has disarmed the soldiers and is endeavoring to capture
Tcheliabinsk, in order to cut off the supply of bread from Siberia to
the front and the towns.... The bourgeois Central Committee of the
Ukrainian Republic, which is waging a struggle against the Ukrainian
Workmen's and Soldiers' Councils, is assisting General Kaledine in
drawing troops to the Don region and is hindering the Workmen's and
Soldiers' Councils from distributing the necessary military forces
throughout the Ukraine for the suppression of the Kaledine rebellion.
"The Constitutional Democrats, the worst enemies of the people, who,
together with the capitalists of all countries, prepared the present
world war, are hoping that as members of the Constituent Assembly they
may be able to come to the assistance of their generals, the Kaledines,
the Kornilovs, and the Dutovs, in order to strangle the people with
their aid."
The document then concluded with a decree declaring a state of siege in
the Ural and Don regions, outlawing leaders of the rebellion, etc.
In typical Russian revolutionary fashion, the fighting, which now took
place between the forces of the Cossack generals and the soldiers of the
Soviets, seems to have been largely limited to mutual threats of arrest
and general argument. The Cossack leaders retired and the Bolsheviki did
not pursue them. One report stated that Kaledine had been wounded.
For some time the Rumanians had been very busy issuing official
proclamations from their temporary capital, Jassy, denouncing the peace
negotiations and declaring their intention of fighting the Central
Powers, "to the last man." But in spite of the admiration these
proclamations aroused, there was little hope that the small Balkan
country could actually continue the struggle if Russia made peace. On
December 7, 1917, the Rumanians consented to associate themselves with
Russia in the proposed armistice. The Ukrainian Rada, also, agreed to a
suspension of hostilities, by a vote of 29 to 8. On the Caucasus front,
where the Russians were opposed by the Turks, it was the latter who took
the initiative.
On December 11, 1917, the Constituent Assembly, on which the
conservative elements had based so much hope, attempted to meet in
Petrograd. But of the more than 600 delegates who had been elected only
about fifty were present.
Meanwhile the negotiations for an armistice continued. The original
deputation from Petrograd was now joined, on the side of the Russians,
by delegations from the other fronts farther south, representing the
Ukrainians and the Rumanians. The two points that created discussion and
disagreement were the demands of the Russians that all movements of
troops by the Germans from their eastern fronts should be suspended
during negotiations and the right of the Russians to carry on unlimited
fraternization with the German and Austrian soldiers. The Teutons were
especially disinclined to allow the former; it was obvious that they
wanted to reenforce the Italian and the western fronts with the soldiers
they had to spare on the Russian fronts. But finally an agreement was
reached, on December 16, 1917, and an armistice was signed by the two
sides involved, the armistice to begin on noon, December 17, 1917, and
last for four weeks, until January 14, 1918.
CHAPTER XXIV
LEGISLATION BY DECREES
So far, as already recorded, the Constituent Assembly had proved a
fiasco; it could not gather together a quorum. Therefore the
Lenine-Trotzky Cabinet really represented all the authority there was.
Nor did they hesitate to exercise this power to promulgate certain laws
which were in accordance with their program, or principles.
One of the first of these which they proclaimed, on November 26, 1917,
was the abolition of all class titles, distinctions, or privileges; like
the French revolution, every individual was resolved into the simple
"citizen," whatever his position. The corporate properties of the
nobles, large merchants and other "capitalists" were confiscated by the
state.
On December 17, 1917, a similar decree was proclaimed against the
church. This institution in Russia, it must be admitted, had played a
sinister part in Russian politics in the earlier days of the czars and
had been, if that were possible, more reactionary and despotic than the
military or civil authorities. Now, according to the decree, the
properties of the church, in land, money, and other treasure, was
completely confiscated and its jurisdiction over the schools was ended.
Perhaps the most radical decree was that which was promulgated on
December 16, 1917, in regard to army organization.
Henceforward all officers were to be elected by their men, and those
which were not reelected automatically were degraded to the rank of
privates, with corresponding pay. Nor did such officers have the relief
of resignation, for, having become privates, they were now subject to
the penalties for desertion during war time. In a sense this was only a
natural reaction, for nowhere, perhaps not even in Germany, were the
caste lines drawn so sharply between officers and private. In the days
of the autocracy no soldier could hope to become an officer, for it was
the law that officers must be of noble birth; they must be members of
the aristocratic families. The natural result was that the common
soldier was regarded as a degraded creature and his officers treated him
as such. Now came the opportunity for revenge, and the reports of
correspondents seem to indicate that this was taken full advantage of.
Colonels exchanged places with their orderlies; captains and majors were
forced to clean out the stables. And in not a few cases violence and
lynch law were applied to officers who had been, in former days, hard
taskmakers.
Meanwhile, throughout the passing days, there were continuous reports of
passive resistance against the authority of the new government. It was
especially among the employees of the administrative departments of the
Government machinery that this resistance arose in the form of strikes.
The officials of the state banks especially proved recalcitrant and
refused to surrender Government moneys. Parties of drunken soldiers also
created disorders, it was reported, breaking into wine shops and helping
themselves to the merchandise. But when all these minor events are
viewed in the retrospect of a month or two, summed up, it is remarkable
how little disorder there really has been in Petrograd, comparatively
speaking. Conditions certainly in no way approached those existing in
France, or Paris, during the French Revolution.
It was in the Ukraine, not yet in the hands of the Bolsheviki, that
disorder reigned, though they were, apparently, responsible for it in
that they made efforts to gain control. In Odessa, during a few days
around December 16, 1917, something very closely approaching a violent
revolution broke out. Here the Rada had apparently established the
capital of the republic. The Bolshevist element among the troops made a
determined attack on the arsenal, where the Rada was in session. The
officials of the Rada summoned loyal troops by telephone and a pitched
battle ensued in the streets. Then the sailors from the Black Sea were
summoned, but on arriving on the scene part of them went over to the
Bolsheviki. The fighting spread from the arsenal, where the loyal troops
had taken up a strong position, the Bolsheviki getting possession of the
Municipal Theater, close at hand. Here some fierce hand-to-hand
encounters took place, the theater building changing hands several
times. Finally the Bolsheviki gained full possession of the water front,
the shipping district, whereupon this section of the city was bombarded
by the loyal artillery. The final outcome of the fighting was not
reported, but apparently the Bolsheviki were suppressed, for the time
being.
But this did not immediately concern the Petrograd Government. Under the
direct supervision of Lenine and Trotzky vast quantities of Socialist
literature were being published in German for the purpose of
distribution along the front. Of one pamphlet it was said that a hundred
thousand copies were carried to the German lines and distributed in one
day. Special newspapers, printed in German, were issued for the sole
purpose of propaganda among the German soldiers. According to the
account of a prominent Belgian Socialist, who visited Russia, hoping as
many Socialists had in other countries of the world that their
principles were to receive a fair trial in the new Russia, the Bolshevik
propaganda in German was hardly calculated to make converts among
intelligent people, for it was written in schoolboy language, with
trivial arguments. Meantime, German propaganda in Russia was couched in
irreproachable Russian and calculated to appeal to the educated and the
unlettered alike.
At 4 o'clock in the afternoon, on December 23, 1917, the peace
negotiations were resumed at Brest-Litovsk. The meeting was attended by
the following delegates:
Germany--Dr. Richard von Kühlmann, Foreign Minister; Herr von Rosenberg,
Baron von Hock, General Hoffmann, and Major Brinckmann.
Austria-Hungary--Count Czernin, Foreign Minister; Herr von Merey,
Freiherr von Wisser, Count Colleredo, Count Osaky, Field Marshal von
Chisceries, Lieutenant Polarny, and Major von Gluise. Bulgaria--Minister
Popov, Former Secretary Kossev, Postmaster General Stoyanovitch, Colonel
Gantchev, and Dr. Anastasov. Turkey--Former Minister of Foreign Affairs,
Nessimy Bey, Ambassador Hakki, Under Foreign Secretary Hekmit Bey, and
General Zekki Pasha. Russia--Citizens Jaffe, Kaminev, Bisenko, Pokrosky,
Karaghan, Lubinski, Weltman Pawlowitch, Admiral Altvater, General
Tumorri, Colonel Rokki, Colonel Zelpett, and Captain Lipsky.
Prince Leopold of Bavaria, as commander in chief of the German forces in
the east, welcomed the delegates and invited Hakki Pasha, as the senior
delegate, to open the conference. Hakki Pasha, after a speech, declared
the conference formally open and proposed Dr. von Kühlmann as president.
The German Foreign Minister was thereupon elected to the chair
unanimously. In his opening speech he said:
"The purpose of this memorable meeting is to end the war between the
Central Powers and Russia and reestablish a state of peace and
friendship. In view of the situation it will be impossible in the course
of these deliberations to prepare an instrument of peace elaborated in
its smallest details. What I have in mind is to fix the most important
principles and conditions on which peaceful and neighborly intercourse,
especially in the cultural and economic sense, can be speedily resumed,
and also to decide upon the best means to healing the wounds caused by
the war.
"Our negotiations will be guided by the spirit of peaceable humanity and
mutual esteem. They must take into account, on the one hand, what has
become historical, in order that we may not lose our footing on the firm
ground of facts, but, on the other hand, they must be inspired by the
new and great leading motive which has brought us here together.
"It is an auspicious circumstance that the negotiations open within the
sight of that festival which, for centuries past, has promised peace on
earth and good will to men. I enter upon the negotiations with the
desire that our work may make speedy and prosperous progress."
Having concluded his address, Dr. von Kühlmann proposed the following
rules, which were adopted:
Questions of precedence will be decided according to the alphabetical
list of the represented powers.
Plenary sittings will be presided over by the chief representative of
each of the five powers in rotation.
The following languages may be used in debate: German, Bulgarian,
Turkish, and Russian.
Questions interesting only part of the represented powers may be
discussed separately.
Official reports of the proceedings will be drafted jointly.
At the President's invitation the Russian delegates now presented, in a
long speech, the basic proposals for peace terms, already familiar in
the forms of the various resolutions passed by the Workmen's and
Soldiers' Delegates.
The Russian demands comprised fifteen paragraphs, or points, as follows:
1. Evacuation of all Russian territory now occupied by Germany, with
autonomy for Poland and the Lithuanian and Lettish provinces.
2. Autonomy for Turkish Armenia.
3. Settlement of the Alsace-Lorraine problem by a free plebiscite.
4. The restoration of Belgium and indemnity through an international
fund for damages.
5. Restoration of Serbia and Montenegro with a similar indemnity, Serbia
gaining access to the Adriatic. Complete autonomy for Bosnia and
Herzegovina.
6. Other contested Balkan territory to be temporarily autonomous pending
plebiscites.
7. Restoration of Rumanian territory with autonomy for the Dobrudja; the
Berlin convention concerning equality for Jews to be put into full
force.
8. Autonomy for the Italian population of Trent and Trieste, pending a
plebiscite.
9. Restoration of the German colonies.
10. Restoration of Persia and Greece.
11. Neutralization of all maritime straits leading to inland seas,
including the Suez and Panama Canals.
12. All belligerents to renounce indemnities; contributions exacted
during the war to be refunded.
13. All belligerents to renounce commercial boycotts after the war or
the institution of special customs agreements.
14. Peace conditions to be settled at a congress composed of delegates
chosen by a national representative body, the condition being stipulated
by the respective parliaments that the diplomats shall sign no secret
treaty; all such secret treaties to be declared null and void.
15. Gradual disarmament on land and sea and the establishment of militia
to replace the standing armies.
At almost precisely the same moment that this conference was in session
Trotzky was publicly delivering an address to the members of the
Executive Committee of the Soviet, in Petrograd, in the following terms:
"We have called you here to ask your support. You must help us in our
efforts to make peace with nations, and not with German militarism. If
our delegation meets, eye to eye, representatives of the German emperor,
without the people, then peace will be impossible. If dead silence
should continue in Europe, if the German emperor should be enabled to
offer offensive terms of peace, we should fight against it. I do not
know to what extent we could fight, because of economic conditions,
utter exhaustion, and the disorganized state of the army. But I think we
would fight. We would release all elderly soldiers and call the youth of
the country to fight to the last drop of their blood. The Allies must
understand that we did not overthrow czarism to bend our knees before
the kaiser. They know our game is not yet ended.
"If they should offer unacceptable terms directed against our basic
principles, then we shall submit the question to the Constituent
Assembly. But our party takes its position for a holy war against
militarism in all countries. But if, exhausted as we are by this
unprecedented slaughter, we must accept the terms of the German emperor,
we would accept them only in order to rise together with the German
people against German militarism, as we did against czarism."
Meanwhile during Christmas the peace conference was proceeding, the
representatives of the Central Powers deliberating over the Russian
proposals.
The German Socialist leaders, Haase, Ledebour, and Kautsky, had
attempted to procure passports that they might go to Stockholm, there to
meet representatives of the Russian Bolsheviki, to learn at first hand
what conditions the latter demanded. But passports were refused them.
Trotzky, hearing of this, telegraphed to the Russian delegates at
Brest-Litovsk, stating that if this refusal were persisted in, the
popular indignation in Petrograd would rise to such a pitch as to
seriously hamper the prospects of success of the negotiations.
Nevertheless, the passports were not granted.
On Christmas Day the Central Powers made their reply to the Russian
peace proposals, and that reply was one which immediately attracted
world-wide attention, for it took in all the Entente Powers.
Through Count Czernin the Central Powers offered a general peace based
on the Russian demands; no annexations, no indemnities, etc. According
to their interpretation, however, the question of the subjection of
nationalities who have not independence, to another country, must not
come under the scope of "self-determination"; such questions must be
decided by each government and its people according to the constitution
of each government.
In the event of mutual renunciation of claims for indemnities for war
costs and war damages, Count Czernin continued, each belligerent would
have to bear only the expense incurred by its subjects made prisoners,
and to pay for damage caused in its territory to property of civilian
subjects of an enemy country by violations of international law. The
creation of a special fund for this purpose, as suggested by the
Russians, could be discussed only in the event that the other
belligerents joined in the peace negotiations within a certain time.
The chairman of the Russian delegation, Jaffe, while expressing his
pleasure at the acceptance of the Russian basic proposals, demurred over
the vagueness of the definition of self-determination of small
nationalities; it was incomplete. He said that the war could not end
without the reestablishment of the violated rights of small and
oppressed nationalities, and Russia would insist on guaranties that
their lawful rights would be protected in a general peace treaty.
"By renouncing the application of the right of the stronger nations with
regard to territories occupied during the war," he continued, "the
Central Powers at the same time give all their opponents an immediate
peace ground. They affirm that the right of the stronger, after
unprecedented bloodshed, shall be preserved with all its integrity
within each of the countries with no regard for little and oppressed
nationalities. The war cannot end without the violated rights of those
nationalities being reestablished. The Russian delegation insists that
those nationalities must in the very next peace treaty establishing a
general peace among all nationalities receive, on the basis of
international agreement, guaranties that their lawful rights shall be
protected. The lapse of time in no case legalizes the violation of one
people by another."
Germany also demanded the return of her overseas colonies, contending
that the valor with which the natives of those colonies had fought for
the German flag testified to their loyalty. While apparently not
strongly impressed with this manifestation of loyalty, the Russians
agreed that Germany had the right to make this demand. The Russian
chairman then proposed that the next session of the conference be
postponed until January 8, 1918, to allow ample time for the circulation
of the German proposals among the Entente nations. At the end of that
time the negotiations should be resumed, whether the Entente nations
responded or not.
The terms of Germany, as submitted in detail to Petrograd several days
later, were substantially as follows:
Article 1.--Russia and Germany are to declare the state of war at an
end. Both nations are resolved to live together in the future in peace
and friendship on conditions of complete reciprocity. Germany will be
ready, as soon as peace is concluded with Russia, and the demobilization
of the Russian armies has been completed, to evacuate her present
positions in occupied Russian territory, in so far as no different
inferences result from Article 2.
Article 2.--The Russian Government having, in accordance with its
principles, proclaimed for all peoples, without exception, living within
the Russian Empire the right of self-determination, including complete
separation, takes cognizance of the decisions expressing the will of
people demanding a full state of independence and separation from the
Russian Empire for Poland, Lithuania, Courland, and portions of Esthonia
and Livonia, the Russian Government recognizes that in the present
circumstances these manifestations must be regarded as an expression of
the will of the people, and is ready to draw conclusions therefrom. As
in those districts to which the foregoing stipulations apply, the
question of evacuation is not such as provided for in Article 1, a
special commission shall discuss and fix the time and other details in
conformity and in accordance with the Russian idea of the necessary
ratification by a plebiscite on broad lines and without any military
pressure whatever of the already existing proclamation of separation.
Article 3.--Treaties and agreements in force before the war are to
become effective if not directly in conflict with changes resulting from
the war. Each party obligates itself, within three months after the
signing of the peace treaty, to inform the other which of the treaties
and agreements will not again become effective.
Article 4.--Each of the contracting parties will not discriminate
against the subjects, merchant ships, or goods of the other parties.
Article 5.--The parties agree that with the conclusion of peace economic
war shall cease. During the time necessary for the restoration of
relations there may be limitations upon trade, but the regulations as to
imports are not to be of a too burdensome extent and high taxes or
duties on imports shall not be levied. For the interchange of goods an
organization shall be effected of mixed commissions, to be formed as
soon as possible.
Article 6.--Instead of the commercial treaty of navigation of 1894-1904,
which is abrogated, a new treaty will accord new conditions.
Article 7.--The parties will grant one another during at least twenty
years the rights of the most favored nations in questions of commerce
and navigation.
Article 8.--Russia agrees that the administration of the mouth of the
Danube be intrusted to a European Danube commission, with a membership
from the countries bordering upon the Danube and the Black Sea. Above
Braila the administration is to be in the hands of the countries
bordering on the Danube.
Article 9.--Military laws limiting the rights of Germans in Russia, or
Russians in Germany, are to be abrogated.
Article 10.--The contracting parties are not to demand payment of war
expenditures, nor for damages suffered during the war, this provision
including requisitions.
Article 11.--Each party is to pay for damage done within its own limits
during the war by acts against international law with regard to the
subjects of other parties, in particular, their diplomatic and consular
representatives, as affecting their life, health, or property. The
amount is to be fixed by mixed commissions with neutral chairmen.
Article 12.--Prisoners of war who are invalids are to be immediately
repatriated. The exchange of other prisoners is to be made as soon as
possible, the time to be fixed by a Russian-German commission.
Article 13.--Civilian subjects, interned or exiled, are to be
immediately released and sent home without cost to them.
Article 14.--Russian subjects, of German descent, particularly German
colonists, may within ten years emigrate to Germany, with the right to
liquidate or transfer their property.
Article 15.--Merchantmen of any of the contracting parties, which were
in the ports of any of the other parties at the beginning of the war,
and also vessels taken as prizes which have not yet been adjudged, are
to be returned, or, if that be impossible, paid for.
Article 16.--Diplomatic and consular relations are to be resumed as soon
as possible.
When these terms were read in Petrograd, the strongest indignation
prevailed; it was Article 2 especially which the Russians were unwilling
to accept.
The Russians had indeed emphasized the right of small nationalities to
determine their own fates, even to separate from Russia, if so they
desired. They also recognized their right to join any other national
organization, if they chose.
Of this stand the Germans took full advantage, in rather a clumsy way.
Germany insisted that those certain nationalities specified, Poland,
Esthonia, Livonia, Lithuania, and the others, having declared their
separation from Russia, could, and undoubtedly would, now declare
themselves a part of the German Empire. At any rate, this was to be
assumed.
The Germans had also explained, through General Hoffmann, that Germany
would not evacuate Riga, Libau, and other occupied points until certain
that all Russia sanctioned peace.
Germany's imperialistic schemes in the direction of Russia were very
plainly revealed. Trotsky vaunted it as a signal success for his
so-called diplomacy that he had forced Germany to make manifest her real
purposes. But it was only in Russia that people hoped for any other
attitude on the part of the Central Powers, with Russia's military power
destroyed. Naturally, the peace offer made by Germany to the Allies was
rejected with derision; or, at least, no official reply was made to it.
But it did inspire a speech by President Wilson, on January 8, 1918, in
which the war aims of the United States were definitely stated and the
Russian peace deputation was given credit for at least the unmasking of
German hypocrisy.
It was not until January 2, 1918, that the Russian Government made known
its rejection of the German counterproposals for peace. This was done
through a resolution passed by the Executive Committee of the Soviet,
which was worded as follows:
"This assembly confirms the fact that the program proclaimed by the
representatives of the Central Powers at Brest-Litovsk recognizes in
principle the conclusion of a peace without annexations or indemnities.
This recognition establishes the basis for further pourparlers, with the
view of a general democratic peace.
"However, already in this declaration the representatives of the German
Government have refused to admit the free right of oppressed nations and
colonies seized before the beginning of the war in 1914 to dispose of
their own destinies. This restriction, which was immediately reported by
the Russian delegation, signifies that the dominant parties in Germany,
compelled by a popular movement to grant concessions to the principle of
a democratic peace, nevertheless are trying to distort this idea in the
sense of their own annexationist policy.
"The Austro-German delegation, in setting forth the practical conditions
of peace in the East, alters still further its idea of a just democratic
peace. This declaration is made in view of the fact that the Austrian
and German Governments refused to guarantee immediately and irrevocably
the removal of their troops from the occupied countries of Poland,
Lithuania, and Courland and parts of Livonia and Esthonia.
"In fact, the free affirmation of their will by the people of Poland,
Lithuania, Courland, and all other countries occupied by the troops of
other states is impossible until the moment of the return of the native
population to the places they have evacuated. The allegation of the
German delegation that the will of the people of the said countries has
already been manifested is devoid of all foundation.
"Under martial law and under the yoke of the censorship the peoples of
the occupied countries could not express their will. The documents on
which the German Government could base its allegation at best only prove
the manifestation of the will of a few privileged groups, and in no way
the will of the masses in those territories.
"We now declare that the Russian revolution remains faithful to the
policy of internationalism. We defend the right of Poland, Lithuania,
and Courland to dispose of their own destinies actually and freely.
Never will we recognize the justice of imposing the will of a foreign
nation on any other nation whatsoever.
"This joint session insists that the peace pourparlers communicated
later to the neutral states and instructs the Soldiers' and Workmen's
Councils and the Commissioners to take measures to bring this about.
"We say to the people of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey:
"Under your pressure your Governments have been obliged to accept the
motto of no annexations and no indemnities, but recently they have been
trying to carry on their old policy of evasion. Remember, that the
conclusion of an immediate democratic peace will depend actually and
above all on you. All the people of Europe look to you, exhausted and
bled by such a war as there never was before, that you will not permit
the Austro-German imperialists to make war against revolutionary Russia
for the subjection of Poland, Lithuania, Courland, and Armenia."
Simultaneously with the issue of this declaration a pamphlet in German
was prepared and published by the hundred thousand copies, wherein the
trickery of the German peace parleys was set forth and their pretensions
denounced as "unconscionable lies." After a description of the wholesale
recruiting of labor forces from Poland and Lithuania carried on by the
Germans, amounting to over 300,000 noncombatants, the pamphlet
continued:
"The German Government only found support in Courland from the hated
slave owners, the German barons, who have their prototypes in the Polish
landowners."
The document further declared that the Germans only desired to free the
peoples of those border countries that they might be exploited as
laborers by German capital, impose an Austrian monarchy in Poland and
make Lithuania and Courland German provinces. "On such a basis," added
the pamphlet, "we shall never continue negotiations."
The Russian people themselves did not understand the manner in which
they had been tricked and betrayed by Trotzky and Lenine and hoped much
from the distribution of quantities of these pamphlets among German and
Austrian soldiers. Indeed, the German and Austrian commanders are said
to have endeavored to have this literature confiscated and destroyed,
though it seemed to have little effect on the soldiers of their armies.
On the same date that the official rejection of the German proposals was
issued, January 2, 1918, the chairman of the Russian peace delegation
sent an official telegram to the German, Austrian, Turkish, and
Bulgarian delegations stating that the Russian Government desired to
continue the negotiations on foreign soil, in a neutral country, and
therefore suggested that the next conference be held in Stockholm. A
revision of Articles 1 and 2 of the German-Austrian terms must be
discussed, these messages added.
The next session of the peace conference was held at Brest-Litovsk, on
January 10, 1918. Trotzky himself now attended, as head of the Russian
delegation, to assume direct charge of the deliberations. The Ukrainians
were now, for the first time, represented by an independent deputation,
their independence being recognized by both the Russians and the
representatives of the Central Powers. Bolubovitch, the head of the
Ukrainian delegation, said that he had been instructed to hand the
following note to the members of the conference:
"The Ukrainian Republic brings the following to the knowledge of all
belligerents and neutral states: The Central Rada, on November 20, 1917,
proclaimed a People's Republic, and by this act acquired an
international status. It has as its ideal the creation of a
confederation of all the republics which have arisen in the territory of
the former Russian Empire. The Ukrainian People's Republic, through its
General Secretariat, proceeds to enter into independent relations
pending the formation of a Federal Government in Russia."
The head of the Ukrainian deputation further added that Ukrainia also
desired that the peace to be established be on a general democratic
basis, in which the rights of the smallest nationalities be recognized.
At the session held on January 11, 1918, it was agreed to prolong the
period of the armistice another month, until February 12. A German
report dated January 14, 1918, stated that a subcommittee of Austrians,
Germans, and Russians had held three sittings in order to arrange
territorial adjustments. The one point of difference on which no
agreement could be reached was the border provinces. These the Germans
were obviously determined to hold, and here was the deadlock. On January
21, 1918, the conference adjourned, the Russian delegates refusing to
accept the Teutonic proposals, yet willing to meet again within a week's
time.
At Petrograd Trotzky delivered his report and made his recommendations
before a Congress of the Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates, on January
28, 1918, the day before returning to Brest-Litovsk to resume
negotiations. He pretended opposition to accepting the German proposals,
and the sentiment of the delegates supported him. Already Krylenko had
been calling for volunteers to form a Russian army of "Red Guards" to
carry on a "holy war" against the imperialism of the Central Powers.
Meanwhile, during the last two weeks of January, 1918, other important
events had taken place, the most notable of which was the final
dissolution of the Constituent Assembly.
This famous body was scheduled to hold its first meeting on January 18,
1918, about 500 delegates being now assembled in Petrograd, to judge
from the voting. The Bolsheviki had almost a majority; they were, at any
rate, the leading element, but they now contended that the delegates had
been elected on issues now dead, or at least that the candidates had not
yet been able to declare themselves before the election.
Tchernov, the former Minister of Agriculture in the Kerensky Cabinet,
was elected chairman at the first session, by a vote of 244 against 151.
Several others of Kerensky's old supporters, now in prison, were allowed
to attend under guard. The first day's session was marked by
considerable disorder, in the midst of which the Bolshevist members
withdrew in a body.
On the following day the Executive Committee of the Soldiers' and
Workmen's Council issued a decree dissolving the Constituent Assembly,
which order was accordingly enforced by the necessary display of armed
force. The explanation of the reason for this action was, as usual,
couched in the phraseology of ultra-Socialism, but in this instance was
absolutely unconvincing, even from the Socialist point of view.
During the latter part of January, 1918, the relations between Petrograd
and Finland became extremely unpleasant. As far back as December 5,
1917, Finland had declared itself independent, and according to their
principles, this declaration the Bolsheviki had acknowledged. But, as it
was also the case in Ukrainia, there was a very strong Bolshevist
element in Finland, which immediately precipitated a state of civil
warfare against the conservative elements. The Baltic fleet, being in
the hands of the Bolsheviki, naturally gave its support to the Finnish
Bolsheviki, who were enabled to establish themselves in the capital,
Helsingfors. The Conservatives immediately protested to other nations,
including even Germany, that though Russia had recognized Finnish
independence, she was still interfering in domestic affairs, and that
with armed force. A call for active armed assistance was also made on
Sweden, and at the end of the month Sweden seemed inclined to respond.
Similar trouble was experienced with Rumania, except that the Petrograd
Government stood in a reversed position; the Rumanians were taking
aggressive action against the Bolsheviki along the southern front.
Rumania, whose military effort had been checkmated, not so much by the
Teutons as by the treachery of pro-German Russian officials, distrusted
the Bolsheviki and entered Bessarabia. The Bolshevist Russians in
Bessarabia resisted this action, whereupon the Rumanians shot them. The
Petrograd Government took immediate action; it arrested the Rumanian
ambassador in Petrograd, Constantine Diamandi, and together with his
staff threw them in prison, on January 14, 1918. Against this rather
irregular procedure the whole diplomatic body in Petrograd protested to
Lenine, and two days later Diamandi was released. On that same day,
however, an ultimatum was sent to Rumania, demanding the release of
certain Russians whom the Rumanians were holding. On January 20, 1918,
the Russian forces, established at the southern extremity of the front,
at Galatz, were cut off from communication with Russia, then attacked by
the Rumanians. A pitched battle ensued, with the result that the
Russians, much inferior in number, were hemmed in. On the 26th Rumanian
troops attacked and captured Kishinev, the chief city in Bessarabia. In
these maneuvers Rumania had the active assistance of General Dimitri
Tcherbatchev, commanding a section of the adjacent front. On January 28,
1918, the Petrograd Government broke off relations with Rumania and
declared General Tcherbatchev "an outlaw and an enemy of the revolution
and of the Russian people." The Rumanian gold reserves, deposited in
Moscow and amounting to 1,200,000,000 rubles, were seized, "to be
returned to the Rumanian people when they shall assert their authority."
But in Ukrainia, during this same period, the Bolshevist elements were
making rapid headway. On the same day that Rumania occupied Kishinev,
the Black Sea fleet definitely swung over to the Bolsheviki and seized
the Rumanian transport ships and other shipping belonging to the
Rumanian Government, consisting of about forty steamers and several old
warships. Then cooperating with the Bolshevist land forces, the city of
Odessa was attacked, and on the last day of the month not only this
city, but Kiev as well, were reported to be in the hands of the
Bolshevist Soviets, thus placing them in control of affairs in Ukrainia.
Among the Cossacks of the Don region the partisans of the Soviets were
also said to be gaining in general support. Here, too, a republic had
declared itself, with Kaledine as president. One report had it that he
had resigned on account of his unpopularity with his own men. At any
rate, he had shown no further aggressive activity against the Petrograd
Government; as the hoped-for regenerator of Russia he proved a decided
failure.
On the first day of February, 1918, the peace parleys were again in
session at Brest-Litovsk, with Trotzky at the head of the Russian
deputation, strengthened now by the Bolshevist deputation from Ukrainia.
PART IV--ITALIAN FRONT
CHAPTER XXV
THE CAPTURE OF MONTE SANTO
During the first three weeks of August, 1917, little of importance
happened on the Italian front. The comparative inactivity which had
prevailed during most of July, 1917, continued, interrupted only
occasionally by local engagements of no particular moment at various
points in the different sectors of the entire front. There were plenty
of rumors, though, concerning preparations that were being made on the
Italian side for a resumption of activities, and on August 19, 1917, the
first definite reports were received to the effect that the Italians had
begun a new and powerful offensive movement in the Julian Alps along a
front of some thirty-five miles.
It will be recalled that their successes in 1916, which gained for them
Goritz, had left them still without possession of the heights, rising
from 1,800 to 2,200 feet to the northeast and east of that town and had
brought them to the edge of the mountains to the west of the Carso
Plateau. In a twenty-five days' campaign, begun May 14, 1917, they had
then improved this position by crossing the Isonzo to the north of
Goritz, by capturing Monte Cucco on its east bank and by extending their
positions along this bank so as to include the Vodice Ridge, bringing
them right up against the slopes of Monte Santo. On the Carso, too, they
had succeeded in advancing so that their artillery could reach the
heights west of it, including the Hermada Hills.
Their line then, as constituted in August, 1917, began some miles
southwest of Tolmino, ran for a little more than five miles along the
west bank of the Isonzo, crossed it west of the village of Decla, ran
along the east bank for about five more miles, then opposite a bend in
the river turned south for about another five miles to the San Marco,
running at a distance of about one and one-half miles east of Goritz,
and then twisted in a general southern direction for some fifteen miles,
crossing in its course the valley of the Vippacco River, down to the
Gulf of Trieste where it ended about two miles southeast of Monfalcone.
It appears that in the new drive, now started, there were engaged: The
Third Army, under General Cappello, in the north, on the Bainsizza
Plateau, Monte Santo, Monte San Gabriele, and the approaches to San
Daniele; the Second Army, under the Duke of Aosta, operating south to
the sea, in the valleys of Vippacco and Brestovizza, on the Carso, and
before Hermada; British and Italian monitors, which bombarded Hermada
and the Austrian ships and arsenals at Trieste and Pola; the great
Caproni aerial machines, which both on the battle line and over Trieste
and Pola aided the work of the soldiers and warships.
Not until August 19, 1917, did it become known that for many weeks prior
to the beginning of the offensive the Italians at sundown every night
had by a great engineering feat diverted the water of the Isonzo above
Anhovo, and had built in the shallow stream thus left 10-foot bridges,
which were concealed from view when the water resumed its natural
course each morning. On the eve of the crossing they supplemented these
with four pontoon bridges laid while their searchlights blinded the eyes
of the Austrians on the opposite cliffs. These bridges extended from
Anhovo up to Loga, a distance of four miles. That night, August 18,
1917, the stream remained diverted and the army of Cappello crossed,
while the Duke of Aosta performed a diversion on the Carso.
In the morning of August 19, 1917, after a twenty-four hours'
bombardment, during which Italian artillery shelled the Austrian
positions with ever-increasing intensity, the masses of Italian infantry
commenced the advance toward their objectives.
From Plava, between Anhovo and Goritz, as far as the sea, after having
crossed the Austrian first line, which was completely destroyed, Italian
troops brought pressure to bear upon the Austrians, who, resisting
strongly and being supported by considerable artillery and a large
number of machine guns, offered a desperate resistance.
Altogether 208 Italian aeroplanes participated in the battle, attacking
repeatedly with bombs and machine guns the troops assembled to the rear
of Austrian positions.
The enemy's losses were very serious. The booty, even during the first
day, was very considerable. Some guns and a large number of machine guns
were taken by the Italians and more than 7,500 men and about 100
officers had passed into Italian collecting stations by the end of the
first evening.
During the next few days severe fighting continued. By the evening of
August 20, 1917, the number of Austrians taken by the Italians had
increased to over 10,000 men and about 250 officers.
On the night of August 19-20, 1917, the Austrians attempted a diversion
by concentrating fire and carrying out local attacks at various points
on the Trentino and Carnia fronts. They were everywhere repulsed. One of
their storming parties was destroyed in the Lagarina Valley, and another
which had succeeded in gaining a foothold in one of the Italian advance
posts southeast of Monte Maio was driven back by a prompt counterattack.
During August 19, 1917, cooperating with the advance of the army,
floating batteries of the Italian navy and British and Italian monitors
effectively bombarded the Austrian positions and communications on the
lower Isonzo. Simultaneously Italian monitors were bombarding the
Austrian dockyards south of Trieste. Austrian batteries replied
vigorously, but the Allies' units were entirely unharmed. At nightfall
they were attacked unsuccessfully by Austrian aeroplanes. One of these
was brought down by antiaircraft guns and captured in the Grado Lagoon,
mouth of the Isonzo.
During the continuation of the fighting in the northern part of the
line, the Austrian lines on the Carso Plateau and on the coastal zone
began to bend and give way at various points. Italian forces succeeded
in carrying the well-organized Austrian defenses between Korite and
Selo, near the strongly fortified position of Stari Lokva.
During the night of August 24, 1917, the Austrians evacuated Monte
Santo, which, soon afterward, was occupied by Italian forces.
By August 25, 1917, the number of prisoners taken amounted to more than
600 officers and 23,000 men. The number of guns captured had risen to
seventy-five, including two 305-millimeter, (twelve inches) mortars and
many guns of medium caliber.
On August 26, 1917, on the Bainsizza Plateau, northeast of Goritz, the
intensity of the struggle increased. With extreme desperation and a
greater employment of forces, the Austrians sought to prevent the
Italians from progressing toward the eastern edge of the plateau.
Not only did the Austrian resistance stiffen considerably, but the
Italians also had to overcome great natural difficulties.
It must be remembered that the first part of their advance after the
crossing of the Isonzo was a climb of 2,000 feet, and that the upland of
Bainsizza is not flat but traversed by ridges which rise to a
considerable height above the general level. One peak, for instance,
northeast of Na Kobil, is over 3,100 feet above the sea, and the range
that runs farther to the north along the eastern rim of the plateau
above the upper Chiapovano Valley reaches a height of over 3,500 feet.
In spite of these conditions, however, fighting continued on the
Bainsizza Plateau. After having overcome the Austrian rear guards,
Italian troops on August 28, 1917, encountered a powerful line of
resistance which had been previously organized and which the Austrians
were defending with desperation. On the heights beyond Goritz the
Italians made some gains. During the day they captured more than 1,000
prisoners and several machine guns. Altogether 247 airplanes
participated in the battle.
A squadron of forty Caproni machines, which took part in the action east
of Goritz, dropped many tons of projectiles on Austrian batteries in the
Panovizza Wood.
[Illustration: The Italian advance in Istria.]
On the Carso only an artillery duel and patrol action occurred.
In the Stelvio region, on the Trentino front, the Austrians attacked one
of the Italian advanced posts on the glaciers in the upper Zebru Valley
and succeeded in penetrating it. The Italian forces, however, were able
to occupy a higher summit, from which they kept their old position under
fire.
The next day, August 29, 1917, the Austrians attempted on the Bainsizza
Plateau and east of Goritz, by counterattacking in force, to retake
positions recently captured. They were driven back everywhere. The
Italian lines held firmly, and advanced at some points.
Italian aircraft successfully renewed bombardment of Austrian batteries
in Panovizza Wood, on the Carso. An Austrian attack between Vippacco and
Dosso Faiti broke down.
On the Trentino front, from Stelvio to Carnia, concentrated fire and
numerous reconnoitering actions kept the Austrians busy. In the Tofane
region the Austrians, after intense artillery preparation, attacked the
Italian positions at the mouth of the Travenanzes Valley three times and
with great violence, but were repulsed.
All this time the most determined struggle was going on for the
possession of Monte San Gabriele, which changed hands a number of times.
Both on August 30 and 31, 1917, very brisk fighting occurred on the
northern slopes of Monte San Gabriele and east of Goritz, where the
Austrians with repeated violent counterattacks attempted to drive back
the Italians. They were repulsed with heavy losses. On the Carso, in the
Brestovizza Valley, the Italians carried other elements of trenches.
The total number of prisoners taken from the beginning of the Italian
offensive to the end of August, 1917, had risen to 720 officers and
26,582 men.
Trieste, too, was continuously a point of attraction to the Italians.
Hardly a day passed without an attack being made on it by Italian
airmen.
Throughout the next few days the fighting continued without abatement.
Again Monte San Gabriele was the center of it. Following the Italian
success of August 30, 1917, the Austrians had attempted a number of
times to regain their positions there. But the Italians held on and
continued their preparations for further attacks. The final storming of
this important and desperately contested position was described by the
London "Times" correspondent, attached to Italian headquarters, in part
as follows:
"The attack came on the morning of September 3, 1917, when the Italians
went forward in three columns. One column attacked straight along the
crest, one worked along the northeastern slope, while the third advanced
on the right, where the first precipitous fall of the ridge meets the
steep slope that comes up from Salcano past the jutting spurs of Hill
343 and Santa Caterina. The left-hand column was held up southeast of
Hill 552 by a rocky bastion that juts out eastward from the main massif,
but it kept the Austrians in this sector very busy and diverted their
attention from the flank and center columns. The right-hand column got
well forward and performed the same service for the other flank of the
main attack, which was brilliantly successful.
"Nothing could stop the center column, which was made up of volunteer
storming troops. These broke down all resistance. They stormed the
machine-gun positions, careless of loss, and reached the caverns, where
the Austrian reserves were caught like rats. In less than an hour the
Italians were in possession of the main peak.
"They had thrust a wedge into the enemy position on the mountain, but
their own position was precarious. The enemy still lay round them east,
south, southwest, on the lower grounds, indeed, but for that very reason
they were half protected from the terrific hail of shells that had
pounded the crest to fragments.
"Altogether the center column took nearly 1,500 prisoners--more than the
whole number of the 'forlorn hope' that had stormed the peak. Think of
what they had done. They had rushed a steep glacis that rises about 300
feet in 600 yards, a glacis not more than 200 or 300 yards wide. At the
end of the last abrupt rise they had stormed trenches cut in the rock
and full of machine guns."
The day following the capture of Monte San Gabriele, September 4, 1917,
the battle on the Julian front was violently renewed. On the Bainsizza
Plateau the Italians obtained new advantages, capturing an important
position southwest of Corogio.
On the Carso Plateau the Austrians, after most violent bombardment,
launched infantry forces against the Italian positions from
Castagnevizza to the sea. On the northern section of the line, between
Castagnevizza and Korite, the attack, after varying fortunes, was
repulsed. In the center, between Korite and Celle, the Italian troops
resisted seven furious assaults and maintained their positions.
To the south, between the Brestovizza Valley and the sea, the Austrians
were able to gain an initial success between Hill 146, to the northeast
of Flondar and the railway tunnel northeast of Lokavac, where the
Italians were compelled to withdraw temporarily from a few advanced
positions. In the afternoon, by energetic counterattacks, the Italian
line was reestablished, with the capture of 402 prisoners, including
fourteen officers.
Two hundred and sixty-one Italian airplanes participated in the battle,
bombing the Austrian troops and their communication lines.
CHAPTER XXVI
THE STRUGGLE ON THE ISONZO FRONT
Immense quantities of booty had been captured by this time by the
Italians as a result of their successful offensive movement. On the
Bainsizza Plateau, near Santo Spirito and Laska, whole convoys of arms
and munitions were abandoned by the Austrians in such haste that there
was no time to destroy them. At one point thousands of boxes of
projectiles, hand grenades, rockets, shoes, rifles, and helmets were
strewn everywhere.
Mule paths and the adjacent side hills were littered with unexploded
projectiles which the Austrians had thrown away, together with daggers,
swords, and iron-studded maces used for dispatching the wounded. On Hill
652 the Italians captured three 105-millimeter cannon. Two of them were
perfectly serviceable, and the Italians turned them on their former
owners.
In an armored dugout near Ravena the Italians discovered the entire
equipment of an Austrian staff of brigade. The extraordinary variety of
objects found testified to the haste of the retreat. It included
electric lights, official documents, toilet articles, kitchen utensils,
ventilators, and even love letters. Ravena was the Austrian center of
supplies for engineer troops, and near by were found stores of picks,
shovels, hoes and wire cutters, entire outfits of electric equipments,
miles of steel rails, and innumerable rolls of barbed wire.
During the next few days the fighting was chiefly done by the artillery
on both the Bainsizza and the Carso Plateaus. The Austrians attempted a
number of counterattacks, all of which, however, fell short of the
desired results. During the period, devoted by the Italians to the
consolidation of the newly conquered territory, they found time to count
their prisoners and to list their booty. The result was the announcement
that during the actual offensive there had been captured 30,671
Austrians, including 858 officers, and that the Austrians also had lost:
145 guns, including about eighty of medium caliber, ninety-four trench
mortars and bomb throwers, 322 machine guns, 11,196 rifles.
Besides their attempts at counterattacking the Austrians also tried to
relieve the Italian pressure on the Isonzo front, by launching a number
of local attacks on some of the other fronts. In no case, however, were
they successful. Thus on September 7, 1917, in the Concei Valley, west
of Lake Garda, local attacks against two Italian advanced posts were
repulsed.
Again on September 9, 1917, on the Trentino front Austrian
reconnoitering parties were put to flight by Italian advanced posts in
Cima di Cady, Tonale, in the Zurez region, east of Lake Garda and on Col
di Lana. In the Carnia an attack against Italian positions of Monte
Granuda and Cuel Tarond completely failed, though carried out in force
after careful artillery preparation.
West of Lake Garda the Austrians, after intense artillery preparation,
attacked Italian advanced posts on September 10, 1917, between the
Concei Valley and the Lake of Ledro, succeeding in gaining a foothold in
one of them, but were immediately driven out.
At the mouth of the Timavo, upper end of Gulf of Trieste, Austrian
storming parties, which, with the support of infantry waves, moved
against the Italian positions on the extreme right wing, were stopped
and put to flight with severe losses caused especially by barrage fire.
The Austrians now began a series of most desperate counterattacks in the
attempt to drive the Italians from Monte San Gabriele which they had
gained after terrific fighting some days ago. Various attacks were
launched on September 11, 1917, against the Italian lines on the
Bainsizza Plateau, afterward concentrating their greatest efforts in the
region northeast of Goritz.
After having kept under most violent fire for several hours the Italian
positions occupied along the crest of Monte San Gabriele, and on the
western slopes of the mountain descending toward Salcano, they attacked
from the east and south. The bitter struggle, which began at dawn,
became more pronounced around the western edge of the table-land of
Santa Caterina. Finally toward midday the Austrians, beaten and
repulsed, gave up their fruitless attempts.
The crest of Monte San Gabriele is distant about one and a half miles
east by north from Salcano, and the western edge of the Santa Caterina
table-land is about half a mile from Salcano, Santa Caterina being
somewhat to the south of a line drawn between Monte San Gabriele and
Salcano. It appears, therefore, that the Italian front must make a sharp
salient at San Gabriele.
On the following day, September 12, 1917, northeast of Goritz, the
Austrians employing units recently sent to the front, renewed with
greater intensity and with a larger number of forces their attempts to
dislodge the Italians from Monte San Gabriele. Their furious attacks
were successful in a few advanced posts, but were stopped by the Italian
main line of occupation, which could not be shaken or penetrated.
On September 13 and 14, 1917, the Italians succeeded in extending their
previous gains on the Bainsizza Plateau. On the former date this was
accomplished near Log, in the northern zone of the plateau, and on the
latter date in the southeastern corner. During the night of September 15
to 16, 1917, the Austrians attempted, without success, by four
successive counterattacks to regain this ground. Other counterattacks,
made September 16, 1917, were equally unavailing. During this period
there was also considerable artillery and aerial activity on the other
sectors of the Isonzo front.
Local actions of limited extent also occurred on the Trentino front.
On September 15, 1917, greater activity of Austrian artillery provoked a
brisk reaction on the part of the Italian artillery in the Upper But and
Fella Valley in Carnia. On the Carso Plateau, too, there was
considerable artillery action during all these days.
A comparative lull set in during the next week, September 16 to 23,
1917. Though the Austrians had gained some ground on the summit of Monte
San Gabriele, this was of little import, because the position was so
located that neither side could possibly hold it for any length of time.
On the other hand the Italians had captured two more heights on the
Bainsizza Plateau near Volnik, which they succeeded in holding against
repeated Austrian attacks and heavy artillery fire.
In the Marmolada region, on the night of September 21-22, 1917, by
exploding a mine which had been prepared with long tunneling work,
Italian parties were enabled to penetrate two advanced Austrian
positions and to establish themselves there.
In the neighborhood of Raccogliano and Selo in the Carso, on the same
day, the Italians succeeded in making a slight advance.
During September 23, 1917, the railway line in the Bazza Valley, east of
Tolmino, was the objective of Italian air forces. In the morning one of
the Italian bombarding squadrons arrived over the railway station of
Grahovo, about five or six miles eastsoutheast of Tolmino, at a moment
when intense railway movements were going on, and four tons of bombs
were dropped there. In the night an Italian airship, by dropping
numerous high-explosive bombs, greatly damaged the establishments in the
neighborhood of Podmelec, midway between Tolmino and Grahovo. At the
same time another Italian airship once again bombarded the numerous
Austrian troops in the Chiapovano Valley.
In the Monte Nero region, upper Isonzo, the Austrians exploded on
September 24, 1917, a powerful mine under Italian positions, upon which
they then concentrated violent artillery fire. Prompt and effective
barrage fire, hindering the advance of the infantry, prevented the
Austrians from gaining any advantage. The damage done was slight.
Another let-up set in for the next few days. However, on September 28,
1917, Italian storming troops made a surprise attack toward the
southeastern edge of the Bainsizza Plateau, capturing some of the high
ground south of Podlaka and southeast of Madoni, and forty-nine officers
and 1,360 men. Subsequent violent enemy counterattacks accompanied by
heavy bombardment were repulsed and the positions maintained.
On the night of September 28-29, 1917, and on the following day, fresh
attempts on the part of the Austrians to dislodge the Italians from the
positions occupied between Sella di Dol and the northern slopes of Monte
San Gabriele failed. On the remainder of the front considerable
artillery activity and numerous good patrol actions were reported.
Air fighting was very brisk along the whole Julian front. Italian air
squadrons bombarded the enemy depots at Berje, northeast of Nabresina,
Gulf of Trieste, and during the night the known military works of the
fortress of Pola with excellent results. The response of the enemy was
vigorous everywhere.
The following day, September 29, 1917, Italian troops, by means of
another successful surprise attack, rectified their line between the
Sella di Dol and the northern slopes of Monte San Gabriele. Eight
officers, 216 men, and a few machine guns were captured. The position
was maintained and strengthened, not withstanding that the Austrians
repeatedly counterattacked.
Italian air attacks were concentrated on the military zone of Voiscizza,
Carso, which was effectively bombarded, and on the fortified maritime
center of Pola, where the submarine base and the arsenal were again
bombed with numerous projectiles by a strong Italian bombardment
squadron. During the night Austrian aircraft dropped incendiary bombs on
the town of Palmanova, causing slight damage, but no casualties.
Austrian aircraft also dropped bombs on Aquileja, Monfalcone, and other
localities of the lower Isonzo, without doing much damage. During
September 30, 1917, the Austrians renewed their attacks against the
Italian positions, recently occupied by them on the Bainsizza Plateau,
but were repulsed. On the other hand the Italians reported that they had
taken prisoners, in their offensive actions during September 28-30,
1917, a total of 2,019 Austrians, including sixty-three officers.
In Val di Fumo, Adamello, Austrian parties attempting to reach Italian
positions between the Passo della Porta and the Forcel Rosso Pass were
repulsed and pursued by Italian patrols, who captured a quantity of
ammunition and explosives.
The first three weeks in October, 1917, passed without any happenings of
much significance. Weather conditions began to become unfavorable and it
looked at this time as if affairs were about to settle down to the
accustomed trench warfare of past winters. Only a few engagements are
worthy of special mentioning.
At dawn of October 2, 1917, the Austrians once more attacked the Italian
positions on the western slopes of Monte San Gabriele. The attack
failed. An assault company was destroyed and the battalion following it,
caught in its turn under the fire of Italian batteries and attacked by
Italian troops, was dispersed. On the remainder of the Bainsizza Plateau
front there were only patrol actions.
Air activity was very lively. During the day one of the Italian
squadrons carried out a bombardment on the railway station of Grahovo,
Bazza Valley, northeast of Goritz. During the previous night in two
successive raids the military objectives of Pola were bombarded and
damaged.
During the night of October 3-4, 1917, one of the Italian bombarding
squadrons, composed of a large number of machines, flew over the naval
base of Cattaro. The Austrians replied by a violent fire. The Italian
airmen on several occasions, and with visibly good results, hit torpedo
boats and submarines lying in the harbor.
On October 4, 1917, from the Giudicaria, as far as the Brenta, Italian
patrols were operating, and captured some prisoners. Artillery
bombardments were more frequent and more lively on the Asiago Plateau.
In the region of San Gabriele repeated attacks launched by the Austrians
were repulsed. To the east of Goritz the Italians improved a point in
our line by a coup de main, and held it, in spite of violent Austrian
counterattacks. On the Carso intermittent artillery actions took place
as well as attempts to attack on the part of Austrian patrols, which
were repulsed.
Snowstorms and gales now began to prevail in the Trentino, while the
Isonzo and Carso lines were inundated by rain, and the valleys
transformed into lakes of mud. The torrents were so swollen and
impetuous as often to be impassable.
During the night of October 11-12, 1917, in the Costabella region, San
Pellegrino Valley, an attempted Austrian attack was crushed. On the
Julian front Italian patrols effectively harassed Austrian working
parties and brought in some prisoners. Artillery activity was
considerable from the Rombon, upper Isonzo, to the sea.
During the next day, October 13, 1917, there was considerable artillery
activity from the Stelvio to the Rombon, as well as on the Bainsizza
Plateau and on the southern front of the Carso. At Vrhovec, west of
Chiapovano, Austrian parties attempting to approach the Italian
positions were repulsed.
Along the whole Julian front there were lively local actions of the
infantry on October 14, 1916. On the southern slope of Monte Rombon,
north of Piesso, by a successful coup de main the Italians captured some
prisoners. Between Castagnavizza and Selo, Carso, an Italian raid
brought other prisoners. In the Brestovizza Valley large Austrian
parties, protected by violent artillery and machine-gun fire, approached
the Italian lines, but were driven back. Near Lokavac, southeast of
Monfalcone, after a lavish artillery preparation extending from the west
of Flondar to the sea, an Austrian attack was broken up.
Throughout October 15, 1917, on the Trentino front there was moderate
activity. North of Lenzumo, Lake Ledro, in an encounter of advanced
posts, Austrian patrols were driven back. On the Carso and Julian
fronts, from the Paralba, Carnia, to the Rombon, upper Isonzo, there was
desultory artillery fighting, on the Bainsizza Plateau intense artillery
duels, on the front lines and on the lines of communication of the Carso
the usual destructive and harassing fire.
CHAPTER XXVII
THE AUSTRO-GERMAN OFFENSIVE IN ITALY
In the preceding chapters we have been told of the Italian successes
gained in the summer of 1917 and the spasmodic fighting following them.
The latter was frequently interrupted by periods of comparative quiet,
and sometimes during the early fall of 1917 very vague rumors would be
heard to the effect that they ought to be interpreted as the proverbial
calm before the storm. However, as time passed and nothing of any import
occurred, it began to look as if the Central Powers had decided to
maintain the positions they occupied during the winter.
It will be recalled that the last fighting of any extent took place
about October 15, 1917. This was followed by about a week of comparative
quiet. Suddenly on October 21, 1917, reports came from Rome that Italian
observers had noticed the removal of troops from the Trentino and Carso
fronts to the Bainsizza Plateau, as well as the arrival of fresh
contingents from the Russian front, where evidently the Germans
apparently expected no further serious developments. Usually activity
was also reported in the Austrian trenches.
On the preceding day, October 20, 1917, notwithstanding adverse
atmospheric conditions on the Trentino front, brisk engagements with
rifle fire took place here and there. Northeast of Laghi Pesinar
Austrian parties were driven back and counterattacked by Italian
patrols. In the Booche region in the Pellegrino Valley Austrian parties
came in contact with the garrisons of the Italian advanced posts, but
after a fierce struggle they were forced to withdraw to their positions.
On the Julian front the Austrian artillery showed spasmodic activity.
Italian batteries replied with well-directed bursts of fire and
effective concentration.
The air continued to be full of rumors. On October 23, 1917, it was
semiofficially reported that "General Cadorna is making preparations on
an extensive scale for an important military movement, but that there
could not be any disclosure, for military reasons, of the objective,
extent, or character of the movement or when the Italian offensive will
be resumed."
Another report had it "that British and French soldiers, guns, munitions
were being sent by train to the Italian front."
Still another bit of gossip was that reports of an impending Austrian
offensive had proved to be unfounded and that "General Cadorna desired
to start a new offensive against Austria and as a consequence there had
been an extreme enlivenment of trench, mortar, and artillery firing from
the Tolmino to the southern Carso and over the entire area of the
Bainsizza Plateau, which was still in progress. Although the firing was
uninterrupted on the part of the Italians, it was declared not to be the
prelude of a fresh attack."
The reports covering events at the front during the preceding day,
October 22, 1917, showed that the Italian positions on Monte Piana, in
the Cadore, were strongly attacked by Austro-German forces. After heavy
fighting the enemy was driven back with severe loss. On the following
morning, October 23, 1917, Italian storming parties recaptured a portion
of their intrenchments which the Austrians had temporarily occupied.
On the remainder of the front there were lively local engagements. In
the Cordevole Valley and at the head of the Padola Valley the Italians
repulsed enemy detachments.
On the Julian front the artillery action continued intense the whole
day. The weather conditions were favorable also to aerial activity.
From then on events as reported from the front made it clearer and
clearer day by day that the Austrians, supported by strong German
reenforcements, were about to launch an important offensive movement,
the extent of which, of course, at that time could not be predicted. By
October 23, 1917, the fighting activity had been perceptibly revived in
the Tyrolean, Carnia, and Isonzo regions. German artillery took part in
the artillery battle, and German and Austro-Hungarian infantrymen
captured the foremost Italian positions near Flitsch and Tolmino and in
the northern portion of the Bainsizza Plateau, taking some thousands of
prisoners.
On October 24, 1917, after an interval of a few hours, the Austrians
resumed the violent bombardment all along the front, with a specially
destructive fire on that portion between the southern slopes of Monte
Rombon and the northern edge of the Bainsizza Plateau, where afterward a
strong infantry attack was launched. The Narrows of Saga resisted the
hostile blow; but farther south, favored by a thick mist which rendered
useless the Italian barrage fire, the Austrians succeeded in breaking
through the Italian lines on the left bank of the Isonzo.
Taking advantage of the bridgehead of Santa Maria and Santa Lucia, they
then brought the battle on to the slopes of the right bank of the river.
At the same time, powerful attacks were made to the west of Volnik, on
the Bainsizza Plateau, and on the western slopes of Monte San Gabriele,
but they were kept in check by the Italian troops, which in the course
of successful counterattacks captured a few hundred prisoners.
On the Carso, a violent Austrian bombardment was effectively countered
by Italian batteries. The Germans claimed that up to the end of the day
more than 10,000 prisoners, including divisional and brigade staffs, and
rich booty in guns and war material had been taken.
The offensive against the Italian left wing on the Julian front
continued during the night and on October 25, 1917, conducted by
powerful forces. From Montemaggiore to the west of Auzza the Italians
were forced to withdraw to their boundary line, in consequence of which
they had to provide for the evacuation of the Bainsizza Plateau. East of
Goritz and on the Carso the situation remained unchanged.
This meant that the Germans, profiting by their success in breaking
through the line near Flitsch and Tolmino, were advancing beyond
Caporetto and Ronzina. They were already fighting at many places on
Italian territory. The number of prisoners had increased to more than
30,000, of whom 700 were officers. The booty amounted to more than 300
guns, including many heavy ones.
The Austro-German offensive now began to gain more and more momentum
almost every hour. It became known that Von Mackensen was in supreme
command of the forces of the Central Powers. Favored by good weather,
the German and Austro-Hungarian divisions pressed forward irresistibly
over heights and through the valleys. The steep mountain ridge of Stol
was captured and soon afterward the strongly fortified summit of Monte
Matajur, 1,641 meters high, fell.
The Germans claimed that by now the number of prisoners had increased to
60,000 and the captured guns to 450 and that inestimable quantities of
war materials were yet to be salved from the captured Italian positions.
After having crossed the boundary line between Monte Canin and the head
of the Judrio Valley, the Austrians, by October 26, 1917, were
attempting to reach an opening on the plains. On the Carso their effort
was increasing. Strong offensive thrusts, however, were repulsed by the
Italian troops.
The worst fears now began to be realized and with stunning swiftness the
Austro-German forces forced back the Italians from territory which the
latter had gained only by fighting most valiantly for months. In spite
of determined resistance, which only in some instances was not all that
might have reasonably been expected, the Italian forces were thrown back
by powerful thrusts. In the evening of October 27, 1917, German troops
forced their way into the burning town of Cividale, the first town in
point of position in the plain. The Italian front as far as the Adriatic
Sea was now wavering. The Austro-German troops were pressing forward on
the whole line. Goritz, the much-disputed town in the Isonzo battles,
was taken early on October 28, 1917, by Austro-Hungarian Divisions.
Cividale is a town of about 5,000 inhabitants, nine miles northeast of
the important railroad center of Udine. It is near the entrance to the
valley of the Natisone River, along which the Austro-German forces which
broke the Italian line in the Tolmino region battered their way.
Cividale is in the foothills of the Julian Alps, beyond which lie the
plains of northern Italy.
Goritz was captured by the Italians on August 9, 1916. It is a town of
31,000 inhabitants on the Isonzo, halfway down the river from Tolmino to
the sea. It is strongly situated among hills of great defensive value,
in which there was heavy fighting before the Italians reached the city
itself. Goritz is twenty-two miles northwest of Trieste, Austria's big
seaport at the head of the Adriatic, the capture of which is one of the
principal Italian aspirations in the war.
By October 28, 1917, the defeated second Italian army was retreating
toward the Tagliamento. The third Italian army, it was claimed, offered
only brief resistance to the attack against their positions from Wippach
to the sea and hastily retreated along the Adriatic coast. North of the
broad sector which had been pierced, the Italian front also was now
yielding as far as the Ploecken Pass.
[Illustration: Different stages of the Italian retreat.]
Italian rear guards vainly endeavored to stem the advance of the armies
of the Central Powers. Austro-Hungarian troops were then standing before
Udine, hitherto the grand Italian headquarters. Other Austro-Hungarian
divisions captured Cormons, and were approaching the frontier in the
coastal region.
All roads were covered with retreating columns and cars belonging to the
Italian army and to the Italian population, who, overcome by the sudden
disaster to their armies, were fleeing in a pathetic disorder, matched
only by the flight of the Belgian civilians in the early part of the
war.
The number of prisoners and the quantity of booty was reported as
continually increasing. Violent tempests and heavy rains prevailed on
the vast fighting area of the twelfth Isonzo battle, but seemed to have
no influence on the furious onslaughts of the invading hordes.
On October 29, 1917, the fall of Udine was announced. It is sixty miles
northeast of Venice, ten miles east of the frontier, sixteen miles west
of the new Tagliamento line, and only 300 feet above sea level. It is
situated on the Roia Canal, a branch of the Torre River. It is a quaint
and prosperous town, chiefly interested in the manufacture of hemp,
flax, and cotton goods, is the capital of the province, the seat of an
archbishop, and has a population of 25,000. In the present war Udine had
been the general headquarters of the second and third Italian armies.
Five railways radiate from Udine west to link up with the
Venetian-Quadrilateral system, by which the second and third armies have
been supplied; north, across the frontier, to link up with the
Vienna-Trentino line; northeast only as far as Cividale, whence the town
was invested; southeast, via Goritz to Trieste; and due south, over the
lower plains to a small steam tramway which skirts the marshes.
[Illustration: The officer responding to salutes is the Italian
commander in chief, General Diaz, who succeeded General Cadorna in
November, 1917. Next beside him is the French General Fayolle.]
By then, too, the Italian Carnia front seemed to have collapsed on the
most important sectors. During a snowstorm Austrian troops wrested from
the Italians frontier positions which they had built up during two and a
half years southwest of Tarvis, near Pontafel, in the Ploecken region,
and on St. Pal. Advancing out of the Carnic Alps the invaders set foot
on Venetian soil along the entire front, and were pressing forward
against the upper course of the Tagliamento, even though the Italians
destroyed, wherever possible, bridges and other means of communication
in order to delay the hostile advance.
In spite of valiant efforts on the part of the Italians to stem the tide
of invaders, the latter gained new successes on the last day of October,
1917. Portions of the Italian army made a stand at the Tagliamento.
Austro-Hungarian forces, however, stormed the last Tagliamento
bridgehead, near Latisana, on the lower reaches of the river, south of
Codroipo. The bridgehead positions at the latter place and at Dignano
were taken by storm by German troops. The Germans claimed that as a
result of these operations more than 60,000 Italians, cut off and
outflanked on both sides, laid down their arms, and that the number of
prisoners taken by them had increased to more than 180,000 and that the
number of guns captured had increased to more than 1,500. Late that day
such Italian forces as were still maintaining themselves on the eastern
bank of the Tagliamento near Pinzano and Latisana were either driven
back or taken prisoners. In less than a week's fighting the troops of
the Central Powers had pushed forward a thirty-mile front an average
distance of thirty miles, making the total of the territory wrested from
the Italians some 1,000 square miles.
On November 1, 1917, it was reported that Anglo-French reenforcements
had reached the Italian front. Of course, these were comparatively
small in number and were sent more for the moral effect their arrival
would have than for any actual military value. The battle continued
without let-up. Along the middle and lower Tagliamento the opposing
armies were in continuous fighting contact. By evening the left bank of
the river had been cleared of Italians from the Fella Valley to the
Adriatic Sea. That the Italian armies were not totally annihilated was
due solely to the efficient rear-guard actions which parts of them had
fought against terrific odds.
During November 2 and 3, 1917, the fighting along the Tagliamento was
chiefly done by the artillery of both armies. The Germans again claimed
large increases in the number of prisoners and guns captured. On the
other hand the Italians claimed that a great many of the 200,000
so-called prisoners were mainly workmen or other units of a noncombatant
nature and that of the "more than 1,800 guns" the majority were machine
guns.
CHAPTER XXVIII
THE ITALIANS AT BAY ON THE PIAVE
Ever since Udine had fallen into the hands of the Central Powers, there
had, of course, been much speculation as to what the real German
objective was and how and where the Italians were finally going to make
a stand against the Austro-German onslaught. For some time it seemed as
if the Central Powers were going to try to capture Venice and as if the
Italians were going to attempt to prevent it by making a stand at the
Tagliamento River. When, however, the fighting along that river, as
described in the latter part of the last chapter, gradually but
definitely went against the Italians, it soon became clear that the
Tagliamento line could not be held for any length of time.
This assumption was proved to be correct very soon. On November 4, 1917,
German and Austro-Hungarian divisions succeeded in crossing the middle
course of the river and immediately began to press the advantage gained.
General Cadorna's line now was broken again and a continued resistance
in its present position had become too dangerous to be feasible. It was,
therefore, not much of a surprise when news came that the Italians had
begun a new retreat on November 5, 1917, especially in view of the fact
that Austro-German pressure in the northern, mountainous section of the
line had also become so strong that it resulted in evacuation of
territory on the part of the Italians.
However, the few days' resistance offered on the Tagliamento had served
its purpose. It enabled the Italians to rearrange their shattered armies
to a certain extent, so that their withdrawal had been changed from a
rout to an orderly retreat. It was made in the direction of the Livenza
River, some fifteen miles west of the Tagliamento. The Livenza, however,
did not offer the necessary natural defenses to make a determined and
extended defense possible, and its only purpose was to delay the enemy
sufficiently long to make it possible for the Italians to withdraw in
good order behind the next line of defense, the Piave. The Livenza line
was reached on November 6, 1917. But so close were the Austro-Germans
that the Italians immediately proceeded to cross the Livenza. Indeed, by
November 7, 1917, some Austro-German forces, too, had forced their way
across the river at some points.
In spite of this, however, the Italians succeeded in extricating
themselves from their dangerous position and in withdrawing the great
bulk of their forces behind the next line of defense, the Piave River.
There it had been determined to face the foe. The Italians, it is true,
continued to lose a considerable number of men as prisoners. But
compared with their losses of the two preceding weeks, the present
losses were slight and showed a decided revival of the Italian
resistance and a slowing up of the Austro-German advance.
It also became known now that General Cadorna, who had been in command
of the Italian armies since the beginning of the war, had been relieved
of this command and had been appointed as the chief military
representative of Italy on the permanent interallied military
committee. His successor in chief command of the Italian armies was
General Diaz, and under him were to be Generals Badoglio and Giardino.
The new commander in chief was fifty-six years old, eleven years the
junior of General Cadorna. At the outbreak of the war, in 1914, he was a
colonel. The second in command was only forty-six years old and had
risen since the beginning of the war to his present rank from that of a
major of artillery.
By November 9, 1917, the Italians had reached their more or less
prepared positions on the lower Piave and frantically began digging
themselves in. In the north, however, matters did not go well with the
Italians. Austro-Hungarian troops succeeded in pressing forward in the
Sugana Valley and in the upper Piave valley. After desperate fighting in
the streets Asiago was captured by them. This town is some twenty miles
west of the Piave and only a few miles across the Austro-Italian border.
On the lower Piave the Italians crossed to the west bank, blowing up
behind them all bridges and established themselves fairly firm behind
the river from Susegana, in the foothills of the Alps, to the Adriatic,
a line of some forty miles.
The Austrians extended their gains in the north on November 10, 1917.
Belluno, on the upper Piave, was taken by them, and so was Vidor and its
bridgehead, some twenty-five miles downstream, not, however, until the
bridge itself had been blown up by the Italians. Fighting on the lower
Piave was restricted to artillery and machine-gun firing.
As a result of their gains in the Belluno sector, the Austro-Germans
claimed on November 12, 1917, to have captured about 14,000 prisoners
and numerous guns and to have reached Feltre, a small town at a bend of
the middle Piave.
Heavy fighting occurred on November 12, 1917, on the Asiago plateau. But
the Italian line, established there from Monte Gallio-Longara-Meletta di
Gallio, held. Between the Brenta and the Piave the Austro-Germans
occupied territory previously evacuated by the Italians and reached
contact with the Italian lines. On the lower Piave the Italian line
held, except at one point, about twelve miles northwest of the mouth of
the Piave. There, near Monte San Dona di Piave, about twenty-three miles
northeast of Venice, enemy groups succeeded, with the aid of large
boats, in crossing to the west bank of the Piave. Italian
counterattacks, however, promptly drove them back and the Italian lines
were reestablished without a break.
On November 13, 1917, the Central Powers again registered successes.
They took Primolano on the upper Brenta and Feltre on the middle Piave.
Near the Adriatic they crossed the lower Piave and gained a slight
foothold on its western bank, which, however, they were unable to extend
in width in spite of determined efforts. A surprise attack against the
Italian rear from the north in the region of Lake Garda failed.
New attempts on the part of the Austro-German forces to cross the lower
Piave, made repeatedly during November 14, 1917, were promptly repulsed
by the Italians, whose power of resistance gradually seemed to stiffen.
The same fate met renewed Teuton attacks along the entire front from
Asiago to the Piave River, attempted on November 15, 1917. In this the
Italians were assisted by opening the floodgates of the Piave River.
The following day, November 16, 1917, the forces of the Central Powers
succeeded at two points in crossing the Piave, but were unable to
maintain their gains against the fierce counterattacks of the Italians,
though they captured Prassolan.
Again on November 17, 1917, the enemy attempted to get across the Piave.
Everywhere however, the Italian line held like a wall of steel. Between
the Brenta and the Piave the Austro-Germans were even forced to withdraw
slightly.
The heaviest kind of fighting raged for the next four weeks in the Alps
between Asiago and the Piave. From day to day the fortune of battle
wavered. With admirable tenacity the Italians held every position to the
very limit of their power and gave up only against overpowering
strength, giving way occasionally almost foot by foot, only to come back
with strong counterattacks as soon as they regained their breath. The
difficulties under which this fighting was done beggars description. For
not only were there the natural difficulties of the mountainous terrain,
comparatively bare of means of communication, except the wonderful
Italian mountain roads, but it must also be remembered that winter had
set in long ago and that snow and gales added their share of hardships.
To recite in detail this tremendous struggle would cover page after page
and, in a way, would involve much repetition. The complete story would
read more like an ancient epic poem than the description of a modern
battle. We must be satisfied with an outline of events as they happened
day by day.
On November 18, 1917, the Austro-Germans captured Quero, a little town
on the Piave, south of Feltre, Monte Cornelle and Monte Tomba. Four
times they tried to storm Mt. Monfenera on the 19th, and four times the
Italians drove them back. The following day, November 20, 1917, they
were no more successful in their attacks against Monte Pertica, and
again on November 21, 1917, they failed in their attempts, both against
Monte Pertica and Monte Monfenera. However, on that day they succeeded
in wresting from the Italians Monte Fontana Secca and Monte Spinoucia,
farther to the north and east.
An encircling movement against Monte Meletta, northeast of Asiago,
attempted by the Austrians on November 22, 1917, was thwarted by the
Italians and numerous attacks against various points between the Brenta
and Piave Rivers also failed.
The Italians did not restrict themselves to defending their positions.
Whenever the chance offered they undertook offensive movements and as a
result of one of these they recaptured, on November 23, 1917, both Monte
Tomba and Monte Pertica. They also made some slight gains in the region
of Monte Meletta during November 24, 1917. Between that date and
December 3, 1917, the Austro-Germans made many attacks along the entire
Asiago-Quero front. None of them succeeded in gaining their objectives.
On December 4 and 5, 1917, the Italians were driven from strong
positions which they held between Monte Tondarecar and Monte Badenecche,
some miles east of Monte Meletta. But when the enemy attempted to extend
his operations still farther west he was checked. However, as a result
of his success, he was able, on December 6, 1917, to take Monte Sisemol,
farther south. Still farther south the Italian line held in spite of
repeated attempts to break it.
For the next few days the fighting in the hills slowed down
considerably. But on December 11, 1917, the Austro-Germans again began
to pound away against the Italian positions. Attacks were launched that
day against Col di Beretta and Col dell'Orso, and once more Monte
Spinoucia was stormed. Three days later, December 14, 1917, Col
Caprille, just southwest of Col di Beretta, was reached by the
Austrians.
In the latter part or December, 1917, we hear from time to time of
separate actions of the English and French forces which had been rushed
to the assistance of the Italian armies. Thus an English attack was
launched on December 16, 1917, against Monte Fontana Secca, but failed
to accomplish the desired result. The French, supported by British and
Italian artillery and airplanes, were more successful on December 30,
1917, when they took by storm some important positions on Monte Tomba.
In the meantime the Italians had continued their struggle to keep the
Austro-Hungarians from breaking into the plains from the north, with
varying success. On December 18, 1917, they lost their positions on
Monte Asolone, south of Col Caprille. Strong counterattacks during
December 20 and 21, 1917, promptly regained them. On December 23, 1917,
the Teutons made some gains near Monte Valbella, and on the following
day they took the hills as well as Col de Rosso. On December 25, 1917,
the Italians recaptured both, but eventually had to give them up again
and permit the enemy to pass even slightly farther toward the south.
During the first two weeks of January, 1918, the Italians at all times
held their lines in the Asiago sector. On January 14 and 15, 1918, they
registered some gains in the region of Monte Asolone. On January 23,
1918, the Austro-Germans were forced to evacuate positions in the Monte
Tomba region and to move back to Monte Spinoucia. During the last week
of January, 1918, the Italians succeeded in pushing back the enemy at
many points between the Piave and Asiago and thus establish beyond all
doubt that, for the time being at least, the way into the Italian
plains was closed to the invaders from the north.
Things had been going even better for the Italians on the lower Piave,
between November 15, 1917, and January 31, 1918. Some isolated attempts
of the Austro-Germans to gain the west bank, it is true, were
successful. But at no time did these successes last. Almost as soon as a
position had been taken by them, the Italians threw themselves against
it and drove the invaders back to the east bank. From all sides thus
Venice and the Italian plains were held safely against all Austro-German
attacks at the end of January, 1918, and confidence regained by the
Italians through their success in stopping the Teutonic onslaught
promised that the future, too, would keep the balance of Italy free from
the enemy, if not, indeed, he should be thrown back once more beyond his
own frontier.
PART V--CAMPAIGNS IN PALESTINE, ARABIA, MESOPOTAMIA, AND AFRICA
CHAPTER XXIX
THE PALESTINE CAMPAIGN
In midsummer, 1917, it will be remembered, a change had been made in the
command of the British forces in Palestine, officially known as the
Egyptian Expeditionary Force, and General Allenby was made commander in
chief.
At that time the Turkish army in southern Palestine held a strong
position extending from the sea at Gaza, roughly along the main
Gaza-Beersheba road to Beersheba. Gaza had been made into a strong
modern fortress, heavily intrenched and wired, offering every facility
for protracted defense. The remainder of the enemy's line consisted of a
series of strong localities, viz.: the Sihan group of works, the
Atawinek group, the Baha group, the Abu Hareira-Arab el Teeaha trench
system, and, finally, the works covering Beersheba. These groups of
works were generally from 1,500 to 2,000 yards apart, except that the
distance from the Hareira group to Beersheba was about four and one-half
miles.
The enemy's force was on a wide front, the distance from Gaza to
Beersheba being about thirty miles; but his lateral communications were
good, and any threatened point of the line could be very quickly
reenforced.
The British forces were extended on a front of twenty-two miles, from
the sea, opposite Gaza, to Gamli.
Owing to lack of water the British were unable, without preparations
which would require some considerable time, to approach within striking
distance of the enemy, except in the small sector near the seacoast
opposite Gaza.
According to official reports the British general had decided to strike
the main blow against the left flank of the main Turkish position,
Hareira and Sheria. The capture of Beersheba was a necessary preliminary
to this operation, in order to secure the water supplies at that place
and to give room for the deployment of the attacking force on the high
ground to the north and northwest of Beersheba, from which direction the
British intended to attack the Hareira-Sheria line.
The difficulties to be overcome in the operations against Beersheba and
the Sheria-Hareira line were considerable, and careful preparations and
training were necessary. The chief difficulties were those of water and
transport, and arrangements had to be made to insure that the troops
could be kept supplied with water while operating at considerable
distances from their original water base for a period which might amount
to a week or more; for, though it was known that an ample supply of
water existed at Beersheba, it was uncertain how quickly it could be
developed or to what extent the enemy would have damaged the wells
before the British succeeded in occupying the town. Except at Beersheba,
no large supply of water could be found till Sheria and Hareira had been
captured.
The transport problem was no less difficult; there were no good roads
south of the line Gaza-Beersheba, and no reliance could therefore be
placed on the use of motor transport. Owing to the steep banks of many
of the wadis which intersected the area of operations, the routes
passable by wheeled transport were limited, and the going was heavy and
difficult in many places. Practically the whole of the transport
available in the British force, including 30,000 pack camels, had to be
allotted to one portion of the eastern force to enable it to be kept
supplied with food, water, and ammunition at a distance of fifteen to
twenty miles in advance of the railhead. Arrangements were also made for
the railhead to be pushed forward as rapidly as possible toward Karm,
and for a line to be laid from Gamli toward Beersheba for the transport
of ammunition.
A railway line was also laid from Deir el Belha to the Wadi Ghuzze,
close behind the sector held by another portion of the eastern force.
Considerable strain was thrown on the military railway from Kantara to
the front during the period of preparation. In addition to the normal
requirements of the force, a number of siege and heavy batteries,
besides other artillery and units, had to be moved to the front, and
large depots of supplies, ammunition, and other stores accumulated at
the various railheads.
During the period from July to October the Turkish force on the
Palestine front had been increased. It was evident, from the arrival of
these reenforcements and the construction of railway extensions from El
Tine, on the Ramleh-Beersheba railway, to Deir Sincid and Belt Hanun,
north of Gaza, and from Deir Sincid to Huj, and from reports of the
transport of large supplies of ammunition and other stores to the
Palestine front, that the Turks were determined to make every effort to
maintain their position on the Gaza-Beersheba line.
The date of the attack on Beersheba, which was to commence the
operations, was fixed as October 31, 1917.
On the morning of October 27, 1917, the Turks made a strong
reconnoissance toward Karm from the direction of Kauwukah, two regiments
of cavalry and two or three thousand infantry, with guns, being
employed. They attacked a line of British outposts near El Girheir,
covering railway construction. One small post was rushed and cut up, but
not before inflicting heavy loss on the enemy; another post, though
surrounded, held out all day, and also caused the enemy heavy loss.
British reenforcements succeeded in coming up in time, and on their
advance the Turks withdrew.
The bombardment of the Gaza defenses commenced on October 27, 1917, and
on October 30, 1917, warships of the Royal Navy, assisted by a French
battleship, began cooperating in this bombardment.
On the evening of October 30, 1917, the portion of the British eastern
force, which was to make the attack on Beersheba, was concentrated in
positions of readiness for the night march to its position of
deployment. The night march to the positions of deployment was
successfully carried out, all units reaching their appointed positions
up to time.
The plan was to attack the Turkish works between the Khalasa road and
the Wadi Saba with two divisions, masking the works north of the Wadi
Saba with the Imperial Camel Corps and some infantry, while a portion of
the 53d (Welsh) Division farther north covered the left of the corps.
The right of the attack was covered by a cavalry regiment. Farther east,
mounted troops took up a line opposite the southern defenses of
Beersheba.
As a preliminary to the main attack, in order to enable field guns to be
brought within effective range for wire cutting, the enemy's advanced
works at 1,070 were to be taken. This was successfully accomplished in
the early morning of October 31, 1917, after a short preliminary
bombardment. By about 1 p. m. the whole of the works between the Khalasa
road and the Wadi Saba were in British hands.
Meanwhile the British mounted troops, after a night march, had arrived
early in the morning of October 31, 1917, about Khasim Zanna, in the
hills some five miles east of Beersheba. From the hills the advance into
Beersheba from the east and northeast had to be made over an open and
almost flat plain, commanded by the rising ground north of the town and
flanked by an underfeature in the Wadi Saba called Tel el Saba.
A British force was sent north to secure Bir es Sakaty, on the Hebron
road, and protect the right flank; this force met with some opposition,
and was engaged with hostile cavalry at Bir es Sakaty and to the north
during the day. Tel el Saba was found strongly held by the enemy, and
was not captured till late in the afternoon.
Meanwhile attempts to advance in small parties across the plain toward
the town had made slow progress. In the evening, however, a mounted
attack by Australian Light Horse, who rode straight at the town from the
east, proved completely successful. They galloped over two deep trenches
held by the enemy just outside the town, and entered the town at about 7
p. m., October 31, 1917.
About 2,000 prisoners and 13 guns were taken, and some 500 Turkish
corpses were buried on the battle field. This success laid open the left
flank of the main Turkish position for a decisive blow.
After the complete success of the Beersheba operations, the attack on
Gaza was ordered to take place on the morning of November 2, 1917.
The objectives of this attack were the works from Umbrella Hill (2,000
yards southwest of the town) to Sheikh Hasan, on the sea (about 2,500
yards northwest of the town). The front of the attack was about 6,000
yards, and Sheikh Hasan, the farthest objective, was over 3,000 yards
from the British front line. The ground over which the attack took place
consisted of sand dunes, rising in places up to 150 feet in height. This
sand is very deep and heavy-going. The Turkish defenses consisted of
several lines of strongly built trenches and redoubts.
Umbrella Hill was attacked and captured during the night of November 1,
1917.
The main attack was successful in reaching all objectives, except for a
section of trench on the left and some of the final objectives in the
center. Four hundred and fifty prisoners were taken and many Turks
killed. The enemy also suffered heavily from the preliminary
bombardment.
Meanwhile on the British right flank the water and transport
difficulties were found to be greater than anticipated, and the
preparations for the second phase of the attack were somewhat delayed in
consequence.
However, in the early morning of November 1, 1917, the 63d Division,
with the Imperial Camel Corps on its right, had moved out into the hills
north of Beersheba, with the object of securing the flank of the attack
on Sheria. Mounted troops were also sent north along the Hebron road to
secure Dhaheriyeh.
The 53d Division took up a position from Towall Abu Jerwal (six miles
north of Beersheba) to Muweileh (four miles northeast of Abu Irgeig).
Irish troops occupied Abu Irgeig the same day.
[Illustration: The campaign in Palestine.]
On November 3, 1917, the British advanced north on Ain Kohleh and Tel
Khuweilfeh, near which place the mounted troops had engaged considerable
enemy forces on the previous day. This advance was strongly opposed, but
was pushed on through difficult hill country to within a short distance
of Ain Kohleh and Khuweilfeh. At these places the enemy was found
holding a strong position with considerable and increasing forces.
During November 4 and 5, 1917, the Turks made several determined attacks
on the British mounted troops. These attacks were repulsed.
By the evening of November 5, 1917, all preparations had been made to
attack the Kauwukah and Rushdi systems and to make every effort to reach
Sheria before nightfall.
The mounted troops were prepared in the event of a success by the main
force to push north in pursuit of the enemy. Tel el Khuweilfeh was to be
attacked at dawn on November 6, 1917, and the troops were to endeavor to
reach the line Tel el Khuweilfeh-Rijm el Dhib.
At dawn on November 6, 1917, the attacking force had taken up positions
of readiness to the southeast of the Kauwukah system of trenches.
The attack progressed rapidly and was completely successful in capturing
all its objectives, and the whole of the Rushdi system in addition.
Sheria Station was also captured before dark. The Yeomanry reached the
line of the Wadi Sheria to Wadi Union; and the troops on the left were
close to Hareira Redoubt, which was still occupied by the enemy. Some
600 prisoners were taken and some guns and machine guns captured. The
British casualties were comparatively slight.
During the afternoon, as soon as it was seen that the attack had
succeeded, mounted troops were ordered to take up the pursuit and to
occupy Huj and Jemmamah.
The 53d Division again did very severe fighting on November 6, 1917.
Their attack at dawn on Tel el Khuweilfeh was successful, and, though
they were driven off a hill by a counterattack, they retook it and
captured another hill, which much improved their position.
The bombardment of Gaza had meanwhile continued, and another attack was
ordered to take place on the night of November 6-7, 1917.
The objectives were, on the right, Outpost Hill and Middlesex Hill, and
on the left the line Bellah Trench-Turtle Hill.
During November 6, 1917, a certain amount of movement on the roads north
of Gaza had been observed by British airmen and fired on by British
heavy artillery.
The attack on Outpost Hill and Middlesex Hill met with little
opposition, and as soon, after they had been taken, as patrols could be
pushed forward, the enemy was found to be gone. Other British troops on
the left also found at dawn that the enemy had retired during the night,
and early in the morning the main British force occupied the northern
and eastern defenses of Gaza. Turkish rear guards were still occupying
Beit Hanun and the Atawineh and Tank systems, from whence Turkish
artillery continued to fire on Gaza and Ali Muntar till dusk.
As soon as it was seen that the Turks had evacuated Gaza a part of the
British force pushed along the coast to the mouth of the Wadi Hesi, so
as to turn the Wadi Hesi line and prevent the enemy making any stand
there. British cavalry had already pushed on round the north of Gaza,
and became engaged with an enemy rear guard at Beit Hanun, which
maintained its position till nightfall. The force advancing along the
coast reached the Wadi Hesi by evening, and succeeded in establishing
itself on the north bank in the face of considerable opposition, a
Turkish rear guard making several determined counterattacks.
On the extreme right the situation remained practically unchanged during
November 7, 1917; the Turks made no further attempt to counterattack,
but maintained their positions.
In the center the Hareira Tepe Redoubt was captured at dawn. The London
troops, after a severe engagement at Tel el Sheria, which they captured
by a bayonet charge at 4 a. m. on November 7, 1917, subsequently
repulsing several counterattacks, pushed forward their line about a mile
to the north of Tel el Sheria; the mounted troops on the right moved
toward Jemmamah and Huj, but met with considerable opposition from
hostile rear guards.
During November 8, 1917, the advance was continued. The Turkish rear
guards fought stubbornly and offered considerable opposition. Near Huj a
British charge captured twelve guns, and broke the resistance of a
hostile rear guard. It soon became obvious that the Turks were retiring
in considerable disorganization.
By November 9, 1917, operations had reached the stage of a direct
pursuit by as many troops as could be supplied.
On the evening of November 9, 1917, there were indications that the
Turks were organizing a counterattack toward Arak el Menshiye by all
available units of the force which had retired toward Hebron, with the
object of taking pressure off the main force, which was retiring along
the coastal plain.
The British, however, decided to press the pursuit and to reach the
Junction Station as early as possible, thus cutting off the Jerusalem
Army, while the Imperial Camel Corps was ordered to move to the
neighborhood of Tel el Nejile, where it would be on the flank of any
counterstroke from the hills.
Operations on November 10 and 11, 1917, showed a stiffening of the
enemy's resistance on the general line of the Wadi Sukereir, with
center about El Kustineh; the Hebron group, after an ineffective
demonstration in the direction of Arak el Menshiye on the 10th, retired
northeast and prolonged the enemy's line toward Beit Jibrin. Royal
Flying Corps reports indicated the total Turkish forces on this line at
about 15,000.
British progress on November 10 and 11, 1917, was slow; the troops
suffered considerably from thirst, as a hot, exhausting wind blew during
these two days.
[Illustration: On December 9, 1917, a White Flag party came out of
Jerusalem to meet the nearest British outposts and surrender the city.
The Mayor of Jerusalem is the man with the walking cane and cigarette.]
November 12, 1917, was spent in preparations for the attack on the
enemy's position covering Junction Station. British forces were now
operating at a distance of some thirty-five miles in advance of their
railhead, and the bringing up and distribution of supplies and
ammunition formed a difficult problem. The routes north of Wadi Hesi
were found to be hard and good going, though there were some difficult
Wadi crossings, but the main road through Gaza and as far as Beit Hanun
was sandy and difficult.
CHAPTER XXX
THE FALL OF JERUSALEM
On the morning of November 13, 1917, the Turks had strung out their
forces, amounting probably to more than 20,000 rifles, on a front of
twenty miles, from El Kubeibeh on the north to about Beit Jibrin to the
south. The right half of their line ran roughly parallel to and only
about five miles in front of the Ramleh-Junction Station railway, their
main line of supply from the north, and their right flank was already
almost turned.
The advance guard of the 52d Division had forced its way almost to
Burkah on November 11, 1917, on which day also some mounted troops
pushed across the Nahr Sukereir at Jisr Esdud, where they held a
bridgehead. During November 12, 1917, other British forces pushed north
up the left bank of the Nahr Sukereir, and eventually seized
Tel-el-Murreh on the right bank near the mouth.
The Australian mounted troops, extended over a wide front, secured the
British flank and pressed forward on November 12, 1917, toward Balin,
Berkusie, and Tel-es-Safi. Their advance troops were counterattacked and
driven back a short distance, but the Turks made no effort to press
farther forward. The British then decided to attack on November 13,
1917.
The country over which the attack took place is open and rolling, dotted
with small villages surrounded by mud walls with plantations of trees
outside the walls. The most prominent feature is the line of heights on
which are the villages of Katrah and El Mughar, standing out above the
low flat ground which separates them from the rising ground to the west,
on which stands the village of Beshit, about 2,000 yards distant. This
Katrah-El Mughar line forms a very strong position, and it was here that
the Turks made their most determined resistance against the turning
movement directed against their right flank. The 52d Division, assisted
by a charge of mounted troops, who galloped across the plain under heavy
fire and turned the Turkish position from the north, captured the
position. Some 1,100 prisoners, three guns, and many machine guns were
taken here. After this the Turkish resistance weakened, and by the
evening the Turks were retiring east and north.
The British infantry, who were sent forward about dusk to occupy
Junction Station, met with some resistance and halted, for the night,
not much more than a mile west of the station. Early next morning
(November 14, 1917) they occupied the station.
The Turkish army had now been broken into two separate parts, which
retired north and east respectively.
In fifteen days the British force had advanced sixty miles on its right
and about forty on its left. It had driven a Turkish army of nine
infantry divisions and one cavalry division out of a position in which
it had been intrenched for six months, and had pursued it, giving battle
whenever it attempted to stand, and inflicting on it losses amounting
probably to nearly two-thirds of its original effectives. Over 9,000
prisoners, about eighty guns, more than 100 machine guns, and very
large quantities of ammunition and other stores had been captured.
After the capture of Junction Station on the morning of November 14,
1917, the British secured a position covering the station, while the
mounted troops reached Kezaze that same evening.
The mounted troops pressed on toward Ramleh and Ludd. On the right
Naaneh was attacked and captured in the morning, while on the left the
New Zealand Mounted Rifles had an engagement at Ayun Kara (six miles
south of Jaffa). Here the Turks made a determined counterattack and got
to within fifteen yards of the British line. A bayonet attack drove them
back with heavy loss.
Flanking the advance along the railway to Ramleh and covering the main
road from Ramleh to Jerusalem, a ridge stands up prominently out of the
low foothills surrounding it. This is the site of the ancient Gezer,
near which the village of Abu Shusheh now stands. A Turkish rear guard
had established itself on this feature. It was captured on the morning
of November 15, 1917, by mounted troops, who galloped up the ridge from
the south. A gun and 360 prisoners were taken in this affair.
By the evening of November 15, 1917, the mounted troops had occupied
Ramleh and Ludd, and had pushed patrols to within a short distance of
Jaffa. At Ludd 300 prisoners were taken, and five destroyed aeroplanes
and a quantity of abandoned war material were found at Ramleh and Ludd.
Jaffa was occupied without opposition on the evening of November 16,
1917.
The following situation had now developed: The Turkish army, cut in two
by the capture of Junction Station, had retired partly east into the
mountains toward Jerusalem and partly north along the plain. The nearest
line on which these two portions could reunite was the line Tul
Keram-Nablus. Reports indicated that it was the probable intention of
the Turks to evacuate Jerusalem and withdraw to reorganize on this line.
The British mounted troops had been marching and fighting continuously
since October 31, 1917, and had advanced a distance of seventy-five
miles, measured in a straight line from Asluj to Jaffa. Other troops,
after heavy fighting at Gaza, had advanced in nine days a distance of
about forty miles, with two severe engagements and continual
advance-guard fighting. The 52d Division had covered sixty-nine miles in
this period.
The railway was being pushed forward as rapidly as possible, and every
opportunity was taken of landing stores at points along the coast. The
landing of stores was dependent on a continuance of favorable weather,
and might at any moment be stopped for several days together.
A pause was therefore necessary to await the progress of railway
construction, but before the British position in the plain could be
considered secure it was essential to obtain a hold of the one good road
which traverses the Judean range from north to south, from Nablus to
Jerusalem.
The west side of the Judean range consists of a series of spurs running
east and west, and separated from one another by narrow valleys. These
spurs are steep, bare, and stony for the most part, and in places
precipitous. Between the foot of the spur of the main range and the
coastal plain is the low range known as the Shephelah.
On the line intended for the British advance only one good road, the
main Jaffa-Jerusalem road, traversed the hills from east to west. For
nearly four miles, between Bab el Wad (two-and one-half miles east of
Latron) and Saris, this road passes through a narrow defile, and it had
been damaged by the Turks in several places. The other roads were mere
tracks on the side of the hill or up the stony beds of wadis, and were
impracticable for wheeled transport without improvement. Throughout
these hills the water supply was scanty without development.
On November 17, 1917, the Yeomanry had commenced to move from Ramleh
through the hills direct on Bireh by Annabeh, Berfilya, and Beit ur el
Tahta (Lower Beth Horon). By the evening of November 18, 1917, one
portion of the Yeomanry had reached the last-named place, while another
portion had occupied Shilta. The route had been found impossible for
wheels beyond Annabeh.
On November 19, 1917, the British infantry commenced its advance. One
portion was to advance up the main road as far as Kuryet el Enab, with
its right flank protected by Australian mounted troops. From that place,
in order to avoid any fighting in the close vicinity of the Holy City,
it was to strike north toward Bireh by a track leading through Biddu.
The remainder of the infantry was to advance through Berfilya to Beir
Likia and Beit Dukka, and thence support the movement of the other
portion.
After capturing Latron and Amnas on the morning of November 19, 1917,
the remainder of the day was spent in clearing the defile up to Saris,
which was defended by hostile rear guards.
On November 20, 1917, Kuryet el Enab was captured with the bayonet in
the face of organized opposition, while Beit Dukka was also captured. On
the same day the Yeomanry got to within four miles of the
Nablus-Jerusalem road, but were stopped by strong opposition about
Beitunia.
On November 21, 1917, a body of infantry moved northeast by a track from
Kuryet el Enab through Biddu and Kulundia toward Bireh. The track was
found impassable for wheels, and was under hostile shell fire. Progress
was slow, but by evening the ridge on which stands Neby Samwil was
secured. A further body of troops was left at Kuryet el Enab to cover
the flank and demonstrate along the main Jerusalem road. It drove
hostile parties from Kustul two and one-half miles east of Kuryet el
Enab, and secured this ridge.
By the afternoon of November 21, 1917, advanced parties of Yeomanry were
within two miles of the road and an attack was being delivered on
Beitunia by other mounted troops.
The positions reached on the evening of November 21, 1917, practically
marked the limit of progress in this first attempt to gain the
Nablus-Jerusalem road. The Yeomanry were heavily counterattacked and
fell back, after bitter fighting, on Beit ur el Foka (Upper Beth Horon).
During the following day the Turks made two counterattacks on the Neby
Samwil ridge, which were repulsed. Determined attacks were made on
November 23 and 24, 1917, on the strong positions to the west of the
road held by the Turks, who had brought up reenforcements and numerous
machine guns, and could support their infantry by artillery fire from
guns placed in positions along the main road. British artillery, from
lack of roads, could not be brought up to give adequate support to their
infantry. Both attacks failed, and it was evident that a period of
preparation and organization would be necessary before an attack could
be delivered in sufficient strength to drive the Turk from his positions
west of the road.
By December 4, 1917, all preparations had been completed and the British
held a line from Kustul by the Neby Samwil ridge, Beit Izza, and Beit
Dukka, to Beit ur el Tahta.
During this period of preparation attacks by the Turks along the whole
line led to severe local fighting. On November 25, 1917, British
advanced posts north of the river Auja were driven back across the
river. From November 27 to 28, 1917, the Turks delivered a series of
attacks directed especially against the high ground position in the
hills from Beit ur el Foka to El Burj, and the Neby Samwil ridge. An
attack on the night of November 29, 1917, succeeded in penetrating the
British outpost line northeast of Jaffa, but next morning the whole
Turkish detachment, numbering 150, was surrounded and captured by
Australian Light Horse. On November 30, 1917, a similar fate befell a
battalion which attacked near El Burj; a counterattack by Australian
Light Horse took 200 prisoners and practically destroyed the attacking
battalion. There was particularly heavy fighting between El Burj and
Beit ur el Folka, but the British troops successfully resisted all
attacks and inflicted severe losses on the enemy. At Beit ur el Foka one
company took 300 prisoners. All efforts by the Turks to drive the
British off the Neby Samwil ridge were completely repulsed. These
attacks cost the Turks very dearly. The British took 750 prisoners
between November 27 and 30, 1917, and the Turkish losses in killed and
wounded were undoubtedly heavy.
Favored by a continuance of fine weather, preparations for a fresh
advance against the Turkish positions west and south of Jerusalem
proceeded rapidly. Existing roads and tracks were improved and new ones
constructed to enable heavy and field artillery to be placed in position
and ammunition and supplies brought up. The water supply was also
developed.
The date for the attack was fixed as December 8, 1917. Welsh troops,
with a cavalry regiment attached, had advanced from their positions
north of Beersheba up the Hebron-Jerusalem road on December 4, 1917. No
opposition was met, and by the evening of December 6, 1917, the head of
this column was ten miles north of Hebron.
On December 7, 1917, the weather broke, and for three days rain was
almost continuous. The hills were covered with mist at frequent
intervals, rendering observation from the air and visual signaling
impossible. A more serious effect of the rain was to jeopardize the
supply arrangements by rendering the roads almost impassable.
In spite of these difficulties, the British troops moved into positions
by night, and, assaulting at dawn on December 8, 1917, soon carried
their first objectives. They then pressed steadily forward. The mere
physical difficulty of climbing the steep and rocky hillsides and
crossing the deep valleys would have sufficed to render progress slow,
and the opposition encountered was considerable. Artillery support was
soon difficult, owing to the length of the advance and the difficulty of
moving guns forward. But by about noon some British troops had already
advanced over two miles, and were swinging northeast to gain the
Nablus-Jerusalem road, while others had captured the Beit Iksa spur, and
were preparing for a further advance.
As the British right column had been delayed and was still some distance
south of Jerusalem, it was necessary for the advanced British forces to
throw back their right and form a defensive flank facing east toward
Jerusalem, from the western outskirts of which considerable rifle and
artillery fire was being experienced. This delayed the advance, and
early in the afternoon it was decided to consolidate the line gained and
resume the advance next day, when the right column would be in a
position to exert its pressure. By nightfall the British line ran from
Neby Samwil to the east of Beit Iksa, through Lifta to a point about one
and one-half miles west of Jerusalem, whence it was thrown back facing
east. All the Turkish prepared defenses west and northwest of Jerusalem
had been captured, and the British troops were within a short distance
of the Nablus-Jerusalem road.
During the day about 300 prisoners were taken and many Turks killed.
British casualties were light.
Next morning the advance was resumed. The Turks had withdrawn during the
night, and the British forces driving back rear guards, occupied a line
across the Nablus-Jerusalem road four miles north of Jerusalem, while
other troops occupied a position east of Jerusalem across the Jericho
road. These operations isolated Jerusalem, and at about noon the enemy
sent out a parlementaire and surrendered the city.
At noon on December 11, 1917, General Allenby made his official entry
into Jerusalem.
In the operations from October 31 to December 9, 1917, over 12,000
prisoners were taken. The captures of material included about 100 guns
of various calibers, many machine guns, more than 20,000,000 rounds of
rifle ammunition, and 250,000 rounds of gun ammunition. More than twenty
aeroplanes were destroyed by British airmen or burned by the Turks to
avoid capture.
This ended four centuries of Turkish rule over the Holy City of Jews and
Christians. General Allenby, after his entry, issued the following
noteworthy proclamation:
"To the inhabitants of Jerusalem the Blessed and the people dwelling in
the vicinity. The defeat inflicted upon the Turks by the troops under my
command has resulted in the occupation of your city by my forces. I
therefore here and now proclaim it to be under martial law, under which
form of administration it will remain so long as military considerations
make it necessary. However, lest any of you should be alarmed by reason
of your experience at the hands of the enemy who has retired, I hereby
inform you that it is my desire that every person should pursue his
lawful business without fear of interruption.
"Furthermore, since your city is regarded with affection by the
adherents of three of the great religions of mankind, and its soil has
been consecrated by the prayers and pilgrimages of multitudes of devout
people of these three religions for many centuries, therefore do I make
known to you that every sacred building, monument, holy spot, shrine,
traditional site, endowment, pious bequest, or customary place of
prayer, of whatsoever form of the three religions, will be maintained
and protected according to the existing customs and beliefs of those to
whose faiths they are sacred."
An eyewitness of the memorable event, the special correspondent of the
London "Times" with the British forces describes it in part as follows:
"It was a picturesque throng. From the outskirts of Jerusalem the Jaffa
road was crowded with people who flocked westward to greet the
conquering general. Somber-clad youths of all nationalities, including
Armenians and Greeks, stood side by side with Moslems dressed in the
brighter raiment of the East. The predominence of the tarboosh in the
streets added to the brightness of the scene. Many of the Moslems joined
aloud in the expression of welcome, and their faces lighted up with
pleasure at the general's approach.
"Flat-topped roofs and balconies held many, crying out a genuine
welcome; but it was in the streets, where the cosmopolitan crowd
assembled, that one looked for and obtained the real feeling of all the
peoples. What astonished me were the cries of 'Bravo' and 'Hurrah'
uttered by men who could have hardly spoken the words before....
"General Allenby entered the city on foot. Outside of Jaffa gate he was
received by the military governor and a guard of honor formed by men who
have done their full share in the campaign. On the right of the gate
were men from English, Scottish, Irish, and Welsh counties. Opposite
them were fifty men afoot, representing the Australian and New Zealand
horsemen who have been engaged in the Empire's work in the Sinai Desert
and Palestine almost since the war broke out. Inside the walls were
twenty French and twenty Italian troops from the detachments sent by
their countries to take part in the Palestine operations.
"General Allenby entered by the ancient gate which is known to the Arabs
as 'The Friend.' Inside the walls was a crowd more densely packed in the
narrow streets than was the crowd outside.
"The commander in chief, preceded by his aids-de-camp, had on his right
the commander of the French detachment, and on his left the commander of
the Italian detachment. The Italian, French, and American military
attachés followed, together with a few members of the General Staff. The
guards of honor marched in the rear. The procession turned to the right
into Mount Zion and halted at Al Kala (the Citadel).
"On the steps, at the base of the Tower of David, which was standing
when Christ was in Jerusalem, the Proclamation of Military Law was read,
in the presence of the commander in chief and of many notables of the
city.
"Re-forming, the procession moved up Zion street to the barrack square,
where General Allenby received the notables and the heads of the
religious communities. The mayor and the mufti--the latter also a member
of the Husseiny family--were presented, likewise the sheiks in charge of
the mosques of Omar and Aksa, and Moslems belonging to the Khaldieh and
Alamieeh families, which trace their descents through many centuries.
The patriarchs of the Latin, Greek, Orthodox, and Armenian Churches, and
the Coptic bishop, had been directed by the Turks to leave Jerusalem,
but their representatives were introduced to General Allenby, as were
also the heads of the Jewish committees, the Syrian Church, the Greek
Catholic Church, the Abyssinian bishop, and a representative of the
Anglican Church. The last presentation was that of the Spanish consul,
who is in charge of the interests of almost all the countries at war,
and is a busy man."
CHAPTER XXXI
PALESTINE--ARABIA--MESOPOTAMIA
Although the British had accomplished their main objective in Palestine
with the capture of Jerusalem, they did not rest on their laurels.
Within a few days after their occupation of the Holy City, by December
12, 1917, they had advanced their lines to the north and some
detachments of Indian troops had carried positions as far north as the
mouth of the Midieh.
During the night of December 20-21, 1917, British troops crossing the
Nahr-el-Auja on rafts and light bridges, seized Khurbet Hadrah, Sheikh
Muannis, Tel-er-Rekkeit, and later El Makhras.
These localities are near the mouth of the river, and include commanding
ground two miles to the north of it. Three hundred and five prisoners,
of whom eleven were officers, and ten machine guns were captured.
Other forces captured Ras-ez-Zamby, two miles northeast of Bethany,
which itself is two miles east of Jerusalem, taking thirty prisoners and
two machine guns and beating off three Turkish counterattacks.
By this time the booty captured by the British since the beginning of
the operations had been counted and had been found to total ninety-nine
guns and howitzers with carriages, about 400 limbers, wagons and other
vehicles; 110 machine guns, more than 7,000 rifles, 18,500,000 rounds of
small-arm ammunition, and over 58,000 rounds of gun and howitzer
ammunition, besides various other stores.
On December 22, 1917, troops on the extreme left of the British forces,
with naval cooperation, continued their advance north of the
Nahr-el-Auja, reaching the line Sheik-el-Ballutah-El Jelil, some four
miles north of the river. Pushing eastward south of the river Fejja and
Mulebbis, center of a Jewish colony, were occupied. This was followed by
the capture of Rantieh on the Turkish railway to the north, and
Kh.-el-Beida, and Kh.-el-Bireh, four miles southeast of Rantieh.
The Turks, with German assistance, on December 27, 1917, made a
determined attempt to retake Jerusalem. Repeated attacks were pressed
with vigor and continued from two a. m. on the 27th for twenty-six
hours. General Allenby at once launched a counterattack against the west
flank of the Turkish attack.
On the 27th this attack progressed two and one-half miles over very
difficult country. Seeing that the Turkish attack was spent, on December
28, 1917, the British made a general advance. British troops on the
Nablus road advancing north and the troops on their left advancing east
drove the Turks back before them. By the morning of December 29, 1917,
General Allenby had secured the line Burkah, Ras-et-Tahunieh, Ram Allah,
El Tireh, Wadi-el-Kelh.
On December 30, 1917, British troops occupied Beitin, or Bethel, two
miles northeast of Bireh, El Balua, one mile north of Bireh, on the
Nablus road, and Kh.-el-Burj, about one mile west of El Balua, Janiah
and Ras Kerker, six and seven miles respectively northwest of Bireh.
In the coastal sector of the line a patrol reached Kuleh, twelve miles
east of Jaffa, and there found a Turkish gun ammunition depot, which it
destroyed. Kuleh is two miles east of Rantieh, on the Damascus Railway,
which had recently been occupied by the British.
The Turks suffered heavily in killed and wounded, the killed alone being
estimated at about 1,000. About 600 prisoners were taken and twenty
machine guns.
The British line was now, at its nearest point, twelve miles north of
Jerusalem. The right wing reached some four miles east of the Sheehem
road; the center extended across that road north of Beeroth, Bireh, and
along the Ram Allah Ridge and the Wadi-el-Kalb, which lies north of and
parallel to the Jerusalem-Beth Horon-Joppa road. On the coast the left
wing of the British was north of the Auja, in the plain of Sharon.
In describing the Turco-German attempt to regain Jerusalem the special
correspondent of the London "Times" attached to the British forces in
Palestine said in part:
[Illustration: The British advance in Mesopotamia and Palestine.]
"The first objective was Tell-el-Ful, a high conical-shaped hill just
east of the Sheehem road dominating our lines east and west for a
considerable distance. During daylight on Boxing Day the Turks made no
movement, but just before midnight our post north of El Ful was driven
in. At twenty minutes past one a. m. the first attack on El Ful was
made, and at the same time an advance began against Beit Hannina, about
a mile west of the road. This line was defended by London Territorials,
who added to their grand record by meeting attack after attack with
magnificent steadiness, standing like rocks against most furious
onslaughts, and never once yielding an inch of ground. Two companies
defending Hanbna were attacked four times by storming troops. Each
attack was stronger than the last, and the fourth was delivered by 500
picked Turks, but all the attacks were beaten back after prolonged
hand-to-hand fighting. The enemy dead showed many bayonet wounds, and
the hillside was strewn with Turks killed by machine-gun fire. There
were eight attacks on Tell-el-Ful. These were also made with great
weight and determination. The strongest of them all was delivered with a
reenforced line at dawn, and supported by heavy artillery fire. All were
defeated with great loss to the enemy.
"Between 7 a. m. and noon the enemy organized for a last big effort, and
about half-past 12 the Turks assaulted the whole of the Londoners' line
except Nebi Samwil. This final attack was pressed right up to our
positions, the enemy fighting with the bravery of desperation. He proved
no match for the London Territorials, who, after raking the advancing
waves with machine guns, cleared his breastworks at a bound, met the foe
with the bayonet, and forced him back.
"General Allenby, realizing how deeply committed the Turks were to the
attack on Jerusalem, put in Irish and dismounted Yeomanry against the
enemy right. Those who have seen the terrain marvel at the dismounted
Yeomanry's and Irishmen's achievement. They moved from Beth Horon Upper
northeastward. The Yeomen attacked El Tireh, at the time not strongly
held, but just as they secured it a Turkish storming battalion was
advancing to the same spot. The enemy, thus forestalled,
counterattacked, but the Yeomanry rushed at them and counted seventy
Turks killed by the bayonet alone.
"The hill near by was so steep that it took two hours to get supplies up
to the top. Another hillside was so precipitous that the only way troops
could get up the terraced slopes was by the men standing on each other's
shoulders. So nearly perpendicular was the hill that the Turks on the
top could not fire on the climbers till they were at close quarters.
While the Irish and Yeomen were advancing, men in reserve were making
roads for the guns, which had to be hauled by hand, and when Yeomen
captured Beitunia they had a whole brigade of guns just behind their
front line, though it was sometimes necessary for a whole company of
infantry to haul one gun, which at moments was dangling in the air.
"Welsh and Home Counties troops also took part in beating off the attack
on Jerusalem. They had taken Zanby and White Hill, north of the Jericho
road, and held White Hill against three counterattacks. On the 27th the
Turks attacked all day, and White Hill became no-man's-land, but Zanby
was held. Fighting was at bombing distance. At dusk the enemy tried to
take White Hill, but the Welshmen charged with the bayonet and killed
over a hundred Turks. Farther south a post at the village of Obeid was
attacked by 700 of the enemy, who surrounded it and fired 400 shells
into the monastery, but the Middlesex men, who were the garrison of the
post, held out, their casualties being trifling."
Immediately following the defeat which the British inflicted on the
Turks, the former succeeded in advancing their lines north of Jerusalem
still another mile.
During January, 1918, there was little activity on the Palestine front.
In the last week of the month there was, however, considerable aerial
activity. On January 22, 1918, the Turkish camps and depots on the
railway west of Sebustieh, Samaria, were raided.
On January 24, 1918, two Turkish aeroplanes were wrecked in aerial
combats.
On January 25, 1918, British bombing squadrons surprised a body of some
2,000 Turkish troops in close formation near Hawara, on the
Jerusalem-Nablus road four and one-half miles south of Nablus. Half a
ton of bombs were dropped on the column before it could disperse. At the
same time a camp of mounted troops was bombed and the animals were
stampeded.
Twelve Turkish aeroplanes were destroyed during the month of January,
1918.
During the night of January 30, 1918, the British line was again
advanced slightly in the vicinity of Arnutieh, a ruined site, on the
Sheehem road, twelve miles north of Jerusalem.
On the morning of January 31, 1918, a British reconnoitering detachment
penetrated the village of Mukhmas, eight miles north-northeast of
Jerusalem, repulsed Turkish counterattacks, and withdrew during the
following night, having accomplished its object. During the night of
February 2, 1918, Turkish patrols were active between Arnutieh and
Sheikh Abdulla, one mile east of Arnutieh. Attempts to penetrate the
British lines at these points, however, were repulsed.
In the meantime the Arab revolt in the Hedjaz, that part of Arabia
adjoining the Red Sea, was spreading. It will be recalled that it had
been announced in July, 1917, that the Turks had been defeated at Maan
and that the Arabs had occupied the enemy positions between Maan and
Akaba, the latter place being at the head of the Red Sea gulf of the
same name, and just east of the Egyptian frontier. The town of Maan,
which is on the Hedjaz Railway, is about 120 miles southeast of Gaza.
Late in August, 1917, it became known that forces operating under the
orders of the King of the Hedjaz, the Grand Sherif of Mecca, had carried
out a series of extensive operations against Turkish detachments and
posts in Arabia. According to the information available, the Arab forces
had been working on a carefully thought out plan, resulting in the
destruction of part of the railway line north of Medina, which is 230
miles north of Mecca, and in the capture of isolated Turkish posts.
In the Maan district alone, over 700 Turks were killed in action and a
similar number taken prisoner, in addition to four guns.
The Arab movement, originating with the Sherif of Mecca, apparently was
gaining the support of almost all the Arab tribes in the Hedjaz, and was
spreading eastward.
During September, 1917, no news came from the Hedjaz. Early in October,
1917, it was reported that Arab forces had successfully raided the
railway communications north of Medina on the Hedjaz Railway.
Not until late in December, 1917, did it become known that the Arabs had
been quite active during the latter part of November, 1917, though
definite news was lacking concerning their activities during October,
1917, and the early part of November, 1917.
Between November 8 and November 12, 1917, a section of Arabs attacked
the railway from Deraa to Amman, that part of the Hedjaz line running
parallel to the Jordan. Two locomotives, a number of coaches and trucks,
and a bridge were destroyed, and traffic was interrupted for six days.
On November 11, 1917, a train in which Djemal Pasha was traveling to
Jerusalem was blown up with a mine and destroyed. Djemal escaped, but
his aid-de-camp and the staff officers accompanying him were killed. The
Turkish casualties amounted to 120, while the Arabs lost seven killed
and four wounded.
On November 22, 1917, a Turkish lancer patrol from Maan attacked some
Arab tents in the neighborhood of Batra, fifteen miles southwest of
Maan, but were driven off with losses. Arab forces later took the posts
of Fuweila and Basta, southwest and west of Maan respectively. These
points had been fortified by the Turks in August last in the hope of
confining the Arabs in the Akaba area.
A few days later it was announced that an Arab force under Sherif
Feisal, son of the King of Hedjaz, had destroyed a troop train south of
Tebuk, on the Hedjaz Railway, some 350 miles north of Medina.
The whole of the Turkish detachment in the train were killed or
captured, amongst the former being Suleiman Pasha Rifada, paramount
chief of the Billi tribe. Three hundred rifles were captured as well as
a large quantity of ammunition, also £24,000 Turkish in gold.
On January 11, 1918, it was announced that the Arab forces in Hedjaz had
made a successful raid on the railway some twenty miles south of Maan,
and that still farther to the south the entire Turkish garrison of an
important post on the railway had fallen into the hands of the Arabs.
A few days later the Arabs occupied the Turkish post of Tafile,
forty-five miles north-northeast of Maan and eighteen miles southeast of
the Dead Sea, capturing the entire garrison. On January 26, 1918, a body
of Turkish troops moving on Tafile from El Kerak, twenty miles northeast
of the southern end of the Dead Sea, was routed on the Seil-el-Hesa,
eleven miles north of Tafile, by the Arabs, and driven back in disorder
with the loss of many prisoners, a mountain gun, and seven machine guns.
On the same day another Turkish force advancing westward from Maan was
repulsed by Arab troops near Ain Uheid, seven miles west of Maan.
Still farther south, in the Aden sector of Arabia, little of importance
transpired between August, 1917, and February, 1918, though the British
troops near Aden continued to be in constant contact with the Turks,
engaging in numerous outpost and patrol skirmishes.
On November 22, 1917, an action was fought on a larger scale than usual,
in which British troops attacked and captured the Turkish post at Jabir,
fifteen miles north of Aden, and its neighboring pickets. Losses were
inflicted on the Turks and their defenses were destroyed.
On January 5, 1918, a strong reconnoissance was made toward Hatum and
Jabir, the defenses of the former being destroyed by British troops.
Aeroplanes cooperated with the British artillery, who inflicted
considerable damage on the Turkish infantry.
In Mesopotamia there had been very little activity since the fall of
Bagdad on March 11, 1917. Soon after that event a British column had
been sent westward to Feluja on the Euphrates, a town almost on a line
with Bagdad, but about thirty-five miles farther west. The Turks had
offered no resistance and the town had been occupied by the British. The
Turkish forces in the meantime had been withdrawn to Ramadie, about
twenty-five miles northwest from Feluja and also on the Euphrates. In
July 1917, a British column had successfully pushed forward about twelve
miles in the direction of Ramadie, but after inflicting considerable
losses on the Turks had to stop farther advance on account of the
extreme heat.
Early in October, 1917, came the news that Ramadie had fallen on
September 29, 1917. During the night of September 27, 1917, the British
had moved in two columns from an advanced camp on the Euphrates, west of
Feluja, one column on the right, the other on the left, and at dawn they
attacked Mushaid Ridge, a low line of dunes running north and south from
the Euphrates to Habbanie Canal.
At dawn they bombarded the main crest of the ridge, but the Turks had
evacuated it, and they replied with a counterbombardment a few minutes
afterward, expecting apparently that the British would follow up the
barrage with an assault. The British, however, as soon as it became
clear that the Turks were evacuating Mushaid Ridge, changed their line
of attack. The right column was withdrawn and, swinging round west
behind the left column, became the left wing of the force.
As soon as the infantry had carried Mushaid Ridge British cavalry made a
wide sweeping movement across the desert round the right flank of the
Turks. They left the battle area at 8 a. m. and by 4 p. m. they were
established astride the Aleppo road on a regular line of hills running
at right angles with the river five miles west of Ramadie.
By this move the Turks were cornered. The net which the British had
flung round them was complete. They had no bridge behind them and were
cut off from all hope of reenforcement or supplies. Their only chance
was to drive in determined counterattacks, and to break through before
the British drew the ring in closer and drove them out from their
trenches with their artillery.
Meanwhile the British infantry were closing in. At 1 o'clock, after
bombardment, one column attacked Ramadie Ridge, on the right, while the
other was working round to Azizie Ridge, on the left. The capture and
holding of Ramadie Ridge by British and Indian infantry was a difficult
achievement. This low pebbly rise is perfectly smooth, a long and gentle
gradient barely seventeen feet above the plain level. It offered no
cover of any kind, and the British infantry became visible to the Turks
a full 200 yards before they reached the top of the rise. As soon as
they came into view the Turks opened concentrated rifle and machine-gun
fire on the British front and right flank, while their guns opened
intense enfilade fire from the batteries on the left. The British and
Indian soldiers hung on to their positions and at night dug themselves
in. Their action so occupied the Turks that the left column was able to
work round and seize the Azizie Ridge before dusk with very little
opposition.
At night British cavalry, who occupied strong points on a front of three
miles along the ridge, prepared for a desperate struggle. The expected
attack began the battle after 3 o'clock, when the Turks tried to break
through between the cavalry and the river. The action continued for two
hours till dawn, when it degenerated into casual sniping. The nearest
Turkish dead were found within fifty yards of the cavalry trenches.
In the meantime the infantry soon after daybreak had taken up the attack
again and in face of well-directed fire and against repeated
counterattacks, had carried the last outlying defenses of the Turks on
the British left, until 8 o'clock, September 29, 1917, they had seized
and were holding the bridgehead of the Azizie Canal. After this new
repulse an intense bombardment was opened on the Turkish trenches. The
British line of cavalry, far away west, soon saw the dark masses of the
enemy approaching and apparently prepared for bloody battle. They
watched this advance, as they thought, for over an hour, but there came
a moment when, to their astonishment, they saw the Turks turn and walk
in mass formation toward the British. The Turkish guns were silent and
white flags went up all along the line.
It was a general surrender. Ahmed Bey, the Turkish commander, who had
been on the Euphrates all through the campaign from the battle of
Shaiba, March, 1915, came out and surrendered with his whole force.
The British captured 3,455 prisoners, thirteen guns, ten machine guns,
1,061 rifles, a quantity of ammunition, some railway material, two steam
launches and a large quantity of miscellaneous engineering material,
equipment, and military stores. When the British entered Ramadie they
found that such Turkish forces as had not surrendered had hurriedly
fled.
To the north and east of Bagdad the British forces, too, succeeded in
advancing in the direction of the Persian border. In this undertaking
they had for some time the cooperation of Russian troops still fighting
in this region.
On August 19, 1917, British columns attacked the Turks near Shahroban on
the left bank of the Dialah, about fifty miles northeast from Bagdad.
The Turks made little resistance and retreated hastily to the Hamrin
Hills, and British troops remained in possession of Shahroban.
In an action fought on October 20, 1917, the British occupied Deli
Abbas, about ten miles northwest from Shahroban, and established
themselves on the Jebel Hamrin range on the left bank of the river
Dialah. The Turks retreated across the Dialah River in the vicinity of
Kizil Robat, burning the bridge behind them, and continued to hold a
position in the hills on the right bank of that river, north of Deli
Abbas, which is on the Bagdad-Kifri road.
This position was attacked on the morning of December 3, 1917, by
converging columns, one of which successfully bridged the Dialah near
Kizil Robat, sixty miles northeast of Bagdad, on the road to Khanikin.
The Turks attempted to delay the British advance by flooding the area
between the Nahrin and Dialah Rivers close to their junction, six miles
east of Deli Abbas, but by the morning of December 4, 1917, British
troops had driven back the Turks and were in possession of the
Sakaltutan Pass, eleven miles north of Deli Abbas, and between the
Dialah and the Nahrin, a northern tributary of the Dialah, flowing
through the Jebel Hamrin, and crossed on the main road between Deli
Abbas and Kifri at an elevation of 600 feet above sea level. Through the
Sakaltutan Pass the road from Deli Abbas leads to the north to Kifri and
Mosul.
A force of Russians, under the command of Colonel Bicharakoff, operated
on the British right flank and rendered valuable assistance.
Immediately after the capture of the pass, the Turks were pursued as far
as the village of Kara Tepe, thirteen miles north of the pass and about
twenty-five miles north of Deli Abbas, through which the Turks were
driven on December 5, 1917, after a sharp engagement. The pursuit was
carried out over difficult country containing bogs and intersected by
numerous watercourses.
On the morning of December 7, 1917, British aeroplanes bombed Tuz
Kurmatli, on the Mosul road, thirty-five miles north of Kara Tepe, with
good results. It was reported that the Turks set fire to the Kifri coal
mines on December 5, 1917, and the British observed that fires were
burning there on the following day.
No further news came from the Mesopotamian theater of war during the
balance of December, 1917, or during January and February, 1918.
On December 1, 1917, it was officially announced by the British
authorities, that reconnoissances had definitely established the fact
that German East Africa had been completely cleared of all German troops
and that the German commander, General von Lettow-Vorbeck, with the
force under his command, estimated at 2,000 rifles, had crossed the
Rovuma River into Portuguese East Africa.
During December, 1917, after driving the Germans across the border into
Portuguese territory, the British forces were busy in preparing for the
new task of hunting out General Lettow-Vorbeck in Portuguese East
Africa. British patrols by December 25, 1917, were forty miles south of
the Rovuma River, which marks the frontier.
Von Lettow's force had been broken up into small foraging parties; and
it was expected that they would be rounded up before the big rains set
in.
However, during the last few days of December, 1917, the German forces
in Mozambique, consisting of 2,000 men with two fieldpieces and ten
machine guns, attacked the Portuguese positions on Mt. M'Kula, occupied
by Captain Curado, with 250 men and five machine guns, and after three
days' fighting succeeded in carrying the positions by assault.
This did not change the fact that the last vestige of the German
Colonial Empire had fallen into the hands of the Allies.
PART VI--THE BALKANS
CHAPTER XXXII
THE BALKANS--GREECE AND MACEDONIA
On the Macedonian front the military situation has had all the
appearance of a deadlock, not only since last summer, but for the past
year. On November 24, 1917, the Austrians were reported to be making a
general offensive attack on the Italian lines in southern Albania,
between the Voyusa and Osum Rivers, which was followed by a strong
Italian counterattack, but neither side was able to announce any gains
of territory or any notable capture of prisoners or material. Again,
barely two weeks later, on December 5, 1917, violent fighting was said
to have begun for several miles along the front near the Struma, with
the net result that "several Bulgarian patrols were captured." Compared
to what we have come to regard as fighting in this war, therefore, these
few sporadic efforts in Macedonia and Albania have been very little more
than outpost affairs, mere raids.
On November 15, 1917, there was published in London a report on the
military activities of the British by General G. F. Milne, commanding
the British forces covering the past year, which seems in part to have a
significant bearing on a later event.
In the latter part of February, 1917, a year ago, General Milne was
instructed by General Sarrail to prepare for a forward push against the
Bulgarians in the first week of April. A corps was, accordingly, sent
forward shortly afterward to take a position on the high ridge between
Lake Doiran and the River Vardar. By April 8, 1917, General Milne was
ready, whereupon General Sarrail found it necessary to postpone action
until the 24th. On that day the British were sent forward and succeeded
in occupying the front-line trenches of the enemy almost along the
entire front of the attack. The British were now in a commanding
position, of which great advantage could have been taken, but at this
juncture General Milne was instructed to retire, "on account of the
unhealthful conditions of the terrain."
General Milne was next informed that the advance would begin over again
on May 8, 1917. So another assault on the enemy lines was begun between
Lake Doiran and the "Petite Couronne" Hill. In spite of the powerful
opposition of the Bulgarians some progress was made, and twelve days
later the new advance line was consolidated. A farther advance was in
progress, with every prospect of success, when on May 24, 1917, General
Milne received instructions from Sarrail to cease all offensive
operations.
By itself this report might at least indicate unpleasant relations
between the British and the French commanders, but further significance
is added by the announcement made December 19, 1917, that General
Sarrail had been recalled from his supreme command on the Macedonian
front, to be succeeded by General Guillemet.
A serious charge, it will be remembered, had been made against Sarrail
in France before his appointment to Saloniki, in July, 1915. This charge
had been made by General Dubail and had been indorsed by General Joffre
and Millerand, then Minister of War in the French Cabinet. It had to do
with certain maneuvers against the German Crown Prince, directed by
Sarrail under the command of Dubail. Subsequently these charges were
dropped, and until his sudden appointment to the Saloniki command
Sarrail dropped from view.
The specific reason for Sarrail's removal has not been officially
stated, but there are rumors throwing doubt on his loyalty and
suggesting his connection with the Caillaux scandal, which would imply
that Sarrail had deliberately made no efforts to proceed seriously
against the Bulgarians and the Austrians, even that he had secretly
connived in the destruction of the Rumanians when he should have created
a diversion by a general attack in Macedonia.
The double part played by Constantine, King of Greece, in the dealings
with the Entente Powers, had always been a matter of grave suspicion, in
spite of his repeated denials and protestations of friendship, published
through his frequent newspaper interviews. Even after his removal from
the throne by the Allies there still remained a doubt in the minds of
many people that he had been justly treated. But then his duplicity has
been conclusively proved beyond all question.
Early in November, 1917, there were discovered in Athens the records of
a number of telegrams which had been exchanged between Constantine and
Queen Sophia on the one hand and her brother, the kaiser, on the other.
These telegrams were in a cipher code unknown to the Greek foreign
office. The key was discovered later and the contents of the telegrams
revealed clearly, exposing a series of plots which had been initiated by
the Greek sovereigns against their supposed friends, the Allies.
Those sent early in 1916, by both the king and the queen, urgently
requested the kaiser to institute an energetic military movement in the
Balkans toward Greece, that Greece might be relieved from the presence
of the Allied troops in the neighborhood. Then came the affair in which
the Greek military authorities surrendered Fort Rupel to the Bulgarians,
showing conclusively that the king had connived in the surrender.
At the time of the crisis, in the first days of December, 1916, when the
Greek army attacked Entente representatives in Athens and caused an
ultimatum to be delivered against the Greek Government, Queen Sophia, in
a long telegram to her brother, described the "splendid victory" which
the Greeks had achieved over "four great powers." In this telegram she
demanded a strong German and Austrian offensive with the object of
relieving Greece. In reply the kaiser urged Constantine to declare war
against Sarrail's forces and begin active military operations against
them. In reply the queen explained the impossibility of doing this on
account of the lack of equipment and ammunition and again urged a German
relief expedition. To this the German Emperor answered that this was
impossible, but urged that Constantine take measures to organize
guerrilla bands in the neighborhood of Lake Ochrida, to cooperate with
the Austrian forces. This suggestion was complied with, no less a person
than the Master of the King's Horse being intrusted with the supervision
of this task. The following telegram, sent on January 10, 1917, is a
notable example of this correspondence in general:
"For the Kaiser from Queen Sophia (through the Greek Minister in
Berlin):
"I thank you for your telegram, but we are without sufficient food for
the duration of such an undertaking, and the shortage of ammunition and
many other things compel us unfortunately to abstain from such offensive
action. You can realize my position. How I suffer. Thank you warmly for
your welcome words. _May the infamous swine receive the punishment they
deserve._ I embrace you heartily. Your exiled and unhappy sister, who
hopes for better times. (_Signed_) SOPHIA."
Another telegram from Sophia, sent on this same day, stated to the
kaiser "I am grateful and happy for having at any rate spoken to Von
Falkenhausen at Larissa on the telephone, as well as having received
direct news of you. I was afraid the ultimatum would have to be
accepted. We were obliged to accept it, although we desired to enter the
war on the side of Germany on account of the political advantages, in
order to rid ourselves of our bitter enemies, and to respond to the
sympathy already shown by the Greek people to the cause of Germany, but
we lack food and ammunition for such a campaign.... Finally, the
immediate menace to the capital and to our only means of communication
by the British forces reported to be at Malta for the expedition against
Greece obliged us to our great regret to abandon this project...."
On January 6, 1917, King Constantine sent a telegram to Von Hindenburg,
in which the following passages occur:
"The present situation must be seriously considered, as it is probable
that a declaration of war might come before mobilization could be
effected. Probably the Entente desire to involve Greece in immediate war
so as to destroy her before the German occupation could begin. Already
Greece is faced with a fresh Entente note demanding her complete
disarmament. The transport of the whole of the artillery and war
material to the Peloponnesus is being maintained by the pressure of the
blockade. The Government and the people are resisting with constancy,
enduring all sorts of privations, but the situation is growing worse
from day to day. It is urgent that we should be informed if a German
attack on the Macedonian front is contemplated, and when it is likely to
begin."
That these intrigues were not confined to Constantine and Sophia alone
is obvious, from the following telegram, sent by Theotokis, the Greek
Minister in Berlin, on December 10, 1916:
"Let Von Falkenhausen await at Berlin the decision which will be taken
at Athens. In case it is neutrality he will proceed to Podgradetz; in
case of rupture with the Entente he will go by aeroplane to Larissa. In
any case, it is of the greatest importance to develop as quickly as
possible the question of Caravitis's bands and matters relative thereto.
Pray inform me with all speed what assistance in the way of munitions,
money, and provisions you would want. The object of Caravitis should be
to cut the railroad from Monastir to Saloniki, and harass Sarrail's
rear. One should not lose sight of the fact that even this unofficial
action by the bands will powerfully help Greece when the time for
negotiations comes to put forward large territorial claims which,
naturally, can be larger in case action is taken than in case of mere
neutrality. Falkenhausen is awaiting instructions, upon which he will
act immediately."
On December 2, 1916, Sophia telegraphed to General von Falkenhausen:
"Owing to the continuance of the blockade there is only bread left for a
few days longer, and other foodstuffs are also growing scarcer. The idea
of war against the Entente is now out of the question. Negotiations are
now proceeding on the note. I consider the game lost. If the attack is
not made immediately, it will be too late."
CHAPTER XXXIII
RUMANIA
For six months the Rumanian troops engaged in no important military
operations. They held their lines against the Austrian forces, and these
latter, apparently, made no strong efforts to advance. Indeed, the
entire collapse of the military power of Russia made it practically
certain that the Rumanians could not continue the war effectively. When
the Bolsheviki came into power, their course toward Rumania was openly
hostile, so that the Rumanians were compelled to guard themselves
against their one-time allies as well as against the enemy.
Finally Rumania joined in the armistice initiated by the Petrograd
Bolsheviki. There seemed to be no question of the desire of the
Rumanians to remain loyal to their western allies; but the Balkan
country was now surrounded by enemies, and there was apparently little
hope that she could maintain her warfare against the Central Powers.
Reports from Austrian sources stated that negotiations for a separate
peace between Austria and Rumania were going on at Fokshani. Peace with
Germany, Turkey, and Bulgaria would naturally follow to save the country
from utter destruction.
On January 20, 1917, a Berlin dispatch announced that the Rumanian
Premier, Bratiano, had resigned, and was to be succeeded by General
Averescu, former Minister of War and commander in chief of the Rumanian
forces which had operated in Dobrudja. This report has not since been
verified.
That Bulgaria is not completely under German control and is a member of
the Quadruple Alliance on terms peculiarly her own has been manifested
in more than one way during recent months. As previously stated, in
earlier editions of this work, there is a very strong popular opinion in
Bulgaria against the alliance with Germany which at times has seemed on
the point of manifesting itself in a material way. Occasionally rumors
have come through of wholesale military executions, following attempts
at mutiny on the part of the troops. Thus Bulgaria's position as an
uncertain quantity in the Teutonic alliance is not due to any disloyalty
on the part of the king, Ferdinand, but to the disposition of the
people, who are interested only in a Macedonia free from Serbia or
Greece, and not in the German plans for empire. Though successfully
suppressed so far, these subterranean movements do limit the policy of
the Bulgarian ruling clique, however loyal to German rule it may be in
itself.
During the past November there were frequent rumors of proposal from
Bulgaria to the Entente for separate peace, but nothing definite was
known at the time. That definite negotiations were at least begun only
became known in December, 1917, when the Petrograd Bolsheviki began the
publication of secret treaties and correspondence found in the
Government archives on their stepping into power. Among these many
revelations appeared a telegram from the Russian embassy in Berne,
Switzerland, which described a meeting in the embassy office in the
latter part of September, 1917, between a Bulgarian representative, said
to be the exarch of the Bulgarian church, and a British representative,
whose name was not given. The latter asked for a statement of the
Bulgarian terms.
The Bulgarian demanded, in return for severing the alliance with Germany
and Austria, that Bulgaria be granted all of Dobrudja, an expanded
Bulgaria down to the old Media-Rodosto line, with a western frontier
along the Morava River, in Serbia, from the junction of that river with
the Danube, down through Nish, Pristina, and Uskub; and Macedonia,
including Monastir and Saloniki.
This demand the British representative refused to consider, but made the
tentative counterproposal of an independent Macedonia, with Saloniki as
the capital.
That Bulgaria should have refused this offer is only another
illustration of the duplicity of Ferdinand and his governing clique. His
one hold on the Bulgarian people has been his pretended espousal of the
cause of the Macedonian Bulgars. For long years past the Macedonians
strove for an independent Macedonia, but this was made impossible by the
policies of the great powers interested. They were, however, on the
verge of achieving this ideal after the First Balkan War, when the
interference of Austria in Albania caused Serbia and Greece to demand a
revision of the treaty which had provided for Macedonian freedom.
Against this demand the Macedonians protested, and their leaders were
largely instrumental in precipitating the Second Balkan War. The result
was their defeat and the Treaty of Bucharest, which forced the
Macedonian patriots under the wing of the Bulgarian Government, the
only refuge left them.
That Bulgaria should now have refused terms including an independent
Macedonia was, indeed, a matter to be kept secret. Ferdinand, naturally,
desires Macedonia as an extension of his own territory, although the
Macedonians are very little in sympathy with his Greater Bulgaria
imperialism and would only accept it as an alternative between freedom
on the one hand and subjection to Greece and Serbia on the other.
On October 12, 1917, Emperor William of Germany, accompanied by Prince
August Wilhelm and Foreign Secretary Dr. von Kühlmann, paid an official
visit to Ferdinand in Sofia. The streets and houses were profusely
decorated and much festivity prevailed.
PART VII--NAVAL AND AIR WARFARE
CHAPTER XXXIV
ON THE SEA
As in the past, naval warfare during the six months' period, August,
1917, to February, 1918, consisted primarily of attacks by German
submarines on units of the allied merchant marine. There was again a
wide discrepancy between the figures published by the allied and German
governments. An example of this are the respective totals of monthly
tonnage losses for the year 1917.
German Claim Allied Claim
January........................ 439,500
February....................... 781,000 812,000
March.......................... 885,000 600,000
April.......................... 1,091,000 788,000
May............................ 869,000 549,000
June........................... 1,016,000 758,000
July........................... 811,000 463,000
August......................... 808,000 591,000
September...................... 673,000 455,000
October........................ 674,000 470,000
November....................... 607,000 435,000
December....................... 816,000 514,000
9,470,500 6,435,000
Continuous detailed figures of losses are available only regarding the
British and American merchant marines. Between August, 1917, and
February, 1918, the British weekly losses were as follows:
Week ending 1,600 tons Under Fishing
and over 1,600 tons vessels
August 5................ 21 2 0
August 12................ 14 2 3
August 19................ 15 3 2
August 26................ 18 5 0
September 2................ 20 3 0
September 9................ 12 6 4
September 16................ 8 20 1
September 23................ 13 2 2
September 30................ 11 2 0
October 7................ 14 2 3
October 14................ 12 6 1
October 21................ 17 8 0
October 28................ 14 4 0
November 4................ 8 4 0
November 11................ 1 5 1
November 18................ 10 7 0
November 25................ 14 7 0
December 1................ 16 1 4
December 8................ 14 7 0
December 15................ 14 3 1
December 22................ 11 1 1
December 29................ 18 3 0
January 6................ 18 3 4
January 13................ 6 2 2
January 20................ 6 2 0
January 27................ 9 6 1
334 116 30
On August 14, 1917, it was also officially stated in the House of
Commons that since the beginning of the war and up to June 30, 1917, a
total of 9,748 lives were lost on British merchantman as the result of
U-boat attacks, mine and other explosions. Of these 3,828 were
passengers of all nationalities and 5,920 officers and seamen.
During the same period the following twenty-six American vessels were
sunk by submarines:
Gross tons Lives lost
August 6. Campana................ 3,695 4
August 7. Christine.............. 964 0
August 23. Carl F. Cressy......... 898 0
August 29. Laura C. Anderson...... 960 0
September 8. William H. Clifford ... 1,593 0
September 12. Wilmore................ 5,398 0
September 15. Platuria............... 3,445 10
September 16. Ann J. Trainer......... 426 0
September 23. Henry Lippitt.......... 895 0
September 25. Paulina................ 1,337 0
October 3. Annie F. Conlon........ 591 0
October 11. Lewis Luckenbach....... 3,905 10
October 16. Jennie E. Richter...... 647 0
October 16. St. Helens............. 1,497 24
October 17. Antilles............... 6,878 64
October 25. Fannie Prescott........ 404 0
October 27. D. N. Luckenbach....... 2,933 5
November 2. Rochester.............. 2,551 7
November 7. Villemer............... ... 2
November 9. Rizal.................. 2,744 3
November 16. Margeret L. Roberts.... 535 0
November 21. Schuylkill............. 2,720 0
November 25. Actaeon................ 4,999 37
December 10. Owasco................. 4,630 2
December 20. Suruga................. 4,374 1
January 6. Harry Luckenbach....... 2,798 8
This meant a loss of about 61,000 tons and of 177 lives.
Unrestricted submarine warfare was initiated by the Germans, it will be
remembered, on February 1, 1917. During the first twelve months of it,
February, 1917, to February, 1918, a total of sixty-nine American ships,
representing about 170,000 tons, were sunk by submarines, mines, and
raiders. Over 300 lives were lost with these boats.
Figures in regard to the French and Italian losses are incomplete. From
available sources, however, it appears that during the six months'
period, August, 1917, to February, 1918, the French merchant marine lost
by U-boat attacks seventy-three steamers of over 1,600 tons, fifty-two
steamers of under 1,600 tons and thirty fishing boats. In the same
period U-boats sank sixty-one Italian steamers and forty-six Italian
sailing vessels.
Regarding neutral losses figures are even less definite. Only Norway,
which again is by far the heaviest loser amongst neutral nations, has
published official statements covering her losses. For six months, July
to December, 1917, her losses were 127 boats of 216,000 tons. For the
entire year 1917, they amounted to 434 boats of 686,800 tons and
involved the death of 401 sailors, while 258 more were missing or
unaccounted for.
Holland, amongst other losses, reported the sinking by a mine off the
Dutch coast on August 3, 1917, of the steamer _Moordam_ of 12,531 tons.
Mines in one case, and an explosion in the other, were responsible for
the sinking of two British steamers: _City of Athens_, of Cape Town, of
5,600 tons, on August 10, 1917, with the loss of nineteen lives, of
which five were Americans; and _Port Kembla_, of 4,700 tons, on
September 18, 1917, off Cape Farewell.
Regarding the German losses in U-boats, practically no definite
information is available. Only occasionally has any news managed to get
by the censors of the Allies, and the Germans, of course, are entirely
silent on the subject. On November 24, 1917, one U-boat was sunk by the
United States destroyers, _Fanning_ and _Nicholson_, while on patrol
service in European waters. Her crew were captured with the exception of
a few members who were drowned. Two other U-boats were reported to have
been sunk during December in the Ionian Sea by a French destroyer. This,
of course, does not represent the total losses inflicted by the Allies
on the German U-boat forces. Indeed, it has been stated officially that
the average loss amounts to thirty-eight U-boats per month.
Naval engagements between units of the various belligerents were
comparatively few and unimportant. As a result the losses incurred by
the different navies, at least as far as they became known, were
likewise comparatively slight.
During August, 1917, British monitors cooperated with the Italian navy
in bombarding successfully Austrian positions in the Gulf of Trieste. On
August 16, 1917, there was also a slight engagement between British and
German destroyers in the North Sea without result.
On September 1, 1917, British destroyers destroyed four German armed
mine-sweeping vessels off the coast of Jutland. Three days later,
September 4, 1917, a German submarine bombarded Scarborough, killing
three persons, wounding five, and doing some material damage.
During the successful German attack against Riga in the early part of
September, 1917, German submarines appeared in the Gulf of Riga and
bombarded the city.
In October it also became known that the German raider _Seeadler_ had
run ashore on Lord Howe Island (Society Islands) in the Pacific Ocean,
leaving forty-seven prisoners on the island in a state of destitution.
The crew of the raider afterward seized a motor sloop and a French
schooner on which they carried out some further raids. It was later
reported that the motor boat had been captured by an unarmed merchantman
in one of the outlying islands of the Fiji group.
The armored British cruiser _Drake_ was torpedoed on the morning of
October 2, 1917, off the north coast of Ireland. Though she was able to
make harbor, she sank later in shallow water. One officer and eighteen
men were killed by the explosion of the torpedo. The _Drake_ was a ship
of 14,100 tons with a speed of 24.11 knots and had been launched in
1902. She was a sister ship of the _Good Hope_ sunk off Coronel in
November, 1914, during the battle with the German Pacific fleet.
Strong German naval forces participated in the fighting in the Gulf of
Riga which took place in the middle of October 1917. They were prominent
in enabling German troops to land on Oesel and Dagö Islands and later on
Moon Island. It was reported that during an engagement between German
and Russian naval forces the Germans lost two destroyers, not, however,
before they had sunk a Russian destroyer. A few days later the Russian
battleship _Slava_ was also reported as having been sunk, while the
balance of the Russian Baltic fleet was trapped in the Gulf of Riga.
Amongst the French losses during September, 1917, was the steamer
_Media_ of 4,770 tons, which was torpedoed late that month in the
western Mediterranean in spite of the fact that she was being convoyed
while in use as a transport. Of her crew of sixty-seven and of 559
soldiers on board 250 were reported missing.
Two fast German cruisers on October 17, 1917, attacked a convoy of
merchantmen, escorted by two British destroyers, at a point about midway
between the Shetland Islands and Norway. The two destroyers as well as
nine of the merchantmen were sunk with a total loss of about 250 lives.
On November 1, 1917, a German warship was reported to have been sunk by
a mine off the coast of Sweden. British naval forces, operating in the
Cattegat, on November 3, 1917, sank a German auxiliary cruiser and ten
German patrol vessels. On November 17, 1917, during an engagement off
Helgoland one German light cruiser was sunk and another damaged.
A German submarine, during November, 1917, attacked British naval
forces, cooperating with the British expeditionary force in Palestine
and sank one destroyer and one monitor.
On November 22, 1917, it was announced that the German Government had
included in its "barred zone" waters around the Azores and the channel
hitherto left open in the Mediterranean to reach Greece, and had
extended the limits of the zone around England.
On November 29, 1917, a German torpedo boat struck a mine off the coast
of Belgium and sank, all of her crew with the exception of two being
lost.
During the night of December 9-10, 1917, Italian naval forces entered
the harbor of Trieste and successfully torpedoed the Austrian battleship
_Wien_, which sank almost immediately.
A German submarine bombarded on December 12, 1917, for about twenty
minutes Funchal on the island of Madeira, destroying many houses and
killing and wounding many people.
On the same day German destroyers attacked a convoy of merchantmen in
the North Sea and sank six of them as well as a British destroyer and
four armed trawlers.
Two days later, December 14, 1917, the French cruiser _Château Renault_
was sunk in the Mediterranean by a submarine which itself was destroyed
later on.
During the night of December 22-23, 1917, three British destroyers were
lost off the Dutch coast with a total loss of lives of 193 officers and
men. On December 30, 1917, the British transport _Aragon_ and a British
destroyer, coming to her assistance, were torpedoed and sunk. The
following day, December 31, 1917, the auxiliary _Osmanieh_ struck a mine
and sank. The total loss involved in these three sinkings was 809 lives,
of which forty-three were members of the crew and officers, and 766
military officers and soldiers.
During the night of January 12, 1918, two British destroyers ran ashore
off the coast of Scotland. All hands were lost. Yarmouth was bombarded
on January 14, 1918, for five minutes by German naval forces and four
persons were killed and eight injured.
British naval forces fought an action at the entrance to the Dardanelles
on January 20, 1918. As a result the Turkish cruiser _Midullu_, formerly
the German cruiser _Breslau_, was sunk and the battle cruiser _Sultan
Selim_, formerly the _Goeben_, damaged and beached. The British lost two
monitors and, a week later, a submarine which attempted to enter the
Dardanelles in order to complete the destruction of the _Goeben_.
On January 28, 1918, the British torpedo gunboat _Hazard_ was lost as
the result of a collision. The day before the big Cunard liner _Andania_
of 13,405 tons was attacked off the Ulster coast. Her passengers and
crew were saved, the boat, however, sank a few days later. Another
severe loss was the sinking of the British armed boarding steamer
_Louvain_ in the Mediterranean with a loss of 224 lives on January 21,
1918.
Two German destroyers sank off the coast of Jutland during the same
week.
The United States Navy, during the six months' period covered in this
chapter, fared comparatively well, in spite of the fact that large
forces were engaged in patrol duty in European waters and many
transports crossed from the States to Europe and vice versa. Of the
latter only one was lost. On October 17, 1917, the _Antilles_ while
returning to the United States was torpedoed and sunk. Of those on board
sixty-seven were drowned, including sixteen soldiers.
The United States destroyer _Cassin_ had an encounter with a German
submarine on October 16, 1917. Though struck by a torpedo, she was not
seriously damaged and made port safely, after having first attempted,
until night broke, to discover her attacker, without succeeding,
however.
The patrol boat _Alcedo_, formerly a steam yacht, belonging to G. W. C.
Drexel of Philadelphia, was torpedoed and sunk on November 5, 1917. She
was the first fighting unit of the United States Navy to be lost since
the war begun. Two weeks later, on November 19, 1917, the United States
destroyer _Chancey_ was sunk as a result of a collision, twenty-one
lives being lost.
On December 6, 1917, the United States destroyer _Jacob Jones_ was sunk
by a U-boat and 60 lives were lost.
CHAPTER XXXV
THE WAR IN THE AIR
Aeroplanes, dirigible and other balloons are no longer considered freaks
and curiosities, as they were at the beginning of the war. Their use has
become an integral part of all military and most naval operations. On
all fronts they are employed regularly and extensively, just as any
other branch of the military and naval services. In considering,
therefore, aerial operations at the various fronts during the six
months' period--August 1, 1917, to February 1, 1918--in this chapter we
shall treat only of such undertakings in the air which were carried out
independent of the general military operations. Those events in the air
which formed part of offensive or defensive actions have been mentioned
in their proper place as part of the general narrative. In this
direction it must suffice to state here that all forms of aerial
activities were continuously carried on by all belligerents at all
fronts to even a greater extent than before. Statistics as to losses of
aeroplanes and of members of the various flying services are very
incomplete and more or less unreliable, primarily because each side has
been trying to keep the other in the dark as to actual increases or
decreases in the effectives of their air service. Such figures as are
available, however, will be given a little farther on. They must not be
taken as final, even though it has been attempted to compile them with
the utmost care.
As in the past, air warfare, independent of military operations,
consisted, of course, of German and Austrian attacks on French, English,
and Italian territory behind the actual front, and of similar operations
on the part of the French, English, Italian, and American air services
against German and Austrian territory.
As compared with previous performances, the Zeppelin attacks against
English and French territory decreased considerably in number, though
apparently not in effectiveness, except that the losses suffered by the
attackers were much heavier as a result of improved conditions in aerial
defense. There were only two raids over England and none over France.
The first Zeppelin raid over England occurred on August 21, 1917. It was
directed against the Yorkshire coast, caused little damage and killed
one man. On the same day British aeroplanes brought down one of the
monster airships off the Danish coast.
During the night of October 19-20, 1917, thirteen Zeppelins raided the
eastern and northeastern counties of England. Thirty-four persons were
killed and fifty-six injured. On their return journey they were attacked
by French airmen and it was announced later that four were destroyed and
three captured. Amongst the latter, one, the L-49, was brought down
intact, the first one to be captured in this manner since the war had
begun.
Figures regarding Germany's Zeppelin strength and losses are, of course,
hard to obtain. From German sources there are none. But at the end of
1917, French and English authorities semiofficially published the
following data:
Destroyed before the war 2
Destroyed in Germany 5
Destroyed in neutral countries 5
Destroyed in England or on the way home 15
Destroyed at sea 2
Out of use 5
In use at training schools 4
In use in the North Sea 9
Though Zeppelins apparently had practically reached the end of their
usefulness, a considerable increase took place in the number and extent
of aeroplane raids, especially over England.
A number of watering places on the southeast coast of England were
raided on August 12, 1917. Twenty-five persons were killed, fifty-two
injured, and two German machines were brought down. Dover, Margate, and
Ramsgate were visited on August 22, 1917, killing eleven persons and
injuring thirteen. Eight of the attacking machines failed to return
home.
The east coast was again raided on September 2, 1917. The following day,
September 3, 1917, an English naval station at Chatham, near London, was
bombed. One hundred and eight persons were killed and ninety-two
wounded, most of them members of the English naval service. The first
moonlight raid of London was carried out during the night of September
4-5, 1917. It resulted in the death of eleven persons and in the
wounding of sixty-two.
[Illustration: Five zeppelins destroyed after the air raid on London,
October 19-20, 1917.]
The end of September, 1917, brought a large number of raids on England.
On the 24th the southeast coast and the London district were raided.
Fifteen were killed and seventy injured. Again on the 25th German
machines appeared over London, killing seven and wounding twenty-six. On
September 29, 1917, another raid killed eleven and wounded eighty-two;
two of the attacking machines being brought down. The next night
machines again were over England, killing nine persons.
One of the strongest air attacks was carried out on October 1, 1917.
Four German squadrons attacked a number of coast towns, ten persons were
killed and thirty-eight wounded. The next raid occurred on October 31,
1917. There were thirty German machines, but only three succeeded in
reaching London. Eight persons were killed and twenty-one wounded.
Twenty-five German machines broke through the English air defenses and
reached London on December 6, 1917. Two of them were brought down, not,
however, until they had killed seven persons and injured twenty-one.
Other raids occurred on December 18 and 21, 1917. Each time a number of
the German machines were brought down. Ten persons were killed and
seventy were injured.
Both on January 28 and 29, 1918, German squadrons attacked England,
bombing the Kent and Essex coasts and London. A total of sixty-eight
were killed and 183 were wounded. During the night of January 30-31,
1918, Paris experienced its first aerial attack since many a day. The
casualties were forty-five killed and 207 wounded.
Besides these attacks by German machines against England and Paris,
there were also incessant raids on French cities near the front.
Dunkirk, Calais, Boulogne, Nancy, Belfort, and many other towns suffered
especially.
On the other hand both the English and French air service were very
active. Frequent attacks were made on French and Belgian cities held by
the Germans, especially on Lille, Bruges, Ostende, and Zeebrugge. Some
of the near-by German cities, such as Metz, too, were frequently
attacked. German airdromes also were subjected to continuous attacks,
hampering German operations to a considerable extent.
In retaliation for the German attacks on English cities, both French and
British air squadrons made many successful raids on German inland
cities. Few details are available regarding these raids, however, the
German Government having adopted a policy of more or less silence
concerning the results achieved. Amongst the German cities attacked were
especially: Colmar, Frankfort-on-Main, Freiburg, Stuttgart, Tübingen,
Saarbrücken, Lahr, Mannheim, Rastatt, Ludwigshafen, Thionville, Trèves,
Pirmasens, Kaiserslautern, Karlsruhe.
On the Italian front, too, there was greater aerial activity than ever.
Pola, the Austrian naval base in the Adriatic, south of Trieste, was the
chief aim of the Italian attacks, in which British airmen, having come
to the support of the Italians, frequently participated. It was visited
many times and much damage was done, both to ships and naval
establishments. Trieste, too, was bombarded a number of times with good
results.
The Austro-German air services made a number of attacks against Italian
cities back of the front. Venice was one of the chief sufferers. The
first attack occurred on August 14, 1917. Unfortunately many of these
raids on Italian cities resulted in serious damages to churches,
palaces, and other monuments of historic fame and value. Another attack
against Venice was made on September 7, 1917. Again on November 25,
1917, Austrian or German airplanes bombed the ancient city of the Doges.
In December, 1917, Padua, not very far from the New Austro-Italian
front, was the principal recipient of Austrian attentions. It was bombed
on December 28, 30, and 31, 1917. About twenty persons were killed and
some seventy wounded. Considerable damage was done to the cathedral,
many other churches and numerous houses.
During the first few days of January, 1918, Vicenza, Bassano, Treviso,
and Padua were bombed, almost continuously. About fifteen persons were
killed, and fifty wounded and great damage was done to some of the
wonderful old churches and palaces in these towns. During the night of
January 26, 1918, Treviso and Mestre were bombed. In the latter city two
Americans, William Platt and R. C. Fairfield, attached to the American
Red Cross, were killed.
Figures regarding losses of the various air services were growing
continuously more scarce and unreliable, a considerable amount of
secrecy being imposed on all sides for military reasons.
In August the Germans claimed that during July, 1917, they had brought
down 213 Allied aeroplanes and twenty-four balloons, but had lost only
sixty machines themselves. From this source it was claimed that during
August, 1917, the Germans lost sixty-four against 295 Allied machines,
and that during December, 1917, the corresponding figures were
eighty-two and 119.
The only official announcement regarding losses suffered by the German
air services was made by the French authorities, who claimed that French
airmen had accomplished the following results against the Germans:
Brought down Brought down Seriously
1917 in French lines in German lines damaged
August 3 53 59
September 7 60 80
October 15 27 61
November 2 15 17
December (1-15) 16 21 28
43 176 245
For the period January to December 15, 1917, French airmen claimed the
following figures, brought down in German and French lines: 586
machines; seriously damaged, 583. In practically the same period in 1916
(January-December 31) the corresponding figures had been only 417 and
185.
Some interesting figures also were published from combined English and
French calculations regarding the strength of the German air service at
the end of 1917. It was claimed that it consisted of more than 200
squadrons with a total of about 2,500 machines, divided as follows:
Bombing squadrons 23
Chaser " 40
Protecting " 30
Patrol " 80
Artillery " 100
There were also said to be numerous separate squadrons of aeroplanes and
hydroplanes belonging to the German Navy, and about twelve squadrons
each for garrison and training purposes.
Amongst other events in the various aerial services a number deserve
especial mention. On September 7, 1917, German machines bombed a number
of Allied hospitals on the French coast. As a result four Americans,
belonging to a Harvard unit, were killed and ten wounded, and another
American, a member of a St. Louis, Mo., unit, was killed.
On September 11, 1917, the famous French "ace," Captain Georges
Guynemer, was killed in an air battle, after having brought down shortly
before his 53d enemy plane.
On November 22, 1917, the British Admiralty announced that a successful
air attack in the vicinity of Constantinople had been carried out by a
large British bombing airplane, which flew from England to a British
base in the Mediterranean in a series of eight flights. The stopping
places included Lyons and Rome, and the total distance covered was
nearly 2,000 miles. The machine was actually in the air thirty-one
hours. This is believed to be a world's record for a cross-country
journey and for the weight carried. During some parts of the flight
strong winds and heavy rainstorms were experienced, and there was one
stretch of 200 miles over a mountainous country where it would be
impossible for any machine to land.
Another record long-distance flight was that made by Captain Laureati of
the Italian air service in a S. T. A. machine with a 200 H. P. Fiat
engine, from Turin to London, a distance of 650 miles. The distance was
covered in seven hours, twenty-two minutes, and thirty seconds. No stops
were made and one passenger, a mechanician, was carried.
In the latter part of January, 1918, the former German cruiser
_Goeben_, then the Turkish _Sultan Selim_, having been beached after a
fight with British naval forces at the entrance to the Dardanelles was
bombed repeatedly by British naval aviators who also bombed
Constantinople with success.
As a result of a raid, carried out during the latter part of August,
1917, a member of the famous Lafayette Squadron, Corporal H. B. Willis,
Harvard '17, was captured by the Germans after his plane had been shot
down behind the German lines.
Another member, Sergeant Douglas MacMonagle of San Francisco, who had
joined the Lafayette Squadron in June, 1917, and had received the French
war cross on August 9, 1917, was killed in a fight on September 24,
1917.
PART VIII--THE WESTERN FRONT
CHAPTER XXXVI
PREPARING FOR THE GREAT OFFENSIVE--THE ATTACK MARCH 21--FIRST PHASE OF
THE BATTLE
With the coming of bright, springlike weather on the western front in
the first weeks of February, 1918, the contending forces displayed a new
activity. The sodden fields were drying out; the snow and mud which made
roads impassable had disappeared. If the fine weather continued to hold,
the much advertised German offensive could not be long delayed.
The Allies were constantly engaged in trench raids for the main purpose
of gaining information from prisoners as to the movements of the enemy.
It was learned that the Germans were making intense preparations for a
big operation. Fresh troops and many guns were constantly arriving on
the front. Certain back areas were being cleared for action. Every day
large bodies of troops were practicing attacks under the tutelage of
experts.
The Allies meanwhile awaited the promised blow hopefully if not calmly.
As far as could be ascertained they had a preponderance of men and guns,
and the most elaborate preparations had been made during the winter
months for the anticipated offensive.
But the much heralded "great push" did not start in February. The
Germans were cautiously "feeling out" the ground, by means of trench
raids and bombardments, and gathering information through their aerial
observers regarding the disposition of the Allied forces, while the
intense activity which prevailed within their own lines foreshadowed the
nearness of a mighty attack, and what might prove to be the most
sanguinary period of the war.
During the first days of March the Germans were engaged daily in raids
all along the French and British fronts, but in every attempt they were
repulsed with considerable losses. Determined efforts were made by the
enemy to obtain possession of Fort La Pompelle to the southeast of
Rheims, which would give them a dominating position from which to
complete the destruction of that martyred city. Along a front of nearly
ten miles extending from Loivre to Sillery the German infantry advanced
from five different points. Some troops succeeded in reaching Alger
Farm, a fortified position fronting on Fort La Pompelle, but none was
able to enter the fort itself.
The French regiment holding the position in a spirited counterattack
drove the Germans back, and regained every inch of ground, though
bombarded by thousands of gas shells which filled the air with poisonous
fumes. It was during this bombardment that a number of French prisoners
escaped their captors and sought refuge in a shell crater where they
discovered a large supply of hand grenades. With these they were able to
hold off the enemy who tried to capture them and after killing a number
succeeded in regaining their own lines.
On March 6, 1918, the Germans made a strong attack on Belgian
positions in the flooded zone northwest of Dixmude. At daybreak Beverdyk
and Reigersvliet were bombarded by explosives and gas shells and an
infantry attack in force followed.
The Belgian artillery replied with a heavy barrage and the fine work of
their gunners and riflemen checked the German advance at Beverdyk and
eventually drove them back to their own lines. At Reigersvliet the
Germans won a footing at several points owing to the fact that the
floods in some places had largely subsided, and made an advance
comparatively easy.
[Illustration: The German offensive from Arras to the Oise, March-June,
1918.]
It was here that a Belgian commander with only nine men and a machine
gun, and occupying a bridgehead, held back hundreds of Germans and
twelve machine guns until a patrol arrived. With this slight
reenforcement the Belgian officer took the offensive and by a dashing
attack recaptured the position which the Germans had won in front of the
bridgehead. Belgian chasseurs had meanwhile been organizing for a
counterattack. To reach the German positions it was necessary to cross
the flooded area by a single plank walk which was completely dominated
by German artillery and machine-gun fire. But the Belgians went forward
as coolly as if on parade amid a tempest of shells, and attacked the
invaders with reckless bravery. Close and sanguinary fighting ensued,
but by 1 o'clock in the afternoon the Belgians had succeeded in
capturing the first of seven posts which lay in a semicircle in front of
the bridgehead. For hours the fighting raged back and forth, but the
stubborn German resistance broke down before the flaming fury of the
Belgian spirit and late in the afternoon the last post was regained from
the enemy. The German losses were heavy. Large numbers were found dead
on the barbed wire. Belgian gunnery had been remarkably effective. The
Germans lost as prisoners five officers, 111 men, and a dozen machine
guns.
On March 8, 1918, after a bombardment that lasted all day, the Germans
launched an attack on the British lines on a front of nearly a mile from
south of the Menin road to north of the Polderhoek Château. The assault
was vigorously pressed, aided by intense artillery fire, but the
Germans were driven back at all points except in the neighborhood of
Polderhoek, where they penetrated British advanced posts on a front of
about 200 yards. Here the fighting continued for the greater part of the
night, with the result that the British recaptured all the positions
they had lost.
In the first ten days of March the Germans made twenty hard-driven raids
along the French front, most of which were repulsed without difficulty.
In the region of the Butte-du-Mesnil they regained some trenches which
the French had won from them in February.
The British on their front continued to hold the initiative, carrying
out successfully minor operations along the Ypres salient as well as at
many points south.
The Germans continued to make swift dashes into the British lines at a
number of points. As subsequently developed, the purpose of these
continued raids was to search out the weak spots in the British defense.
During two successive nights the Germans undertook no less than ten
minor operations along the British front, some of which were of more
importance than mere raids.
In the midst of this continued activity the great offensive was not
forgotten. It was a period of great tension for the Allied forces, and
more than once there were rumors that the great push had started, and
no-man's-land was deluged with shells and the night was bright with star
shells and illuminants, to be followed by comparative calm only broken
by raids and minor operations.
As described in another place, the American troops took an active part
in many of these minor engagements which tried their courage and served
as excellent schooling in the art of active warfare.
At 8 a. m. on March 21, 1918, the Germans launched the great offensive
on a front of over fifty miles extending from the river Oise in the
neighborhood of La Fère to the Sensée River about Croisilles. When the
attack was made the position of the Allied armies was as follows: The
British Fifth Army under General Sir Hubert Gough held the front from
the Oise at La Fère to a point north of the Omignon River, where the
defense line was taken up by the Third Army under General Sir Julian
Byng, whose left rested on the Scarpe River, joining here the First Army
under General Sir Henry Horne. Sixteen divisions held this line of about
100,000 yards, which gave to each division (9,000 rifles) about 6,000
yards.
Facing the British were three German armies. The Seventh, under General
Otto von Below, on the right held the front from north of the Scarpe to
the Scheldt at Cambrai where General von der Marwitz with the Second
Army prolonged the line down to north of St. Quentin. General von
Hutier, commanding the Eighth Army, held the line on Marwitz's left
between Omignon River and the Oise, where an army under General Böhm
faced the Third French Army under General Humbert.
The German offensive had been prepared with the greatest care; every
division had rehearsed the part it was to play when the hour of attack
should come. Before the push the British lines were deluged with shells,
and this was followed by showers of projectiles that liberated poisonous
gases. The infantry now went forward in waves following each other
closely. The first wave of troops would be swept almost away by the
British gun and rifle fire, but those that remained alive hung on until
joined by more waves of men, when using flame projectors they proceeded
to drive the British out of the trenches.
The Germans were prodigal in the waste of man power, counting on weight
of numbers to crush their opponents. After they had captured the first
British line, the rear lines were deluged with fire from the machine
guns, rifles, and every form of small artillery. This overpowering
avalanche of death-dealing projectiles prevented the British in the rear
from coming to the rescue of their fellow soldiers in the first line.
Under the protection of this storm of bullets the Germans advancing in
waves penetrated the British second line. After they had gone some
distance the first ranks of infantry lay down, and permitted other waves
of men to pass through their ranks. Great numbers of three-inch guns and
small cannon on low carriages that could be swiftly moved were now
brought up behind the infantry and the attack went on.
The German attack was directed against the center of the Allies'
position. Their aim was to drive a great salient on a front of fifty or
sixty miles through the occupied lines which would divide the French and
British, after which they were to be dealt with separately.
The German objective was Amiens, which, situated astride the Somme, is
on the main trunk-line railroad from Paris to the Channel ports of
Boulogne and Calais, the most important strategical point in northern
France.
If the Germans succeeded in gaining their objective, Sir Douglas Haig's
troops separated from their French allies would be penned up in a
northwestern corner of France with their backs to the sea, or they would
be forced to retreat behind the lower Somme in order to cover their
communications with Havre.
The Germans began their great offensive by an intense bombardment of
both high explosives and gas shells, while a powerful infantry attack
was launched on a front extending from Croisilles to La Fère. The misty
weather that prevailed in the morning of March 21, 1918, was favorable
for an assault, and the Germans were close to the British lines before
they were discovered. In the course of the first onrush they broke
through all the British outpost trenches and south of Cambrai penetrated
some battle positions.
Forty German divisions were identified by the British as taking part in
the first day's attack, but it was believed that at least fifty in all
entered the battle before the day closed. At several points the British
were heavily outnumbered. Nine German divisions were hurled against
three British at one part of the line and eight against two at another.
The German storming troops, including the Guards, made a brave
appearance in new uniforms. They advanced in solid ranks until their
formation was broken by the intense British machine-gun fire.
Over the dead and wounded the supporting troops swept in countless
waves and there was no faltering as the hurricanes of shells swept
through their ranks. As hundreds fell others closed in and filled the
gaps and the human tide rolled relentlessly on.
The Germans were exceedingly strong in guns. At some points in the line
they had one to every twelve or fifteen yards. No less than a thousand
confronted three British divisions. With heavy long-range guns they were
also well provided and back areas to a distance of twenty-five miles and
more were under shell fire.
Among the places against which the Germans first directed their efforts
were Bullecourt, Lagnecourt, and Noreuil west of Cambrai, the St.
Quentin Ridge on the right of the Cambrai salient, and Ronssoy and
Hargicourt south of the Cambrai salient.
The Germans reported that they had captured the British first line
between Arras and La Fère and 16,000 prisoners and 200 guns.
On the following day (March 22, 1918,) the fighting reached the greatest
intensity in two sectors--one north of Cambrai and the other southwest.
The fighting on the northern front was about Bullecourt, while
Hargicourt was the southern center. Before attacking the sector between
the Canal du Nord and Croisilles the Germans for four hours deluged the
British with every kind of projectile and high explosive that a gun
could throw.
The British were compelled to fight for hours with their gas masks on,
but despite this drawback they were in high spirits because they were
able to create such havoc when the Germans advanced in massed formation.
Around Mory on the northern end of the battle field the Germans attacked
with superior numbers and the fighting was especially fierce. The
British held on during the day, but toward evening the Germans gained a
foothold in the village after close fighting that lasted some hours. The
Germans advanced for this attack from Croisilles and for a long time
were held back by a company of British gunners who were stationed on
high ground, from which point of vantage they mowed down the enemy with
a grilling fire.
The most critical period for the Allies since the offensive was launched
was in the afternoon and the night of March 22-23, 1918, when the
British lost important positions one after another as German divisions
in successive masses carried everything before them, regardless of
losses. General Gough's Fifth Army especially suffered, being hit by Von
der Marwitz on the north, and Von Hutier on the east. Under these
sustained hammer blows the entire front gave way and the British were
forced to retire across the Somme, pursued by Generals Lüttwitz and
Öttingen. Lower down Generals Webern and Von Conta, with troops of the
Seventh Army under Von Gayl, captured Ham, and forced the French who had
crossed the Oise back to Chauny.
This was the blackest hour for the Allies. Von Hutier had rolled up the
British right wing. The road to Paris down the Oise was no longer a
doubtful adventure. Unless the broken link between the French and
British could be restored the Germans had accomplished what they set out
to do.
In this crucial hour for the Allies, when the demoralization of the
Fifth British Army was complete, General Carey with a scratch division
kept it in touch with General Byng's Third Army on the north over an
eight-mile gap, and the French General Fayolle saved it in the south
over a thirty-mile gap between it and the Sixth French Army.
As the result of the first two days' fighting the Germans claimed to
have captured 25,000 prisoners, 400 guns, and 300 machine guns. It was
also claimed that between Fontaine-les-Croisilles and Moeuvers German
forces had penetrated into the second British positions and captured
Vaulx-Vraucourt and Morches, the former being about three and a half
miles, and the latter two and a half miles, behind the former British
front. It was further claimed by the Germans that the British after
evacuating their positions in the bend southwest of Cambrai were pursued
through Demicourt, Flesquières and Ribecourt. Between Gonnelieu and the
Omignon stream the first two British positions were penetrated and the
heights west of Gouzeaucourt, Heudicourt, and Villers-Faucon were
captured.
The German official report stated that the battle of attack against the
British front was under command of the kaiser.
The Germans sprung a new form of frightfulness on the Allies when at 8
o'clock in the morning of March 23, 1918, they bombarded Paris with
long-range guns. At intervals of about twenty minutes shells of 240
millimeters (about 9.5 inches) reached the capital, killing ten persons
and wounding others. The shortest distance from Paris to the front was
over sixty-two miles. The first daylight aeroplane raid followed this
bombardment, but did little damage. Public interest was centered on the
mysterious gun that could drop shells on the city from such a great
distance. Pieces of shells examined were found to bear rifling marks
showing that they had not been dropped, but were fired from some kind of
gun. Later the French located several of these "mystery guns," and some
were destroyed. The only purpose they could serve was to terrify the
people of Paris, otherwise they were of no military importance.
While the British front was being overrun by the German hordes the
French front was subjected to violent artillery fire, especially south
of the Oise in the Rheims region, in Lorraine, between Harracourt and
the Vosges mountains and the heights of Alsace. The Germans made only
one attack on the French lines in the region of Blemeray, where they
were dispersed with considerable losses in dead and prisoners.
South and north of Péronne the Germans renewed their attacks on the
British front throughout the day of March 24, 1918. South of the city
they succeeded after heavy fighting in crossing the Somme at some
points.
North of Péronne violent attacks were directed against the line of the
Tortille River (a tributary of the Somme), where the British were
finally forced to withdraw to new positions. Although fighting continued
at different points during the night, the situation had not changed.
British troops held the line of the Somme River to Péronne. German
troops that attempted to cross the river at Pargny were driven back. The
British right was now in touch with the French, and continued to hold
their positions to the north of the Somme at Péronne after beating off a
number of attacks made by the Germans on this front during the early
hours of the night.
The Allies, despite considerable losses and the yielding of some miles
of territory, were undismayed. The Germans had not attained their
objectives at any point. Hard fighting was still in progress, but the
British were holding strongly the whole front line to which they had
withdrawn. The British had used only a few troops besides those that
held the front lines. The brave defense maintained by these shock troops
enabled the British main body to fall back on the positions they had
established a long time before the German offensive was started.
[Illustration: The range of the German 80-mile gun.]
Owing to the German methods of advancing in dense masses their losses
had been terrific. The British identified fifty German divisions that
had been hurled into the sea of fire made by the Allied artillery,
machine guns, and rifles. The British losses were considerable, but
principally in prisoners. They also lost a number of guns, but very few
pieces of artillery were captured by the Germans after the first day of
the offensive.
The hardest fighting on March 25, 1918, was around Bapaume. The British
artillery on the heights west of the town broke up every attack which
the Germans launched. Later in the day the British were forced to
withdraw to the west, leaving the town in enemy hands. On the following
day the Germans renewed their attacks, but by afternoon these had
ceased, and the British took advantage of the comparative calm to retire
in good order to their old positions behind the Ancre which they held in
July, 1916, when the battle of the Somme began.
The Germans began their attacks on the Allied front south of the Somme
early in the morning of March 26, 1918, and about 10.30 had captured
Roye. West of this place and Noyon the British, French, and American
troops held the enemy in check. Fresh German divisions brought forward
pressed the attack all along the Somme. The assaults around Chaulnes
and on the front northward from there to Bray were especially violent.
The German troops displayed a reckless bravery in these attacks and were
heavily punished. Their losses were so considerable that reenforcements
were brought up from all parts of the western front. It was established
by the British that more than seventy divisions (about 840,000) men were
engaged.
The net results to the Germans during the seven days' fighting may be
briefly summed up as follows: They had won back most of the line they
lost when retreating from the Somme line of 1916 on the fifty-mile front
between the Oise and the Scarpe and this stretch of territory is from
twenty to twenty-five miles wide along about forty miles of front.
Though the Germans had failed to gain all their objectives and the
offensive had not proved as successful as they hoped for, the Allies
were not disposed to minimize the seriousness of the situation. They
found comfort in the fact that in the seven days' fighting the British
who had borne the brunt of the blows had lost in killed, wounded, and
missing not more than 100,000 men while the German losses were nearly
600,000. It was also believed that at least one half of the remaining
German troops had reached such a point of exhaustion that they could no
longer do effective fighting. At the close of the seven days' struggle
the battle line took in Fenchy, Boyelles, Hebuterne, Albert, Chapilly,
Bray-sur-Somme, Avre, and Noyon.
After an all-day battle north and south of the Somme, with Arras as the
chief center, the British forces beat off the Germans, inflicting heavy
losses. The attack on this new sector, delivered on a wide front north
and south of the river Scarpe, was opened with an intense bombardment,
and under cover of smoke clouds. The Germans were unable to break or
even bend the British front and they lost a large number in killed and
prisoners. South of the Somme, the British, subjected to fierce
assaults, maintained their positions throughout the day, but the Germans
brought forward fresh troops, and by sheer weight of numbers forced the
British about nightfall to fall back on Chapilly. North of the Somme the
British maintained their line intact.
On the same day the French made substantial gains on the front from
Lassigny to Noyon, advancing their line about ten kilometers (6.21
miles) to a depth of about a mile and a quarter. During the entire
morning the Germans pressed vigorous assaults in the region of
Montdidier in attempts to enlarge their gains west and south of the
town. The French troops in spirited counterattacks drove the Germans out
of the village of Courtemanche, Mesnil-St. Georges, and Assainvillers,
and proceeded to occupy these places solidly.
On the following day fresh German troops were thrown against the French
Army maintaining the junction between the French and British lines. The
French made a determined stand, but the German pressure forced them to
retire toward the west. The Germans broke through at Montdidier and
occupied that place. In order to keep in touch with the British the
French were pushing northward to relieve part of the line of their ally
which had been thrown back. At the same time the Germans made a
demonstration at the point where the British and French lines joined.
Employing large forces, they were able to make a breach in the British
line, but the French sent forward cavalry and infantry into the gap and
closed it.
The salient which the Germans had now been pushing westward since the
beginning of the offensive was now forty miles long at its farthest
point, from Vimy Ridge, three miles south of Arras, to two miles south
of Lassigny. Its greatest width was thirty miles, from the old line west
of La Fère westward to Montdidier, the junction of the new western and
southern fronts. On the north the territory was flanked by a
semicircular ridge lying north and northeast of Arras, beginning with
Notre-Dame-de-Lorette, six miles southwest of Lens, and ending at the
much-fought-over Vimy Ridge.
The base of the German salient ran from Montdidier east and a little
south, by way of Noyon, and linked up with the old line between St.
Gobain and Anizy-le-Château, nine miles west of Laon, a distance of
thirty-two miles in all. Just as the northern extremity of the German
salient was flanked by the Arras ridges, so the southern extremity of
thirty-two miles was flanked in the east by the watershed of the Oise
and the Aisne, and eastward from the valley of the Oise, where it is
joined by the ridge lying parallel to the Chiry-Lassigny highway.
The Allies holding the ridges north and south of the German salient were
in a favorable position, and it seemed unlikely that the Germans would
attempt to push farther westward without trying to capture the high
approaches on their flanks.
It was known to the Allies through their aerial observers that the
German armies, reenforced by new divisions that had been brought from
Russia, were massing for another powerful attack.
On March 28, 1918, strong German forces drove back the British line
south of the Somme to a line running west of Hamel, Marcelcave, and
Demuin in the direction of Amiens. On the same date the Germans launched
a terrific drive in the Scarpe sector with the purpose of capturing
Arras and Vimy Ridge. Six German divisions were flung against the
British positions, while four were held in reserve, but they failed to
break through. To the south between Boiry and Serre eleven divisions
attacked the British positions, but were forced back.
On the same date, in the Montdidier region, the French under Pétain not
only held their ground but made gains. In the course of the evening and
part of the night the Germans made violent attacks in the endeavor to
eject the French from the villages of Courtemanche, Mesnil-St. Georges,
and Assainvillers, which were won the day before, but in every instance
were driven back with heavy losses. The French followed up their success
by driving the enemy out of Monchel, which they occupied.
To the north of Montdidier Franco-British troops continued to hold the
Germans on the Avre River and in front of Neuville, Mezières,
Marcelcave, and Hamel.
It was evident that the great German offensive was losing force. The
fighting was still intense at some points, but no operations were
attempted on such a colossal scale as marked the fighting in the first
week of the battle. At many places along the front of attack the Germans
were being driven back and at others French and British were holding
their positions firmly. Artillery battles had now taken the place of
infantry fighting to a great extent, a sure sign that the German armies
were in an exhausted condition and needed time to re-form and
recuperate. As the Germans had been unable to drag much artillery with
them during their advance the French had the advantage.
On March 28, 1918, the news that General Ferdinand Foch, chief of the
French General Staff had been made generalissimo of all the Allied
forces in the western theater of war was received with general
satisfaction by the Allied nations. The Allies had long suffered from
lack of coordination, while the Germans had not only profited by their
own united direction, but were also advantaged by the frequently
unrelated efforts of their enemies. General Foch, who was born in 1851,
began mastering the strategy of war in 1870. He had studied German
mentality. He counted on their repeating in future conflicts the
maneuvers that had succeeded, and also expected them to make some of the
old mistakes. Foch led the Ninth French Army at the Battle of the Marne,
where, according to some military critics, he won first honors. In the
spring of 1915 he led his army in the offensive between Armentières and
Arras. After these operations he was surpassed in public opinion of the
French army chiefs by Generals Pétain and Nivelle, whose wonderful
leadership before Verdun made them famous throughout the world. When
General Pétain succeeded Nivelle in May, 1917, as commander in chief in
the field, General Foch took his place as chief of staff in Paris.
President Wilson, who had been urging unify of command ever since the
inter-Ally war conference at Paris in the winter of 1917, was among the
first to congratulate General Foch on his appointment as generalissimo
of all the Allied forces on the western front.
CHAPTER XXXVII
THE SECOND PHASE OF THE GREAT GERMAN OFFENSIVE
The full force of the great German offensive having spent itself,
though fighting still continued, it may be of great interest to consider
how far the Germans succeeded in carrying out their carefully laid
plans.
It was evident that their main purpose was not to capture Paris or reach
the Channel ports, though these objectives were considered, but to
destroy either the French or the British army. The British being the
most powerful of the Allies' armies, owing to conditions that developed
after the offensive started, was made the object of the Germans' most
determined destructive efforts. They planned to strike a mighty blow
along the Oise between St. Quentin and La Fère, at the junction of the
French and British troops. Their purpose was to break through at this
point regardless of the cost. This accomplished, they would push on up
the Oise valley, and by throwing large forces across the British right
turn it and roll it up. To accomplish this it would be also necessary to
destroy the British salient at Cambrai, for unless this was done an
advance down the Somme would have left the whole German flank exposed to
attack from the north.
The first German attack was launched against the Cambrai salient from
the north and the east, and was successful as the British were driven
back.
In this preliminary assault the Germans employed some ninety divisions
or over 750,000 men on a front of about fifty miles. This was the
heaviest concentration of men to the mile that had so far been used in
campaigns on the western front. Against these forces the British had
only about 5,000 men to the mile or less than a third of the number the
Germans had in action. Having disposed of the Cambrai salient the
Germans had opened the way for the real attack south which was made in
the angle between the Oise Canal and the Somme. The assault was carried
out with great masses of men in close formation, and the Allies' lines
were overwhelmed in the first rush. But the British and French made an
orderly if hurried retreat and their front remained unbroken. The Allies
made the Germans pay heavily for every gain, fighting on steadily from
point to point. The British during the retreat still clung to the
southern bank of the Oise, but were finally forced across the river at
Noyon which fell to the Germans.
Meanwhile in the north the British were slowly falling back on the old
battle field of the Somme. It was wisely decided by the British High
Command to retire rather than bring forward the strong armies they held
in reserve back of the lines. The use of these armies would eliminate
the possibility of a great counterattack. Having reached the old battle
field and after the Ancre valley was passed, the British ceased to
retreat and established themselves strongly on the west bank of the
river.
South of the town of Albert the Germans made more important gains. They
had reached and passed the Allies' old line as it existed before the
fighting on the Somme. But in the last days of March they made little
progress as their artillery had not kept pace with the forward rush and
until the guns arrived no important advance could be made.
The French had halted behind the Avre River, an excellent position, for
there were wide marsh belts lining either bank of the stream. Before the
French ceased to retreat the Germans had pushed their advance westward
and encircled Montdidier, producing by doing this a salient in their
lines with the town as the apex. One German flank extended eastward
through Lassigny to the Oise and the other along the Avre and behind it.
This salient marked almost the extreme limit of the German push.
North of the Somme and south of Arras the German advance was checked,
because the British held such strong positions on Vimy Ridge and the
heights of Notre-Dame-de-Lorette. The Germans could not push on north of
the river before they had reduced these strong and commanding positions.
To clear the way they made a determined attack with 90,000 men on a
small front of not more than five miles east of Arras. After an intense
artillery fire that lasted all day the Germans repeatedly attacked, but
met with repulse. They gained a few hundred yards at several points, but
the British line remained practically intact.
The net results of the German offensive showed that they had overrun
considerable territory and were some miles nearer Paris. But they had
not succeeded in crushing either the French or the British armies, and
the real question in the war was the destruction of forces. Territorial
gains were only of value as far as they contributed to that end. There
was not the least doubt that the Germans had lost a far greater number
of men than the Allies and that they could not continue for long a
campaign on such a costly scale. Unless they found some other way out
they were heading straight for defeat even if they should succeed in
overrunning the greater part of France.
[Illustration: A remarkable group of British and French leaders
photographed on the British front in 1918. King George is the center. At
the king's right (left of picture) are Marechal Foch, General Debeney,
and General Rawlinson. At the king's left (right of picture) are Field
Marshal Haig, General Pétain, and General Fayolle.]
In the last two days of March the Germans resumed heavy fighting in the
region between the Somme and the Avre and southward to Montdidier. Six
villages around Montdidier were wrested from the French--Ayencourt and
Le Monchel south of the town, Mesnil-St. Georges, Cantigny, Aubevillers
and Grivesnes. On the following evening the French recaptured Ayencourt
and Le Monchel, a hundred prisoners, and fourteen machine guns.
On the Oise front German detachments, consisting of a battalion of
storming troops, having succeeded in crossing the river at Chauny,
attempted to establish a bridgehead on the left bank. The French
launched a swift and vigorously pressed counterattack, with the result
that the German battalion was completely annihilated, or taken
prisoners.
Between Montdidier and Moreuil there was stiff fighting during the last
two days of March. The Germans repeatedly attacked almost without
ceasing. Moreuil, captured by them, was retaken by the French, again
taken by the Germans, and finally carried in a brilliant bayonet charge
by British and French troops. Between Moreuil and Lassigny the German
check was complete. The French also advanced as far as the vicinity of
Canny-sur-Matz. A division of picked French troops after a hot fight in
which they took over 700 prisoners captured Plemon and held it firmly
against repeated attempts made by the enemy to oust them.
On the British front the Germans were especially active. Attacks
followed one another at different points unceasingly during March 30-31,
1918. All these assaults were costly and failed. The Germans' determined
efforts were unsuccessful elsewhere, for they lost considerable ground
near Feuchy, four miles east of Arras; and near Serre, seven miles north
of Albert, the British made a notable advance, capturing 230 prisoners
and forty machine guns. South of the Somme, by successful
counterattacks, the British regained possession of the village of
Demuin. There was heavy fighting in the sector to the south of the main
highway leading from Péronne to Amiens, which proved costly to the
Germans and brought no adequate returns.
At the close of the month it was the opinion of the French and British
High Command that the offensive for the present was checked. The Germans
were making strenuous efforts to rush forward their heavy artillery, and
a formidable attack might be expected with all the reserves available,
but the Allies viewed the future with confidence. At the same time they
looked for a long struggle which might develop into such a contest as
was fought at Verdun and the first battle of the Somme.
April 1, 1918, showed a slackening in the German pressure. There was
brisk, and at times, violent fighting between the Germans and Allies
around Moreuil and Hangard. Attacks and counterattacks followed each
other in rapid succession, which resulted in the British gaining some
ground. If it was the purpose of the Germans to make a drive on Amiens,
this sector was of special importance, for it lay east of the city
between the Somme and the Avre. What encouraged the Allies' High Command
to believe that Amiens was the objective was the massing of great
numbers of German troops in this area and in the district around Albert.
In expectation of a heavy blow in these regions the Allies brought into
the battle front as rapidly as possible a great number of guns. The
Germans too were making artillery preparations, but their guns were
arriving slowly and not in considerable numbers. All day long on April
1, 1918, they launched local attacks near Albert, but were unable to
make any impression on the iron wall of British resistance.
On the same day the First German Guard Division, which had been severely
punished by the French at Grivesnes, returned to the assault, but
received such a warm reception that they were forced to seek shelter in
their positions, leaving the French masters of the situation.
The British were active on the first of the month, carrying out some
successful actions. German positions in a wood along the Luce River were
stormed and after sharp fighting the enemy was forced to withdraw,
leaving the field strewn with dead. The Germans shelled the wood after
it was occupied by the British, and then organized two counterattacks
with the purpose of retaking it. Both attacks were caught in the British
artillery barrage and shattered. South of Hangard the British improved
their position and smashed two German counterattacks which essayed to
restore the situation.
Early in the morning of April 4, 1918, the Germans launched a new
offensive. Amiens was evidently the objective toward which their forces
moved from three directions. One attack was made from the northeast from
the general direction of Albert, a second from the east along the line
of the Amiens-Resières railroad, and the third along the Avre River
where the French held the line. The Germans employed fifteen divisions
against the French and fourteen divisions against the British, or nearly
350,000 men, attacking the Allies on a sixteen-mile front. All day long
and through the night the French were assaulted with extreme violence.
The Germans seemed determined to break through at whatever cost, their
immediate aim being the Amiens-Paris railway. Despite their efforts, ten
times repeated, the Germans, at the cost of heavy sacrifices, only
succeeded in gaining a few hundred yards of territory, and occupied the
villages of Mailly-Raineval and Morisel, while the French still
controlled the heights in the neighborhood. Grivesnes was subjected to
the fiercest attacks, but the French troops held it securely, and broke
down every assault that was made by the enemy. The Germans were so badly
battered in the fighting that raged all day and night in this region
that they did not resume the offensive on the following day, and General
Pétain took advantage of the lull to launch successful counterattacks,
gaining ground notably in the region of Mailly-Raineval (south of
Moreuil) and Cantigny.
The northern and western outskirts of Cantigny, which was captured by
the Germans a few days before, were now in French hands.
While the French were stubbornly holding their own against superior
numbers, the British front south of the Somme was the scene of heavy
fighting. The battle raged all day and far into the night and the
British were forced back to new positions east of Villers-Bretonneux,
nine miles east of Amiens. North and south of Albert their lines were
heavily attacked along a front of about 9,000 yards between Aveluy and
Dernancourt. All that the Germans gained in the fighting in this region
was a foothold on a small triangular bit of territory just southwest of
Albert, which brought the attacking troops close to the Albert-Amiens
railway.
The net results of the Germans during the two days' fighting were a
decided check and a very costly one.
On April 5, 1918, German forces engaged in massed attacks against the
British lines just east of Corbie on the Somme. South of Hangard Wood
the British were pushed back a short distance, but elsewhere the Germans
achieved only costly failures.
Despite trifling gains here and there by the enemy, the Allies had every
reason for feeling confident that the offensive would fail. In the vital
sector between Montdidier and the Luce River, where the Germans were
nearest to Amiens, their position was far from satisfactory, and in the
north, where they must advance their lines if they wished to escape
extreme danger, the situation was very bad indeed. The British were
holding fast to their positions above Albert with indomitable courage,
while the Germans were making a slow advance here and there at the cost
of heavy sacrifice.
In the course of the fighting during April 7-8, 1918, the Germans made
gains south of the Oise. Advancing toward the Ailette River they
captured Pierremande and Folembray, driving the French to the western
bank of the stream. The heights to the east of Coucy-le-Château were
captured, and another force advancing from Verneuil-Barisis occupied the
town of Verneuil.
Attacks and counterattacks continued along the British battle front. The
little village of Cucquoy, near Serre, continued to be the center of the
most determined German assaults. The place itself was nothing, a mere
mass of ruins torn by artillery fire, but the hills around were occupied
by the British, and the German advance was held up until these positions
could be captured or disposed of.
On April 9, 1918, after a heavy bombardment in which over 60,000 gas
shells were used, the Germans attacked British and Portuguese lines from
La Bassée Canal to the neighborhood of Armentières (a distance of eleven
miles).
The Portuguese in the center and the British on the flanks of the river
Lys between Estaires and Bac St. Maur were forced to retire under the
German pressure. Heavy fighting continued throughout the day in this
sector. In the vicinity of Givenchy and Fleurbaix the British maintained
their position and repulsed strong assaults. Richebourg St. Vaast and
Laventie were occupied by the enemy.
In the morning of April 10, 1918, the Germans launched a new attack,
with strong forces, against the British positions between the Lys River
and Armentières and the Ypres-Commines Canal. The British were driven
back to the line running through Wytschaete along the Messines Ridge to
Ploegsteert.
South of Armentières, after a prolonged struggle, the Germans crossed
the river Lys and established themselves on the left bank at a number of
points east of Estaires and near Bac St. Maur. Southward from
Estaires--the southern limit of the German offensive--the British
continued to hold their lines. Givenchy was recaptured from the Germans,
and 750 prisoners. The possession of this place was important to the
Allies, as it stands on high ground, and is a gateway on the road to
Béthune.
In the course of the two days' fighting in this region the Germans
advanced in the center to a depth of about 5,500 yards, the British and
Portuguese losing a considerable number of prisoners and guns.
In the retirement of the French forces to the line of the Ailette River
two French battalions were cut off and the Germans took 2,000 prisoners.
The retirement of the French was made on account of an awkward corner in
the line.
The fighting during these days showed that it was the Germans' purpose
to exhaust the British army. Their first plan had been to cut off the
British from the French, but that failed. Now they attacked the British
wherever they saw a favorable chance, hoping to destroy such large
numbers that they would be unable to take the offensive.
[Illustration: The German advance between Ypres and Arras, March-June,
1918.]
During the night of April 9, 1918, the Germans made a strong assault on
the French lines near Hangard-en-Santerre. The French retaliated with a
counterblow that drove the enemy back in disorder. The village changed
hands repeatedly, but early in the morning of April 10, 1918, the French
gained possession of the place and of a cemetery near by, and
established themselves strongly in the new positions.
All day long on April 11, 1918, the Germans were hurling great masses of
troops against the British lines on the northern front, from La Bassée
to the Ypres-Commines Canal southeast of Ypres. As the result of these
heavy assaults Haig's troops were forced back north of Estaires and
Steenwerck. The evacuation of Armentières followed. The German advance
on the previous day between Warneton and the Lys on the north and their
drive to the south of Armentières had subjected the place to attack from
three sides. For the British to attempt holding the town under these
conditions would have caused a useless sacrifice of troops. Armentières
had no military importance, but the Messines-Wytschaete Ridge and the
Passchendaele Ridge to the north of it were of great value. As long as
these positions held out the British lines were safe. The Germans were
confronted with the same situation that prevailed on the Somme front.
The German push toward Amiens had been held up by the British possession
of the Heights of Vimy and of the Notre-Dame-de-Lorette. These formed
the hinge on which the whole British line swung as it moved westward.
The same thing was happening in the north. The British center had given
way under the fury of the German attacks, but the flanks held fast. On
the north the Messines Ridge blocked the way of the German advance. For
in case of a westward push both German flanks would be in great danger
from this bastion which commanded the entire field of maneuver. Their
front and rear as well as flanks would be subjected to destructive
artillery fire from this ridge which therefore became the center of the
fighting in the north.
The Germans recognizing the supreme importance of the ridge made
determined and valiant efforts to capture the position. They launched
one attack after another that were costly and brought no results. They
entered the British lines in the village of Messines, but were promptly
driven out in a brilliant counterattack and the important positions
remained in British hands.
In the area west and northwest of Armentières the British troops were
forced back in the fighting that continued throughout the day on April
12, 1918. The British retired to the neighborhood of the railway south
of Bailleul, where the heaviest fighting continued without respite. The
Germans captured Merville and drove the British forces operating near
Ploegsteert to retire to new positions in the neighborhood of Neuve
Église.
In the Hangard-en-Santerre sector of the French front to the southeast
of Amiens the struggle was prolonged throughout the day. The Germans
attacked with large forces, but the French held their own until late in
the day, when the enemy, reenforced by fresh troops in considerable
numbers, gained a portion of Hangard, while the French still held on to
the western part of the town. In the Noyon sector the Germans were
active with their artillery, but attempted no infantry attacks. Rheims,
the martyred city, was again bombarded, with the result that a number
of buildings were fired, especially in the vicinity of the cathedral.
During the night of April 12-13, 1918, the Germans made a determined
drive for Neuve Église, three miles southwest of Messines, and after a
prolonged struggle occupied the village. The British vigorously
counterattacked in the morning and drove the enemy out, capturing a
battalion commander and a number of prisoners. There was hard fighting
at other points on the British front, the Germans losing ground at
Festubert. On the French front all enemy attacks broke down. Northwest
of Orvilles-Sorel French forces broke into the German line on a front of
three quarters of a mile and won a strip of territory.
The Germans continued to bring up fresh divisions into the Messines
sector, until twenty-three divisions were engaged. Neuve Église was
wrested from the British during the night of April 14, 1918. Seven
attacks were made on the British lines near Merville, only one of which
pushed back the British line and was successful in gaining ground. The
British in a dashing counterattack drove out the Germans and reoccupied
the line. Bailleul and the neighborhood were the scene of violent
fighting. The Germans seemed determined to carry the place at any cost.
The town, which contained many handsome buildings, was reduced to a mass
of ruins. The German pressure forced the British to evacuate the town in
the night of April 15, 1918, after they had been driven from the heights
to the south and southeast. The British troops fell back on the east and
west line north of Wulverghem and Bailleul.
On this date (April 15, 1918) the Germans made other notable gains.
Attacking the British on a nine-mile front, Haig's men were driven from
Wytschaete and most of the Messines Ridge positions were taken. It will
be recalled that this famous ridge was captured by the British from the
Germans on June 7, 1917, after elaborate mining preparations had been
made and 1,000,000 pounds of high explosives were used in blowing up the
heights.
Intense fighting continued all day long on April 16-17, 1918, about the
Messines Ridge and the Passchendaele Ridge to the north, forcing the
British to retire to their lines east of Ypres.
In the Hangard sector on the French front, where since the beginning of
the offensive the Germans had been hammering away in an effort to get
astride the railway connecting Amiens with Clairmont, the British
carried out a highly successful operation. At daybreak on April 17-18,
1918, along a front of about five miles between Thennes and
Mailly-Renneval, the French launched a dashing assault that resulted in
the capture of over 600 prisoners and the seizure of some important
points which the enemy occupied. The ground over which the French had to
charge had been transformed by recent rains into heavy mud into which
the attackers sank at times up to their knees, but they pushed on
undismayed. The commanding heights on the northern flank were carried
amid victorious cheers. In the center bodies of infantry penetrated
Senecat Wood and cleared up the gun emplacements which defended the
approaches to Castel. Pressing forward, the French infantry established
themselves on the outskirts of the town and prepared for an assault on
the place.
Toward the south other French units captured dominating heights and
advanced toward Anchin Farm on the road between Ailly-sur-Noye and
Moreuil. The French advance met with the strongest opposition from the
Germans, but their efforts were ineffective and their casualties heavy.
The main purpose of the Germans in their continued pounding of the
French around Hangard was to prevent reenforcements being sent north.
This they failed to accomplish. The French not only fought them off and
gained ground, but were able to send a considerable force to the
northern front.
The fighting around Hangard, which was prolonged for days, was of the
most sanguinary description. Desperate hand-to-hand fighting took place
in the streets of the town and inside the houses. Hangard changed hands
again and again, but was finally occupied and strongly held by the
French.
The fighting continued with undiminished fury on the northern front, but
the Germans made no important gains. Attacks in the Mont Kemmel region
were beaten off. At Givenchy, and at other points of the front, the
Germans failed to gain ground, while great numbers were slaughtered by
the British machine-gun and rifle fire. It was estimated that the
Germans employed 137,000 men in their furious assaults on the Allied
front extending from Givenchy, eleven miles northwest to the
neighborhood of St. Venant. Important reenforcements of French troops
strengthened the British resistance in the north, and German masses
attempting to break through lost heavily.
During the week the Germans, employing picked troops, made violent
attacks on the Belgian front between Kippe and Langemarck, but were
unable to gain a foot of ground. The Belgians captured 714 prisoners, a
77-millimeter gun, and 42 machine guns. Documents found on captured
German officers revealed the importance attached by the Germans to the
operation. They had planned to capture Merckem, Luyghem, Aschoop, and
neighboring towns, and after reaching the Ypres Canal purposed to push
on in the direction of Poperinghe and envelop the left of the Allies.
At the close of the week (April 20, 1918) it was evident that the German
offensive had broken down, and that no more important movement would be
attempted for some time. In the Givenchy-Festubert region (west of La
Bassée) the British forces expelled the Germans from some advanced
points which they had occupied two days before.
A determined attack made by the Germans against the French lines north
of Seicheprey, in which the American troops fought with valor and
distinction, is described in another part of this work.
In summing up the operations of the week, it will be noted that the
fighting in the Lys region absorbed most of the German energy, and that
the British defense was strained at times nearly to the breaking point.
The German advance from the south was diverted by indomitable British
resistance encountered at Givenchy. Armentières was evacuated to avoid
an encircling movement, after which the German armies on the north and
south of the place joined hands. British divisions on the north and
south flanks remained firm, but the attack in the center was pushed, and
after the river Lawe was crossed Merville, Merris, and Neuve Église were
captured, when the advance was checked. The struggle then narrowed down
to Bailleul, Nieppe Forest, and Mont Kemmel, the main objective being
the capture of Hazebrouck. In the course of the week's fighting these
villages changed hands a number of times, but in the end Bailleul fell
and the Germans occupied Meterne, Wulverghem, and Wytschaete, and an
important section of Messines Ridge. This rendered the forward line
eastward of Ypres untenable, and the British retired to new positions.
The fighting at every point during the week was of the most desperate
character. The Germans found it difficult to exploit their first
successes in any direction but the most northern and northwestern
sectors, where they discovered a weak point and concentrated a powerful
attack. The Allied High Command had no reason to feel discouraged, for
the situation, though serious, gave ground for confidence. The net
result to the Germans was a small gain in territory, but their losses in
men had been appalling. It was no longer a question of overrunning
territory in France, but the destruction of man power that would count
in the end.
CHAPTER XXXVIII
THE GERMAN OFFENSIVE RENEWED--YPRES THREATENED--THE ALLIES' HEAVY LOSSES
The comparative quiet which had reigned for some days in the battle area
was broken on April 23, 1918, when the Germans, using two divisions,
attacked the whole British front south of the Somme, as well as the
French forces on the British right. Villers-Bretonneux, the Germans'
objective, stands on a ridge southeast of Amiens, an important position
in reference to that place. A preliminary bombardment started at 3
o'clock in the morning and continued for nearly four hours, when their
infantry advanced upon Villers-Bretonneux and the village of Cahy, from
Hangard Wood, Marcelcave, and from below Warfusee. Among the German
troops engaged were the Fortieth Guards Division, which had been
fighting recently on this front, and the Seventy-seventh Division, fresh
from Russia and in action here for the first time. At the hour the
attack was launched a third German division, the Thirteenth, of
Westphalian troops, fell upon the French near Castel to the south of the
British forces. The Germans, after a fierce struggle, succeeded in
gaining a little ground, when the French troops pivoted from the right
and threw them back.
On the British front the Germans used tanks for the first time in an
offensive, three of them advancing with the German infantry down the
road to Cahy and Domart.
German attacks on the northern and southern sectors of this front were
repulsed by the Allied troops, but the enemy made progress at
Villers-Bretonneux. The fighting here continued throughout the day with
unabated intensity and did not cease when the Germans captured the
village in the early evening.
Their attacks broke down on the northern bank of the Somme and north of
Albert. The British carried out a successful local operation northwest
of Festubert, where they recaptured a post which the Germans had won on
April 22.
British positions east of Robecq now came under strong enemy fire and
were subjected to several strong attacks. The British line remained
unbroken after every assault and the Germans were forced back, losing
eighty-four men as prisoners and a number of machine guns.
In the night British and Australian troops launched several
counterattacks against the positions the Germans had newly won in and
around Villers-Bretonneux.
The Germans had been long enough in possession of the town and the
neighborhood to set up strong defenses, and countless machine guns had
been placed wherever they could do the most harm. When the British were
driven out of the village after a hard fight it was late in the day and
the Germans evidently thought that they would not attempt a
counterattack until the following morning. But the British did not
purpose to give the enemy any time to bring up fresh troops, and
prepared for a night attack. They recognized the importance of
Villers-Bretonneux, as it gave the enemy full observation of the British
positions on both sides of the Somme Valley beyond Amiens.
The job of recapturing the village was given to the Australians who had
made a brilliant record in carrying out night attacks and rarely failed
of success. About midnight they set out, unpreceded by any artillery
preparation, feeling their way along in the dark and relying solely on
the weapons they carried with them.
The Australians broke into the village before the enemy woke up, and
supported by several British battalions spent the night in clearing the
Germans out of the place. The Germans were not disposed to surrender
such an important observation point and put up a stiff fight, and the
struggle raged for hours in the streets. Finally the British and
Australians gained the upper hand and the village proper was freed of
the enemy, who fell back on positions in the neighborhood. Fighting in
the outskirts of the village continued in the morning. There was no
gunfire even then, for the British, Germans, and Australians were so
closely engaged in the struggle and so mixed up that the gunners on both
sides were afraid of killing their own men.
On the western side of the village German machine gunners, cut off from
their lines by the sudden counterattack, were stoutly defending
themselves here and there among the remains of ruined buildings and
dealt the British some shrewd blows before they could be driven out, or
made prisoner. The British had escaped without severe casualties, while
the German toll of dead was costly, especially in officers. In this
operation the British captured between 700 and 800 prisoners.
In the Lys salient the Germans, employing large forces and aiming at
Mont Kemmel, launched a succession of violent attacks from Wytschaete to
Bailleul. The Allies made a brave resistance, but were compelled to fall
back on prepared positions toward the Locre River.
Mont Kemmel is a hill of great tactical importance. It is almost covered
with woods and stands out somewhat in front of the range of heights
extending westward to the Mont des Cats, and to some extent dominating
its western neighbors.
In the course of the fighting in this region (April 25-26, 1918) nine
German divisions (about 120,000 men) were engaged, and the Allies, borne
down by overwhelming numbers, were forced to give up the village of
Kemmel, the near-by summit of Kemmel, and the village of Dranoutre to
the south.
In the Somme-Avre battle area the French had been pitilessly hammered by
overpowering numbers of German troops. The fighting in and around
Hangard Wood was especially intense.
On April 25, 1918, the French repulsed seven assaults made on their
lines north of the wood and in Hangard, which changed hands several
times during the day. South of the Luce River the Germans were driven
out of important positions which the French occupied and held firmly
against repeated attempts made by the enemy to drive them out.
The Germans had by this time advanced to within three miles of Ypres,
which was now threatened. The struggle for Voormezeele, the point at
which the Germans had pushed closest to Ypres from the south, was
prolonged and intense. They made a costly and futile effort to capture
the wood southwest of the town on the 26th. The attack was desperately
pushed, but met with disaster. Not only were their losses heavy in dead,
but several hundred prisoners were taken by the Allied troops. Meanwhile
the French were successful on their front from La Clytte to Locre (two
miles west of Kemmel). Strong bodies of German troops under General von
Arnim after four violent assaults captured Locre, but the French
organized a strong counterattack and regained the village. They also won
Hospice and Locrehof Farm, both strong points lying southeast of the
place.
Ypres now came under heavy fire of the German guns; high explosives and
gas shells rained down upon the ruins of the city for the first time in
some months. Fields and villages around hitherto untouched by fire were
showered with shells. The purpose was to catch the traffic on the roads
and destroy soldiers' camps, but the only result was a few women and
children killed.
Throughout the night of April 28, 1918, German batteries were active
from the Belgian front down through Flanders to the districts about
Béthune. About 6 o'clock in the morning, on the 29th, an attack was made
according to the plan of General von Arnim after gaining Kemmel Hill;
this was the capture of the chain of hills running westward below Ypres
to Poperinghe, among them such familiar landmarks as Mont Rouge and Mont
Noir. These hills, held at the time by the French, were of great
tactical importance, forming the central keep, as it were, in the
Allies' defense lines south of Ypres.
It was the purpose of the Germans, in case their frontal attacks against
the French failed, to break the British lines on the French left between
Locre and Voormezeele and on the French right near Merris and Meteren,
but all their efforts failed.
On April 28, 1918, British flyers discovered the Germans massing troops
on the road between Zillebeke and Ypres. A dense fog prevailed at the
time, and a surprise attack was evidently planned. This never developed,
for the assembly was promptly shelled by the British gunners and
dispersed. After a tremendous bombardment that shook the whole
countryside the German troops again assembled in the misty dawn and were
again dispersed by British guns. The fighting in this area was almost
continuous throughout the following day.
Around the Scherpenberg and Mont Rouge the Germans fiercely assailed the
French lines and succeeding in making a wedge for a time, captured the
crossroads, but were counterattacked by General Pétain's men, who drove
them out of most of the ground they had gained there.
A tremendous barrage was flung down by the German gunners from Ypres to
Bailleul, and somewhat later they began the battle by launching an
attack between Zillebeke Lake and Meteren. South of Ypres they crossed
the Yser Canal near Voormezeele with the purpose of striking the
British, while they tried to push past Locre against the French holding
the three hills. As a result of the day's fighting the British lines
remained intact, while General von Arnim's hosts were shattered and
decimated. On the French front the Germans won a little ground, but it
was unimportant in relation to the situation.
On April 29, 1918, French troops carried out a brilliant counterattack
in the night, recovering ground on the slope of the Scherpenberg and
advanced their line 1,500 yards astride the Dranoutre road. They alone
drove the Germans out of positions around Locre and entered into full
possession of the village itself.
The Germans still occupied Mont Kemmel, but their hold on the height was
of little value, as the Allied artillery kept the summit smothered with
shell fire, making it impossible for the enemy to maintain any
considerable body of troops there.
The French and British were elated over the outcome, for the greatest
effort made by the Germans in the Flanders offensive had failed. In
addition to a large number of divisions in position at the beginning of
the battle the Germans had employed about thirty fresh battalions of
reserves. Von Armin's great thrust had been carefully planned and his
troops fought with reckless bravery if not with distinction. The French
and British had defeated him with relatively smaller forces and had
shown that their men were more than equal to the best German soldiers.
Owing to the close fighting and frequent hand-to-hand encounters, the
Franco-British capture of prisoners (over 5,000) was less than might
have been expected in a struggle of such magnitude.
While the Germans up to the first of May had failed to make any farther
advance on the scale of the first days of the big offensive, they were
still a menace to be reckoned with. It was estimated that they had
already thrown 2,000,000 men into the line, but many fresh divisions
were available for further efforts. They had enough men in their depots
in the interior to fill all their gaps for some time; but reconstituted
divisions, as is well known, never equal in fighting quality the
original formation, as a large number of slightly wounded men after
recuperation is included.
As the Germans did not publish their losses, no correct estimate could
be formed. Conservative opinion placed the number as over 350,000 men.
The Germans had 186 divisions on the western front when the offensive
began, and reenforcements brought from Russia and other fronts raised
the number to 210 divisions; a German division consisting of about
12,000 men.
For some time it was a mystery to the Allies as to how the Germans
succeeded in bringing forward new divisions into the battle area and so
often escaping the notice of the vigilant French and British observers.
This the Germans accomplished by exercising the greatest precaution and
cunning.
In the first place the territory occupied by each German army corps was
divided into two zones, the first of which might be under observation of
the Allies' lookouts, and the other only from captive balloons which had
a wide radius of view. According to German army orders, infantry
occupying the first zone were forbidden on clear days to move in any
greater number than four men together, mounted men not more than two
together, and vehicles not more than two at a time, with a minimum of
300 yards between groups. In heavy, misty weather, these restrictions
were relaxed and the movement of groups of forty foot soldiers, twenty
cavalrymen, and ten vehicles was permitted.
In the second zone it was permissible to form groups of the size allowed
in the first zone, on days of poor visibility, but there must be
intervals of 500 yards. It was in this manner that the Germans' military
movements were often hidden from the Allies' observers. German divisions
making forced marches in the night slept in the villages during the day,
and were heavily punished if they showed themselves in the streets.
No infantry operations were attempted by the Germans on May 1-2, 1918,
but German gunners continued at regular intervals to bombard the
Franco-British lines. General Pétain took advantage of the lull in the
fighting to advance his lines between Hailles and Castel (south of the
Avre), meeting with little opposition, capturing Hill 82 and the wood
near by bordering on the river.
The Germans became active again on May 3, 1918, when, after a heavy
artillery barrage, they attacked British positions south of Locon (on
the southern flank of the Lys salient). They were easily repulsed and
made no further attempt that day to renew the attack. On May 4th, 1918,
British and French troops carried out a successful operation between
Locre and Dranoutre, gaining ground on a half-mile front to an average
depth of 500 yards and capturing a number of prisoners. The Germans were
driven from three ruined farms that were perfect strongholds, and high
ground was won by the Allies near Koutkot (west of Dranoutre). All these
local successes were of real value, for they strengthened the Allied
defenses of the approach to Scherpenberg and Mont Rouge.
May 5, 1918, was a great day for those irrepressible fighters, the
Australians, who gave the Germans a bad thrashing west and southwest of
Morlancourt between the Ancre and the Somme Rivers.
The Australians' attack was made on a front of 2,500 yards unheralded by
any preliminary bombardment, but the British guns became active after
they were on their way, keeping roads and tracks under fire to prevent
the enemy from bringing up supports.
The German garrison on this front did not occupy any definite trench
system, but occupied scattered rifle pits and rifle trenches just large
enough to afford shelter for small groups and machine-gun crews. These
hornets' nests were dangerous things to tackle, but the Australians had
dealt with such conditions before and went about their work in a cool
and businesslike manner. With bombs and bayonets the Germans were killed
or driven out of their holes, and as they were all picked men selected
for their courage and long experience in warfare they made a gallant
resistance. The Australian generally fights better when he has a
desperate opponent, and the struggle became intense and at close
quarters. In the end the men from overseas crushed all opposition,
killing over 150 Germans and taking about 200 prisoners. The success of
this minor operation was of some importance, as it enabled the Allies
to advance their line 500 yards.
At this time, in the course of the offensive, the Germans introduced, as
a new form of "frightfulness," a sneezing powder, that was fired by high
explosive shells. The sneezing powder sifts down through the gas masks
and causes sneezing when the wearer is forced to take off his mask and
receives the full effect of the lethal gases which the Germans had
spread abroad.
Preparations were now under way for a new offensive. It was known to the
Allies that Ludendorff had already massed 70 divisions and that
reenforcements of men and guns were daily brought into the fighting
area. The Germans now sought for a basis for a new drive, feeling their
way by making thrusts here and there on the Allies' front. On May 8,
1918, they made a drive at the British lines in the battle area north of
Kemmel in the Lys salient, penetrating trenches between La Clytie and
Voormezeele. About 25,000 German troops took part in this attack. In the
night General Haig's men came back in force and drove them out, but the
Germans contested the field again and again during the following day.
They won a little ground here and there, but were eventually thrown back
and the British remained in sole possession of the terrain.
North of Albert the Germans captured a small but important strip of
trenches on high ground. Their temporary success was dearly won, for
they suffered terrible slaughter from the rifle and machine-gun fire
which poured into their ranks as they advanced up the slopes. By a
brilliant counterassault the Germans were driven out of the position won
before they could organize the defenses. East of Bouzincourt, where the
British occupied positions on high ground, the enemy followed much the
same tactics, but they were unable to gain even temporary foothold in
the British defenses. The graycoats advanced, shouting in English
"retire," in the hopes of confusing the British. The response of the
defenders was such a fierce fire that the Germans acted on their cry and
fell back in disorganized masses, leaving hosts of dead on the field.
Along the greater part of the front military operations were now
confined to small enterprises. The Allies assumed a waiting attitude
expecting that the enemy would show his hand. The Germans had brought a
large number of divisions into the line facing Amiens, indicating an
offensive in that direction. The attempts to "feel out" the Allies'
strength had received so many setbacks that they hesitated to begin any
new operation on a large scale.
Days passed and still the Germans failed to start a great offensive. It
was a period officially called "quiet," though on many parts of the
front the guns were active, and raids and minor operations were carried
out every day and night. There was continued fighting between French and
Germans for the possession of Mont Kemmel, which changed hands again and
again. Its value lay in the fact that the hill dominates considerable
territory, and for that reason was long a thorn in the flesh of the
ambitious Germans.
The anticipated German offensive so long delayed was begun on May 27,
1918. At 1 a. m. a terrific bombardment in which gas shells predominated
was opened along a forty-mile front between Noyon and Rheims. The
hurricane of fire continued undiminished for three hours when the
Germans launched an assault with about 325,000 men against the
Franco-British lines.
The German objective was the famous plateau, the Chemin-des-Dames, a
long, bare ridge whose widest part is on the west and narrowest above
Craonne. It was against this narrowest point on the ridge that was held
by a British division that the main blow was aimed. The German forces,
which far exceeded in numbers the defenders of the ridge, included some
of the specially trained units that had fought in Von Hutier's army in
March, two divisions of the Prussian Guards, and other crack formations.
Having gained the ridge at a heavy cost, the Germans pressed on
westward. The Allies retreated toward the Aisne, inflicting, as they
fell back, heavy losses on the Germans, who drove forward great masses
of troops over their dead comrades' bodies. The Germans pushed on over
an eighteen-mile front in pursuit of the Allies and crossed the river.
North of the Aisne the Germans carried by storm a number of towns and
drove a wedge southward from the Aisne to Fismes on the River Vesle,
which the Germans crossed at several points. In the sector northwest of
Rheims the British troops were forced back toward Berry-au-Bac and
across the Aisne-Marne Canal. As a result of the first day's fighting
the Germans advanced 10 miles and claimed the capture of 15,000
prisoners.
On the second day of the offensive the Germans continued their attacks
on the French troops on the right wing of the Aisne offensive, and
forced them to evacuate Soissons except for the western outskirts.
German forces of the center were now in possession of the territory
between the Aisne and Vesle Rivers, and a considerable area to the south
of the last-named stream, having extended their advance in this region
four miles.
The fighting continued unabated all day on May 30, 1918, in the
Aisne-Vesle area between Soissons and Rheims. The German flanks near
these two cities being firmly held by the French, the Germans were
throwing their entire strength southward evidently with the intention of
establishing themselves on the Marne. This would enable them to direct
their main efforts westward, counting on the river to protect their
flank. On the whole southern front the fighting was of the most violent
character, and it was here that the Allies had to give most ground.
Fère-en-Tardenois, four or five miles south of the farthest point of the
German advance on the 29th, was occupied by the Germans. They also
captured Vezilly to the eastward. In the Rheims sector the crown
prince's forces occupied the northern parts of La Neuvillette and
Betheny, a mile nearer to Rheims on the northwest and northeast.
The most serious blow to the Allies in the German advance was not the
loss of 35,000 men which the Germans claimed as prisoners, for that was
a comparatively small number in an offensive of such magnitude, but the
loss of artillery and stores which was enormous. The depth of the German
advance had carried their lines beyond the positions of even the
heaviest guns of the Allies. It is a slow process to move great cannon,
as tractors are required, and so in the swift onrush, many were captured
with ammunition dumps containing great stores of shells.
On May 31, 1918, the Germans extended their effort on the right as far
as the Oise by heavy attacks in the region of the Ailette. The French
were driven back, fighting, on positions to the north of the line of
Blerancourt-Epagny. In the region of Soissons, and farther south, the
German assault was shattered by the brilliant fighting of the French,
who maintained their position on the western outskirts of the town, and
along the road to Château-Thierry. In the center the Germans were
advancing north of the Marne and gained positions south of
Fère-en-Tardenois. This forward movement of about eight miles, which the
Germans had carried out in the space of twenty-four hours against strong
opposition, was indeed a notable military achievement. They also forced
the withdrawal of French lines northwest of Soissons toward Noyon, thus
linking up the Aisne operations with those on the Picardy front.
[Illustration: The German drive toward Paris which began May 27, 1918.
The map shows their farthest advance.]
In this advance the Germans had the advantage of superior numbers and
moreover the French troops were tired out, having fought almost
continuously day and night for nearly a week. As an added advantage the
Germans were well equipped with light and heavy machine guns, which were
kept going all the time.
Eastward, in the neighborhood of Rheims, where the French and British
were fighting together, the Germans were unable to make any progress of
importance. South of Soissons they attempted to renew their advance. In
this thrust they employed a number of tanks, but met with strong
resistance from the French and were driven back without gaining a foot
of ground.
The Germans claimed to have captured, in the course of the offensive,
45,000 prisoners, 400 guns, and several thousand machine guns.
CHAPTER XXXIX
DAYS FOR THE ALLIES--THE GERMAN OFFENSIVE DECLINES--FRENCH GAIN IN THE
RHEIMS REGION--BRITISH VICTORY AT HAMEL
The situation that confronted the Allies had become serious. It was
impossible to question the importance of the German advance. In the
center of their new line of attack they had won their strategic
objective, the Marne, there to establish a new front, and make
preparations for pressing the fight on a new north and south line
between Soissons and Château-Thierry.
If the Germans were successful, they would be able to advance westward
toward Paris and complete the new front by joining up with their
positions around Noyon at the head of the Oise Valley.
Continuing their successful advance to the Marne, they turned their
energies toward the west and made an advance of five miles along the
Ourcq River to the neighborhood of Neuilly and Cheny. In the region
between Hartennes and Soissons farther north the Germans were unable to
make any important gains, owing to the stubborn resistance of the French
forces, increased by fresh troops brought into the battle area.
The Germans, though vastly superior in numbers over the Allies,
continued to swell their fighting force. The formidable nature of their
effort may be gauged from the identification of the Franco-British
officers of nearly fifty of their divisions, or about 675,000 men. They
had also many other divisions in immediate support. Opposing this mighty
host the French and British had about a fifth of this number engaged,
and although the Germans succeeded in throwing the Allies back, they had
not been able to make a breach in their lines.
The German drive in the main area of activity between Château-Thierry
and Soissons began to weaken during June 1-2, 1918, owing to the vigor
of the French counterattacks, which continued day and night.
North of the Aisne the crown prince's forces succeeded in capturing Mont
de Choissy (northwest of Soissons) after strong attacks, but only held
it a short time when they were driven out by French bayonets.
During the night of June 1, 1918, operating between Soissons and
Château-Thierry, the Germans with strong forces and operating in a
five-mile front, made a gain of three miles over the previous day's
advance, occupying the towns of Longpont, Corcy, Faverolles, and
Troesnes. Later all these places but Faverolles were won back by the
French.
On the Marne the situation remained unchanged. The Germans were in
possession of the eastern half of Château-Thierry while the French
occupied the western half of the town.
Northwest of this place, in the Neuilly St. Front region, the French
made some headway, driving the Germans back on Passy-en-Valois and
capturing an elevation known as Hill 163.
The German push had now slowed down. They continued local attacks that
failed in every instance. The French held firm north of the Aisne, the
most important sector of the battle front. The problem confronting the
Germans was to link up the front in Picardy with that along the Aisne,
which would extend their positions at Amiens, but this they had failed
to accomplish. South of the Forest of Villers-Cotterets they had made
repeated efforts to extend their positions along the Marne and throw the
French back toward the Ourcq, but met only with defeat. It was along
this stretch of the line that the American troops, as noted elsewhere,
gave the French such valuable support.
In Flanders the situation of the German forces was much the same; they
were held in a wedge, the sides of which they could not break through,
one heel of the wedge being on high ground west of Kemmel and the other
on the ridge in the rear of Béthune.
In the Aisne fighting area Germans were also held in a wedge much larger
in extent, one heel of which was about Rheims, and the other west of
Soissons. From this position the Germans must sooner or later endeavor
to extricate themselves.
One of the most important factors in the battle, the mastery of the air,
had passed to the Allies. German troops attacking or on the march were
harried without respite by the Allies' pilots flying at tree-top level.
Day and night centers behind the German lines were bombed on a scale
hitherto undreamed of. In one day the French launched sixty-three tons
of bombs at important points on the German bases.
June 6, 1918, on the Picardy front, the Americans made an advance of two
and a half miles in the Château-Thierry sector. Details of the fighting
here will be found in another place. Between the Ourcq and the Marne,
French and American troops made an attack that resulted in the gain of
two-thirds of a mile in the neighborhood of Veuilly-la-Peterie and the
capture of nearly 300 prisoners.
The Franco-American forces continued to make gains with an advance in
the Chezy sector northwest of the line. The Germans, it appeared, were
in an exhausted condition and their resistance lacked spirit.
The Allies' reconquest of dominant points had greatly improved the
tactical situation. German efforts in the Marne Valley were fading out
now that they were confronted by the Allies' forces in numbers
proportionate to their own.
An important attack was launched by the Germans early in the morning of
June 9, 1918, on a front of more than twenty miles; between Montdidier
and Noyon. They gained ground in the center to a depth of two and a half
miles and to a less degree on the wings of the attack. The southern
limit of the German thrust was the villages of Ressons-sur-Matz and
Mareuil. The French kept them from crossing the covering zone, and on
the French right toward Noyon they were similarly held.
It was the opinion of experienced military observers that the war had
witnessed no more severe fighting than in this sector, which resulted
indeed in a German advance, but at what a cost! When the German infantry
began coming over in dense masses they encountered a withering fire of
machine guns and artillery that mowed them down in groups and cut great
gaps in the moving wall. But as fast as the ranks melted away fresh
waves of men swept forward and filled the empty spaces, and the
massacre, for such it should be called, continued. Only the iron
discipline of German military rule could have forced soldiers to face
such tornadoes of fire.
It was evident that the prowess of the American soldier had stimulated
the German command to take the most desperate chances, in the hope of
forcing a decision before the Allies were further reenforced by the
troops of the great republic. There could be no other explanation for
the Germans' reckless waste of man power, the frenzied attempts to crush
a foe by sheer weight of numbers.
Early in the morning of June 11, 1918, the French evacuated the
Dreslincourt-Ribecourt angle, and fell back on the Matz. This region,
with its numerous valleys and wooded hills, offered facilities for the
tactics of "infiltration." Once it was turned by way of the Matz, the
defenders, with the Oise behind them, could not continue to hold firm
without risking great losses of men and material.
During the night of June 10, 1918, an enemy offensive, employing large
numbers of fresh troops, attacked the French forces farther west, and
flung them back along the Estrées Road as far as the Arende Valley. The
French, however, had brought up reserves and in a dashing counterattack
the enemy ranks were broken, an operation which brought them back to
their former positions south of Belloy and Marqueglise.
By the prodigal waste of men (and it must be acknowledged that there was
method in some of the madness) the Germans had obtained these results.
By forcing their way down the Matz Valley at a prodigious cost the
German columns had reached forward from Rassons to Marqueglise,
Vandelicourt, and Elincourt, thus turning the wooded plateau of
Thiescourt to the southwest.
These operations left the French cornered on the narrow range of hills
before Ribecourt on the Oise, with another salient on the other side of
the river, consisting of the woods of Ourscamp and Carlepont, which
occupied low ground.
A strong effort was made on the German right to widen the front of the
offensive movement. They had advanced from Mortemer and Cuvilly beyond
Belloy and the hamlet of St. Maur. The columns of General von Hutier
were now within a few miles of Estrées St. Denis and Compiègne,
respectively, road and railway junctions of some importance.
During the night of June 10, 1918, Australian troops carried out a
highly successful movement which advanced the British lines on the
battle front north of the river Somme between Sailly-Laurette and
Morlancourt.
The Australians drove forward along the high ground which runs east and
west below Morlancourt. They attacked on a front of over a mile and a
half, advancing the line south of the village about half a mile and
capturing 233 prisoners, 21 machine guns and considerable war material.
Southeast of Montdidier, on June 11, 1918, the Germans were about to
strike a hard blow with four divisions, when the French forestalled them
by a sudden attack. The battle continued throughout the night and
morning hours of the following day, the Allies advancing their line to
the east of Mery, a point of considerable importance, as it commands the
valley and surroundings. Toward the center the Germans struck a
succession of hard blows at the line, but it held fast, although some
enemy detachments succeeded in penetrating the Matz Valley through the
woods. The French fought yard by yard as the Germans tried by
overwhelming numbers to drive them back. The result of the fighting in
this region, which lasted for two days and a night, was a small gain of
ground for the Germans, but this was won at such a heavy price that the
French considered they had won a victory.
Fighting continued on the Montdidier-Noyon battle ground on the
following day, the French pushing forward around Belloy and St. Maur and
gathering in prisoners, some cannon, and machine guns. In the center
Foch's troops were holding fast, but on the right the Germans, after
repeated efforts, gained a foothold on the southern bank of the Matz
River, and occupied the village of Melicocq and the heights near by.
East of the Oise along the line of Bailly, Tracy-le-Val and Nampoel the
French troops withdrew under the protection of covering detachments
without the enemy being aware of the movement. In the region east of
Veuilly, where the French were fighting at the left of the United States
marines and infantry, considerable ground was gained. Montcourt was
occupied, and the southern portion of Bussières.
On June 13, 1918, the Germans gathered strong forces, between 30,000 and
40,000 men, and attacked the line from Courcelles to Mery. As a
result, they were heavily punished and after eight hours of costly
efforts were forced back, their ranks shattered and in an exhausted
condition. The fifth day of the fighting marked a definite check of
enemy operations. The Allies were well content since the Germans had
paid such an enormous cost for the ground they had gained. The
five-days' battle west of the Oise had ended for the Germans in a costly
reverse after they had made an advance varying from two to six miles.
[Illustration: The German thrust south of Ypres and where it was
stopped.]
This last offensive showed that the Germans had not been able to
maintain the driving power that characterized their first onrush. In
their drive on Amiens, which lasted for ten days, the Allies lost a
tract of territory forty miles deep, and their casualties were heavy.
The German attack in the north was of about the same duration, but their
gains were much less. After the conquest of the Chemin-des-Dames the
crown prince's forces had pushed on to the Marne, twenty-five miles
distant, but here they had been unable to carry out any successful
operations. In studying the situation the Germans' gain in territory was
not of first importance. They had failed to attain their object, which
was to divide the French and British army and then destroy one of them,
and their attempt in a series of converging operations to crush both
Allies was also a failure.
[Illustration: Where Foch definitely stopped the German offensive, June
14, 1918.]
The German offensive for the time being was now definitely checked, and
no important operations were undertaken. Trench raids and bombardments
were of daily and nightly occurrence, but along the fighting front it
was "a quiet period" in a military sense.
During the night of June 14-15, 1918, British and Scottish troops by a
swift stroke attacked German outpost lines on a front of about two miles
and won a long strip of ground, with 200 prisoners and about 25 machine
guns. The scene of this interesting operation was before Hinges, and the
Allies had a special grudge against the Germans occupying the posts in
this neighborhood, for some of them belonged to the Eighteenth German
Division of infamous memory; the first German division to enter Belgium
at the beginning of the war, and active participants in the reign of
terror at Louvain and Termonde. This division had been fighting ever
since they were shooting civilians in Belgium, and there were probably
few left of Von Kluck's original forces, for they had been marked out
for special attention by the British and French.
This neat operation carried out by the British in the Lys sector was
duplicated by the French on the following day when they attacked north
and northwest of Hautebraye, between the Oise and the Aisne, and
improved their positions there. The Germans counterattacked with fury,
but were thrown back on their own lines. The French took 375 prisoners
and 25 machine guns.
On June 18, 1918, the comparative quiet which had reigned for some days
on the French front was broken. At 9 o'clock in the evening the First
German Army under the command of General Fritz von Below made a frontal
attack upon the salient of which the devastated city of Rheims formed
the head. It was estimated that the Germans had 40,000 troops engaged in
the assault along the front extending from Vrigny Plateau to Sillery.
The orders were to carry the city at all costs, a counterblow to
compensate the Germans for their failure to capture Compiègne.
The counterbattery work of the French gunners dislocated all their plans
and their losses were enormous. At every point the Germans were thrown
back. So admirably was the French artillery served that the Germans
gained nothing even in the first onrush, though hundreds of their cannon
were busy and high explosives and gas shells were showered on the French
lines.
The front of the new German attack was the semicircle they had drawn
about Rheims in the recent offensive on the Aisne front. The Rheims
region comprised the left flank of the German attack. The French had
given ground on both sides of the city, but still held Rheims itself and
the protecting forts near by. As the Germans hemmed in the city on three
sides, it was only a question of time when they would attempt to drive
out the defenders. The attack we have described was on a front from
Viny, west of the city, to La Pompelle, and approximately fourteen
miles.
In the Seicheprey region, and northwest of Montdidier, in front of
Cantigny, and in the neighborhood of Belleau Wood, the American troops,
as noted elsewhere, were fighting with valor and distinction.
For some days following trench and air raids constituted the principal
activities on the French front. The Germans "lay low," but it was well
known that they were preparing for a new offensive, as they were
cunningly maneuvering into position their reserves for an attack. There
were no sure indications where the blow would fall.
The Allies meanwhile were busy "nibbling" at the enemy lines whenever a
chance offered, gaining ground and taking prisoners in minor operations
that amounted to little when judged separately, but were of importance
in the aggregate.
The Germans received a surprise and a shaking up, on June 28, 1918, when
some British battalions attacked them opposite the Forest of Nieppe, to
the west of Merville. The British advanced on a front of about three
miles. Opposing them were two divisions of Saxons and Prussians, the 32d
Saxon and the 44th German. They were making ready for breakfast when the
British bombardment opened upon them, preceding the advance of British
infantry.
The surprise of the Germans was complete, for the British were upon them
before they could do much. Some of the British troops found a trench
that had been dug between two organized shell holes, where they captured
forty of the enemy and a number of machine guns. These they proceeded to
turn on German positions ahead and in a short time it was all over, the
British winning their objective with only light casualties. Everything
had passed smoothly for the British; what their soldiers called "a
romp." And the results were worth while. They had captured a strip of
territory three miles wide and nearly a mile deep, and taken over 350
prisoners and 22 machine guns.
At the same hour the British launched this attack the Australians
carried out a minor operation west of Merris which resulted in the
capture of German outposts and a considerable number of prisoners and
guns.
In the night of June 29, 1918, the French carried out a brilliant coup
south of the Forest of Villers-Cotterets. Driving forward along a front
of 1.8 miles, they advanced their line 800 yards, capturing a height of
considerable strategic importance between Molloy and Passy-en-Valois.
Nearly 1,200 Germans were taken and a number of machine guns.
On the same night the British made a drive at the German lines north of
Albert, and forced them out of a strong position which they held on the
tip of a crest overlooking the valley of the Ancre. The British assault
was entirely successful. The important position was won and all the
highest ground in the vicinity.
That the American troops in France were becoming well seasoned fighters
was shown on July 1, 1918, when they captured the village of Vaux, and
the Bois de la Roche west of Château-Thierry. Details of this
interesting operation will be found in another place.
After a day of quiet on the rest of the front, French forces operating
in the neighborhood of Autrèches, northwest of Soissons, made a drive at
the German lines, and gained nearly half a mile of territory. A second
attack delivered later in the same region between Autrèches and
Moulin-sous-Toutevent gave them more ground. In these drives the French
captured more than 1,000 prisoners.
The Australian troops, who had always shown a fondness for giving the
Germans surprise parties, carried out another on July 4, 1918, when
advancing on a four-mile front they gained territory a mile and a half
deep, including the village of Hamel and the trench system beyond it
south of the Somme. In this dashing advance over 1,500 Germans were
captured.
The Australians went over the top about 3 o'clock in the morning. The
British artillery in this region was very strong and quite smothered the
Germans' guns, which were late in getting under way.
The Germans had four divisions on this front holding the ground south of
Vaux-sur-Somme, garrisoning the village of Hamel and Vaire Wood and the
trench system on the other side of Hamel.
The advance of the Australians was facilitated by a squadron of tanks
which led the way. Heavy smoke screens hid the moving forts from the
German antitank guns. Behind these lumbering monsters came the infantry
in open lines, following closely the barrage as it moved slowly forward
ahead of them.
The first stages of the Australian advance were made through
semidarkness, but by the time they had reached the German lines light
from a pale sky was sifting through the fog and there was fair
visibility.
Three or four British tanks came to grief, but their casualties were
small, since by this time the Australians were masters of the situation
as the Germans were tumbling out of their trenches and dugouts and
surrendering in batches.
Over the battle field the British aviators were flying back and forth,
dipping down now and again to drop bombs on the German positions. The
village of Hamel next received their attention and though mostly in
ruins, the flyers, using their bombs freely, started many fires in the
place, and the German garrison must have had an uncomfortable time of
it.
After the British guns had further crushed resistance, Hamel was rushed
by the Australians and taken with the loss of only a few men. In Vaire
and Hamel Woods, where many German machine guns were stationed and which
were strongly held by considerable forces, the Australians made record
time in "mopping them up." In less than two hours after they went over
the top they had completed the job, eliminating a salient in the British
line and gaining much valuable territory.
The German guns in this region did not get really into action until the
fight was over, when they began to shell the new Allied positions. In
the evening they launched three counterattacks on the wings and center
of the Australian lines, but were not pressed with spirit and failed.
In honor of American Independence Day the little French villages close
to the firing line displayed the tricolor and American flags. Some of
the latter were of home manufacture and lacking in essential details,
but they symbolized the friendly feeling of the French toward the great
republic.
In proportion as the Germans ceased to press the offensive the French
increased their raids on the German lines, capturing positions and
points of observation which, apart from their present importance, were
valuable assets for the future.
The German command claimed to have taken 15,000 prisoners when the
offensive of June 9, 1918, was arrested. Since that date the French and
their American comrades had captured about 10,000 Germans in raids and
minor operations and had regained quite as much territory as the hordes
of General von Hutier had overrun. In the week closing July 6, 1918, the
French alone had taken over 4,000 prisoners. All the irregularities in
the French line across the Oise to the Marne at Château-Thierry had
moreover been straightened out and the defenses strengthened and
powerfully organized against future attacks.
On July 6, 1918, the Australians who had carried out such a brilliant
attack on the German lines south of the Somme on the Fourth of July
began another push in the same sector.
The Germans had been so badly battered in the previous encounter that
they had not attempted to retaliate, but had established some advanced
posts in no-man's-land which the Australians thought it wise to wipe
out. It was known that an epidemic of Spanish influenza was raging among
the German troops in this sector, which accounted in a measure for the
very poor showing they made. That their morale was shaken may be
illustrated by the following incident: After one of the German outposts
was under rifle and grenade fire for some time a British soldier went
out to see the effect of the damage done. Almost immediately a German
officer and twelve men came tumbling out of a dugout and surrendered to
him, and the proud Tommy led back his baker's dozen of captives to the
British lines.
The Australians in this push on the 6th advanced their line by about 400
yards over a front of about a mile beyond Hamel, which rounded out the
gains made in this sector on July 4, 1918.
The Germans continued inactive as far as military operations were
concerned, but back of their lines vast preparations were under way, as
noted by the Allies' observers, and it was evident that a new offensive
would not long be delayed.
Meanwhile the French continued to make gains daily. On July 8, 1918,
southwest of Soissons, General Pétain's men broke the German line on a
two-mile front in the outskirts of Retz Forest, in the region of
Longpont. In this push the French gained three-fourths of a mile,
occupying Chavigny Farm and the ridges and heights to the north and
south of the farm. In this operation the French captured nearly 400
Germans, of whom four were officers.
A new stroke against the enemy was delivered by the French on the
following day when they attacked west of Antheuil between Montdidier and
the River Oise on a front of two and a half miles, piercing it to a
depth of more than a mile at some points, and making prisoners of 450
men, including fourteen officers. Later the Germans attempted to
counterattack in this sector, but it was pressed with vigor and they
were thrown back on their own lines.
[Illustration: The line-up at the great German offensive, March-June,
1918.]
Up in Flanders there was violent shelling of the British roads around
the Scherpenberg, which was the outer bastion of the Allies' defense.
Farther to the south the Australians had advanced their line beyond the
German outpost positions near Morris on a 1,200-yard front.
Near the Aisne the French infantry broke the Germans' defenses at
several points north of Chavigny Farm. They took possession of the
quarries on the east, pushed forward to the outskirts of Longpont, and
penetrated the northern section of Corcy. This town was captured on the
following day (July 11, 1918), together with the railway station and the
château to the south of the place, an important observation point.
The Germans were evidently too much occupied with preparations for a new
offensive to trouble themselves with minor operations, as for several
days they had only attempted a few feeble attacks that failed in every
instance.
In the course of July 12, 1918, the French delivered two hard blows
against the German lines that are deserving of record. The most
important was struck in Picardy when General Pétain's troops, advancing
on a three-mile front north of Mailly-Raineval, broke into the German
front to the depth of a mile and a quarter. The village of Castel on the
Avre River and important positions south of the village were occupied by
the victors, who captured over 500 prisoners of all ranks.
The second blow was delivered in the area southwest of Soissons, where
the French had been "nibbling away" for some days with satisfactory
results. Here they captured the village of Longpont, a continuation of
their advance north of Chavigny Farm and east of Faverolles.
On July 14, 1918, the national fête day of the French Republic, the
British and American troops joined heartily in the celebration, and
little flags of the Allies fluttered among the ruins and on every
building all along the fighting front.
It was a dull day, with gray skies and mist and rain, but the weather
could not dampen the enthusiasm of the participants in the fête. It is
possible that the weather, however, had something to do with the
movements of the Germans, who had probably intended to launch their
offensive on the French national holiday, but for the storm. So the
attack they had been preparing against the Allies was made early in the
morning of the following day.
CHAPTER XL
THE NEW GERMAN DRIVE AROUND RHEIMS--THE NEW BATTLE OF THE MARNE--THE
ALLIES LAUNCH A GREAT OFFENSIVE MOVEMENT
It was shortly after midnight on June 15, 1918, while in some parts of
the fighting front British, French, and Americans were still fêting the
national holiday, that the German guns from the Marne near
Château-Thierry heralded the new offensive. Soon along a front of sixty
miles, extending to the Argonne, the German artillery was thundering.
Men who had seen fighting since the war began describe the artillery
preparation for the drive as beyond anything the Germans had attempted
up to that time on the French front. Not only were the Allies' lines
front and back shelled, but behind the lines to a distance of twenty and
thirty miles.
About daybreak the German infantry attacked. East and west of Rheims a
large number of tanks assisted the advance. The French had already
anticipated the drive and were fully prepared. On the whole front east
of Rheims they held up the German hordes for five hours. It was only in
the neighborhood of the Souain Road and Prunay that the Germans made any
notable advance. Here on a narrow front they succeeded in penetrating
for about one and a half miles.
The most important achievement in the morning of the first day was the
crossing of the Marne of 15,000 German troops, and an advance of a mile
beyond on a ten-mile front.
East of Rheims, and east and west of Château-Thierry, American troops
received the full force of the German blows in those sectors. The
success of our soldiers in stemming the German advance is described in
detail in another place.
[Illustration: The allied counteroffensive on the Marne. The shaded part
shows the gains of the allies.]
In the first day's fighting the Germans employed fifty-six or
fifty-seven divisions of their best troops, fourteen on either side of
Rheims in the front line, and as many in the second line. General von
Einem commanded in Champagne, Fritz von Below around Rheims, and General
von Boehm on the Marne.
By noon the Germans had begun to throw bridges across the Marne where
the river makes a salient northward with the point at Jaulgonne. Three
times the American guns shattered the pontoons that the Germans were
trying to throw across the river, but the fourth time they succeeded in
bridging the stream and made an advance of about two miles, the
Americans falling back to the base of the salient made by the river.
Comparative quiet reigned on the fighting fronts during the night
following the offensive. The only explanation of the Germans' failure to
push on must be attributed to their fear of failure. They had not
achieved the success they hoped for in the first onrush and their losses
had been far heavier than they anticipated.
From early dawn until dark on the second day of the German offensive
(July 16, 1918) the battle raged with unabated fury from Château-Thierry
to the Argonne, Southwest of Rheims the Germans started a heavy drive,
which they hoped would enable them to reach Epernay, by pushing forward
to St. Agnan, La Chapelle and Monthodon. Here they were attacked in
force by French and American troops and driven out of the villages of
St. Agnan and La Chapelle and from the heights to the north dominating
the Marne Valley at this point.
Where the battle front crossed the Marne south of Chatillon intense
fighting took place for the possession of Mareuil-le-Pont on the
southern bank of the river. General Pétain's troops were heavily
reenforced by Americans at this point, but the Germans were in
overwhelming numbers, and the Allies were forced to fall back fighting
every foot of the way to positions two miles southeast along the river
toward Epernay. Later in the day the Germans occupied Chatillon, which
marked some progress in the carrying out of their plan to flank Rheims
from the west.
Prunay, about five miles southeast of Rheims, was won by the Germans
from the French by a strong thrust. The French intrenched themselves on
the southern bank of the Vesle River and the enemy was unable to make
any further advance in this sector.
West of Rheims the Germans attacked in very considerable strength at two
places, by way of the Marne railway and in the region south of Dormans.
In this region they succeeded in throwing six bridges across the Marne,
between Reuilly and Dormans, but at no point on this twenty-five-mile
front did they succeed in penetrating more than four miles into the
French positions.
At the close of the second day of the offensive the Germans according to
their official report, claimed to have taken only 13,000 prisoners, a
small number indeed considering the large forces they had employed in
the advance. In the fighting around Prunay, where the struggle was
especially intense, they used up 65 per cent. of their effectives and
were forced to bring up reserves into the battle area, which they had
been holding back for later attacks.
The third day of the offensive (July 17, 1918) the fighting continued
along the whole front and ends, under rainy skies, and occasional
showers. The German gains in territory were unimportant except to the
southwest of Rheims, where they made an advance of about a mile and a
half. East and west of the martyred city most of their attacks were
broken up, and the whole Champagne line remained intact.
In the morning, Germans in a determined thrust broke through at Oeuilly
on the Marne and captured Montvoisin, seven miles west of Epernay. In
the regions west of this they were heavily reenforced by fresh troops,
but were unable to make any advance against the magnificent defense of
the French forces, who held them firmly on the southern outskirts of
Bouquigny and Chataignières. North of St. Agnan the Germans were better
favored by fortune, for they succeeded in penetrating La Bourdonnerie.
Here the French had the cooperation of American troops and the enemy was
held in check.
A decisive blow was struck by the Allies in the morning of July 18,
1918. The mighty counterattack was launched without any preliminary
artillery preparation, and proved to be a complete surprise to the
enemy. The drive was made on the twenty-eight-mile front from the Aisne
to the Marne and in the course of the advance more than twenty villages
were captured and the Allies' lines were pushed to within a mile of
Soissons.
The ground regained at its extreme width was about six and a half miles
in the region to the south of Soissons. The attacking troops drove
forward as far east as the little river Crise, an advance especially
important, because it gave the Allies possession of high ground that
dominated the German supply lines to the city.
To the west of Soissons, American troops carried out successful
operations against the enemy, capturing over 4,000 prisoners, 30 guns,
and much war material. Farther south on the same side of the German
salient the Americans cooperating with French forces captured the town
of Vierzy and made an advance of three miles to the east of it.
North of the River Ourcq the Germans fought with desperate and stubborn
energy, but they were more than outmatched by the French, who broke down
their resistance and drove forward into the western outskirts of Chouy
and Neuilly-St. Front, and on to Belleau Wood, an average depth of
advance of about three miles.
The magnitude of the French and American effort will be appreciated when
it is understood that they had achieved more in this operation than the
Germans had accomplished in their hard drive on both sides of Rheims. In
six hours French and Americans working together had advanced double the
distance it had taken the Germans three days to cover.
South of the Marne, the French lost some ground, but nowhere else could
the Germans make gains, while several of their attacks broke down with
appalling losses. Montvoisin, which the enemy had captured on the
previous day, was recovered by the French. Chêne-la-Réine was also
occupied to the west, and what was even more important, the heights west
of these villages overlooking the Marne. Other victories of importance
were won by the French north of the Marne, where they captured the
forest known as Bois du Rois and the village of Venteuil.
French and American forces continued their advance on July 19 between
the Aisne and the Marne, gaining ground of about two miles at some
points. Since the drive of the Allies began 17,000 Germans had been
captured and 860 guns.
In a desperate attempt to stem the tide of the advance, the Germans had
brought great numbers of fresh troops into the fighting area. The
plateau southwest of Soissons in the Crise River region, which the
Germans lost on the previous day, was the scene of an intense and
bitterly fought struggle. Despite the Germans' determined efforts to
regain the plateau, the Allies firmly held their positions, and in the
afternoon began a further advance.
To the south the Germans were driven from the plateau northwest of
Bonnes, but not before they had fought with determined resistance that
was deserving of better fortune. Progress was also made by the Allies
southwest of Rheims, where the French and Italians fought together.
The British, who had so far been spared in the recent German offensive,
had a small victory to their credit on the same day (July 19, 1918) that
the French, Americans, and Italians were pushing back the enemy all
along the front. Meteren, a valuable observation point in the Bailleul
sector, was captured by Scottish and Australian troops. Four hundred
Germans were taken and a number of machine guns.
Heavy fighting was resumed late in the afternoon of July 19, 1918, along
the Aisne-Marne front. The French were fighting uphill, but the Germans
could not keep them back, and were slowly pushed out of their strongest
positions in this region.
The large numbers of fresh troops thrown into the battle to support the
crown prince made it necessary for the French to fight every foot of the
way. On a twenty-eight-mile front the average advance of the Allies was
only one mile, and they fought hard from noon on July 19, 1918, to 9
o'clock on the following morning to accomplish this.
The Germans, violently attacked on their right flank and south of the
Marne, were forced to retreat and recross the river. The whole southern
bank of the Marne was now in French possession.
In the three days' fighting the Allies had captured over 20,000
prisoners and over 400 guns.
On the following morning the Allies resumed the offensive, forcing the
Germans to give way gradually on both sides of the deep pocket of which
Rheims and Soissons mark the edges. In this pocket the Germans suffered
heavy casualties from the long-range guns and airplane bombers of the
Allies.
Château-Thierry was occupied by French and American troops on July 21,
1918, the Germans evacuating the place under strong pressure. In their
withdrawal from that pivot point on the Marne salient they were closely
followed by the Allies' forces, who, cooperating with troops at Vaux and
to the northward, swept the Germans back for miles, and beyond the
highway to Soissons.
Farther north and almost reaching to Soissons, French and American
forces drove on to the Soissons-Château-Thierry highway at Hartennes,
and gaining the railway under the Allied guns, threatened Oulchy. As a
result of these operations the entire front was straightened out and a
gain was made of over seven miles of territory.
On the east side of the salient, between Rheims and the Marne, French
and British troops fighting shoulder to shoulder were driving back the
Germans, who, opposing a strong resistance, and supported by reserves,
were unable to stem the Allies' advance. In the course of the fighting
in this sector the French and British occupied the village of Bouilly.
The heavy artillery of the Allies continued on July 21, 1918, to hammer
German positions in the districts north of the Marne. Indian scouts who
were with Pershing in Mexico were active in gathering information in the
river region.
In all sections of the line, from Soissons to Rheims, the hard struggle
continued with undiminished intensity. Although the Germans maintained a
desperate resistance at the bottom of the Marne salient, it was evident
that they would be forced soon to make a wide retreat. This was
indicated by the great concentration of German troops at the top of the
salient which could only mean that they were making preparations to
retire to a new line.
The entire Château-Thierry-Soissons highway from the Ourcq south was now
occupied by the Allies. Epieds was captured and territory gained
northeast of Mont St. Père, and east of La Croix, and Griselles. Near
the last place named the Germans gained some slight temporary advantage,
but it had no effect on the continued advance the Allies were making.
Having cleared the Germans out of the district south of the Marne, the
Allies were busy constructing bridges and getting troops and supplies
across the river. On July 22, 1918, the enemy were trying to keep a hold
on the river bank extending from Mont St. Père to east of Reuilly. In
the face of a furious fire the French succeeded in getting two strong
bodies of troops across the stream at Mézy and Courcelles, who at once
started the construction of footbridges while under the grilling fire of
the German guns.
The Allies continued to make progress in the Soissons-Rheims salient on
July 23, 1918, although the Germans with the support of fresh troops
developed stubborn resistance. The most important operation of the day
was the advance of the French forces on both sides of the Ourcq
southward toward Fère-en-Tardenois, the great German supply center.
North of the river General Pétain's troops occupied Montgru on the bank
of the stream and two other towns.
South of the Ourcq the Allies were even more successful in gaining
ground. Here the French and Americans, cooperating, drove the Germans
back nearly a mile beyond the Château-Thierry-Soissons road. Meanwhile,
in the Montdidier sector, Foch struck a hard blow at the enemy and
achieved a brilliant success. The French troops, attacking on a
four-mile front north of Montdidier, made a forward drive of two miles,
capturing Mailly-Raineval, Savillers, and Aulvillers. The heights
commanding the Avre River were also won, and over 1,500 Germans were
captured.
At other points, notably east and northeast of Château-Thierry, at the
bottom of the great salient, the French troops, ably assisted by
American forces, gained ground. Along almost the entire line between the
Ourcq and the Marne German resistance was broken by the resistless
onward sweep of the Franco-American forces.
During the night of July 23-24, 1918, the Germans delivered a terrific
counterattack in the neighborhood of Epieds, where they were opposed by
American troops. The Germans succeeded after a hard fight in recapturing
the village, and another in the neighborhood, but they were unable to
hold their gains. On the following day the Americans drove them out of
these villages and pushed on beyond Courpoil, more than a mile to the
northeast.
North of this fighting area French troops had penetrated as far as
Brecy, while to the southeast French and American troops drove forward
through the woods on a wide front beyond Preloup on the Marne. The
advance of the Allies at several points was about two miles.
The Germans had nearly half a million troops concentrated in the Marne
salient. Attacked on three sides by British, French, and American
forces, their position was extremely perilous. To continue resistance in
a position so threatened might appear to be an act of madness, yet it
was a maxim of Napoleon's that, where forces are about equal, the inside
fighters have the advantage over an adversary in concentric formation.
The Allies continued to bend in the salient, the French and Americans on
the west, and the French and British on the east. The most important
point held by the Germans, and the Allies' main objective, was
Fère-en-Tardenois, the junction of several roads, and a chief
distributing point.
This nerve center of the German front, subjected to constant cross fire
from French and American guns, was fast becoming untenable. Indeed there
was no corner of the salient where the Germans were not constantly
harried by the artillery of the Allies.
The most important gain made by the Franco-American forces on July 25,
1918, was below the Ourcq River. In the course of this advance the
Allies captured Hill 141 southeast of Armentières, and the village of
Coincy on the south, and pushing ahead in a northeasterly direction they
occupied most of Tournelle Wood, which is only three miles from
Fère-en-Tardenois. Farther to the south an advance was made as far as
the forest of Fère and to the general line of Beuvardes-Charmel. Ground
was also gained north of Dormans on the Meuse.
As a result of these advances the Allies had taken about forty miles of
territory from the Germans, and had acquired almost a straight line
running southeast from Armentières to Vincelles, on the Marne.
In the sector west of Rheims, British and French troops had advanced to
Guex and Mery-Premecy, which meant a push of two miles in the direction
of Fismes, and the narrowing of the mouth of the salient to that extent.
Ten divisions of reserves had been rushed to the aid of the German crown
prince, drawn from the army of Prince Rupprecht of Bavaria in the course
of the week's fighting, but the new forces were unable to stay the
victorious advance of the Allies.
As the result of the last week's operations the whole situation on the
western front was transformed. The Germans had used up sixty-five
divisions on the Champagne front and all of the crown prince's reserves.
They had only about thirty divisions left belonging to Prince
Rupprecht's Army to draw on.
The Germans were certainly in an awkward situation, but it was no worse
than that which confronted the British Army in the Ypres salient before
the capture of Messines Ridge. The Ypres salient was about five miles
wide, and five miles deep, and the German guns commanded it. The German
salient was at this time about twenty miles wide by twenty deep, and the
artillery of the Allies could sweep every corner of it.
From documents captured from the Germans, it was learned that on the day
after the Allies assumed the offensive a retirement was ordered to a
line either along the Avre or the Vesle Rivers. These orders were
subsequently canceled, because an orderly retreat could not be made in
such a pinched salient, so the Germans had been commanded to maintain
their positions as long as possible.
Unable to further withstand the tremendous pressure of the Allies'
armies, the Germans began a retreat along the whole front north of the
Marne late in the morning of July 27, 1918. They relinquished the strong
grip they had held on the north bank of the river, which extended from
Vincelles nearly ten miles east to Reuil, and also fell back on both
flanks.
It was the purpose of the Germans to reach the Ourcq, on a line reaching
from Fère-en-Tardenois to the northern top of the De Riz forest which
lies before Charmel.
In the course of the day the French, British, and American troops,
pressing hard on the heels of the German rear guards, had reached the
line of Bruyères, Villeneuve-sur-Fère, and Courment, all within a few
miles of the great German supply center of Fère-en-Tardenois, which was
now so hemmed in that its evacuation must soon follow. The advance of
the Allies in a northeasterly direction from Château-Thierry had now
reached ten miles. Since the beginning of the counteroffensive 30,000
German prisoners were taken.
The Allies continued their triumphant progress on July 28, 1918. The
Germans in the Soissons-Rheims salient were forced to accelerate the
speed of their retirement northward, closely followed by tanks, cavalry,
and infantry patrols of the Allies.
French cavalry, supported by some infantry elements, had, reached in the
morning of July 28, 1918, the district south of Villers-sur-Fère, a
little over a mile from Fère-en-Tardenois and Sergy.
The success of the Allies along the whole front was now complete and
about half of the pocket in which the enemy had been cornered was
retaken.
The Germans were retiring as swiftly as they could, but their losses
were tremendous, as French and American troops harried them on the
center, and French and British were dealing hammer blows on both of
their flanks. While the cavalry were hard at it, the tanks had pushed
their way in among the retreating forces, where they did effective work.
The Allies' aviators meanwhile, flying a few hundred feet overhead, were
machine-gunning columns on the march and bombarding German batteries.
In the Soissons area the Germans had massed a large number of heavy guns
on the heights around Juvigny and Chavigny, and from these points they
bombarded the western wing as far south as Oulchy-le-Château. Yet the
Allies in the Oulchy region continued to make progress, though facing
some of the finest German divisions, and the concentrated fire of a vast
number of machine guns.
On the eastern wing the Allies were gradually gaining control of the
whole road leading from Dormans to Rheims. The Germans had assembled on
this side a strong array of artillery near St. Thierry, which served to
protect their left flank, and which delayed, though it could not stop,
the Allies' advance.
The German retreat, it should be noted, was conducted in an orderly
manner and was in no sense a rout. The method of retirement employed at
this time, and which the Germans indeed adopted on other occasions, was
as follows: One company withdraws from every two on the first line; the
remaining troops redouble their fire to give the impression that the
line is still strongly held. Out of each remaining company two sections
are then taken out, leaving but one section in the line. When this last
section is ordered to withdraw, a few men are left behind to occupy
small posts well furnished with machine guns and these keep up a
vigorous fire to protect the retreat. The few men left behind for this
work seldom escape death or capture, but they are sometimes able to
regain their own lines.
The retreat continued on July 29, 1918, with the Allies in close
pursuit. The Germans had brought more heavy guns into play and succeeded
in slowing up the advance, though they could not stop it. In the course
of twenty-four hours the Allies had pushed their lines forward from two
to three miles on a twenty-mile front. The Germans had been forced to
abandon the line of the Ourcq and proposed to fall back to a line beyond
the Vesle between Soissons and Rheims.
One of the most important operations at this time was the French drive
east and northeast, from the neighborhood of Oulchy-le-Château, at the
salient in the German line, which opened the way for the advance of the
Allies to Fère-en-Tardenois and beyond. Grand Rozoy and the heights to
the north of it were occupied and also Cugny, which stands one mile east
of Oulchy. Farther north of Grand Rozoy the troops of General Pétain
were pushing forward to capture the hills that dominated a wide area
north and south. In these operations the French captured nearly 500
Germans.
The fighting around Sergy on the north bank of the Ourcq was of a
specially violent character, the place changing hands no less than nine
times in twenty-four hours. Here, where the Americans had only the
assistance from the French of a few armored cars, they fought
practically "on their own" with distinction and bravery. (Details of
their achievements in this struggle are noted in another place.)
To the east, and just north of the Ourcq, the Allies won possession of
the villages of Vallée and Givray. Toward Soissons a hard fight was in
progress for the possession of Buzancy. It had twice been won by the
Allies and then the Germans captured it. New Scottish troops, aided by a
few British columns, attacked the town and it was won for the Allies.
After defeating the Prussian Guards and Bavarians, the American forces
made an advance of two miles beyond Sergy on July 30, 1918. The German
resistance to the Allies' thrusts now became increasingly vigorous.
Along almost the entire front to the east they launched fierce
counterattacks, but only succeeded in gaining a little ground near St.
Euphraise to the southwest of Rheims.
The main advance of the Allies on the westerly side of the front was
near Grand Rozoy, where the French were pushing north to the crest of
the plateau between the Vesle and the Ourcq.
The intense struggle which had continued without pause for two weeks on
the Marne battle front now showed signs of slackening. The only fighting
worthy of note took place in the Fère region, on the front held by
American troops around Seringes and Sergy. Here the Germans made a hard
fight during the night and morning of July 30-31, 1918, to dislodge the
forces of General Pershing, but were badly beaten. (Details of the
struggle are described on another page.)
The hope of the Germans that the Allies were in a state of exhaustion,
and that the offensive had broken down for the present, was rudely
shattered on the first of August, 1918. On this date the Allies attacked
on a ten-mile front from Buzancy to Fère-en-Tardenois and Seringes. They
drove forward nearly two miles at one point, and carried important
heights, including Hill 205 north of Grand Rozoy, which resulted in
wiping out the angle of the battle line east of Oulchy.
Where the Allies marked their greatest advance was in the region
northwest of Fère-en-Tardenois. The villages of Cramoiselle and
Cramaille were occupied, as well as Bordeux to the north, and Servenay
to the northeast. As a result of this thrust the victors captured 600
prisoners. In the course of the operations from July 15 to July 31,
1918, the Allies had taken 34,400 Germans.
These successful operations on the Buzancy-Fère front, carried out by
French forces with the support of British units at the north, linked up
the gains made by the Americans on the previous day and night in the
area east and southeast of Seringes.
Farther to the east in the Ville-en-Tardenois region, on the left flank
of the fast decreasing German salient, French forces, after an
especially murderous and close struggle, drove the enemy out of the
village of Romigny and occupied the place.
Apart from the important gains in territory made by the Allies in the
two weeks' offensive operations, the result of the victories was to
shake the belief of the German army in their own invincibility. They had
failed in their objectives, first in the thrust toward Rheims, and
afterward in their efforts to hold out against a counterassault. Twice
they had made determined and exhaustive attempts with large forces of
men to stem the advance of the Allies, and had failed in each instance.
They had employed their best troops, who fought with courage and daring
and with reckless disregard for life, but were unable to build a barrier
that the Allies could not shatter. It was not believed by the Allied
High Command that the morale of the German fighters had been seriously
sapped by their forced retreat, but the news would drift back to Germany
in soldiers' letters and in other ways, creating a feeling in the Empire
that their army was not equal to its task, and a consequent loss of
faith in the flamboyant promises of victory proclaimed by Hindenburg and
Ludendorff.
PART IX--THE UNITED STATES AS A BELLIGERENT
CHAPTER XLI
FORCE TO THE UTMOST
Only the sword could impose peace. The kaiser said it. His mouthpieces,
Count von Hertling and Count Czernin, said it, by way of buttressing
much verbal camouflage conveying that their peoples would like peace by
gentler means--that is, by the Allies yielding. Lloyd-George said it
without camouflage. But it was left to President Wilson to say it with
finality. Despairing of drawing from the Central Powers any lucid
declaration to show that they were honorable opponents with whom
honorable enemies could negotiate, he swept aside German chicanery by
leaving no loophole open for the determination of the war by any other
means than the sword. Germany had slammed the door of peace in her own
face.
Hark the kaiser, accepting an address in Hamburg, in February, 1918, on
the conclusion of peace with the Ukraine:
"He who will not accept peace, but on the contrary declines, pouring out
the blood of his own and of our people, must be forced to have peace. We
desire to live in friendship with neighboring peoples, but the victory
of German arms must first be recognized. Our troops under the great
Hindenburg will continue to win it. Then peace will come."
The dissembling ministers of Germany and Austria, in essaying public
debates with President Wilson, tried to build a fabric of peace on a
foundation of sand. In their utterances they "played up" to one another.
Their outgivings suggested a vaudeville act in which one player provides
cues for the witticisms of the other. Thus, Count Czernin, dense to the
Allied scorn of the deceits of his partner, Count von Hertling,
announced that Austria, too, agreed that President Wilson's four points
provided a suitable basis on which to begin negotiating a general peace.
More than that, he complacently viewed President Wilson's address as
actually offering an olive branch to Austria:
"He (President Wilson)," he told the Vienna City Council, "thinks,
however, that Vienna presents more favorable soil for sowing the seeds
of a general peace. He has perhaps said to himself that the
Austro-Hungarian Monarchy has the good fortune to have a monarch who
genuinely and honorably desires a general peace, but that this monarch
will never be guilty of a breach of faith; that he will never make a
shameful peace, and that behind this monarch stand 55,000,000 souls.
"I imagine that Mr. Wilson says to himself that this closely knit mass
of people represents a force which is not to be disregarded and that
this honorable and firm will to peace with which the monarch is imbued
and which binds him to the peoples of both states is capable of carrying
a great idea in the service of which Mr. Wilson has also placed
himself."
No one believed, outside the countries of the Central Powers, that
Austria-Hungary was blessed with a monarch who would "never be guilty of
a breach of faith," who would "never make a shameful peace," and who
ruled over a "closely knit mass of people." In the same breath he said:
"Whatever may happen, we shall not sacrifice German interests any more
than Germany will desert us. Loyalty on the Danube is not less than
German loyalty."
Here was the real Austria speaking, and her spirit was made more
manifest when Count Czernin proceeded to defend the political crime of
thrusting peace upon Russia by invasion:
"The first breach in the determination of our enemies to war has been
driven by the peace negotiations with Russia. That was a break-through
by the idea of peace.
"It is a symptom of childish dilettantism to overlook the close
relationship of the various peace signatures with each other. The
constellation of enemy powers in the east was like a net. When one mesh
was cut through the remaining meshes loosened of their own accord."
Austria plainly wanted peace, but by negotiation, since it was dawning
upon the Teutonic powers that they could never effect a peace by force
of arms. Wouldn't President Wilson kindly open negotiations without
delay? But Germany and Austria must be left with the whole vast east
under their control. Apparently Count Czernin was willfully blind to the
fact that the terms of peace forced upon Russia and Rumania had closed
all avenues of peace in the countries of the Allies.
President Wilson cleared the air. Peace conversations in the world
arena with the German chancellor and the Austrian foreign minister had
reached a hopeless stage of sterility. They spoke smooth words; their
military leaders committed rapacious deeds that made their words an
object-lesson in studied irony. On April 6, 1918, the anniversary of
America's entrance into the war, the President took occasion to bring
about a very decided turning point in the diplomacy of the war. It was a
world-stirring declaration, made at Baltimore to inaugurate the campaign
for the Third Liberty Loan, and told the Teutonic powers that their
arduous and ever-recurrent peace propaganda had killed itself.
"... I have sought to learn from those who spoke for Germany," he said,
"whether it was justice or dominion and the execution of their own will
upon the other nations of the world that the German leaders were
seeking. They have answered--answered in unmistakable terms. They have
avowed that it was not justice, but dominion and the unhindered
execution of their own will. The avowal has not come from Germany's
statesmen. It has come from her military leaders, who are her real
rulers....
"We cannot mistake what they have done--in Russia, in Finland, in the
Ukraine, in Rumania. The real test of their justice and fair play has
come. From this we may judge the rest....
"Their purpose is, undoubtedly, to make all the Slavic peoples, all the
free and ambitious nations of the Baltic Peninsula, all the lands that
Turkey has dominated and misruled, subject to their will and ambition,
and build upon that dominion an empire of force upon which they fancy
that they can then erect an empire of gain and commercial supremacy--an
empire as hostile to the Americas as to the Europe which it will
overawe--an empire which will ultimately master Persia, India, and the
peoples of the Far East....
"That program once carried out, America and all who care or dare to
stand with her must arm and prepare themselves to contest the mastery of
the world--a mastery in which the rights of common men, the rights of
women and of all who are weak, must for the time being be trodden
underfoot and disregarded and the old, age-long struggle for freedom and
right begin again at its beginning. Everything that America has lived
for and loved and grown great to vindicate and bring to a glorious
realization will have fallen in utter ruin and the gates of mercy once
more pitilessly shut upon mankind!
"The thing is preposterous and impossible; and yet is not that what the
whole course and action of the German armies has meant wherever they
have moved? I do not wish, even in this moment of utter disillusionment,
to judge harshly or unrighteously. I judge only what the German arms
have accomplished with unpitying thoroughness throughout every fair
region they have touched.
"What, then, are we to do? For myself, I am ready, ready still, ready
even now, to discuss a fair and just and honest peace at any time that
it is sincerely purposed--a peace in which the strong and the weak shall
fare alike. But the answer, when I proposed such a peace, came from the
German commanders in Russia and I cannot mistake the meaning of the
answer.
"I accept the challenge. I know that you accept it. All the world shall
know that you can accept it....
"Germany has once more said that force, and force alone, shall decide
whether justice and peace shall reign in the affairs of men, whether
right as America conceives it or dominion as she conceives it shall
determine the destinies of mankind. There is, therefore, but one
response possible from us:
"_Force, force to the utmost, force without stint or limit, the
righteous and triumphant force which shall make right the law of the
world and cast every selfish dominion down in the dust!_"
Germany only recognized physical force; no other force counted.
President Wilson, in countering, set at its true measure the might of
the United States, joined with the might of the other active
belligerents, Great Britain, France, and Italy.
CHAPTER XLII
THE AMERICAN LEGIONS
When the German spring offensive of 1918 came and hewed a great dent in
the western front, the cry went up from the Allied capitals for American
aid. "Hurry!" entreated Lloyd-George. "Hurry!" came the echo from Paris.
Then, almost like an answering echo, was heard the tramp of American
legions on the soil of France. Week after week, through the spring and
summer, United States troops spread their columns fanwise from their
ports of debarkation, until their multiplying presence was felt, where
not seen, along the entire fighting line from the Belgian coast to the
Swiss frontier.
Another army had preceded them, armed with picks and shovels, trowels
and axes. It was an army of tool chests, building gear and rails. More
than one western port of France, slumbering in its ancient ways, had to
be transformed, to give proper entrance to the shiploads of soldiers
from the New World, with their mountainous equipment, and new roads had
to be cut through France to convey them to the front. One regiment was
of foresters, with knocked-down sawmills, who went into the woods of
France to cut down trees and shape them into timbers for building large
docks. Another corps of advance guards were the American engineers,
later organized into five regiments and nineteen battalions, all engaged
in railroad construction and operation to facilitate the movement of
American troops. So with new and spacious gateways, which transformed
the restricted port facilities of the French coast towns, and with huge
warehouses, ordnance depots and barracks neighboring the new docks, the
American troops found an ingress on French soil and accommodation for
themselves and their leviathan equipment in keeping with the vast scheme
of warfare that represented American belligerency.
From the French ports ran a double line of railroad which was extended
by American army engineers to the battle front. The use of these
preexisting lines for American troops called for the additional
construction of hundreds of miles of trackage for yards, sidings, and
switches. Thus was called into being the United States Military Railroad
in France. It started from the seaport terminals, with their new docks
verdant with the rawness of fresh-cut timber, with their tipples and
cranes and wharf houses and warehouses, and spread over a mass of tracks
that meandered and forked into division yards, curved on to divergent
lines or connected with light railways at the fighting front some 600
miles distant.
With new ports and new railroad systems virtually constructed for their
passage, the American troops moved to their allotted places at the front
under conditions that gave their journey an uncommon éclat. They were
sorely needed, for one thing, and, for another, preexisting port and
transit facilities did not suffice to bear them to their destination. A
new path had to be blazed for the armed entrée of the New World into the
Old World.
[Illustration: Military establishments in the United States.]
The gateways widened as each shipload grew in numbers and frequency. The
beginning of the overseas movement was slow; the United States stumbled
through weary-dragging months before its awakened militancy got into its
stride in spanning the ocean. In May, 1917, the month following the
American declaration of war, only 1,718 officers and men landed; in
June, 12,261; July, 12,988; August, 18,323; September, 32,523; October,
38,259; November, 23,016; December, 48,840. The beginning of 1918
brought no perceptible expansion, the number of troops sent in January
and February, 1918, being only 46,776 and 48,027, respectively. But with
the spring came indications of the accumulating force of American
preparations. In March the number sent across was 83,811; in April,
117,212; in May, 244,345; in June, 276,372, and in July, 300,000.
Marines numbering 14,644 were also dispatched. So by July 31, 1918,
American forces in France had reached the impressive figure of
1,319,115.
Meantime the troops were vaguely heard of as fighting in five different
sectors along the western front, one detachment as far east as the Swiss
border. Later they had spread to eight sectors, namely, near Montdidier,
northwest of Château-Thierry, immediately east of Château-Thierry, at
Toul, in Lorraine, and three in Alsace, one near the border line,
another south of that, and one in front of Belfort.
The German spring offensive had sensibly stimulated the shipment of
troops, as the figures showed. That offense had its critical stages
toward the close of March, which made the help of American troops more
and more urgent. General Pershing interposed with an offer to the
British and French Governments to place all the American troops and
facilities then in France at their disposal to help stay the German
advance. The proposal deeply stirred the Anglo-French ranks--and the
inactive American troops no less--and evoked grateful acknowledgments
from London and Paris.
Presently American troops were heard of further afield--in Italy, for
service under General Diaz against the Austrians. Tidings of their
presence at a still more remote corner of the battle area came in the
announcement that American marines, cooperating with British forces, had
occupied a part of the Murman coast of the White Sea in European Russia.
The Stars and Stripes fluttered over Europe at far-flung points. On the
western front an American army had grown up, and was rated as competent
to perform the hardest work of war--to stand an intensive bombardment,
to repel the assaults of massed infantry, or to launch counterattacks.
Its achievements will be subsequently related; but even if they did not
rank in numbers with those of the British and French, the mere presence
of American soldiers at the forefront of one of the world's greatest
battles stood out as a transcendent historical event. The forces of the
New World had appeared to save liberty in Europe. They were there to
establish a reorganization of the world on the American plan--not for
the glory of the Stars and Stripes, but for a vindication of the ideas
which the flag represented.
CHAPTER XLIII
RAIDING THE NEW FOE
American activities had hitherto been confined to what became known as
the original American front, facing Lorraine beyond St. Mihiel. This was
apparently an irregular line, in the vicinity of the Rhine-Marne canal,
and fronting Nancy, Lunéville, Toul, and other towns whose existence
became known by General Pershing's reports.
It was their "breaking in" ground. American troops there obtained an
intimate acquaintance with modern warfare. The numerous trench raids
that marked their operations apparently had no strategical relations to
the movements on the battle line elsewhere, nor even disclosed any local
tactical object. Americans and Germans seemed merely to be watching each
other with lynx eyes, each on the alert to catch the other napping and
steal a march for the glory of the achievement.
The casualties in these skirmishes were usually slight, and a few
prisoners now and then would fall to one or the other side. But few
raids took place without losses, which gradually became impressive as
the engagements increased in frequency and scope. A trench raid is a
trivial thing, with an inconsequential outcome when it has any outcome
at all; but repeated daily, the casualties such raids produce, added to
the fatalities resulting from random artillery fire, assume the
dimensions of those of an extensive battle. They do not stand out as
distinctive operations; proceeding upon established methods, there was a
general sameness in their repetition, and they only became noticeable
for the outstanding incidents that were bound to arise in each
undertaking.
An early attack by the Germans was made behind a dense fog after
daybreak, through which came a violent artillery barrage as a
forerunner. The fog was of a density that blotted out everything but the
nearest enemy positions. Through it enemy projectiles exploded on three
sides of an American listening post just outside the wire, within
forty-five feet of an enemy listening post. In a few minutes hundreds of
high-explosive shells had dropped round the post and the surrounding
ground, cutting off the men there. American artillery replied; but all
traces of German dead and wounded were removed by the time the Americans
had emerged from their dugouts after their barrage was raised.
The Germans followed their sortie against the listening post by a heavy
bombardment of the American lines a few days later. American guns
responded, shell for shell, wrecking several of the enemy's dugouts, and
badly damaging some of his first-line positions. They were caved in by
the American 75's, and the Germans spent several days in repairing them
and patching up gaps in the barbed wire before the wrecked trenches
could be reoccupied. A number of the men who were wounded slightly by
shell splinters were treated in the lines with their first-aid packets
and insisted on remaining at their posts until the fight was finished.
The enemy's next artillery exercise was a concentrated fire on one of
the American positions with the object of obliterating it. Americans
guns at once punished the German batteries with a retaliatory fire of
double force, and then swept the enemy lines with a vicious barrage.
Whereupon the German guns ceased firing.
The enemy presently resorted to the use of gas to harass the American
positions. Aimed at a wood, a rain of shells, largely composed of gas
and high explosives, came from the German minenwerfers. They burst in
the air, the high explosives detonating when they came in contact with
the earth, and broke into fragments among a number of men before they
could adjust their masks. Other troops were overcome by the fumes while
asleep in their dugouts. The fumes lingered in the gassed area long
after the shells had exploded, filling shell holes and other
depressions, and incapacitating men who ventured to work in the
vicinity. But the American guns exacted swift retribution. They leveled
a heavy fire on the German minenwerfers, and in half an hour had razed
the position. Timbers were thrown high in the air, and explosions,
probably of enemy ammunition, testified to American marksmanship. The
ground about the German batteries was churned upside down, and there was
no doubt of the fate of any German soldiers who were on the spot.
The beginning of March, 1918, saw the first pitched battle between
Americans and Germans in the St. Mihiel salient north of Toul. The enemy
started it by a morning raid in a driving wet snow, preceded by heavy
gunfire, intermixed with poison gas. The latter was discharged on the
trenches in a generous hail of shells, the Germans evidently thinking
that this second cloud of gas would daunt the American troops after
their previous foretaste. The Americans were not daunted; their masks
quickly covered them, and few troops were affected.
The woods behind the salient were shot to pieces by the German fire. As
soon as the barrage was raised on the trenches to the right of the
salient, some 300 Germans swept forward under the protection of their
fire. They jumped into what was left of the trenches, expecting to make
a haul of prisoners; but they found the Americans ready for them.
A fierce hand-to-hand fight followed in front of wire entanglements and
in shell holes. Meantime American barrage fire swept no-man's-land,
catching many running Germans who had turned tail from fighting at close
quarters.
The Germans were thrown back, leaving ten dead in the American trenches.
Two were officers, entangled in the wire. The ground was littered with
enemy hand grenades, boxes of explosives for destroying dugouts, and
incendiary bombs the enemy had no opportunity of using. The enemy had
paid dearly for his enterprise, but the Americans also suffered in
proportion. Berlin claimed that twelve had been captured.
They had cut the American wire with caution, making no noise, but the
sentry was watching their performance all the time, and let them proceed
until he was sure of routing them.
Another American patrol experienced, for the first time, a German attack
of liquid fire. Enemy troops were about to throw flame projectors into
the American trenches when an American patrol near by opened fire on
them. The Germans fled precipitately, pursued by the Americans, and
dropped four projectors, two of which were flaming. All the projectors
had been punctured by American shots.
The foregoing series of engagements shows that in every case the Germans
were the aggressors. The Americans, in fact, were merely holding the
Lorraine sector without aspiring to take the field until they were
better acquainted with trench warfare. The Germans, believing they had
green troops before them, were accordingly venturesome, and disposed to
put them on their mettle, which they accordingly did, only to find that
the supposedly raw American troops were no longer raw. The Germans
themselves had contributed to ridding them of any greenness with which
they credited them. The Americans had occupied the Lorraine sector as
substitutes for the French, and the Germans were accordingly eager to
know the quality of their new antagonists. Hence these series of raids
made on the American front. Soon the tables were to be turned by the
Americans conducting raids of their own.
CHAPTER XLIV
AMERICA OVER THE TOP
The first direct attack on the German lines made by American forces in
the Lorraine sector took place on the night of March 9, 1918, with the
cooperation of the French. Two raids were made. The troops engaged were
ordered to cut off the two ends of a salient in the German line, flatten
out the salient by artillery fire, enter the trenches, bomb the dugouts,
sweep the trenches generally, and return.
Intense artillery fire, lasting four hours, leveled the German
positions before the Franco-American troops advanced. They were divided
into two forces, with small French detachments flanking each, and went
forward at midnight behind a creeping barrage, each on a front of six
hundred yards. Starting simultaneously, one advanced northwest of the
salient, the other to the northeast. On the German first lines being
reached, the barrage was lifted so as to box in the enemy positions at
both points.
The troops dropped into the trenches, expecting a hand-to-hand fight,
but found that the Germans had fled. Continuing, they reached the second
German line six hundred yards farther on while American machine guns
fired on each flank of the two parties to check flanking operations by
the enemy.
The yield in prisoners was poor, the Germans having decamped. One French
flanking party found two wounded Germans. The Americans found none. But
they blew up a number of excellent concrete dugouts and returned with
large quantities of material and valuable papers. While they were in the
vacated German lines, enemy artillery began a vigorous counterbarrage,
but it was quickly silenced by gas shells hurled by American heavy and
light guns.
The raid was followed by a second on another part of the line,
undertaken without the aid of the French. A preliminary bombardment
swept the Germans' front trenches, tearing gaps in their barbed-wire
entanglements, and wrought other destruction. The German batteries came
into action, but accomplished nothing to halt the American progress.
Entering the German trenches behind one side of a "box" barrage, which
moved forward in front of them, they found numerous Germans hiding in
the dugouts. Hand-to-hand fighting followed, the Americans using their
automatic pistols and rifles. They penetrated 300 yards of the enemy
line, going beyond their objective. More fighting developed, but the
Germans were not equal to the assault and fled, leaving a number of dead
and wounded in their trenches. The Americans fought so fast in
effecting their object that the army doctors who accompanied them had
little to do. They returned to their own lines without being impeded by
a single German shell, and without fatalities. It was all over so
quickly that the German batteries had no chance to get into real action.
It was just a fifteen-minute adventure undertaken by way of feeling
their way in testing their capacity to give the Germans a taste of their
own medicine.
Following these engagements, the actual locality of which was not
disclosed, American forces were reported to be very active in aggressive
operations in the neighborhood of Lunéville, a town east of the Toul
sector. This information revealed an extension of the American positions
in Lorraine and an augmentation of forces that made the new sector one
of the most active on the front. It appeared that the two simultaneous
raids mentioned took place in this vicinity, northwest and northeast of
Badonviller. The trenches evacuated by the Germans were occupied by the
Americans, who consolidated them with their own lines. This forward
movement, though a small one, marked the first permanent advance by the
American army in France, and enabled the Americans and French to operate
from higher ground than heretofore. The Germans made only feeble
attempts to retake the position, and each time were repulsed. The
parapets were turned toward the enemy, dugout entrances were changed,
and new dugouts built to protect the troops. An exploring patrol
examined the trenches, proceeding laterally until they established
contact with the enemy. They came upon snipers' posts, listening posts,
and nests from which machine guns had been firing into the American
lines. These ambushes of the enemy were turned over to the tender
mercies of the American batteries, which wiped them out. The positions
of the Germans were made so uncomfortable at various points that they
tried to regain their lost foothold by connecting shell holes. Their
guns pounded the new American positions with heavy shells, some of the
twelve-inch type, without affecting the Franco-American consolidation.
A German battery of mine throwers, one of which had made a direct hit on
a dugout occupied by American soldiers, next received the earnest
attention of American guns in the Lunéville sector. The battery had
been causing considerable trouble. It was finally located, and upon it
high-explosive shells were concentrated. It was blown up.
More German trenches in the Lunéville sector were destroyed. The enemy
vacated them. When a patrol, without assistance from the artillery,
crossed no-man's-land, they found the first and second positions wiped
out. The patrol obtained further information and returned without
casualties, the Germans apparently not daring to molest them. The
indications behind the German lines were that they saw the need of
constructing stronger earthworks to withstand the American fire. A
patrol ascertained that the enemy had constructed trenches built of
concrete half way up the side, and was using rock crushers and concrete
mixers for building a number of "pill-boxes" opposite the American
front.
Meantime the foe gave renewed attention to the Toul sector. One new form
of attack came from a German aeroplane, which dropped rubber balls
filled with liquefied "mustard" gas. The effect of these novel air
missiles was not serious. The gas merely infuriated the troops, and when
the Germans heavily attacked the American positions with shell fire, gas
shells were hurled at the enemy from American batteries. Four gas
attacks ware launched at the Germans, whose guns were presently
silenced.
The Germans later responded by concentrating a heavy gas attack on a
town behind the American lines. No wind was blowing and the fumes of the
"mustard" gas from the shells hung low over the lines for a long time.
The batteries firing the gas shells were located and the American
gunners retaliated with doses of gas twice as large as the American
positions received. In fact, two towns held by the Germans were so
heavily gassed that one of them, Réchicourt, north of Xivray, one of the
American targets, was abandoned.
German snipers in this sector were also a constant worry to the
Americans. As fast as one nest was silenced, another was found, and the
task of wiping out the nuisance had to be repeated. In one instance, a
group of American snipers discovered an enemy nest close by and
promptly opened fire on it. The Germans replied with their rifles, and
then fired about three dozen or so of grenades. Apparently the Germans
had come to stay and did not intend to be chased out. One of the
American 37-millimeter gun teams then got into action against the nest,
and owing to its accurate fire no more Germans were seen at this
particular point. The Germans were frequently presented with examples of
the accuracy of the fire of these 37-millimeter guns. An enemy
machine-gun emplacement which had been annoying the Americans was
located and then the battery of "little fellows," as the guns were known
along the front, got into action, firing rapidly. They secured a number
of direct hits and destroyed the emplacement guns.
These small guns, which are about the size of a one-pounder, were easily
moved from place to place even in the trenches. They also secured direct
hits on the junction of communication trenches as men were passing, and
into the entrance of the dugout which a number of the enemy were seen to
enter and from which smoke was issuing. None of the enemy was seen to
come out.
In April the Germans attempted an ambitious local operation against the
Americans northwest of Toul. They planned to enter the third line
positions, it was subsequently learned, and for this purpose they sent a
special battalion of 800 shock troops equipped with wire, dynamite,
intrenching tools and other implements for adapting trenches to their
own use. The attack was preceded by a violent bombardment of the
American positions, lasting three days. Hundreds of shells fell, many of
them charged with gas. At sunrise on April 10 the German infantrymen
signaled their batteries for a barrage, and under it they started out
for the American line. They were selected from the best men of three
regiments and were preceded by shock platoons. The American gunners did
not wait for any rocket signal from their own side before getting into
action. They immediately started a counterbarrage, which caught the
advancing Germans before they could reach the American wire
entanglements. The German officers sent their troops through the
answering barrage, with the result that fewer than 200 of the 800
troops succeeded in making any advance. Only two reached the American
line; both were captured and one died immediately after from wounds.
The fighting developed on no-man's-land. American outposts moved to the
first line and with other infantrymen and machine gunners waited for
those of the attackers who survived the American barrage. As the raiders
neared the Americans poured a deadly fire into them, then climbed out of
the trenches and engaged them with grenades and in hand-to-hand
fighting. The enemy was driven back to his own lines, suffering serious
casualties from American heavy machine-gun and rifle fire rained on his
men as they fled. No-man's-land was strewn with German dead; several
bodies hung on the barbed wire after the enemy retired; and numbers were
killed by American guns before they could leave the German trenches. The
fight lasted two hours in a heavy morning mist; but the American gunners
found their aim despite the poor visibility.
It was a crushing defeat, and two days later the Germans, smarting under
it, sought to avenge it by reorganizing the 800 shock troops, which were
filled out by picked men from other units, and ordering them to take the
American positions. As before a violent bombardment, accompanied by gas
shells, signalized the attack. The German guns kept up a harassing fire
all night, and with dawn came the infantry attack, directed against
French troops who flanked the American forces on the left in the forest
of Apremont. While this engagement was proceeding the Americans launched
a counterattack on the German line, moving forward behind a perfect
curtain fire. The enemy, driven out of his trenches, was forced to fight
in the open. A deadly machine-gun and automatic-rifle fire was poured
into the Germans, who offered stubborn resistance at first, but latter
retreated to their second line, hotly pursued by the American troops.
After an interim the Germans resumed the attack at a point farther to
the right. The American barrage fire cut them off, but the German
officers drove their men through the exploding shells until a few
succeeded in penetrating the American front line. A counterattack by the
Americans ejected the enemy, driving him back to his positions.
The struggle lasted throughout the day, and was the first all-day battle
in which the Americans had been engaged. Their loss was slight. They
lost no prisoners, but gained thirty-four of the enemy. The prisoners
taken belonged to six different organizations. Five were Uhlans, and all
were carrying haversacks well filled, as if in preparation for a
protracted stay in the American trenches, corroborating the stories told
by prisoners previously taken, who said that the Germans had been
ordered to penetrate the American third line at all costs.
Several deeds of individual heroism marked the engagement. In one case a
young lieutenant, with three men, attacked nineteen Germans who had
penetrated into one of the American trenches. The lieutenant called on
the Germans to surrender. One of them raised his pistol, as if to shoot,
but the lieutenant shot him through the head, upon which the others
lifted their hands high in the air and yelled "Kamerad." The lieutenant
marched the prisoners in to the rear and then returned to the front and
resumed the command of his platoon.
Five other Americans penetrated into a German dugout where twelve of the
enemy were slightly wounded. The Germans resisted surrender, but our men
threw grenades into the dugout, killing four of the foe. The others
quickly gave themselves up.
Despite their failure, the Germans the next day continued their efforts
to drive through to the American third line. An incessant artillery fire
blended with gas shells prefaced two bitter attacks both of which the
Americans withstood. In all, the enemy spent four days in trying to take
the Apremont position.
German activities against American forces were next heard of north of
St. Mihiel, where a new American sector, located on the right bank of
the Meuse, south of Verdun, was disclosed. The enemy's raid had the
usual characteristics. It was made by a force of 400 picked troops
brought from the Russian front, who outnumbered the Americans by more
than two to one. The Germans leaped from their trenches under their
barrage; the Americans did likewise; and there was a hand-to-hand affray
with grenade and bayonet. The upshot was a German casualty list of
sixty-four dead, many wounded, and twelve prisoners, and the hurling
back of the survivors to their own lines.
While these scattered local operations enlivened the various American
sectors, the great German spring offensive was proceeding against the
British and French well out of the established American zones. As that
offensive developed in its scope, less attention was paid to the
American lines east of Verdun, and save for the Seicheprey raid and the
clash at Xivray, both to be presently described, the operations there
were of little moment.
The usual little amenities of war went on between isolated groups of
combatants, mostly local scrimmages in which not more than a dozen or
twenty men participated. These took the customary form of patrol
actions, clashes between scouts, the uprooting of enemy's snipers' nests
and the occasional invasion of trenches by one or the other side. There
were ceaseless artillery duels, accompanied by clouds of gas, and daily
fatalities, not all of them due to actual warfare.
Here and there small engagements, by reason of a swinging, thoroughgoing
effectiveness on the part of the bands of Americans who shared in them,
stand out of the daily routine of the trench warfare. In one that took
place near Bremenil, east of Lunéville, in May, 1918, when a body of
Germans essayed to attack the American positions, solely to take
prisoners to ascertain the American strength, not a single German got
back who succeeded in entering the American trenches. A gas bombardment
led the attack, followed by a heavy barrage fire, under which fifty
German soldiers attempted to reach the American line; nine of the
fourteen raiders were killed outright, four were captured, and one died
of wounds. No American was captured.
While comparative quiet reigned in the St. Mihiel, Toul, and Lunéville
sectors, as the summer advanced, a further extension of American
sectors, eastward of these positions, running almost to the Swiss
border, became revealed in General Pershing's reports. American forces
were heard of at St. Dié, Mulhouse, Colmar, and near Belfort. With the
main German forces busily--and unsuccessfully--engaged on other parts of
the front, the Americans hereabout appear to pass uneventful days. The
German forces before them, barring their occasional liquid fire,
artillery outbreaks, air reconnoissances, and machine-gun activity, were
disposed to let well enough alone.
By July, 1918, Americans practically occupied the whole of the
Lorraine-Alsace front. Their positions gradually became disclosed and
may now be stated with some particularity as follows: First, east of St.
Mihiel; second, north of Lunéville; third, east and a little south of
Lunéville or north of Badonviller; fourth, near St. Dié; fifth, just
west of Gebweiler, which is just east of the battle line, and, sixth,
east of Belfort, near Altkirch. Roughly speaking, these positions were
about equally distant from one another and divided the entire front from
St. Mihiel to the Swiss border into sections averaging about twenty-five
miles each, over a front of approximately 150 miles. This became now the
distinctly American front, and extended approximately one-third of the
entire western front.
The United States, to all intents and purposes, had created an "Eastern
front" of her own in taking over the southeastern portion of what was
known as the western front. Here General Pershing's legions could drive
directly into Germany by the shortest route with the least cost in men
and material, and with the least delay.
CHAPTER XLV
AT SEICHEPREY AND XIVRAY
The Germans had reached the conclusion that the Americans must be taught
a lesson. The latter were making a disquieting impression elsewhere on
the western front in cooperating with Anglo-French forces who were
resisting the German advance. Moreover, the Americans in their own
sectors showed an unseemly enterprise and eagerness to meet the kaiser's
hosts at close quarters, and even to hold them in small esteem.
Besides, the people at home must be persuaded that the hordes of
untrained and raw Americans who were spreading along the western front
were negligible and despised factors as belligerents, and the best way
to drive this conclusion home to the German people was to give the
Americans a sound thrashing. Such a disciplinary measure, the German
mind reasoned, would also have the effect of discouraging the Americans
from continuing to come to the rescue of their sorely pressed Allies.
The American sector running eastward of the famous salient of St. Mihiel
was chosen as the location of the castigation. In this sector lay the
village of Seicheprey among rolling hills, overlooking a winding valley
that runs to the northeast. The German positions were on high ground,
commanding the Allied trenches, and directly opposite them, behind the
American line, Seicheprey nestled on the southwestern slope of a steep
hill some 900 feet high. On the right, the hill was approachable on a
gradual incline, the greater part of which is covered by a small
rectangular grove called the Wood of Remières. Here the American line
joined the French.
The front of the attack made by the Germans ran something under two
miles from Seicheprey to the Remières Wood. Their object appeared to be
threefold, apart from the ultimate aim to discourage the Americans and
convince the German people that the United States was a poor antagonist.
One was to test the American strength and determine whether the
Americans, still unseasoned, as measured by the hardened condition of
the other Allied troops, after their four years of war, would brave
heavy shell fire, followed by strong infantry attacks. The second was to
widen the base of the St. Mihiel salient, which was too narrow to hold
with security. The third was to drive a wedge between the American and
French lines.
The assault came at sunrise on April 20. An all--night bombardment,
which sent a deluge of shells, many of them of poison gas, into the
American positions, preceded it. A German barrage was launched; the
Americans met it by a counterbarrage. In short, the regulation artillery
curtains were swept across the battle zone, under which the opposing
forces tried conclusions.
On a front extending for a mile and three-quarters the enemy sent a
force of 3,000 men, preceded by picked storm troops, who advanced in
three columns. They had been specially trained for the operation and
greatly outnumbered the resisting Americans; they carried rations and
intrenching tools, indicating that the aim was to occupy the American
trenches--if taken--for a long period. On the left and in the center the
assault was repelled, but on the right the assailants succeeded in
occupying Remières Wood, whose eastern edge was a short distance behind
the American line. The Germans pursued their customary tactics of
"infiltration," that is, of gradual progress in small groups, supported
by quick-firers along the line of entry made in the Allied position with
the object of taking the American center in the rear. Protected by trees
and favored by the character of the terrain, the Germans were so far
successful that by night they had reached the crest of the hill flanked
by Remières Wood, and delivered a heavy attack on Seicheprey.
The Germans carried the village, but only after furious hand-to-hand
fighting. They entered it in the belief that the Americans had gone, and
with good reason, since liquid fire, gas, and other devices of
frightfulness had been used to clear the village. But some Americans had
remained, and they attacked the Germans with hand grenades, killing many
of them. The Americans only fell back when they were greatly
outnumbered, after making a stubborn defense. German airmen poured
machine-gun fire upon them; but the antiaircraft batteries came into
play and American airmen took the air, bringing down two of the enemy
planes and dispersing the others. Before retiring the Americans fought
for every inch of the way, yielding slowly, and pouring a deadly
machine-gun, rifle, and automatic fire into the advancing enemy.
The Germans were not permitted to hold either Seicheprey or the Remières
Wood. Without a moment's delay the Americans and French organized a
counterattack and drove them out of the village.
It was found that the retreating Germans had set traps there in the
form of boxes containing high explosives to which they had attached
wires stretched across the streets. Some of the advancing troops stepped
on the wire, causing explosions and the traps had to be removed. Before
dawn of the next day the Franco-American forces had not only recovered
the village but forced the enemy back to the hilltop above it.
The battle circled about the brow and slope of the hill on which
Seicheprey stood and the wood of Remières at its foot. The Germans
returned to the charge with forces estimated at three battalions, led by
storm troops. Two hours' hard fighting followed. Finally, the Americans,
supported, as before by the French from an adjoining sector, now drove
the Germans down the slope into Remières Wood, already held by the foe,
and fought them among the trees all the morning. Toward noon the Allies
swept forward irresistibly and retook the wood completely. Fighting
stubbornly, the Germans were pushed back beyond the wood's eastern
fringe to their own trenches, where they endeavored to maintain
themselves. But a new Franco-American advance, combined with pressure
from the flank, forced them to retreat, and by evening they had retired
to the original starting point, and the American line was completely
reestablished.
It was the first time the Germans had met the Americans in serious
fighting on a scale which removed the engagement from the category of
small skirmishes in local operations, and apart from the ultimate
result, which was a defeat for the Germans, they learned something of
the quality of Americans, both as massed and individual fighters.
North of Seicheprey an American detachment was separated into small
groups and was cut off from the company to which it belonged throughout
the entire fight. Behind the Americans and on their left flank were
German units, but they could have retired on the right. They decided to
fight, which they did notwithstanding the incessant enemy bombardment
and rifle fire. Numerous hand-to-hand combats were fought in the course
of this long struggle, from which the Americans found themselves obliged
to retire toward nightfall, but only after destroying their machine
guns.
In Seicheprey a squad of Americans found several cases of grenades,
with which they made a determined fight, holding out the entire day on
the northern extremity of the village. They refused to surrender when
summoned to do so, and at the end of the fighting only nine out of the
original twenty-three were left. A cook surprised by the Germans, and
half stunned by a blow from a grenade, seized a rifle and continued
firing until he fell dead.
Toward evening a hospital which had been established in Seicheprey was
blown up, along with the doctors and ambulance men. The chief surgeon of
the American regiment engaged hurried to the spot with French and
American ambulance cars. The rescue party passed through a severe
barrage fire, but eventually reached the village, where they tended to
the wounded for many hours under a heavy enemy fire.
The American losses were never clearly known. They were estimated at
200. The Germans claimed 183 prisoners, which would leave only seventeen
dead and wounded on the American estimate. The scope of the battle
showed that the American losses in dead and wounded were much more than
that, hence the number of prisoners the Germans claimed was discredited.
As to the German casualties, a German prisoner put them at 600 killed,
wounded and missing, of these, more than 300 German dead were found in
the American trenches and in no-man's-land. The defeat of the Germans
was sufficiently proved by the omission of the German official bulletins
and the German press to mention the successful counterattack.
The Xivray affair (June 16, 1918) in the Toul sector furnished another
example of American alertness and vigor in an emergency. Xivray was
originally behind the German lines, but they had been penetrated by the
Americans, and the town was in American hands. As was the case in other
engagements, German prisoners betrayed that the enemy's purpose in
raiding the town was to carry off as many Americans as possible with a
view to extracting information from them. The enemy's design, as thus
revealed, was to send a large party without preparatory artillery fire.
They were to take up a position near the American barbed wire, and send
a signal rocket for a box barrage to cover Xivray and the approaching
communication trenches, while heavy artillery bombarded the villages in
the rear.
The American fire apparently precipitated a violent bombardment. It came
at 3 o'clock in the morning and was directed at the American first line
before Xivray, the American batteries, and at villages far in the rear.
An Associated Press correspondent thus described what follows:
"Six hundred men advanced to the attack in no less than a dozen
different columns, led by 200 picked Bavarian storming troops. They came
up on the right flank, on the left, and on the center under cover of
smoke, making a dark night still darker. They crept up the ravines and
slipped through the hollows. The sharp ears of sentries alone prevented
a total surprise.
"Their guns laid down a heavy box barrage that prevented the reenforcing
of the front line. One platoon, led by Lieutenant Doan, got through the
first curtain of fire. Doan even went through the second with some
volunteers, but that was all the help that could be sent to the 225 men
that were holding the line attacked. They were only one to three, but
they fought in a way to surprise and dismay the 600 Germans.
"One machine-gun section in the village was reduced to two men--Monfort
Wyckoff and John Flynn. Their gun jammed and Flynn kept the Germans off
with his revolver while Wyckoff got the quick-firer going again. They
held their ground to the end. Two other men, unable to get a sight at
the Germans from their trench, climbed the parapet and stood there
erect, firing their automatics from the shoulder.
"Two companies of infantry, without dugouts to shelter them, held their
ground on the right of the position through a heavy artillery
preparation and kept the enemy from bringing up reenforcements
throughout the fight. Meanwhile, in the center at Xivray and on the
left, the machine gunners did the rest.
"The enemy's plan, according to prisoners, was to force the village,
destroy the defense works, make the place untenable, and take prisoners.
The effort was well organized and might have succeeded but for the work
of the quick-firers.
"The Germans had lost a third of their 600 men when growing daylight
impaired the effectiveness of their smoke screen, and they began to
retire. The fifty-odd unwounded Americans left out of 225 went over the
top after them.
"Two hundred is a conservative estimate of the German losses, for our
men buried forty-seven of them on the field, and there were more corpses
in the tall grass facing the position out of reach. Thus the Germans
lost nearly as many men as they had facing them during the fight."
CHAPTER XLVI
ON THE CHEMIN-DES-DAMES
As early as February, 1918, American batteries were heard on the French
lines east of Rheims, where American gunners were apparently under
training by the French before going into action on their own front. An
opportunity came to them to show their quality when the French
determined to suppress a German salient which dipped into the French
position between Tahure and Butte du Mesnil, in the Champagne. It was a
difficult operation owing to the nature of the ground, which formed a
basinlike depression, into which the Germans could pour the fire of
their concentrated guns from the surrounding heights.
Artillery did the main work. American gunners took part in a six-hour
bombardment of the salient on a front of a mile, and so thoroughly were
the German defenses demolished that it took the French assaulting troops
only an hour to gain all the objectives in view. Afterward the American
gunners, with their French comrades, extended their range, developing an
effective barrage to prevent counterattacks on the newly won ground.
"American batteries gave very effective support," said the French
communiqué in reporting this successful raid.
About the same time American units appeared on the Aisne fighting front
in the vicinity of the famous Chemin-des-Dames. They had been detailed
there for training purposes; but their location was not revealed by
General Pershing until the Germans themselves knew of their presence.
They had been there weeks before their presence became known. Suddenly
ordered from their billets, they entrained to the railhead, and passed
through mile after mile of shell-scarred, desolate ground and through
several great piles of stones and débris which once were villages but
now had not a single house standing. They took up their positions
without a hitch to the music of roaring guns, both friendly and hostile,
their flashes stabbing the blackness of the night, first here and then
there, as far as the eye could see.
Many of them were quartered in quarries twenty feet underground, one
quarry having room for sheltering 3,000 men. Other recesses beneath the
surface occupied by them were partly natural in formation and improved
through blasting operations by the Germans, who occupied them for three
years. But most of the American troops were above ground, having
established themselves in trenches and dugouts which they had cleaned,
strengthened, and improved and protected by barbed-wire entanglements.
The cave dwellers' chief barracks was seventy-two feet underground. This
cave ran in long galleries with cement ceilings, and was lighted by
electricity, acetylene lamps, and oil lanterns. The troops slept on low,
double-tiered wooden bunks provided with straw. Here the troops usually
remained from four to six days each, a company being assigned to a
certain portion of the cavern. Being new to active field service, they
were not permitted to roam about at will, lest they be lost, nor to
leave the cavern at all except on duty, lest they be detected by enemy
airmen.
The appearance of Americans on this sector was greeted by the Germans
with a sign reading: "Welcome, Yankees." It was promptly riddled with
bullets till it looked like a sieve.
The French and Americans responded to this little pleasantry by an
attack on the German lines at Chevregny on February 23, 1918. The French
organized a little raid on the German lines, aided by twenty-six picked
Americans, and rehearsed the operation the day before. An hour's barrage
at dawn brought the Americans moving forward eagerly with their French
comrades. They moved so fast, indeed, that they came within thirty
yards of the dropping shells on reaching the enemy lines. It was the
first time American troops had essayed an attack under such a curtain of
fire, and their ardor actually took them beyond their objectives.
In the German trenches officers were making the rounds after morning
relief when the Americans and French burst in. The Germans rushed to
shelter in a dugout roofed with rails and sandbags; but this refuge was
immediately shattered by a French shell.
Deprived of this cover, the Germans scattered about the trench. The
entire party at this point was captured after some hand-to-hand
fighting. Other shelters and communicating trenches were cleared without
yielding any prisoners. A German counterbarrage caught the raiders and
their captives on returning across no-man's-land, wounding five Germans
and six Frenchmen, but no Americans.
[Illustration: American soldiers starting out to storm Cantigny, on the
Picardy front. They were aided by French tanks. The attack, which took
place on May 21, 1918, was entirely successful.]
The Germans directed a strong retaliatory assault against this sector a
few days later. Its repulse revealed that the Americans were in
sufficient force to hold a considerable portion of the front line. Three
companies of trained shock troops were sent to take the American
trenches under a heavy German barrage. American artillery responded
with a like curtain of fire as soon as the German barrage was raised,
and American machine guns sent streams of bullets into the advancing
enemy. The fighting was brisk for about an hour; but the accurate
machine-gun and rifle fire from the American front lines, coupled with
the perfect American barrage, which prevented reenforcements from coming
up, forced the Germans to withdraw after sustaining heavy casualties and
without having set foot in the American trenches.
After the attack a patrol was found to be missing. A platoon set out
into no-man's-land to find them in a rain of machine-gun bullets. The
German fire was too heavy, and they returned without finding any trace
of the missing men. It was assumed that the latter had been too
venturesome and were captured.
CHAPTER XLVII
BEFORE AMIENS
The Allies' resistance to Germany's spring offensive of 1918, which
aimed to reach the Channel ports and Paris, at first revealed no
indication that American forces were taking part in the defense. The
sweep of her first advance, begun on March 21, 1918, extended from the
vicinity of Arras, on the north, to La Fère, on the south. The latter
town was near a great bend then in the western line around the wood of
St. Gobain, a short distance northwest of the Chemin-des-Dames, where,
as shown in the previous chapter, Americans were stationed. Hence the
German attack swept within fighting distance of American arms.
The United States was in sufficient strength along the western front to
make it certain that General Pershing would not let Great Britain and
France bear the sole burden of meeting the German advance. But for some
days the share of the American forces in the fighting was veiled in
mystery. Berlin finally shed a little daylight on the subject. In its
official communiqués of March 24 and 25, 1918, it alluded to American
reserves having been thrown back on Chauny, which is eight miles west of
La Fère. These bulletins contained the following passages:
"The British Third and Fourth Armies and portions of Franco-American
reserves who had been brought up were beaten, and on the line of
Bapaume-Bouchavesnes and behind the Somme, between Péronne and Ham, as
well as at Chauny, were repulsed with the heaviest of losses.
"The corps of Generals von Webern and von Conte and the troops of
General von Geyl, after a fierce battle, crossed the Crozat Canal.
"French, English, and American regiments which had been brought up from
the southwest for a counterattack were thrown back on Chauny in a
southwesterly direction."
The next day General Pershing threw further light on the mystery in a
message to the War Department:
"Reference to the German communiques of the 24th and 25th regarding
American troops: Two regiments of railway engineers are with the British
armies involved in this battle. Three companies of engineers were
working in the areas mentioned in the communique in the vicinity of the
Crozat Canal."
Thereby hung a tale similar to that which recorded the part American
engineers took at Cambrai, as told in the previous volume. By true
Teutonic indirection, the German "Vorwärts," in commenting on the battle
in the area named, indicated that the American share in it was not
negligible:
"Attacks of combined Allied forces against the pivot of the German
attacking front near La Fère were particularly heavy. These
counterattacks did not find us unprepared. It testifies to the superior
foresight of the German command that these attacks, in which American
troops certainly participated only symbolically, were not only beaten
off, but were thrown back on the Oise Canal by an energetic blow."
These allusions were foretokens that something unusual was taking place.
The staid official language of General Pershing, in a communication to
the War Department, thus described what had happened:
"Certain units of United States Engineers, serving with a British army
battalion, March 21 and April 3, 1918, while under shell fire, carried
out destruction of material dumps at Chaulnes, fell back with British
forces to Moreuil, where the commands laid out trench work, then
proceeded to Demuin, and were assigned a sector of the defensive line,
which was constructed and manned by them, thence moved to a position on
the line near Warfusee-Abancourt and extending to north side of Bois de
Toillauw. The commands started for this position on March 27, 1918, and
occupied it until April 3, 1918, during this time the commanding
officer of a unit of United States Engineers being in command of the
subsector occupied by his troops. This command was in more or less
continuous action during its stay in this position. On April 3, 1918,
the command was ordered to fall back to Abbeville."
General Rawlinson, commanding the British forces engaged in this battle,
acknowledged the services performed by American engineers in a letter to
the colonel commanding a United States engineer regiment.
"I fully realize," he wrote, "that it has been largely due to your
assistance that the enemy is checked.... I consider your work in the
line to be greatly enhanced by the fact that for six weeks previous to
taking your place in the front line your men had been working at such a
high pressure erecting a heavy bridge over the Somme. My best
congratulations and warm thanks to you all."
It appeared that a gap had to be stopped in the bending line through
which the Germans otherwise would have streamed. Amiens lay before their
advancing hosts, and the way was open. The critical moment came on the
afternoon of Tuesday, March 26, 1918. It was imperative that more troops
should be thrown into the British line to arrest the German onrush.
Reenforcements were on the way, but could not arrive in time.
A dashing British officer, Brigadier General Carey, hastily improvised a
scratch force of every available element within reach. American
engineers were among them, and they were eagerly drawn into the fray. By
telephone, messenger, and flag signals, General Carey assembled a little
army from behind the lines which included labor battalions, cooks, and
orderlies, sturdy middle-aged men, of various occupations, electricians,
signalers, members of an infantry training school, machine gunners
hurriedly armed with rifles, engineers, and fifty cavalrymen for
scouting. He also improvised a staff as he proceeded, "officers learning
the ground," as one onlooker described it, "by having to defend it and
every man from enlisted man to brigadier jumping at each job as it came
along."
Early in the German advance, British reports had mentioned "Americans
fighting shoulder to shoulder with the French and British." No American
force was then identified as in the fight, and not until several days
after did Pershing begin to send reenforcements to the Allies. The
Americans referred to so mysteriously were part of that strangely mixed
force that Carey drummed up from the void. These engineers at Carey's
call picked up rifles and merged themselves in his motley corps without
orders from anybody. They had been called from their work, which was
constructing and operating field railways and building bridges.
The beginning of their exploits was due to three companies of an
American engineer regiment being caught in the early bombardment.
Ordered to fall back, one of the companies, which had been consolidated
with the British Royal Engineers, was delegated to the task of
guaranteeing the destruction of the engineers' dump referred to by
General Pershing, which it had been decided to abandon. This detachment
destroyed all the material, made a rapid retreat, caught up with the
larger group, and immediately resumed work, laying out trenches. These
operations lasted from March 22 to 27, 1918. As the German attack became
more intense, the engineers joined up with the mixed force General Carey
had assembled.
Then followed a week's brilliant defense of the road to Amiens. Led by
General Carey, this assorted force, numbering 1,500 men, plunged into
the swirling battle line, where they were strung over a front of 1,200
yards, against which hordes of Germans were thrown.
"It seems almost inconceivable," wrote a correspondent, "that these
defenders, brave unto death though they were, could have been able to
hold that long sector, but they held. The enemy advanced in force and
hurled themselves time and time again against the line in this region,
but they found no weak spot. This composite force stood as gallantly and
as well as their comrades to the right and to the left. They clung on
for many hours until the regulars came up."
What happened at Cambrai had been repeated before Amiens. American
engineers, facing an emergency, had thrown their tools aside and taken
up arms. They were not many; but, nevertheless, history will never
record the battle of Picardy without including the story of how Carey's
men acquitted themselves, nor omit the fact that Americans were in the
fray.
Afterward American troops in strong force took up positions on the
active fighting front in Picardy with the French and British. General
Pershing's first reenforcements occupied a sector east of Amiens on a
rolling terrain. The artillery was first on the line, entering on a dark
night reddened by the continuous flashes of friendly and hostile guns.
Under a fire at times heavy, the American gunners took up the positions
of the French batteries and set about digging in. When the infantry
moved in, the firing was just as intense. In some places the troops,
after passing through villages, were raked with shrapnel. In several
instances they found the trenches shallow; in other cases there were no
trenches at all. The positions were soon improved and the shell holes
connected. The American lines generally ran about 200 to 400 yards apart
with the high ground about evenly divided about them.
The American troops were there to stay. The pack on each man's back as
he entered the firing line was loaded with paraphernalia that pointed to
permanency so far as such a condition obtains in warfare. Each carried a
blanket, with a pair of shoes tied on either side of it. Among other
articles carried were two pairs of socks, a suit of underwear, a towel,
soap, toilet articles, two days' emergency rations of four packages of
hard bread, and a can of corned beef, whatever trinkets he had, a deck
of cards, a set of dice, and photographs and letters especially
cherished by him. In addition he carried canteen, rifle, bayonet, 160
rounds of ammunition, a shovel, pick, and a wire cutter (or bolo).
A French communiqué, in reporting a violent bombardment of
French-American positions on April 24, 1918, specifically located the
American sector as "south of the Somme and on the Avre."
The opposing lines ran north and south, with the enemy between the
Americans and the rising sun. Between the rear American echelons
extended the main road between Amiens and Beauvais. Amiens, the German
objective, lay thirty-five kilometers away on the American left.
Beauvais was about the same distance away on the American right and two
hours distant by train from Paris. The Americans were between the
Germans and the sea.
On April 3, 1918, this American line was violently attacked by the
Germans near Villers-Bretonneux--the first occasion that brought fully
equipped American troops in force into the swing of the continuing
Picardy battle. It was an afternoon bombardment, beginning at 5 o'clock,
and lasted for two hours. The German guns were directed especially
against the Americans, who were supported on the north and south by the
French. The intensity of the enemy's fire slacked about 7 o'clock,
whereupon the German commander sent forward three battalions of
infantry. The Americans met them and a violent struggle ensued. There
was hand-to-hand fighting all along the line, as a result of which the
enemy was thrust back, his dead and wounded lying on the ground in all
directions. Five prisoners remained in American hands. The American
losses were severe, but so were the enemy's. The French were full of
praise for the manner in which the Americans acquitted themselves under
trying circumstances, especially in view of the fact that they were
fighting at one of the most difficult points on the battle front.
An interlude of comparative quiet set in, if such a term can be used
when there were daily artillery firing and patrolling. The Americans,
settling in their positions, became stronger; they appeared to be better
intrenched than the Germans, who were continually harassed, day and
night. The enemy was wastefully lavish in the use of gas, some of it
liquefied, in glass bottles which were hurled through the air apparently
by means of a spring. On bursting they liberated heavy, white fumes that
caused nausea, sneezing, and coughing, but did not otherwise harm the
Americans. These missiles, thrown without any detonation, were a variant
on the avalanche of "mustard" gas shells the Germans periodically
showered. They appeared to be disconcerted by the unmoved bearing of the
Americans before the gas assaults; instead of retreating from the clouds
of fumes, the Americans countered by sending gas of twofold strength
into the enemy's lines. In fact, the Americans always greeted every
exhibition of German fire by returning it two to one. Their positions
became daily more firmly established and those of the Germans more
difficult to retain.
Higher up, northwest of these positions in Picardy, American troops had
established positions in union with the British forces under Sir Douglas
Haig. Thus "American fronts" by the middle of May, 1918, interposed
along the entire western line from the North Sea to the Swiss border.
Their distribution between French and British sectors placed fresh
troops where they were needed and afforded scope for invaluable training
in modern warfare to both officers and men that they could obtain in no
other way. Those in Picardy were not long in proving that they were
equal to their experienced Anglo-French comrades in arms in the task
they had set themselves.
CHAPTER XLVIII
CANTIGNY
Foretokens of a movement against Cantigny came in the middle of May,
1918, when a searching American artillery fire exploded a huge German
ammunition dump at that place and set a number of fires blazing behind
the German lines in Montdidier. Near the latter town the Germans later
drove a wedge into the American line in a retaliatory attack and stayed
there for four hours. The American counterthrust hurled them back; the
troops not only drove them across no-man's-land, but followed them into
their own second line and made a haul of prisoners. The Germans suffered
heavily in the fighting, which was of a hand-to-hand nature at times.
The bravery of the Americans may be illustrated by the case of a private
whose arm was blown off. Dazed, he kept on fighting, and did not know he
had been injured until a comrade came to his aid.
This attack, like those made on the Lorraine front, was an attempt to
push back new troops with the object of creating a feeling that they
formed a weak link in the defending chain. The next day, however, the
weak link stretched beyond its own line and essayed an assault on
Cantigny. The action, May 28, 1918, took place while huge German forces
elsewhere were in the swing of a drive southward through the Allied
lines between Noyon and Rheims, on a forty-mile front, and had overrun
the Chemin-des-Dames--throwing back the American forces there--and
crossed the Aisne.
The Cantigny exploit did not bulk large in the great battle that raged
from Ypres to Rheims; but it showed that, put on their mettle, the new
troops were first-class fighting men and a match for the Germans.
Amiens, in the neighborhood of which the enemy already had had a
foretaste of American valor, was only twenty miles away to the
northwest. To the American right the Germans were forging their way to
the Marne and creating the celebrated salient between Soissons and
Rheims. Away to the left the British and French had just checked the
second phase of the German advance between Ypres and Arras. Cantigny
brought a little consolation to the Allies, though only a
counterdiversion of small account, in the midst of the sweeping German
onslaught.
Just west of the village the Germans held a salient, which the Americans
determined to flatten out. An advance, on a front of a mile and a
quarter, was thereupon organized, involving the employment of a
considerable force, and undertaken under the eye of veteran French
officers, who made safeguarding dispositions of their own forces to
reenforce the Americans if necessary.
The customary artillery fire, augmented by French gunners, signalized
the attack, which began early in the morning. Aided by French tanks, the
Americans advanced through a mist and made the required distance of 600
yards in ten minutes under machine-gun fire. The tanks found their path
easy, the American guns having already prepared the way. In fact, their
fire smothered the Germans, whose resistance was so slight that the
Americans proceeded to penetrate their positions to a depth of nearly a
mile.
A strong unit of flame throwers and engineers aided the Americans.
Moving barrages preceded the infantry advance, which followed with
clockwork precision. There was some hand-to-hand fighting in the
streets, but the hard-hitting Americans, wielding grenade and bayonet,
managed to clear the enemy out of the village in three quarters of an
hour. A number of Germans had taken refuge in a large tunnel and a
number of caves, which formed part of the village fortifications, and
the Americans had to hurl grenades like baseballs into these shelters in
order to oust them. The Germans entombed in dugouts near by readily
trooped out and surrendered when they saw the futility of resistance. In
short, the garrison at Cantigny was soon accounted for; the men were
either all captured or killed at a slight cost to the Americans. It was
found that the Germans had honeycombed the village with outposts and
machine-gun emplacements.
The Americans had obtained high ground commanding a section of
plateaulike country. In straightening the salient they acquired
territory the length of their two-kilometer advance, as well as
Cantigny, and brought their line well east of the village.
The Germans attempted several counterattacks, persisting in them for
three days. They were met by hurricanes of fire. Waves of German
infantrymen were stopped dead or thrown back, leaving many of their
number killed or wounded on the ground. There were night bombardments,
air bombing, and even tank attacks in addition to fruitless advances of
troops. Foot soldiers and tanks alike recoiled before the stone-wall
resistance offered by the Americans, who did not budge an inch from the
position they occupied on taking Cantigny. On the contrary, in face of
continuous attempts to expel them, they consolidated their position, and
finally came a quiet day, telling that the Germans had abandoned their
efforts to retake the village. The attack and counterattacks yielded 242
prisoners to the Americans.
Berlin, recording the engagement on May 29, 1918, merely said:
"West of Montdidier the enemy during a local advance penetrated into
Cantigny yesterday."
General Pershing found occasion to comment thus on this announcement in
his report to the War Department:
"Attention is drawn to the fact that the German official communiqué of
May 29, afternoon, in reporting the capture of Cantigny avoids mention
of the fact that the operation was conducted by American troops. Recent
marked endeavors of the Germans to discount the fighting qualities of
our forces indicate that the enemy feared the moral effect of such
admission in Germany."
CHAPTER XLIX
AROUND CHÂTEAU-THIERRY
Meantime, some distance to the left of this American sector at Cantigny,
the German thrust between Noyon and Rheims had cut across the Aisne,
took a westward turn and enveloped Soissons, proceeded south to the
Marne between Château-Thierry and Dormans on a six-mile front, and swung
a couple of miles along the Marne beyond Dormans. Their advance having
progressed thus far, the Germans on the Marne and on the west of the
salient they had formed in the Allied line found themselves facing
another American army.
The narrative of American operations in France thus turns from recording
local exploits such as that at Cantigny and the trench adventures that
marked the inconsequential warfare along the American sectors east of
St. Mihiel. It becomes merged in the story of major operations, with the
Americans in the thick of a great battle, fighting shoulder to shoulder
with the French on their left, and joined on their right by more French,
aided by British and Italian troops. American forces in great numbers
became a big factor in arresting the southward sweep of the Germans
across the Marne, and in checking a plunge westward, both operations
aiming at a triumphant march on Paris. Just as the Americans had aided
in stopping the Germans from reaching Amiens, a pivotal point in the
British lines, so did they save Paris. At the tail end of the third
phase of his descent on the French capital via the Marne, the German was
slowly beginning to realize that the despised Americans had become a
leading factor in the war.
There was an imperative call for American aid to reenforce the French
along the Marne and on the western side of the salient. They were rushed
from distant training areas, or from the quiet sectors in Lorraine and
Alsace or from the American positions round Cantigny and Montdidier and
about Amiens on the British front, and once on the scene they
immediately plunged into action to check the German drive. How one
American unit hastened to fill the breach and stem the Teutonic tide was
described by Junius B. Wood as typical of the expedition with which
other detachments moved into the battle zone:
"One evening at 7 o'clock orders came over the long-distance telephone
from headquarters to move. At 10 o'clock the same night camions were
rumbling up, and after all the men had found places, started toward the
fateful Marne. Before daylight they had crossed a goodly part of France
and reached the reserve areas. The camions started back, while soldiers
and officers stretched out along the roadside to snatch a few hours of
sleep. The next night they marched into the support positions. A few
more hours of sleep, and they went directly into the battle. In less
than twelve hours telephone wires were strung and communication
established in their territory. Every part of the organization from
commanding officers to privates were working perfectly. Supplies were
coming up over the roads in the rear. Ambulances were carrying back the
wounded, while the trucks which had carried up ammunition with which to
sow the seeds of death returned to aid refugees and thus helping to save
the living.
"Along the Paris road the dust hung like a fog over the companies
marching forward to take their turn at fighting and other companies
returning for a few hours of sleep. Out of the brown clouds dashed staff
motor cars and ambulances disregarding all speed laws. Trains of trucks
passed the horse-drawn batteries moving into position. Flashes and
ear-splitting crashes came from batteries put in position just far
enough off the roads to avoid the traffic. Men were cooking beside the
guns, and others, oblivious to the suffocating dust, were sleeping in
the midst of the noise and turmoil. All moved according to a
well-ordered system.
"While the guns were barking under the shade trees at the roadside
stolid ox teams with carts loaded with household possessions were moving
to the rear. It seemed as if the guns with their muzzles pointing the
other way were holding back the invaders until those fleeing fugitives
should again reach safety. Other batteries were hastily unlimbered in
fields and orchards where plows and harrows had been abandoned only a
few hours previously by the peaceful peasants."
The Americans entered the line in the midst of a battle which raged over
a hilly country and which shifted back and forth like a maelstrom. Crops
were growing and there were no prepared trenches. The first unit on the
scene was a machine-gun battalion, which rode on trucks throughout the
night of Friday, May 30, 1918, and arrived the next morning, going into
position to guard the bridges across the Marne at Château-Thierry.
Another unit arrived on Sunday morning, June 2, 1918, and before 4
o'clock the same afternoon had been in three fights, in one of which it
drove the Germans back two kilometers on a front of four kilometers.
The beginning of June, 1918, in fact, which marked the entrance of the
Americans into the battle line of the Soissons-Marne-Rheims salient,
found them in the thick of the conflict almost before they had breathing
time to dig in.
The Germans at once locked horns with them at Neuilly, Château-Thierry,
and Jaulgonne. When the Americans appeared near the first-named place,
the Germans were trying to enter Neuilly Wood. They had succeeded in
entering the village of Neuilly-la-Poterie near by and found the
adjacent woods, occupied by the French and Americans, a stumblingblock
to their advance. The American machine gunners mowed down the advancing
enemy battalions and later supported the French infantry in a
counterattack which forced the enemy to retire beyond the northern edge
of the wood. On June 31, 1918, the Germans made another attempt to drive
the Americans out. They concentrated large forces and advanced in massed
formation. Again they were met by a rain of machine-gun fire, which
smothered a similar hail of bullets the Germans had shed on the
Americans from hastily erected machine-gun positions on the skirts of
the wood. The Americans advanced before the Germans reached their line,
engaged them at close quarters with the bayonet, broke their formations
and sent them fleeing in confusion to the ruined village beyond the wood
whence they had come.
While these attacks were under way American and French troops on the
Marne near Jaulgonne, east of Château-Thierry, were engaged in repelling
a battalion of Germans who had forced a passage of the river at that
point. In a sharp combat, marked by the fierceness of their machine-gun
fire, the French and Americans, fighting side by side, almost wiped out
the German forces which reached the southern bank of the Marne. Most of
the survivors were rounded up in small groups and captured. They
numbered a hundred. A second German attack was launched later with shock
troops, who also gained a footing on the southern bank, but again their
stay was not long. The footbridge on which they crossed was swept by
American machine-gun fire, and rushes of American infantry forced the
enemy back.
The most notable of these preliminary contacts the Germans had with the
Americans on the southern arc of the salient was at Château-Thierry. The
battalion of American machine gunners already mentioned, which had been
posted on May 31, 1918, to guard the river bridges at that town, found
the Germans already in the northern outskirts. The town lies on both
sides of the Marne, which is there spanned by a big bridge. A little to
the northward a canal runs parallel to the river and is crossed by a
smaller bridge. The Germans had made their way into the northern part
of the town through a gap they had driven in the Allied lines to the
left, and began to stream through the streets toward the bridge,
intending to establish themselves firmly on the southern bank and
capture the town.
They reckoned without the American machine gunners, who had been
suddenly thrown into Château-Thierry with French colonial troops. The
Americans immediately took over the defense of the river bank,
especially the approaches to the bridge. They began operations by poking
the muzzles of their weapons through broken walls, bushes, and holes
knocked in the sides of the houses. The guns were skillfully hidden and
the Germans were unable to locate them. The latter wavered under the
American fire, their advance was brought to a standstill, and a
counterattack by the French colonials drove them from the town. As usual
the Germans attempted a counterassault. The next night, June 1, 1918,
taking advantage of the darkness, they stole toward the large bridge, in
which direction they penetrated through the western suburbs to the banks
of the Marne. In order to mask their movements, they made use of smoke
bombs, which made the aim of the machine guns very difficult. At the
same time the town underwent an extremely violent bombardment. A
surprise, however, was in store for them. They were already crossing the
bridge, evidently believing themselves masters of both banks, when a
thunderous explosion blew the center of the bridge and a number of
Germans with it into the river. Those who reached the southern bank were
immediately captured. Holding the south end of the bridge, the Americans
covered the withdrawal of troops across the bridge before its
destruction, and although under severe fire themselves, kept all the
approaches to the bank under a rain of bullets, which nullified all the
subsequent efforts of the enemy to cross the river. Every attempt of the
Germans to elude the vigilance of the Americans resulted in disaster to
them. The upshot was that the Germans abandoned the occupation of the
northern part of Château-Thierry, which American machine guns made
untenable, and it became a part of no-man's-land. The Americans
altogether made a brilliant defense of the town. A French staff officer
described it as one of the finest feats of the war. There was little
left of the town itself. It was shot to pieces and became a pile of
bricks and stones.
CHAPTER L
A DRIVE BY THE MARINES
American operations in the salient now took a more active turn to the
northwest of Château-Thierry in the vicinity of Neuilly, where the
Germans had already clashed with their new antagonists. There the
Americans were linked with the French on a line that rested on
Neuilly-la-Poterie, and ran through Champillon, Lucy-le-Bocage, and to
the south of Triangle, and then meandered in an irregular course to
Château-Thierry. From this line came a forward movement on June 6, 1918,
directed east of Neuilly toward Torcy, Belleau, and Bouresches. The next
day the line stood south of the village of Torcy, south of the village
of Belleau, with the wood of Belleau partly in American possession, and
through Bouresches, then south to the highway east of Thiolet, and
thence to Château-Thierry. This advance represented an extension of the
American line over a front of about six miles to a depth of nearly two
and a half miles.
The brunt of the fighting was borne by United States Marines. It was a
sustained action, extending for thirty-six hours. It held the center of
the war stage; on no other part of the fighting fronts were there any
measurable activities that produced like successes against German arms.
The movement, which aimed to drive the German lines farther back from
their Paris objective also had its significance in that its second stage
was directed by American commanders and undertaken solely by American
troops. Most of the fighting by Americans on the western front had been
carried out under French commanders. The American units detailed to the
Somme, for example, reported to the French command, who assigned them
with French soldiers where they were most needed. The commander of the
unit to which the marines belonged wanted full control of his own sector
in the Château-Thierry region. The request was granted, and the result
showed that an American unit, acting on its own initiative, could acquit
itself equal to the best-trained German unit.
The first assault on the enemy lines was made at dawn, when the American
marines swept forward, with the French attacking on their left, and
gained over a mile on a four-mile front. By 8 o'clock they had gained
all their first objectives and held all the important high ground
northwest of Château-Thierry. They captured 100 prisoners, among them
thirty-five mounted Uhlans, and ten machine guns.
The enemy had augmented his line recently, the Americans having pressed
him so hard that he was forced to throw three new divisions of his best
troops into the breach. Against them the Americans advanced in a solid
phalanx, singing and whistling "Yankee Doodle," and cheering. No barrage
preceded them, although there had been some advance artillery
preparations. On certain parts of the line the resistance was weak; but
in other instances our marines ran into German machine-gun nests which,
in some cases, succeeded in inflicting considerable casualties. But they
did not stop the Americans. Marines with hand grenades and rifles
charged the machine guns, wiping out the nests, and in one instance
capturing a gun and its crew.
[Illustration: Where the American marines stopped the German advance on
the Marne.]
From the new line gained by the first attack, a second American advance
was made at five in the evening, and by night it reached Torcy and
Bouresches. The next morning, June 7, 1918, the Americans were holding
Torcy in the face of repeated counterattacks and pushing back the
Germans through the streets of Bouresches. Torcy was not part of the
American objective, but the eager marines swept into the village by
their own momentum.
The hardest fighting took place in the wood of Belleau, to the east of
Torcy and between that village and Bouresches.
The wood of Belleau into which the marines penetrated with such ardor
proved a hornets' nest. It was ambushed with machine guns, which
hampered the American advance and caused many casualties. There were
about twenty of them in the plateau formed by the wood. The Americans
vainly tried to demolish them by rifles, mortars, and hand grenades.
Finally, despite the streams of bullets, they surrounded the plateau,
cut off the Germans in it, and went ahead, capturing a hill beyond the
wood and inflicting heavy losses on the Germans as they withdrew.
The tireless and undaunted marines then moved on Bouresches. It was a
night attack, marked by volleys of machine-gun fire which they poured
into the enemy stationed in the village. Bayonets were freely used
whenever the Germans attempted to make a stand in the streets. The path
of the Americans was not easy. They drove the Germans out in the face of
heavy artillery fire, including gas shells, but several times they were
balked by machine guns operated by Germans from house roofs. At last a
lieutenant, with what was left of a platoon, penetrated into the town
under heavy German fire and cleared it of infantry. He held it for
thirty minutes, until two companies of Americans came to his aid. They
spent an hour routing out the German machine gunners with rifles and
hand grenades, when the ammunition began to run low. A runner was
dispatched for supplies and another lieutenant hastened to the rescue
with a truck load of ammunition. On the road to Bouresches he was the
target of a heavy fire from Germans who had hidden behind the advancing
Americans; but he succeeded in getting the truck into the town and
distributing the sorely needed ammunition.
The American position created by the capture of Bouresches ran from that
village to Le Thiolet and guarded the highway from Château-Thierry to
Paris. On June 8, 1918, the Germans vainly attacked this position. They
also tried to retake Bouresches without success. They could not advance
beyond the railroad tracks to the north of the town, where they had
intrenched themselves after being driven out by the marines.
The Germans started a night bombardment on the position, to which the
Americans did not respond until the enemy's movements revealed that an
attack on Le Thiolet was intended. A heavy American barrage was
thereupon laid down, which cut the communications of the attacking
force and hampered its reenforcements. The Americans were in shallow
trenches, hastily prepared, but well equipped with machine guns, which
poured a concentrated fire on the enemy when he advanced within 600
yards. Under that fire he continued for 200 yards and then stopped.
Undismayed by this repulse, the enemy sent another body of troops to
attack the American positions south of the highway, where, on the edge
of a wood, the Americans had posted many machine guns. The gunners
allowed the Germans to advance a certain distance and then rained their
fire upon them. More than a hundred German dead covered one small field
swept by the American bullets. The enemy was halted and driven back by a
rush of Americans from their trenches in the face of a hail of bullets
showered upon them from behind the German lines. This rear fire marked
both the attack and repulse, but did not deter the Americans.
It now came the turn of the marines occupying Bouresches to beat off a
German attack aiming at its recapture. The trio of counterassaults
appeared to have been designed so that the third should be the grand
finale, or a culminating surprise for the Americans. The latter were
alert, having been forewarned, and were reenforced by a number of
machine guns. These they placed on the top of the embankment along which
the railroad track ran. The slaughter of the Germans was ruthless when
they ventured to cross the track. None returned who got past the
embankment; they were either killed or captured. The attack was
repeated, but each attempt to retake Bouresches failed.
The Americans with their machine guns paid the Germans back in their own
coin. One of the chief obstacles to the Americans' progress was the
German fire from such guns. Bouresches when taken was found dotted with
positions for them in strong locations and they had to be demolished by
mortars. The Germans appeared to rely more on their machine guns to
arrest the American advance than on any other weapon of offense. When
not fixed in locations they were portable, being mounted on carriages
and pushed along by their operators. The Germans also used a light field
mortar, mounted on a two-wheel truck, in the same way.
The three days' fighting produced the usual crop of striking incidents.
One marine who was taking back a prisoner ran into two German officers
and ten men. He fought them single-handed with his rifle and bayonet,
killed both the officers and wounded seven of the men. Another sergeant
was about to take a prisoner when the German threw himself on the ground
and discharged his revolver at the American after calling "comrade," the
sergeant shot him, as he did four others who also had surrendered, but
refused to put up their hands. In Torcy twenty-five Americans engaged
and drove out 200 Germans, and then withdrew to the main line on the
outskirts of the town. A corporal in a company of marines, all of whose
officers, including the sergeants, had been killed or wounded, took the
command and led his men to their objective.
The élan of the Americans in the whole adventure was expressed by a
private who was among the first to rush into Torcy:
"I never saw such wonderful spirit. Not one of our fellows hesitated in
the face of the rain of the machine-gun fire, which it seemed impossible
to get through. Every German seemed to have a machine gun. They fought
like wild cats, but the Americans were too much for them."
CHAPTER LI
BELLEAU WOOD
There was a dangerous bulge in the new American line formed by Belleau
Wood. In their advance the Americans had been unable to take this
forested little stronghold perched on a hill among rocks, and had swept
past it, after capturing a near-by elevation, and rushed on to
Bouresches. The wood concealed ambushes of German infantry and machine
guns, which were a thorn in the side of the Americans on the outskirts.
They had made several raids in the wood, expelling groups of Germans
here and there; but the next day the enemy would reappear and pour a
harassing fire on the American lines. Notwithstanding searching shelling
from American guns, the Germans seemed to retain a firm hold.
A German attack on June 8, 1918, to oust the Americans from the
positions they held on the borders of the wood precipitated an energetic
counterassault to clear the enemy completely out. The Americans had
already matured plans for riddling the entire woody plateau with a
deluge of shells. This artillery scheme was carried out on mathematical
lines, the area of the wood being marked off into checkerboard squares,
a square to each battery. Every part of the wood therefore had
established targets for the American gunners to play upon. The artillery
preparation lasted all of Sunday and Monday, June 9 and 10, 1918. It was
the most expansive exhibition of ordnance in action that the Americans
had undertaken. The wood was raked with more than 5,000 high explosive
and gas shells. At 3 o'clock on Monday morning the marines, who had been
in conflict with the Germans in their attack of Saturday, proceeded to
advance into the wood and penetrated it for two-thirds of a mile on a
66-yard front.
The operations were tersely reported by General Pershing to the War
Department as follows:
"June 11.--Northwest of Château-Thierry we were again successful in
advancing our positions in the Belleau Wood. We captured 250 prisoners,
of whom three were officers, and considerable material, including a
number of machine guns and trench mortars."
"June 13--Yesterday afternoon our troops northwest of Château-Thierry
captured the last of the German positions in the Belleau Wood, taking
fifty prisoners and a number of machine guns and trench mortars, in
addition to those taken on the preceding day."
The Germans now became a menace on the borders of the wood, where they
impinged on a number of awkward pockets or little salients. The
Americans in the wood enjoyed no sinecure, but were engaged in
continuous skirmishes against groups of the enemy. One small pocket the
Germans found too untenable under American fire on the northern side of
the wood and hastily vacated it on June 19, 1918, enabling the Americans
to advance five-eighths of a mile without resistance. A short and sharp
artillery fire on the position presaged an infantry attack, which the
Germans elected not to face. They carried their material with them in
their retreat, and the Americans, therefore, did not take any machine
guns nor prisoners. On the morning of June 21, 1918, the Americans
straightened their line further on the northern and eastern side by a
series of small but effective attacks. They rushed the positions held by
the enemy without the customary artillery opening. The Germans for the
most part fired a few shots and retired. Members of one post alone held
their ground, only to be annihilated. To the east a thin line of
American skirmishers obtained the objective in view there by merely
firing as they advanced.
Still the borders of the wood were not clear of the Germans. On June 23,
1918, the Americans directed their attention to the northwestern corner,
where the Germans held positions that appeared impregnable. The
Americans, in a night attack, started a heavy barrage, after which they
went forward and drove out the Germans. The operation lasted only half
an hour.
Another engagement that took place in the same quarter on the same day
was more extensive in scope though local in object. It resulted in the
Americans advancing their lines a distance of 200 to 400 yards on a
front of one kilometer, routing the Germans out of several hidden gun
nests, and the capture of five machine guns. The fighting was marked by
certain features, described by Edwin L. James:
"This fight, which lasted four hours, was not accompanied by artillery
or gas fire, and was mostly close hand fighting, the kind which
Americans most prefer. It was a fight such as seldom occurs in this war,
where usually trench positions are so well defined that barrages can be
laid safely by both sides down to a matter of inches.
"Germans and Americans got so mixed up in the north end of the Bois de
Belleau that neither side risked using artillery for fear of killing its
own men.
"The Americans began to advance at 6 o'clock in broad daylight. In the
extreme north wood the Germans had been able to establish some machine
guns, which were firing against us. Our men advanced against these
positions and discovered that to the north of the wood the Germans had
established a strong line position."
As to the ubiquitous machine guns, the Americans found that the Germans
had organized such posts with great ingenuity:
"At one point the nature of the terrain prevented machine guns on the
ground from commanding the surrounding area. Here a dead German gunner
was found seated in the crotch of a tree, his hand still resting on a
machine gun slung from a pulley and carefully counterbalanced down so
that it could be pointed in every direction. This German stayed at his
post until an American shot him.
"Another machine gun was found on a cleverly concealed platform in a
tree, while in another tree a one-pounder was mounted until we put it
out of commission.
"Preceding the advance of our infantry, American artillery had put down
a heavy bombardment of German positions in the woods, but large trees
impaired the effectiveness of the shells."
The retention by the Germans of positions abutting on the wood had been
reduced to a single point on the north. This remaining menace was
subjected to a dashing attack by the Americans on the night of June 25,
1918. In their various forays they had cleared the enemy out of the wood
several days ago; but the discovery was made that under cover of
darkness the Germans had planted machine guns behind huge bowlders, in
sunken roadways, in shell holes, and in trees in a narrow area on the
edge of the wood. It was most difficult to reach them in these
positions, and some fierce hand-to-hand fighting occurred in the
clearing process.
The attack involved an artillery bombardment lasting thirteen hours.
Only a small strip of underbrush, behind which the Germans had raised
their defensive works, remained to be cleared; but the importance of the
American advance was not to be measured by the extent of territory
taken. Though it only amounted to some 500 yards, it gave them
possession of virtually all of Belleau Wood, and enabled them to
dominate the ridge beyond, held by the Germans, besides straightening
their lines for more effective resistance to counterattacks as well as
for offensive operations. Over twenty machine guns were captured, with a
number of automatic rifles, small arms and ammunition, and 311
prisoners.
It was a surprise attack, in which the American artillery played a
brilliant part, throwing the whole German line in confusion and making
it such an inferno that prisoners said they were glad to get out of it
alive. In advancing, the Americans went one way and the German officers
tried to force their men forward the other way. One prisoner was shot in
the leg by his own officer because he hesitated confusedly between the
American guns and bayonets and the pistols in the hands of the German
officers.
An American private, who was in the first line of the advance, gave this
glimpse of the operation:
"We took up a position in the open wood; there were no trenches. The
Germans opened a heavy fire and shells fell around us like rain. We
charged over the rocky hill, our fellows laughing and yelling a war
whoop. We then came upon a wheat field and crossed in the face of a
withering shell and machine-gun fire, and drove back the Germans at the
point of the bayonet."
Interposing between the attacks around Belleau Wood were skirmishes for
the possession of Bouresches. This town, being only a mile or so to the
south of the wood, constituted a menace to the Americans if retaken by
the Germans, and consequently the latter made several determined efforts
to regain it. Two hours after the Americans made their first attack on
Belleau Wood on June 10, 1918, the Germans launched heavy forces against
the Americans holding Bouresches. A dark and cloudy night aided their
preparations for the rush, but the Americans, expecting an assault, had
the northern side of the town lined with machine guns, and had artillery
trained on the railroad embankment over which the Germans had to come.
When, at 5 o'clock, the Germans came they met a terrific machine-gun
fire, while a heavy barrage behind the attacking party, and gradually
lowered on it, not only cut off reenforcements, but killed many in it.
Two fresh divisions were thrown against the American center. Trusting to
the deep woods northeast of the village and the twisted spur of a hill
to conceal them, the leading divisions advanced in mass formation. They,
however, were observed from the Bois de Belleau and were brought under a
destructive hail of shrapnel before they could deploy. The fire was so
severe that the attack was disorganized and no progress could be made
for some time.
When the Germans did succeed in penetrating the defenses, they were met
with such enthusiasm in cold steel that their only choice was death or
surrender.
Another violent attack on the town came on the morning of June 13, 1918.
The Germans succeeded in entering the town after raking the American
positions by a furious bombardment. The Americans promptly darted out of
their shelters and engaged the invaders in a hand-to-hand conflict, in
which the latter were all killed or captured.
A moonlight sortie across the Marne east of Château-Thierry provided a
diversion for the American forces at that point while the marines were
busy on the Belleau-Bouresches line. Once over the river, they
established contact with hostile forces, killed a considerable number,
and brought back prisoners, mainly from Landwehr units. The following
description of the raid was furnished by an Associated Press
correspondent:
"Heavy clouds obscured the moon and a light drizzle had just begun to
fall when the two parties of Americans embarked in small boats and rowed
across the river from two points of the wooded bank. They crossed
without detection. One party entered the woodside held by the Germans
and penetrated cautiously under the dripping trees for a few hundred
feet.
"A break in the clouds suddenly let the moonlight through, and the
Americans saw Germans near by. The Americans immediately opened fire
from a little rise in the ground, and the Germans threw themselves flat.
Rifles cracked, and then the automatics got into action. Those of the
enemy who remained alive were taken prisoners. Twelve enemy dead were
counted before the patrol made its way back to the boats and rowed to
its own side of the river.
"The other patrol met another enemy party, apparently sentries, going on
guard. Several of the Germans were killed or wounded and one was taken
prisoner."
A previous diversion at midnight was directed at a wood, also to the
east of Château-Thierry. Aerial photographs had revealed a host of enemy
troops and much material concealed there, and upon them the American
guns poured an avalanche of projectiles, sending 1,200 shells of all
calibers into one small area in ten minutes. To the west of the town, a
fight occurred round a commanding hill whose northern, or unimportant
side, was held by the Germans. The latter sent forces around both sides
and over the top to expel the American and French troops, who held the
crest and the other flanks of the hill, without gaining an advantage.
CHAPTER LII
THEIR PRESENCE FELT
The exploits of American forces during the month of June, 1918, in the
Château-Thierry region of the Soissons-Rheims salient had a significance
of their own, which was not lost on their admiring Allies, nor on their
German foes. A new combatant, stripped and eager for action, had plunged
into tasks which would have taxed the hardened and more experienced
troops of France and Great Britain. Though confined to a small area, the
American achievements were sufficiently notable to prove that the
Americans had speedily become the equals of any other warriors on the
fighting fronts. In the numerous fights centering on Belleau Wood their
captures of Germans reached 1,000. A number of them belonged to the
crack Fifth German Guard Division, which includes the Queen Elizabeth
Regiment. There had been 1,200 Germans in the wood. With the exception
of the prisoners nearly all the rest were slain. The guard division
named was regarded as one of the kaiser's best body of fighters; but the
Americans were surprised to find their morale very low and that they
were no match for American vigor and audacity.
At the beginning of June, 1918, American troops stepped into a
seven-mile sector northwest of Château-Thierry and stopped the Germans,
at the very tip of their salient, from getting any nearer to Paris. More
than that, on a front of ten kilometers they hurled almost constant
blows, which advanced their line from two to four kilometers, all the
way inflicting heavy losses on the enemy, and taking some 1,500
prisoners. Of eleven distinct engagements the Americans won ten. They
kept eleven picked German divisions occupied, which might otherwise have
been used with telling effect elsewhere. There was no doubt at all that
the quality of the American fighters had proved a source of considerable
concern to the German High Command. An oft-repeated canard current in
France was to the effect that the Germans did not wish to punish the
Americans by sending their best troops against them, preferring not to
arouse the American spirit. Nevertheless, the kaiser had sent his most
famous battalions to try conclusions with the Americans, and they had
been beaten. Learning of the Americans' presence on the Marne, two crack
German divisions, the Fifth Guard and the Twenty-eighth, which had been
ordered elsewhere, were suddenly swung south to face the Americans.
Their arrival caused some wonderment among the French and American
officers. The Americans were a feared foe. A captured German officer
said these two divisions were on their way to the rear for a four
weeks' rest, to take part in another offensive, when suddenly they were
ordered to the front northwest of Château-Thierry, "in order to prevent
at all costs the Americans from being able to achieve success."
The examination of other prisoners, from the Twenty-eighth German
Division, elicited information which formed the subject of a French army
report.
"American assistance," this report observed, "which was underestimated
in Germany, because they doubted its value and its opportunity, worries
the German High Command more than it will admit. The officers themselves
recognize that among other causes it is the principal reason for which
Germany hastens to try to end the war and impose peace.
"In addition, the prisoners did not conceal their great surprise at the
training and quickness that the Americans have shown against them, nor
for the good work accomplished by the artillery, which for three days
engaged them, cutting off all food supplies and all reenforcements and
causing them very heavy losses--practically all of the officers and
twenty-five of the men were killed or wounded in a single infantry
company and twelve in a machine-gun section, of which the full quota was
seventeen men."
Testimony of a similar tenor was found in a letter taken from the dead
body of a German killed in Belleau Wood. It was written to his home
people and dated June 21, 1918.
"We are now in the battle front," it said, "and canteens dare not come
to us on account of the enemy, for the Americans are bombarding villages
fifteen kilometers behind the present front with long-range guns, and
you will know that canteen outfits and others who are lying in reserve
do not venture very far, for it is not pleasant to 'eat cherries' with
Americans. The reason for that is that they have not yet had much
experience. American divisions are still too fiery.
"We will also show the Americans how good we are, for day before
yesterday we bombarded them heavily with our gas. This had caused them
already great losses, for they are not yet sufficiently experienced with
gas bombardment. About 400 of us are lying around here.
"We have one corner of the wood and the Americans have the other corner.
That is not nice, for all of a sudden he rushes forward and one does not
know it beforehand. Therefore one must shoot at every little noise, for
one cannot trust them."
In the fighting round Château-Thierry a number of drafted men were
thrown into action to replace other units of the established army
forces. The latter were men of the regular army, the marine corps, and
the old national guard. All these had previous training under arms; and
many had been in actual combat in the Philippines, Haiti, Nicaragua, at
Vera Cruz, or on the trek into Mexico after Villa. But the drafted men
had had no such hardening prior to going into cantonments, where the
training, although severe and thorough, was not acquired under
conditions of actual warfare with an enemy at hand. The drafted men of
the new national army nevertheless went under fire before the kaiser's
picked hosts, not as raw recruits, but capable soldiers of mettle and
valor. They were more undisciplined, owing to the easy nature of
American life, than the young men of other nations; yet they readily
accustomed themselves to discipline. They were unfamiliar with war,
because of their country's immunity from its terrors; yet they were
equal to the emergency when it came.
The exploits of the marine corps in their swing from the original
American position to the Torcy-Bouresches-Château-Thierry line stand out
in strong relief. The massed efficiency of the rest of the American
forces was not the less conspicuous because of the marines'
achievements. That the latter acquired a certain prominence was perhaps
due to the fact that their daring and resourcefulness was never without
an element of the picturesque. They were stationed at the point nearest
to Paris to protect it; but they did not wait to be attacked. They chose
to take their offensive, which continued on their own initiative,
advancing beyond the object in view, and gained ground against
determined opposition. Their bravery was tempered by judgment, and their
steady progress and small losses showed that it was not marred by
recklessness.
CHAPTER LIII
VAUX AND HAMEL
July, 1918, was a red-letter month in the annals of American
belligerency on the European battle field. Events of historic moment, in
which American soldiers, fighting shoulder to shoulder with the French,
were irresistible protagonists, crowded one upon another. They had got
into their stride; they were seasoned and in the pink of condition; no
German heroics could withstand them.
As a sort of prelude to their memorable participation in General Foch's
offensive stroke of July 18, 1918, the American troops undertook a
little offensive of their own to the west of Château-Thierry, and
accomplished their object with devastating results to the enemy.
The investment and capture of Belleau Wood to the northwest had
completed a chain of operations designed to secure the American
positions. But there remained an awkward loop or sag which it was deemed
desirable to remove. Its straightening involved the occupation of a
little village called Vaux, with its tap on the main railroad line into
Château-Thierry, the capture of a knoblike crest of ground designated as
Hill 192, on the edge of Clerembauts Wood, and also the routing of
Germans from a sizable cluster of trees, midway between the two other
points and known as the Bois de la Roche. The front of the attack was
about two and a half miles, stretching from the village of Triangle,
then north to the Bois Clerembauts, across the Paris road, and running
south of Vaux. Vaux was an important objective, being considered vital
to the Germans for holding Château-Thierry.
The Americans went over Vaux and established themselves just beyond the
northern edge of the village, taking in the same rush the hills just to
the west of Vaux. This eliminated the German wedge almost completely,
the only remaining portion being at the wood of Clerembauts, where the
Germans were in a pocket.
A merciless, methodical artillery fire was leveled at the German
positions on the morning of July 1, 1918. American guns, big and little,
hurled torrents of high explosive and gas shells on the village with a
deadly accuracy of aim. By noon Vaux was on fire. Every house had been
hit at least once. A shell would fall on some little habitation, a cloud
of yellow smoke would arise, and the house was no more. The American
guns continued to belch all day with an unemotional, matter-of-fact
regularity from the depths of a score of leafy woods.
In the evening the infantry advanced. They swept through the enemy lines
and, had their object been to continue the advance, they could have done
so with the greatest ease, as virtually everything before them had been
cleared.
"The advance started at 6 o'clock, and at 6.25 the first of our men
entered the village of Vaux. By 6.40 they had gone through the wood,
gaining all their objectives. Our stormy petrels took Vaux in clean-up
style. Squads were ready with their hand grenades to clear the cellars,
but many of these had been closed by our fire, and the Germans had been
buried in them. From others the Germans came out and surrendered. In
some there was difficulty, and in that case our men threw in hand
grenades in great numbers. Generally, if there were any Germans left,
they surrendered.
"Four hours after the men went over the top American telephone lines
were working from Vaux back to our headquarters. By 7.30 our ambulances
were running into the wrecked village.
"A wounded German brought in about 10 o'clock said that in the morning
there had been 4,000 Germans in the village, but after the barrage
started some had been withdrawn, leaving only those who could be
sheltered in sixty-eight caves in the village. He said the cave in which
he took refuge was wrecked by an American shell and that he lay wounded
for six hours until the Americans came in."
For adroitness, dispatch, thoroughness, and sustained teamwork, the
attack on Vaux was an undoubted triumph for American arms, though a
small one. Each man moved to the particular post in the town to which
he had been assigned to perform his allotted task. None failed, and the
operation was completed with systematic smoothness; as though in a
twinkling, it was all over.
With Vaux and the Bois de la Roche in their hands, the Americans took
their machine guns to the edge of the wood, expecting a counterattack.
It duly came, the Germans launching a fresh regiment upon the lost
positions; but an hour later all was calm--the regiment was no more. A
second counterattack broke in the small hours of July 3, 1918,
accompanied by a heavy bombardment. The enemy lost heavily without
regaining a foot of the ground won by the Americans. The Germans
advanced in close formation from their trenches without being checked.
In some cases they were allowed to approach close to the American line.
Then the American gunners, from their hidden nests, mowed down the enemy
ranks with showers of bullets.
Later came a fight for the possession of a hill known as 204, situated
between Vaux and the Bois de la Roche. The Germans held it and the
French, in essaying the task of wresting it from them, invited American
detachments to lend a hand. The hill stood just outside the American
sector and commanded Château-Thierry. Volunteers were many; most of them
were new arrivals who had never faced the Germans. Practically none had
been under fire. They were waiting their chance, some swimming in the
Marne, others catching baseball, when the call came, and the response
was five times the number needed.
[Illustration: American soldiers near a barricade in the Rue du Pont,
Château-Thierry. The Germans were driven from the town in the First
Battle of the Marne, 1914, and again in the Second Battle of the Marne,
1918.]
A group of thirty Americans joined the French; they were pitted against
hidden machine guns, camouflaged rapid-fire nests, gas shells, and the
deafening roar of a heavy barrage. They were shot at by snipers hiding
in trees, they were shot at by big and little cannon with a roar that
deafened them; but they went ahead with the French veterans. They took
machine-gun posts, they took trench positions. But the German resistance
was too strong, due in part to their new device of fighting in ambush
from the tops of high trees, where they escaped shells exploding on the
ground, and obtained a good vantage point for pouring shot downward on
the attackers below.
Elsewhere on the western front American forces, linked with the British
lines, aided a body of Australians to attack Hamel. It was an early
morning advance, extending one and a half miles on a four-mile front,
including the village of Hamel and the trench system beyond it, south of
the Somme.
It was the first time Americans had fought with the British. They
comprised only a few companies fighting as platoons among the
Australians; but upon them rested the honor of the United States in the
adventure. The date, moreover, was July 4, 1918.
"You are going in with the Australians," their officers told them, "and
these lads always deliver the goods. We expect you to do the same. We
shall be very disappointed if you do not fulfill the hopes and belief we
have in you."
The Americans listened with a light in their eyes. They went in, with
"Lusitania!" as their battle cry, celebrating the Fourth of July with
"astonishing ardor, discipline and strength," the Australian officers
said. If the Americans had any fault at all, the Australians commented,
it was overeagerness to advance; they could hardly be restrained from
going too rapidly behind the wide belt of the British shell fire as the
barrage rolled forward.
The Hamel episode projected as a reminder that American forces were
clinching with the foe on other parts of the front as well as on the
Marne. But it was on the latter battle ground that the eyes of the world
were presently drawn. There the American army swung into its greatest
stride at this stage of the war.
CHAPTER LIV
ACROSS THE MARNE AND BACK
Officially Germany had refused to recognize the growing weight of
American belligerency. If she could evade alluding to American forces
specifically in reporting events on the battle field, she did so. "The
enemy," to be sure, covered a multitude of enemies--more than half the
world--so why designate which one, and why designate the one now most
feared, of whose mounting strength it was not expedient to enlighten the
beguiled people at home?
The pretense could no longer be sustained after her abortive drive
against the eastern and southern flanks of the Soissons-Rheims salient
on July 14, 1918. There was a reason. Germany might ignore the presence
of American detachments operating with the French or British and be
airily blind to the activities of American patrols along the Lorraine or
Alsace fronts. They were merely "the enemy." But in making this plunge
to widen the salient by way of encircling Rheims and cutting another way
to Paris she crashed into an obstacle that compelled recognition. It was
the First American Army Corps, numbering some 250,000 men, under the
command of Major General Hunter Liggett. If Americans, in her
self-deceiving view, had before been as needles in a haystack, here they
had become the haystack itself, and it was all needles!
The American army skirted the southern arc of the salient, eastward
along the Marne somewhere beyond Jaulgonne, westward through
Château-Thierry to Torcy, where it joined the French. Germany's first
operation was to make a feint of attacking the American lines northwest
of Château-Thierry by way of screening her major operation, which was to
break through the American barrier guarding the Marne. The assault was
especially violent in the Vaux area, which was enveloped in a heavy
barrage following the usual bombardment of high explosives and gas.
Under the barrage storming parties attacked the village. The system of
infiltration by groups was followed and some of the groups succeeded in
penetrating one of the American outposts on the northeast. The Americans
swarmed out and poured a withering rifle and machine-gun fire on the
assailants, and counterattacked on the latter's right, where the
penetration had taken place. It was a direct and flanking fire, held in
reserve until the foe had approached the American front-line trenches,
from which the troops had withdrawn. Its effect was to demoralize the
attackers, who retired in disorder.
The counterattack brought the American lines 750 yards ahead and yielded
a number of prisoners, whose capture was due to a barrage laid by the
American artillery, which cut off the enemy's retreat.
The attack had an immediate sequel in the evacuation by the Germans of
Hill 204, upon an advance by the Americans up its west side. The Germans
had paid much to hold this hill, resisting many assaults, notably the
one described in the last chapter, and now they chose to vacate it
rather than defend the hill further. Their tenure of all this area was
to be very brief, and perhaps they knew it.
Soon after the Vaux demonstration, the Germans attacked the American and
French positions all along the Marne. Ordered to break through the
Americans holding the line south of the Marne, and reach a line running
eleven kilometers south of Jaulgonne, running through Montigny, they
crossed the Marne under the protection of a severe bombardment, and
pushed ahead three kilometers to a line through Crezancy.
The grand advance was signalized by a long-distance bombardment of towns
in the rear of the American lines. Heavy shells from German naval guns
fell in regions far behind the actual battle area, some reaching points
twenty to thirty miles distant. It was mainly a night display, marked by
a constant hurtling of projectiles from ten-and fifteen-inch naval guns,
and canopied the whole countryside with a blaze of light. The German
purpose was to batter towns and communication lines beyond the defense
line and to harass the movement of supplies and reenforcements.
The Marne curls to a salient northward at Jaulgonne, and the peak of
this bend provided the first crossing for the Germans. Descending upon
this point in great force, they succeeded in crossing the river in the
face of a destructive fire from American machine gunners and infantry,
who fought and died where they stood. The salient could not be held,
being exposed to fire from three sides. Westward of it toward
Château-Thierry, and eastward toward and beyond Dormans, the German
advance likewise could not be stayed, and there was a general withdrawal
of American forces along the river bank.
The Germans succeeded in crossing at ten points between Château-Thierry
and Dormans. They threw many pontoon bridges over to bear their troops.
Shoals of canvas boats were also brought into requisition. These proved
more serviceable than the bridges, the laying of which was repeatedly
thwarted by American fire. Protected by the heavy bombardment, the boats
managed to carry the members of the kaiser's famed Tenth Guard Division,
twenty to each boat; but very few of them got back.
American guns foiled their passage three times. Machine gunners clung to
their posts on the river bank here and there till the last moment. They
poured deadly streams of bullets into the enemy, and only withdrew when
their guns were so hot that they could not be fired. One group happened
to be in a place where the Germans were anxious to erect a bridge, but
their efforts were fruitless. The American bullets piled up the German
dead on the opposite side of the river every time the enemy started to
cross.
South of Jaulgonne the enemy crossed the Marne on six pontoon bridges,
hurriedly thrown over the stream, and masses of infantry swarmed
forward. The artillery constantly had the bridges under the heaviest
fire, and at least two direct hits were made, two of the bridges being
blown up. The task of preventing German swarm, despite these checks,
proved too great, and the Americans fell back to the base of the salient
made by the river.
Once on the southern bank of the Marne, the German masses, augmented by
numbers of machine gunners, proceeded to force the Americans farther
back toward Condé. They had succeeded in landing a force estimated at
15,000 men in the river sector abandoned by the Americans. This force
promptly started to fight its way south, having a point about nine miles
distant as its objective. The Americans and French held up this advance
to such an extent that two hours after the time set by the enemy for
reaching his objective, he was still far away from it. The Germans
specially suffered heavy losses in the woods forming the triangle from
Fossoy to Mézy and Crezancy. There the Americans were overwhelmed by
such large numbers that the line could not hold; but nevertheless they
refused to retreat where they could possibly hold a place in the woods.
This sent the German advance sweeping over large numbers of nests which
sheltered ten, five, or two Americans, and sometimes one, who held on
while the Germans passed by and then opened fire on them.
It was manifest that the advance could not be allowed to continue. The
enemy by noon had driven forward over two miles on a front of about
three and a half miles south of the Marne through the American
positions; but he got no farther. Even while fighting in the open
continued, the Americans organized a counterattack in the region of
Condé, below Fossoy, about the time the German advance had apparently
eliminated the salient. There, because of their heavy losses, they
seemed content to stand, and there they remained for four hours.
Meantime American reenforcements came up. Light artillery was hurried
into position. It concentrated a heavy fire at short range, and when
this fire ceased, the augmented American infantry dashed from cover.
Machine gunners moved forward, and, lying on the ground, poured a stream
of bullets into the enemy. The fierceness of the fire brought the
Germans up short. They would not face the steel, and, retiring,
hesitatingly at first, finally broke and fell back.
Points that had fallen to the Germans--Fossoy, La Chapelle, St. Agnan,
Bois de Condé, Crezancy, and Mézy--were recovered with French aid. By 4
o'clock in the afternoon the Germans had been driven to the railroad
track skirting the south bank of the Marne. There they took up
positions; but there was no pause for them. The American gunners got the
range of the landing places, where the Germans had stretched cables by
which they hauled boats across the swollen stream, and there was no
retreat in the way they had come. The Americans pursued them behind the
railroad embankment. Slowly the graycoats were forced back. Some of
them swam the Marne to safety, but their number was few. Many of them
were drowned in the river. The Americans in front were on open ground,
making the best use of whatever shelter offered. German forces were on
the hills on the opposite side of the river, showering high explosives
and gas shells upon them, but the Americans went forward, nevertheless,
with gas masks adjusted, and crawling at times for a considerable
distance on all fours. In this way they advanced bit by bit, and when
they came within range close enough they drove the enemy back.
The Germans retained some precarious positions south of the Marne; but
they were completely swept back across the river between Château-Thierry
and Jaulgonne. They were driven where they were before the advance
began. They vented their wrath the next morning by sending thousands of
high explosive and noxious gas shells into the American lines. They had
set out to swing their line northeast of Château-Thierry; but it still
swung northwest, and presently it was to swing much farther back.
The American losses were serious, as was to be expected in the most
important action in which the Americans had yet engaged. In return,
however, they exacted a toll from the Germans that made their losses
seem light. It was estimated that they killed, wounded, or captured
20,000 of the enemy. Hundreds of the latter were slain while retreating
across the Marne. One battalion of the 6th German Grenadiers, according
to prisoners, was annihilated in the woods, and of the other battalion
only one company survived. The south bank of the Marne was lined with
German dead, while in the woods south of Mézy, through which the Germans
advanced and retreated, 5,000 enemy dead lay, some bodies three and four
deep where they had dared, in close formation, the American machine
guns.
There were sporadic counterattacks, which were readily repulsed by the
Americans and French. The lines wavered back and forth, and then came a
sudden shift of the pivot of the entire German action in the
Soissons-Rheims salient. The Marne was no longer an object to be gained,
but rather a danger to flee from.
CHAPTER LV
FORWARD WITH FOCH
American forces mingled with French troops on all sides of the German
salient when General Foch struck its western side. In proportion to the
combined number of French, British and Italian troops, they were not
many. For that reason their achievements stood out with greater
distinction; inferiority of numbers made their exploits conspicuous.
They were with the French south of Soissons, on the southwest corner of
the salient, west of Château-Thierry, along the Marne east of that town,
and east of Rheims, the latter outside the salient proper. They were
thus in the full swing of the Foch counteroffensive which finally was to
crumble the salient to extinction and bring them along its top at the
Vesle River.
No clearly defined picture can be drawn of their share in this advance.
Their operations blended too intimately with the French movements. Here
and there the situation in certain areas disclosed Americans to be
acting on their own initiative. But in the main it was a Franco-American
operation. The movements of each were interdependent. The advance of
both progressed with the uniformity of a curved chain dragged from each
end along a highway. There were dents and wrigglings in the chain at
times; but it moved on.
The advance lent a significance to the earlier operations of the
Americans northwest of Château-Thierry, when they straightened their
line by extending it to the outskirts of Torcy, capturing Belleau Wood,
Bouresches and Vaux. From this line, along a front of forty kilometers
to Soissons, the attack was made at 4.45 on the morning of July 18,
1918. The perspective is too long for its development to be described
with clearness. Only glimpses can be obtained of the American
participation at points where there were eyewitnesses.
What was clear was that in their initial effort the Americans carried
all before them. By the late afternoon they had proceeded so fast that
cavalry was thrown into action. By night American headquarters--a
movable fixture that day--were well inside territory held by the Germans
in the morning. The line, in short, before the day was over, had
advanced at varying depths, the most being ten kilometers, or a little
over six miles, and the day's captures by the Americans embraced a
number of towns, over 4,000 prisoners, fifty cannon, thousands of
machine guns, vast quantities of munitions and stores, and airplanes.
Foch's counterattack apparently did not at first contemplate an assault
on the southern arc of the salient formed by the Marne. But his success
in breaking into the western flank evidently encouraged him to extend
his operations to the south. Here American energies came into full play.
Early in the day on July 19, 1918, the Germans had premonitions of what
was to happen, and hastily prepared to withdraw from the positions they
had retained on the south bank. The previous day they had been clinging
in small numbers to the crook of the river near Jaulgonne, but southeast
of that place, on to Oeuilly, thousands held positions won in their
advance across the river, as already described. Hereabout, along the
Dormans line, they were eight kilometers south of the Marne. Between
Château-Thierry and Jaulgonne they had failed to hold the southern bank
and had to retreat. So from these points the ground was in the hands of
the Americans and French for offensive purposes, and they set about
attacking the German positions early on July 19, 1918, on the west,
south, and also east of Dormans. They signalized the attack with short
but intense artillery work, putting down a barrage along the river bank,
to prevent the Germans from retreating without paying a heavy price for
having ventured so far south.
"The advance proceeded well from the start," wrote one onlooker. "By 4
o'clock the Germans were as far east as six kilometers west of Dormans.
South of Dormans the enemy, with his retreat cut off, made a determined
but vain stand.
"By 6 o'clock detachments of Americans and French reached the river bank
in one place, and soon after a message was flashed to all the armies
that the Germans had been put back across the Marne.
"The German artillery gave the men very poor support, and the chief
fighting on their part was done with machine guns. The reason of the
lack of German artillery work is explained in a report of American
aviators that the Germans were busy all yesterday afternoon drawing back
their guns from the heights north of the river.
"While we were pushing north from Château-Thierry to Dormans the French,
with the Americans on their left, attacked the region of Oeuilly,
gaining that place and pushing the enemy back on Chatillon, north of the
river."
A further clearance was made by the Americans northwest of
Château-Thierry. One of their lines ran round Hill 204, which the
Germans had just evacuated, after holding it for five weeks. In
Franco-American hands the hill swung the line more to the east in the
track of the general advance. The movement in this direction caused the
withdrawal of German forces holding the northern part of
Château-Thierry. On July 21, 1918, the whole city was occupied by the
French and Americans. Strong positions were established on the north of
the river, bridges were thrown across, guns were brought up, and heavy
firing was directed over the river to prevent German bombers from
interfering with Franco-American troops crossing over. Jaulgonne was
presently occupied by American troops.
When the Americans crossed the Marne they discovered that the Germans
sought to deceive the Allied air bombers, who were seeking out bridges
and boats along the river and otherwise preventing the Germans from
crossing the stream.
The Americans found submerged boats and floats, held down by rocks, but
so arranged that they could be made accessible for use by the Germans
in short order for crossing. In some instances these floats spanned the
river and were held by cables, and it required only a short time to
float them.
The Germans did not get a chance to use their impromptu bridges, but the
French and Americans made use of the floats when they came in pursuit of
the enemy.
There was now a general advance from the north of the Marne, hitherto
securely held by the Germans. Some fifteen kilometers north of
Château-Thierry, behind a series of hills forming an almost continuous
ridge, the Germans had established artillery positions, and on the hill
itself their infantry waited, prepared for a stand, with machine guns.
The French and Americans advanced, their backs at last to the Marne,
despite the artillery fire from the hill to cover the slow retreat of
the Germans. The latter continued their backward movement with sullen
and stubborn rear-guard actions, leaving numbers of machine-gun nests in
the path of the Franco-American movement. At times the Americans
encountered the stiffest resistance, which took the form of
counterattacks rather than defensive retreats. A village in this sector
being reduced by the American guns, as its occupation by the Germans was
imminent, the enemy was thus forced into the open, where heavy
punishment was inflicted. The fighting was so fierce as almost to rob it
of the suggestion that it was a rear-guard action. Nevertheless, during
the intense struggle the work of moving stores was under way. With a
minimum artillery fire on both sides the Americans advanced their
skirmish line over yellow wheat fields, dotted with poppies, and through
clumps of wood. It was Indian fighting, modernized by machine-gun work.
Fighting in open order in this way brought the American line by July 22,
1918, to more than ten kilometers north of Château-Thierry, and beyond
Bezu-St. Germain.
CHAPTER LVI
FIGHTING THROUGH FORESTS
Now came a bitter struggle for the possession of Epieds and Trugny, to
the east and southeast of Bezu-St. Germain. Below Trugny lay Barbillon
Wood, also an objective of the attackers. The Germans viciously defended
these points. A give-and-take battle raged round the two towns all day
on July 23, 1918; but in the region of Barbillon Wood the Germans fell
back, burning depots and ammunition and supply dumps, and evacuating
many farms which had been strongly fortified for defense. The fighting
extended still farther east in front of Jaulgonne and Charteves. The
American progress here was made in the face of most obstinate resistance
by the Germans, who fought every foot. Even when making steps backward,
they endeavored to render the American progress costly by leaving behind
German machine gunners cleverly concealed in nests. These gunners were
not told that the main body was withdrawing, and were left at the mercy
of the advance. Several of them when captured expressed unfeigned
surprise when told that their comrades had withdrawn.
Châtelet Forest was another stumblingblock. Several sallies into these
woods having proved abortive, the French swung round to the north, and
the Americans to the south. Machine guns and American light artillery
played on the woods, and the Germans were finally uprooted from their
main ambushes there. It was one of the positions the Germans had chosen
for the stand after their withdrawal from the Marne.
The terrain was mostly woody in the area above the Marne where the
Franco-American line had reached. The fighting was therefore pursued in
the midst of concealed antagonists. In the forest of Barbillon the
Germans had a machine gun screened every ten yards of their front. Their
hidden artillery impeded American reenforcements. The attackers had to
beat their way into the woods, encountering rocky ledges that formed
excellent nests for enemy machine guns. The German positions were
excellent for defensive fighting; but with the slow but sure closing in
of their western flank, and a like movement proceeding east of them, the
woods would become traps if they retained them. They did not retain
them. They merely fought spitefully to impede the Franco-American
progress and safeguard the retreat of their main forces out of the
dangerous Marne pocket.
They desperately clung to the region of Epieds and Trugny. At this
point German infantry, which had been pushed back, were thrust forward
again to check the Franco-American advance from the southwest toward
Fère-en-Tardenois.
"The Germans," reported Reuter's correspondent with the American troops,
"fought well and checked the advance for some thirty-six hours, and
three times wrested the village of Epieds from their determined American
opponents. In the meantime the village grew constantly smaller under the
ceaseless bombardment from both sides and finally disappeared, not even
a large pile of bricks being left behind.
"When the village disappeared the Germans were in possession. The
Americans, tired of the ceaseless ebb and flow of the fighting there,
had taken the slopes on either flank and forced the Germans to make
their final massed attack into the ruins of the village.
"Meanwhile the Allied guns had been brought up beyond the crest of the
hill, and as soon as the Germans took possession of the village they
concentrated a terrific fire upon it until the place smoked with its own
red dust as though on fire. When the guns ceased firing there were no
Germans left to capture, or even to bury.
"At the edge of the wood beyond Trugny the German machine guns,
stationed ten yards apart, held up the advance a little longer. Making a
feint frontal attack, however, the Americans crept, Indian fashion,
around the flanks and captured all the guns.
"Afterward the pace of the advance quickened. All the high ground north
of Epieds was taken and the line carried beyond Courpoil."
A series of like local actions brought the Franco-American line by July
25, 1918, well beyond the foregoing points and into the region of the
Fère and Riz forests, where the Germans had retreated from Epieds. They
were dense woods of poplar and oak rising amid thick underbrush. Hidden
among the clustered foliage, German machine gunners desperately
contended for every inch of ground before surrendering it. They vainly
tried to hold the French and Americans in the southern part of the Riz
forest with the object of saving huge supplies gathered there. An
examination of the woods afterward showed hundreds of tons of ammunition
for big German guns, piled six feet high in rows a hundred yards long
for some distances. This ammunition had been stored there to be used in
the advance on Paris.
By a flanking movement above the forest of Fère the Americans carried
the village of Beuvardes, making their line run from that point through
the northern part of Fère forest to Le Charmel and through the Riz
forest southeast to above Dormans. Le Charmel, which lies on the
Jaulgonne road, with a wooded hill on each side, changed hands twice
before taken by the Americans. The Germans had strong machine gun
positions both in the village and on the hills. Their fire raked the
Americans when they charged the village and compelled them to retire.
Later, assisted by comrades from the two forests, the Americans overcame
the Germans, who withdrew from Le Charmel slowly and stubbornly.
By July 27, 1918, the Franco-American forces had driven the Germans
almost entirely out of the wooded area they had been so obstinately
defending. The pressure was constantly maintained toward the road
junction of Fère-en-Tardenois, the Franco-American objective, and
thither the pursuers progressed through the remainder of the dense woods
and over rain-soaked fields and hills on their outskirts.
In the course of this forest fighting the troops were warned to watch
for Germans wearing American or French uniforms, a device they had
successfully practiced. Rushing across an open place in the forest when
German nests had been discovered, a German, speaking perfect English,
called to American machine gunners:
"Don't shoot. There are Americans in that thicket."
The Americans were at the edge of the forest, firing into a wood
opposite. They ceased when the detachment appeared. The detachment
entered a forest to the right of the Americans, and in a few minutes a
hail of machine-gun bullets came from that direction. The Americans
realized that they had been duped, and turned their machine guns upon
the impostors.
On July 28, 1918, the Americans were on the south bank of the Ourcq.
This river, intended by the Germans to be a halting line, but which they
could not hold, marked a notable point in the American progress from the
banks of the Marne. Foch's forward movement from the west and southwest
had been proceeding simultaneously and now became merged along this
river into the movement up from the south.
American participation from the west had been less conspicuous; but
American troops left their mark, whatever their zone of operations, and
in this area they made their presence painfully felt south of Soissons.
At the beginning of the western advance, east of Vierzy and northeast of
Chaudon, they encountered the pick of the German shock troops after
fighting for thirty hours. The result was that the youthful Americans,
meeting the kaiser's best, who were fresh and in the pink of condition,
themselves essayed the task of becoming shock troops. They had reached
their objectives, a varying number of miles eastward, and were
consolidating their positions when the shock came. Against one American
unit two German shock divisions were hurled; against another came the
famous Prussian Guards. The Germans had machine guns mounted on wheels
and rolled them to the edge of the woods where the fighting occurred.
These guns shot explosive bullets at the Americans. Shock troops came to
close grips with shock troops--and the Franco-American advance was not
only sustained but extended.
CHAPTER LVII
SERGY AND SERINGES
The next striking feature of American participation in the squeezing of
the Germans out of the Soissons-Marne-Rheims salient was the crossing of
the Ourcq and the taking of Sergy and Seringes just beyond that river.
The Germans had meant to make a stand on the north bank of the Ourcq and
hold the Americans on the south bank while their main withdrawal was
effected to the Vesle; but the charge of the Americans over the river
balked this plan. The fighting thus shifted to the north side, where the
Germans, reenforced by two divisions of Bavarian Guards, settled down to
resist the Americans to the utmost. Although heavily assailed, the
Americans replied in kind, especially in and out of Sergy, three miles
southeast of Fère-en-Tardenois. The Germans bent all their strength
toward forcing a recrossing of the Ourcq. The Americans held their
ground, and it was the Germans who finally had to yield, but only after
vicious and bitter fighting.
The Americans began their attack on Sergy early on the morning of
Saturday, July 27, 1918. By night they had been driven back some
distance, but on Sunday morning, when they resumed their advance under
cover of their artillery--a few pieces going forward with their advanced
line--they proceeded almost unchecked to the river, crossed the river
and entered the town. The Germans used gas; but the Americans had long
ago had their baptism of gas fumes and knew how to utilize their masks
and avoid the ravines through which the gas filtered. When the town was
occupied there was some street fighting, which the Germans abandoned by
retiring to higher ground beyond. On Monday morning, July 29, 1918, came
a counterattack by the Fourth Prussian Guard Division, which had arrived
only a few hours before from their training ground in Lorraine. A
conflict then ensued which ebbed and flowed constantly, the town
changing hands nine times before it was won.
The Americans immediately advanced two miles, again defeating the
Prussian Guards and Bavarians, though the latter succeeded in winning
Cierges, southeast of Sergy, and holding it for a spell. By the night of
July 30, 1918, the Americans were well to the north of Sergy, on long
slopes approaching heavy woods beyond Nesle, a town directly east of
Seringes-et-Nesle, for which the Germans fought bitterly.
As a preliminary to the attack on Seringes, a strongly fortified
position, Meury Farm, had to be taken, as from the farm the Seringes
defenses could be outflanked and approached by a less steep ascent than
by a direct attack. In this group of farm buildings the Germans had, on
their withdrawal, left behind a strong force of machine gunners and
infantry, which set up a strong defense.
"The Americans," ran one account, "moved forward through the yellow
wheat fields, which were sprayed and torn by bullets. But they advanced
as though on a drill ground.
"The American guns laid down a heavy artillery fire, but notwithstanding
this many Germans remained when it came to hand-to-hand fighting. The
Germans stuck to their guns, and the Americans rushed them and killed
the gunners at their post.
"It was a little battle, without mercy, and typical of similar
engagements along the whole line. The Prussian Guards and Bavarians
everywhere fought in accordance with their training, discipline, and
traditions, but were outwitted and outfought.
"To the north of the farm, up the long slopes leading to the woods, the
Americans encountered the fiercest exhibition of Germany's war science.
The Germans laid down a barrage which, it was said, was as heavy as had
ever been employed. The American guns replied as heavily.
"On through the barrage the Americans went into the German positions,
attacking fiercely the machine-gun and infantry detachments. The barrage
died away, the Germans leaving the work of resistance to the men they
had failed to protect with their heavy guns.
"The Germans were decimated and the Americans held their new line, just
east of the forest. Not many prisoners were taken, but here and there a
few were rounded up and brought in. One sergeant contributed fourteen.
He attacked eighteen Germans who had become separated from their
command, killing four of them and capturing the others. Heavy execution
was done by the Americans. Eight captured Guards said that they were all
that remained of a company of eighty-six."
The way was now open for the assault on Seringes, which the enemy held
in great strength. The village was also protected by machine-gun nests
on either side. "The attack," wrote Reuter's correspondent, "was an
almost incredible affair for the coolness with which it was carried out
and for the mere fact that it could be done under such conditions." The
village changed hands five times. After its first capture by the
Americans on Monday, July 29, 1918, the Germans forbore returning with
the usual infantry counterattack, but kept up a constant artillery and
machine-gun fire. This attempt to drive the Americans out continued all
the next day. Toward evening the Germans, evidently thinking that the
spirit of the defenders was weakening under such withering fire, emerged
from the Nesle forest to retake the village.
"The Americans," said Reuter's correspondent, "after three days of
to-and-fro fighting through villages, had learned subtlety and were
determined to have a real fight to a finish. They consequently pretended
to withdraw as though retiring from Seringes. Some of them did withdraw,
but others remained in the houses and other points of vantage, and the
Germans crept down from the high ground convinced they had their
opponents beaten. Additional German troops came pouring in until the
town was occupied as it never had been before.
"But as the new occupants began to organize their defenses they found
that bullets appeared to be coming in from three sides of the village,
and it was not long before they discovered that the Americans, while
withdrawing from the front of the town, had commenced an encircling
movement on both sides, thus forming a ring almost completely around it.
"The Americans used machine guns, rifles, and pistols, and employed both
the bayonet and the rifle butt with great effectiveness. The fighting in
the streets was savage, but of comparatively brief duration.
"The Prussian Guard had voted not to surrender, and their opponents were
just as anxious to see the thing through. It became an affair of small
arms, but the Americans proved to be better shots, and slowly picked
off men here and there.
"Then the Americans began to advance, and slowly their encircling ring
closed about the village. As the ring drew closer and the defenders saw
their doom approaching, they redoubled their fire; but still the
Americans came on unfalteringly, like a storm, or the unavoidable stroke
of fate.
"When the Americans reached the precincts of the village their fire
ceased, and with one wild yell they closed with the foe. The fierce
uproar suddenly gave place to a strange silence as man grappled with
man. Only the clash of steel on steel and the groans of the stricken
could be heard.
"The issue was never in doubt for an instant. At this kind of fighting
the American is more than equal to any Prussian Guardsman, and in a
little more than ten minutes all was over. Except for a few German
prisoners, every German in the village had breathed his last. Such was
the final capture of Seringes."
The Americans awaited the coming of other Germans, but they came not. So
the French and Americans moved on beyond the village, straightening out
the line from that point to Cierges by bringing their heavy artillery to
bear on mile after mile of barbed wire which the Germans had placed
through the hills, forests, and other open places.
The Americans reached Fismes, on the Vesle River, on August 2, 1918, the
Germans retreating before them. They had advanced about forty kilometers
in fifteen days, fourteen kilometers having been gained in the last two
days of their pursuit. On July 18, 1918, they were intrenched only about
Château-Thierry to Belleau; now they were in the heart of the German
salient, which, thanks largely to American aid, was a salient no more.
PART X--RUSSIA
CHAPTER LVIII
THE PEACE WITHOUT TREATY
Throughout the first ten days of February, 1918, the world waited
impatiently and anxiously for a final conclusion to the peace conference
between the representatives of Russia and the Central Powers, at
Brest-Litovsk. Trotzky was still the central figure. Meanwhile the
Bolsheviki leaders were straining every effort to spread their
propaganda throughout the civilian populations of the Central Powers, as
well as among the soldiers on the eastern front. Rumors of strikes in
Germany inclined even those who had previously been skeptical to believe
that the Bolsheviki method might yet gain a great victory for the cause
of the democratic nations.
Ukrainia, as already noted, had declared itself an independent nation,
with a republican form of government, professedly socialistic in
tendency, with Vinitchenko as President. As a matter of fact, however,
the Rada, or Ukrainian legislative assembly, was almost completely in
the hands of the landowners who, naturally, were bitterly opposed to
Bolshevikism and its program of land nationalization. Against them had
risen the Bolsheviki elements of Ukrainia, supported by the Petrograd
Bolsheviki. The conflict between the two factions had created a state of
civil war. The landowners' Rada had sent delegates to the peace
conference, and at first the Petrograd delegation, under the
chairmanship of Trotzky, had raised no objection against the Teutons
recognizing them as the proper representatives of Ukrainia. But during
the last days of January, 1918, came reports of the military success of
the Ukrainian Bolsheviki, even that they had captured Odessa and Kiev,
and then Trotzky contended that the Ukrainians at Brest-Litovsk no
longer truly represented their constituency. The Germans, however, had
forestalled him by quickly recognizing Ukrainian independence under the
Rada.
The German policy was obvious. By recognizing the conservative Rada,
they created a split among the Russian delegates as a whole.
Furthermore, they realized that the Ukrainian landowners feared the
Bolsheviki domestic program far more than they feared German domination,
and in whatever treaty they entered into would offer large concessions
in return for German military aid against Bolsheviki domination. Thus
the Central Powers suddenly found an ally in the Ukrainian Republic. It
also gave them a moral pretext for their attitude toward the provinces
under dispute: Courland and Lithuania, and parts of Livonia and Esthonia
and what had formerly been Russian Poland, whose populations, the
Germans contended, had already declared themselves for German
suzerainty.
The session of the Brest-Litovsk peace conference which was held on
February 9, 1918, was the one at which both sides concluded their
arguments and worked up to the climax of the following day. That same
day the Teutonic delegates had signed a treaty of peace with the
Ukrainian delegates.
"We have officially informed you," said Trotzky, "that the Ukrainian
Rada was deposed, yet the negotiations with a non-existent government
have been continued. We proposed to the Austro-Hungarian delegation that
a special committee should be sent to Kiev, in order to verify our
contention that the Kiev Rada no longer exists and that further
negotiations with its delegation would have no value. We were told that
this would be done and that the delegates of the Central Powers would
not sign a peace treaty until the return of the investigating
commission. Now we are told that the signing of the peace treaty could
no longer be postponed.... Such conduct arouses doubts of the sincerity
of the Central Powers.... The conduct of the other side, so far as this
question is concerned, gives us the impression that they are endeavoring
to make the situation impossible for us. We cannot consider any treaty
binding to the Russian Federal Republic which is not signed by our
delegation."
The main point of difference, however, remained the same as before: the
refusal of the Central Powers to withdraw from what had been Russian
territory, in order to allow the populations to decide for themselves
what their governments should be. This was the ultimatum of the Germans,
as worded by Von Kühlmann: "Russia must agree to the following
territorial changes which will enter into force after the ratification
of the peace treaty. The regions between the frontiers of Germany and
Austria-Hungary and the indicated line will not be in the future a
dependency of Russia. As a result of their former adhesion to the
Russian Empire no obligations will bind them to Russia. The future
destiny of these regions will be settled in agreement with the peoples
concerned, namely, on the basis of those agreements which have been
concluded between them and Germany and Austria-Hungary."
In the afternoon the conference was adjourned that the delegates might
consult among themselves. The last and climaxial session was held on the
following day, the 10th, when Trotzky, after a hot denunciation of
German imperialism, declared that Russia would never agree to the German
terms and would refuse to sign any treaty on such a basis. At the same
time he declared that Russia would not fight any longer and would
withdraw from the war. This decision was approved at Petrograd and an
order for the demobilization of the Russian armies had been sent out.
This unprecedented conclusion rather nonplused the German delegates and
deeply displeased them. Kühlmann was of the opinion, however, that
Russia could not end her participation in the war in this fashion; that
peace could only be brought about by a special treaty, in the absence of
which the state of war would automatically be resumed at the termination
of the armistice, which had only been arranged for the purpose of
arranging a peace by understanding. The fact that one of the parties
concerned was demobilizing its forces would not change the situation.
The Russian version of the session, as given out officially from
Petrograd, was as follows:
"Yesterday, at the session of the All-Russian Central Executive
Committee of the Councils, the president of the peace delegation,
Trotzky, reported on the course and results of the negotiations at
Brest-Litovsk. Not only the representatives of those political parties
constituting the Government majority, but the representatives of the
opposition groups as well, recognized the fact that the decision taken
by the Council of the People's Commissaries was the only correct one and
the course which could be taken with dignity. The speakers of the
majority and the opposition put forward the question as to whether there
was the possibility of a resumption of German hostilities against
Russia. Nearly all were of the opinion that such an offensive was
extremely unlikely, but all uttered warning against too optimistic an
attitude in this regard, because the war party elements in Germany might
force the German Government to such a course. In the opinion of all the
speakers it would be the duty of all Russian citizens, in such a case,
to defend the interests of the revolution. All were of the opinion,
however, that the masses of Germany and Austria-Hungary would not allow
a resumption of hostilities against the Russian socialists, because such
a course would be too obviously a raid for plunder. The People's
Commissary for Foreign Affairs concluded this report with the statement
that Russia is withdrawing from the war not only in appearance, but in
reality. It is canceling all agreements with its former allies, and
reserves perfect freedom of action for itself in the future. At the
conclusion of the session a resolution was passed approving the action
of the delegation to the Brest-Litovsk Conference."
The first general news of peace with Russia caused public rejoicing in
Germany and Austria-Hungary, but when the details became known the
German and Austrian papers showed the bitter disappointment which
prevailed.
Meanwhile, the Ukrainians were further playing into the hands of the
Central Powers, spurred on by the domestic situation. Said the "Cologne
Gazette," for February 17, 1918:
"Our bread peace with the Ukraine is threatened. Fighting between the
Bolsheviki and the Rada already has brought the Rada government into
such peril that it has been transferred from Kiev to Zhitomir, and the
suburbs of Kiev are already in the hands of the Bolsheviki.... The
Bolsheviki are rushing troops to reenforce the anti-Rada forces....
Further fighting is to be expected, of serious significance to us."
The true significance of the pact between the Ukrainian landlords and
the Germans became still more obvious on February 17, 1918, when an
appeal "to the German people" was published. In this document the
bourgeois character of the Rada Government was indignantly denied and
socialistic principles were proclaimed. The Bolsheviki were bitterly
denounced and accused of possessing nothing more than a desire for
conquest and pillage. Having thus prepared the German mind for its
reception, the appeal is delivered in the final paragraph, in the
following words:
"In this hard struggle for existence we look around for help. We are
firmly convinced that the peaceful and order-loving German people will
not remain indifferent when it learns of our distress. The German Army,
standing on the flank of our northern enemy, has the power to help us
and, by its intervention, to protect the northern frontiers against
further invasion by the enemy. This is what we have to say in this dark
hour, and we feel confident that our voice will be heard."
Such was the moral pretext of the Central Powers for a further invasion
of Russia. In return for the protection of their private property, the
landowners constituting the Rada Government were willing to accept
German domination and to send all surplus foodstuffs across the
frontier.
Germany gave ample warning of her intention to continue active
hostilities at the expiration of the armistice at noon on February 18,
1918. It was officially announced that this decision had been taken at a
conference of all the German war chiefs and political leaders, attended
also by the emperor. Austria-Hungary, however, took a very much more
moderate stand and showed strong disinclination to renew the war. The
Vienna papers were practically unanimous in their opinion that Austria
had no further business in Russia, since there was no longer a common
frontier, and with Ukrainia there was a definite peace treaty. On
February 18, 1918, it was officially announced from Vienna that "an
agreement has been reached between Germany and Austria-Hungary whereby,
in the event of military action being necessary, the German troops will
be confined to the frontier of Great Russia, and the Austrians to the
Ukraine only."
CHAPTER LIX
THE GERMANS RENEW HOSTILITIES WITH RUSSIA
At 2 o'clock in the afternoon of the 18th, just two hours after the
armistice had expired, German troops began pouring across the Dvina
Bridge. The disorganized Russians fled before them, allowing the Germans
to occupy Dvinsk unopposed. Up and down the whole eastern front the
German lines began a simultaneous movement eastward, the immediate
object being the occupation of the territory coveted by Germany, the
moral pretext being that Germany desired to rescue the oppressed
population from the anarchy of Bolsheviki rule. Farther south an advance
was also made into Ukrainia, but there it was on the invitation of the
Ukrainians themselves, according to the Germans.
The news of the German advance acted on the Petrograd authorities like
an electric shock, awakening them from their delusions. There was
something of panic in the haste with which the Council of People's
Commissaries, the body corresponding to the Cabinet of other
governments, assembled for conference the moment the news reached the
capital. Throughout the whole night they remained in session, in hot
argument over the question of capitulation or resistance.
On this vital issue the two leading figures of the Bolsheviki Government
split; Lenine was in favor of unconditional surrender to the German
demands, while Trotzky declared himself for continued resistance. Had he
remained of this mind he might have changed the course of events, but
before the question was put to vote, he swung over to Lenine, and the
Council decided in favor of surrender, but only by one vote.
Early next morning the Council issued a proclamation, to the effect that
"under the present circumstances the Council of the People's
Commissaries regards itself as forced formally to declare its
willingness to sign a peace upon the conditions which had been dictated
by the delegations of the Quadruple Alliance at Brest-Litovsk." Later
in the day Ensign Krylenko, the commander in chief, issued a general
order to his armed forces in which they were enjoined to attempt to
parley with all forces of armed Germans they might encounter and
persuade them to desist from advancing farther into Russian territory,
but in case these attempts failed, then a determined resistance should
be made.
The decision of Petrograd to capitulate had been communicated to German
headquarters by wireless. Late in the afternoon the German commander,
General Hoffmann, replied to the effect that the message had been
received, but since a wireless message could not bear signatures,
without which no communication could be regarded as official, he
requested the Petrograd authorities to forward the same message in
written form, properly signed, to German headquarters at Dvinsk. A
courier was immediately sent with an authentic copy of the Russian
capitulation to Dvinsk.
The Germans, however, were in no hurry to respond. The German soldiers
continued their eastward advance day by day, practically unopposed,
gathering in some 10,000 prisoners and vast quantities of arms, heavy
guns, ammunition and other war material. By February 21 German forces
had arrived seventy miles northeast of Riga, and Esthonia was completely
occupied.
By this time it began to dawn on the Bolsheviki leaders in Petrograd
that the Germans meant to occupy all the territory they desired before
they would reopen negotiations. On February 22, 1918, a proclamation was
promulgated, in the following terms:
"We agreed to sign peace terms at the cost of enormous concessions in
order to save the country from final exhaustion and the ruin of the
revolution. Once more the German working class, in this threatening
hour, has shown itself insufficiently determined to stay the strong
criminal hand of its own militarism. We had no other choice than to
accept the conditions of German imperialism until a revolution changes
or cancels them. The German Government is not in a hurry to reply to us,
evidently aiming to seize as many important positions in our territory
as possible. The enemy has occupied Dvinsk, Werder, and Lutsk, and is
continuing to strangle by hunger the most important centers of the
revolution. Even now we are firmly convinced that the German working
class will rise against the attempts of the ruling class to stifle the
revolution, but we cannot predict with certainty when this will
occur.... The Commissaries call on all loyal councils and army
organizations to use all efforts to recreate the army. Perverted
elements of hooligans, marauders and cowards should be expelled from the
ranks, and, in the event of resistance, be wiped out of existence. The
bourgeoisie, who under Kerensky and the Czar evaded the burden of war
and profited from its misfortunes, must be made to fulfill their duties
by the most decisive and merciless measures.... The German generals
desire to establish their own order in Petrograd and Kiev. The republic
is in the gravest danger. The duty of Russian workingmen and peasants is
defense to the death of the republic against the masses of bourgeoisie
and imperialists of Germany. German militarism wishes to smother the
working classes and the Ukrainian masses, to give back the land to the
landowners, factories and workshops to the bankers, and power to a
monarchy."
Finally the Germans condescended to open negotiations with the Russians
once more. On February 23, 1918, Foreign Secretary von Kühlmann opened
up communication with Petrograd, offering to arrange a new peace
conference. The terms could not now, of course, be so generous as were
those offered at Brest-Litovsk, the negotiations must be concluded
within forty-eight hours and ratified within two weeks.
As outlined by Von Kühlmann, the new conditions were: Livonia and
Esthonia immediately to be cleared of Russian troops; this territory to
be policed by the Germans until such a time as these countries should
establish governments of their own. An immediate peace between northern
Russia and the Ukrainians. Ukrainia and Finland to be evacuated by all
Russian forces. A complete demobilization of the Russian armies,
including the newly organized Red Guards. Russian warships in the Black
Sea, the Baltic and the Arctic to be interned in Russian harbors,
warships of the Entente Powers to undergo similar treatment. Merchant
navigation of the Black Sea to be renewed. The Russo-German commercial
treaty of 1914 to be enforced again. And all revolutionary propaganda
among German soldiers and civilians to be stopped immediately and
absolutely.
During the entire night of the day on which this communication was
received the Council was in conference, adjourning now and then to allow
party caucuses. At first there was a strong feeling in favor of
resistance, especially among the members of the opposition. Premier
Lenine's influence was thrown strongly in favor of peace and an
unconditional acceptance of the terms which the enemy offered.
In the early morning of Sunday, the 24th, the Central Executive
Committee decided to accept the German terms, by a vote of 112 against
84. The German Government was then informed that a Russian
representative would leave immediately for Dvinsk, carrying with him the
official acceptance of the German terms. A new peace delegation was
elected to attend the coming conference, for both Trotzky and Joffe, who
had been the leaders of the first commission, refused to serve again.
Meanwhile a request had been made to the German military commander that
another armistice be declared, to last until the conclusion of the peace
negotiations. But this request the Germans flatly refused, and the
German armies continued their advance eastward.
This policy on the part of the Germans, to continue military aggression
to the last moment, finally roused a fighting spirit among the
Bolsheviki organizations. Under the supervision of the Petrograd Soviet
extensive preparations were made to renew armed resistance. Recruits to
the Red Guard regiments were enlisted and armed with feverish haste and
hurried out to the front, to take the place of the fleeing regulars, who
were completely useless and demoralized. Fully 100,000 joined the Red
Guard detachments, among them being many officers of the old army who,
without sympathizing with Bolsheviki principles, joined them from pure
patriotism.
The results of these exertions were soon made manifest on the fighting
front, for now came reports indicating that the Germans were obliged to
fight desperately to make any headway. On February 26, 1918, the
Russians made so determined a resistance at and near Pskov that the
Germans were temporarily driven back and halted for several days, until
they could bring up their heavy ordnance.
On March 3, 1918, the Germans announced that they had ceased
hostilities, the Russian delegation to Brest-Litovsk, where the second
conference was held, having signed the peace treaty. They then reported
the capture of 6,800 officers, 57,000 men, 2,400 cannon, 5,000 machine
guns, 800 locomotives, and large quantities of other war material. The
territory overrun was all that part of Russia lying west of a line drawn
from Narva, on the Gulf of Finland, due south to Kiev, including Russian
Poland, Lithuania, Esthonia, Livonia, and the outlying islands in the
Gulf of Finland. By refusing to sign a treaty of peace at the first
conference the Russians lost territories amounting to almost one-quarter
of Russia in Europe, inhabited by about a third of the total population.
By the new treaty the Russians lost Finland, Poland, Ukrainia,
Lithuania, Esthonia, Livonia, Courland, and a portion of Transcaucasia,
southeast of the Black Sea.
CHAPTER LX
THE PEACE TREATY THAT WAS SIGNED
The Russian delegates at the second peace conference had signed
practically blindfolded. Gradually the German terms were given out to
the world. Probably nothing during the war, except the sinking of the
_Lusitania_, had so contributed to turning sympathy in neutral countries
away from Germany as the conditions which were forced on Russia. The
following summary gives the outstanding features of the treaty of peace
which still exists between Russia and the Central Powers:
An end to all propaganda among the soldiers and civil populations of the
Central Powers. Russia to relinquish all claims to the territory
occupied and held by the Germans, the fate of these countries to be
decided by Germany. Russia must evacuate the Anatolian provinces taken
from Turkey, as well as the districts of Kars, Erivan and Batum. Russia
must demobilize all her armies. All Russian warships to be interned in
Russian harbors until a general peace has been declared. Russia must
conclude an immediate peace with the Ukrainian Republic and recognize
the treaty of peace between Ukrainia and the Central Powers. All
revolutionary propaganda in Ukrainia must cease. Finland and the Aland
Islands must be evacuated by all Russian armed forces, both military and
naval. A general exchange of prisoners of war is to be begun at once.
The document presenting these terms had yet to be ratified by the
highest ruling powers in Russia, and, according to the German demands,
within two weeks. Trotzky, hitherto the dominating figure of the
Bolsheviki party, was apparently opposed to the acceptance of the treaty
and refused to be a delegate to the final peace conference, as already
noted. For this reason he also resigned as Foreign Minister, declaring
that he could not agree with the point of view of Lenine, and was
succeeded by Tchitcherin. Trotzky was now made chairman of the newly
created government of Petrograd, known as the Petrograd Labor Commune,
which was responsible "for the safeguarding of revolutionary order and
defending the city from the enemy."
The treaty was presented for ratification to a Pan-Soviet Congress, held
in Moscow on March 14-16, 1918, the Soviet Government being by this time
established in Moscow. The Congress consisted of 1,164 delegates, the
majority being soldiers, sailors, and workingmen, with Bolshevist
constituencies in the industrial centers, the peasants being represented
in a much smaller proportion. Of the total number 732 delegates were
declared partisans of Lenine; thirty-eight were Socialist
Revolutionists, with more moderate tendencies than the Bolsheviki.
Again Lenine strongly advocated for peace at any price, contending, as
before, that it would be only a matter of time until the working classes
of the whole world would overthrow their capitalist and imperial masters
and come to the rescue of the Russian proletariat. The treaty was
finally ratified by a vote of 704 against 261. Two Bolshevist
commissaries, Debenko and Kolantai, and four Socialist Revolutionaries,
Steinberg, Kalagaiev, Karelin and Broshian, resigned their posts in the
cabinet when the result was announced.
At the congress the following telegram from President Wilson was read,
at the opening session:
"May I not take advantage of the meeting of the Congress of the Soviets
to express the sincere sympathy which the people of the United States
feel for the Russian people at this moment when the German power has
been thrust in to interrupt and turn back the whole struggle for freedom
and substitute the wishes of Germany for the purpose of the people of
Russia? Although the Government of the United States is, unhappily, not
now in a position to render the direct and effective aid it would wish
to render, I beg to assure the people of Russia through the Congress
that it will avail itself of every opportunity to secure for Russia once
more complete sovereignty and independence in her own affairs and full
restoration to her great rôle in the life of Europe and the modern
world.
"The whole heart of the people of the United States is with the people
of Russia in the attempt to free themselves forever from autocratic
government and become the masters of their own life."
The following day the Congress adopted the following reply to President
Wilson's message of sympathy:
"The Congress expresses its gratitude to the American people, above all
to the laboring and exploited classes of the United States, for the
sympathy expressed to the Russian people by President Wilson through the
Congress of Soviets in the days of severe trials. The Russian
Socialistic Federative Republic of Soviets takes advantage of President
Wilson's communication to express to all peoples perishing and suffering
from the horrors of imperialistic war its warm sympathy and firm belief
that the happy time is not far distant when the laboring classes of all
countries will throw off the yoke of capitalism and will establish a
socialistic state of society, which alone is capable of securing just
and lasting peace as well as the culture and well-being of all laboring
people."
CHAPTER LXI
CONTINUED GERMAN AGGRESSION
On the day the Russian delegates to Brest-Litovsk had signed the peace
treaty the Germans had announced an end to military activities on the
eastern front, and until the treaty had been ratified they did indeed
refrain from further aggression. It was even reported that practically
all the German forces on the Russian front had been removed to the
western front and those few that remained would be insufficient to carry
on any further operations, even against the disorganized Russians. But
after the middle of March reports of military operations began to appear
again, the pretext of the Germans being that they were "establishing
order" along the new frontier and were merely suppressing irresponsible
bands.
The Teuton advance was most pronounced in Ukrainia, where the legal
authorities were ostensibly cooperating with the invaders. Apparently
the forces employed in the conquest of this territory were largely the
Slavic contingents of the Austrian Army, supported by the so-called
Ukrainian troops, regiments recruited from the Ukrainians which had
formerly been units of the Russian Army and were now loyal to the Rada.
German officers were in the higher commands, so that the operations were
entirely in the interests of the German Government.
Thus, by the end of the third week in March the Teutons had overrun all
of Ukrainia west of the Dnieper and were in possession of the chief
center, Kiev, as well as the important cities of Zhitomir, Nikolaiev,
and the chief seaport of southern Russia, Odessa. Bolsheviki Red Guards
succeeded in driving the invaders out of Odessa some days later, but it
was again captured on the arrival of Austrian reenforcements. Over two
thousand ships and great quantities of war material were seized.
According to some reports, even the Rada became alarmed and protested
at continuous invasion, but no heed was taken of the request.
Up in northern Russia there was also continued aggression. An advance on
Petrograd was begun, but when the Soviet Government became established
in Moscow, the Germans switched off in that direction, especially from
the direction of Ukrainia, whose borders with Russia proper were crossed
for a considerable distance, to within 150 miles of Moscow.
The peace treaty provided for the ceding to the Central Powers of the
Transcaucasian provinces, already mentioned. But here the people had
organized a constituent assembly of their own, which now refused to
recognize this provision of the treaty. Meeting in Tiflis, the assembly
declared for a defensive war, and independence was declared. In the
middle of April the Armenian National Council, in an official protest
addressed to the German Government, said:
"Following upon the withdrawal of the Russian troops Turkish forces have
invaded the undefended country and are not only killing off the Turkish
Armenians, but all the Russians as well. In spite of the terms of the
peace treaty, which recognizes the right of self-determination for these
Caucasian regions, the Turkish Army is advancing toward Kars and
Ardahan, destroying the country and killing the Christian inhabitants.
The responsibility for the future destiny of the Armenians lies entirely
with Germany, because it was Germany's insistence which resulted in the
withdrawal of the Russian troops from the Armenian regions, and at the
moment it rests with Germany to prevent the habitual excesses of the
Turkish troops, increased by revengefulness and anger."
In Russia, the Bolshevist leaders had actually betrayed their country to
the Germans. In Finland, it was the conservative element that welcomed
the Teutons. Hatred of Russia and fear of the excesses committed by the
extreme Socialists had made the Finns strongly pro-German. For the
Socialists were not only a numerous element in Finland, but were well
organized in the Labor party. In January, 1918, these radicals,
corresponding to the Bolsheviki in Russia, rose in armed revolt and
seized Helsingfors, driving the members of the Government north, where
it established its headquarters at Vasa, under the leadership of M.
Svinhufvud. The Socialists organized a government of their own in the
old capital, the head of their cabinet being Kullervo Manner. Thus was
begun the civil strife with the conservative White Guards on the one
hand and the Socialist Red Guards on the other, the former receiving
German support, the latter being backed by the moral and a great deal of
material support from the Soviet Government of Russia. The Germans
occupied the Aland Islands, March 2, 1918, and in April took Helsingfors
and Viborg, cooperating with the Finnish White Guards. At the end of
April, Finland was practically controlled by Germany. Meantime the
Germans were organizing the conquered provinces taken from Russia.
The continued aggression of the German forces aroused a very bitter
spirit among the Russians. Even Lenine openly declared that the peace
was only for the purpose of reorganizing the war. Trotzky, who at least
outwardly opposed the acceptance of the treaty, came to the fore again.
He declared for the organization of an army of half a million men on the
regular disciplined basis. On April 2, 1918, Podvoisky, assistant
commissary of war, announced that Russia would establish an army of
1,500,000 men, in which the elective principle would be more limited,
and some of the leaders openly advocated conscription. On April 10,
1918, Trotzky was again admitted into the cabinet as minister of war.
Meanwhile there were strong indications that a more conciliatory
attitude would be adopted toward the "capitalistic" governments of the
Allies, who had been denounced as only a little less hostile to Russia
than Germany. Tchitcherin, the foreign minister, made the statement that
"Russia's relations toward the Entente are unchanged."
CHAPTER LXII
JAPANESE TAKE ACTION IN THE EAST
The Allied Governments, naturally, including that of the United States,
refused to recognize the treaty of peace which Germany and Austria had
imposed on the helpless Russians. It was their recognition of the
helplessness of the Russians which caused them to realize the fact that
Germany might still further force them into a position which would be
detrimental to the Allied cause; that, in a sense, the Russians were not
responsible and that therefore it might become necessary to take certain
measures which would prevent their falling too far under Teuton control,
or permitting Russia to become a vast storehouse and granary for the
Central Powers, which might exploit and develop Russian resources to
further Austrian and German ends. Now that Russia was not even nominally
hostile to Germany, she became a potential auxiliary instead of a menace
to the military success of the Central Powers.
Just before the collapse of Russia, brought to a climax by the rise into
power of the Bolsheviki, large stores of military supplies from Japan
and the United States had been accumulating at the Vladivostok terminus
of the Siberian Railroad. It was only natural to assume that it would be
Germany's great desire to obtain possession of these stores. What
quickened anticipation of this possibility was the rumor that large
numbers of Austrian and German prisoners had been armed in Siberia and
were gathering along the line of the Siberian Railroad. Both Lenine and
Trotzky denied this report most vigorously and invited the Allies to
send representatives into Siberia to investigate. This was done, notably
by the United States, and the reports of the investigators seemed to
indicate that there had been no foundation to the rumors.
Nevertheless, the danger remained and action became necessary. Japanese
intervention in the East now became a lively subject of discussion in
the Allied countries. On April 5, 1918, two companies of Japanese
marines were put ashore in Vladivostok, the immediate pretext being some
disorders ashore, in which a Japanese subject had been killed. The local
soviet reported that the Japanese had taken this action on their own
initiative, without consulting the diplomatic representatives of any
other of the Allied countries. But a later report indicated that the
British had also landed marines, and on the following day the Japanese
put ashore another small landing party. The Japanese naval commander,
Admiral Kato, issued a proclamation in which he assumed personal
responsibility for the landing of forces, and stated that it had
absolutely no political significance, the object being merely to protect
Japanese lives and property until the local authorities could guarantee
law and order themselves. The local governing bodies, however, protested
vigorously.
The news of the landing produced keen excitement in Moscow and was
construed as the beginning of Japanese intervention in Russian domestic
affairs. On the following day, April 6, 1918, the Soviet Government
issued a statement in which it declared that the murder of the Japanese
subject was part of a pre-arranged plan and that "the Japanese have
started a campaign against the Soviet Republic." Two days later Premier
Lenine said, in a public speech:
"It is possible that, within a short time, perhaps even within a few
days, we shall be compelled to declare war against Japan."
Two days later it was reported that Russia had requested the German
Government to permit postponement of that provision of the peace treaty
which demanded the demobilization of the Russian military forces, on
account of the possible need of defensive military action against the
Japanese.
On April 16, 1918, Mr. Francis, American ambassador to Russia, issued
the following statement:
"The Soviet Government and the Soviet press are giving too much
importance to the landing of these marines, which has no political
significance, but merely was a police precaution taken by the Japanese
admiral on his own responsibility for the protection of Japanese life
and property in Vladivostok, and the Japanese admiral, Kato, so informed
the American admiral, Knight, and the American consul, Caldwell, in
Vladivostok. My impression is that the landing of the British marines
was pursuant to the request of the British consul for the protection of
the British consulate and British subjects in Vladivostok, which he
anticipated would possibly be jeopardized by the unrest which might
result from the Japanese landing. The American consul did not ask
protection from the American cruiser in Vladivostok Harbor, and
consequently no American marines were landed. This, together with the
fact that the French consul at Vladivostok made no request for
protection from the British, American, or Japanese cruisers in the
harbor, unquestionably demonstrates that the landing of Allied troops is
not a concerted action between the Allies."
The fears of the Soviet Government were not completely allayed, however,
for they began to remove the stocks of war material westward, with the
result that on April 20 the Japanese landed still more marines to
reenforce those already on guard ashore.
On April 26, 1918, Tchitcherin, the foreign minister of the Soviet
Government, informed the representatives of the United States, Great
Britain, and France that his Government desired the recall of their
consuls stationed at Vladivostok on account of their participation in
counter-revolutionary plots. He also asked them to set forth their
attitudes toward the Soviet Government. An official report of the
demand for the removal of John K. Caldwell, the American consul at
Vladivostok, was received by the American State Department on May 6,
1918, from Ambassador Francis. The State Department replied that it
had no definite information on which to base such charges and refused
to remove the consul. These charges were largely in relation to the
counter-revolutionary movement which had been instigated by General
Seminov, who had established himself in the Transbaikal and had
gathered around him a number of former officers in the Russian army of
high rank and who were now inspired, either by a hope that a
monarchial form of government might be reestablished, or at least that
a less radical form of government than that of the Bolsheviki might
take its place. Here were gathered also many civilian enemies of the
Bolsheviki, with the same hope of overthrowing them by military force.
During the middle of April, 1918, hostilities were reopened by General
Kornilov against the Soviet forces, but his campaign from the Cossack
country in the south met with disaster in its incipiency, and Kornilov
was himself badly wounded.
It was also stated that General Dutov, another anti-Bolshevist Cossack
leader, was captured by the Bolshevist troops, and that Seminov, the
leader of the anti-Soviet forces in Siberia, was killed.
Meanwhile the Germans were continuing their aggressive operations,
largely through Ukrainia, where they were almost completely in
possession of the country. The German Government was evidently keenly
disappointed in its hopes of obtaining food supplies from this region.
If the demanded food supplies were to be had, it was obvious that
stronger measures must be resorted to. In the latter part of April it
was announced officially by the Washington State Department that the
Ukrainian Rada was to be dissolved by the Teuton military commander in
Kiev and another government established in its place.
The pretext came with the "arrest" on April 24, 1918, of a prominent
pro-German banker by an organization calling itself the Committee of
Ukrainian Safety. The German Vice Chancellor, Von Payer, said before the
Main Committee of the Reichstag that this secret society had as its
object the expulsion of the Germans from the country, which it proposed
to accomplish by means of the old terrorist methods employed in the
earlier days of the autocracy. Among the members of the organization
were many men of public prominence, and it was said that its central
executive committee had been meeting in the residence of the minister of
war. The German ambassador had demanded an investigation, but the Rada
would not, or could not, take action.
Within forty-eight hours the commander in chief of the Teuton forces in
Ukrainia, General von Eichhorn, proclaimed a state of "enhanced
protection," tantamount to martial law.
On April 28, 1918, while the Rada was in session, the doors to the
assembly chamber were suddenly thrown open by German soldiers and a
number of the members of the assembly were seized, among them being the
minister of war. When the president of the Rada protested against the
outrage, he was struck by a soldier and thrown to the floor.
On the following day a convention of wealthy peasants and landed
gentry, who were holding a convention in the city, proclaimed itself the
government of the land, declared the Rada non-existent, and proclaimed
General Skoropadsky, a strong pro-German and a reactionary, hetman of
Ukrainia, thus giving him practically dictatorial powers, subject to
German approval. The German Government hastened to recognize the new
governing power.
A German tool from the beginning, the Rada had nevertheless failed to
satisfy the German demands because of its democratic form, which enabled
an honest minority within its composition to block the pro-German
majority. With the autocratic powers of the new dictator at their
disposal, the Germans now hoped to accomplish their ends more
effectively, for now they could place the responsibility squarely on
him.
In their drive for food supplies, however, the Teutons were not disposed
to confine themselves to the boundaries of Ukrainia. They still
continued their military expeditions into the territories of the Soviet
Government.
In the early part of June, 1918, the Germans made an advance into the
Roslav region, in the Province of Kursk, taking Roventki. On May 10,
1918, they began an eastward advance, sixty miles wide, between Valuyki
and Zhukovo. On that date they captured Rostov on the Don, an economic
center of great importance, but held it only overnight, as the next day
they were driven back by the Russian Red Guards. Finally, however,
during this period, but on a date not mentioned in the dispatches,
Sebastopol was captured, very little resistance being offered on this
occasion. Here the majority of the ships constituting the Russian Black
Sea fleet were captured, but, according to a German report, it was found
that the ships were in a deplorable condition; only the battleship
_Volga_ and the cruiser _Pamyat Mercuria_ were in serviceable condition.
The rest of the fleet consisted of the battleship _Rostislav_, the
cruiser _Potemkine_, and a number of torpedo boats and submarines and
twenty transports. The protected motor-boat flotilla had already been
seized at Odessa, as had been the new war vessels still lying on the
slips in the shipyards. The latter consisted of a dreadnought of 23,000
tons, two protected cruisers of 7,600 tons, and two unprotected
cruisers.
CHAPTER LXIII
GERMAN POLICY OF AGGRESSION
The White Guards of Finland, having triumphed over the Socialistic Red
Guards, with the active assistance of German intervention now began to
show a disposition to widen Finnish territory in truly Prussian fashion.
Already in May Finnish and German troops had begun operations in the
direction of the Murman Coast, the main object undoubtedly being to
seize the railway from the interior of Russia to the Arctic ports of
Alexandrovsk and Archangel, where large supplies of war material were
stored. It was stated that a small force of English and French marines
had been landed here and were cooperating with the Bolshevist Red Guards
in defending this territory against Teutonic invasion; that the war
council attached to the local Murman Soviet consisted of one Russian, an
Englishman, and a Frenchman. At any rate, the German Government made the
landing of Allied troops at Alexandrovsk the pretext for a strong
protest to the Soviet Government. In the early part of June, 1918, the
Finnish Government, in response to communications from the French and
English Governments, informed its ambassador in Stockholm that Finland
had no desire to take possession of the Murman Railroad, but it could
not undertake to forego its ambition to annex Russian Carelia. Apart
from the small number of Russian immigrants in Carelia, the note said,
the population was entirely Finnish and had preserved its national
character during a century of oppression.
"Heretofore it has been impossible for the Finnish Government," the note
continued, "to support these national desires, but the Finnish
Government feels that it cannot for all time disregard its duty to
liberate Carelia from the Bolshevist bands, of Russian and Finnish
origin, which are terrorizing the peaceful population. Intervention may
become necessary for purely defensive reasons, since the Bolshevist
bands are threatening devastation to the territories on the Finnish
border. Many attempts at invasion have already been repulsed.... Many
pathetic appeals have been received from the Carelians to help them
place in order their administrative and economic life where Russian
methods have made all civilizing work impossible."
The German policy, obviously, where actual conquest was not practical,
was the dismemberment of the former Russian Empire. Every encouragement
was given to the separatist tendency. As an instance, the German
Government was reported to have inquired of the local Crimean
authorities concerning the nationalization of their flag, which the
Soviet Government naturally interpreted as an indication of the German
desire to separate the Taurida Republic from the Russian Federative
Republic.
The annexation of Bessarabia to Rumania was another German intrigue to
diminish the territory of the Russians. According to a Rumanian report
on April 9, 1918, the National Assembly of Bessarabia had voted for
annexation to Rumania, by a vote of 86 against 3. The Rumanian Premier
had then proclaimed the union to be "definitive and indissoluble," and a
delegation was sent to Jassy to present the homage of the people of
Bessarabia to the Rumanian king. This action was taken at the suggestion
of Germany, that Rumania might partly compensate herself for the loss of
territory to Austria-Hungary and Bulgaria, according to the conditions
of the peace she had signed with the Central Powers. Previously, in
March, Russia and Rumania had agreed that Bessarabia was to be evacuated
by Rumanian troops, whence they had gone to establish "law and order" at
the request of the population, or, more accurately, the landed gentry,
who desired them as a protection against Bolshevism. Local militia was
to take the place of the Rumanian troops of occupation, while military
garrisons were to be occupied by Russian troops. Russia undertook to
leave Rumania the surplus of Bessarabian grain remaining after the
population and the Russian troops had been provided for. All these
arrangements were now revoked through German intrigues.
On the other hand, the captured provinces of Esthonia and Livonia were
given a comparatively free hand by the Germans, the understanding being
that they should remain in the Russian Federative Republic, if their
populations so desired. Yet here Germany endeavored to accomplish by
propaganda what she did not choose to attain by armed force.
In March, 1918, the Lithuanians had organized a provisional government,
which immediately demanded recognition of Germany.
On May 5, 1918, the British Government granted an informal recognition
to the Esthonian Provisional Government, and, as stated by Mr. Balfour,
reaffirmed a "readiness to grant provisional recognition to the
Esthonian National Council as a de facto independent body until the
peace conference, when the future status of Esthonia ought to be settled
as far as possible in accordance with the wishes of the population."
CHAPTER LXIV
GERMANY'S APPEAL TO CLASS HATREDS
A survey of the geographical position of the Murman Peninsula and its
harbors will show at a glance the strategic and economic importance of
this region and explain the keen desire of the Germans to obtain a
foothold here. The Murman Coast is that section of the Arctic shore
stretching from the frontier of Russia with Norway, at the mouth of the
Voryema River; to Cape Svyatov, on the White Sea, a distance of about
250 miles. On the west the coast is a succession of precipitous cliffs
and bluffs, pierced by a number of deep inlets, of fiords, several of
which are excellent harbors for large ships. An inward sweep of the Gulf
Stream washes the shore, keeping it free of ice the year around, though
the White Sea, to the southward, is icebound six months of the year.
On this account it was long ago planned to connect this ice-free piece
of coast with the interior of Russia by means of a railroad, but the
project never went beyond paper until the beginning of the present war,
when it suddenly assumed unusual importance. It was realized that
practically all other Russian ports would be closed to commerce, but
that the Murman Coast could still be reached by an open sea route. In
the winter after the outbreak of hostilities the construction of the
railroad to Kola was begun and completed by the fall of the following
year, 1916. The railroad, which is about 800 miles in length, runs from
Petrozavodsk to the little port of Kem, on the White Sea. Here it
follows the coast to Kandalaska, also on the White Sea, whence it
crosses the Kola Peninsula to the Port of Kola. This terminal port can
be reached by ship from England quicker than Petrograd, while the route
from New York is twenty-four hours shorter than from New York to Libau.
While this railroad remains in Russian hands, Russia has an open trade
route with the outside world. Possession of this railroad would give the
Germans control of this open doorway and so increase the strength of
their economic grip on Russia. Furthermore, it would prove an invaluable
base for submarine warfare.
As already stated, the Finnish-German forces began operations in this
direction in April, and the Allies immediately landed a small force of
marines to support the Red Guard defense of this important region. In
June, 1918, the Finns and Germans resumed their advance on the railroad,
heading for the important stations of Kem and Kandalaska. According to
one report, the Germans had completed a railroad to Kem, along which
they proposed to transport some 40,000 troops, stationed at Viborg.
Lenine was disposed to make concessions at this point to the Germans.
The local population, which is largely Russian, was violently opposed to
German invasion. On July 7, 1918, it was reported that the people of the
Murman Coast had risen against the Soviet Government, declared
themselves independent, and appealed to the Allies for protection.
French, English, and American forces were immediately landed, in spite
of the strong protest of the Moscow Government. As a matter of record,
before landing, the British commander of the landing forces had
requested permission of the Soviet Government, which had been
immediately granted by Trotzky, minister of war. The protest which
followed was therefore compelled by German pressure, which was applied
so strongly that the Soviet Government made a show of mobilizing a
special army for transportation to the Murman Coast.
After the landing of the American forces, in the early part of July,
1918, the Allied troops advanced on Kem and occupied that port, then
continued on toward Toroki, the Bolshevist forces there withdrawing to
Nirok. By the end of July, 1918, the whole Murman Coast had been
occupied by the Allied troops, the German-Finnish forces, amounting to
about a division, being too far south to offer any opposition. According
to one dispatch General Gurko, one of the chief commanders of the
Russian troops in the days before the revolution, had been placed in
command of the Murman Coast army. It was also said that an appeal had
been made for the support of the local population, which was being given
with hearty enthusiasm.
The grip which Germany had taken on Finland was indicated when even so
strong a reactionary as General Mannerheim, commander of the Finnish
White Guards, resigned early in July, 1918, and left the country for
Stockholm. Here he stated publicly that Finland had practically become a
territory of the German Empire and would remain so unless expelled by
force. He added that he was waiting for the opportune moment to rally
the patriotic Finns against the Germans. Said Hugo Haase, leader of the
German minority Socialists, in a speech in the Reichstag:
"The list of those sentenced to death in Finland contains the names of a
former premier and fifty Socialists, members of Parliament, some of whom
have already been shot. Owing to the number of daily executions in the
town of Sveaborg that place has been renamed 'Golgotha.'"
The Finnish Constitutional Committee, by a vote of 16 against 15, has
decided on a monarchial form of government, and the new constitution is
being drafted accordingly.
CHAPTER LXV
ASSASSINATION OF THE GERMAN AMBASSADOR
The policy of Lenine, as has already been noted, was one of protesting
acquiescence to German outrage and demands; he snarled and assumed
indignation, but complied. But this attitude was not by any means
participated in by all the radicals. Even Trotzky, it will be
remembered, had resigned his post as foreign minister because he had
been unable to agree with Lenine on this point.
It was among that ultraradical group, the Socialist Revolutionists, that
bitterness against Germany glowed hottest, so hot that its members,
though having much in sympathy with the Bolsheviki, split away from them
on the peace policy. Kerensky himself had been of this school of
politics. In the early days of the autocracy, before the war, it had
been this group which had carried on those terrorist activities which
had given the Russian Revolution so bad a name among the conservatives
of all countries.
Again they resolved to resort to these methods. On July 6, 1918, General
Count von Mirbach, the German ambassador to Moscow, was assassinated by
members of the Socialist Revolutionist Party.
Among others of the prominent Socialist Revolutionary leaders who were
said to have been seized for this crime were Tseretelli, Chernov,
Skobelev, and Savinkov, all of whom had been members of the Kerensky
Cabinet. On July 12, 1918, it was reported that Chernov was marching on
Moscow at the head of an army of peasants.
Contrary to general belief in the Allied countries, Germany was inclined
to hold the Lenine Government blameless of the murder of Count von
Mirbach, for on July 10, 1918, the Berlin Government announced that it
did not intend to hold the Soviet responsible. "The German Government
and the nation," the dispatch added, "hope that the Russian Government
and people will succeed in nipping the present revolutionary agitation
in the bud." In a speech on July 11, 1918, Von Hertling, after having
laid the blame to the intrigues of the Allies, said:
"We do not want fresh war with Russia. The present Russian Government
wants peace and needs peace, and we are giving it support in this
peaceful disposition and aim. On the other hand, it is true that
political currents of very varied tendencies are circulating in
Russia--movements having the most diverse aims, including the monarchist
movement of the Constitutional Democrats and the movement of the
Socialist Revolutionaries. We will not commit ourselves to any political
countercurrent, but are giving careful attention to the course Russia is
steering."
Apparently the personality of Von Mirbach had also something to do with
his assassination, for as an intriguer he was reported to be absolutely
without conscience. After his death the Constitutional Democrats made an
official statement to the effect that he had called to him
representatives of their party and, while professing to be upholding the
Lenine Government, promised them German aid in overthrowing the
Bolsheviki under certain conditions. Germany, he told them, desired a
more conservative government in Russia, and if the Constitutional
Democrats would be willing to establish a monarchy, under German
influence, then they might expect a substantial revision of the
Brest-Litovsk peace treaty, to the advantage of Russia. This offer the
Constitutional Democrats had indignantly refused.
Not alone in Great Russia was it that the bitter hatred of the Germans
was breaking out into flames. In the middle of June, 1918, it was
reported from Kiev that the peasants were breaking out into local
disorders and attacking the soldiers who were protecting the
wheat-gathering expeditions. A dispatch dated in June, 1918, indicated
that these disorders had taken on a more general and better organized
aspect; that 40,000 peasants were assembled in an army and were entering
the streets of the capital, where they were attacking the garrison and
exploding artillery munitions. Later dispatches indicated that the
revolt had spread into the Poltava and Chernigov districts, and ten
days later the number of armed and officered insurgents was said to
number 200,000. At the village of Krinichki, in the province of
Ekaterinoslav, the peasants attacked the Germans in big force and a
pitched battle took place, the Germans being driven back with a loss of
over 1,000 men. In response to a call from the German commander in Kiev
it was reported that Germany was obliged to send over a quarter of a
million men to reenforce the German and Austrian forces in Ukrainia.
CHAPTER LXVI
THE MARCH OF THE CZECHO-SLOVAKS THROUGH SIBERIA
By far the most picturesque of the events occurring in Russia during
June and July, 1918, was the so-called Czecho-Slovak movement.
In the earlier periods of the war, but especially after the first
revolution, in March, 1917, great numbers of Czechs, or Bohemians, and
Slovaks, in the Austrian Army, had surrendered to the Russians
voluntarily, on account of their hatred of Austria. The Bohemians and
Slovaks are Slavs by race, so closely allied racially to the Russians
that they are able to converse together with little difficulty. Whole
regiments of them had come over to the Russians, en masse, and were
enrolled as special regiments in the Russian Army.
Shortly before the Brest-Litovsk Peace Conference the French Government
requested the Lenine Cabinet to equip and send on their way for the
western front these Slavic soldiers of the Russian Army. This request
was granted by the Soviet Government, and the Czechs and Slovaks, said
to number 100,000, were allowed to retain their arms and entrain for
France, via the Siberian Railroad.
At this time the Czecho-Slovak troops were decidedly not opposed to the
Bolsheviki; on the contrary, most of them were known to be Socialists,
and their sympathies were inclined to be in favor of all radical
Russians. Upon hearing that this large body of soldiers was to leave
Russia for the western front, Germany, naturally, raised a strong
protest after the signing of the peace treaty. By this time the
Czecho-Slovaks were en route on Siberian territory.
As to the cause of the friction which arose between them and the Soviet
Government forces, there are two versions. One side contends that German
pressure forced the Bolsheviki to endeavor to disarm the Czecho-Slovaks
and intern them again. This effort was violently resisted and led to
open hostilities.
The Bolsheviki affirm that the request of the French Government was not
made in good faith; that behind it was an intrigue whose object was to
make of the Czecho-Slovaks an armed force which should be the nucleus of
an uprising against the Soviet in Russia. At an opportune moment the
Czecho-Slovaks were to attack the Red Guards, hoping to rally around
them all the anti-Bolsheviki forces in Russia, and so cause an overthrow
of the Soviet.
Whatever the truth may be, open hostilities began on May 26, 1918, when
Czecho-Slovak forces began operations in the Volga district and in
Siberia simultaneously. Early in June, 1918, they had taken possession
of a considerable stretch of territory in the Volga district, including
several important towns. At about the same time some thousands of them,
arriving at the terminus of the railroad, in Vladivostok, precipitated
an uprising there and took possession of the city. On June 9 and 10,
1918, they occupied Samara and advanced to Ufa, in the Urals, where they
were able to seize the railroads by which European Russia obtained its
food supplies from Siberia. By the middle of June, 1918, they were in
control of the southern section of the Trans-Siberian Railroad, from
Samara to Chelyabinsk, the northern branch from Chelyabinsk to
Ekaterinburg, and the main line on the east of Novonikolaiefsk. Some
weeks later they held the railroad from Chelyabinsk, in the Ural
Mountains, to Krasnoyarsk, a distance of 1,300 miles, as well as its
eastern terminus, while scattered units of the Czecho-Slovak army
stretched clear across Siberia.
On June 30, 1918, a pitched battle was fought with the Red Guards at
the important city of Irkutsk, in Siberia, from which the local
Bolshevist soviet was ousted. On the same day the last of the Bolsheviki
were driven out of Vladivostok, the fighting being so severe that the
Japanese and English warships in the harbor were obliged to land marines
to protect the Allied consulates. Having established themselves in
Vladivostok, the Czecho-Slovaks advanced into the Amur region and took
Nikolaiefsky, on the Amur River, besides a number of other towns. By the
middle of July, 1918, most of the Trans-Siberian Railroad was in the
hands of the Czecho-Slovaks.
Meanwhile the Czecho-Slovaks in the Volga region were also engaged in
heavy fighting with the Soviet troops. On July 9, 1918, the Soviet
Government announced that it had delivered a heavy defeat to the
Czecho-Slovaks at Bugulma, the enemy fleeing in the direction of Samara.
Another dispatch stated that Muraviev, the commander of a large force of
Soviet troops, suddenly decided to go over to the enemy and march with
them on Moscow. When his soldiers refused to obey him, he committed
suicide.
The commander in chief of the Czecho-Slovak forces in Russia is the
Russian General Dieterichs, who was chief of staff under Dukhonin, after
the fall of Kerensky. In a statement addressed to the American
representative of the Finnish People's Republic, the Czech Socialist
Federation of the United States insisted that the Czecho-Slovak movement
in Russia was in no way connected with counter-revolutionary intrigues
tending toward a reestablishment of the autocracy, or of a
constitutional monarchy, the great majority of the Czecho-Slovaks being
themselves Socialists. Professor Masaryk, representing the movement in
Washington, says:
[Illustration: Admiral Knights flagship, the old cruiser "Brooklyn" of
Spanish-American War fame, is lying in the harbor of Vladivostok, to
cooperate with the American and other Allied troops who have landed in
Russia. Behind the "Brooklyn" is the British cruiser "Suffolk".]
"Our army is struggling against the external foe. We are the guests of
our brothers in Russia and we will not interfere in their internal
affairs."
On July 10, 1918, a new, autonomous Siberian Government was proclaimed,
with headquarters at Novonikolaiefsk, on the River Ob. The new
government, while anti-Bolshevist, is radical in character and is based
on universal suffrage and a constituent assembly representing all
classes of the population.
On the same date, July 10, 1918, General Horvath, vice president of the
Chinese Eastern Railroad, proclaimed himself military dictator of
another government of Siberia. He established his headquarters at
Harbin.
CHAPTER LXVII
EXECUTION OF EX-CZAR NICHOLAS
Since the latter part of June, 1918, there had been frequent rumors to
the effect that ex-Czar Nicholas had been executed. The first of these
stated that he had been killed by Red Guards at Ekaterinburg. This
dispatch was denied officially, but was followed by another report that
the ex-Czar had been tried and executed by the Bolsheviki at the city of
the same name. This report was confirmed apparently by advices reaching
the Washington State Department.
The next report was what purported to be an intercepted wireless message
from the Soviet Foreign Minister Tchitcherin, in which it was stated
that Nicholas was dead. Still another report had it that he had been
bayoneted by Red Guards while being taken from Ekaterinburg to Perm.
On July 20 an official statement was issued from Moscow which stated
definitely that the one-time autocrat of Russia had been shot on July
16, 1918.
The most prominent issue regarding Russian affairs which has been before
the public of the United States and the other Allied countries during
the past month or more has been the question of extending assistance to
Russia in reestablishing herself as a free, independent nation, with the
power to resist German aggression; whether this should be done through
active military intervention from the east, or whether it should be
confined to economic and financial aid. On this point there has been a
wide division of opinion, not only in this country, but among Russians
as well.
The Bolsheviki, naturally, are strongly opposed to any military aid,
which they would interpret as an attempt on the part of the capitalists
of the Allied countries to suppress the socialistic state which they
claim to have erected on Russian soil.
The membership of the Great Russian Cooperative Movement, expressing its
views through its leaders and its official organs, is also opposed to
military intervention, having small faith in the benevolent intentions
of the Japanese Government. The cooperators, however, realize the danger
from German economic control and have been fighting it with intensive
effort. The Narodni Bank and the Consumers' Union, in Moscow, have
opened offices in London and New York, and have opened a campaign for
British and American aid in their efforts to stem the German economic
invasion. The contention of their representatives is that the
cooperative movement of Russia is a weapon which could be used by the
Allied countries to great advantage, and should be aided in an extension
of credit and loans of capital, with which their cooperative industrial
system might be developed to such dimensions as to form an invincible
bulwark against the flood of German capital flowing into Russia.
So far as reports from Russia indicated, the Russians in favor of
military intervention by the Allies were largely among the conservative
elements, represented by the Constitutional Democrats, and among those
comparatively moderate radicals represented by Kerensky and Konovalov.
The first group are largely of the professional classes and the
so-called bourgeoisie who have not been able to bring themselves to
prefer German dominance to even the disorders of Bolshevikism. Among the
second group are many of the old-time revolutionists, such as
Tchaikovsky, Prince Kropotkin, Katherine Breshkovskaya, Vladimir
Bourtsev and Maria Spiradonova. These latter are, most of them, of the
old Social Revolutionary Party.
On July 31, 1918, the New York "Times" published the following
Washington dispatch:
"Negotiations between the Entente Powers, Japan, and the United States
regarding the extension of aid to the Czecho-Slovaks in Siberia and
Russia have advanced another step. Information sought by the Japanese
Government upon certain points of the American proposal looking to a
definition of the aims and scope of any joint action now has been
furnished by the State Department. This places the whole subject again
before the Japanese Foreign Office at Tokio, which must determine
whether the American proposal is now in a sufficiently concrete form to
warrant the inauguration of a policy of action.... Meanwhile, from
unofficial sources, comes news that in anticipation of a satisfactory
conclusion of the negotiations, Japan and the Entente Allies are
perfecting their arrangements for the organization of whatever military
force may be necessary for the execution of the joint agreement. Because
of their proximity to Siberia, Japan and China have been foremost in
this work, with a full understanding and cooperation between the
military commanders, though for strategic reasons the exact extent and
nature of these preparations cannot be disclosed. It is generally
realized, however, that upon these two countries will lie the burden of
providing the greater part of any military force that may be employed.
To preserve the international character of the enterprise France and
Great Britain are preparing contingents. Both of them will draw on their
near-by colonies."
By the end of July, 1918, it was practically certain that the United
States Government had consented to participate in a limited military
expedition into Russia, by way of Siberia, not for the purpose of
conquest or interference in the internal affairs of the Russian
Republic, but to create a nucleus about which all the anti-German forces
of Russia might rally for the reestablishment of an eastern front
against Germany.
PART XI--AUSTRO-ITALIAN CAMPAIGN
CHAPTER LXVIII
ITALY REVIVES
After the few local engagements which, during the last few days of
January, 1918, resulted in some slight Italian gains and a corresponding
improvement of the Italian positions in some sectors, comparatively
little of importance happened during the first half of February, 1918.
On the first of that month the Italians succeeded in advancing their
lines to the head of the Melago Valley, while an attempt on the part of
the Austro-Hungarian forces to reach the Italian lines by means of a
drive against the Italian position on Monte di Val Bella failed.
Artillery fire was the extent of military operations on February 2 and
3, 1918, being restricted on the first of these two days to the Asiago
Plateau and the front east of the Brenta, but spreading on the next day
along the entire front.
During the next few days the outstanding feature was increased aerial
activity on both sides. On February 4, 5, 6, and 7, 1918, Italian and
British airplanes made repeated successful attacks against the Austrian
positions and a number of Austrian aviation grounds. On the other hand
the Austrians bombed repeatedly Venice, Mestre, Treviso, Calviano, and
Bassano. On some of these days there were also artillery duels and
outpost actions, although the weather seriously interfered with military
operations almost along the entire front.
Lively artillery duels and concentrations of fire in the Val Brenta and
in the Mt. Melago and Mt. Asolone areas occurred during February 8,
1918. Austrian patrols attempting a surprise attack against some Italian
troops were repulsed by hand-grenade fire. Between the Posina and the
Astico, east of Lake Garda, and along the coast, Italian reconnoitering
parties effectively harassed the Austrian outposts. During the evening
two infantry attacks in force were attempted by the Austrians south of
Daone, west of Lake Garda, but failed under the heavy fire of the
Italian advanced posts.
Along the whole front fighting activity was confined on February 9,
1918, to artillery actions, more intense and frequent in the eastern
sector of the Asiago Plateau and in the area west of Mt. Grappa.
On February 10, 1918, very violent concentrations of fire and offensive
thrusts of infantry were repeatedly carried out by the Austrians to the
east and west of Val Frenzela, at the eastern end of the Sette Comuni,
or Asiago Plateau.
At the new Italian positions of Mt. Val Bella and Col del Rosso, four
and a half miles east of Asiago, Austrian attacks were promptly
frustrated by the very effective fire of the Italian batteries. Farther
to the east, on the southern slopes of Mt. Sasso Rosso, seven miles
northeast of Asiago, Austrian detachments made various attempts to
reach, under the protection of fire, some advanced trenches in front of
the Italian lines, which had been evacuated, but they did not succeed,
owing to the deadly Italian barrage fire.
On February 13, 1918, it was semiofficially announced that the British
part of the battle line on the Italian front had been lengthened
considerably east of the Montello ridge along the Piave and extended
then some miles east of Nervesa.
Opposite the Montello, on February 15, 1918, British reconnoitering
parties crossed the Piave and reached the Austrian lines. There were the
usual artillery actions in the plains; one of the Italian patrols,
starting from the bridgehead of Capo Sile (northeast corner of Venetian
lagoons), surprised an Austrian post, killed or put to flight its
garrison, and returned without losses, bringing back the captured arms.
Lively artillery actions took place in February 16, 1918, to the west of
Lake Garda, to the east of the Brenta, and on the Middle Piave. Allied
batteries carried out effective concentrations of fire on Austrian
movements east of Val Frenzela and on the back slopes of Col della
Berretta, two miles east of Brenta. In the Val Lagarina, east of Lake
Garda and south of Canove on the Asiago Plateau, Austrian reconnoissance
parties were repulsed by rifle fire.
Between the Posina and the Astico Italian patrols, on February 16,
1918, displayed increased activity, and small caliber batteries harassed
with frequent bursts of fire Austrian movements in the basin of Laghi.
On the Asiago Plateau Allied artillery fired on Austrian troops marching
along the Galmarara Valley, and carried out concentrations of fire on
the sector Val Frenzela-Val Brenta; the Austrians repeatedly shelled
Italian positions on the eastern edge. Between the Brenta and the Piave
there was a reciprocal cannonade at the salient of Mt. Solarolo. Allied
patrols carried out effective harassing actions against the Austrian
advanced posts at Grave di Papadofoli. Along the coast region the
Austrians intensified the artillery fire at different points, and pushed
various patrols toward Cortellazzo, at the mouth of the Piave. They
were, however, driven back by the hand-grenade fire of the sailors who
garrisoned the bridgehead.
Again on February 18, 1918, artillery activities greatly increased,
especially toward the eastern edge of the Asiago Plateau, and
occasionally in the Val Giudicaria, west of Lake Garda, in the
Posina-Astico sector, east of Lake Garda, on the front of Mt. Tomba,
west of the Piave, and to the south of Ponte della Priula, on the Piave.
Italian batteries opened a sudden fire in strong Austrian parties in the
Galmarara and Seren valleys and dispersed them. French batteries carried
out effective concentration fire along their sector of the front.
British patrols, having forded the Piave, raided the Austrian advanced
trenches.
[Illustration: The Austrian offensive and the Italian counteroffensive,
June-August, 1918.]
During the next few days aerial activity became especially marked.
Austrian aviation grounds were bombed successfully by British and
Italian squadrons. Austrian airplanes, too, were more active. Padua,
Vicenza, Mestre, and Venice were bombed repeatedly and suffered
considerable material damage, in spite of the efficient work of Italian
antiaircraft batteries.
During February 21, 1918, the Austrians shelled with greater frequency
the southeastern slopes of Montello. At the Grave Austrian scouting
parties were driven back. An English patrol had an encounter with an
important group of the Austrian forces on the left bank of the Piave.
Italian patrols having advanced as far as the islet of Folina in the
Middle Piave, brought back two machine guns.
Along the whole front a moderate struggle of artillery and lively
activity by Italian and Austrian scouting parties were maintained during
February 22, 1918. British patrols made a few prisoners. At the bottom
of Val Brenta an Austrian force, which was trying to seize one of the
small Italian posts, was repulsed after a spirited fight.
Lively reciprocal cannonading from the Adige to the Astico, moderate
fire actions along the rest of the front, and intense aerial activity
over the first lines was the order of the day for February 23, 1918. At
Lagoscuro, Val Camonica, and at Rivalta, Brenta, Austrian patrols were
repulsed. On the left bank of the Piave a British patrol attacked an
Austrian force, causing considerable losses. At Capo Sile, the northeast
corner of the Venetian lagoons, Austrian parties, who over a large tract
of the front were trying to attack the bridgehead, were promptly
dispersed.
The balance of February and the first week of March, 1918, brought
extraordinary bad weather, restricting all military operations. There
were, of course, in spite of the weather the usual local engagements
between patrols. Aerial activity had to be given up practically
entirely. Artillery activity, too, was more moderate, increasing from
time to time along various sectors of the front.
Much the same conditions continued during the second and third weeks of
March, 1918. Artillery activity increased occasionally in some sectors,
as for instance during March 8, 1918, along the mountainous front from
the Adige to the Piave. Austrian troops and working parties were shelled
on the Plateau of Tonezza, at the Assa-Astico confluence, and at the
head line of Val Frenzela. Counterattacks were carried out by the
Austrian artillery with more liveliness in the southern region of the
Montello, but showed less activity along the rest of the front.
More or less unsuccessful air raids were made by Austrian planes against
Naples and Venice on March 10, 1918. Reconnoissance combats were daily
occurrences at many points of the front. Artillery duels of varying
extent and violence, too, were reported every day, without, however,
causing material changes on either side.
Much the same conditions continued during the last week of March, 1918.
There were frequent local engagements between patrols and other small
units at many points along the entire front.
The conclusion of peace with Russia, of course, was an important factor
in the further development of affairs in the Austro-Italian theater of
war. Large bodies of troops, formerly employed on the Austro-Russian
front, became available for the Austro-Italian front. As early as March
28, 1918, it was reported that forty Austro-Hungarian divisions had been
transferred from the eastern to the Italian front.
However, there were no immediate developments of any importance.
Throughout a great part of April, 1918, the weather was very bad. Again
there were daily actions between patrols and reconnoissance detachments.
Artillery activity at times became very powerful, suffering on the
whole, however, from the inability of the air service to function at its
best on account of the bad weather.
During May, 1918, too, there was little change, though fighting
increased in violence and frequency. The Italians gained some local
successes, notably the capture on May 9, 1918, of a strongly organized
Austrian position on the 6,000 feet high Monte Corno in the Vallarsa,
southeast of Rovereto; advances in the region of Capo Sile, the
northeast corner of the Venetian lagoons on May 20 and 21, 1918, and
again during the night of May 26 and 27, 1918; and the capture on May 25
to 27, 1918, by Alpini of a number of strongly fortified Austrian
positions, located at a great height in the Tonale region, some twenty
miles south of the southeast corner of Switzerland.
During the first half of June, 1918, the same kind of spasmodic fighting
was the order of the day. If there was any change as compared with the
previous months, it consisted of a slight tendency on the part of the
Austrians to be more aggressive. Indeed, toward the middle of the month
this tendency increased considerably and, as a result, rumors began to
be heard of an approaching new Austrian offensive.
Before long the storm broke. On June 15, 1918, the Austrians launched
their new offensive on a front of about 100 miles, from the Asiago
Plateau to the mouth of the Piave. For a few days it seemed as if they
might be successful. On June 16, 1918, they succeeded in crossing the
Piave at a number of points near Nervesa, Fagare, and Musile, ten,
eight, and fifteen miles respectively north, northeast, and east of
Treviso. On that day the Italians also were forced to give way at the
Sette Comuni Plateau, and immediately to the east in the region of Monte
Asolone and Monte Grappa. Later, however, they were able to reestablish
their lines.
On June 17, 1918, the Austrians were checked by Italian and British
troops in the mountains east of the Sette Comuni, but were able to
extend their gains at the other end of the front, west and south of
Musile, where they succeeded in capturing Capo Sile.
Still less successful were they on the next day, June 18, 1918; again
they were repulsed at the eastern end of the Asiago Plateau, and an
attempt to cross the Piave at still another point, between Maserada and
Cardelu, about three miles northwest of Fagare, resulted in enormous
losses.
[Illustration: The "Montello" where the Austrian offensive broke down.]
The Italian resistance grew stronger now day by day. It was helped
considerably by heavy rains which created flood conditions at many
points along the Piave. All attempts of the Austrians to gain new
crossings were repulsed with heavy losses to their troops. By June 20,
1918, it became clear that the Italians had regained the initiative and
were attacking furiously at the few points where the Austrians had
gained territory in the first two or three days of their offensive. From
the Montello heights, west of Nervesa, the battle continued bitterly and
without pause. On June 20, 1918, the Austrians were forced to retire
their lines on the Montello and from part of the Capo Sile sector.
British, French, and Czecho-Slovak troops were of great help to the
Italian forces, and American aviators, who had hurriedly been sent from
France, began to operate against the Austrians.
[Illustration: Austro-Italian operations on the lower Piave river.]
On June 21, 1918, the Italian pressure increased still more along the
entire front. Approximately one-half of the recently gained ground had
to be given up again by the Austrians. All efforts to counterattack were
promptly repelled.
The next day began the hurried retreat of the Austrians, and by June 24,
1918, even the official Austrian announcement acknowledged the
evacuation of the entire right bank of the Piave. Thousands of
prisoners, many guns and machine guns and a large amount of other booty
fell into the hands of the closely pressed Italians. On the same day
Nervesa was reoccupied by the Italians. A strong and successful
offensive was started by them in the mountains between the Piave and the
Brenta on June 25, 1918. Day by day now the Austrians had to yield
ground, not only that gained by their last offensive, but positions that
they had held for a considerable time.
Monte di Val Bella was stormed by Italians, French, and British on June
30, 1918. Col del Rosso and the Col d'Echele, south of Asiago, fell on
July 1, 1918, Monte Grappa, somewhat farther east, on July 2, 1918.
On July 4, 1918, the Italians gained more ground in the most southern
part of the front, near the sea, where a long-drawn-out struggle had
been going on in the region of the Piave delta. By July 6, 1918, all the
coastal zone between the Sile and Piave, stubbornly held by the
Austrians since November, 1917, was again in the hands of the Italians.
The latter claimed that between June 15 and July 6, 1918, they had
captured 523 officers and 23,911 men, sixty-three guns, sixty-five
trench mortars, 1,234 machine guns, and a vast amount of material.
During the balance of July, 1918, there was not a great deal more
fighting on the Italian front. On July 8, 1918, the Italians extended
their lines in the Monte Grappa and Col Caprile regions. Austrian
attacks against the Cornone slopes on July 13, 1918, were promptly
repulsed. The French gained some ground by a surprise attack near
Bertigo and Zocchi, and on July 20, 1918, the Italians recaptured Monte
Stabel and reoccupied Corno di Caverto. From then on the fighting on the
Italian front simmered down again to local engagements between opposing
patrols and reconnoissance detachments and to artillery and aeroplane
duels.
PART XII--THE WAR ON THE SEA
CHAPTER LXIX
NAVAL WARFARE
The submarine blockade was continued by the Germans during the
six-months' period, February 1 to August 1, 1918, but with considerably
smaller results. Figures, as in the past, were difficult to compile, and
as the war progressed this difficulty increased. However, the British
Admiralty officially announced that during the eleven months--March,
1917, to January, 1918, inclusive--a total of 1,239 British ships had
been sunk by mines or torpedoes, an average of 112.6 ships per month and
an average of 25.1 ships per week. Beginning with February, 1918, losses
became very much smaller, partly on account of the greater number of
submarines sunk or captured by the Allies, and partly on account of the
ever-increasing efficiency of the submarine-chasing and convoy services.
In April, 1918, the British Admiralty discontinued its weekly report of
merchant ships destroyed by mines or torpedoes, and substituted a
monthly report in terms of tonnage. The following figures are taken from
the official British reports and show the steadily decreasing success of
submarine warfare:
Allied and
Period 1917 British neutral Total
January 193,045 216,787 409,832
February 343,486 231,370 574,856
March 375,309 259,376 634,685
------- ------- ---------
Quarter 911,840 707,533 1,619,373
April 555,056 338,821 893,877
May 374,419 255,917 630,336
June 432,395 280,326 712,721
--------- ------- ---------
Quarter 1,361,870 875,064 2,236,934
July 383,430 192,519 575,949
August 360,296 189,067 549,363
September 209,212 159,949 369,161
------- ------- ---------
Quarter 952,938 541,535 1,494,473
October 289,973 197,364 487,337
November 196,560 136,883 333,443
December 296,356 155,707 452,063
------- ------- ---------
Quarter 782,889 489,954 1,272,843
1918
January 217,270 136,187 353,457
February 254,303 134,119 388,422
March 216,003 165,628 381,631
------- ------- ---------
Quarter 687,576 435,934 1,123,510
April 226,108 85,348 311,456
May 224,735 130,959 355,694
June 161,062 114,567 275,629
------- ------- -------
Quarter 611,905 330,874 942,779
On February 5, 1918, the British liner _Tuscania_ (Captain J. L.
Henderson), serving as a transport for American troops, was sunk by a
submarine off the coast of Ireland. The _Tuscania_ carried 2,177 U. S.
soldiers of whom 117 were officers, 2 civilians, 2 naval ratings, and a
crew of 16 officers and 181 men. She was a steel twin-screw steamer of
14,384 tons, built at Glasgow in 1914 for the Anchor Line and had a
speed of 17-1/2 knots. 212 U. S. soldiers lost their lives. Though hit
without any warning and during the night, the troops reached their boat
stations without panic and in splendid order. Unfortunately some of the
lifeboats capsized, a fact which was responsible for some of the losses.
Others died later in hospitals from shock and exposure; while still
others had fallen victims to the explosion caused by the two torpedoes.
The survivors were landed in Ireland and Scotland, where those of the
bodies which were recovered found a last resting place. British
destroyers were instrumental in saving many lives and also immediately
gave chase to the submarine which, it is believed, was sunk by depth
bombs.
Spanish losses became very heavy. On February 9, 1918, the _Sebastian_
was sunk in her way to New York; the _Mar Caspio_ went to the bottom on
February 23; the NEGURI on February 26; the _Sardinero_ on February 27;
and a grain ship, chartered to the Swiss Government, on March 2, 1918.
On February 26, 1918, the British steamer _Glenart Castle_, serving as a
hospital ship, was sunk in Bristol Channel. Fortunately she had no
patients on board; she carried a crew of 120, 54 members of the R. A. M.
C. and 8 female nurses, of whom 153 were reported as missing. This was
the second attack on the boat, the first one having been made on March
1, 1918, in the channel. She was then full of wounded from France, all
of whom were saved while the vessel itself was taken to harbor and
repaired. The _Glenart Castle_ was formerly known as the _Galician_ and
was previous to the war owned by the Union Castle Company. She was the
seventh British hospital ship torpedoed at night and without warning.
During February, 1918, too, the British S. S. _Minnetonka_ of 13,528
tons was sunk in the Mediterranean. Previous to the war she had been a
well-known passenger liner of the Atlantic Transport Line, running
between New York and London.
Another large steamer which became the prey of submarine warfare was the
_Celtic_, torpedoed off the Irish coast on April 1, 1918. However, she
succeeded in reaching port in safety.
[Illustration: It was on April 23, 1918, that the British cruiser
"Vindictive" defended the operation of sinking two old cruisers filled
with cement to block the submarine base at Zeebrugge. On May 10 the
battered "Vindictive" herself was sunk to close the base at Ostend.]
Spanish ships were continued to be sunk and on April 11, 1918, it was
announced that Germany had begun a submarine blockade of Spanish ports
as a result of a commercial treaty signed between Spain and the United
States.
On the same day Uruguay asked the German Government, through the Swiss
minister at Berlin, whether Germany considered that a state of war
existed between the two countries. The inquiry was the result of the
capture by a submarine of a Uruguayan military commission bound for
France.
One of the largest German submarines appeared, on April 10, 1918, in the
port of Monrovia, the capital of Liberia, on the west coast of Africa,
after having seized the day before the small armed Liberian vessel
_President Grant_. The crew were taken prisoners and the boat sunk.
Liberia, it will be remembered, had declared war against Germany on
August 4, 1917. The German commander dispatched by the Liberian crew an
ultimatum to the Liberian Government, in which he threatened that,
failing the dismantling of the wireless stations and the closing of the
French cable, the town of Monrovia would be bombarded. The stations were
accordingly closed, as the capital was under the fire of the German
guns, but later the U-boat commander insisted upon their being
destroyed. This the Liberian Government refused to do, and the German
submarine thereupon bombarded Monrovia for over an hour, destroyed the
stations, and inflicted some casualties. Fortunately for the town a
steamer appeared at that moment. The submarine gave chase and did not
return again.
The most important American losses in April, 1918, were the S. S. _Lake
Moor_, manned by naval reserves and sunk in European waters on April 11,
1918, with a loss of 5 officers and 39 men; the _Florence H._, wrecked
by an internal explosion while at anchor in a French port, with a loss
of 29.
Neutral shipping continued to be a heavy loser. The Norwegian
Government, for instance, announced that from the beginning of the war
to the end of April, 1918, Norway's losses had reached the total of 755
vessels, aggregating 1,115,519 tons, and accompanied by the loss of
1,006 seamen, while 700 more out of additional 53 ships were missing.
On the other hand it was announced that during April, 1918, 12 German
submarines had been captured or sunk in European waters by American and
British destroyers.
On May 3, 1918, the Old Dominion liner _Tyler_ was sunk off the coast of
France with a loss of 11 men, including 5 naval gunners.
Another British S. S. serving as transport for U. S. troops, the
_Moldavia_, was torpedoed and sunk on May 23, 1918, 56 U. S. soldiers
being reported as "unaccounted for." Two British transports, the
_Ansonia_ and _Leasowe Castle_, were sunk on May 26, 1918, with losses
of 40 and 101 lives respectively.
While returning to the United States the U. S. transport _President
Lincoln_, formerly a Hamburg-American liner, was sunk in the naval war
zone on May 31, 1918, with a loss of 4 officers and 23 men.
In the meantime some German submarines put in their appearance off the
coast of the U. S. They began their operations on May 25, 1918, and
maintained them with varying success and at varying distances from the
coast until well into August, 1918. As a result the following boats were
sunk up to June 20, 1918:
_Jacob H. Haskell_, schooner, 1,362 tons.
_Isabel B. Wiley_, schooner, 611 tons.
_Hattie Dunn_, schooner, 365 tons.
_Edward H. Cole_, schooner, 1,791 tons, subsequently raised
and saved.
_Herbert L. Pratt_, tank steamer, 7,200 tons.
_Carolina_, passenger steamer, 5,093 tons.
_Winneconne_, freighter, 1,869 tons.
_Hauppauge_, auxiliary schooner, 1,500 tons.
_Edna_, schooner, 325 tons, subsequently towed in.
_Texel_, steamship, 3,210 tons.
_Samuel M. Hathaway_, schooner, 1,038 tons.
_Samuel C. Mengel_, schooner, 700 tons, unconfirmed.
_Edward Baird_, schooner, 279 tons.
_Eidsvold_, Norwegian steamship, 1,570 tons.
_Harpathean_, British steamship, 4,588 tons.
_Vinland_, Norwegian steamship, 1,143 tons.
_Desauss_, schooner, 500 tons.
_Pinar del Rio_, steamship, 2,504 tons.
_Vindeggen_, Norwegian steamship, 2,632 tons.
_Henrik Lund_, Norwegian steamship, 4,322 tons.
[Illustration: Raids of German submarines on United States shipping on
the Atlantic coast.]
Later victims were, according to the New York "Times":
The Norwegian freighter _Augvald_, sunk June 23, 1918, 125 miles east
of Cape Race; the British transport _Dwinsk_, sunk about 550 miles east
of Sandy Hook, June 24, 1918; the Norwegian bark _Manx King_, July 6,
1918; 300 miles off Cape Race; the sailing vessel _Marosa_, sunk about
1,200 miles east of Sandy Hook July 8, 1918.
The tug _Perth Amboy_ and four barges attacked 3 miles off Orleans,
Mass., on July 21, 1918. The tug was burned and the barges sunk by
gunfire.
The fishing schooner _Robert_ and _Richard_ of Gloucester, sunk 6 miles
southeast of Cape Porpoise, off the Maine coast, on July 22, 1918.
The Portuguese bark _Porto_, sunk 550 miles off the Atlantic Coast on
July 27, 1918.
The Japanese freight steamer _Tokuyama Maru_, torpedoed and sunk off the
Nova Scotia coast on August 1, 1918.
The British schooner _Dornfontein_, set on fire 25 miles southwest of
Brier Island on August 2, 1918.
Three American fishing schooners off the Nova Scotia coast on August 3,
1918.
The Diamond Shoals Lightship 71, anchored off Cape Hatteras, N. C,
shelled and sunk on August 6, 1918.
The British schooner _Gladys M. Hollett_, sunk off the Canadian coast on
August 5, 1918.
The American steamer _Merak_, sunk off the North Carolina coast on
August 6, 1918.
The Standard Oil tank steamer _Luz Blanca_, sunk 40 miles west of
Halifax on August 5, 1918.
The American tanker _O. B. Jennings_, sunk off the Virginia coast.
The American schooner _Stanley L. Seaman_, sunk on August 5, 1918, when
110 miles east of Cape Hatteras.
Nine American fishing schooners sunk on August 3, 1918, off George's
Bank, 60 miles from Nantucket Island.
The Norwegian freighter _Sommerstad_, 3,875 gross tons, torpedoed and
sunk 25 miles southeast by east of Fire Island on August 12, 1918.
The British steamship _Penistone_, 4,139 gross tons, torpedoed on August
11, 1918, about 100 miles east of Nantucket.
The Swedish steamship _Sydland_, 3,031 gross tons, bombed and sunk on
August 8, 1918, about 100 miles southeast of Nantucket.
The American oil tanker _Frederick R. Kellogg_, 7,127 gross tonnage,
torpedoed 10 miles off Barnegat, N. J., sank in 4 minutes; 7 men killed
by the explosion.
The five-masted American schooner _Dorothy Barrett_, 2,088 gross
tonnage, sunk with a cargo of coal 20 miles from Cape May, N. J., August
14, 1918.
It was announced in the U. S. Senate that 28 submarines had been sunk by
the American Navy between January 1 and June 15, 1918.
Norway continued to be a severe loser. Twenty of her ships were sunk in
May, 1918, causing a loss of 31 lives, and 14 more in July, 1918, with a
loss of 55 sailors.
On June 27, 1918, another hospital ship was sunk when the Canadian S. S.
_Llandovery Castle_ went down off the British coast. Two hundred and
thirty-four persons were reported missing.
Another former Hamburg-American liner, the _Cincinnati_, renamed the
_Covington_, and serving as a U. S. transport, was sunk while returning
to the U. S. Six of her crew lost their lives.
On July 14, 1918, the French transport _Djemnah_ was sunk in the
Mediterranean with a loss of 442 lives. The well-known former Cunard
liner _Carpathia_, remembered especially for her services to the
survivors of the ill-fated _Titanic_ and the _Volturno_, was sent to the
bottom off the west coast of Ireland on July 17, 1918. Three days later
the White Star liner _Justicia_ was sunk off the north Irish coast after
a fight with a submarine lasting 24 hours.
Losses, not resulting from naval actions, to the naval forces of the
various belligerents, as far as they became known, were comparatively
small. Germany, besides her losses of submarines, lost some destroyers
and mine sweepers. Austria, in May, 1918, lost the battleship _Wien_.
England lost some destroyers, torpedo boats, and mine sweepers. Seven
British submarines, caught in Russian waters by the collapse of Russia,
were sunk by their own crews off Helsingfors between April 3 and 8,
1918, upon the approach of German naval forces and transports. The
Japanese battleship _Kawachi_, of 21,420 tons and 20 knots, blew up on
July 12, 1918, while at anchor in Tokuyama Bay, and sank with a loss of
over 500 officers and men. The U. S. armored cruiser _San Diego_ was
sunk off Fire Island, N. Y., on July 19, 1918, by a mine apparently
having been laid by one of the German submarines then operating in
American waters.
On February 24, 1918, the German Government announced that the auxiliary
cruiser _Wolf_ had returned to the Austrian harbor Pola, after a 15
months' cruise in the Atlantic, Pacific, and Indian Oceans. Claims as to
the number and tonnage of ships sunk by the _Wolf_ as made by the German
authorities differed widely from the losses compiled by the British
authorities, the former amounting to 35 ships of 210,000 tons, the
latter to 17 ships of about 40,000 tons. One of the boats attacked by
the raider, the Spanish S. S. _Igatz Mendi_, was captured, and, after a
prize crew had been sent aboard, took over the passengers and crews of
half a dozen ships which had been sunk. Attempting to return to a German
port, she stranded on February 25, 1918, off the Danish coast.
Passengers and members of the crews with civil status were sent to their
various homes, while the German prize crew and some British military men
were interned.
A number of minor naval engagements were fought between small units of
the belligerents' naval forces.
[Illustration: Italian naval exploits.]
A swift raid was made by a flotilla of large German torpedo-boat
destroyers early in the morning of February 15, 1918, on British patrol
forces in the Dover Straits. One trawler and 7 drifters, which were
occupied in hunting a submarine, which had been sighted in the patrol,
were sunk. After having sunk these vessels the German destroyers
returned rapidly to the north before any of the Allied forces could
engage them. A large number of the crews of the vessels sunk lost their
lives.
A light Franco-British division, composed of three French destroyers and
three British ships, joined battle in the North Sea early in the morning
of March 21, 1918, with a detachment of German torpedo vessels of the
"A" type, two of which were sunk. Shortly afterward, the same light
division fought a second action with five big destroyers which had been
bombarding Dunkirk. One German destroyer was sunk, and it is probable
that two other enemy destroyers were lost.
From information received, it would appear that three flotillas had been
ordered to bombard Dunkirk, La Panne, and Bray Dunes. One of the British
ships was slightly damaged, and returned to port. On the French side
there were neither killed nor wounded.
British boats, belonging to the Grand Fleet, made an excursion into the
Kattegat, the strait between Sweden and Denmark, on April 15, 1918,
sinking 10 German trawlers and returning without having suffered any
casualties.
British light forces operating in the Helgoland Bight on April 20, 1918,
obtained touch with German light forces, who retired behind mine fields.
A few shots were exchanged at extreme range and one German destroyer was
observed to have been hit.
Early in the morning of April 23, 1918, British naval forces made a
successful attack against Ostend and Zeebrugge, both of them important
German submarine bases. The raid was undertaken under the command of
Vice Admiral Roger Keyes, commanding at Dover French destroyers
cooperating with the British forces. There were six obsolete cruisers
which took part in the attack--_Brilliant_, _Sirius_, _Intrepid_,
_Iphigenia_, _Thetis_, and _Vindictive_. The first five were filled with
concrete, and were to be sunk in the channels and entrances to the ports
if that could possibly be managed. _Vindictive_, working with two
auxiliary craft, ferryboats well known on the Mersey, _Daffodil_ and
_Iris_, carried storming and demolition parties to the head of the mole
at Zeebrugge. _Vindictive_ was specially fitted with brows for landing
the storming parties and armed specially for the operation with
batteries of Stokes mortars, flame throwers, &c. The men employed on the
blockships and in the storming and demolition parties were bluejackets
and Royal Marines, picked from a very large number of volunteers from
the Grand Fleet.
There were light covering forces belonging to the Dover command, and
Harwich forces, under Admiral Tyrwhitt, covered the operation in the
north.
A force of monitors, together with a large number of motor launches,
coastal motor boats, which, as is known, are small, fast craft, carrying
a minimum crew of six, and other small craft took part in the operation.
It was a particularly intricate operation, which had to be worked
strictly to time-table and involved very delicate navigation on a
hostile coast without lights and largely under unknown navigational
conditions, which have developed since the war, with the added danger of
unknown mine fields. One of the essentials to success was a high
development of the scientific use of smoke or fog--it is more fog than
smoke--for which certain conditions of force and direction of wind were
necessary, so as to protect the operation from batteries which could
have flanked it.
The general plan of operation was as follows:--After an hour of intense
bombardment of Zeebrugge by the monitors, _Vindictive_, with the
auxiliaries _Iris_ and _Daffodil_, were to run alongside the head of the
mole, attacking with gunfire as they approached; storming parties and
demolition parties were to be landed. Meantime three blockships,
assisted by the coastal motor boats and launches, were to make for the
entrance to the canal and to be run aground and blown up. Two old and
valueless submarines were to run against the pile work connecting the
masonry portion of the mole with the shore, and, being filled with
explosives, were to be blown up, destroying the pile-work connection.
[Illustration: British naval attacks on the German bases of Zeebrugge
and Ostend.]
At Ostend the operation was simpler. Two of the blockships were to be
run aground and blown up at the entrance to the port. The difficulties
of this part of the undertaking were considerably increased by mist and
rain, with corresponding low visibility and consequent absence of
effective aerial cooperation.
At Zeebrugge, of the three blockships two attained their objective and
were sunk and blown up in the entrance of the canal. The third one
grounded in the passage in. One of the old submarines succeeded in
obtaining its objective and was blown up to the destruction of the
piling of the approach to the mole. Storming parties from _Vindictive_,
_Iris_, and _Daffodil_ attacked under extremely heavy fire, and fought
with the greatest possible gallantry, maintaining their position
alongside the mole for an hour, causing much damage to the enemy and
inflicting considerable losses upon him. The objectives for the storming
and demolition parties were (1) the German forces holding it, (2) the
battery upon it, (3) the destroyer and submarine depots upon it, (4) the
large seaplane base upon it. The three vessels, _Vindictive_, _Iris_,
and _Daffodil_, after reembarking their landing parties, withdrew. This
attack was primarily intended to engage the attention of the garrison on
the mole, thereby allowing the blockships to enter the harbor.
At Ostend the wind prevented the effective use of the smoke screen and
the two blockships had to be run ashore and blown up without attaining
their objective. The British loss in vessels was small: one destroyer
and two motor launches. But fire from German guns wrought heavy havoc in
the ranks of the British seamen: nineteen officers and 170 men were
killed; two officers and fourteen men were missing, and twenty-nine
officers and 354 men were wounded.
On May 10, 1918, the Ostend operation was completed. The old cruiser
_Vindictive_ was sunk at the entrance to the harbor, after having been
filled with concrete. The losses of the British forces engaged in this
operation were small.
It was later reported that twenty-one German destroyers and a large
number of submarines were penned in the Bruges Canal docks as a result
of the naval operations against Zeebrugge.
Engagements, without leading to any results, occurred on April 23, 1918,
between five Austrian and two British destroyers.
Early in May, 1918, reports about a mutiny in the Austrian navy, which
was said to have taken place some months before, seemed to be correct.
The mutiny, it was claimed, began at Pola, but spread quickly to
Cattaro. It was among arsenal workmen that the rising, according to the
London "Times," began at Pola. They demanded the cessation of various
disciplinary measures and punishments inflicted both in vessels and
ashore. The movement soon spread to the ships in harbor; the crews left
their posts and thronged the decks shouting, hurrahing, and acting as
they pleased. The officers were powerless, but there seems to have been
no fighting between them and the men. The naval authorities parleyed
with the men for a week, and finally all the sailors' and workmen's
demands were granted.
At Cattaro the mutiny took a more serious turn. Six cruisers and several
destroyers hoisted the red flag. The German and Magyar elements in some
of the ships held aloof, and there were encounters between them and the
mutineers, the guns of one cruiser being turned on another and some
mutineers being killed. However, the mutineers got the upper hand after
three days and became masters of the port.
Negotiations were eventually opened on an equal footing between the
admiral and the mutineers, and finally the latter consented to
surrender their vessels on receiving written guarantees that no action
would be taken against any man, and that a number of grievances would be
settled. The Cattaro fleet then returned under the Austrian flag, after
being eight days in open revolt.
PART III--THE WAR IN THE AIR
CHAPTER LXX
BOMBING AND RECONNOISSANCE
The importance of aerial operations, great as it had been since the
beginning of the war, gradually increased in a way which even the most
sanguine believer in the possibilities of flying machines would have
hesitated to prophesy. This was due to a great extent to the remarkable
advance that had been made on all sides as a result of experience in
respect to the mechanical development of airplanes. But an even greater
factor, perhaps, was the development of the technique of flying, which,
step by step, progressed to a point that fell little short of the
miraculous. Especially wonderful appears the development of squadron
flying. So well trained had become the intrepid airmen that evolutions
which a short time ago aroused the admiration of the whole world when
carried out by individual planes and flyers were now successfully
undertaken by large groups, each plane cooperating with the most
wonderful precision and daring with every other unit.
Although the business of scouting, observation, and direction of
artillery operations still formed an important part of the flying
service, new duties had been delegated to the airmen. In ever-increasing
squadrons, mass attacks against hostile forces, both in the air and on
the ground, were being carried out as effectively as formerly by bodies
of cavalry and infantry. Even part of the work, formerly executed
exclusively by the artillery, now had become a regular feature of the
flying arm of the various armies. Large air squadrons were laying down
with their machine guns barrage fire which had as deadly and accurate
results on advancing bodies of infantry as had previously been achieved
only by heavy artillery.
Aerial activity by now had become as regular a part of military
operations on every front as any other form of warfare. The most
important events of the war in the air, of course, occurred on the most
important of the many theaters of war, the western front. Fairly regular
reports, however, are available only for the British air forces.
During the first week of February, 1918, the weather interfered a great
deal with flying, but in spite of that hardly a day passed without some
bombing expedition being undertaken by British airplanes. On February 9,
1918, several successful reconnoissances were carried out by British
machines in spite of low clouds, mist, and high winds. German batteries
were engaged effectively by our artillery with observation from the air,
and nearly one ton of bombs was dropped on various targets. In air
fighting, one German machine was driven down out of control. One British
machine, too, was lost.
On the night of February 9-10, 1918, British night bombing machines
carried out a successful raid into Germany, although the weather was by
no means good. Nearly a ton of bombs was dropped with very good results
on the important railway junction and sidings at Courcelles-les-Metz,
southeast of Metz. One of the British bombing machines failed to return.
On February 11, 1918, mist, high winds, and low clouds again made
weather conditions unfavorable for flying. Little work was possible with
the artillery, but British aeroplanes carried out several successful
reconnoissances, and dropped over a ton of bombs on various targets
behind the German lines. No fighting took place. Another successful raid
into German territory was made, however. The objective this time was the
town of Offenburg, about twelve miles southeast of Strassburg and about
forty miles from the French frontier.
On February 16, 1918, fighting machines on both sides were most active,
and frequent attacks were made by the Germans on British bombing,
photographic, and artillery machines. Fourteen German machines were
brought down, and seven others were driven down out of control. British
antiaircraft guns shot down two other German machines, one of them being
a large bombing machine, which carried four men. This latter machine
fell inside of the British lines and its four occupants were taken
prisoners. Another German aeroplane, making the 17th accounted for
during the day, in addition to those driven down out of control, landed
near one of the British aerodromes, and its occupants were also taken
prisoners. Five British aeroplanes were reported missing.
During the night of February 16-17, 1918, British machines dropped 400
bombs on German aerodromes in the neighborhood of Ghent, Tournai, and
Laon. The railway station and sidings at Conflans--fifteen miles west of
Metz--were also successfully bombed from a low height, bursts being
observed in the sidings.
The weather was again fine and very favorable to aerial actions on
February 17, 1918. Bombing, which had been carried out incessantly
throughout the previous thirty-six hours, was continued, and over six
tons of bombs were dropped by British machines on various targets,
including German aerodromes in the neighborhood of Tournai and Lille, a
large ammunition dump near Courtrai, and numerous billets. Ten German
aeroplanes were brought down and six others were driven down out of
control. Three British machines failed to return.
On the night of February 17-18, 1918, further bombing raids were carried
out against German aerodromes south of Ghent and west of Tournai as well
as against many of the German billets.
Another most successful raid was carried out on the railway station and
sidings at Conflans (west of Metz). A ton of bombs was dropped.
On February 18, 1918, bombing squadrons raided the barracks and railway
station at Trèves, on the Moselle, and the steel works and railway
station at Thionville. The raid was carried out in broad daylight, and
excellent results were obtained. Although German antiaircraft gunfire
was again considerable and accurate, all the British machines returned
safely.
During that day continuous fighting took place, resulting in eleven
German machines being brought down and six others driven down out of
control. Two British machines were lost.
Following on the successful daylight raids on February 18, 1918, against
Trèves and Thionville, British night flying squadrons went out after
dark and again attacked these towns from a low height with equally good
results. German aircraft and antiaircraft guns were very active during
both raids, and one of the British machines failed to return.
On February 19, 1918, another raid in broad daylight, making the third
within thirty-six hours, was carried out against Trèves. On this
occasion well over a ton of bombs were dropped on the objective. Eleven
bursts were observed on the railway station and six on buildings in
close proximity to it. Three good fires were started.
During the next day the weather prohibited extensive aerial activities.
But it improved again on February 21, 1918, and British aeroplanes were
able to accomplish a full day's work in the air.
Many successful reconnoissances, in the course of which photographs were
taken, were carried out. The usual work in conjunction with the
artillery continued all day, good visibility enabling excellent results
to be obtained.
More than 300 bombs were dropped on German billets and on railway
sidings at Courtrai, Ledeghem, and southeast of Douai.
In air fighting, seven German machines were brought down and two others
driven down out of control. Three British machines were reported
missing.
During the night of February 21-22, 1918, British aeroplanes dropped a
total of 678 bombs on various targets. Three hundred bombs were dropped
on an aerodrome southeast of Le Cateau used by the German night bombing
squadrons. Nineteen direct hits were observed on hangars. The remaining
bombs were dropped on German aerodromes in the neighborhood of Ghent and
Tournai, and on billets. One of the British machines failed to return.
On February 24, 1918, in spite of bad weather, British aeroplanes
carried out one or two reconnoissances and observed for the artillery.
Bombs were dropped on various targets, including German billets,
transports, and working parties. Two British machines were reported
missing.
After dark, British night flying squadrons dropped over 200 bombs on
German aerodromes near Courtrai and on billets northeast of St. Quentin.
On February 25, 1918, low clouds and a very strong wind prevented work
in the air during the day. After dark, the sky cleared, though a very
strong westerly wind continued.
British night bombing squadrons displayed great activity, dropping a
total of over 1,200 bombs in the course of the night. The targets
chiefly attacked were the aerodromes south of Ghent and west of Tournai
used by the German night flying machines, and other aerodromes in the
neighborhood of Courtrai.
German billets round Douai and east of St. Quentin were also heavily
bombed, over 350 bombs being dropped in the latter area. All the British
machines returned.
The weather was fine on February 26, 1918, but a very strong west wind
greatly favored the German machines in air fighting.
British aeroplanes carried out several long-distance reconnoissances and
took many photographs of aerodromes and railway communications in the
back areas, in addition to photographs of German trench lines.
Other British machines working with the artillery were busy all day, and
good visibility enabled good results to be obtained.
Four tons of bombs were dropped on the large railway sidings at
Courtrai, the railway junction midway between Douai and Valenciennes,
two German aerodromes north of Douai, and billets.
Fighting in the air was severe, and many combats took place between the
German scouts and British reconnoissance, bombing, and fighting
machines.
One German aeroplane was forced to land behind the British lines by one
of our scouts. Twelve other German machines were brought down, and one
was driven down out of control. Another machine was brought down by
antiaircraft gunfire. Eight British machines failed to return.
During the night of February 26-27, 1918, over half a ton of bombs were
dropped on barracks and railway stations at Trèves, four bursts being
observed in furnaces in the gas works and eight in the railway station.
On the same night nearly one and a half tons of bombs were dropped on a
German aerodrome near Metz, good bursts being observed in the hangars
and hutments. One German machine was encountered close to the aerodrome
and brought down. All the British machines returned safely, though fire
from antiaircraft guns and machine guns was considerable.
British aeroplanes took advantage of the few fine intervals on February
28, 1918, to carry out work in conjunction with the artillery and also
to drop bombs on two of the German ammunition dumps south of Lille, as
well as on railway sidings at Courtrai and Deynze (southwest of Ghent).
One British machine was lost. After dark British machines again took the
air in the intervals between hailstorms. Four tons of bombs were dropped
on a large German aerodrome midway between Tournai and Mons, and on
billets in the neighborhood of Douai.
Great aerial activity prevailed on March 8, 1918. Work in conjunction
with the artillery, reconnoissances, photography, and bombing was
carried out incessantly by the British aeroplanes. Over 400 bombs were
dropped on German ammunition dumps and sidings at Menin, Busigny, and
Guise, east of St. Quentin, in spite of the most determined attacks made
by the German scouts against the British bombing machines. In air
fighting, twelve German aeroplanes were brought down and ten others were
driven down out of control. Another machine was shot down by
antiaircraft gunfire. Three British aeroplanes were lost. After dark,
the greater part of the front was enveloped in mist, but in one sector
British night flying machines dropped twenty-four heavy bombs and
forty-eight lighter bombs on the ammunition dump and railway sidings at
Fresnoy, northeast of St. Quentin.
At midday on March 9, 1918, the railway sidings and factories at Mainz,
at the junction of the rivers Rhine and Main, in Germany, about 130
miles northeast of Nancy, were bombed by British aeroplanes with good
results. Well over a ton of bombs were dropped, and bursts were seen on
and around the barracks, on the railway sidings, and on a factory. A
large fire was started. All the British machines returned. Six hundred
bombs were dropped by other British machines on German ammunition dumps,
billets, and aerodromes, and on an important railway center northeast of
St. Quentin. In particular, a most successful attack was carried out at
a low height by a large number of British machines against three hostile
aerodromes. Bombs were dropped from an average height of 400 feet, and
at each of the aerodromes direct hits were obtained on hangars and on
machines in the open. While returning from this attack the British
pilots flew at a height of 100 feet, firing on favorable targets on the
ground with their machine guns and causing casualties and much confusion
among the Germans. In one case a horse transport on the road was
engaged, with the result that some of the wagons were upset into the
ditch. In another horses in an orchard were stampeded. A company of
German infantry was scattered in all directions and a group of officers
on horseback dispersed. The fighting in the air was heavy. Ten German
machines were brought down and ten others driven down out of control. A
German observation balloon was also destroyed. Two of the British
machines failed to return.
On March 10, 1918, Germany was again bombed by British aeroplanes in
broad daylight. On this occasion the Daimler Motor Works at Stuttgart
were attacked, and over one and a quarter tons of bombs were dropped.
Stuttgart is about 136 miles east of Nancy. Several bursts were observed
on the railway station, where a stationary train was hit and set on
fire. Three bursts were seen on the munition factory southeast of the
town, and other bursts on the Daimler works and on buildings round them.
German machines made a weak attempt to attack the formation over the
objective, but withdrew on being attacked. All the British machines
returned except one, which evidently had engine trouble and went down
under control just before recrossing the lines on the homeward journey.
During the same day the thick haze rendered work in conjunction with the
artillery almost impossible. Several reconnoissances, however, were
carried out, and over 400 bombs were dropped. Among other targets,
Menin, Roulers, Ledeghem, Cambrai, and Solesmes railway stations were
bombed by British machines. Three German observation balloons were
destroyed, and five German machines were brought down in air fighting,
in addition to seven others driven down out of control. One low-flying
German machine was shot down by British infantry. Four British
aeroplanes were lost.
Another fine day on March 11, 1918, enabled the British aeroplanes to
continue their activity. Visibility, however, was again poor and
prevented work with the artillery from achieving much success. Over 500
bombs were dropped, the chief target being the large sidings and
ammunition depots at Aulnoye, southeast of Maubeuge, and ammunition
depots south of Valenciennes, southeast of Cambrai, and south of Douai.
As the result of air fighting ten German machines were brought down and
seven others were driven down out of control. In addition a German
observation balloon was attacked, and brought down in flames. Two
British machines were lost. After dark most of the British night bombing
machines were again prevented from leaving the ground by mist, but on
the southern portion of the front, where the night was clear, 200 bombs
were dropped on a German ammunition dump and railway sidings northeast
of St. Quentin. The Germans also dropped a few bombs during the night,
but lost a four-seater machine, which landed in the lines. The occupants
were taken prisoners.
On March 12, 1918, another daylight raid into Germany, making the third
within four days, was carried out by British aeroplanes. On this
occasion the factories and station and the barracks at Coblenz, at the
junction of the Rhine and the Moselle, 135 miles north-northeast of
Nancy and about fifty miles southeast of Cologne, were attacked. Over a
ton of bombs were dropped, and bursts were seen on all the objectives,
causing two fires. A hit obtained upon a building in the southwest
corner of the town created a very large explosion. A few German machines
were encountered, but all the British machines returned safely.
During the night of March 11-12, 1918, in addition to the raids already
reported, over three tons of bombs were dropped on Bruges docks.
On March 12, 1918, a distinct improvement in visibility enabled more
work to be done in conjunction with the artillery than had been possible
during the last few days. Many reconnoissances also were carried out and
photographs were taken. Bombing was continued with even greater vigor
than on previous days. Over thirteen and a half tons of bombs were
dropped on various targets, which included the railway sidings at Mons
and at Bavai, midway between Valenciennes and Maubeuge, on large
ammunition depots northeast of St. Quentin, and south of Douai, and on
billets east of Lens. In the course of the fighting, which was
continuous throughout the day, fourteen German machines were brought
down, and eight others were driven down out of control. One hostile
observation balloon was also destroyed. Six British aeroplanes were
bagged by the Germans.
During the night of March 12-13, 1918, seven tons of bombs were dropped
on German billets between Lille and Cambrai. On the afternoon of March
13, 1918, British squadrons attacked the munition works and barracks at
Freiburg, in Germany. All machines reached their objectives, and nearly
a ton of bombs was dropped. They were seen to burst on the railway
station and round the power station. Just after the British pilots had
released their bombs their formation was attacked by a large number of
German machines. A fierce fight ensued, which lasted until all the
German machines had been forced to withdraw. Three of the British
machines failed to return.
On March 16, 1918, further military objectives in Germany were attacked
by British aeroplanes. Fourteen heavy and ten lighter bombs were
dropped on the barracks, munition factories, and railway station of
Zweibrücken, in the Rhine Palatinate. Bursts were seen on the barracks
and all round the railway station. The formation was attacked by German
scouts and engaged by antiaircraft guns, but all machines returned.
Still another raid into Germany was made on the next day, March 17,
1918. The barracks and railway station at Kaiserslautern, likewise in
the Rhine Palatinate, were attacked with good results. Direct hits were
observed on the railway station and a large fire was caused. The
formation was attacked by a large number of German machines, which were
driven off. All the British machines returned.
During that day the German billets, which had been bombed continually
for the last twenty-four hours, were again heavily attacked. A total of
thirteen tons of bombs were dropped, the objectives including two German
aerodromes and three large ammunition dumps, in addition to billets. At
one of the aerodromes a hangar was completely burned, and a Gotha
machine which was in the act of rising from the ground was seen to
crash.
The fighting was intense during the morning, but became slightly less
vigorous during the afternoon. Sixteen German machines were brought down
and seven others were driven down out of control. Six British machines
were reported missing. After dark the German rest billets were again
attacked, bombs being dropped until just after midnight, when a thick
mist developed.
The atmosphere was again clear on March 18, 1918, and favored the
cooperation of the aeroplanes and artillery. Several long-distance
reconnoissances were successfully completed, and many photographs were
taken. Nine tons of bombs were dropped on German rest billets and
ammunition dumps and also on Busigny railway station and two German
aerodromes. Fighting in the air was exceedingly intense, encounters
taking place between large formations of British and German machines.
Nineteen German aeroplanes were brought down and nine driven down out of
control. Twelve British machines failed to return.
British bombing machines also attacked military objectives at Mannheim,
on the Rhine, dropping over a ton of bombs with excellent results. These
aeroplanes were attacked by two German formations.
Following a successful daylight raid on Mannheim, other objectives in
Germany were attacked during the night. Half a ton of bombs were dropped
on the railway stations at Cologne, where a fire was started. Over a ton
was distributed between Luxemburg railway station, where a fire was
started, and Courcelles railway station, east of Metz. Two tons of bombs
were dropped on Metz railway station. Direct hits were obtained on a
bridge southeast of the town and on a stationary train, which was set on
fire. A large fire was started on this occasion also. Other machines
dropped a ton of bombs on Thionville railway station, where a moving
train was derailed.
On March 25, 1918, British aeroplanes were employed almost entirely at
combing the enemy's troops and transports massed in the areas behind the
battle front and in attacking them with machine-gun fire from a low
height. A total of twenty-two tons of bombs were dropped in this work
and over 100,000 rounds were fired from machine guns. A certain amount
of fighting in the air took place, but it was less intense than on the
previous day. Thirteen German machines were brought down and ten were
driven down out of control. Eight British machines were reported
missing. During the night British night flying aeroplanes continued to
bomb and to attack with machine-gun fire German troops in their forward
areas and their transports on the roads leading to the front.
Thirty tons of bombs were dropped, and hundreds of thousands of rounds
of ammunition were fired into the German ranks. While this fighting was
maintained throughout the day, British infantry aeroplanes kept watch
along the front and reported the changes in the situation as they
occurred. Twenty German machines were brought down in air fighting, and
two other German aeroplanes were shot down by antiaircraft guns. Twelve
British aeroplanes were reported missing.
During the night British night flying squadrons kept up a continuous
attack upon the German troops in Bapaume, Cambrai, and Péronne.
Twenty-five thousand rounds were fired by them, and twenty-four tons of
bombs were dropped on important centers of the battle front. In
addition, four tons of bombs were dropped on Valenciennes railway
station, through which the German troop trains were passing on their way
to the front.
On March 27, 1918, low flying was again carried out by large bodies of
British aeroplanes, while infantry machines continued the work of
reporting the position of the British battle line. Over thirty tons of
bombs were dropped and a quarter of a million rounds of ammunition were
fired from a height that insured accuracy on different targets. Several
casualties were inflicted on the Germans and the bringing up of their
troops and ammunition was delayed. Twenty-four German machines were
brought down in air fighting, and seven others were driven down out of
control. Two observation balloons were also destroyed.
Nineteen British machines failed to return, though a proportion of these
were known to have landed on their side of the line. Very heavy fire
directed against the British machines from the ground accounted for the
greater portion of the casualties.
During the night the bombing of Bapaume, Bray, and Péronne was continued
with the utmost vigor. Over a thousand bombs were dropped, and thousands
of rounds of ammunition were fired at good targets, which were plentiful
and easy to see in the moonlight. Sablon station at Metz was bombed.
Well over a ton of bombs were dropped; good bursts were seen on the
sidings and alongside the railway.
On March 28, 1918, British machines carried out a successful raid on the
station at Luxemburg. Twenty-one heavy bombs were dropped, and several
were seen to burst on the objectives.
On March 28, 1918, British aeroplanes carried on their attacks with
bombs and machine-gun fire on German troops on the battle front. The
majority of these attacks took place south of the Somme, in which area
large concentrations of German troops were constantly reported. The work
was continued till dark in spite of bombs being dropped, and nearly a
quarter of a million rounds of ammunition being fired. Nine German
machines were brought down and five others driven down out of control.
In addition, two machines were shot down by fire from the ground. Twelve
British machines were reported missing.
During the morning of March 29, 1918, low clouds and rain greatly
interfered with flying, but, in spite of the weather, valuable work was
again accomplished by the British aeroplanes. Some of these were
concentrated upon the battle front south of the Somme, where observers
had previously reported large German columns. A good deal of fighting
took place, the German low-flying machines being particularly active in
this area. Nine German aeroplanes were brought down and two others were
driven down out of control. Two British machines were lost. During the
night over twelve tons of bombs were dropped on Bapaume and on roads in
the vicinity, and also on roads and villages east of Arras. Direct hits
were obtained on dumps and transports and on the railway line.
After midday on March 30, 1918, the weather completely broke, but, in
spite of driving rain, British pilots continued to take part in the
battle south of the Somme, and dropped bombs and used their machine guns
until a late hour. There was heavy fighting in the air between British
low-flying machines and those of the Germans. Twelve of the latter were
brought down and three others were driven down out of control. One
German balloon was destroyed, and two German aeroplanes were shot down
by antiaircraft guns. Five British planes failed to return.
On March 31, 1918, British observation balloons and aeroplanes were
active, the good visibility enabling the former to carry out useful work
in conjunction with the artillery. The activity of the aeroplanes was
chiefly centered south of the Somme. A close watch was kept on German
movements in this area, and a large column of their troops or transports
seen was bombed and engaged with machine-gun fire.
Very little fighting took place in the air. Two German machines were
brought down and one other was driven down out of control. Four British
machines were reported missing. Night flying was not possible till after
midnight owing to low clouds. From midnight until dawn British bombing
machines were constantly at work. Twenty-four tons of bombs were dropped
on the railway stations at Douai, Cambrai, Bapaume, Rosières, and
Thourout, and on the docks at Bruges. Troops and transports in the
neighborhood of Bapaume and Chaulnes were also attacked with bombs and
machine-gun fire.
This completed the work of the British flying corps on the western front
for March, 1918. A remarkable record had been made, 383 German machines
having been destroyed or captured and 207 driven down out of control,
while only 155 British machines had been reported missing. The French,
too, had been notably active during March, having captured or destroyed
115 German machines.
PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY
_Pronunciation of Geographical Names Occurring in this Work_
Aachen (or Aix-la-Chapelle) ah'ken
Aalst (or Alost) alst
Ablain ab-lan'
Ablainzeville ab-lanz-veel'
Abu Zenaima aboo' zay-ny'ma
Achi Baba achee baba
Achiet-le-Grand ashyay'-la-grong'
Adige adee'ghay (Austrian)
adee'jay (Italian)
Aerschot ahr-scot'
Agincourt a-zhan-koor'; Eng. aj'in-kort
Agordo agor'doh
Ahrweiler ar'wi-ler
Aidin i-deen'
Aiguizy ay-gwee-zee'
Ailly-sur-Noye ah-yee'-sur-nwa'
Aisle ale
Aix ex
Aix-la-Chapelle ex-la-shapell'
Aix-Noulette ex-noolet'
Akabah akah'ba
Akhtunski Pass akhtoon'sky
Albert al-bair'
Aldershot awl'dershot
Alexinatz alexee'nats
Allenstein al'en-shtine'
Alost alost'
Alsace German "elsass"
Alsatian alsay'shen
Alt-Aux alt-owts'
Altigny at-in-yee'
Altkirch alt'kirk
Ambleny om-ble-nee'
Amiens ah'mee-en
Ampezzo am-pet'so
Ancerville anser'vee
Andrechy andreshee'
Anizy an-ea-sy'
Annopol anno'pol
Antheuil an-tuh'eel
Apremont apr'mong
Arco ar'ko
Ardahan ardahan'
Ardennes arden'
Argonne argonn'
Arleux ar-luh'
Arlon ar-lon'
Armentières armangtyare'
Arras arass'
Artois ar-twa'
Arusha arro'sha
Asiago azeeah'go
Asma Dere dai'ray
Asnieres ass-nee-air'
Assobam assobahm'
Atakpame a'tak-pah'may
Ath-Waremme at-war-em'
Attigny a-tee-nyee'
Aube (river) ob
Aubenton o-ban-ton'
Aubercourt obey-coor'
Auberive oh-breev'
Aubers oh-bear'
Aubigny o-be-nyee'
Aubilly o-bee-yee'
Auchy o-she'
Audenarde (or Oudenarde) ou-de-nar'de
Auerstadt our'statt
Augustijnow avgoostee'noff
Augustovo avgoost'ava
Aulnoye ohl-nwa'
Auronzo ou-ront'so
Autrèches oh-tresh'
Aveluy av-lwee'
Avesnes a-vayn'
Aviano a-vyah'no
Avlona avlo'na
Avre avr
Avricourt a-vree-koor'
Ayette ah-yet'
Ayun Monsa a'yoon
Azannes az-an'
Azerbaijan azerbyjan'
Azizi azee'zee
Babina Glava ba'beena gla'va
Baccarat bak-a-rah'
Badia bah-de'a
Badonviller bah-don-vee-yay'
Baghche bag'cheh
Bailleul bah-yul'
Bailly bah-yee'
Baku ba-koo'
Bâle (or Basel) bahl
Banais ba-nice'
Bapaume ba-pom'
Baranovitchy barano'vichy
Baraque de l'Épine barrack del epeen'
Barbarano bar-ba-rah'no
Barchon Fort barshong'
Bar-le-Duc bar'-le-dük'
Barr bahr
Basancourt bazancoor'
Basel (or Bâle) bah'zel
Basozches ba-zosh'
Bassano bas-sah'noh
Bassée, La la ba-say
Bastogne bas-ton'y
Batum batoom'
Bavai bav-eye'
Bazar Siak syak
Beaumont bo-mon'
Beauséjour boh-sezhoor'
Beauvais bo-vay'
Beauvraignes bo-vrain'
Bedzin bedzeen'
Belfort bel-for'
Belgrade bel-grad'
Bellewaarde Wood belleh-ar'deh
Belloy bell-wah'
Belluno bel-loo'no
Berchem-Sainte-Agathe ber'shen-sant-agaht'
Beresina berrezee'na
Bereza beray'zah
Bergen-op-Zoom zome
Berjan ber-jan'
Berlaimont ber-le-mon'
Berry-au-Bac o-bac'
Bertincourt ber-tan-koor'
Bertrix ber-treece'
Besançon be-zan-son'
Bethany bettah'nee
Béthune bettune'
Beuthen boi-ten
Beuvraignes bövrain'
Bezzecea betsek'ka
Biecz beeyets'
Bielostok byai-lo'stok
Bienvillers bee-an-veeyay'
Biercza be-yertsa
Bijeljina be-yel-yee'na
Bir Mabeiuk ma-bay'yook
Bitburg beet'boork
Bitolia bee-tol'ya
Bitsch bitsch
Bixschoote bix-sko'teh
Blamont blamong'
Blankenberghe ber'gay
Blaques blahk
Blerancourt bler-an-coor'
Bligny blin-yee'
Blonie blo-nee'
Bober bobr
Boche French slang for a German
"Square-head"; "Thick-head"
Bochina bokh'nya
Boesinghe boo-sing'er
Bohain bo-an'
Bois Bolante bwa bolant'
Bois d'Ailly bwa dah'yee
Bois de Forges forzh'
Bois de Mont-Mare mong-mar'
Bois-des-Loges bwah-day-lozh'
Bois-le-Peetre pater
Boisleux bwah-luh'
Bolimow bolee'moff
Bologna bolon'ya
Boloto bolo'toh
Bonaberi bonnabay'ree
Bonnay bon-ay'
Bordeaux bordoh'
Boshdarevatz bozhdaray'vats
Bosphorus (or Bosporus) bos'po-rus
Bosut boss'oot
Botoshani bo-to-shan'y
Bouchain boo-shan'
Boudonville boodong-vee'
Bouillon boo-yon'
Boulogne boo-lon'y; Eng. boo-lon'
Bouresches boo-resh'
Bouvines boo-veen'
Boves bov
Bozanne boz-an'
Brabant-le-roi bra-ban'-le-rwah'
Braila bra-e'la
Braine-le-Comte bra'-le-kont'
Braisne brain
Bramont bramong'
Branjevo branyay'vo
Braunsberg brouns'berk
Braye brah-ee'
Bray-sur-Seine bray'-sür'-san'
Brazincourt brazangcoor'
Brecy bre-see'
Breganze bray-gant'say
Breisgau brice'gow
Brescia bres'chiah
Brest-Litovsk brest'-lye-tofsk'
Breza bray'za
Bribano bri-bah-noh
Briey bree-ay'
Brimont breemong'
Brindisi brindee'zee
Brodjanska Glavitza brudyans'ska-gla'veetsa
Brouillet broo-yay'
Bruges brüzh
Brusa (or Brussa) broo'sa
Bruyères bru-yair'
Brzezany bzhe-zah'nee
Brzostek bzhos'tek
Bucquoy bu-kwah'
Buczacz boo-sass'
Bug (river) boog
Bukharest (or Bucharest) boo-ka-rest'
Bukowina booko-vee'na
Burano boo-rah'no
Burnhaupt boorn'howpt
Bussières buss-yair'
Butaniyeh bootanee'yay
Caestre ca-est'
Calais callay'
Cambrai cambray'
Cambrin com-bran'
Camisano ka-me-zah'no
Camp de Mailly may'yee
Canteleux cantlö
Cantigny kon-tee-nyee'
Caorle ka-or'leh
Caprino ka-pre'no
Carency caran'see
Carignan car-i-nyan'
Carlepont kar-le-pohng'
Carole ka-ro'lay
Carvin car-van'
Casarsa caz-ar'sah
Castelfranco kas-tel-fran'ko
Cateau, Le le ka-to'
Cattaro cat'taro
Cavalese ka-va-lay'zay
Cavarzere ka-var'dzay-ray
Cernavoda (or Tchernavoda) cher-na-vo'da
Cettinje setteen'yay
Challerange shal-e-ronzh'
Châlons-sur-Marne sha-lon'-sur'-marn'
Chalon-sur-Saône sha-lon'-sur'-son'
Chambley shom-blay'
Chambrettes shom-bret'
Chamery sha-mer-ee'
Champagne-Pouilleuse pooee-yös'
Champigny shan-pee-nyee'
Champlat-Bligny shon-pla-blinyee'
Chantilly shon-tee-yee'
Chapelle St. Roch shapell' St. Rosh
Charleroi sharl-rwa'
Charleville sharl-veell
Charmel shar-mel'
Châteauroux sha-to-roo'
Château-Thierry shatto'tee-err'y
Châtel sha-tel'
Châtelet shatlay'
Chatillon-sur-Marne sha-te-yon'-sur'-marn'
Chaudfontaine sho-fonten'
Chaulnes shown
Chaumont sho-mon'
Chauny sho-nee
Chemin-des-Dames shman-day-dam'
Cherbourg sher-boor'
Chevrincourt shev-ran-coor'
Chezy-sur-Marne che-zee-sur-marn'
Chimay shee-may'
Chiny she-nee'
Chioggia kyod'ja
Chipres sheepr
Chocimierz khotsimyerts
Chodorow khodo'roff
Cholm kholm
Choruk kho'rook
Chotin khotin
Chyrow khee'rov
Cierges see-erzh'
Ciezkovice-Walastow ches'kovitz-valas'tov
Cilicia selish'ya
Ciney see-nay'
Cirey see-ray'
Cittadella cheet-ta-del'la
Cittanuova chit-ta-nu-oh'va
Cividale chivvy-dah'ler
Civy-Salsogne see-vee-sal-sun'ye
Clary kla-ree'
Clermont clare-mohng'
Coblenz ko'blents
Codroipo ko-dro'ee-po
Coeuvre cuv
Col de Bonhomme bonnom'
Cologne ko-lohn'
Combles kon'bl
Combres com'ber
Comines commeen'
Commercy ko-mer-see'
Compiègne comp-yen'
Condé kon-day'
Conegliano ko-nal-yah'no
Conflans kon-flan'
Conselve kon-sel'vay
Constanta (or Kustendje) kon-stan'tsa
Corbie cor-bee'
Cortina kor-tee'na
Coucy koo-see'
Coucy-le-Château coossee'le-shatto'
Coulommiers coolomeer'
Coulonges coo-lonzh'
Courcelles koor-sell'
Courmont coor-mong'
Courpoil coor-pwol'
Courrières coo-ree-air'
Courtrai coortray'
Couvrelles coovrell'
Cracow (or Krakow) krah'ko
Crajova (or Craiova) kra-yo'va
Craonne kra-on'
Crécy (or Cressy) kray-se'; Eng. kres'i
Crécy-sur-Serre kray-se'-sur'-sair'
Creil cray-eel'
Crepy cre-pee'
Crimea kri-me'a
Crise kreez
Croiselles crwah-sell'
Croix Ricard krwah-rik-ahr'
Ctesiphon tay'zee-fon
Cuinchy canshee
Cutry ku-tree'
Cuvilly cu-vee-yee'
Cuxhaven cooks-hah'fen
Czarkowa tsar'kova
Czenstochowa chen-sto-ko'va
Czernovicz tser'novits
Dammartin dan-mar-tan'
Damvillers dan-vee-yay'
Daniele da-nyay'lay
Dannemarie dan-mah-ree'
Danzig (or Dantzic) dan'tsik
Dardanelles dar-da-nelz'
Daume dome
Debreczen debrets'en
Dedeagatch day-day-ah-gatch'
Delatyn (pass) de-lah'tin
Dembica dembits'a
Demir Kapu cap'poo
Denain de-nan'
Dendermonde (or Termonde) den-der-mon'de
Diarbekr (or Diarbekir) de-ar-bek'r
Diedenhofen (or Thionville) de'-den-hof-en
Dieppe dee-ep'
Dieuze dee-uhz'
Dijon dee-zhon'
Dinant deenang'
Dixmude dixmoo'deh
Djakova jak'ova
Djamschato jamshah'toh
Dnieper (river) ne'per
Dniester (river) nees'ter
Dommary Barancourt barancoor'
Dommiers dom-ee-ay'
Dompaire don-pair'
Domremy dong-ray-mee'
Donaueschingen doh'now-esh'ingen
Dormans dor-mongse'
Douai doo-ay
Douaumont do-oh-mohng'
Doullens doo-lan'
Dravigny dra-vi-nyee'
Driegrachten dree'grakhten
Drina River dree'na
Drocourt dro-coor'
Droghitchin dro-ghit'chin
Drohobycz dro-ho'bich
Dubiecko doo-be-ets'ko
Dubno doob'no
Dubovitza doo-bo-veet'sa
Dubowoje doobovo'yay
Duffel düf-fell
Dukla Pass dook'la
Dulcigno dool-cheen'yo
Dunajec River doo'nayets
Dunquerque dun-kerke'
Dun-sur-meuse dun'-sür'-muhz'
Durazzo doorat'so
Ecaffaut ekaffo'
Ecurie ay-curee'
Eecloo ay-klo'
Eghezee eggay-zay'
Elabe ellah'bay
Epagny ay-pa-nyee'
Epehy ep-hee'
Epernay a-per-nay'
Epieds e-pyay'
Epinal epee-nahl'
Epine de Vedegrange epeen'de-vaid-grahnj'
Epirus e-pi'rus
Eregli er-e-gle'
Erivan eri-vahn'
Ermenonville veel'
Erzerum erts-room'
Erzingan er-zin-gan'
Estaires es-tair'
Esti es'tee
Estrées St. Denis esstray-san-denee'
Etain a-tan'
Etampes ai-tonp'
Etchmiadzin etch-mya-zeen'
Euphrates (river) u-fra'teez
Evegnee Fort ev-en-yea'
Eydtkuhnen eit-koo'nen
Eylau eye-low
Faverolles fav-rull'
Feltre fell'treh
Fère Champenoise fair shamp-nwahz'
Fère-en-Tardenois fair'-an'-tard-nwah'
Fère, La la fair'
Ferfay fer-fahee'
Ferme-des-Loges ferm-day-luzh'
Ferté-Gaucher, La la fer-tay'-go-shay'
Ferté-sous-Jouarre, La la fer-tay'-soo'-zhoo-ar'
Festubert fest-u-bair'
Filipkowu ko'voo
Fisme feem
Fiume fee-oo'meh
Flanders flan'ders
Fleurbaix flörbay'
Fleury flur-ee'
Flirey flir-ee'
Fontainebleau fone-tan-blow'
Fontenoy fone-te-nwah'
Fonzaso fon-tsah'zo
Forest of Compiègne compe-eñ'
Fort Belfort beh-for'
Fort Besançon bay-zang-sson
Fort Breedonck bray-donk'
Fort Broeckem broo'kem
Fort of Boncelles bong-sell'
Fort Carnot carno'
Fort Douaumont doo-omong
Fort Emines emmeen'
Fort of Loncin long-san'
Fort Maizeret maze-ray
Fortress Osowic vits
Fort Stabroek stabrook
Fort Yeni Kale kah'ler
Fort Zwyndreeht zwine'drekt
Foucaucourt foo-koh-coor'
Fouquescourt fook-es-coor'
Fourmies foor-mee'
Framerville fram-ay-veel'
Franvilliers fran-vee-yay'
Fresnes frane
Fresnes-en-Woëvre fren'-an'-vo-ev'r
Fresnoy fren-wah'
Fromentieres fro-mong-teeair'
Fruges früzh
Fumes fürns
Gaba Tepe teh-peh
Galatz ga'lats
Galicia galish'yeh
Gallipoli gallip'poli
Garbunovka garboonof'ka
Gargnano gar-nyah'no
Gebweiler geb'wi-ler
Gembloux zhom-bloo'
Gemona ja-mo'na
Genappe zhe-nap'
Gerardmer zhair-ar-mare'
Gerbeviller zhair-bay-vee-yay'
Gerechamp ger-shong' (G hard)
Gimors zhee-morse'
Gironville zhee-ron-veel'
Givenchy zhivon-shee
Givet zhe-vay'
Gleiwitz gley'vits
Gnesen g'nay'zen
Gorizia, Italian; Austrian, Görz, or Göritz
Gorlice Gorleet'sa
Gouzeaucourt goo-zo-coor' (G hard)
Grabiowiec grabyo'vyets
Gradisca gra-dees'ka
Grado grah'do
Grafenstafel grah'fens-tah'fel
Gravelotte grahv'lot
Gricourt gri-coor' (G hard)
Grivillers gri-veeyay'
Grootfontein grote'fontane
Grybow gree-boff'
Guillaucourt gee-oh-coor' (G hard)
Guiscard gees-kar'
Guise gheeze
Gumbinnen goom-bin'en
Haelen hah'len
Haftdewan dewan'
Hailles ah-yeel'
Haisnes aynes
Hal hal
Halicz ha'litch
Hamel am-el'
Hangard ang-aar'
Harbonnieres ar-bon-yair'
Hartennes ar-ten'
Hartmannsweilerkopf vilerkopf
Hasselt has'selt
Hautebraye oat-brah-yee'
Haute Chevauches ote-shevoshe'
Hautmont o-mon'
Hazebrouck has-brook'
Hebuterne ebu-tern'
Heldhoek helt'hook
Helgoland (or Heligoland) hel'go-lant
Hericourt ayr-i-coor'
Herzegovina vee'na
Hesdin hes-deen'
Hinges anzh
Hirson eer-son'
Horodenka ho-ro-den'ka
Houdain oo-dan'
Hulluch hoollookh
Huy hoi
Inovolodz eenov'olodge
Isonzo eez-on'zoh
Issy les Molineaux issee-lay-mo-leeno'
Ivangorod eevango'rod
Jamboli (or Yamboli) yam'bo-le
Jaroslav (or Jaroslau) ya-ros'laf
Jasiolda River yashold'a
Jassy (or Yassy) yas'e
Jaulgonne zhohl-gun'
Jazarzew ya'zar-zef
Jena yay'na
Jonchery zhon-she-ree'
Juniville zhü-ne-veel'
Kaisarieh (or Kaisariyeh) ki-sa-re'ye
Kaiserslautern key'sers-low-tern
Kalisz kalish
Kaluszin ka-loosh'in
Karun River karoon'
Katchanik katcha'nick
Keetmanshoop kate-mans-hope
kekkau kek-cow
keltsy (or Kielce) kyel'tsi
Kholm kolm
Khorassan san'
Khotin ko'tyen
Kiao-Chau kee-ah-o-chow'
Kief (or Kiev) kee'yef
Kielce Hills kyel'tse
Kishinef (or Kishinev) ke-she-nyef'
Kniashevatz knya-zhevatz
Kolomea ko-lo-may'a
Königsberg köniks-berk
Koprikeui koy
Korelitchy korell'itchy
Kovel ko'vel-y
Koziany kotsee-ah'ny
Koziowa kotsee-o'va
Kragujevatz goo'ye-vats
Krakow (or Cracow) krah'ko
Kremenchug (or Krementchug) krem'en-chook
Kremnitz krem'nits
Kreuznach kroits'nahk
Kuczurmik koot'soormik
Kum Kale koom-kah'leh
Kuprikeui see Koprikeui
Kur or Kura (river) koor; koo'ra
Kurische Haff koo'risheh
Kurschany koorsha'nee
Kurumum kooromoon
Kustendje (or Constanta) kus-ten'je
La Bassée bassay'
La Cour de Soupir coor-de-soopee'
La Fère fair
La Fère-Champenoise la fair'-shan-pe-nwahz'
Le Ferté Gaucher go-shay'
La Ferté Milon la fert-meelohng'
La Ferté-sous-Jouarre la fer-tay'-soo'-zhoo'-ar'
La Fontaine-aux-Charmes fonten-o-sharm
Lagny lan-yee'
Landrecies lan-dres-see'
Langres lan'gr
Languion lan-ge-on'
Laon laun
Lassigny lass-in-yee'
Latisana la-te-sah'na
Laventie la-vong-tee'
Laversine la-ver-seen'
Le Cateau catto'
Le Catelet le cat-lay'
Le Châtelet luh-shat-lay'
Le Chesne luh-shane'
Le Mesnil mez-neel'
Le Nouvion luh-noo-veeohng'
Le Ployron le-plwah-rohng'
Le Quesnoy le ka-nwah'
Le Thillot le-tee-yoh'
Le Thiolet le-tee-olay'
Legnago la-nyah'go
Lemberg (or Lwów) lem'berk
Lendmara lend-mah'ra
Lens lans
Les Esparges lays es-parzh'
Leuze lez
Levico la'vee-ko
Liancourt le-an-koor'
Liart lee-ahr'
Libau lee'bou
Liège lee-ezh'
Lierre le-air'
Ligny len-yee'
Ligny-en-Barrois len-yee'-an'-ba-rwah'
Lille (or Lisle) leel
Livenza (river) le-vent'sah
Locon lo-kohng'
Locre loke'
Lodz (or Lódz) lodz; looj
Lomza lom'zha
Longarone lon-gah-ro'nay
Longwy lon-vee'
Loos lohs
Lorraine (or Lothringen) lo-rain'
Losnitza lozh-nee'tsa
Lothringen (or Lorraine) lot'ring-en
Lötzen löt'sen
Louvain loovang'
Lublin (or Lyublin) lyoo'blyen
Ludihorecza loodihor'etcha
Lunéville lü-nay-veel'
Lutzy (or Lutsk) lootsk
Luxemburg loox'em-boork
Lwów (or Lemberg) lvoof
Lys (river) lees
Maastricht mahs'strickt
Magyars mad'yars
Mährisch-Ostrau may'rish-os'trou
Main de Massiges man-duh-masseezh'
Mainz (or Mayence) meynts
Maisons-Alfort ma-zon'-zal-for'
Maizieres may-zeeair'
Malamocco ma-la-mok'ko
Malines maleen'
Malmedy mal-muh-dee'
Mannheim man'hime
Mantua man'tu-a
Marche marsh
Marcoing mar-kwan'
Marienburg ma-re'en-boork
Marqueglise mark-ai-gleese'
Marquivillers mar-key-vee-yay'
Marseilles mar-say-yee'
Massevaux mas-vo'
Massiges masseezh'
Massil mass-eel'
Matigny ma-tin-yee'
Maubeuge ma-bözh'
Maupertuis mo-per-twee'
Mayence (or Mainz) ma-yans'
Meaux mo
Meduno med-u'no
Melicocq mel-ee-cuk'
Melincourt melan-coor'
Memel may'mell
Mendawi men-da'wee
Menin muh-nan'
Merville mer-veel'
Messancy me-san-see'
Messines messeen'
Mestre mes'tray
Meuniere men-ee-air'
Meurthe mört
Meuse Valley möz'
Mézières mez-yare'
Mezo-Laborcz laborts'
Mezzo-Lombardo met'so-lom-bar'do
Miedzyrzets mezheretch'ye
Miraumont meeromong'
Mirecourt meer-koor'
Mitau (Russ.) meeta'va
Mitrovicza (or Mitrovitz) me-tro-vet'sa
Mlawa mla'va
Mocziska mot-chees'ka
Moggio mod'jo
Mohileff mo-ghee-leff
Mojkovac mozh'kovats
Moldava (river) mol-dah'va
Molsheim mols'hime
Monastir mon-as-teer'
Monastryzek monastree'zhek
Monfalcone mon-fal-co'neh
Mons mons
Montagnana mon-ta-nyah'nah
Montcornet mohng-cor-nay'
Montcourt mohng-coor'
Montdidier mon-dee-dyay'
Montebelluna mon-teh-bell-u'na
Montfaucon mon-fo-kong'
Monthureux mon-tü-ruh'
Montmédy mon-may-dee'
Montmirail mongmee-rye'
Montreuil mon-truhy'
Morbecque mor-bek'
Moreuil mo-ruh'y
Morisel mor-ee-sel'
Morlancourt mor-lan-coor'
Moronvillers morongveeyay'
Moselle mo-zell'
Mount Croce cro'cheh
Mt. Lovcen lof'chen
Mount Turchenkeui koy'
Mount Viatrovka vyatrof'ka
Mourmelon moor-melohng'
Mouvaux moo-vo'
Mouzon moo-zohng'
Moyenmoutier mwa-yan-moo-tyay'
Muchavka moc-chaf-ka
Muizon mwi-zohng'
Mulchy mul-shee'
Mülhausen mül-hou'zen
Mulhouse mül-hooz'
Munkacs moon-katsh'
Münster mün'ster
Mush moosh
Nagy Polena nady
Nakhitchevan na-ke-che-van'
Nampoel nam-poh-el'
Namur nammür'
Nancois nong-swa'
Nancy nan-see'; Eng. nan'si
Narew or Narev (river) nah'ref
Nesle nail
Neufchâteau nuh-sha-to'
Neuilly-sur-Marne nu-ye'-sur'-marn'
Neu Sandek noi-zan'dek
Neutitschein noi'tit-shin
Neuve Chapelle nuv-sha-pel'
Nida River nee'da
Niemen River nee'men
Nieuport neev'port
Nikolaief nyee-ko-lah'yef
Nîmes (or Nismes) neem
Nivelles nee-vell'
Nizankowice nee-zan'ko-vits
Nogen no-zhan'
Nomeny no-me-nee'
Norrent-Fontes nor-rong-fohnt'
Nouvron noo-vrong'
Novogeorgievsk no-vo-ge-or'ge-yefsk
Novo Radowsk ra'dofsk
Novy-Sacz satch
Noyon nwa-yong'
Oderzo o-dert'so
Oikovice o-ee-ko'vits
Oise wahz'
Old Zuczka Tsootch'ka
Olizy ul-ee-zee'
Olmütz ol'mütz
Opoczno opoch'no
Orchies or-shee'
Orsova or'shova
Ostiglia os-teel'ya
Ostrog os-trok'
Ostrow os'trof
Oudenarde ou-de-nar'deh
Oulchy ool-shee'
Ourcq oork'
Ourthe oort'
Padua pad'u-a
Pagny pan-yee'
Pagny-sur-Meuse pan-yee'-sür-muhz
Paliseul pal-ee-sull'
Palmanova pal-ma-no'va
Pancsova pantch'ova
Parenzo pa-renz'oh
Pas de Calais pa-de-callay'
Passchendaele pass'ken-dah-lay
Pellestrina pel-les-tree'na
Perarolo pay-rah-roh'lo
Péronne pay-ron'
Pervyse per-vie'zeh
Peschiera pa-sky-ay'ra
Petrokov (or Piotrków) pye-tro-kof'
Philippeville fe-lep-veel
Piacenza pya-chent'sa
Piave (river) pyah'va
Picardy pee-car-dee'
Pierrefitte pyair-feet'
Pierrefonds pyair-fon'
Pierrepont peeair-pohng'
Pietro pye'tro
Pieve di Cadore pyeh'vay do kah-do'ray
Pilaskowice pilasko'vits
Pilisca pee-leets'a
Pilwiszki pill-vish'ki
Pinczow pinchoff
Pion pee-ohng'
Piotrkow pyotter-koff
Piove pyo'vay
Pirano peer-ah'noh
Ploegsteert ploog'stairt
Podgorze pod-goo'zheh
Poelcapelle pool-capel'leh
Poissy pwa-see'
Poitiers pwa-tyay'
Poix pwah
Pomme-Py pom-pee'
Pont-à-Mousson pon'-ta'-moo-son'
Pont Arcy pohng-ar-see'
Pontebba pon-teb'ba
Pontoise pon-twahz'
Pont Ste. Maxence pon' sant'-ma-sans'
Pordenone por-da-no'nay
Portogruaro por'to-groo-ah'ro
Pouillon pooee-yong'
Pozieres poz-eeair'
Pozzachio pod-zak'kio
Prague prahg'
Predazzo pra-dat'so
Primolano pree-mo-lah'no
Pripet pree'pet
Prisrend pree'zrent
Proszowicz prosh-o'vitz
Provins pro-van'
Proyart prwah-yar'
Pruszkow proosh'koff
Pruth (river) proot
Przasnysz pshas'nish
Przeczyca pzhe-sheet'sa
Przemysl pzhay'misl
Puisieux pwis-yuh'
Pultusk pool'toosk
Pusterthal Railway poos'ter-tahl
Quatre-Bras ka-tr'-brah'
Quennevières ken-vyare'
Quesnoy, Le le kay-nwah'
Quinchy kanshee'
Radom rah'dom
Radzivilov rad-zee'vee-lof'
Rajac rah'yats
Ramillies ra-me-yee'
Ramscappelle rams-ca-pel'leh
Raon-l'Étape ran'la-tap'
Rastenburg ras'ten-boork
Raucourt ro-koor'
Rawa ra'va
Rawa-Ruska ra'va-roos'ka
Reillon ray-eeyong'
Remiremont ruh-meer-mon'
Ressons-sur-Matz ressohng'-sur-mats
Rethel re-tel'
Rheims ranz'
Ribecourt reeb-koor'
Ribemont reeb-mon'
Riga ree'ga
Rochefort rosh-for'
Roclincourt roclan-coor'
Rocroy ro-krwah'
Roermond roor'mohnt
Roisel rwah-zel'
Roisières rwaz-eeair'
Romilly ro-mi-yee'
Roubaix roo-bay'
Rouen roo-ong'
Rougemont roozh-mohng'
Roulens roo-longse'
Roulers roo-lay'
Roverbella ro-ver-bel'la
Roveredo ro-va-ray'do
Rovigo ro-vee'go
Roye Rwah'
Rozoy-sur-Serre ro-zwa'-sür'-sair'
Rue d'Ouvert doovair'
Rue du Marais marray'
Rzezow zheshoff
Saar (river) zar
Saar-Albe sar-al'beh
Saarbrücken zar-brük'en
Sacile sa-chee'lay
Sadowa-Wisznia sado'va-vish'nya
Saghandere sa-gan-day'reh
Sailly sah-yee'
Saint-Amand san-ta-man'
Saint-Denis san'-de-nee'
Saint Dié san-dee-eh'
Saint-Hilaire santil-lair'
Saint Hubert san-tü-bair'
Saint-Omer san-to-mair'
Saint-Quentin san'-kan-tan'
Saint-Souplet soo-play'
Saint-Trond san'-tron'
St. Dizier san dee-zee-ay'
St. Eloi ell-wa'
St. Goar san go-ar'
St. Gobain san-go-ban'
St. Just-en-Chaussee san-zhost-en-shossay'
St. Laurent san-lorong'
St. Maur san more'
St. Menehould main-ool'
St. Mihiel mee-yel'
St. Pol san-pul
St. Simon san-see-mohng'
St. Stefano san-stef-ah'no
St. Valery san val-er-ee'
St. Venant san-venong'
St. Vito san-vee'to
St. Wendel san ven'del
S. Bonifacio san-bonif-a'chio
S. Giorgio san geor'gio
S. Martino san-mar-tee'no
Salins sal-an'
Salò sa-lo'
Saloniki sa-lo-ni'ki
Salvore sall-vo'reh
Sambre (river) san'br
Santa Maria san'ta ma-ree'ah
Sarajevo sarra-yay'vo
Sarrebourg sarr-boorg'
Sarreguemines sar'-guh-meen'
Save River sah-veh
Saverne sa-vern'
Savieres sah-vee-yair'
Scheldt skelt
Schio skee'o
Schirmeck sher'meck
Schlettstadt shet'staht
Schoorbakke shore-bak'keh
Scutari (or Skutari) skoo'ta-re
Sedan se-dan'
Seicheprey saish-pray'
Senlis sen-lee'
Seres ser'es
Sereth (river) say-ret'
Sergy ser-zhee'
Seringes ser-anzh'
Sézanne sa-zan'
Siedlce (or Syedlets) shel'tse
Siegen zee'gen
Signy l'Abbaye seen-ye' la-bay'
Sinob (or Sinope) se-nob'
Sinope (or Sinob) si-no'pe
Sivas see-vas'
Skierniewice skyer'nee-vits
Skoplje (or Usküp) skop'lye
Sofia (or Sophia) so'fee-a; so-fee'a
Soissons swa-son'
Sokolof (or Sokolow) so'ko-lof'
Soldau zol'dow
Solesmes so-laim'
Somme (river, department) som
Souain soon-ang'
Souchez soo-shay'
Steenwoorde steen'wurde
Stettin shte-teen'
Stralsund shtrahl'zoont
Strassburg stras'boork
Stryj stree
Strypa stree'pa
Suippes sweep
Suwalki Province soo'valkee
Swinemünde svee-ne-mün'de
Syedlets (or Siedlce) syed'lyets
Szaki shak'ee
Szcezerzyny shtchet'ser-tseenee
Tabriz ta-breez'
Tagliamento tal-ya-men'toh
Tarcento tar-chen'to
Tarnopol tar-no'pol-y
Tarnoviec tar-no-viets
Tarnow tar'noof
Tchernavoda (or Cernavoda) cher-na-vo'da
Telepovce telepoft'seh
Tepe teh'peh
Termonde (or Dendermonde) ter-mond'
Thann tann'
Thiaucourt tee-o-coor'
Thielt teelt
Thiene tye'nay
Thionville (or Diedenhofen) tyon-veel'
Thuin tu-an'
Tilicz Pass tillish
Tilloy til-wah'
Tintigny tan-tin-yee'
Tirlemont teer-le-mohng'
Tolmezzo tol-met'so
Tomaszow toh-mash'off
Tongres ton'gr
Toul tool
Tourcoing toor-kwang'
Tournai toor-nay
Tracy trah-see'
Tregnano tray-nyah'no
Trélon tray-lon'
Tresnes tren
Treviso tray-vee'zo
Trier: German for Trèves
Trieste (or Triest) tree-est'
Trou Bricot troo-briko'
Troyes troo-wah'
Udine oo'dee-na
Umago oom-ah'go
Urmiah (or Urmia, Urumiah) oor-mee'a
Usküb (or Usküb, Skoplje) üs-küp'
Ustanov oos-ta'noff
Uzsok ootsok
Valenciennes va-lan-syen'
Valjevo (or Valyevo) val'yay-vo
Varennes va-renn
Vauclerc vo-clair'
Vaudelicourt vode-li-coor'
Vauquois voh-kwa'
Vaux vo
Veldhoek felt'hook
Venezia (or Venice) vay-net'sya
Venice (or Venezia) ven'is
Venzone ven-zoh'neh
Verdun ver-dun'
Vereczke veresh'keh
Verlorenhoek ferlo'ren-hook
Verona ve-ro'na; It. vay-ro'na
Versailles ver-sah'y; Eng. ver-sailz'
Verviers ver-vi-ay'
Vervins ver-van'
Vicenza vee-chent'sa
Vieux Berquin vyu-ber-kan'
Villafranca veel-la-fran'ka
Ville-en-Tardenois veel-an-tar-duh-nwah'
Ville-en-tourbe veel-ong-toorb'
Villeneuve veel-nuv'
Villers-Bretonneux veeyay-bre-ton-nuh'
Villers-Cotterets veeyay'-cutray'
Villers-la-Ville ve-lair'-la'-veel'
Vimy vee-mee'
Vincelles van-sell'
Violaine vee-olain'
Visé ve-zay'
Visnyvtszyk vis-nift-sheek
Vistula (or Weichsel) vis'tu-la
Vitry-en-Artois vee-tree'-an'-ar-twah'
Vitry-le-François vee-tree'-le-fran-swah'
Vittorio vit-ohr'yoh
Vlamertinghe fla'mer-tin-gay
Volga vol'ga; Russ. vol'ga
Volhynia vol-in'i-a
Volovco volof'tso
Volta vol'ta
Voormezeele vor-mez-eele'
Vosges vohzh'
Vouziers vooz-yea
Vysztyt Lake vishtit
Waerloos var'lohs
Warta (or Warthe) var'te
Wassigny va-se-nye'
Wavre vav'r
Weichsel (or Vistula) vike'sel
Weissenburg weis'en-boork
Wieliczka vee'lish-ka
Windhoek vind'hook
Woevre wo-ayvr'
Wola-Szydlowieca vola-sheed-lo-veets'a
Würzburg würts-boork
Wyszkow Pass vish'koff
Wytschaete vite-shah'teh
Yassy (or Jassy) yas'e
Ypres eep'r
Yser ee'zer
Yvoire e-vwar'
Zabern tsah'bern
Zaleszczyki za-lesh-chik'ee
Zamosk (or Zamosc) za'moshch
Zamszysko zam'shees-ko
Zandvoord zant'fort
Zeebrugge zay'broog-geh
Zell zell
Zittau tsit'ou
Zloczow zlo'choof
Zweibrücken zwi'brück-en
INDEX
Administration, criticisms of, 118
Aerial warfare, 260-268
Air, mastery of, by Allies, 312
Aisne, American troops along, 365
Aisne area, German wedge in, 312
Aisne, French attack north of, 47
Aisne, French offensive of October, 1917, 48
Allied counteroffensive, beginning of, 328
Allied opinion of American troops, 393
Allied Powers' attitude toward Pope's proposals, 99
Allied prisoners in May offensive, 310
Allied War Conference, results of, 80
Alsace, French operations in, 56
Alsace, operations in January, 1918, 74
America at Allied War Conference, 77
American army, scope of operations, 81
American artillery near Rheims, 364
American coast, German submarines along, 464
American cooperation with Australians, 399
American cooperation with French, 405
American declaration of war with Austria-Hungary, 105
American engineers at Chauny, 368
American engineers, deeds of, at Cambrai, 94
American expeditionary force in France, 83
American fishing schooners, sinking of, by submarines, 467
American force in the great offensive, 377
American forces in France, 351
American forces on Murman coast, 441
American front, extent of, 373
American front, winter conditions on, 96
American Independence Day, celebration of, by Allies, 321
American losses on sea, 463
American participation in Siberia, 449
American prisoners first taken by Germans, 88
American reenforcement of Allies, 371
American soldiers first killed in battle, 91
American successes at Jaulgonne, 327
American successes at Seicheprey, 360
American successes at Xivray, 364
American successes west of Soissons, 329
American troops, Allied opinion of, 393
American troops, first engagement of, 86
American troops in Italy, 346
American troops, training of, in France, 84, 85
American troops, urgent need of, 82
Amiens, April offensive against, 289
Amiens, German threats against, 274
Amiens-Paris railway, German efforts to capture, 289
Anglo-French forces in Italy, 207
_Ansonia_, British transport, sinking of, 464
Arabia, campaigns in, 238-240
Arras, operations around, in March, 1918, 281
Artillery, American, work of, at Belleau Wood, 390
Asiago sector, operations in, 213
Australians at Polygon Wood, 40
Australians, defeat Germans at Morlancourt, 304-306
Australians in Flanders, 36
Australian troops, successes of, 320
Austria-Hungary, American declaration of war with, 105
Austrian attitude toward peace, 110
Austrian defense of Russian invasion, 340
Austrian prisoners taken by Italians, 189
Austrian reply to Pope Benedict, 101
Austrian retreat in Italy, 458
Austro-German offensive in Italy, 200-213
Aviators, American, training of, 120
Aviators, French and British, work of, around Lens, 21
Bagdad, operations around, 242
Bailleul, capture of, by Germans, 295
Baker, Secretary, criticism of, 114
Baker, Secretary, statement of performances by, 115
Bapaume, German attacks against, in March, 1918, 280
Bavarian troops, capture of British trenches by, 73
Belgium, British air raids in, 75
Belleau Wood, American marines in, 381, 384
Belleau Wood, description of fighting in, 388
Belleau Wood, German assaults against, 387
Below, General Fritz von, attacks Rheims salient, 317, 379
Below, General Otto von, commanding German seventh army, 273
Bessarabia, annexation to Rumania, 438
Böhm, General, facing French third army, 274
Boehm, General von, commanding German troops on the Marne, 327
Bolsheviki, emergence of, 135
Bolsheviki leaders, characteristics of, 147-153
Bolsheviki negotiations with Germany, 155
Bolsheviki propaganda, attempt to spread, 417
Bolshevist revolution, 142
Bombing raids in Germany, 477
Bouresches, capture of, by American marines, 384
Bouresches, German attempts to retake, 391
Bourlon Wood, British withdrawal from, 67
Bourlon Wood, fighting in, 62
Brest-Litovsk conference, renewal of, 418
Brest-Litovsk negotiations, result of, 420
Brest-Litovsk, peace negotiations at, 163
_Brilliant_, sunk to block the harbor of Zeebrugge, 470
British assault at Ypres in October, 43
British center, withdrawal of, 293
British counterattacks at Merville, 318
British operation in Flanders in 1917, 30
British successes between Ancre and Somme Rivers, 304
Bullecourt, German operations around, 72
Byng, General Sir Julian, commanding British third army, 273
Cadorna, General, preparations of, 201
Cadorna, General, superseded by Diaz, 209
Cambrai area, German gains in, 66
Cambrai, deeds of American engineers at, 94
Cambrai, fighting around, in March, 1918, 276
Cambrai, operations around, 60
Cambrai salient, German assaults against, 285
Camp conditions, investigation into, 117
Canadians, capture of Passchendaele by, 55
Canadian successes around Lens, 23
Canadian troops at Lens, 10
Cantigny, capture of, by Americans, 374
Carey, General, closes gap before Amiens, 369-371
_Carpathia_, sinking of, 467
Cattaro, naval mutiny at, 474
Champagne, French activities in, 34
Château-Thierry, American defense of, 380
Château-Thierry, Americans at, 378
Château-Thierry, evacuation of, by Germans, 331
Château-Thierry, German advance upon, 308
Chemin-des-Dames, German assault upon, 307
Chemin-des-Dames, German retreat from, 54
Coal famine in United States, 131
Coblenz, British air raids on, 482
Commodity prices, rise of, 125
Concrete blockhouses, German system fails, 37
Conflans, bombing of, by British airplanes, 477
Congress, war appropriations by, 111
Congressional investigation into camp conditions, 117
Constituent assembly, dissolution of, 183
Cossacks, rebellion of, 160
Council of the Russian Republic, 141
Courtrai, British air raids upon, 479
Czecho-Slovaks in Siberia, 444
Czernin, Count, address on Wilson's peace aims, 109
Daimler motor works, British air raids on, 481
Dead Man Hill, capture of, by France, 26
Democratic Congress in Petrograd, 140
Destroyers, employment of, 120
Diaz, General Armando, American troops under, 346
Diaz, General Armando, Italian commander in chief, 209
Dieterichs, General, 446
Dixmude, German attacks upon, 270
Drafted men, first engagement of, 395
Dukhonin, General, murder of, 160
East Africa, conquest of, 244
Einem, General von, commanding German troops in Champagne, 327
Embargo on neutral exports, 128
Engineers, American, at Chauny, 368
Engineers, American, deeds of, at Cambrai, 94
Epieds, American struggle for, 409
Explosive capsules used by Germans, 14
Fère-en-Tardenois-Buzancy line, fighting along, 338
Finland, agitation for separate Government, 140
Finland, attitude toward the Germans, 431
Finland, German operations in, 431
Finland, relations with Russia, 183
Finnish Government, aims of, 431
First American army corps, 400
Fishing schooners, American, sinking of, by submarines, 467
Fismes, American arrival at, 416
"Flaming bullets," use of, by Germans, 38
Flanders, Franco-British offensive, 9
Flanders, general British offensive in, 46
Flanders, German raids in, March, 1918, 272
Foch, General Ferdinand, appointment as generalissimo, 283
Foch, General Ferdinand, begins counteroffensive, 405
Foch, General Ferdinand, success in counteroffensive, 406
Food administration, campaign of, 127
Food as a war factor, 124
Food control, governmental, 125
Food exports to neutral countries, 128
Food substitutes, 126
Fourteen articles for peace, 106
Franco-British offensive in Flanders, 9
French advance in Flanders in October, 1917, 51
French attack north of the Aisne, 47
French counterattack at St. Quentin, 16
French offensive at Verdun, renewal of, 28
Fresnoy, British air raids upon, 480
Garfield, Harry A., Federal fuel administrator, 131
George, Lloyd, statement in relation to peace, 103
German activities in February, 1918, 269
German advance in Russia, 422
German aggressions in Russia, 429-431
German artillery operations around Cambrai, 71
German assault against American troops, 366
German assaults on American lines, 356
German assaults on the Meuse, 39
German attack in Flanders, 37
German attacks against Americans in Lorraine, 347
German casualties at Seicheprey, 362
German cities bombed by British aviators, 476
German comments on American troops, 89
German counterattacks in Bourlon Wood, 63
German defeat by Americans in Lorraine, 355
German defense, changes in, 21
German defense, weakness of, 44
German destroyers, raid of, 468
German discussion of Wilson's fourteen articles, 106
German evasion of American strength, 400
German loss in great offensive, 303
German losses in October offensive, 44
German losses in retreat across the Marne, 404
German March offensive, results of, 286
German March offensive, second phase of, 284
German offensive around Cambrai, 69
German offensive, checking of, 288
German offensive in Flanders, March, 1918, 273
German offensive, renewal of, 306
German opinion of American troops, 394
German peace terms, acceptance of, by Russia, 425
German prisoners, 330
German prisoners in great British offensive, 62
German prisoners taken at Ypres, 41
German prisoners taken by the French in October offensive, 53
German reenforcements from Russia, 282
German reply to Pope Benedict, 100
German repulse at Lens, 12
German repulse by Americans at Jaulgonne, 379
German retreat, beginning of, 330
German retreat, continuation of, 336
German retreat from Château-Thierry, 381
German retreat to Oureq River, 335
German reverses west of the Oise, 315
German ships seized by America, 123
German strength at Verdun, 42
German strength in great March offensive, 275
German strength in third offensive, 325
German strength on Franco-British front in November, 1917, 70
German strength on western front in January, 1918, 76
German terms of peace with Russia, 176-179
German third offensive, beginning of, 325
German troops from Russia, 76
German troops in Russia, 422
Germans, hatred of, in Russia, 443
Germans in American uniforms, 411
Gough, General Sir Hubert, commanding British fifth army, 273
_Glenart Castle_, sinking of, 462
Gouzeaucourt, capture of, by Germans, 65
Governmental control of railroads, 133
Greece, conditions in, 247
Guynemer, George, death of, 39
Haig, Field Marshal, attacks east of Ypres, 35, 40
Haig, Field Marshal, strikes at Ypres, 43
Haig, Field Marshal, begins offensive on Flanders front, 46
Hamel, capture of, by Australians, 321
Hangard, fighting around, 296
Havrincourt, capture of, by British, 60
Hedjaz, revolt in, 240-242
Hertling, Count von, address before Reichstag, 106
Hill 204, capture of, by Americans, 401
Hill 304, capture of, by French, 28
Hindenburg line, British offensive against, 58
Hoover, Herbert C., 125
Horne, General Sir Henry, commanding British first army, 273
Horvath, General, 447
House, Edward M., at Allied War Conference, 77
Humbert, General, commanding French third army, 274
Hutier, General von, 321
Indian scouts, with Pershing on the Marne, 331
Industries, closing of, to conserve coal, 131
"Infiltration" of troops, employment of, 401
Inter-Allied Naval Council, 81
_Intrepid_, sunk to block the harbor of Zeebrugge, 470
_Iphigenia_, sunk to block the harbor of Zeebrugge, 470
Irkutsk, capture of, by Allies, 446
Italian offensive, 456
Italian offensive in August, 1917, 188
Italian successes, 192
Italy, American troops in, 346
Italy, Austrian retreat in, 458
Italy, Austro-German offensive in, 200-213
Italy, revival of military strength, 450
Japan, action of, in Siberia, 432
Jerusalem, capture of, 223-232
Kaiser William on Ukraine peace, 339
Kaledine, General, 139
Kato, Admiral, Japan, proclamation of, 438
Kattegat, British naval raid on, 470
_Kawachi_, Japanese battleship, sinking of, 468
Kerensky, beginning of downfall, 137
Kerensky, efforts to revive Russian army, 134
Kerensky, flight from Petrograd, 146
Keyes, Vice Admiral, commanding raids at Zeebrugge and Ostend, 470
Kornilov, General, rebellion against Soviets, 435
Kornilov, General, rebellion of, 137
Kornilov, General, speech of, 136
La Bassée Canal, German attacks against, 290
_Lake Moor_, sinking of, 463
Lancashire troops, performances of, 58
Langemarck, capture of, by Allies, 19
Lansdowne, Marquis of, efforts toward peace, 101
Lenine, declaration on peace, 154
Lenine, Nikolai, 148-155
Lens, British success at, 13
Lens, Canadian successes at, 32
Lens, result of German bombardment of, 18
Liberty Loan, second, 112-113
Liggett, General Hunter, commands first army corps, 400
Liquid fire, employment of, against Americans, 350
Livonia, German attitude toward, 439
Loos, British bombardment of, 17
Lorraine, American operations in, 347
Lorraine, American successes in, 351
Lorraine front, occupation of, by Americans, 358
Ludendorff, General, plans new German offensive, 305
Lunéville, American operations around, 352
Lys region, fighting in, 297
McAdoo, Wm. G., appointed Director General of Railroads, 131
Machine gunners, German, in Epieds Forest, 411
Mainz, British air raids upon, 481
Malmaison Plateau, capture of, by French, 48
Marine Corps, exploits of, 395
Marines, American, success in Belleau Wood, 384
Marne, American sortie across, 391
Marne, crossing of, by Americans, 407
Marne, crossing of, by Germans, 327, 402
Marne, French counterattack on, 406
Marne, German advance along, 310
Marne, new battle of the, 325
Marne, recrossing of, by Germans, 404
Marne salient, German strength in, 333
Marwitz, General von der, commanding German second army, 273
Massed formation, employment of, by Germans, 65
Matz, French retreat along, 313
Menin, British air raids upon, 480
Messines Ridge, attempts of Germans to capture, 293
Meuse, French lines on, 30
Milne, General G. F., commanding British troops in the Balkans, 245-246
_Minnetonka_, steamship, sinking of, 462
Mirbach, General Count von, assassination of, 442
_Moldavia_, transport, sinking of, 464
Montdidier, French successes at, 1918, 314
Montdidier, German successes around, in June, 1918, 312
Montdidier, operations around, in March, 1918, 283
Monte di Val Bella, capture of, 458
Monte Santo, capture of, 187
Mont Kemmel, assault against, by Germans, 300
Moreuil, operations around, 287
Murman coast, American forces on, 441
Murman Peninsula, German desire to seize, 439
National army, training of, 116
Naval Conference, Inter-Allied, 81
Naval engagements, 468
Navy, expansion of, 119
Neutral countries and food exports, 128
Neutral shipping, submarine destruction of, 463
Neutral vessels in American ports, 128
Neuve Église, capture of, by Germans, 294
Nicholas II, murder of, 447
Nieuport sector, artillery operations in, 75
Norwegian marine, losses of, by submarines, 463
_O. B. Jennings_, sinking of, 466
Oise, operations along, 308
Ostend Harbor, blocking of, 473
Ourcq, French and American successes along, 332
Palestine, campaign in, 214-238
Passchendaele-Gheluvelt Ridge, capture of, by British, 43
Peace efforts of Pope Benedict, 97
Peace move of Bolsheviki, 153
Peace negotiations of Bolsheviki and Germany, 156, 157
Péronne, operations around, in March offensive, 278
Pershing, General John J., announces Americans in the trenches, 85
Pershing, General, message of, to War Department, 368, 369
Pershing, General, offers American troops to Foch, 346
Pershing, General, report of, on Belleau Wood, 387
Pershing, General, report of, on Cantigny, 376
Pétain, General, reputation of, 284
Pétain, General, receives American reenforcements, 327
Pétain, General, troops of, in Picardy, 324
Petrograd Council, reaction in, 139
Piave, Italian halt at, 208, 209
Picardy battle, American operations in, 372
Poison gas, employment of, by British, 35
Pope Benedict, efforts at peace, 97
Pope Benedict, reply of Wilson to, 99
Portuguese troops, performances of, 291
_President Grant_, sinking of, 463
_President Lincoln_, sinking of, 464
Prices, increase in, 125
Prisoners, Allied, in great German offensive, 277
Prussian Guards, defeat of, by Americans, 412
Railroads, American condition of, 133
Railway construction, American, in France, 344
Rawlinson, General, praises American engineers, 369
Remières Wood, capture of, by Americans, 361
Rheims, attacks of Germans around, 57
Rheims, German attack upon, 317
Roye, capture of, 280
Rumania, conditions in, 250-252
Russia, German advance in, 436
Russia, German peace with, 420
Russia, National Conference in, 135
Russia, refusal of Central Powers to withdraw from, 419
Russia, result of collapse of, on German forces, 76
Russian constituent assembly, failure of, 168
Russian counter-revolution, attempt at, 165-168
Russian Grand Dukes, arrest of, 137
Russian hatred of Germans, 443
Russian peace terms with Germany, 424
Russian peace treaty, divisions of, 426
Russian peace treaty, ratification of, 428
Russian state documents, secret, publication of, 158
Russian surrender to Germany, 423
Russian territory taken by Germans, 426
Saarbrücken, British air raids on, 50
St. Gobain Forest, German assault against, 76
St. Mihiel salient, American operations in, 349
_San Diego_, American cruiser, sinking of, 468
Sarrail, General, commanding Allied troops in the Balkans, 245, 246
Scherpenberg, assaults of Germans against, 302
Second Liberty Loan, 112, 113
Seicheprey, American losses at, 362
Seicheprey, attack on Americans at, 359
Seicheprey region, fighting in, 318
Sergy, capture of, by Americans, 413
Sergy, fighting around, 337
Seringes, capture of, by Americans, 414
Shipping Board, performances of, 122
Shipping, investigation of, 121
Siberia, American attitude to Japanese intervention in, 433
Siberia, American participation in, 449
Siberian Government proclaimed, 447
Skoropadsky, Hetman of Ukrainia, 436
Sneezing powder, use of, by Germans, 305
Soissons, French successes around, 322
Soissons, operations around, 311
Soissons-Rheims salient, Allied progress in, 332
Somme, British retreat from, 285
Sophia, Queen of Greece, intrigues of, 248
Soviets, President Wilson's message to, 428
Spanish losses at sea, 462
Stuttgart, British air raids on, 481
Submarine blockade, results of, 460
Submarines destroyed by U. S. naval vessels, 457
Submarines, German operations of, 253-256
Supreme war council, 81
"Tanks," employment of, by British, 59
Tanks, first employment of, by Germans, 298
_Thetis_, sunk to block the harbor of Zeebrugge, 470
Third French army, operations of, 274
Titles, abolition of, in Russia, 169
Tonale region, operations in, 456
Torcy, capture of, by Americans, 382
Toul sector, American operations in, 353, 354
Trench fighting, first American experience in, 88
Trentino, operations along, 191
Trèves, bombing of, by British airplanes, 477
Trotzky, Leon, beginning of power, 141, 142
Trotzky, Leon, career of, 152
Trotzky, Leon, denunciation of German imperialism, 419
Trugny, American struggle for, 409
_Tuscania_, sinking of, 461
Udine, capture of, by Austrians, 206
Ukraine, agitation for separate government, 140
Ukraine, independence of, 161
Ukrainia, conditions in, 185
Ukrainia, German policy in, 418
Ukrainia, invasion of, by Germans, 429
Ukrainia, martial law in, 435
United States, dependence on, by Allies, 77
United States military railroad in France, 344
Vaux, capture of, by Americans, 319, 397
Vaux, German counterattacks at, 398
Verdun, French gains at, 25
Verdun, German assaults upon, 22, 23
Verdun, German attacks northwest of, 52
Villers-Bretonneux, capture of, by British, 299
Villers-Cotterets Wood, French successes in, 319
_Vindictive_, in raids at Zeebrugge and Ostend, 473
Vladivostok, occupation of, by Czecho-Slovaks, 446
War aims of Allies, restatement of, 102
War appropriations by Congress, 111
War Department performances, 119
Weather conditions on western front, 72
Westhoek Ridge, German assaults upon, 15
Wheat requirements of Allies, 127
_Wien_, Austrian battleship, sinking of, 468
Wilson, President, address of, April, 1918, 349
Wilson, President, address to Congress on peace, 103
Wilson, President, message to Russian Soviets, 428
Wilson, President, reply to Pope Benedict, 99
_Wolf_, German cruiser, vessels destroyed by, 468
Xivray, German attack upon, 363
Ypres, bombardment of, by Germans, 301
Ypres, British attack around, 35
Ypres, British retirement from, 297
Ypres-Commines Canal, German attacks on, 12
Ypres-Menin road, British lose ground on, 37
Ypres-Menin road, operations around, 29
Zeebrugge Harbor, blocking of, 470-473
Transcriber's notes: Obvious printer's errors have been silently
corrected. Hyphenation and accentuation have been standardised, all
other inconsistencies are as in the original. The author's spelling has
been maintained. Other corrections are listed below:
The corrected word is given between brackets.
Page 89: "Scarcely have they touched the soil of this putrified
[putrefied] Europe when they already are forcing their way into
Germany."
Page 112: "Included in the work of Congress was final agreement on a war
revenue measure after six months of debate (with wide divergence of
taxation plans between the House and Senate) estimated to produce
$2,534,870 [$2,534,870,000], of which $851,000,000 was to be levied on
incomes, and $1,000,000,000 on excess profits."
Page 209: "But compared with their losses of the two preceeding
[preceding] weeks, the present losses were slight and showed a decided
revival of the Italian resistance and a slowing up of the Austro-German
advance."
Page 216: "On the morning of October 27, 1917, the Turks made a strong
reconnoissance toward Karm from the direction of Kauwukah, two regiments
of calvary [cavalry] and two or three thousand infantry, with guns,
being employed."
Page 226: "Between the foot of the spur of the main range and the costal
[coastal] plain is the low range known as the Shephelah."
Page 237: "Farther south a post at the village of Obeid was attacked by
700 of the enemy, who surrounded it and fired 400 shells into the
monastery, but the Middlesex men, who were the garrison of the post,
held out, their casualities [casualties] being trifling."
Page 308: "In the Rheims sector the crown prince's forces occupied the
northern parts of La Neuvillete [Neuvillette] and Betheny, a mile nearer
to Rheims on the northwest and northeast."
Page 378: "Flashes and war-splitting [ear-splitting] crashes came from
batteries put in position just far enough off the roads to avoid the
traffic."
Page 448: "The cooperators, however, realize the danger from German
economic cont [control]
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