The Project Gutenberg eBook of Buttrick's voyages, 1812-1819; Evans's Pedestrious tour, 1818
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Title: Buttrick's voyages, 1812-1819; Evans's Pedestrious tour, 1818
Author: Tilly Buttrick
Estwick Evans
Editor: Reuben Gold Thwaites
Release date: January 23, 2025 [eBook #75189]
Language: English
Original publication: United States: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1904
Credits: Richard Tonsing, Greg Bergquist, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BUTTRICK'S VOYAGES, 1812-1819; EVANS'S PEDESTRIOUS TOUR, 1818 ***
Early Western Travels
1748–1846
Volume VIII
Early Western Travels
1748–1846
A Series of Annotated Reprints of some of the best and rarest
contemporary volumes of travel, descriptive of the Aborigines and Social
and Economic Conditions in the Middle and Far West, during the Period of
Early American Settlement
Edited with Notes, Introductions, Index, etc., by
Reuben Gold Thwaites, LL.D.
Editor of “The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents,” “Original
Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition,” “Hennepin’s New Discovery,”
etc.
Volume VIII
Buttrick’s Voyages, 1812–1819
Evans’s Pedestrious Tour, 1818
[Illustration: [Logo]]
Cleveland, Ohio
The Arthur H. Clark Company
1904
COPYRIGHT 1904, BY
THE ARTHUR H. CLARK COMPANY
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
=The Lakeside Press=
R. R. DONNELLEY & SONS COMPANY
CHICAGO
CONTENTS OF VOLUME VIII
PREFACE. _The Editor_ 9
I
VOYAGES, TRAVELS, AND DISCOVERIES. _Tilly Buttrick, Jr._
Author’s Prefatory Remarks 19
Text 21
II
A PEDESTRIOUS TOUR, OF FOUR THOUSAND MILES, THROUGH THE WESTERN
STATES AND TERRITORIES, during the Winter and Spring of 1818.
Interspersed with Brief Reflections upon a great variety of
Topics: Religious, Moral, Political, Sentimental, &c., &c.
_Estwick Evans_
Copyright Notice, 1818 96
Copyright Notice, 1819 98
Author’s Preface 99
Text 101
ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOLUME VIII
Facsimile of title-page to Buttrick’s Voyages 17
Portrait of Estwick Evans (frontispiece to his book) 94
Facsimile of title-page to Evans’s Tour 95
PREFACE TO VOLUME VIII
The journals of the two American travellers whose works have been
selected for volume viii of our series, form an interesting contrast and
complement to one another. Tilly Buttrick, Jr., was by nature a
wanderer. The early pages of his quaint little book give the principal
facts of his biography, particularly his adventures at sea. It is the
narrative of one to whom strange lands and distant vistas irresistibly
appeal. He tells his story with a straightforward simplicity that
transports the reader through the scenes that the author has beheld. The
wandering disposition that had first carried him far abroad, induced
Buttrick to spend several years roaming through the Great West, and the
same quality of picturesque clarity of narration makes his journal
useful to students of that section.
Reverting from the Far West of the trans-Mississippi and Oregon
country—whither the journals of the Astorians have led us in the three
preceding volumes of our series—we find the Middle West of the Michauxs,
Harris, and Cuming passing into a new stage of progress. The tide of
emigration flowing from the older states down the Ohio River, and
spreading out into Ohio and Kentucky on either hand, was checked by the
second war with England, and the ruthless inroads of the savages whom
the British encouraged. In this war the new West bore its full share;
having successfully defended its long frontier, it emerged triumphant in
spirit, but financially and industrially exhausted. Not until the second
great wave of immigration began (1815–18), at the close of this
struggle, was the region again blessed with prosperity, and able to
renew its checked development.
Into this changing West the wanderer Buttrick came. Arrived at Buffalo
before the declaration of war, he was upon the Canadian side of the
Niagara frontier when the fateful news arrived, and for a brief time was
detained as a hostage by the British General Brock. When released, he
returned to Massachusetts; but two years later started for
Kentucky—passing west through New-York State, and floating down the
Allegheny and Ohio to Cincinnati. On this journey he gives us an
interesting picture of river life, and its exigencies; while with
graphic pen he portrays the bad roads, fever and ague, and deserted
condition of the country through which he returned to his Eastern home.
In 1815 began his longest journey through the West. He encountered at
Olean, on the Allegheny, a large body of Eastern emigrants who were
awaiting the opening of navigation and the rise of the Western rivers.
Swept rapidly down on the freshet, Buttrick landed in Kentucky; but
having been attacked by his old enemy, fever and ague, he embarked for
New-Orleans, thus enabling him to draw for us a brief but vivid picture
of Mississippi navigation. From the Southern metropolis Buttrick started
on foot for the North, over the route known as the Natchez trail—a wild
and lonely journey of a thousand miles, through the land of semi-hostile
Indians and backwoodsmen nearly as savage. Upon this hazardous journey
he was “generally alone, always sick, often hungry, sometimes nearly
starved,” and beset by drunken Indians; but he struggled on, arriving in
Cincinnati after forty-seven days en route.
While the chief interest of Buttrick’s journal lies in his own
adventures, yet these are in a way typical of Western conditions, and
throw much light on the hardships of pioneers, and the devastations of
the War of 1812–15. The book we here reprint is very rare. Published as
an eleemosynary appeal to readers on behalf of its unfortunate author,
who had become blind through his hardships, a small edition was put
forth, and no copies are now known to be upon the market. Its reprint
will, therefore, be a welcome addition to the journals of Western
travellers.
Estwick Evans, whose _Pedestrious Tour of Four Thousand Miles, through
the Western States and Territories_, comprises the second part of this
volume, was, in his way, a philosopher—a man imbued with early
nineteenth century views of the return to nature and the charm of savage
life. Slipping the leash of the restraints of civilization, and
influenced by a strange mixture of Quixotism and stoicism, our author
set forth from his New-Hampshire home in the dead of an extreme winter,
and crossed the frozen, almost trackless waste to the frontier post of
Detroit. His copyright notice contains the following epitome of the
journey: “The blast of the north is on the plain: the traveller shrinks
in the midst of his journey.”
Evans was born (1787) of good New-England ancestry, at Portsmouth,
New-Hampshire. Largely self-educated, he was admitted to the bar in
1811, and won popularity by espousing the cause of the oppressed, taking
up cases for sailors, people in poor circumstances—those fleeced by
self-seeking lawyers. A prominent colleague said of him: “Evans had
about as much influence as any one, because he was a clever fellow,
honest, poor, and not well treated, and the people sympathized with
him.” He volunteered for the War of 1812–15, but was rejected on account
of a physical disability. After his adventurous Western journey, he
married and settled in New-Hampshire, at one time (1822–24) serving in
the state legislature. His vein of Quixotism never left him; he desired
to fight for South American independence, and actually left for Greece
in order to join her armies, but arrived after the battle of Navarino
and saw no bloodshed. In 1829 he removed to Washington, and throughout
the remainder of his life practiced law, and served in the government
offices, frequently contributing to the _National Intelligencer_. He
died in New-York, November 20, 1866.[1]
Despite the eccentricity of Evans’s purpose, and the grotesque dress of
buffalo skins in which he attired himself for his Western journey;
despite, also, his constant tendency to moralize and involve himself and
the reader in a maze of speculation, his comments upon the men and
conditions which he saw in the course of his long tour are shrewd,
eminently sane, and practical. The Western New-York of 1818 is vividly
portrayed; the solitude of Northern Ohio, and the difficulties of the
Sandusky swamps are made known; glimpses of the Indians of the vicinity
are afforded. However, the chief value of the narrative commences when
the author reaches Detroit. From that place through the remainder of the
journey, to Presqu’ Isle, and down the Allegheny, Ohio, and Mississippi
to New-Orleans, Evans was keenly alert for all manner of information
that bore upon the war, the state of agriculture, the topography and
settlement of the country, and the general industrial conditions. Much
of his material was obtained from first-hand participants and explorers,
and bears the stamp of accuracy. He gives us one of the best pictures we
possess of early Michigan Territory, the French habitants contrasted
with American settlers, the influence of the fur trade, and the
scattered posts in this far-away region. His description, also, of early
Indiana and Illinois presents interesting phases. At New-Orleans he
encountered the remnants of French civilization, whose picturesque
mingling with American backwoods life presented startling contrasts.
“Here may be seen in the same crowd Creoles, Quadroons, mulattoes,
Samboes, Mustizos, Indians, and Negroes; and there are other
combinations not yet classified.” Evans viewed the dissipations,
pleasures, and excitements of the Southern metropolis with the eye of a
New-England Puritan, broadened, however, by his contact with French
philosophy and liberalism. “The wonderful wealth and physical force of
the United States” makes a strong impression on his mind; and looking
forward with the eye of a prophet, he foresees the development which a
hundred years will bring, and the power that will make all Europe
tremble.
From New-Orleans, Evans returned to New-Hampshire by sea, having had,
perchance, his fill of travels in the wilderness, and having found
“amidst the solitude and grandeur of the Western wilds more correct
views of human nature and of the true interests of man.” His book is
both diverting and informing, and fills its place in the chronicles of
the early West.
Louise Phelps Kellogg, Ph.D., Edith Kathryn Lyle, Ph.D., and Mr. Archer
Butler Hulbert have assisted the Editor in the annotation of this
volume.
R. G. T.
MADISON, WIS., September, 1904.
BUTTRICK’S VOYAGES, TRAVELS, AND DISCOVERIES 1812–1819
Reprint of the original edition: Boston, 1831
VOYAGES,
TRAVELS AND DISCOVERIES
OF TILLY BUTTRICK, JR.
=Boston:=
PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR.
John Putnam, Printer.
1831.
PREFATORY REMARKS
In preparing this little work for the press, the Editor had not only in
view the interest with which an enlightened people seize upon facts not
previously in their possession; but sympathy for this unfortunate
traveller, who by misfortune has now not only become bereft of his
property, but, by providential circumstances, of his sight, contributed
to induce him to copy it for the press. And he confidentially trusts, if
the information contained in the following work is not sufficient to
induce every individual to become a purchaser, that sympathy for the
past and present sufferings of a fellow creature will forbid them to
withhold the small sum solicited for the pamphlet.
TRAVELS AND DISCOVERIES
I was born in Westford, County of Middlesex, and Commonwealth of
Massachusetts, on the sixth day of July, 1783. I lived with my father,
Tilly Buttrick, until I was ten years old; when he removed to Princeton,
in the County of Worcester, where was the summer seat and residence of
his Honor Lieutenant Governor Moses Gill. I was put to Mr. Gill, where I
lived in his service five years, after which I went and lived with my
father, who now lived in Groton, near where I was born, two years. At
the expiration of that time, being in my seventeenth year, I was placed
by my father in a mercantile house, in Boston. My master, D. Hastings
Esq., was a respectable merchant, and one of the best of men. With him I
resided until I was twenty-one years of age. Being desirous of seeing
more of the world than my present situation allowed, I resolved to go to
sea. Accordingly I shipped on board the fine ship Alnomak, of Boston,
bound for the Isle of France. Our crew consisted of seventeen in number,
mounting eight guns. On the tenth of September, 1804, we weighed anchor,
and left the harbor of Boston, with a fair wind, which continued until
the twelfth, in the afternoon; at which time we were clear of the land;
the wind then gradually decreased, until we were becalmed, which was
about six o’clock the same evening. We remained in this situation about
one hour, and night coming on, it was noticed that the sea was greatly
agitated; which is very uncommon in a calm.
{6} The night was extremely dark, and the surfs that broke about us
appeared like huge banks of snow. At this time many observations were
made by the crew, the oldest sailors observing that we should soon find
out the meaning of this phenomenon. The wind soon began to breeze up
ahead, all hands were called to put the vessel under close sail, and
before nine o’clock it blew a tremendous gale; which obliged us to lay
to, as she was heavily laden. The wind continued to blow for thirty six
hours, and the ship labored with great difficulty. The storm then began
to abate, and coming about fair, we laid our course and proceeded on our
voyage. On our way we often fell in with large schools of fish of
different kinds, such as Porpoise, Dolphin, Boneator, &c., and were very
successful in taking them, which supplied us with something fresh to
eat. We passed in sight of the island of Teneriffe and many other
islands, and the coast of Barbary. In crossing the equator, we were
several days becalmed. On the twenty-second of December, we arrived at
the cape of Good Hope, a Dutch settlement in the southern extremity of
Africa, and came to anchor in Table Bay. We found the people here very
industrious, working their cattle, which are of the Buffaloe kind, by
means of a square piece of wood lashed to their horns, across the front
of their heads. Often six or eight yoke of oxen were thus harnessed in
one team. They were very handsome cattle, excepting the hump on their
shoulders, so much resembling the Buffaloe. The meat of these cattle is
plenty, but not equally good with our American oxen, being tough, of a
yellowish cast, and rather unsavory. Sheep are common here, and to
appearance much larger than the sheep in our own country. This may be
owing partly to their having longer legs than our sheep, and
consequently taller. Their meat is excellent, and perhaps equals in
flavor any found in North America, or any other nation. But their wool
is of little value, being as coarse as dogs’ hair. The tails of these
creatures are sold separate from their bodies, and have the appearance
of a large lump of tallow weighing from fourteen to twenty pounds.
In the suburbs of the town, I observed two of the feathered tribe, which
I afterward learned were ostriches; {7} who, upon discovering me, raised
their heads much higher than my own, and appeared no less frightened
than myself, and were no less willing to make good their retreat.
The 25th, being Christmas, our sailors undertook to imitate the landsmen
in cheerfulness and hilarity; the night was spent in high glee. Next
morning all hands were called, but not coming on deck so soon as was
expected, the mates came forward with handspikes to hurry them. They
were met by the sailors with the same kind of weapons; and although
nothing very serious took place, yet it caused considerable difficulty
between the officers and crew. The captain being on shore was soon
notified, when a guard of soldiers were sent on board; one man was taken
and committed to prison on shore, where he remained a few days, and was
then put on board and sent to America. No punishment was inflicted upon
the remainder, but they were strictly watched.
Here we remained until the first day of January, 1805, when not being
able to dispose of our cargo as we expected, we weighed anchor and put
to sea. But soon a twenty-four pound ball, fired from the guard ship
lying one hundred yards distant, besprinkling me with water, as I stood
on the bowsprit, occasioned us to drop anchor and send our pass on board
the guard ship, which our captain omitted to do, though required by the
law of the place. This being done, we immediately weighed anchor and
stood out to sea.
The next morning we had lost sight of land, and in the course of the
day, the wind blew a terrible gale; the sea ran mountains high, the ship
was hove to, and we rode out the storm, which continued about twelve
hours. After which we continued our course with the trade winds about
forty days. In the mean time our supercargo fell sick and in about six
weeks died. The usual ceremonies at sea were performed, and his remains
committed to a watery grave. Thinking ourselves far enough to windward
of the Island, to bear away, we accordingly did so, and running
twenty-four hours we discovered land. Supposing it to be our intended
port, we were greatly rejoiced. But when coming within four miles of
land, to our great mortification we found it to be the island of {8}
Madagascar, four hundred and eighty miles to the leeward of the isle of
France. This was a sorrowful tale for us to hear, as we must have a head
wind and oftentimes a current in our return. We had become short of
water, and for several days had been on allowance.
The grass on the sides of the ship had become one foot in length, which
greatly impeded our progress and rendered our situation truly
distressing. The ship was put about and stood to the south, as near as
we could lay to the wind.
The island of Madagascar, is inhabited by negroes, with whom little or
no trade is carried on by the whites. We dared not venture ourselves on
shore here, to obtain water, for two reasons. First, we were afraid of
the rocks and shoals, as there were no pilots to be had; and secondly,
should we arrive safe on shore, we might be massacred by those
uncivilized people.
While ruminating on these unfortunate circumstances, our ship was struck
by a white squall, very common in that eastern world, which carried away
our foretop mast and maintop gallant mast and did much damage to the
sails and rigging. This was probably fortunate for us, as the masts must
have gone, or the ship upset. The squall being over, it soon began to
rain very heavily. Stopping the scuppers, all who were able employed
themselves in dipping water from the deck. We filled six casks of a
hundred gallons each, which proved a very seasonable and ample supply.
Every exertion was now made, both by the officers and crew, and
continued until the 20th of March, when we considered ourselves far
enough to windward to bear away, and next morning discovered land, and
found it to be our long wished for island; the isle of France. The
harbor being on the leeward side, we ran around, and not finding it so
soon as we expected, we saw several sail boats lying about, near the
shore, and hoped to find a pilot among them. But none appearing we fired
a gun as a signal. Unfortunately the gun was loaded with a ball, which
went close to several of them. This frightened the poor Frenchmen, and
they made for the shore with all possible speed, supposing us to be
Englishmen.
{9} Within thirty minutes we discovered a large sail bearing towards us
from the harbor. On its approaching us to our surprise we found it to be
a French man of war, ready for action; and coming close too, and hailing
us, they ordered our captain on board of the ship, and took us under
their protection, and stood for the harbor. We were not insensible of
the reason of this, from the circumstance of the above mentioned shot,
which was fired from the entrance of this harbor. The head of the
harbor, on which the town stands, is about three miles from the
entrance. The channel being narrow, the only way of getting up is by
warping, to assist in which buoys are set at a suitable distance; a rope
is made fast, the ship is hauled to one and then to another, and so on
through the whole.
A gang of negroes were placed on board the vessel, and assisted in
performing this labor, until we arrived safe on our mooring ground. Our
captain was then conducted on shore, by a guard, and after due
examination, was found innocent of any ill design. We found this harbor
a very pleasant and delightful one; and from seventy to eighty American
vessels lying there. In a few days we commenced discharging our cargo
and sending it on shore; we also stripped the ship to the lower mast;
this being done, we were about to repair the rigging and sails, when the
monsoons made their appearance.
These monsoons, so called, are the changing of the wind, which blows in
one direction from March to September; then, shifting and whiffling
about, blowing high gales, and sometimes a hurricane, commences a
contrary direction, and so continues the remainder of the year, it being
the time when the sun crosses the equator. Vessels generally, are afraid
of being found at sea in this country, at this season. The wind at this
time was very variable, blowing from different points and constituting a
terrible gale, which lasted about forty-eight hours. Every precaution
was taken for the safety of the vessels lying in the harbor; by mooring
them by two anchors ahead, and two astern, according to the requirements
of the law; nevertheless, the shipping in the harbor, consisting of one
hundred and fifty sail, French, Dutch, Danes, etc., but mostly
Americans, presented a most unpleasant {10} spectacle. Fifteen or twenty
vessels of different sizes, were driven on shore, and some of them, when
the water fell, were nearly high and dry. But few lives were lost;
although there was a great destruction of property. The inhabitants of
this island are very friendly to the American people, and an immense
trade is carried on between the two countries. About fifty yards from
the shore, stood a spacious building, occupied as a hospital, in which
was a great number of patients. Directly on the bank is a small
building, which is called a death house. When any one died in the
hospital, they were removed and deposited in this small house, when they
were placed in a coffin or box, large enough to contain two. If another
was expected to die immediately, it remained until the second was placed
in it; then being put into a boat manned by three negroes, expressly for
that purpose, it was rowed down about two miles and a half, being that
distance from any dwelling house, when the bodies were taken out of the
coffin, hauled up on shore, and thrown into a lime pit, seemingly formed
by nature. The boat then returns with the coffin, and here ends the
funeral ceremonies. The dissolvent power of this earth, assisted by the
rays of the sun, soon decomposes and destroys these bodies, and the
remote distance from any dwelling houses, prevents any evil
consequences, which might otherwise follow such a mode of burial. This
boat is well known by the black flag, which it carries hoisted, and
often passes three or four times in twenty-four hours.
The labor in this place is done by slaves, who are kept under close
subjection. They are separated into gangs, over each of which is placed
an overseer or driver. During the labor of the day, should any of them
commit an offence, even of the smallest nature, it is marked down by
this driver, and communicated to the principal overseer at evening.
Early next morning, when called out to their usual labor, they are
punished according to the aggravation of the offence. If small, they are
punished with a rattan, on their naked backs. If guilty of an aggravated
offence, they are lashed to a post, and so horribly whipped and mangled
as at times to leave the bones denuded of their flesh, and in open view.
{11} HORRID EXECUTION
Several times hearing the noise of cannon, and seeing a red flag
hoisted, on inquiry I found that one or more negroes were to be
executed. One day as this occurred, I went on shore and finding a number
of people passing to a plain, back of the town, I followed on, and
arriving at the place of execution, saw a rope drawn round a circle of
about three hundred feet; inside of which stood a platform about ten
feet square, standing on posts five feet from the ground. On the top of
this platform lay a common plank, one end of which was raised about two
feet, and extended even with the end of the platform. Here I waited for
the space of half an hour, when, hearing the sound of music, and looking
around, I saw a company of soldiers advancing. In the rear of them was a
cart, with two young negroes in it, and a Roman Catholic priest
following after. They coming within the circle, the company formed, and
the negroes were taken from the cart and conducted to the scaffold. The
priest followed and conversed with them a short time, when a negro man
mounted the scaffold, with a broad axe in one hand and a rope in the
other. Looking very fierce, he ordered one to lay down on the plank,
with his chin extended over the end. After lashing him tight to the
plank with his rope, he raised his axe and with one stroke, severed his
head from his body. Then unfastening the body he threw it down where the
head had fallen.
The other poor fellow, terrified and trembling at this awful sight, and
scarcely able to stand, was soon ordered to lie down in the same manner
of the former, which he very reluctantly did, the plank being already
covered with the blood of his fellow victim. The rope was then thrown
around him, as before mentioned; the axe was again raised by this
infernal butcher, with an apparent gratification and hardihood, shocking
to human nature, and seeming to glut his revenge for the reluctance with
which the criminal laid himself down on the plank. After several blows
he at last succeeded in severing his head from his body.
To paint this horrible scene in its true colors, the wild despair of the
criminals, before their execution, and agony {12} afterwards, indicated
by the thousand changing motions of the face, and the shooting out of
the tongue, is beyond the power of language to describe; their only
crime was taking four dollars from a slave, sent by his master to some
other person.
In about three weeks after our arrival in this place, there appeared off
this island, five English men of war, which had left here about six
weeks before, for fear of the former gale. This squadron was for the
purpose of blockading the island, and remained during our stay at this
place. They were very diligent on their stations, but effected but
little; they would often appear close in to the mouth of the harbor, but
I never knew them fall in with an enemy. The war still existed between
France and Great-Britain, and several vessels and privateers were fitted
out of this port, and would often send in valuable prizes; large ships
laden with India and China goods, would be sent in unmolested, which was
surprising to all who saw it. At one time an English sloop of war
appeared in the mouth of the harbor; spying a twenty-four pound gun
about three fourths of a mile on shore, manned by five soldiers, they
tried their skill by firing an eighteen pound shot at them, which hit
the carriage, upset the gun and killed two of the men. The other three
men fearing a second compliment, took to flight and made all possible
speed for the town, where they arrived in great confusion. We now began
to think it time for a cargo to come on board the Almonak. But soon
found it to consist only of stone to ballast the ship. Being soon in
readiness, on the first of August we put to sea, leaving this port for
the island of Sumatra.
On our passage we were several times boarded by English men of war
ships, and after a strict examination were permitted to pass. We passed
close to the island of Ceylon, an English island, and saw colors
hoisted, but made no stop. On the first of September, we arrived on the
western coast of Sumatra. As there were no regular maps or charts of
this coast, we could only traverse it by information derived from
masters of vessels, which had traded there, and our own judgment. There
are many reefs and rocks, which extend into the sea a considerable
distance. Many of which lay but just below the surface {13} of the
water. It was therefore found necessary to keep a good look out, one man
at mast head and others closely watching below. We at last discovered a
small bay, and run into it; the place was called Moco. This is one of
the trading places. There are several others, such as Soosoo, Mecca,
Bencooban, and Pecung. At the latter place, there was formerly a company
of Dutch, who settled there for the purpose of trading with the natives.
But in consequence of the English cruisers on the one side, and fear of
the natives on the other, they had evacuated the place and returned to
Batavia, from whence they came hither. We came to anchor in our first
mentioned port, and prepared against any attack which might be made by
these savages, by tricing up a boarding-netting round the ship, about
fifteen feet above the deck. This netting was made of line, about the
size of a cod line, and wove together like a seine for taking fish; our
guns were loaded and primed, with matches burning by the side, boarding
pikes, muskets and cutlasses at hand, and a centinel walking the deck. A
gun was fired at sunrise and the colors hoisted; another at sunset when
the colors were taken down. We had not been long at this place, before
we were visited by several boats from the shore. They were ordered to
haul close alongside of the ship; a gun was pointed into their boats,
and a man to each gun with a lighted match in his hand. Should they
attempt to rise we were in readiness to receive them, and soon put a
stop to their proceedings.
They then asked permission to come on board; this was granted to three
or four of them. A gun was then hauled back, and they allowed to crawl
in at the port hole, while the rest remained as they were. Some of them
spoke good English, and began to inquire if we wanted pepper. We
answered, yes. The captain agreed with them about the price, and in a
few days we were furnished with about fifteen tons. The natives brought
the pepper in their own boats, and it was weighed on board of the ship,
with our weights and scales, which we brought for that purpose. They
were very particular in examining them, and fearful of being defrauded.
One man, whom we supposed was their clerk, took the weight of each
draft, and at the close footed it up, and {14} cast the amount in
dollars, as quick and as well as though he had been a regular bred
merchant. They write fast, but from right to left. While here the
captain was invited on shore, and went in a boat with four men; each
armed with a cutlass. Three were left to guard the boat. Taking me with
him we proceeded towards the village, which is about half a mile from
shore, escorted by some of the chiefs through a narrow path, and thick
wood of Bamboo and Cocoa nut. On our way, we could often see the heads
of the inhabitants peeping from behind the trees, or through the bushes,
but would often start and run when we approached them. On coming to the
village we found a cluster of small houses, situated but a little
distance from each other, standing on six or eight posts, and about
three feet from the ground, being built similar to log houses in
America. The tops of these houses were covered with bark and leaves, and
were sufficiently tight to prevent the water from penetrating through
them. I learned that there were about four hundred inhabitants in this
village.
There were many men and boys to be seen about among these huts; but not
one female. They show few marks of industry, a few only being employed
in making sails for boats, from a kind of bark, which they work together
very ingeniously. I saw no implement of husbandry, nor any household
furniture, excepting a few kettles, standing about the doors of their
log huts. These people are of a copper color, small in size, seldom
weighing more than one hundred pounds; their food consists principally
of fruit, rice and fish. They are indolent, but subtle and full of
intrigue; they speak a Malay dialect, and are by persuasion Mahometans.
They consider it their duty to take the life of a Christian; they are
very avaricious, and seek every opportunity of obtaining money; Spanish
dollars is the only coin they will receive, and which they obtain in
large sums for their pepper, which grows in great abundance on this
island. It is difficult to know what they do with their silver, as their
expenditures must be small, their clothing generally consisting of a
small cloth round their waist, extending down to their knees. Some of
the higher order wear a mantle over their shoulders extending nearly
{15} to their feet, with a small piece of cloth neatly worked, covering
the top part of the head; a belt around their waist with a long knife or
creese in it, the blade of which is very ordinary, but sharp; the handle
is generally made of silver, but sometimes of gold and worked in a
curious manner; these except the handles are purchased of foreigners.
Opium, although prohibited, is obtained and used to excess by the
natives in this island. They chew and smoke it frequently to
intoxication, and substitute it for ardent spirit, which they make no
use of. Instead of tobacco they have a kind of reddish weed, which they
mix up with something resembling white paint, stirring it with their
thumb and finger, and crowding it into their mouths in the most
disgusting manner. They have no fire arms, not knowing the use of
powder; but are very expert with their knives. When meeting each other,
instead of shaking hands in the American way, they salute each other by
striking their knives together. They are in separate tribes; each is
governed by a rajah or king, whose commands are implicitly obeyed. At
the sale or purchase of any goods, he must first be consulted, and
permission granted, and a certain part of all monies received are paid
to him. Polygamy is allowed; the number of wives a man has, depends on
his ability to maintain them. They are considered as personal property,
and are bought and sold at pleasure.[2]
After purchasing all the pepper that could be procured in this place, we
weighed anchor and stood along the coast, about thirty miles. When about
one mile off land, we espied a number of natives on shore, and let go
anchor. They coming out in boats, we treated them in the same manner as
we had done those before mentioned. The reason of our using so much
precaution, was, information that several vessels had been taken by the
natives and their crews massacred. Finding no pepper at this place, and
being told that by going about twenty-five miles further up we could
procure a plentiful supply, we weighed anchor and proceeded, to the
place pointed out by the natives. When we arrived we found that
information {16} had been given, and preparations made for procuring all
the pepper that could be obtained. Loaded boats came out, which we
received for several days; the pepper was weighed off and paid for to
the owners and all things appeared to go on well. This looked
encouraging, and we expected soon to have a full cargo, they repeatedly
saying we should have greater quantities by waiting a short time longer.
We knew not their object at the time, but afterwards had reason to
suspect their intentions. However, after waiting several days and
receiving no more supplies, we passed up thirty or forty miles further.
Here it appearing like a favorable place, we dropped anchor about five
o’clock in the evening, two miles from the shore. It was calm, and the
evening was pleasant. About eleven o’clock at night, we heard the oars
of several boats coming. By the light of the moon we soon discovered
them to be three in number, one with about twenty-five men and the
others with about fifteen men each. I being on deck, notified the
captain below, who immediately came up and hailed them; they answered
and asked if we wanted pepper; our answer was yes. Coming along side,
they were placed as before mentioned. All appeared very desirous of
coming on board, but only three were permitted. As they came in at the
port hole, we took from each his creese or knife. This appeared not to
please them. At this time they were uncommonly merry, looking earnestly
about on every thing on deck, which could be plainly discerned from the
light of the moon. The captain says to them, how much pepper have you?
they answered, we have none here but will bring you some bye and bye.
One of them walking down into the cabin, the captain ordered me to
follow him. The second mate lay in his berth asleep; he looked at him
very earnestly and laughed; there were two lamps burning on the table,
he took one and blew it out, then looking at the mate again he laughed;
lit the lamp, sat it down. He soon blew it out the second time;
mistrusting his objects, I seized him by the shoulder and soon had him
on deck, and notified the captain, when all hands were immediately
called. The natives in the boat appeared very uneasy, some standing
upright, others were puking over the side; this {17} was enough to tell
us that they were intoxicated from the too free use of opium. As they
had no pepper, and coming in such a number, their intention undoubtedly
was to take the ship, and after massacreing the crew to plunder her. But
seeing us so well guarded, they thought it not best to make an attack,
although they were three times our number.
The captain then ordered these three to go immediately into their boats,
with orders to steer straight from the ship’s side and not to vary
either to the right or left, for should they disobey, they would receive
the contents of our guns among their boats. They obeyed, although with
great reluctance, which to us was a certain proof of their ill
intentions.
Although these men are small in stature, and possess but little muscular
strength, yet when intoxicated they are savage, cruel and fearless as
mad dogs. The next morning we stood along the shore for several miles,
and were met by some Indian canoes. We then came to anchor, went on
shore and purchased a large quantity of pepper, which was brought on
board, weighed and paid for. We remained here several days, during which
time some of our crew saw and recognized some of the same persons who
made us the evening visit which I have already mentioned. They
discovered no hostile intentions at this time. We continued along the
coast, stopping at different places, until we had about completed our
cargo, without any damage except the loss of two anchors, and narrowly
escaping the rocks, which came nearly to the top of the water. We were
fortunate enough to procure another anchor of a ship, which had just
arrived on the coast. A few days before we left the island, we fell in
with an English brig, which came there for the purpose of trading with
the natives, but unarmed. He came to anchor near us, and observed that
he wished to lie under the cover of our guns, while we remained here,
observing that the day before, he saw a sail standing in, having the
appearance of a French privateer, and should that be the case, he should
probably fall into their hands, and lose his all, as this vessel and
cargo was all the property which he possessed.
{18} He also told the captain of the Almonak, that he had a number of
curiosities on board, which he would present to him for his acceptance;
among which was a creature called the ourang-outang; he was taken at the
island of Borneo, and is a great curiosity, even in India. When walking
upright, this creature was about four feet high, his head resembling
that of a young negro child. This creature moved with ease, was good
natured to white people, would often put his arm around the sailors’
necks and walk fore and aft the deck with them; but towards negroes he
appeared to have an inveterate hatred. Our cook was a large black
fellow, and when employed in any particular business, especially that of
stooping, this creature would come behind him and clinch and bite him
most severely; and in a very few minutes would be at the top-mast head,
looking down and seemingly laughing, as though he had gained some
important victory; while the poor cook was left to rub his wounds
without being able to obtain any further satisfaction. The English brig
being manned by Lascar sailors, which are black, the captain said that
in a gale of wind he always felt himself unsafe to send them aloft in
the night, as the ourang-outang would often follow them, and take every
advantage to bite and harass them. We kept this creature till we had
been at sea about fifteen days on our home-bound passage, and were in
hopes of presenting one of the greatest curiosities ever seen in
America. But to our grief one morning he came from aloft on deck, made
some signs of sickness, laid down and died instantly. An unfortunate
Dutch sailor, who twenty-five years before had been impressed into the
English service, had lately made his escape and got on board the brig I
have mentioned. Wishing to return to Holland, his native country, we
took him on board our ship, and, although many times boarded by English
men of war and strictly searched, he secreted himself so closely that he
remained undiscovered until we conveyed him safely on board one of his
own country ships. The poor fellow often said, “I am afraid I shall find
none of my relations or friends left, after so long an absence.”
We now took leave of our English friends, and completing our cargo, on
the last of October, after a stay of {19} two months on this coast, we
weighed anchor and stood out to sea, bound to the Isle of France, where
we arrived on the first of December. Remaining there three weeks, we
again put to sea, and in fifteen days came in sight of the Cape of Good
Hope. Falling about ten miles to the leeward, we bore up with a fair and
brisk wind, just passing round the point of the Cape, when it became an
entire calm. This was worse than a gale; the sea running very high, the
ship rolled from side to side, and oftentimes would almost roll her
yards into the water. Oftentimes we thought she would upset or her mast
go overboard. After remaining in this situation about two hours, a
breeze sprung up which enabled us to pursue our course, and which
continued until we arrived near the coast of the United States of
America. One afternoon, about four o’clock, saw a schooner ahead; coming
near to her, she lowered all sail. We hailed her, and asked if any thing
was wanted; and were answered, as we thought, no. We hailed the second
time, and received the same answer; understanding that they wanted
nothing. One of the crew thought she said differently, when, on a third
inquiry, found they were an American vessel, had neither bread, meat, or
lights, and were in a state of complete starvation. Several of them had
become so weak as to lash themselves to the rigging for safety. We
supplied them with all the necessaries we could possibly spare, being
short ourselves, but sufficient as we supposed to take them to New
London, Connecticut, their intended port. They had been out sixty-seven
days from the Spanish main, in South America, and for the five last days
had nothing to eat except a few crumbs of biscuit which they had
collected together. On the morning of the day on which we expected to
see land, the weather being cloudy, about eight o’clock, breakers were
discovered ahead, and the water striking high into the air. Put the ship
about, and running but a short time the same was seen still ahead; the
water seeming muddy, hove the lead, and found ten fathom water. We ran
this course but a little distance before we found ourselves surrounded
with breakers on all sides. The wind being fresh and a heavy sea, we
were constantly throwing the lead, and found sometimes {20} twenty
fathom water, sometimes ten; about one o’clock, finding but five fathom,
which is thirty feet, expecting every minute the ship would strike to
the bottom, the captain ordered axes to be brought, and every man to
take care of himself. Our boats being much worm-eaten could be of no use
to us should the ship strike; therefore the only way would be to cut
away the masts. The fog continuing there could be no observation taken,
and no one knowing where we were, nothing could be done but to direct
our course as well as we could to avoid these difficulties. At eight
o’clock in the evening we found a sufficient depth of water, and on
examination found it to be Nantucket South shoals; the wind then being
fair, in the middle of April, eighteen hundred and six, we arrived in
the port of Boston.
I remained in Boston until the middle of June following, when I agreed
with a gentleman to go to Liverpool on board a new ship then lying in
Kennebeck river. On my arrival at that place, finding neither owner nor
captain, and the ship being but partly laden, I waited for several days,
and then shipped on board the schooner Decatur, an old vessel of one
hundred tons burthen. She lay alongside of the wharf, and so heavily
laden with lumber as to cause her decks to be under water. Our crew
consisted of only six in number; no more could be obtained. The captain
offering us the extra pay of one deficient hand to be divided among us,
we accepted, and on the third day of July put to sea. We immediately
found we had sufficient employment; only three hands before the mast,
one hand at the helm, one at the pump, and the other not wanting for
employment. We soon began to repent of our bargain, but there was no
help for it. We were bound for Montego Bay, north side of the island of
Jamaica; which passage we performed in forty days. We made the islands
of St. Domingo and Cuba, and were boarded by an English fifty gun ship,
Arethusa, who sent their boat and ordered the captain and all hands on
board, which was done, while they manned the schooner. After arriving on
board many questions were asked us separately; where we were from, what
our cargo consisted of, if we were not Englishmen, and if we should not
like to enlist on board his {21} majesty’s ship. Our answer being in the
negative, wine was brought forward and we were invited to drink. This
not answering their wishes, we were ordered below, where we remained
until eight o’clock next morning; during which time we had neither wine
nor food to eat. We were then called up and returned on board our
schooner, their men returning and leaving us at our liberty. On
examining our effects, found my chest and trunk pillaged of most of
their contents. These articles were not contraband, and could not be
taken by any officer, but were pillaged by the crew. We soon made the
best of our way on the passage, and arrived at Montego Bay after a
passage of forty days. We lay here three weeks, in which time we
discharged our cargo and took in another. I had many generous offers in
this place to take charge of a store, and tried every possible means to
get discharged from the schooner, but to no effect; the captain
observing that he could discharge no man. We then weighed anchor, and
laid our course once more for the United States of America. We ran close
by the port of Havana, made Turks Island, and after being out but a few
days, found our meat and bread in a bad condition; sometimes so bad it
could not be considered safe to eat it. This evil could not be remedied
through the whole passage; this, together with bad weather, squalls and
head winds, seemed sometimes as though we should never reach our native
homes: however, in about forty days we arrived in Boston bay. Within one
mile of Cape Cod, about eight o’clock in the evening, I was standing on
deck, with a fine southerly breeze, anticipating the pleasure we should
enjoy on being in Boston the next evening, when in an instant a squall
struck us ahead, which carried away our foretopmast and main boom, and
left our sails in rags. Fortunately no man was hurt, although our
captain was saved from being knocked overboard by catching hold of the
main rigging. This squall continued only for a minute, when all was calm
again. The only business now was to repair, which we so effectually did
before daylight as to be able to make sail, and soon arrived in Boston
harbour, greatly rejoiced at being able once more to leave old Neptune,
bad beef and wormy bread, and visit my friends {22} on terra firma. I
then went to Concord, Massachusetts, and made up my mind to leave the
seas for the present.
Wishing to see the Western country, I made an arrangement with a
gentleman to go to Detroit, Michigan Territory, and to take out his
family, consisting of his wife, three children and a man-servant; which
he was desirous of removing to that country. Himself having business,
went on horseback several days before we started. I purchased two horses
and a pleasure wagon, and proceeded to Albany[3] in New-York, and
passing through many handsome villages, such as Utica, Bloomfield,
Canandaigua,[4] Batavia, &c., came to Buffalo,[5] at the foot of Lake
Erie, where we met the gentleman waiting to receive his family, which he
was going to put on board of a vessel and go up the lake. But preferring
myself to go by land, I crossed the Niagara river into Canada; it being
but three hundred miles to Detroit on that shore, while it is four
hundred on the United States shore, and a much worse road. I went to a
friend’s house, formerly from Concord, who lived about nine miles from
this place. This friend wishing to go on the journey with me, we began
to make preparations; however, as I was a stranger in that country, he
wished me to visit the Falls of Niagara, thirty-eight miles below. After
notifying the before mentioned gentleman, we proceeded on and saw the
stupendous work of nature, which has so often and so accurately been
described by other travelers as to need no description from me.
After spending three days in this neighbourhood, we returned to my
friend’s house. The vessel which was to carry the gentleman’s family was
expecting to sail in a few days, and I intended to start as soon. But a
day or two before we were ready to proceed, standing at my friend’s
door, we saw a gentleman riding up in great haste, who informed us that
war had taken place between the United States and Great-Britain. This
was sorrowful news indeed to me; and my only remedy was, if possible, to
make my way back into the United States. Accordingly I harnessed my
horses to the waggon, and drove with all possible speed down to the
ferry and called for the boat; but judge of my surprise and sorrow,
when, instead of the ferryman handling their oars, I was accosted {23}
by sentinels walking with their guns, who said they had strict orders to
forbid any one crossing over. I stood some time looking to the opposite
shore, which was about one mile, and could see the same business going
on. I then returned in haste; was advised to take my horses into the
woods and secrete them, which I did. Finding ourselves destitute of many
articles which we wanted, such as tea, sugar, tobacco, &c., and not
being able to procure them on this side, as there were no stores on the
Canada side where they were kept, we resolved to make an adventure upon
the other side. Accordingly when night came on, we fitted out a boat
with four men with oars, and sent them to accomplish our object. They
had eighteen miles to cross the lake, which was performed before
daylight. The next morning, unperceived by any one except the
storekeeper, who was always ready to supply the wants of any one when he
was sure of cash in return, the boat was hauled into the bushes, and the
men secreted during the day. In the meantime the articles wanted were
put up and at night put on board, when the boat was shoved off, and they
steered their course directly back again. Owing to the darkness of the
night they steered too much up the lake, and at daylight found they were
about six miles from shore. They pulled very hard, but did not arrive
until after sunrise. Fearing they might be discovered from Fort Erie,[6]
they carried their goods up into the bushes and hauled the boat after
them, when they came up to a house a little distance from their landing,
and went about their daily employment. About two hours afterwards a
non-commissioned officer, whom we found to be a serjeant, and four men
belonging to the cavalry, rode up to the door, armed and in British
uniform, and demanded if there had been a boat across the lake to this
place. The answer was no. They then dismounted, and walking in, began to
search in and about the house, but found nothing. Observing their
disappointment, we took pity on them, invited them in, and gave them
some spirits to drink. The morning was warm, and after drinking several
times, they concluded that all was as it should be, and returned to
their station. I remained here several days, and began to grow quite
discontented with my {24} present prospects; I therefore concluded to
call on General Brock,[7] the Commander-in-chief of the Province of
Upper Canada, and solicit his aid. His headquarters were at Fort
George,[8] forty-seven miles below, near the head of Lake Ontario. The
second day of July I started with a horse and gig, went to Chippewa and
stayed over night. Next morning, wishing to know my fate, I proceeded on
till within about one mile of the Fort, when ascending a hill, I fell in
the rear of five hundred Indians, who were marching in Indian file,
painted, and in their war dress. Not wishing to interrupt them at this
critical time, I moved slowly after them until I had an opportunity of
passing them without molestation to either party. They walked with their
faces down, and paid no attention to any one. On coming on to the plain
near the Fort, I discovered warlike preparations; flying artillery,
cavalry and foot, not in great numbers, but exercising and preparing for
an attack. The American Fort Niagara,[9] and the English Fort George,
lie nearly opposite, one mile distant from each other, and on the
opposite sides of the Niagara river; they were each under fearful
apprehensions. I rode up to the General’s house and inquired for him,
and was conducted to the garden. I walked up to him and made known my
business, and my anxious desire of crossing the river with my property.
He politely replied, he had no objection to granting my request,
provided the officers of the United States would grant the same
indulgence to his Majesty’s subjects; but until then he could give me no
permit. After many questions, to which he received my answers, he said I
should see him at Fort Erie the next forenoon, which I did, about ten
o’clock. While conversing with him this morning, a cannon was discharged
at Black Rock,[10] two miles below, which at this time had become
fortified by the United States; he started, and said, “I must consider
you as a prisoner of war, and unless you can procure bonds of fifty
thousand dollars to remain within this Province, you must immediately be
committed to prison.” My friend accidentally standing by at this time,
passed his word for me, which was sufficient, and I was set at liberty.
The cause of this discharge from the cannon, and many others which
followed, was the celebration of the fourth of July, it being that day
of the month.
{25} I remained under this bond seventeen days, but was allowed to go
where I chose without molestation. Waggons were daily coming in from the
back woods loaded with men, women and children, many of whom were in a
very distressed situation; they begged for permission to cross to the
United States, many of whom were formerly from there; but instead of
this request being granted, many of the men were made soldiers, and
their horses taken and employed in the service of government. Bad as
this may seem, yet it was far preferable to remaining in the woods among
the savages, who assumed the right of plundering whatever came in their
way. These people were truly in a bad situation, for they were neither
safe at home, nor on the frontiers, as the soldiers were few and
provisions scarce. As for my part, I was allowed to go where I pleased;
and oftentimes fell in company with the officers, who treated me very
politely. On the seventeenth day of my bondage, while at my lodgings, I
received a line from an officer, ordering me to appear at Fort Erie;
which I did. I was then conducted two miles below, to the ferry, where a
boat was prepared, and I was ordered to go on board, and soon arrived on
the United States’ shore. When I first received this order, suspecting
what would take place, took my friend aside, told him I knew that a
gentleman in Buffalo had petitioned General Brock for my release, and
thought it possible this would take place, and should I not return that
day, he might be assured that I was at liberty; and that I wished him at
night to build a large fire on the lake shore, and have my horses and
carriage ready if I should call.
My object now was to get a boat sufficiently large to carry two horses
and a waggon. I was told that I could obtain one by going eighteen miles
up the lake. I immediately hired a horse, and went to the place, but
found the boat was gone twelve miles further up. I passed on, and when I
arrived there, found the boat had gone still further up, and was obliged
to give over the pursuit. This being the only suitable boat in the
vicinity, and not being able to obtain that, I began almost to despair
of ever getting my horses across to the United States’ shore. When night
came on, I could plainly discern the light {26} which my friend had
kindled on the opposite shore; which was for a mark for me to steer by,
had I found a boat; and although I was determined to run every risk, and
venture all hazards, to cross, and get my property on board; yet I was
obliged to relinquish all hope, and had the mortification to see all my
attempts frustrated. I therefore returned back to Buffalo, purchased a
horse and gig, and returned home to Massachusetts.
I remained at home till the third of July, eighteen hundred and
fourteen, when a gentleman, who was going to Kentucky, wished me to
accompany him. I took a horse and waggon, and we set out on our journey;
pursuing the same route which I formerly took, to Batavia, in the
western part of New-York. Our intention was to go by land to Cincinnati,
at the south-western part of Ohio, where we should meet the Ohio river.
But falling in with a gentleman who observed that he was well acquainted
with all that part of the country, and who advised us to steer southerly
to the head of Alleghany river, the distance being but about forty-five
miles, where we should find a pleasant water carriage the remaining part
of our journey; we agreed with him, and sold him my waggon and harness,
as there was no road for wheels a part of this route, purchased
provision, and packed all our effects on to the horse, and set out on
foot, driving our horse before us. We travelled on two days, seldom
seeing any house, having very bad roads, such as by many people would be
considered no road at all. We stopped at night at a log hut, found the
people more friendly than intelligent; inquired how far we had come, and
were informed we had travelled forty miles, and had forty miles further
to go. We were greatly disappointed and mortified at our informer’s
account of this route, especially as provision was very scarce both for
man and beast. However, the next morning we continued on our journey
till about twelve o’clock, when we stopped at a log hut. There had been
several acres of land cleared, and we noticed a very tall hemlock-tree
at the farther end of this clearing, and a man chopping it down. It
being of an extraordinary size, we thought we would go to the root and
see it fall. The man who was chopping observed, it would be some time
before it {27} would fall; and my friend walked away to some little
distance. I remained a few minutes, and then followed him. When I had
proceeded about half of the length of the tree I heard a cracking noise,
and looking back, I saw the tree coming directly upon me. There was no
chance of escaping; I therefore clung my arms to me and partly sat down;
the tree fell, the body touching my left shoulder, and a large limb my
right. I was completely covered with the limbs and leaves, but without
the slightest injury. I soon cleared myself of this uncouth situation,
and looked on my narrow escape with surprise; the other two men stood
motionless with fear. We soon pursued our journey; and the next day,
about four o’clock in the afternoon, were overtaken by a boy, who
observed he was travelling our way about one mile and a half, when he
said we should come to a tavern. This was joyful news to us, as our
provision was almost exhausted, and we had but few chances of renewing
it. The clouds had been gathering fast, and there was an appearance of
rain; in a few minutes the wind began to blow violently, the limbs of
trees were falling on all sides, and large trees were blown up by the
roots; we could scarcely escape the danger of one, before another
presented itself. The cracking and falling of the trees was terrible,
not only to the hearing, but the sight also. I jumped from tree to tree,
not knowing which way or direction was most safe. Heavy thunder, sharp
lightning, and the rain falling in torrents, made the scene doubly
terrible, and seemingly, nothing but death awaited us every moment. This
gale continued about twenty minutes, when the wind ceased, and all was
still. My first object was to find my companions and horse, if still
alive. I had not seen them since the commencement of the gale. I called
aloud, sometimes by name, at other times halloo, but no answer being
made, this gave me reason to believe that all was lost. After renewing
my calls for some time, I heard a voice and followed it; found it to
{be} my companion, and soon after the little boy came up. Our next
search was for the horse, which we found about one hundred yards from
where we stood, standing still among the fallen trees, stripped of every
thing except the bridle on his head. We made him fast, then {28} went in
search of the baggage, which we found, at considerable distance from
him, almost buried in the mud. Placing it on the horse’s back once more,
we related our danger to each other, and proceeded on our way, when we
soon arrived at the tavern which the boy had mentioned.
This tavern was an old log building of about twenty feet square, and
contained the landlord, his wife, and six children. Here we found some
pork, a small quantity of bread, and some whiskey, but no food for our
horse. This was the greatest accommodation we had found since leaving
Batavia. Finding a man who was going on to the end of our land voyage,
about seven miles, we left the boy, and about one hour before sunset, we
pursued our course. The mud and fallen trees very much retarded our
progress; but notwithstanding our wading in water, blundering over trees
and stumps, &c., at ten o’clock we arrived at the Alleghany river.
The next morning we met with three soldiers who had purchased a canoe,
and were bound down the river; we made an arrangement with them, paid
one half for the boat, sold my horse, and began to prepare for a trip
down the river. We endeavoured to purchase provision, but could not
obtain it for money. Having a blanket, I traded with a good lady for a
few pounds of bread and pork. The truth is, the land about this place is
so poor, the few inhabitants who are settled here have no resources only
from the country, back a considerable distance; and hence they may be
called real speculators on travellers, who happen to take this course
for the Ohio river. Our company, now consisting of five in number,
embarked on board this about three o’clock in the afternoon, and at
sunset we came to a sandy beach, hauled our boat ashore, and concluded
to remain here during the night. We built us a fire, cooked some
provision, and encamped for the night. The weather being warm, we made
but little provision against the cold; about one o’clock I awoke, and
found myself very chilly. The rest being all asleep, I got up, and found
I had been lying in water about two inches deep. Mustering all hands we
went further up on to the shore, drawing our boat after us, built a
fire, got warm and partly dried {29} when daylight appeared. Each one
now taking a piece of bread in one hand and a piece of pork in the
other, made a hearty breakfast; after which we took to our oars and
continued on our course. The river being very low at this season of the
year, made the navigation of our boat, although small, very difficult.
Sometimes, for a long distance, we would row in almost still water, then
coming to rapids, we were urged on with great velocity among rocks and
trees, which had lodged among them. One of the soldiers being acquainted
with this river, rendered our situation much safer, as he served as our
conductor; otherwise we should hardly have dared to run the venture. The
log houses on this river were few in number, and from the poorness of
the land, and the then existing war, the inhabitants were left destitute
almost of the necessaries of life for themselves, much more so for
travellers. Deer, bears, and other small game being plenty, their
principal dependence was on these for sustenance. The fourth day of our
voyage, in the afternoon, we discovered a house on the bank of the
river. We pulled ashore, went up and requested to stay over night. Our
request was granted, and we had plenty of venison, and fed to our full
satisfaction. The man observed he had just killed a fine buck, and was
glad to entertain all strangers. We remained here during the night,
leaving what little provision we had in a knapsack on board the boat,
which we hauled on the bank, thinking all would be secure. Next morning
went down, and found all safe except the provision, which had been
carried off in the night by some dogs, their footsteps being plainly to
be seen. We mentioned this to the man of the house, who observed he was
very sorry for our misfortune, especially as it must be his own dogs, he
keeping a pack of hounds. There was no remedy however for this accident;
we therefore made ourselves contented, he saying that he would furnish
us with every thing in his power, which was but little; and for this
little he was careful to charge us an exorbitant price. He however
entertained us with many amusing stories of his great feats in hunting,
particularly his great success in killing catamounts, which are numerous
about the Alleghany mountains. He led a horse up to the door, sounded a
horn, {30} and immediately the beast was surrounded by twenty or thirty
dogs, barking, howling, and jumping almost into the poor animal’s mouth,
which stood with great patience, and seemed not to notice them. This,
said the man, is my pleasure and support, and what I would not exchange
for all the luxury of an eastern city. Pleased with this history, we
took to our oars, pushed on, working hard during the day, camping on the
shore during the night, with short provision till the eighth day, when
we came within thirty miles of Pittsburg. Being tired of these waters,
we sold our boat, and proceeded on by land. Here we came to a plentiful
part of the country, and the next day we arrived at Pittsburg,[11] at
the head of Ohio river, three hundred miles from where we first took
water. We staid here one day, then parted with the three soldiers, and
took passage in a keel boat bound down the river. On board of this boat
we had every accommodation we could wish. Forty of the passengers,
besides twelve of the boat’s crew, stopped at Wheeling, a pleasant town
in Virginia, and then proceeded on to Marietta, at the mouth of the
Muskingum river, and so on to Cincinnati, Ohio. Here we went on board a
flat-bottomed boat, and proceeded to Louisville, Kentucky, at the falls
of the Ohio river, seven hundred miles below Pittsburg. I tarried at
this place several days, then purchased me a horse, saddle and bridle,
parted with my old friend, who had found his brother and wished to
remain, started for the eastern States, passed through Frankfort, the
seat of government in Kentucky, and came on to Cincinnati in Ohio.
Here I met three gentlemen who were travelling on to the head of the
Alleghany river; their company was very acceptable to me, as I was a
stranger through that wilderness country. The day after we commenced our
journey together, it began to rain, and continued raining most of the
time for ten days, which made the roads extremely bad, and hard
travelling. The soil being of a clayey nature, in many hollows, which,
in a dry season, are perfectly dry, we now found the water quite deep,
in strong currents, almost impassable for horses, and quite so with
carriages. Our feet were constantly wet during the day, and our horses
frequently mid-rib deep in water. {31} There being but few bridges in
this quarter, and these mostly log ones, we were frequently compelled to
encounter these vallies or guzzles, without bridges, full of water, and
extremely difficult to pass. In some places, in low grounds, there would
be log-causeways for a considerable distance, which, at this wet season,
were very slippery, and rendered travelling doubly difficult and
dangerous; although in a less wet time they might assist in keeping
travellers out of the mud. The accommodations on the road for ourselves
and horses were very good until we came to the north part of
Pennsylvania. Here I was attacked with fever and ague, and was obliged
to stop several days. All the company, except one man, left me, they
being very anxious to arrive at their places of destination. I waited
here until I was a little recruited, and then proceeded on, although
very weak and feeble, both from the disorder and the medicine I had
taken. The third night after our departure, we stopped at a hut, where
we found provision for ourselves and food for our horses. During the
night it rained very hard; the next morning we inquired of our landlord
the distance to the next house, and were told it was twenty miles and a
very rough road, which proved strictly true. We climbed over rocky
mountains, often meeting with fallen trees, and no way of getting round
them. My fellow-traveller would get off his horse and assist me in
getting off mine, as I was unable to dismount alone; he would then leap
the horses over the trees, and then help me on again. Thus we continued
ascending and descending these high hills; and, although we started very
early in the morning, and were diligent during the whole day, we did not
arrive at the above mentioned house until sunset, and were completely
drenched in rain. We stopped, went into an old cabin, found a woman and
a half a dozen children, asked permission to stay, and it was granted.
There was nothing for our horses but a bunch of old straw lying out of
the doors; the saddles were taken off, and the horses tied to it, where
they remained all night. We then took off our coats and sat down to dry
ourselves; but there was but very little difference between our present
situation and out of doors. This place we named Hobson’s choice, (that
or none). We then inquired of {32} the woman whether she could furnish
us with a supper. She pleasantly replied she could, with such a rarity
as she had not seen in the house, till that day, for three months and a
half; it was some Indian meal, which she would make into pot-cakes, and
which with a little butter, some pickles, and a kind of tea, which grew
around her cabin, she said was good enough for any gentleman. These
delicacies being ready, we sat down, and I ate extremely hearty, not
having eaten or drank anything since sunrise; it was a delicious meal.
The next morning we partook of the same fare, paid two dollars each, put
our saddles on to our trembling, half starved horses, and bidding our
hostess good bye, proceeded on our journey. On our way we stopped at a
house in an Indian village belonging to the Seneca tribe,[12] which was
improved as an inn. Here we found plenty of good provisions, and food
for our horses. It was a small log house, very neat inside, and the
accommodations superior to any we had found on the road. They had all
kinds of spirits, and, from all appearance, made but little use of them
themselves; a circumstance not characteristic of these wild men of the
woods. One man introduced himself as Major Obee; his manners did not
appear like the rest of the Indians, and we understood the reason was,
he was educated at Philadelphia. After several days more of hard
travelling, we came out on the great western turnpike in New-York.[13]
This was a pleasant sight to us, and probably would have been to our
poor animals could they have expressed their feelings; for in travelling
among mud, rocks and stumps, they had scarcely any hair left on their
legs. I now considered myself almost at home, although three hundred
miles from it. After this nothing material happened to me; I soon
travelled these three hundred miles, and safely arrived in Massachusetts
the beginning of October.
In my absence, I had agreed to return again; accordingly on the third
day of February, 1815, I set out, and travelled nearly the same road as
before, to the head of the Alleghany river; what they call the head of
navigation. This place is called Olean Point,[14] and was much altered
in appearance since my former visit here; instead of a few log huts as
before, there were forty or {33} fifty shanties, or temporary log
houses, built up, and completely filled with men, women and children,
household furniture thrown up in piles; and a great number of horses,
waggons, sleighs, &c., &c. These people were emigrants from the eastern
States, principally from the State of Maine,[15] and bound to different
States down the Ohio river. Two gentlemen undertook to take a number of
these people, and found it to be about twelve hundred, of all ages and
sexes. They had a large number of flat-bottomed boats built for their
conveyance; these were boarded up at the sides, and roofs over them,
with chimneys suitable for cooking, and were secure from the weather.
There were also many rafts of boards and shingles, timber and saw logs,
which would find a ready market at different places on the Ohio river.
There are many saw-mills on the streams above this place, where these
articles are manufactured from the fine timber which grows in vast
quantities in this vicinity. The river at this time had risen full bank,
and I should suppose was navigable for vessels of fifty tons burden; but
was frozen over to the depth of ten or twelve inches; this was the cause
of so many people being assembled here at this time, as many of them had
been here two months waiting an opportunity to descend the river. I
waited about ten days, which brought it nearly to the close of March. On
Saturday night sat up late, heard some cracking of the ice, several of
us observing that we should soon be on our way; went to bed. Next
morning at daylight found the river nearly clear, and at eight o’clock
it was completely so. The place now presented a curious sight; the men
conveying their goods on board the boats and rafts, the women scolding,
and children crying, some clothed, and some half clothed, all in haste,
filled with anxiety, as if a few minutes were lost their passage would
be lost also. By ten o’clock the whole river for one mile appeared to be
one solid body of boats and rafts. What, but just before, appeared a
considerable village, now remained but a few solitary huts with their
occupants. Myself with the adventurers now drifted on rapidly with the
current, and in six days we were in the Ohio river, and should have been
much sooner had it been safe to have run in {34} the night. We found
this river had risen in the same proportion as the Alleghany; and
several houses at which I had stopped the July before, and which then
stood thirty or forty feet above the surface of the water, were now so
completely surrounded with water that we could float up to the doors;
and on my arrival at Cincinnati I was told that the water had risen
sixty feet above low water mark. Small boats would run just below the
city, and come up in back water into the streets. Much damage was done
in many places by this extraordinary freshet.
In this part of the country I remained for a considerable time, part of
which I spent in this state, and part in Kentucky; but was soon attacked
with fever and ague again. This complaint seemed to be quite attached to
me, and no effort which I could make was sufficient to remove it while I
remained on the banks of this river. I imputed the severity of this
complaint to the heavy fogs which were experienced at this place; and
determined to leave it, and go either to the North or South.
Having concluded on the latter, I took passage on board a boat to
Shipping’s Port,[16] just below the Falls of the Ohio. Here I went on
board a barge of eighty tons burthen, bound to New-Orleans. There were
but a few steam boats traversing these waters at this time, for which
reason these large boats of burden were built principally for conveying
merchandize up the river; although they commonly went with full freight
of country produce down. They are built with two masts, and sails, which
are of little service, the stream being so crooked that many times the
sails are hoisted with a fair wind, and in running a few miles the bend
will be so great as to bring the wind ahead. In going down we stopped at
many places on the Illinois and Tennessee side. Getting into the
Mississippi river, our first stop at any town was at New Madrid.[17] We
made the boat fast to the shore, and about twelve o’clock at night was
awaked by a noise which appeared like a cable drawing over the boat’s
side. I started and went on deck; found all quiet. My fear was that the
boat had struck adrift, and was running over a log; but on inquiry found
it was an earthquake. Next morning got under way, and the water having
become {35} low, the sawyers made their appearance plentifully, some
several feet out of the water. These sawyers are large trees, washed
from the shore, which drift down till the roots or branches, reaching
the bottom, fasten into the mud and become as firm as when standing in
the forest. Should a boat be so unfortunate as to strike one of these,
it would in all probability prove fatal; therefore every precaution is
necessary to avoid them. We had run but a few days when our boat rubbed
on one of these logs, which lay so far under water as to escape our
notice. Coming to the rudder, it lifted it from its hinges, and took it
overboard. We immediately pulled for the shore, made fast, and sent the
boat in search of it; luckily about one mile below we found it and
returned. We then proceeded on, and in two days after the same accident
occurred again. Diligent search was made, but without effect. We then
went on shore, cut down a small tree, and made a steering oar, about
sixty feet long. The stern of the boat was so high, it was with
difficulty this could be managed. In turning round points of land, we
had many narrow escapes. Our usual custom was to get to the shore and
make fast before night. At one time we concluded to drop anchor in the
river, which we did; and next morning attempting to raise it, found it
fast below. After working till ten o’clock, found there was no
possibility of raising it, and cut away. This was unfortunate for us, as
we had formerly occasion for it, and more so afterwards. Several nights
on this trip, we made fast to the shore near the cane brakes. These grow
here very thick, and many miles in extent; at this season of the year
they are dry; when setting fire to them they will crack, making a noise
like soldiers’ musketry; which caused great amusement for the passengers
and crew. We arrived at Natchez,[18] Mississippi, and stopped there a
part of two days. Immediately on leaving the place, found we had left
one man on shore. We hailed a man standing there, and requested him to
bring this man on board, who had just come in sight. They jumped into a
boat, and when come within two hundred yards of us the man fell
overboard, which was the last we saw of him.
{36} The river now becoming much straiter than we had found it before
for three hundred miles, made the trip easier and safer, and on the
eighth day of January, 1817, we arrived at New-Orleans.
During my stay I remained the principal part of the time on board this
barge. The weather some part of the time was cool, and three nights the
ground froze quite hard. Oranges and other fruits froze on the trees. By
accounts from Natchez we learned that the snow had fallen six inches
deep; a circumstance never known before by the oldest person resident
there.
The poor negroes, I was informed, suffered much, and many of them died.
Having tarried till my business was closed, I determined to return by
land; and finding a number of persons, who were going on the same route,
I provided myself with a knapsack, a blanket, a tin quart pot and
necessary provisions, and on the 23d day of February shouldered my
knapsack and set out on my journey. I travelled three miles to the
northward to Lake Pontchartrain;[19] there found a vessel in the
afternoon ready to cross the lake, being about thirty miles. The wind
being light, the next day at twelve o’clock we met the opposite shore;
went to a tavern, took dinner, and found eight men travelling the same
way, mostly strangers to each other, and but one who had travelled the
road before. After collecting our forces, we went on, and travelled
about fifteen miles that afternoon. The country being flat, we had to
wade in water and mud a considerable part of the way, and in many places
knee deep. This we found to be attended with bad consequences, as many
of us took cold thereby. At night we stopped at a small house, the
occupants of which gave us leave to sleep on the floor. We wrapped our
blankets around us, with our wet clothes on, placed our feet to the
fire, and so remained through the night.
The next morning our joints were so stiff we were hardly able to walk;
yet we travelled on about two hours, when we stopped by the way-side,
struck up a fire, cooked some victuals, refreshed ourselves, and marched
on; the same we did several times during the day; and at night found we
had gained forty miles. We again refreshed ourselves with food, and went
to our repose {37} for the night, it being the custom among these
travellers to start very early, as much as two hours before day. Not
being accustomed to this way of travelling, myself as well as several
more wished to alter this course, and wait till a later hour for
starting; but the major part refused our proposal, saying they wanted to
get home as quick as possible.
No one wishing to be left alone, in the morning we all followed our
leader; and went fifteen miles without refreshment of any kind. My feet
had now become very sore in consequence of travelling through mud and
water, and I was much exhausted with fatigue. We stopped, I ate and
drank with the rest of my comrades, but felt quite unwell. After sitting
half an hour, felt unable to travel; they endeavored to encourage me,
but I found it impossible to keep pace with them. I was sorry to be left
alone, nevertheless observed to them, I did not wish to detain any one,
and requested them to pursue their journey. I got from them all the
information possible for the journey, bid them farewell, and we parted.
At this time I was only one hundred miles from New-Orleans, and nine
hundred miles to complete my journey to the Ohio river, and to add to my
misfortune, five hundred of this lay through an Indian country, with but
few white men on the road, and their friendship not to be relied on so
much as the natives.
When my companions left me, I was at a very friendly man’s house, who
condoled my misfortune. Here I tarried about three hours, when, having
determined to pursue my journey, I took leave of these friendly people,
and commenced my lonely journey, moving but slowly along; and soon found
I had entered the boundaries of the Choctaw nation.[20] I had no
difficulty in finding the way, as a few years before this, a road had
been cut through the Choctaw and Chickasaw nations to the Tennessee
river;[21] and as young trees and brush had grown up in this road, the
trees were marked to assist the traveller. By strictly observing these
marked trees I felt secure, and proceeded slowly along, sometimes ten,
and sometimes fifteen miles in a day.
At night I generally found an Indian hut, where they {38} would receive
me very friendly in their way, and throw down skins for me to sleep on.
Seven days had now elapsed, and my health not in the least recruited,
when, as I was walking on very deliberately, thinking of the decrease of
my provision, and the distance I had yet to travel, I was overtaken by a
white man, who asked me from whence I came, and where bound, at the same
time observing that I looked sick, which probably must be the cause of
my being alone; I answered it was. He then said, “I live but one mile
from this, go with me.” I did so, and found his wife and several
children in a small log hut, by whom I was received very kindly.
This favor could not have come more opportunely, as I was both fatigued
and sick. This man was from North Carolina; and his motive for thus
exiling himself and family to this part of the country was not my
business to inquire; I have only to say, that they look suspicious. With
this family I remained two days, and no brother, who had been long
absent, could have been treated with more kindness and affection.
I gave him a narrative of my life, which he and the family listened to
with great attention; he also narrated his great adventures in hunting.
The principal food which this cabin afforded, was dried venison and
bread; the venison, for want of salt to preserve it, is cut in slices,
dried and smoked, which makes what they call jerk.
I now felt myself able to travel, and concluded to proceed on. He
furnished me with as much of this meat as I could carry, and after
ascertaining that it was twenty-five miles to the next house, I took an
affectionate farewell of this friendly man and family, and with my
renewed strength, and supply of provisions, hastily travelled on until
about twelve o’clock, hardly remembering I was weak; but becoming
somewhat faint for want of food, I sat down, took some refreshment, and
then travelled on again, till I arrived at an Indian village, where I
found two squaws, all the rest having left; for what purpose I know not;
probably for a frolic. I here obtained a pint of sour milk, which proved
an excellent {39} cordial to me at this time. I inquired for a place of
entertainment, and found, by their holding up four fingers, that it was
four miles. This I quickly travelled, and found a neat Indian hut, where
I found the privilege of staying by myself, without interruption from
the family, who resided in an adjoining one. Salt provision and bread
was what I now wanted, but neither of them could be procured; if I
except some corn pounded up, mixed with water, and baked on a stone by
the fire. In travelling on several days, I came to the line between the
Choctaw and Chickasaw nations,[22] where I saw a large hewn log house
and went in. The room was neat, and, as is usual, contained no
furniture, except a table, nor any person, except a squaw and a few
children. I walked into another apartment, and after staying some time,
two white men came in and sat down, but appeared to have no wish for
conversation with me. I endeavored to make some inquiries of them, but
found they declined any answer. A dish of victuals was brought in and
set on the table, which apparently consisted of minced meat and
vegetables. I was very hungry, and the sight of this food was
delightful. They sat down; I asked permission to partake with them; the
answer was no. I stated my hungry situation, and observed that no
reasonable compensation should be wanted; the answer was again no. I
then got up and walked away, wondering within myself what could be the
cause of these unfeeling creatures being here; probably for no good. I
faintly travelled on until about three o’clock in the afternoon, when I
came to an Indian hut, went round to the back part, there being no door
in front, saw two Indians sitting on a platform of hewn logs, and
endeavored to make some inquiries, but could not be understood. Thinking
of the contents of my knapsack, which contained a little jerk and fat
pork, without bread or salt, my stomach too weak to receive these, and I
knew of nothing else I could obtain. At this moment a boy came out of a
small hut a few paces distant, bringing a large wooden bowl full of
boiled corn, and setting it down, they three placed themselves around
it. I, knowing the Indian custom to distribute a part of what they had
to strangers, ventured up and formed one of the circle. A large horn
{40} spoon, perhaps three times the size of a common table spoon, was
placed on the corn, which the oldest Indian filled and put into his
mouth; the second one did the same, then I followed, and so it went
round. When we had continued so a few minutes, a tall well dressed
Indian came out of the door, looked upon us all, but viewed me very
attentively; he then went back and closed the door, but immediately
returned bringing with him a cake made of pounded corn and baked, about
the size of a large cracker, but much thicker; this he put into my hand,
and then stepped back with his eyes fixed on me. I divided it into four
parts, and gave each of my messmates a part. He smiled and went again
into the house, and left us to finish our repast. Never had I more
reason for gratitude than at this time, and I think I did feel thankful
that their hearts were open to my necessities. After we had done eating,
one of the Indians took the bowl and carried it back, the others
followed, leaving me alone. From the appearance of these Indians, I
supposed they might be servants or laborers for the Indian who brought
me the cake, who I soon found was a chief; for when they were gone, this
chief came out again to me, dressed in great style, with silver bands
around his arms, a large silver plate on his breast, moccassins and
leggings elegantly worked in Indian fashion, a handsome hat filled with
plumes, with rows of beads around it, and other ornaments; a horse was
led up to a stake, a genteel saddle and bridle was put on him, and in
every respect the horse appeared fit for any gentleman to ride upon. The
chief looked on himself, then on the horse, then on me; and I, wishing
to gratify him, expressed my surprise and gratification as well as I
could both in my looks and actions. This pleased him well; he soon spoke
a few words of English, and handed me a bundle of papers. On examining
them, I found them to be bills of goods to a considerable amount
purchased at New-Orleans. On looking over these bills, I found they
contained a number of articles which he then had on; pointing to the
charges and then to the articles, I expressed great surprise at the
riches which he wore. All this exalted me much in his esteem, and we
continued thus a considerable time. He then led me into the room where
{41} his wife and children were, gave me a glass of good old whiskey,
conducted me into another neat apartment, spread a handsome grass carpet
on the floor, and, by signs, bid me welcome to stay all night. In the
same manner, by signs, he informed me that he was going off, and bowing,
left the room. I saw him no more; probably he was going to attend an
Indian council. Being refreshed with food, and it drawing towards night,
I laid down on the carpet, covered myself with my blanket, and quietly
reposed until two o’clock in the morning, when I awoke, carefully got
up, shouldered my pack and left this hospitable mansion. Being finely
refreshed and feeling new vigor, I travelled on easily till the sun was
up a short distance; when coming to a house, found a white woman and her
daughter. I called for breakfast, and was well supplied with bread,
meat, tea, &c., and some to carry with me on my journey. From the
hospitable treatment I had received at the two last houses, I began to
think that the worst of my journey was over, and at eight o’clock I
proceeded on about two miles, when I met three squaws with large packs,
who appeared to be in great haste, and took no notice of me; which gave
me reason to suspect some trouble ahead. One or two miles further on
heard a whooping and yelling, and presently saw an Indian running to
meet me. He walked very fast, bare foot and barelegged, without any
clothes but his shirt, and that very bloody, looking as though he had
been engaged in some severe conflict. When he came up he seized me by
the shoulder and held me fast, and kept his continual whooping and
yelling, which almost stunned me. He was very drunk, and kept reeling
backward and forward, which occasioned me to do the same, as his nervous
arm made such a grip on my shoulder it was impossible for me to
extricate myself. Sometimes he would bear me to the ground, and most of
his weight would be upon me. Trying to give signs that I was sick, he
laughed; I then called him bobashela, which is their word for brother;
this pleased him, and having a bottle of whiskey in his other hand, he
put it to my mouth saying good. I opened my mouth, and he thrust the
neck of the bottle seemingly down my throat, the whiskey ran out, and
strangled me badly, and {42} when I sat to coughing and choking, he
burst out into a loud laugh and let go of my shoulders. He was a stout,
tall man, had a long knife by his side, and put his hand several times
on it, but exhibited no appearance of injuring me; yet, from his drunken
situation, I thought I had considerable to fear. I repeated the word
brother several times, when he looked sharp at me a few moments, and
uttering a loud scream, left me to pursue my way, happy that the word
_bobashela_ had been my protection. About half an hour after this,
coming round a large bend in the road, I saw twenty or thirty Indians,
men, squaws and papooses, all formed in a circle. On coming up with
them, I endeavored to pass, but one caught me by my pack and pulled me
partly into the ring; another pulled, and another, seemingly half a
dozen pulling different ways, talking, laughing, whooping, and
hallooing, and I in the midst, without means of defence or chance of
escape. I endeavored to make signs of sickness, but to no effect; soon a
tall, old Indian stepped up and spoke to them; they all let go of me. I
turned to this Indian and made signs of sickness, by putting my hand on
my breast, &c., which he noticed, and seemingly with pity; he was the
only sober one among them. They now began a second attack upon me; he
spoke again and they left me. He now made a motion for me to go on,
which I did, and having proceeded a few yards, I turned my head partly
round and perceived a young Indian with a glass bottle in his hand just
in the act of striking me on the head. I looked him full in the face; he
lowered his bottle, and sitting partly down, laughed; he then returned
to his comrades. I travelled on as fast as possible till I lost sight of
them, when getting about half a mile, I came to a stream of water which
crossed the road. It was narrow, and the current swift; a tree was
fallen across, on the body of which I passed over. Stopping for a
moment, I heard the yell of an Indian, and the footsteps of a horse in
full speed; fearing it might be some of the gang I had just left, I
stepped into the bushes and secreted myself behind a tree. In this
situation I could see a person who passed without being discovered
myself. Scarcely had I placed myself behind the tree when an Indian rode
up to the stream on full speed with a {43} rifle on his shoulder; coming
to the stream of water, his horse stopped and refused to proceed; he
made several attempts to cross, but the horse refused, wheeling about
and endeavoring to return. The Indian finding that he could not make the
horse cross, sat still, looking up and down in every direction for a
considerable time, when, perceiving no person, and not descrying the
object of his pursuit, he wheeled about and returned. This was the same
young Indian who pursued me with the bottle, and who, had he been
fortunate enough to have discovered me, would immediately have ended my
life with his rifle. After some time, I ventured out from behind the
tree, and in great haste pursued my journey, often looking back, fearing
that this or some other Indian might be in pursuit of me. I passed a
number of cabins without stopping and without refreshment till after
sunset, when I saw a squaw standing at a cabin door. I asked permission
to stay. She made signs by holding up two fingers, that in two miles I
should find a place to stop at. I went on—it soon became dark—I saw a
bright light shining between the logs of a cabin. On going up to the
door I saw a number of squaws sitting round the room silent, as though
something serious had taken place. I made motions for staying all night,
when one, who appeared to be head of the number, shook her head and
pointed to another room, there being two rooms under this roof. I
immediately heard surly noises and clashing of knives, the squaw
appeared very anxious, and shaking her head, made signs for me to be
off. I hesitated for a moment, but soon found that the room was filled
with drunken Indians, which occasioned me to wait for no further
invitation to depart. The squaws all looking earnestly at each other
convinced me of my danger, and I stepped nimbly to the door and
proceeded on. Walking about half a mile, I came to a low swampy piece of
ground, and it being extremely dark, I could not tell what direction to
take; and being much fatigued with travelling, and faint for want of
food, having taken nothing through the day, I sat down on an old stump
in mud almost knee deep, and should have fallen asleep had it not been
for the fear of chilling to death, or being massacred by the Indians,
which I certainly should if they had happened to have come that way.
After ruminating for some time {44} on my perilous situation, I faintly
rose up, travelled on perhaps for a mile, when fortunately I saw another
light, and following it came up to another cabin. I knocked, and an old
Indian opened the door. I stepped in—made signs to stay all night—he
shook his head, pointed to the cabin I had just left, and said, _Indian,
whiskey_, making motions that the Indians that belonged there would soon
be at home, and I should be in danger should they return and find me at
their cabin. This signified nothing to me, as I was totally unable to
proceed any further. I therefore threw down my bundle, and this poor old
Indian expressed great friendship and fear for my safety. He threw down
some deerskins which they used for beds, and I laid down with my bundle
under my head, without removing any of my clothing. I had a wish to keep
awake, but it was impossible, and I soon fell asleep; so much was I
overcome with fatigue and fasting. I awoke in about two hours; found
this old friend sitting up as if to guard me; we looked at each other
wistfully, and in a few minutes I fell asleep again. About two hours
before daylight, the Indian pulling me by the arm, awoke me, when at a
little distance from the cabin I heard Indians whooping, bells rattling,
and horses in considerable numbers coming with the utmost rapidity and
haste. This was a horrid sound at this dead hour of the night, when all
before had been silent. I jumped up as quick as possible, and the old
Indian handing me my bundle, stepped to the door and was just opening
it, when they approached so near I stepped back, and both stood
trembling with fear. Fortunately for us they passed by, nor was it long
from our hearing them on one side before they had passed out of hearing
on the other. On opening the door, it was so extremely dark, I could
perceive no object; I went back and sat down before the fire on a block,
not wishing to sleep any more; while the poor Indian walked back and
forth in the cabin. Within one hour the same noise of whooping, yelling,
horses running, &c., was heard. I caught my bundle, slipped out at the
door, walked hastily about fifty yards, stepped into the bushes and sat
down. In a few moments four or five Indians rode up to the door and
dismounted. When I had seen the last of them go in and close the door, I
ventured on my old track again; not without listening {45} attentively
at the least noise, fearing they might be in pursuit of me. Travelling
on as fast as my trembling limbs would permit, until nearly sunrise, I
saw a large log house on the right hand side of the way, and hoped to
find some friendly aid at this place; but on arriving near the place, I
observed on the left hand side, a number of large trees fallen and
burnt, except the bodies and large limbs; among these were ten or twelve
Indians, some sitting but most of them lying down, being intoxicated.
These wretched creatures had been using their knives upon each other
till their heads and arms were completely mangled, and were covered with
blood from head to foot. This, with the addition of crock from the burnt
trees, caused them to exhibit a scene of horror which I cannot describe.
I passed them without even turning my head, leaving them to suppose I
did not notice them. It now began to rain very hard; I travelled on till
about nine o’clock, when I saw a hut ahead, and coming within about
three hundred yards, three white men came out to meet me. When we met
they appeared very glad to see me, as they had heard of me several times
before. I learned that they were from Natchez, and bound to the state of
Indiana, on the same road I was travelling, and would keep me company
through the remaining part of this wilderness. It is probable these two
men passed me two days before, while I was at my friend’s the Indian
chief.
The landlord here was a white man who had married a squaw, which enabled
him to reside in peace among them. I conversed with him respecting his
happy situation; of the plenty of every comfort of life that appeared
around him, free from the noise and bustle of cities and other populous
places, money constantly coming in, with little or no expenditure, &c.,
&c. He made some reply; the tears started in his eyes, and the discourse
dropped. We tarried here until the next forenoon, in which time I washed
and dried my clothes, procured provisions of our landlord, and made
preparations for our departure. We left this abode of plenty, after a
stay of twenty-four hours, being finely refreshed with the abundance of
everything which is necessary for the support of man. Nothing
extraordinary happened to us on the way; the Indians appeared {46}
friendly, and provisions generally procured with ease, and thus we
passed on till we arrived on the banks of the Tennessee river, at a
house kept by an Indian by the name of Tallbot. This man was said to be
very rich, in land, cattle and negro slaves, and also to have large sums
of money in the bank. He had but one daughter, and I was told that many
white men had attempted to gain this prize. But the old man suspecting
their affections to be placed on the money rather than the daughter,
advised her to remain single a little longer.
It has often been remarked, and I believe truly, of the Chickasaw and
Choctaw Indians,[23] that they are very hospitable to the white people
who traverse their country; and I have never heard of a life being taken
or an insult given, when they were free from ardent spirits; but like
all other Indians, when intoxicated they are savage, cruel and fearless.
But even then, they oftenest take revenge on their own countrymen,
relatives and friends, who happen to offend them. Before they enter on
any business of importance, such as agriculture, or a hunting or fishing
expedition, they despatch several of their men to a considerable
distance, to procure a quantity of ardent spirits. This is brought on
horses, in kegs of their own manufacturing, and carried to such places
as they appoint, where it is deposited until the time appointed for
their meeting arrives. And it is remarkable that although their thirst
for rum is so great, yet this deposite is entirely safe, right in the
sight of every one, and no fears are entertained of its being meddled
with until the time appointed. When this time arrives they assemble and
commence their operations; singing, dancing, drinking, &c. They always
select one or more to keep sober, who sit quietly by themselves,
watching the rest, and who taste not a drop themselves till the frolic
is over, even if it should continue three or four days and nights, as it
sometimes does, but which time it seldom or never exceeds. This being
over, the Indian or Indians who have performed this duty take their
turn, and in the same way take their fill, without interruption.
Crimes committed in a state of intoxication are generally forgiven, not
even excepting murder; but if otherwise committed they are punished with
the greatest severity. {47} Their barbarous customs, however, are fast
wearing away, since our missionaries, schoolmasters, &c., are sent among
them.
They seem to have some sense of religious worship, as at several times,
when passing their cabins, I have seen them sitting or kneeling in
different postures, at which time they will remain fixed in their
position without even turning their heads, let what will come. This
ceremony they perform after losing a near relative, but how long they
continue in this posture I know not. Once or twice I saw four poles
stuck in the ground, with forked ends up, and sticks laid across at
little distances, on which was a large roll of bark. On inquiry I was
told that in this bark was the remains of a deceased person, who, after
remaining there the accustomed time, would be taken down and buried.
They are very affectionate to each other, especially to their children,
whom they treat with great kindness and attention. We arrived at Mr.
Tallbot’s late in the evening, and tarried there till next morning, when
we crossed the river, about one mile, and landed in the state of
Tennessee. This gave us fresh hopes of finishing our journey among
civilized people. We travelled about nine miles, and came to a house
where we changed our clothes and refreshed ourselves. I disposed of my
blanket, cooking utensils, &c., which I had prepared for my journey
through the wilderness, and moved on with a small bundle in my hand,
which enabled me to travel very easily, being freed from my former load.
I kept company with my companions two days, when they were to leave my
road. We bade each other farewell, and I was once more left alone. I
pursued on, and came to a village where was a large three story brick
tavern; they appeared like New-England people. Thinking I should here
find what I had long been wishing for, salt provision, I waited till
dinner was ready, and to my joy I saw a large dish of salt beef and
vegetables placed on the table. In company with a number of gentlemen, I
sat down and feasted my appetite till the last man rose from the table.
Although I had eaten twice or three times the quantity of food I had
been accustomed to, yet I was not satisfied; and at supper I renewed my
hold on the salt {48} beef, to the neglect of pies, cakes, &c. I went to
bed fully satisfied, but awoke about midnight in most distressing pain,
and almost famishing with thirst. I got up, went down stairs in search
of some person, but could find none. I then opened the outside door, and
the rain was pouring down in torrents. I saw an old tub standing under
the eaves, full of water. I ventured out, put my mouth to the tub and
drank several times; I then waited a few minutes, drank again, and went
in. All this did not satisfy my thirst; but as I was very wet, being but
partly dressed, I went to my bed, shivering with cold, and after getting
a little warm, fell asleep. I awoke in about two hours, in much the same
situation as at first, went to the old tub again, and drank with the
same eagerness. I then went back to my bed scarcely able to crawl, and
passed the remainder of the night in a sleepless and distressed
condition. Early in the morning, hearing some of the family up, I went
down, sat by the fire, and seemed to myself but little more than alive.
Breakfast being called, I had no appetite, and waiting till eleven
o’clock I sat out on my way, and pursued on as well as I could till
about sunset, when I had gained eight miles, and came to a planter’s
house, who invited me to stay with him all night, which invitation I
accepted. But nothing could I eat till the next day, and continued
travelling in this situation four or five days, when my appetite began
to return, and I recovered my strength fast, so that in a few days I was
able to travel my usual distance. Passing through a number of fine
villages and towns, the largest of which was Nashville, I arrived at
Lexington,[24] Kentucky, where I found people very friendly, and willing
to assist the weary traveller on all occasions. From thence I pursued on
my course till I arrived at the Ohio river, and crossed over into
Cincinnati, in the afternoon of the forty-seventh day from my leaving
New-Orleans; having performed a journey of one thousand miles only. The
next morning I walked out in the streets, and met one of my first
companions with whom I started from New-Orleans. He lived a few miles
above, on the Kentucky side of the river. He informed me he had been at
home twenty-two days, and told me that the third day after we parted
another man stopped, and the fifth day {49} two more, and before he was
three fourths of the way through his journey, there was only himself and
one other left. Some from being lame, and others sick, and what has
become of them, said he, I know not; you are the only one I have seen or
heard from.
I remained at this place a few days, and then went out about ten miles
to a town called Madison.[25] It being now the month of April, and
fearing my old complaint, the fever and ague, I resolved to quit the
Ohio river, and go out to Detroit in the Michigan territory. A gentleman
from that place was soon expected here for his family, who at this time
resided in this neighborhood. The lady hearing of my determination,
called on me, and wished me to stay there till her husband’s return, and
then accompany them to Detroit. This was a pleasant thing to me as I was
wholly unacquainted with the road through that country. The gentleman
did not return until the first of August, when he arrived with a waggon
and horses, and after suitable preparations were made, he took his wife
and children with some light baggage, and we commenced our journey.
We found the roads very rough for about eighty miles, when we came on to
the prairie grounds. We had laid in a good stock of provisions, knowing
that in consequence of the late war the country was nearly drained. We
now came to where the water was very bad, the country being flat and the
water stagnant. After straining it would still exhibit live insects,
which they call wiggles. The inhabitants were few and scattering, but
the soil remarkably good, the grass growing five or six feet high,
interspersed with flowers of all colors, which gave it a delightful
appearance. It is thought by many that this part of the country was once
overflown with water, and what adds to the probability is the number of
little hills or rises of land, covered with trees, standing in these
prairie grounds, like so many islands, as probably they once were. Great
numbers of cattle are drove from Kentucky and elsewhere to feed on these
grounds, and soon become very fat. We camped out two nights, and by
forming tents with blankets made ourselves very comfortable, and slept
without any apprehension, except from the prairie rattlesnake, a small
but very poisonous reptile, {50} frequently to be seen in those parts.
After a slow but safe journey, we arrived at Lower Sandusky,[26] two
hundred miles on our way. Here we sent our horses on by the mail
carrier, went on board of a vessel at the foot of the Sandusky Rapids,
so called, and went down the Sandusky river to the Lower Sandusky bay,
to a small town called Venice.[27] At this place but two years before,
not a tree had been fallen; now, between twenty and thirty log houses
are built, two large framed store houses, and two wharves for the
accommodation of the back country traders. Vessels of considerable size
come up lake Erie and deposite their loading here, being but six miles
from the lake. The next day after our arrival, president Monroe, with a
number of distinguished officers, stopped here, on his tour through the
Western country.[28] We stayed here two days, when we hired a man to
carry us across the lake in a boat. We laid in but a small quantity of
provision as the distance was but seventy miles, and with a fair wind
could run it in less than a day. We set sail at noon with a fair breeze,
and ran up the lake about twenty miles, keeping near the shore. About an
hour before sunset it became calm, and not wishing to be exposed on the
open lake in the night, we ran into a creek a short distance and made
our boat fast to a stake, which had been set there by some one before
us. We found there another boat with two men encamped on a pleasant
beach. The gentleman with his family and pilot went on shore and
encamped also. I chose to remain on board. They formed now a
considerable company, four men, one woman and three children. They built
up a large fire, got supper, prepared camps for the night, and laid down
in quietude, expecting a quiet night’s rest. But the clouds gathered up
fast, and between eight and nine o’clock the wind blew violently, and
they gathered up their blankets and clothing and tried to get on board
the boat, but she lay so far from shore that with all my assistance they
could not accomplish their object. The fire had all blown away and not a
spark left. The night was dark, and the rain poured down in torrents;
there was no shelter, not even a tree to defend them from the tempest.
The three men took each of them a child, wrapped it in a blanket, {51}
and sat down upon such clothing or bedding as came nearest to hand. The
other man and the woman were obliged to sit without anything but their
clothing. I often called to them from the boat, but the howling of the
tempest prevented me from being heard. In this situation they all
remained about eight hours till daylight, when it ceased to rain, but
the wind continued to blow very hard. I then moved the stern of the boat
round and got on shore; but the sight of these weather-beaten objects
presented a spectacle I cannot describe. The children, however, had been
kept considerably comfortable through the night. The woman acknowledged
she was alive, and that was all that could be said of her; the men
appeared much better than I should have supposed. As for myself, I was
comfortably situated, and should have slept well had it not been for the
anxiety I felt for my unhappy fellow-travellers on shore. The lake now
appeared more like the Atlantic than like an inland navigation, the
waves running so high that it was impossible for us to venture out; and
the high grass and a few bushes at a little distance promising some
assistance in sheltering us from the storm, we evacuated the old post
and retired to them for shelter, where with the help of our blankets and
other things we contrived so to break the wind as to enable us to kindle
up a fire sufficient to warm and dry ourselves. We then prepared the
remainder of our scanty food, which was sufficient for a meal after
reserving a part of it for the woman and her children. We remained here
through the day and night, the wind still blowing a gale. The next
morning very early, three men went in search of provisions, and did not
return till three o’clock in the afternoon. They had travelled all that
time and found but one house, where they obtained three small loaves of
bread, which were enough for the woman and children only. The wind had
now ceased to blow, and the lake was nearly smooth; and after feeding
the children we put our things on board, and made up the lake shore. At
sunset judging ourselves about thirty miles from Detroit, we ventured
out on the open lake with our oars only to move us ahead; we rowed all
night, and at daylight discovered the town of Malden[29] about six miles
directly ahead, on the {52} Canada shore; and a little breeze springing
up, we hoisted sail, and a little after sunrise landed half a mile below
the town. We went up, found a market, purchased fresh beef, bread, &c.,
and had a fine breakfast; it having been forty-eight hours since we had
eaten any thing before. We now had eighteen miles to stem a strong
current with our oars only, before reaching Detroit. At ten o’clock we
moved on, and after having labored hard till two o’clock in the morning,
we made up to the city of Detroit,[30] and went to a tavern, the
landlord of which had formerly been an acquaintance of ours. He, by some
means or other, had heard of our being on the lake in the blow I have
mentioned; himself and several others manned a vessel and went in
pursuit of us; but after making every possible search in vain, he
returned, supposing we must have been lost; but was most agreeably
surprised when he saw us under his own roof.
I remained here a few days, and then embarked on board a vessel, and
went down the lake in search of the property I had left in the
neighborhood of Fort Erie, Upper Canada, at the commencement of the late
war, as I have before mentioned. I arrived at Buffalo, and inquired for
the two gentlemen with whom I had left my business, and found they were
both dead. I then crossed over the river, and went to my old friend’s
house, and to my surprise found he was dead also. His unhappy widow
informed me that soon after my departure he was arrested by order of the
British government, and committed to prison, which was the last account
she had of him; but supposed that he made his escape, and either fell
into the hands of the Indians, or that in attempting to cross the lake
was drowned. The person who last had charge of my property was an
American born, but had become a British subject; he took an active part
in the late war against his own countrymen, and still persisted in so
doing; and totally refused to pay my demand. The persons with whom I
conversed on the subject, advised me to let it remain as it was;
observing that although the two governments were now at peace, yet a
personal envy still existed between individuals of the two nations, if
not between the governments; and as {53} the Court of King’s Bench was
now closing its session, and would not sit again until a year from that
time, there could be no action tried for a long time. This discouraged
me and I gave it up, purchased a horse, saddle and bridle, and returned
by land through this Upper Province to Detroit. On my journey back to
Detroit, I was most sensibly struck with the devastations which had been
made by the late war: beautiful farms, formerly in high cultivation, now
laid waste; houses entirely evacuated and forsaken; provision of all
kinds very scarce; and where once peace and plenty abounded, poverty and
destruction now stalked over the land. I returned to Detroit, where I
remained the most of my time till the fall of eighteen hundred and
eighteen; when not yet satisfied with roving about, I started, in
November, in company with another man, for the central part of Ohio. The
roads at this season of the year were very bad through the Michigan
Territory, which we were now travelling. We passed over the battle
ground of Frenchtown and river Raison;[31] to the river forty miles;
thence to Maumee rapids, forty miles; our nearest way now to go to
Sandusky river was thirty-five miles. On this last route we had no road;
the only guide for the traveller was marked trees.[32] The first morning
missed our way, got lost in the wilderness, and wandered about till
three o’clock in the afternoon, when we came to the old marked trees; we
walked on until sunset, when we were obliged to halt; struck up a fire,
broiled some pork, on the end of a stick, and with some bread refreshed
ourselves; but without drink, as there was no water fit for use. We laid
ourselves down by the body of an old tree, and partly got to sleep, but
were aroused from our slumbers by the horrid howling of a wolf, who had
walked up close to our backs. My companion was in great fear, and would
have run had I not stated to him the danger of leaving the fire. He
stopped, jumped up and down, hallooing with all his might. Not being
much acquainted with these animals, he considered his situation very
dangerous. After some time I persuaded him to lie down again, but it was
not long before the sound redoubled on our ears; his fears became
greater than before, as he found there was no retreat. I laid down
myself, {54} but could not possibly persuade him and he remained in
motion, and sometimes with yells which almost equalled the wolves,
through the night. Early in the morning we collected our things and
moved on; about nine o’clock came to a running stream of water; this was
a delicious treat to us, although I drank heartily several times before
I could taste in the least, my mouth had become so exceedingly dry. We
now began to think we had lost our way, but pursued on the same course
till we came to a log house, where we found a very friendly man who kept
a house of entertainment. We got some refreshment, and gave him an
account of our travel. He said it was a common thing for travellers to
get lost on that way, and informed us that we had gained but fifteen
miles. Just as he was saying this, a large wolf came up close to the
door, but seeing us, ran furiously into the woods; this, probably, was
our visitor the last night. On inquiry we found the distance to the next
house seventeen miles. At eleven o’clock we started, determined to see
the end of the woods that day; and after blundering over stumps and
rocks, and through mud till ten o’clock at night, we arrived at the
village of Lower Sandusky. Here I left my fellow-traveller, and
travelled on to the town of Greenville.[33] I tarried there till Spring,
and from thence went to a village called Portland, on Lower Sandusky
bay, where I arrived in April, 1819, fully satisfied with roving.[34]
Here I found a pleasant village containing about twenty-five houses,
besides two taverns, three large stores and store houses, and three
wharves of a considerable length; the water being of a sufficient depth
for vessels to come up and discharge their cargoes. The steamboat stops
here on her passage, and leaves many passengers, taking in others, &c.
The land in and about this village is owned by two men from Connecticut,
who calculated, probably, on a large town or city, but it has not
answered their expectations, people finding the place very unhealthy,
owing to the badness of the water. The unhealthiness of the place,
however, continues only from about the middle of July through the fall
months; the remaining part of the year is considered healthy. In the
month of March, wishing to go on to Cunningham’s {55} Island[35] with
another man, we took a canoe, and getting three others to assist us, we
made a rope fast to the bow of the canoe, and drew it across the bay two
miles, which was frozen over, to the lake which was not frozen. When we
were about half way across, one man on one side of the canoe and myself
on the other, both fell in, the ice breaking under us; but being one on
each side, we balanced the canoe and kept our heads out of water until
the other men broke the thin ice and drew the canoe partly up on to that
which was solid, and we crawled up, and thus escaped a watery grave. We
then went on, and reached the other shore. It being late in the
afternoon, our friends left us and returned. The beach here was clear of
snow and ice. We turned our boat up on one side so that it might make a
partial shelter for us during the night, and built a fire in front. We
then walked across the neck of land to the other side, saw the lake
clear of ice except a few floating pieces. Our object in crossing the
bay that afternoon was, that we might be ready to start on the lake
early in the morning, when there is generally but little wind, it being
then easier and safer, the water being smooth. We then returned back to
our boat, rekindled our fire, took our supper, dried my clothes as well
as I could, and camped for the night. But soon the wind began to blow,
and the snow fell very fast; within two hours it blew a heavy gale; our
fire was blown away, the boat fell over, and our only course was to run
back and forth upon the beach to prevent our perishing in the storm,
which sometimes appeared impossible for me to do. At length, to our
great joy, the morning came, the wind ceased, and the snow abated. The
ice, which we crossed in the afternoon, was broken up and driven into
heaps, with the addition of what had driven from the lake, and all up
and down the lake shore presented the same dreary appearance. We were
now hemmed in on all sides, and it was impossible to cross either with a
boat or on foot, and our only resource was, to prepare a camp in the
woods, which we did by cutting down trees and bushes, sticking the ends
into the ground which was not frozen, and forming the tops together over
our heads. We thus made us a comfortable cabin, built a large fire, ate
our {56} breakfast, and dried our clothes. We here remained seven days,
when all our provision had become exhausted, except some dry beans;
these boiled in water were made to supply the place of every other
necessary; and although we were compelled to acknowledge the flavor was
not quite so good, yet we were thankful that we had this means of
preserving ourselves from complete starvation. We were now in sight of
the village, and kept a large fire burning in the night to satisfy the
people that we were alive. During the day we were constantly watching
for the separation of the ice, so that we might pass; and on the seventh
day, in the afternoon, we thought we might accomplish our retreat.
Accordingly we put our boat into the water, and our things on board, and
with a pole pushing the ice from the boat, we made our way along for
some distance, when we saw a boat coming in the same manner to meet us.
Coming up with her, found it to be the same men who crossed the bay with
us on the ice, and who had come to relieve us. They turned their boat
about, and we all arrived safely home the same evening without
accomplishing our visit to Cunningham’s Island.
The inhabitants of the village remained very healthy until July, when a
new complaint of the eyes became epidemic among them. It attacked all
ages and sexes without distinction, and, with some, would, in a few
days, cause total blindness.
This complaint is, I believe, what physicians call the Egyptian
Opthalmia.[36] Some, who were very prompt in their applications, were
fortunate enough to recover their sight after a considerable time; and
others, not made wholly blind, never saw so well as before. Many of the
inhabitants were attacked with fever and ague, and these generally
escaped the more formidable disease of the eyes.
As for myself, I remained perfectly well until November, when, one
morning, my right eye was attacked with inflammation and swelling; and
the next morning my left eye was attacked in the same manner. The
inflammation gradually increased, so that in about three weeks I was
totally blind. My surgeon, a very skilful man, made every exertion for
my recovery, and about the middle {57} of December I could discern
light; and in ten or twelve days after, could distinguish colors. My
surgeon now being called into another section of the country, was absent
about three weeks, when, from the want of proper assistance, I grew
worse, and was again in total darkness. On his return, using every means
in his power, I was so far restored in a few weeks as to be able to
discern light; and continuing very slowly to gain until the first of
April. I could then see to distinguish capital letters.
A neighboring physician then calling in, advised my old surgeon to make
a new application, which he did, and to the expense of the total loss of
my sight. I now almost gave up all hopes of recovery; but not willing
wholly to despair, attempts were once more made; and by the middle of
August I could once more discern colors. Hearing much said of the eye
infirmary in the city of New-York, I resolved to visit that place; and
on the thirteenth of August, 1821, went on board a steamboat, proceeded
down the lake two hundred and fifty miles to Buffalo; thence in a waggon
one hundred and six miles to Geneva;[37] then went on board a boat down
the Seneca Lake, crossed the Cayuga Lake into the Erie canal,[38] thence
to Utica, where I took the stage for Albany. After travelling about
forty-five miles, was attacked with fever and ague, and was obliged to
stop three days; then went on board a boat down the Mohawk river to
Schenectady,[39] then in a waggon to Albany, where I tarried three
weeks, and then went on board a packet to New-York, where I arrived the
first day of October. I stayed here five days, called at the infirmary
several times, and conversed with different patients who had been there
for a considerable time; they discouraged me by saying they had found
little or no relief, and thought there were no hopes for me; at the same
time adding, that if I would go to Boston, I might do much better. I
considered the thing well, took their advice, was assisted out on the
turnpike, where on foot and alone I proceeded on through New Haven,
Hartford and Worcester, and without difficulty found the way to Concord,
Massachusetts, where I arrived on the twentieth of October, after an
absence of six years. Some time after {58} this I applied to several of
the most eminent physicians and surgeons in Boston, and finally went
into the General Hospital in that place, where I underwent various
medical and surgical treatment to no effect; and giving up all hope of
ever enjoying that light which the benevolent Creator has ordained for
the happiness and comfort of man, I have hitherto spent my time
comfortably, destitute of property, in the company and society of my
friends.
EVANS’S PEDESTRIOUS TOUR OF FOUR THOUSAND MILES—1818
Reprint of the original edition: Concord, New-Hampshire, 1819
[Illustration: [Man]]
A
PEDESTRIOUS TOUR,
OF
_FOUR THOUSAND MILES_,
THROUGH
THE WESTERN STATES AND TERRITORIES,
DURING
THE WINTER AND SPRING OF
1818.
_INTERSPERSED_
WITH BRIEF REFLECTIONS UPON A GREAT VARIETY OF TOPICS:
_RELIGIOUS, MORAL, POLITICAL, SENTIMENTAL, &c. &c._
BY ESTWICK EVANS.
“The blast of the north is on the plain:—the traveller shrinks in the
midst of his journey.”
_CONCORD: N. H._
PRINTED BY JOSEPH C. SPEAR.
1819.
DISTRICT OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, TO WIT:
BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the 10th day of December, 1818, and in the
forty-third year of the Independence of the United States of America,
ESTWICK EVANS, of the said District, has deposited in this Office the
title of a Book, the right whereof he claims as Author, in the words
following, TO WIT:
“A Pedestrious Tour of Four Thousand miles, through the western States
and Territories, during the winter and spring of 1818; interspersed with
brief reflections upon a great variety of topics: religious, moral,
political, sentimental, &c. &c. By ESTWICK EVANS.
“The blast of the north is on the plain; the traveller shrinks in the
midst of his journey.”
In conformity to an act of the Congress of the United States, entitled,
“An Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of
Maps, Charts, and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such copies,”
during the times therein mentioned: and also to an act entitled “An Act
supplementary to An Act,” entitled an act for the encouragement of
learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the
authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein
mentioned; and extending the benefits thereof to the Arts of Designing,
Engraving, and Etching Historical and other Prints.
PEYTON R. FREEMAN,
Clerk, of the District of New-Hampshire.
DISTRICT OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, TO WIT:
BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the 18th day of January, 1819, and in the
forty-third year of the Independence of the United States of America,
ESTWICK EVANS, of the said District, hath deposited in this Office the
title of a Book, the right whereof he claims as Author, in the words
following, TO WIT:
“A Pedestrious Tour of Four Thousand miles, through the western States
and Territories, during the winter and spring of 1818; interspersed with
brief reflections upon a great variety of topics: religious, moral,
political, sentimental, &c. &c. By ESTWICK EVANS.
“The blast of the north is on the plain; the traveller shrinks in the
midst of his journey.”
In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled,
“An Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of
Maps, Charts, and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such copies,”
during the times therein mentioned.
PEYTON R. FREEMAN,
Clerk, of the District of New-Hampshire.
A true copy of Record,
Attest, PEYTON R. FREEMAN, Clerk.
_The author is sensible that there are some typographical and other
errors in the following work; but as they will be found few and_
inconsiderable, _it is not deemed worth while to notice them_.
PREFACE
An author, however inconsiderable he may be, always feels that he has
something to say to the public concerning his work; he must, therefore,
have a preface. I think, however, that such a course is seldom
necessary; the world, after all which the writer can express, will judge
impartially of his motives, and of the execution of his plan.—My
introduction will be very brief.
In justice to myself I ought to observe, that until after finishing my
tour, I did not entertain the least idea of publishing an account of it;
and that I have been induced to take this step by the request of many of
my fellow-citizens.
It will be readily perceived, that a work of this kind does not admit of
the display of much reasoning or erudition; and I shall speak as little
of myself as will be consistent with the nature of the publication. This
little volume cannot possibly merit much praise; and I trust that it
will escape unqualified censure.
PORTSMOUTH, N. H. 1818.
TOUR
The supposed singularity of the tour, an account of which I am about to
write, suggests a few preliminary observations.
Customs and manners often produce more influence than principle. Whilst
the former are strictly adhered to, the latter is often violated. Here
we see the comparative influence of self-reproach and the reproach of
the world: a deviation from custom, in relation to modes of living and
acting, may excite animadversion. We shrink from the unfriendly gaze of
the multitude; and tremble even at the undeserved censure of the
superficial and ill-natured:—at the same time we disregard the
condemnation of our own hearts, and endeavour to cancel the obligations
of morality by the good, yet false, opinion of the world.
But it is readily acknowledged, that unless excentricity ought always to
be avoided; it invariably proceeds from error in taste, from
uncontrouled feeling, or from mental imbecility. The dispositions and
powers of men, however, are various; and the beaten track is not always
the field for improvement.
Civil society is not without its disadvantages. Whilst it adds to the
information, and polishes the manners of man, it lessens the vigour of
his mind and the generosity of his heart. He no longer experiences the
sublime inspirations of Nature. A creature of habit and the slave of
form, she will not {6} deign to visit him. From the factitious grandeur
of cities, she wings her eagle flight, to communicate to the
uncontaminated children of her forests her instruction and blessing.
In the savage state there is, no doubt, much individual depravity; as
great a degree of it, however, may be found in the most civilized
communities. But in the latter are never witnessed that nobleness of
spirit, that eloquence of thought, that force of expression, and that
wonderful aspect which the former affords.
It is true, that the aggregate advantages of civil society are much
greater than those of a state of nature; and how happy should we be if
we could ingraft the instruction, and impress the polish of civilization
upon the lofty virtues of untutored life. But, with us, courage gives
place to cowardice; and the native disinterestedness of man, the source
of his greatest virtues and highest happiness, yields to the
calculations of meanness and fraud. Even in public life we please
ourselves with the tinsel of narrow views, whilst we disregard those
great principles of national policy which alone can render us truly
great.
I have often been questioned as to the objects of my tour; and I am
willing to gratify a reasonable and friendly curiosity. My views were
various. Besides the ordinary advantages of travel, and of becoming
acquainted with a country comparatively but little known, I wished to
acquire the simplicity, native feelings, and virtues of savage life; to
divest myself of the factitious habits, prejudices and imperfections of
civilization; to become a citizen of the world; and to find, amidst the
solitude and grandeur of the western wilds, more correct views of human
nature and of the true interests of man. The season of snows was
preferred, that I might experience the pleasure of suffering, and the
novelty of danger. {7} On the second of February, 1818, I left the
residence of my friends, in Hopkinton, New-Hampshire, prepared,
according to the frontispiece, to meet the inclemency of the season, the
hostilities either of man or beast, and also to provide myself, in the
way of game, with provisions.
It may gratify some to know the particulars of my habiliment: Mine was a
close dress consisting of buffalo skins. On my shoulders were epaulettes
made of the long hair of the animal; and they were for the purpose of
shielding the shoulder from rain. Around my neck and under one arm was
strapped a double leather case, with brass chargers, for shot and ball;
and under the other arm a case for powder strapped in the same way, and
also having a brass charger. Around the waist was a belt, with a brace
of pistols, a dirk, two side cases for pistol balls, and a case for
moulds and screw. Also around the waist was buckled an Indian apron,
which fell behind: it was about eighteen inches square, covered with
fine bear skin, trimmed with fur, and having over the lower part of it a
net for game. This apron contained a pocket compass, maps, journal,
shaving materials, a small hatchet, patent fire works, &c. My cap and
gloves were made of fur, my moccasons were of deerskin, and on my
shoulder I carried a six feet rifle. The partners of my toils and
dangers were two faithful dogs.
In this situation I arrived at Detroit on the 20th of March. My dogs,
however, were destroyed by wolves, on the night of the tenth of that
month, in the vicinity of the Miami Swamp.
I had, in my juvenile days, voluntarily accustomed myself to fatigues,
hardships, and privations of every kind; but not having recently
exercised much, the snow being deep, and my dress and baggage heavy, my
fatigue, in the early stages of my tour, {8} was excessive: My first
day’s travel was only eight miles. In a short time, however, my daily
progress was from fifteen to twenty miles, through trackless snows and
over tremendous mountains. The universal curiosity which my appearance
excited was oppressive; but I had fortified my mind by reflection, and
endeavoured to present to all an aspect at once grave and mild. In the
course of my tour, I met, as might have been expected, a great variety
of character; from the savage of the wood to the savage of civil life;
and I sometimes found it necessary to appeal to my arms, for the defence
of the privileges of the traveller and the rights of the man.
My title-page promises reflections upon various subjects. I hope they
will neither be too frequent nor too lengthy. The study of man, both as
it respects the abstract principles of his nature and the almost
infinite variety of modes in which these principles, through the
influences of education and customs, develope themselves, should be one
great object of the traveller. In order to become well acquainted with
these principles, he must frequently and maturely examine his own heart.
Here alone can he ascertain the secret springs of action; here alone can
he define and classify the passions; and lastly, here alone can he find
the means of their controul, or of giving to them a proper direction.
Much information, in relation to this subject, may be collected from
books, and much by travel; but he who is ignorant of his own heart must
be ignorant of human nature.
In my way to the interior I passed through Amherst;[40] and reached this
place towards evening, during a heavy fall of snow. I had been
anticipating the pleasure of visiting the family of Judge C. who reside
there; but the ladies of the family, supposing me to be an indian,
barred the doors against me. I {9} soon, however, obtained a herald, and
then the castle gates were elegantly thrown open. On account of this
little adventure, which arose principally from the lateness of the
afternoon and from my being covered with snow, some captious scribblers
took the liberty, in the papers of the day, to be impudent. Could I
condescend to be offended with them, I should here tender my
forgiveness.
For the above anecdote I am indebted, principally, to the interesting
Miss L******, whose vivid imagination, aided by the story of the giants,
magically converted her habitation into an embattled tower, and gave to
a harmless knight a consequence which he did not deserve.
Amherst is a considerable inland town. The plain upon which the village
is situated is very spacious; and some of its buildings are large and
elegant.
From this place I proceeded to Milford,[41] the residence of my friend
P. whose love of principle, independence of character, and talents,
entitle him to much consideration. With him I passed some pleasant
hours. The appearance of this town is pleasant. The contrast between its
extensive intervales, and the rise of ground upon which its bridge,
manufactories, and village are situated, renders its aspect quite
interesting.
The distance between Amherst and Milford is only a few miles; but in
travelling from the former to the latter I found the snow deep and
stiffened by rain, and the road trackless.
The next day I began to ascend the mountains of New-Hampshire:—my native
hills!—Oh, may they be the everlasting abode of Liberty! The weather
here was variable, the snow in some drifts ten feet deep, my fatigue
extreme, and my health impaired. The towns of Milton and Temple,[42]
{10} situated in this part of the country, are pleasant; and the scenery
about them highly picturesque. Several branches of the Sowhegan in the
former, and the streams which pass into this river from the westerly
part of the latter, add much to the variety and beauty of the prospect.
The next evening I found myself in Marlborough. The weather had become
severe, and my ability to travel without fatigue was increasing. The
mountainous aspect of the country, the front of my cap, &c. whitened by
frost, and the creaking of the snow beneath my step, reminded me of
Wallace and Tell; those champions of freedom, whose physical nature was
as rugged as the rocks which they inhabited, and whose hearts, at the
same time, could glow with generosity, or soften with compassion. The
Grand Monadnock here attracted particular attention. It is more than two
thousand feet in height, and is remarkable for its cave and its fossils.
Peterborough and Dublin, the towns between Temple and Marlborough, are
interestingly situated. The former is very mountainous, and its numerous
brooks render it a fine grazing township. A principal branch of the
Contoocook passes near the centre of the town, and here unites with
Goose river flowing from Dublin. The latter place is exceedingly well
watered, and its two villages, together with some scattered houses, make
a pleasant appearance.
The coldness of the weather continued to increase. I passed on through
Keene[43] and Chesterfield. The appearance of the former excited much
interest. It is almost an inland city; and promises to make a very
conspicuous figure. It is also, evidently, a place of much business; and
from the appearance of some of its buildings, together with what little
knowledge I possess of its society, I should suppose {11} it a place of
considerable polish and refinement. Chesterfield too is a very pretty
town. The undulatory aspect of its hills, the quiet of its vales, and
the neatness of its village made a very pleasant impression upon my
mind.
Soon after leaving Keene I passed over high and steep hills. Some of
them were, apparently, several miles in length. In one of the vallies of
these mountains an amusing incident occurred. It is a trifle, and may be
thought not worth mentioning; I feel a pleasure, however, in doing
justice to good nature: I met three six feet fellows in a single sleigh.
They were, probably, going to Keene in their _best_. There had fallen,
the night before, a light snow of a few inches; and their horse, not
fancying my appearance, took it into his head, notwithstanding I gave
him the whole road, to sheer against the wall, and to turn all these
well-looking grenadiers into the snow. I was preparing to make an
apology; but it was unnecessary: the good nature of these liberal men
furnished for them and myself a hearty laugh.
During the following day I passed Connecticut river; and entering
Brattleborough, Vermont, proceeded to the further part of the adjoining
town.[44] The appearance of the country just before my crossing the
Connecticut, was truly interesting. My course was around a mountain
about half way between its summit and the river below. It was the
sabbath day; and the mildness of the christian religion seemed to
breathe around. The rays of the sun, with a kind of vivid obscurity,
darted through the wood; and the solemn, yet cheerful, gospel bell of a
neighbouring villa spake of the pure and peaceful communion of saints.
Even the game seemed to know it was the sabbath, and did not shun my
path. Perhaps it was wrong in me thus to travel. I had {12} never done
so before. My situation, however, was peculiar, and I endeavored to
confine my thoughts to the appropriate views of this holy season.
I am now upon the borders of my own peculiar country. A single step
carries me from New-Hampshire; and when I shall again behold her
pleasant hills is uncertain—Perhaps never!
The term banishment is, in this part of the world, seldom employed; and
its introduction here may appear unmeaning. But those who have been
exiled by their country, by misfortune, or by themselves, will hear the
word with a glow of interest, and find, in their own hearts, its true
and ready definition. Is there no exile beyond the limits of our
land?—no spirit which sighs for the scenes of childhood?—where the light
of Heaven was first beheld, and the impression of thought first
created?—where friendship first warmed, and love etherialized, and
patriotism fired? Oh! if prayer is heard on High, it must be the exile’s
prayer.
The tears of patriotism need no apology. The name of New-Hampshire is
identified with that of freedom. Her mountains were never intended for
slavery; and tyrants, I know, could not exist in the presence of her
people. Were she just to herself, she would always excite fear in her
enemies and admiration in her friends. Her institutions are dictated by
the spirit of self-government, and her will is the supreme law of the
land. Her citizens are hardy, intelligent and virtuous; her climate is
salubrious and her soil fertile; her hills are covered with cattle, and
her vallies wave with grain. Industry, economy, and mechanical genius
are conspicuous characteristics of her people; and a thousand streams,
intersecting the whole country, tender to the manufacturing interest
their powerful agencies. In point of hospitality too she {13} is second
to none; and the virtue, benevolence, and beauty of her daughters are,
at once, the inspiration and the reward of valour.
Within a few years I have visited nearly all the states and territories
of United America. I have noticed their respective moral and physical
character, and have viewed them in relation to the ordinary causes of
the rise and fall of nations. Should the freedom of this country ever
perish, one of her last intrenchments will be in the mountains of
New-Hampshire. Her citizens, however, must, by adhering to her
constitution, and by proper systems of education, preserve in their
minds a knowledge of the first principles of civil liberty, a due sense
of the importance of morality, and a lively interest in the transactions
of the Revolution. The whole history of that great event should, with
us, constitute an indispensable part of education. But in speaking much
of its battles, we must think more of its principles. The latter were so
perfectly correct; and the manner of acting upon them was so candid, so
humane, so firm, so steady, and so persevering, that no political event,
since the creation of man, merits half so much admiration as the
achievement of our independence.
Before leaving New-Hampshire I may say a word respecting Connecticut
river. It is one of the most pleasant and useful rivers in the world. It
generally preserves a distance of from eighty to one hundred miles from
the ocean, and meanders through a very fertile country to the distance
of more than three hundred miles. It waters New-Hampshire, Vermont,
Massachusetts, and Connecticut, and at length passes into Long-Island
Sound.
I am now in Vermont.[45] This is a noble state, and may well be termed
the peculiar sister of New-Hampshire. The same mountainous and fertile
{14} country; the same moral and physical energies characterize them
both. Should their liberties ever be assailed, they will sympathetically
unite their efforts, and triumph or fall together. In both of these
states I met with Revolutionary men, and they were still the champions
of liberty. The tranquil charms of rural avocations had preserved the
purity and peace of their bosoms; whilst the grandeur of their
mountains, and the rudeness of their storms had continually reminded
them of the blasts of tyranny, and of the unconquerable spirit of
freedom.
In both of these states I experienced unlimited hospitality and
kindness. Money could not have purchased so rich a boon. Amidst their
lofty hills, covered with deep snows and assailed by piercing winds, I
found the humble cottager; and in the benevolence of his aspect, and the
hospitality of his board, I seemed to hear the chorus in Gustavus
Vasa:—[46]
“Stranger, cease through storms to roam;
Welcome to the cotter’s home;
Though no courtly pomp be here,
Yet, my welcome is sincere.”
In some parts of these states one may travel many miles without meeting
a habitation; and during deep snows and severe weather there is no
little danger of perishing.
In passing the Green Mountains, I experienced a very narrow escape. The
weather was remarkably severe, and scarcely any one thought travelling
practicable. The wind being high the snow was whirled in every
direction, and the road was trackless. About 4 o’clock in the afternoon
I passed a house, and, imprudently, omitted to inquire as to the
distance to the next dwelling. Fortunately, {15} however, I met, after
travelling three miles, an express from a neighbouring village; and he
informed me that the next habitation was at the distance of two miles.
To this circumstance I owe, probably, the preservation of my life.
About dark I arose a steep hill, and found myself in an open and
uncovered situation. The weather was intensely cold, and the wind very
high. I realized that owing to the depth of the snow, the consequent
difficulty of obtaining fuel, and the probable chill which I should
experience after ceasing to travel, that the wood, from which I had just
emerged, could not afford me sufficient shelter. I should, however, have
resorted to its partial protection in preference to exposing myself to
an unsheltered opening, had I not fully presumed, from the information
above noticed, that a habitation was near. There was not a moment for
indecision. I marked a central course, redoubled my efforts, and in a
half hour reached a comfortable hut. Here, upon taking off my cap, I
found my ears frozen to an almost incredible degree.
It is high time for me to acknowledge some obligations, which have a
particular claim to my gratitude, not only as it respects these stages
of my tour, but throughout the whole of that part of it which was
enlivened by civilization.
Benevolence and kindness are peculiar characteristics of the female
heart. The mildness of her nature comports with the delicacy of her
appearance; and well may Charity always be represented in feminine
apparel. During my tour, the hospitality of the husband was always more
than seconded by that of the wife and daughter.
Such are my respect for, and admiration of the female character; so high
an opinion do I entertain both of her understanding and heart; and so
narrow {16} are the views of many, even in this enlightened age, in
relation to these particulars, that I may be permitted, in this little
work, to become her advocate. A thousand arguments in her behalf
challenge my attention; but I must not transgress the proper limits of
incidental remark.
The influence of woman, in civilized life, has not yet reached its acme.
The effects of her ancient condition are not entirely removed.
Hereditary ignorance and oppression still partially obstruct her
intellectual progress. She has, in times past, not only had to contend
with an almost entire seclusion from the world, where alone theoretical
and practical knowledge are blended for the improvement of the human
mind, but the other sex, unconscious of moral force and influenced only
by a sense of physical strength, have, in various parts of the globe,
treated her as an inferior. Oh, wretched pride!—oh, disgraceful
ignorance!—oh, vulgar barbarity!—the Dove of Paphos is oppressed by the
Egyptian Vulture.
Even in Greece and Rome the state of woman, to speak generally, was
degrading. She was suffered to share but little in the general
intercourse of life; and Metellus Numidicus, in an oration to the people
of Rome, speaks of her with contempt. Yet some exultingly inquire,—where
are your female philosophers and poets of antiquity?
Greece and Rome were the principal theatres of ancient literature. Had
the men of those times and countries been treated as the females were,
we should have looked in vain for those galaxys of genius and erudition,
which are the constant theme of the modern world. Had this been the case
the Peripatetic Philosopher would not have written, the Mantuan Bard
would not have sung. Yet, even here, Corinna was the instructress of
Pindar, and in competition {17} with him obtained the prize. Mamaea too
was so distinguished for wisdom, that the worthy and renowned Ulpian
thought it an honor to be appointed one of her counsellors. Other cases
might be introduced; but this topic is leading me too far from my main
subject. One example more, however, shall be mentioned. The mighty
genius of Zenobia rose above the indolence incident to the climate and
manners of Asia. Her administration was guided by the most judicious
maxims. She was too a linguist and historian, and expatiated upon the
beauties of Homer and Plato, with the learned and eloquent Longinus.
Perhaps I may venture a little further. The peculiar sphere of the
understanding is mathematics; and because there have not been great
mathematicians among the female sex, she, to be sure, is to be deprived
of her proper station in the department of intelligence.
Would men have been mathematicians if their education had been like that
of woman? Surely not. Why then should woman, whose sphere is foreign to
this pursuit, be represented as incapable of successfully engaging in
it? Besides, many men of the first genius, and of the most vigorous
intellect, have entertained an aversion to mathematics amounting to an
incapacity to attend to them with success. The learned Gibbon declares
that he entirely lost those seasons in which he was obliged to prosecute
this branch of study; and Gray, in his time the first scholar in Europe,
asserts that if mathematics would insure him wealth and fame, he would
relinquish its advantages for the charms of general literature.
There is a diversity of taste among mankind; and the same privilege of
enjoying it without censure should be granted to both sexes. The great
mathematician Archimedes had but little inclination {18} for any other
branch of learning than geometry; and Gray could not endure metaphysics.
There is also a diversity of talents among both sexes. The logical,
learned, and eloquent Cicero failed in his attempts in poetry. How
unreasonable would it be to consider him inferior to our great female
poets on this account! and, of course, how unfair to deny strength of
intellect to woman, because she is not conspicuous for her knowledge of
mathematics!
A sense of propriety, relative to this digression, constrains me to
conclude. In what respect, I ask, is woman inferior to the other sex?
Heroism is a test of intellectual vigour; and woman has evinced
superlative bravery, by a sudden transition from the gentle avocations
of domestic life to the battle’s rage. An enlightened fortitude also
argues strength of intellect. Here let men admire what they can never
imitate: how much physical suffering, and how much anguish of spirit are
peculiar to the female character! yet, resignation and hope are the
cherub companions of her tribulation.
Modern times are throwing wonderful light upon this subject; and are
developing those astonishing combinations of female sentiment and
genius, which in past ages scintillated through the gloom of barbarism.
A splendid list of names illustrative of this position might be here
introduced; but the whole list would be too long, and a selection would
be difficult. Sentiment is emphatically the highest sphere of genius;
and it is the sphere where the heart becomes the great magician of
intellectual life. Men are indebted to woman for what they possess of
this principle; and until she made them acquainted with it they were
barbarians.
Wherever I stopped, in my course through the settled parts of the
country, I was much pleased {19} with the interest which my appearance
excited in little children. There was a conflict exhibited in their
countenances between the fears implanted by domestic education, and the
native fondness of man for the hunter state. By my assuming, however,
the aspect and the smile of civilization, they would come to my arms of
fur, and listen attentively to the simple stories of the chase.
Afterwards, they would reward my kindness to them by more solid
attentions to my dogs.
In travelling from Connecticut River to Bennington, I passed through a
part of Marlborough, Wilmington, Reedsbury, Stanford, and Woodford.
Whilst in the latter place the weather was severe beyond a parallel.
When, however, in Brattleborough, which lies immediately upon the river,
the weather was much more moderate.
Whilst upon the Green Mountains my thoughts were particularly directed
to the days of the Revolution, when, in the language of a British Chief,
the sons of New-Hampshire and Vermont hung like a cloud upon his left.
Here too I remembered that thunderbolt of war, the veteran Stark, in
whose heart dwelt the very genius of his country, and who discomfited
her enemies by the strength of his native hills.
On these mountains my attention was attracted by the appearance of a
thick fall of snow during a clear sunshine. This appearance is not
common here; and proceeds, I presume, from the little influence which
the sun produces upon the state of the atmosphere in this situation. On
the west side of these mountains the snow was not so deep as on the east
side; and I apprehend that this is usually the case.
Within about two miles beyond this lofty ridge, Bennington is
situated.[47] This town presents an ancient {20} aspect, and appears
unflourishing; it is situated, however, upon a fertile tract of country,
and contains several handsome buildings. The number of its houses is
perhaps two hundred. Mount Anthony, in the south part of the town, makes
a pleasant appearance; and the town itself is rendered interesting by
the two famous battles, fought a little west of it, on the 16th of
August, 1777. In these battles the celebrated General Stark acquired
imperishable fame. Owing to the severity of the weather I did not visit
the noted cave of Mount Anthony.
From Bennington I proceeded through Hoosuck, Pittstown, Troy, and
Albany. From the former to the latter place, the distance is about
thirty-five miles.
In passing through Pittstown the weather was still severe; and night
having overtaken me before I could reach a public house, I was under the
necessity of lodging in a log hut. The family were very poor; but the
wealth of Kings could not purchase their virtues. As is the case with
many other honest people, they had experienced a series of misfortunes
which ultimately reduced them to penury. Two years before the period of
my seeing them, their mills, the principal part of their property, had
been carried away by a freshet; and a year after this event, their
dwelling was consumed, with all its contents. Yet these good people were
cheerful, and their poverty sat gracefully upon them. They were unable
to furnish me with a bed, a comfort with which I had learned to
dispense, but very readily shared with me their last loaf. For their
services they charged nothing; and it was with difficulty that I
persuaded them to take compensation.
The blessings of poverty are neither few nor small. It attaches an
extraordinary interest to the most common acquisitions; and, when there
is little {21} or no apprehension of want, it furnishes a constant
source of pleasing anticipation. Under such circumstances, parents and
children experience their happiest moments. Mutual love, and mutual
gratulation, here heighten and sanctify every expression of the care and
bounty of Providence.—There is something in virtuous poverty, which
speaks of treasures laid up in Heaven.
In entering Troy I left Lansingburgh on my right. The former place is
exceedingly compact and flourishing, and extends between one and two
miles on the east bank of the Hudson. On the other side of the river, at
the distance of six miles, Albany is situated.
This city, in relation to the state, ranks next to that of New-York; but
its appearance is far from being elegant. The streets are generally
narrow and crooked; and its numerous buildings in the Gothic style give
to it an ancient and unpolished aspect. It is, evidently, however, a
place of great trade; and must, in the nature of things, rapidly
increase in wealth and population. The back country is extensive and
fertile; and the public spirit of the state of New-York is affording
every facility to the inland transportation of its produce.
The variety of people in Albany is great. The Dutch here still make a
considerable figure; but the Americans are more numerous. This place has
received many names. Its scite was originally called Aurania; and the
town itself was afterwards named Beverwych, Fort Orange, Williamstadt,
and, upon its capitulation to the English in 1664, it received its
present appellation. This city, next to Jamestown, in Virginia, is the
oldest in the United States.
This place contains many large public buildings, among which is the
city-hall, hospital, armoury, {22} &c. There are here also some elegant
dwelling houses; but I should not suppose the city, from its appearance,
the residence of much taste or erudition. It contains, however, what
some may consider an equivalent:—many families of wealth and fashion.
The population of the place is about twelve thousand.
After leaving Albany I shaped my course for Niagara Falls by the way of
Cherry Valley. From the city there are two roads; the left hand one
leading to the last mentioned place, and the right hand one to
Schenectady. The great Western Turnpike extends from Schenectady, lying
on the south bank of the Mohawk, and sixteen miles from Albany, to
Buffalo, a distance of about three hundred miles. The two roads above
mentioned intersect about one hundred and twenty miles from Albany.[48]
Upon both of them are many flourishing villages; and the produce which
is conveyed from the interior to Albany, Troy, and other places in the
state, is immense.
The state of New-York is very conspicuous for her public spirit. She is
affording every facility, within the grasp of her mighty genius and
resources, to her inland commerce. In arts, and arms, and internal
improvement, she is already a Rome in miniature; and her grand Canal
will vie with those of China and the Russian Empire.
In travelling over a part of the great western turnpike; and in
collecting information as to the settlements and business both here and
on the Mohawk, I was led to make some statistical calculations, the
general result of which, together with some additional reflections, I
transcribe from my journal.
The state of New-York is, of itself, a mighty republic. Her moral and
physical energies; her agriculture, {23} manufactures, and commerce; and
her individual enterprise and public spirit, render her omnipotent. She
could contend alone and unassisted with Great-Britain. What then is the
aggregate force of all our states and territories? The contemplation of
their potential, and even probable physical power, within a short
succession of years, presents such a manifold ratio as to overwhelm the
boldest calculator.
But the moral energies of the country will, no doubt, become
proportionably less. The friends of political virtue, however, must not
be discouraged. The moral hero can do much towards stemming the torrent
of political corruption. Besides, the vast surface over which the
elements of this corruption will spread themselves, will render it, for
a long course of time, comparatively harmless; and beyond this period,
the influence of some Heavenly star may give to ambition and the love of
power a purer spirit and a nobler aim.
In relation to this topic, the prevailing spirit of emigration, from the
maritime to the inland frontier, will have a very beneficial influence.
In a public point of view, great and permanent advantages will arise
from the settlement of our western states and territories. But
individuals from the east are not always benefitted by a removal. The
principal advantages arising from such a step, are the profits on the
purchase of new lands, and better crops obtained with less labour. The
disadvantages are numerous. Those who can, by their industry, live well
at home, will act wisely in remaining where they are. By a removal they
lose a climate to which they are accustomed, good society, an
opportunity to educate their children, and scenes to which their hearts
will often fondly turn—The sons of New-Hampshire never forget her
mountains!
{24} I shall speak more fully upon the subject of emigration in another
place.
I may here introduce some facts relative to the grand canal in the State
of New-York.[49] The object of this great undertaking is to facilitate
the inland commerce of the State, by uniting the waters of Lake Erie
with those of the Hudson. The former are much higher than the latter;
but still the labour and expence necessary to complete the undertaking,
will prove to be immense. To the State of New-York, however, such a work
scarcely requires an effort. Her almost inexhaustible resources,
directed by the genius and energy of her Clinton, could accomplish a
hundred times as much. The Canal passes in the direction of Genessee
river, and Seneca and Cayuga lakes; and will turn much of the trade of
the west from Montreal to the city of New-York.
Soon after leaving Albany I met with Colonel P. formerly an officer
under General Wayne, during his famous expedition against the
indians.[50] From this gentleman I obtained many interesting facts; and
spent a pleasant evening in conversing with him upon the subject of
expatriation. This subject involves an abstract question of principle;
and should be settled by the United States without the least reference
to the opinion of civilians, or the practice of other nations. It is
humiliating to see with what reverence we turn in relation to this
subject, to the opinion of Blackstone, and to the contradictory
positions of the British Government. The United States is the place,
above all others, for correct opinions, upon questions involved in the
great science of morals, as far as it respects the natural rights of
individuals, the necessary modification of those rights in civil
society, and the rights of nations as collective moral agents. Europe
ever has been, {25} and still is a school of wrong; and those who are
instructed by her participate in the sophistry of her reasoning, the
tyranny of her views, and the inconsistency of her practice. The
question of expatriation, is a question involving individual right, for
the defence of which the aggregate strength of the whole community is
guaranteed. This question, in the United States, arises from the claims
of other nations to those of their subjects, who have left the territory
to which they belonged without violating any municipal law upon the
subject. The United States should protect all within her jurisdiction,
whether upon her territory or under her flag, unless some municipal
regulation of the adverse party in the question, shall have rendered the
individual concerned incapable of acquiring the right to protection from
the defending power. These principles should be adhered to for three
reasons: the United States have a right to do so; they are bound by the
civil compact, which renders protection and obedience inseparable, to do
so; and it is their duty as a collective moral being to guard any
individual, not under the jurisdiction of another sovereignty, from
arbitrary power.
Such a course is dictated by the eternal and omnipotent principles of
justice; and therefore no law of nations, which is a rule created or
supposed by man, can resist them. Even that law which civilians call the
voluntary law of nations, cannot, in relation to this subject, exonerate
a government from those obligations which result from the social
compact; because the question is grounded in the very germ of civil
society; and the welfare of the whole community of nations, so far from
requiring in this case an adherence to this law, renders it, upon its
own principles, entirely inoperative.
{26} The internal law of nations does not militate with the above
principles, because it requires only what is fair and conscientious. The
customary law of nations must yield to those older and better rules
which are dictated by justice. And as to the conventional law of
nations, it rests upon the terms of contracts in subordination to
previously existing and indispensable duties.
On the 12th of February I passed through Guelderland, Princeton,
Schoharie, and Carlisle; and on the following day through Sharon, Cherry
Valley, and Warren.[51] Schoharie is one of the wealthiest inland
farming towns in the state of N. York.
The weather still continued remarkably severe; but my dress was so
comfortable, that I had no occasion for a fire.
During my whole tour through the settled parts of the country, I found a
constant source of amusement in the curiosity and variety of
observation, which my appearance excited. I must, however, confess that
I often wished myself less conspicuous.
It is in the moment of surprise that the human character most fully
developes itself; and in travelling, during the constant operation of
this cause, one may acquire much knowledge of the almost infinite
variety of disposition which exists among mankind. I met, in my course,
with every shade of character, from the man of reading to the totally
ignorant; and from the real gentleman to the rude and vulgar.
It may amuse a portion of my readers to know some of the various
impressions which were made by my appearance, and the receptions which I
experienced.
People seldom knew from whence I came, or what was my place of
destination; and surprise and speculation were universal. Speculation
was as various {27} as the dispositions and capacities of
individuals.—Some honoured me with the idea that I was Bonaparte in
disguise; and some secretly suggested that I was a Wizard:—
“Who prowl’d the country far and near,
Bewitch’d the children of the peasants,
Dry’d up the cows, and lam’d the deer,
And suck’d the eggs, and kill’d the pheasants.”
Some too, imagined me an Icelander; and some a British Spy. A few
treated me with rudeness, many in a very gentlemanly manner, and some,
not knowing what to make of my appearance, conferred upon me the title
of General, and invited me to drink with them.
With respect to the first class, I made a point of taking no notice of
them, when I could with propriety avoid it; but when I could not, I
always made an example of them upon the spot. Such men seldom possess
even animal courage; and there are very few, even of their associates,
who are not pleased to see them punished.
I may here observe, that I was impressed by the general ignorance, with
respect to the manners and customs of other nations, which appeared to
exist in the civilized places through which I passed; and especially in
and about Albany.
It is well known, that in Russia and many other countries in the north
of Europe, people generally dress, more or less, in furs; and there are
some instances of such a practice, even in the Canadas.—These facts,
connected with the severity of the weather which prevailed during the
early stages of my tour, might, one would think, have rendered a suit of
fur a less general object of surprise. Severe as our winters are, I
think a garment or two of Buffalo or some other warm skin, to be worn
occasionally, {28} would, to say nothing of comfort, save many a man
from rheumatism, and even from being frozen to death. It is only a year
or two, since the stage driver from Albany to Bennington, froze and fell
from his seat. The passengers were not apprized of the event, until the
horses had proceeded several miles. The power of frost upon human life
is astonishing. In an unsuspecting moment the blood chills in the veins
and ceases to move. The memorable winter of 1709 saw two thousand men,
under the celebrated Charles the XIIth, fall dead with cold in one day.
Many other similar instances might be mentioned. As to Charles, however,
he had, by habit, rendered himself almost superhuman. His person was as
invulnerable to the frosts of Denieper, as was his mind to the
misfortunes which finally made him a prisoner at Bender.[52]
On the evening of the 14th of February I had passed Otsego, Richfield,
&c. and arrived at Plainfield. The towns between Albany and the last
mentioned place are generally inconsiderable, and offer no interesting
materials. They are, however, flourishing villages. During the whole of
the 14th instant it snowed, and the travelling was very heavy. The
general aspect of this part of the country is rather level than
otherwise; there are here, however, many high and long hills. I had not
yet ceased to be vulnerable to fatigue; but hardships had, in a measure,
become familiar to me. I do not pretend that I did not sometimes stand
in need of resolution; but men have only to move on, and difficulties
become less. It is in looking ahead at the aggregate obstacles which
present themselves in an undertaking, and in embodying them, as it were,
in the space of a moment, that one’s mind is appalled. By meeting these
obstacles in detail, we easily overcome {29} them; and then look back
astonished at our apprehensions.
The Dutch mode of building, both with respect to their houses and barns,
is visible in every part of the state of New-York; but American manners
and customs are here absorbing all others.
The interior of this state, like that of New-Hampshire and Vermont,
presents many small and ill contrived log huts; and those who have been
unaccustomed to seeing such, would be surprised to find how comfortably
people may live in them. These huts are sometimes without a floor, and
have wooden chimnies. Men who are acquainted only with polished life,
would tremble at the idea of spending their days in one of these
buildings; yet, they are generally the abode of virtue, health and
happiness.
On the 15th and 16th of February I passed through Eaton, Nelson,
Casnove, Pompey and Manlius. The weather was very severe, the snow deep,
and continually blowing. At Pompey I was so beset by ignorant
impertinence and loquacious curiosity, that I found it necessary to
harrangue the multitude. Having laid down for them some salutary rules
upon the subject of manners, and taking their silence for an apology, I
proceeded to Manlius.
Even in this part of the country, bears, wolves, and deer are numerous.
During the preceding fall the depredations of the two former were very
great; and the bounty offered for wolves, by some of the counties in the
state, was ninety dollars.
During the 17th the weather was still severe and the wind high. I passed
Onondago[53] and Marcellus. Throughout these townships there are high
and low hills. Owing to them, and to the depth of snow, my fatigue was
great. My health also had suffered by many days and nights of severe
tooth-ache. In {30} passing through these and many other places, I
experienced attentions from people of consideration; and was frequently
introduced to their families.
Onondago was formerly the chief town of the Six Nations; and lies on the
south of the lake of that name. This lake is sometimes called salt lake;
and the springs near its shores produce immense quantities of salt. The
Onondago Indians reside near this lake; but their numbers are
diminishing.
During the 18th, 19th and 20th of February I travelled through Brutus,
Aurelius, Auburn, Cayuga, Junius, and Waterloo.[54] The weather in this
part of the country had been for several days, and still was colder than
had been before known there. The snow likewise was remarkably deep.
Cayuga Lake is about forty miles in length, and from two to four miles
broad. The famous bridge across it is more than one mile in length. On
the banks of this lake the Cayuga Indians reside.
The Six Nations of Indians above mentioned are the Mohawks, Oneidas,
Onondagoes, Senecas, Cayugas and Tuscaroras. The Stockbridge and
Brotherton Indians now live with the united tribes.[55] Notwithstanding
these, and many other tribes are still in possession of vast tracts of
land, and receive annually considerable sums from the United States, and
also from individual states, they are occasionally emigrating to the
wildernesses of Canada. Still wild and untameable, the surrounding
aspect of civilization alarms them; and they silence the suggestions of
jealousy by removing to pathless and illimitable forests.
Many of the villages on the Western Turnpike have made their appearance
within a very few years; and the vast resources of the interior of the
state of New-York are daily developing.
{31} During this part of my tour a little incident occurred, which
resulted so pleasantly, and so fully evinced the policy as well as
propriety of a certain course of conduct, that I am induced to mention
it. In one of the last named towns, I was, whilst at a public house,
furiously assailed by words and threats, by a man, who evidently had
been of considerable consideration in society, but who had become a sot,
and was at this time much intoxicated. As he was not in a situation to
defend himself, there could have been no display of true courage in
punishing him; and besides, he was already an object of pity. To his
imbecile fury, therefore, I presented only a steady eye. He drew back.
In a few minutes, however, he made another assault; and again yielded to
a firm and silent aspect. A few hours after I met him in another place.
His inebriety had, in a great measure, left him; he was very sorry for
his conduct, and expressed towards me much good will.
I have observed, that I was seldom known; and as I appeared to be a
person travelling in disguise, some pains were taken to ascertain who I
was. The suggestions respecting me were very numerous; and a great many
bets were made, and many expedients resorted to in relation to my
origin, destination, and business. Some imagined me to be upon a secret
expedition for the government. My manners seldom comporting with my mode
of living, the multitude were at a loss to know to what class in society
I belonged. They heard me converse like other people; but seldom saw me
eat or drink, and were surprised to view me sleeping with my dogs upon
the bare floor.
In my course through the upper part of the state of New-York, I spent
many a pleasant evening, surrounded by a great variety of character, and
seated {32} by a huge western fire. During these seasons some political
question would often arise, and it was interesting to witness the
debates. Upon one occasion a serious legal question, long agitated in
the neighbourhood, was introduced; and being a limb of the law, I
involuntarily made an observation upon it. Bets soon began to run high,
and the Pedestrian was appointed umpire.
It is unpleasant for one to speak of himself.—Many anecdotes, which
would be interesting to my friends, must be omitted.
In the course of a few days after leaving Waterloo, I passed through
many towns, the principal of which are Romulus, Ovid, Hector, Ulysses,
and Geneva; also Canandaigua, the two Bloomfields and Lima; and in
addition to these Avon, Caledonia and Batavia.[56] Some of these towns,
especially the two Bloomfields and Lima, constitute a remarkably
handsome and rich tract of country.
Canandaigua is situated at the north of the lake of this name; and many
of the buildings of this place are large and elegant. The lake is about
eighteen or twenty miles long, and two or three miles broad.
But it would have been in order first to speak of Seneca lake, which
lies east of lake Canandaigua. Seneca lake is about thirty-five miles
long, and about two miles wide. The numerous lakes in the interior of
the state of New-York, are admirably calculated to promote her inland
commerce. Whilst they furnish by their numbers, and their positions the
means of connecting her resources, and promoting the trade and
intercourse of her people, they are not so large as to occupy an
unnecessary portion of her territory. Every thing, in relation to
New-York, is conspiring to render her a wonderfully powerful State.
{33} Whilst in Canandaigua the court was sitting; and owing to some
novel proceedings there, one or two thousand people were assembled.
After pressing through the crowd, and obtaining some information
respecting my course, I proceeded on my way.
Not long after I formed a particular acquaintance with Doctor S. He
introduced me to his family, and entertained me in a very hospitable and
friendly manner. The Doctor, being no less fond of an innocent joke than
he was conspicuous for his good sense and benevolence, proposed in the
course of the evening, his introducing me to a shrewd old neighbour of
his, as a relation who lived on some far distant mountain, and who had
been long absent. I readily assented to the proposition, and we both
agreed upon the parts which we were to act. Owing, however, to an
unnatural performance on my part, or to some other cause, the neighbour
detected the deception. But the assay resulted in considerable
amusement; and after drinking to the health of each other, the Doctor
and myself left the old gentleman to exult in his penetration.
At 3 o’clock the next morning, I was awakened by the rich and lofty
notes of the bugle-horn, and entertained by several superb martial
songs. At daylight we sat down to a good breakfast; and immediately
after I resumed my march.
Amidst all these pleasant circumstances, my dogs had accidentally been
neglected; and seeing their master fare so well, they at length took the
liberty to help themselves. The larder of Mrs. S. being open, they
espied there a large pan of baked pork and beans; and without
ceremony,—or knife and fork divided the former between them; leaving the
beans for those who were less carnivorous. After this broad hint on
their part, the lady of the house fed them to their heart’s content.
{34} During my tour, thus far, I formed many valuable acquaintances.
Here I may remark that from Albany to the remote interior of New-York,
there is, generally speaking, but little hospitality; and the love of
money there displays itself in the high prices which are charged for
provisions. Immense profits are realized by the retailer at the expense
of the traveller. I have always noticed in my travels, that the newer a
settlement is, the more prevalent is hospitality. This great virtue is
much more conspicuous among the poor, than among those who possess more
than a competency. Here avarice begins its reign; and every virtue is
blasted by its poisonous influence.
In this part of the country, and in many other places I often found it
convenient to stop at the log huts of poor emigrants. From the inmates
of these huts I always experienced a kind and generous welcome; and in
almost every case I ascertained that they were from New-Hampshire or
Vermont.—They would generally refuse to take any compensation for their
services; and were so afraid of violating the sacred principles of
hospitality, that I could only leave my money upon their table, or cast
it as a play thing to their children. Oh! how many tutelary angels
shield the cot of the poor and virtuous man, whilst the splendid
habitations of the rich and dissipated, receive only the averted eye of
offended Heaven.
I have omitted to mention, that whilst in Albany I was informed that
robberies had been frequently committed on the Western Turnpike. This
information appeared peculiarly important, on account of the frequent
suggestions of people that I probably had with me a large sum of money.
Besides, war, which always produces a greater or less number of
abandoned and desperate characters, having {35} recently ceased, and
there being many dark and solitary tracts of wood on the turnpike, I
thought there was much cause for apprehension. I had, however,
previously concealed my money in different parts of my cloaths, and was
careful to keep my arms in a state of preparation. Fortunately I met
with no attack. The appearance of my arms, and the apparent fierceness
of my dogs, were, probably, preventatives.
I was frequently told too, that owing to my mode of dress, there would
be much danger of my being shot by the hunters in passing through the
bushes. Many accidents, sanctioning the idea, had from time to time
occurred. A hunter, not long before, had killed a deer, and throwing it
upon his shoulder was proceeding home. Another hunter, having an obscure
view of the deer through the bushes, fired and killed the man. I did
not, however, experience any injury from this quarter.
Such was the depth of snow and such the severity of the weather during
the first month of my tour, that no game was to be found in the woods
excepting a few squirrels; and those only during a momentary sunshine.
Numerous as had been the beasts of prey throughout the preceding fall,
they seemed now to be waiting in their dens for the storms to be
overpassed. All nature appeared to be congealed; and the tyrant winter
presented an unrelenting aspect.
In the remote parts of the State of New-York provisions were scarce.
There are so many emigrants travelling and settling in that quarter
during winter, that want is frequently the consequence.—The emigrants,
who settle during that season of the year, must be fed, for many months,
from the common stock of provisions, before they can, by their labour,
add to it. Some of them have money, but {36} money will not save them
from want. Here we see the importance of the agricultural interest, and,
generally, of the productive power of labour. Agriculture and domestic
manufactures will render a people perfectly independent. Money is of no
real consequence excepting when employed as a circulating medium; fancy
however has cherished for it an irrational partiality. Thank Heaven! we
have no considerable mines of silver and gold to corrupt our country;
but plenty of iron to plough her fields and to defend her liberties.
Agriculture is the most natural, necessary, and honourable employment of
man. Ignorant pride and vain folly may represent it as derogatory; but
in so doing they show how very far they are from true greatness.
Agriculture furnishes for vigorous constitutions the most salutary
exercise; and here the brightest geniuses may find ample employment.—An
unlimited field for experiment in many branches of natural philosophy is
here presented, and there is no sphere in life so well calculated as
this to promote individual virtue and public advantage.
Here man is engaged in the peculiar work assigned him by his Creator,
and many interesting reflections naturally result from it. The field
which he cultivates is his parent earth. According to the righteous
appointment of Heaven, he must here obtain his bread by the sweat of his
brow, until he returns to the dust. The employment naturally directs his
thoughts to his origin and destinies; and impresses his mind with a
sense of his mortality, dependence, and accountability to God. Here too
he reflects, with peculiar advantage, upon the gracious plan of
Redemption. The return of spring joyfully reminds him of the
Resurrection; and in the perishing grain which he has sown, he
recognizes St. Paul’s similitude of this great event.
{37} The further a man’s employment is from rural scenes and avocations,
the further he is from the original dignity and simplicity of his
nature. Here may be acquired the greatest comparative degree of physical
and mental vigour, the noblest virtues, the truest piety, the most
sincere and ardent patriotism, the loftiest independence of character,
and all the pleasures which flow from the sprightliness of the
imagination and the susceptibility of the heart.
The great and good of every age have spoken in behalf of agriculture;
and the Egyptians ascribed the discovery of it to their gods. The
worthies of Greece and Rome were well acquainted with the plough; and
Cincinnatus left his team, vanquished the Æqui and Volsci, who were
besieging the Roman army, and then returned to his beloved employment.
Our Washington too, charmed his pure and noble spirit with the rural
occupations of his endeared Vernon; and the Emperor of China attends,
every spring, to the ceremony of opening the ground, by holding the
plough himself.
In my course to Niagara Falls I passed Genesee river. This river rises
in Pennsylvania, and enters Lake Ontario about eighty miles east of
Niagara river. It contains several falls, from fifty to one hundred feet
in height, and offers many fine seats for mills. This river, and those
which are connected with it are generally sluggish in their motion.
The tract of country lying upon the Genessee is rich, and well watered.
The celebrated Genessee Flats are situated on the borders of the river,
and is about twenty miles by four.
The Holland Purchase is a part of the Genessee Country.[57]
Although I have not yet surveyed the whole field of domestic emigration,
I may, with propriety, introduce in this place some ideas which I {38}
have heretofore entertained upon the subject; these ideas having been
fully sanctioned by the experience of my whole tour. The subject should
be examined both in a national and individual point of view.
Supposing, for a moment, that my reflections upon this topic may produce
some effect upon the feelings and opinions of those who are disposed to
emigrate, there is little or no danger of lessening the interests of the
nation, in relation to it, by checking too much the existing locomotive
disposition of the people.
Dear as home is to man, he is, in his best estate, a wanderer. An alien
from the purity and peace of Heaven, he will sigh for other scenes until
his highest hopes eventuate in a habitation there.
Upon this general disposition of mankind to change their views of
happiness and their place of residence, the people of the United States
have engrafted an unusual degree of enterprise. This enterprise has at
once enriched and ennobled their country. Naturally fond of agriculture,
and fully sensible of its consequence, both in a public and private
point of view, our citizens have combined, in relation to this subject,
the powerful influences of inclination, interest, and patriotism. But
the impulse to emigration under these circumstances may have been too
great. When a spring naturally overflows, the superabundance of its
water may well be spared to fertilize the adjacent country; but when
some extraordinary influence produces an ebullition in the spring, it
may, in consequence of this cause, exhaust its own resources and
ultimately become dry.
Extraordinary causes, in relation to those subjects which concern the
growth of a nation, should always be watched and sometimes checked.
Under ordinary circumstances the natural operation of cause and effect
will keep every thing within its proper {39} sphere,—will direct every
thing to its proper level.
With respect to emigrations from our seaboard to the inland states and
territories, there is danger of the strength of the nation being, for a
time, lessened. The physical force of a country should always be kept
compact. By dividing its powers its energies will be weakened.
Such, with us, has been the impetus of the spirit of emigration, that
the influence of example and habit, in relation to it, will continue to
operate for some time to come. Indeed such is the fascinating nature of
the subject, that it will always be more or less popular; and as to the
habit of moving from place to place, it is, in some, so completely
fixed, that after they have passed through every part of the land of
promise, they will, for the sake of one more change, return to the
seaboard again. In a national point of view I am far from wishing to
discourage domestic emigration; and I am far too from thinking that it
does not frequently result in individual advantage.
It is essential to the preservation of our free and economical
institutions, that the seaboard should from time to time transplant a
part of its population to the interior. The existence of liberty in a
state ultimately depends, in no small degree, upon rural avocations, and
upon a particular climate and scenery. In some of our western states and
territories liberty will exist for a great length of time. Transplanted
from the seaboard, their citizens will acquire a new moral force, and
that force will be cherished by the local peculiarities of their
situation. These states will produce a happy balance between the
agricultural and commercial interests, and prove at once the check and
the political salvation of the maratime states.
{40} In proportion to the population of our maratime cities will be
their luxury, dissipation, and indifference to simple and rational modes
of government. No doubt the interests of commerce ought to be cherished;
not, however, so much because they are essential to our independence and
happiness, as because they encourage industry at home by furnishing a
foreign market for surplus produce. The other advantages of foreign
trade, both literary and commercial, are not inconsiderable; and they
ought to be appreciated:—but not without a due reference to the
contaminating influences of foreign manners and customs. With respect to
manners and customs, other nations, in their intercourse with us, are,
no doubt, gainers; but we, I am satisfied, experience from them much
injury. It may be added, that a certain extent of population in our sea
ports is essential to that degree of commercial enterprise, which will
set afloat our surplus capital; and therefore we ought to view the
spirit of emigration in relation to this particular.
I may improve this opportunity to make a few additional reflections upon
foreign commerce. The advocates of this interest, under the pretence of
attaching to it a consequence only equal to that of agriculture, have
laboured to prove that the former is even paramount to the latter,—that
the country is almost exclusively a commercial nation. One of these
advocates, in a speech delivered in Congress in January 1814, advances
such a principle. Much as I admire the sublime complexion of his
intellect, and the enlightened majesty of his heart, I must say that his
position is altogether exceptionable.—He observes, in the above
mentioned speech, that the _principal_ motive for adopting the
constitution of the general government was the protection and extension
of commerce. So far from this being the {41} case, the great and
principal conditions and objects of our national compact, were
individual security and the advancement of the true interests of the
country. It must have been well known, that a state of things might
exist which would render an abandonment of foreign commerce absolutely
necessary to the preservation of our liberties,—to the protection of
individual right, and even the very existence of the nation.
But I go much further. Our commercial interests are of far less
consequence than those of agriculture. The former are not essential to
our independence and comfort. They do not even exist until agriculture
has so far advanced as to furnish more than sufficient provisions for
the support of the whole community; not only for those who labour in
agriculture, but also for labourers in manufactures and other mechanical
employments; for those who are engaged in domestic commerce; for those
who are engaged in promoting intellectual improvement; and lastly, for
those who, owing to infancy, old age, disease and other causes are
unable to work. When this state of things commences, and not before,
foreign commerce begins its career. Here the people inquire what they
shall do with their surplus produce, and being unable to find a market
for it at home, endeavour to find for it a foreign market. Hence arise
foreign commercial relations. As to the luxuries which foreign commerce
produces, our constitution certainly never made provision for their
introduction.
It remains for me to notice the subject of domestic emigration, in
relation to the individual advantage which may arise from it.
The views of mankind with respect to the sources of true happiness are,
generally speaking, very erroneous. This effect arises principally from
inconsideration. {42} We see enough in the Divine Word in the book of
nature, and in the suggestions of conscience to convince us, that our
relation to a future state of existence is of wonderful import. The
first questions which we should ask ourselves are:—what was the design
of our creation? and what duties does this design inculcate? As far as
is consistent with these great views, man may innocently consult his
inclinations. Indeed they were given for the twofold purpose of rational
gratification, and to furnish him with an opportunity, when their
indulgence would be irrational, to display his virtue by self controul.
The more strictly we conform to that purity of heart and holiness of
life which the gospel inculcates, the more exalted will be our nature,
the higher our standard of happiness, and the more perfect our
preparation for the society of Heaven.
The present life is, no doubt, a season of probation. Here we are to
form a character for a future and permanent state of existence.
Consistently with the endeavour duly to improve our intellectual, moral,
and religious nature, it is important for man to exert himself to obtain
a comfortable support. Generally speaking, however, this should be the
limit of his views. It is most consistent with the uncertain tenure of
human life, and most congenial to the growth of virtue and the
production of happiness. A wish to acquire a great estate can be
sanctioned only by an equal desire to employ it in effecting charitable
purposes, and in aiding institutions which have in view individual and
public advantage. The desire of great wealth for other purposes is
criminal. It is dictated by a spirit of luxury, by pride, by
extravagance, by a spirit of vain competition, or, what is worse than
all, by avarice. As for leaving great estates to children, no wise or
kind parent will ever do it. Industry will, generally speaking, produce
a {43} competency; and economy will, in time, convert that competency
into wealth.
But I must speak more directly to the point.—From motives of patriotism
one may emigrate from the east to the west, especially to a frontier
state or territory; and he will, perhaps, find in this removal great
individual profit. The circumstances of men are various. Emigrations are
sometimes advantageous and sometimes otherwise;—advantageous in point of
health and in point of property. Many, however, lose both instead of
gaining either by a removal. There are many erroneous views entertained
upon this subject: and it is, principally, because men are governed, in
relation to it, more by feelings than by ideas. The subject interests
the imagination; and pleasing anticipations upon a new topic, always
afford more satisfaction, than the actual possession of that which is as
valuable as the object itself, the future possession of which is
anticipated. Many persons by emigration have become rich; but does it
follow that they might not have become so at home? Many too by moving
from place to place have become poor. Had they been stationary they
might at least have secured to themselves a competency. There are almost
innumerable advantages and disadvantages in relation to this subject,
and the balance must be stricken according to the circumstances of each
individual. Those whose object is to acquire a good living by their
industry, and who can obtain this at home, will act unwisely in changing
their situation. They cannot more fully gratify their views by a
removal: and by such a step they abandon what is necessary and certain
for what is at once unnecessary and precarious. They might, perhaps,
obtain abroad, with less labour, what they now obtain at home; but they
are not aware how essential industry is to their happiness. {44} It
gives a zest to food, and sleep, and social intercourse; and also
furnishes substantial rest;—a luxury of which the idle are ignorant.
Some have been so imprudent as to abandon the home of their infancy,
where the comforts of life could have been obtained by a good degree of
industry. What were the consequences? perhaps wealth;—but it was
unnecessary;—perhaps poverty, disease and premature death. Some too,
even in advanced life, and after spending their time in clearing a tract
of land, so as to render it fertile and easy of cultivation, have
sacrificed a comfortable and pleasant old age for new perils and labours
in the western wilds.
The great complaint of the people of the east is, that their
agricultural labours are great and their crops small. This declaration
is, in some degree, correct; but its truth arises, principally, from our
cultivating too much land. And yet we are ready to make great sacrifices
for the purpose of obtaining vast tracts in the west. It is admitted
that the land of the west is, generally speaking, more fertile than
ours; but it does not follow that it will always be so, or that ours may
not be rendered sufficiently fertile. New land is always most
productive. It has been enriching itself for ages. But its fertility
will, upon being cultivated, become less. We see the truth of these
remarks in the cultivation of our own new lands. But I will not conceal
the fact, that the western lands are naturally more fertile than those
of the east. Some of the former are almost inexhaustibly rich; but
others of them will, in time, become poor; and then will not be so
easily rendered fertile as those of the east. The eastern land too is
stronger, more durable, retains moisture longer, and of course more
easily preserves its fertility. This is particularly the case in its
comparison with the land of Kentucky. That State is exposed {45} to
great drouth. Its pan being limestone, and its soil consisting of loam,
but little rain is imbibed, and that little is soon lost through the
pores of the limestone, and by evaporation. To the great quantities of
limestone in Kentucky, its caves and petrefactions are to be attributed.
Moisture is absolutely necessary to vegetation. The richest land without
it is entirely unproductive. Upon this principle it is decidedly
injurious to deprive land of its small stones. They not only cause it to
retain moisture; but, by keeping it light, enable it to receive much
rain. They also render the earth warm, and admit into it the necessary
quantity of air. By depriving land of its stones the earth falls into a
solid mass, and the consequence is, that it imbibes but a small portion
of rain. The stones of our fields should be rolled in as soon as the
grain is sowed. On the surface they will be useless, and very
troublesome.
I have suggested, that we cultivate too much land to render agriculture
profitable. I speak in relation to the means which we employ for
fertilizing our land. Much may be done without the aid of manure; but
the use of this article is the most ready and efficient mode of
rendering the cultivation of the earth profitable. Instead, however, of
increasing this article by compost, we misapply that which is incident
to our farms. By spreading a small quantity of manure upon a large piece
of poor land, it is almost entirely lost; in as much as it remains in an
inactive state. There is not a sufficient quantity to give an impetus to
the cold and barren earth with which it is mixed. This is one great
cause of poor crops; and the great surface over which the labour of the
husbandman is spread is the principal ground of the excessive labour of
which he complains. Should the farmer plough {46} only as much land as
he could highly manure, his labour would be comparatively small, his
crops great, and his land constantly improving. By this mode of
proceeding the crops would not exhaust the land; and the quantity of
manure upon it, beyond what is necessary to the production of the crops,
would, by its fermentation, fertilize and render of the nature of
compost the whole cultivated surface. Such land may, with a trifling
expense, be kept very rich. Whilst this process is operating upon a part
of the poor lands of a farm, the residue of them may lie fallow, or be
fertilized by ploughing in such green crops as may be produced upon a
lean soil.
The extraordinary means of enriching land are numerous. A little
reflection upon the most common principles of philosophy will point them
out. The elements, acting upon each other, are constantly producing
effects, and the latter operate as causes in the production of effects
more remote. Different soils, and different manures, and different crops
must all be connected according to their respective and relative
natures.
The materials for making compost upon a farm are almost innumerable; and
leisure hours, which would otherwise be lost, may be employed in
collecting them. Another extraordinary mean of fertilizing the earth is
frequent ploughing. This work, especially when performed at particular
times, is highly useful. It separates the unproductive masses, and opens
the soil more fully to the impregnations of that vegetable nourishment
which is contained in rain, dew, and even the air itself. Ploughing land
when the dew is on the ground is very beneficial. I may add, that the
ploughing in of stubble as soon as the crops are off, is of much
consequence.
{47} Wet land should be drained, and, when practicable, land
comparatively high should be overflown. The soil of the former should,
in some cases, be spread upon the latter; and that of the latter applied
in the same way upon the former. Overflowing may sometimes be employed
conveniently and to much advantage.
I have said that moisture is absolutely necessary to vegetation. This
country is rather subject to drouth than otherwise; and hence,
principally, arises the occasional failure of our crops. One cause of
the great fertility of England is the frequent rains there. With us
there is more rain than in Great-Britain; but in the latter place it
falls, not in torrents as is sometimes the case with us, but in gentle
and more frequent showers. Wet seasons are never unfruitful.
Another mode of rendering land productive is by a change of crops.
Different plants require a different kind of nourishment, and a piece of
land may contain a greater quantity of one kind of vegetable food than
of another. All crops, in a greater or less degree, consume, in time,
their peculiar food; and of course require a change of situation. To
make this change, among the variety of crops on a farm, with judgment,
requires both theoretical and practical knowledge in husbandry.
A change of seed also is of consequence. Seed carried from the north to
the south, and likewise from the east to the west will do better than
that which comes from a milder climate. Sowing seed upon the ground
which produced it is highly disadvantageous. By a change of seed the
action of the soil upon it is more animated. Improvement of seed too in
agriculture is of consequence. That which is first ripe and most perfect
should be selected; {48} and the mode of preserving it requires
attention.
With respect to the raising of cattle too we act as unwisely as we do in
relation to the cultivation of our land. According to the limited
productions of our farms, our cattle are too numerous. We lose one half
of the food appropriated for them, by applying it to too great a number.
In many cases our cattle are not worth so much in the spring of the year
as they were in the preceding fall. Our swine, in particular, are kept
poor until the crops come in, and then it costs to fatten them three
times as much as they are worth: the consequence is that the farmer,
before another fall, complains of his want of corn.
Great improvements may be made in relation to the breed and feeding of
cattle. A change of stock is as important here as in agriculture. It may
also be observed, that present profit is too frequently consulted at the
expense of ultimate loss. The farmer sells all his best cattle to the
butcher, or kills them for his own use, before their real value is
suffered to develope itself, and to eventuate in the improvement of his
stock.
The agricultural societies established in New-England, and in other
states of the Union, within a few years, have produced much individual
and public benefit. That of Massachusetts is rendering her, with respect
to this subject, the rival of Great-Britain. New-Hampshire is doing
something in this way; and her legislature should immediately encourage
her agricultural interests.
As to the means of increasing our crops, much more might be offered; but
the nature of this work will not warrant it. Although many of our
farmers do well, all might do better; and it cannot be denied that many
of us are very negligent agriculturalists. How many of our lands are
{49} ploughed only once, and that very imperfectly!—How many of our
pastures are injured by the promiscuous range of swine, geese, and every
other creature on a farm! How many of our orchards are left for years
uncultivated and unpruned! How many of our mowing fields are, both in
the spring and fall, shamefully poached and grubbed by horses and sheep,
as well as horned cattle! How much neglect is there in the collection of
fodder, and how much waste in the application of it! With us there are
many errors to be corrected, and many improvements to be made. This
topic is important, interesting, and exhaustless; but I must dismiss it,
after making a very few additional remarks. As to our orchards, and the
grazing of our mowing fields in the spring, I trust that we shall
speedily abandon practices which are so disgraceful and so injurious.
The most vigorous roots of grass shoot first. Those our cattle crop. The
future growth is feeble; and grass, which springs after the season for
it, is always puny. With respect to our orchards, we seem to think that
they require no cultivation; that we have only to set down the trees,
and all will be well: but the nature of things should convince us of the
irrationality of our views upon this point. Trees require manuring and
cultivating as much as any other plant.
I return to the comparison between the east and the west. However high
may be the reputation of {50} the western lands, they are decidedly
inferior to ours, as a grazing country. Another advantage which we
possess over the west is, the superiority of our market. There is a much
greater disproportion between the prices, than between the crops of the
two sections of the country. Our crops are something less; but the
prices which we obtain for our produce are much higher than those of the
west. As to the prices too, of many articles, such as clothing and
groceries, the advantage is with us; the people of the west being
obliged to pay for the expense of transportation, and also the profits
of the western retailer.
In point of health, the air of the west is not so salubrious as that of
the east. The country being still covered with forests, its streams are
noxious; and being too, a level country, its evaporations are great.
These circumstances produce diseases of a peculiar and fatal nature. Our
mountains are entirely free from them.
With respect to religious privileges, morals, means of education, and
social intercourse, the west is at present, and will be for some time to
come, far inferior to the east.
As to relations and friends, which emigrants frequently leave behind
them, every one will judge for himself; but surely to a disinterested
and susceptible heart, this sacrifice is not inconsiderable. When
persons of this cast of character reflect upon the fleeting nature of
time, its vicissitudes, and the need which they frequently feel of the
society and solace of their friends, they will wish to spend with them
the days of their pilgrimage, to participate with them in the little
joys of life, and to commune together upon the hopes of a better world.
In concluding my reflections upon the subject of emigration, I may
observe that in no case is it necessary {51} for the people of the east
to emigrate to the western country. There is in the former an ample
field for labour; and the reward of this labour is sufficient for every
rational purpose of life. Whilst men complain of labour, they add to it
by speculating upon foreign means of enjoyment, when at the same time
they possess every source of happiness, excepting gratitude and
contentment. Many persons, by extravagance, become embarrassed, and then
censure the times, and complain of their lot instead of applying to
industry and economy for relief. Economy will perform wonders. Nothing
is more true than the adage that a penny saved is a penny earned. The
state of things, for several years past, has been teaching us a salutary
lesson upon this subject; and all can now live within their income
without wounding their pride. In economising, however, we must avoid
parsimony, which soon leads to avarice—the source of all crime, and all
littleness.
I have already written much; but, according to my journal, it is still
February, I have progressed only within sixty miles of the Heights of
Queenstown, and the storms of winter still rage.
In my course through the western parts of the state of New-York, I
generally travelled within forty miles of Lake Ontario. In this part of
the country many of the people entertain strange notions respecting
supernatural agencies. Solitude, whilst it strengthens the mind, and
fortifies the heart of the well informed, renders the ignorant timid and
superstitious. The whisper of their forests, and the echo of their
hills, alarm their unenlightened imaginations. Those inhabitants of the
west, of whom I am now speaking, believe in witchcraft, and often
suppose it the source of disease both in man and beast. Whilst on the
borders of Ontario, I stopped for a few moments at a log hut where there
was a man in a convulsion {52} fit. During the operation of the malady,
my attention was attracted by the conversation of two young women upon
the subject. One of them observed that if a garment of the man should be
taken off and thrown into the fire, the fit would leave him, and never
again return. The other assented to the idea; but the prescription was
not attended to. Perhaps they were afraid of being bewitched themselves.
It is a very common idea too, in the remote parts of New-York, that if a
man should shoot an owl with his rifle, it would be rendered so crooked
as never to throw ball true again.
I may here say a word of the backwoodsmen. They are hardy, active,
industrious, and in the employment of the axe, wonderfully strong and
dexterous. But, with respect to manners, some of them are no less rude
than the wilds which they inhabit.
The upper part of the state of New-York is, comparatively, a wilderness.
There are here many Indian reserves. They are solitary places; they are
dark spots on the face of civilization. The tawny inhabitants of these
gloomy forests generally establish themselves in the most remote
situations, and render the access to them indirect and difficult.
Whenever I entered their villages, they seemed, by their manner towards
each other, to say: “This civil wretch has found out our retreat.” There
is a shyness and wildness in their aspect, no less significant than such
a declaration. No cause of wonder is it, that these persecuted beings
look with a jealous eye upon the descendants of those Europeans, who
drove their ancestors from the pleasant regions of the east. They see no
end to the avarice, the claims, or the progress of white men; and view
themselves between the horrors of civilization, and the illimitable
expanse of the Pacific ocean.
{53} Barbarous as are the Indians of North America, they possess much
greatness, and many virtues. Considering their prejudices against us,
which prejudices are incident to their education, and by no means
groundless, they evince much forbearance, and even friendship towards
us.
Near one of the Indian reserves, I met five of these children of nature.
As I had not seen one for fifteen years before, I was much interested in
their appearance. In approaching them I presented a grave but friendly
aspect. Their gravity at first exceeded mine, but they soon became
rather sociable. After some little conversation we parted, not, however,
until they had taken much notice of my “varm drase.” In the course of a
few hours, I passed what is called an Indian opening. It was an exposed
situation of many miles in extent; the weather was severe, the snow
deep, and the wind continually whirled it about the unsheltered
traveller.
Not knowing the extent of this opening, and fearing that night might
find me without fuel, or materials for a tent, I exerted myself to reach
in season, the adjoining wood. By this means I became fatigued, and very
much in want of refreshment. I had no provisions with me, and indeed no
means of carrying any. I soon perceived, in the edge of the forest, a
small log hut; but poverty resided there, and I could obtain only an ear
of corn; this, however, I found palatable and nutritious. Dyonysius[58]
did not like the fare of the public tables, under the institutions of
Lycurgus, because, as the cook said, it was not seasoned with fatigue
and hunger. Towards evening, as I was travelling through a dark wood, I
discovered what I presumed to be an Indian trail, and, for the sake of
adventure, concluded to follow it. It snowed fast, darkness was
approaching, and {54} the wilderness presented a dreary aspect. Had not
my heart been afraid of me, it would have communicated a secret alarm to
my imagination, and then I should have seen around me a thousand
ambuscades. But I had so often cried _down_ to its contemptible
obtrusiveness, that it feigned, at least, a tranquil mood.
The snow was deep, and the track exceedingly serpentine; so that I
seemed, occasionally, to be travelling back to the point at which I
commenced the adventure. It, however, finally led me over a gradual
descent into a dark plain. The first evidence which I had of there being
human habitations here, was a few sticks of recently cut wood piled
above the snow. Soon after, I heard the distant bay of dogs. At length I
came in open view of a large collection of wigwams. It was now, however,
so dark, and it snowed so fast, that I could only see obscurely the
objects which presented themselves. But upon going nearer, my attention
was arrested by the appearance of many Indians, going in their blankets,
from several of the huts to a long and low building, which I afterwards
ascertained was their council house. Thinking that I should here have a
good opportunity to see many of the Indians together, I knocked at the
door, lifted the latch, and entered. I made a slight bow, and took off
my cap. They presented me, in return, a serious and unmoved aspect, but
offered me a seat. Soon after, I thought that I perceived in them some
degree of timidity. They had, within a few days, been performing some
religious ceremonies, and were, probably, unusually superstitious. They
had been wearing masks, for the purpose of driving the evil spirit from
their village; and, perhaps, they began to think that they had not
affected their object. I endeavoured, however, to render my society
agreeable {55} to them. When I entered the council house, there were
about fifty or sixty persons there. The building was about eighty feet
long, and about twelve or fourteen wide. Across the beams overhead were
several poles, hanging from which were some traces of mouldy corn; and
on each side of the building were benches for seats. There was no floor
to the house, and at each end of it there was, upon the ground, a large
council fire. At a little distance from these, there were two parties
engaged in a war-dance. This is a custom which these Indians will not
relinquish. Some of them were naked, and many of them covered with
ornaments. They wore strings of trinkets around their ankles, the object
of which appeared to be to produce music in dancing. They also had much
jewelry in their ears and noses. In their war dances, they imitate every
part of an engagement: the onset, retreat of the enemy, pursuit, &c.
Here the young warrior acquires a martial spirit, and the love of fame;
and here too the aged veteran reminds his tribe of what he has done, and
of what his spirit tells him he could do again. During the dances, I was
much interested in the appearance of a youth, a son of a chief, whose
zeal for his nation caused him, in the feigned pursuit of the enemy, to
leap over the prescribed circle of the dance, into the fire. An old and
decrepit chief too, here evinced no less devotion to his country. His
appearance excited admiration and pity. He was emaciated by disease,
scarred in battle, and bent with the weight of years. He evinced in his
efforts the greatest energy of spirit, whilst such was his decrepitude
that he could not lift his eyes from the ground. His trinkets rattled
upon his aged limbs, and his wheezing lungs sounded in his hollow trunk.
Poor child of nature!—Heaven careth for thee!
{56} The dances commenced with the beat of an old kettle drum, and was
ended by a rap with a club upon one of the benches. At the conclusion of
each dance one of the chiefs addressed the company, and passed a piece
of tobacco as a token, which they understood much better than myself.
In the course of an hour or two after I left this scene of war, I
entered one of the huts. Many came here to see me, and seemed desirous
to know from whence I came, whither I was going, &c. A few of them could
imperfectly speak English. An old chief attracted, by his ugliness, my
particular attention. He was about sixty years of age; his skin was
coarse and shrivelled, his face was covered with scars, one of his eyes
was protuberant, bloodshot and sightless, and his hair was matted by
thick red paint, having the appearance of blood. Some of the men were
likely, the old women squalid, and the young ones uninteresting. The
children, however, were pretty.
It is said that the Indians of North America treat their wives with
coldness and neglect; but I am of a different opinion. Certain it is
that their affection towards their offspring is lively and tender.
After taking some refreshment I laid down upon deer skins, by a good
fire, and slept well. I trusted to my dogs for security. In the morning
I feasted upon venison, and conversed with several of the Indians upon a
variety of subjects, particularly upon the good will which ought to
prevail among mankind, without any reference to a difference of
complexion. The Indians were very desirous of obtaining my dogs, and
would have given me a very high price for them. I did not know but that
they might wish me out of the way, for the purpose of procuring them.
{57} The appearance of the village is interesting. It is situated upon a
plain, and contains about one hundred huts. Through the centre of the
village runs a narrow serpentine creek, which affords, in summer, an
abundance of fish. On one side of the plain is a thicket of bushes, and
on the other a pleasant rise of land. The name of the Creek is
Tonewanto, and that of the tribe Tondanwandeys.[59]
Although in some little degree civilized, with respect to arts, this
tribe are still deplorably superstitious. Once a year they sacrifice two
white dogs to their deity, after painting them, decorating them with
ribbons, and dancing around them. The sacrifice consists in burning the
dogs, and scattering their ashes to the winds. The ceremonies generally
continue fourteen days, and end in a feast.
The Tondanwandeys worship the sun, and also bury their dead in the
morning, that the deceased persons may have time before night to reach
their relations in another world. In the grave they place the clothes,
pipe, dish, spoon, &c. of the deceased, thinking that they will be
wanted in a future state. Over the graves of their friends these Indians
make a hideous howl. This tribe detest lying and stealing; and those who
are innocent of these crimes are supposed to go to their relations in a
better world, where there is a milder sky and plenty of game.—Those, on
the contrary, who are guilty of these offences, wander from place to
place, and seek their friends in vain. These are their ideas of future
rewards and punishments.
The Tondanwandeys are much troubled with the supposed existence of
witchcraft; and not long since they burned one of their women upon the
suspicion of her possessing such power.
We need not go to the Islands of the Pacific Ocean for singular manners
and customs. We find {58} them here, and it is evident that the manners
and customs of all uncivilized countries are, in many particulars, very
similar. Some of them are dictated by nature, some arise from accident,
and some are the effect of tradition.
Notwithstanding the ignorance of the Tondanwandeys, in one particular
they leave civilized men far behind them: they will not suffer any
spirituous liquors to be brought into their village. This is an instance
of policy and self-denial of which even Sparta might have been proud.
The language of these Indians appears very much like that of the savage
tribes of the North-West Coast of America. Most of their sounds are
either guttural or nasal; but principally the former. Their voice in
conversation is unpleasant; and particularly so in singing. The tones of
the women, however, are soft and agreeable.
The language of this tribe contains but a few simple words; they
therefore express new ideas by combinations of terms, connected with
such gestures, and other accompaniments of speech, as comport with the
real or fancied nature of the subject.
It is not uncommon for these Indians to travel fifty leagues from home
for the purpose of hunting. They employ the principal part of the summer
in the chase. In autumn they again engage in the business. This is their
most important season, on account of the greater relative value of furs.
During the winter they return home, laden with peltry, smoaked flesh of
various kinds, and the fat of bears. Last season they were very
successful.
In hunting, Indians are exceedingly industrious and indefatigable; but
in every other employment they are very indolent. It is probably owing
to the latter circumstance, that they suffer their women to be the
hewers of wood, and the performers of other servile work among them.
From this practice has, {59} probably, arisen the idea, that Indians
treat their wives with severity.
The belief of the Tondanwandeys, relative to a future state, is very
simple and interesting. The death of friends is one of the greatest
trials of life; and is calculated to produce the happiest influence upon
the human heart. It alienates our affections from this world, and
directs them to the happy abode of departed spirits. The desire of
meeting our friends in a better state of existence renders Heaven doubly
dear to us; and combines at once the tenderness of affection, the hope
of glory, and the fear of God. The poor Indian fears nothing so much as
the permanent loss of his friends; and finding them in a better world
constitutes, with him, the bliss of Heaven.
I continued at the Indian village until about noon of the next day.
Before leaving it, I purchased a pair of deerskin moccasons. It having
snowed the preceding night, my path through the wood was obliterated.
After travelling a mile or two I became completely bewildered; and
although I had a pocket compass with me, I thought it best to return to
the village, and obtain some directions from the Indians; but as it was
still snowing fast, my track in this direction could not, at length, be
distinguished from the impression made by masses of snow, falling from
the trees. I am unable to do justice to the solitude of my situation. It
was profound and instructive. The force of thought and luxury of
sentiment, which the wilderness inspires, is indiscribable. Here man
feels, at once, humble and exalted. _Silence_, with a voice of thunder,
maintains the cause of virtue, and the human soul experiences the
tranquil ardour of immortal hopes.
Much exertion at length brought me to the place where, the evening
before, I noticed the Indian {60} path. Having been plunging through the
snow for some time, without taking any notice of my dogs, I found, when
I stopped to rest, that one of them was missing. After waiting some time
for his arrival, I went back about two miles, and found, him lying in
the snow. As soon as I had come within a few rods of him, he arose and
ran further from me, but at the same time appeared desirous of
convincing me of his devotion, by smiles, and the wagging of his tail.
By his manner he seemed to say: I wish to be faithful, but I am weary,
and see no end to our travel. Lameness, however, was the cause of his
discouragement. It appeared, that one of his feet was frozen.
In the course of a day or two from this time, I arrived in the
neighbourhood of the Tuscarora Indians. They are situated on a ridge of
hills, leading to which there are several very romantic passes. I
visited them early in the morning. At this time the weather was very
cold, and there was no path through the deep snow excepting some
imperfect tracks made by themselves. In clambering up these hills,
walking on the narrow footing of their sides, and supporting myself by
the little bushes which had grown from the veins of the rocks, my mind
dwelt upon Switzerland, and I almost imagined myself a Chamois hunter.
When I had come within view of the village, several Indians were about
their wigwams, but upon seeing me, they all entered them, and shut the
doors. The Tuscaroras, as well as the Tondanwandeys, had been
sacrificing their dogs, and wearing their masks, and their imaginations,
no doubt, were rather lively. But whatever may have been their
impressions concerning me, they appeared, at first, very inhospitable. I
went to the door of one of the huts, into which I saw several Indians
enter, and knocked; {61} but all was silence. Not wishing to be
obtrusive, I then went to another; and here, too, all was silence. I
knew not what to make of these appearances, and thought that the Indians
might be preparing to shoot me through the door; but feeling that I had,
in a state of nature, at least an _imperfect_ right to seek under one of
their roofs a resting place or a drink of water, I opened the door and
walked in. There were here several Indians, and they all appeared timid.
By my manner, however, I soon convinced them of my pacific disposition;
and they, at length, became a little sociable.
There is a missionary among the Tuscaroras; but I understand that he
meets with much opposition from them. They, like other unchristianized
men, point to the bad conduct of many of those, who have always
possessed the light of revelation.—This argument is plausible; and, to
them, it appears conclusive. In fact, however, it is very unsound. There
are individuals among this tribe, who threaten the most bloody
destruction upon those of their nation, who shall embrace the christian
religion.
I may add, that we expect too much from savages, in relation to this
subject. Before we attempt to make christians of them, we ought to make
them rational men: we ought first to persuade them to adopt the manners
and customs of civilization: we ought first to teach them the elements
of literature. By these means their minds would become so enlarged and
strengthened, as to enable them to understand the most plain and simple
truths of the gospel; and in understanding they would appreciate them.
In endeavouring to instruct savages in religion without taking these
previous steps, little or no success can rationally be expected. The
narrowness of their views prevents them from understanding the force of
its precepts; and therefore they will prefer {62} their own
superstitions to what they consider ours. Savages, with respect to this
subject, should be treated like little children; their letters should
first be taught them, and then their catechism:—
“God sees from whole to part;
But human soul, must rise from individual to the whole.”
The Tuscarora Indians emigrated from North Carolina very early in the
seventeenth century, and were adopted by the Oneidas.[60] It is said
that they were, originally, of the same nation.
Soon after my little excursion to the Tuscaroras, I arrived at
Lewistown; the place which made so great a figure in the newspaper
annals of the late war.[61] It is a very small village. Opposite to this
place, across the river Niagara, are the heights of Queenstown. The
portage, rendered necessary by the falls of Niagara, commences at this
part of the Straits; this being the head of ship navigation from Lake
Ontario.
From Lewistown I proceeded down, along the east bank of the river, to
Fort Niagara.[62] Colonel Pinkney, who commanded there, is a man of a
noble aspect and elegant manners.[63] From him and his lady I
experienced a hospitable and kind reception. Whilst at the Fort I was
surprised to find that the River Niagara and Lake Ontario never freeze.
This is a fact of which I was ignorant.
On the opposite side of the Niagara, is the field where Gen. Brock fell;
and on this side is the monument of Colonel Christie:—
“I have seen a tomb by a roaring stream,
The dark dwelling of a chief.”
Colonel Christie was a truly brave and devoted soldier; and General
Brock, though a foe, was distinguished for conduct, courage and
humanity.[64] {63} Fort Niagara is situated on the east bank of the
river of this name, at its junction with Lake Ontario. This is a very
important post. The Fort was built by the French in 1751; and in 1759 it
was taken by the British General Johnson, after defeating the French
army near that place. The vicinity of the Fort was, originally, the
peculiar country of the Iroquois, or Six Nations. As to the causes of
Lake Ontario, never freezing, it is evident that they must be local and
peculiar. Lake Erie, which is not so far north, freezes hard. This
circumstance shows, that congelation does not depend so much upon
latitude, as upon other circumstances. Abstractedly it is otherwise; but
relative to peculiar local causes the position is correct. In Hudson’s
Bay, the weather in winter is intensely cold; yet this place is only in
the latitude of London. It is generally supposed to be intolerably cold
at the North Pole; but the fact may be otherwise. The idea arises from
an abstract survey of the nature of latitude, and from connecting it
with the known temperature of a particular situation. It is known to be
very cold in that part of Greenland which lies on the coast of Baffin’s
Bay; and the inference drawn is, that the weather is much more so at the
North Pole. But, it may as well be said that because it is cold on the
river Piscataqua, it is much more so on the river Thames; and yet here
the fact contradicts the argument. In some places under the Equator, the
weather is as mild in summer as it is in New-England; why therefore, may
it not be as warm in winter at the North Pole, as in the latter place?
In point of analogy the question is unanswerable. But there is a more
direct argument: in some situations under the equator, there is
perpetual snow. I am aware, however, that this depends upon altitude. It
is said that there is everlasting ice at the North Pole; {64} but the
assertion cannot be correct. The surface of the North Pole consists
either of land or ocean; if land it cannot become ice, and if ocean it
must continue in a liquid state; for no ocean has ever been known to
freeze: the depth of its water, and its perpetual undulation prevent
such effect. Besides, in north latitudes as far as eighty or eighty-two,
sea fogs are known to prevail, and these too prevent the congelation of
the ocean.
The influence of the sun upon the various parts of the earth, during its
annual motion, is not yet fully understood; and the effect of local
causes adverse from or cooperative with such influence is yet to be
learned.[65]
As to the mountains of ice, which have been seen in north latitudes, and
which have been mentioned as evidence of the perpetual frost of the
North Pole, they, probably, floated from some neighboring bays, such as
Baffin’s, Hudson’s, &c. and were formed by the accumulation of several
masses of ice, which were created on the surface of these bays, and also
by the additions of snow and rain. This last idea seems to be sanctioned
by the fact, that from these mountains, as they are called, rivulets of
fresh water, produced by their gradual dissolution, have been known to
distil from their summit.
“Local and peculiar causes,” with respect to climate, do, in all
probability, operate every where. It is, in many cases, as cold in lower
as in higher latitudes. In the latitude of the Island of St. Joseph,[66]
it is as cold in winter, as it is at Quebec. One of the great causes of
a diversity of climate, beyond that which is produced by latitude, may
be found {65} in the difference between land and sea air; and yet this
cause may, in some cases, be so controuled by an adverse cause, as to be
rendered inoperative. Upon the first idea, however, it may be warmer at
the North Pole than on the Arctic Circle; indeed, in the former place,
the weather may be quite moderate, even in winter. Another circumstance
in support of this supposition may be adduced: it is well known that the
earth itself is productive of heat. In the United States, its
temperature is, perhaps, from thirty to fifty degrees. At the North
Pole, the surface of the globe must be, during a part of the year,
heated to a much greater degree; even allowing, as will be proper, for
the difference between the capacities of land and water, to imbibe heat.
At the Poles, the heat of their surface, during those months in which
the sun, as to them, does not set, must be intense; and for this heat to
evaporate, would require a considerable time, even during the total
absence of the sun. In Russia, vegetation is so rapid, that the work of
sowing and reaping is frequently accomplished in six weeks; and in the
latitude of eighty, the heat in summer is so great as to melt the pitch
in the seams of vessels, to such a degree as to endanger their safety.
In advancing the foregoing theories, respecting local and peculiar
climate, for the purpose of throwing some light upon the unfrozen state
of Lake Ontario during the winter season, I have, perhaps, taken too
extensive a range; but the subject is, in its nature, inexhaustible. My
concluding reflections upon this topic, will have a more particular
application to it.
Some of the causes of Lake Ontario never freezing are, probably, the
depth of its water, and its exposure to winds. Frost is, in its nature,
heavy; and therefore shallow water gets chilled sooner, and {66} sooner
freezes. As soon as the surface of water becomes impregnated with frost,
its weight presses it to the bottom, and a new supply rises to take its
place. Thus, a revolution is continued, until the whole mass becomes
chilled to a certain degree, and then the surface congeals. The
necessary quantity of cold in the mass, to produce this effect upon the
surface, is about thirty degrees. The depth of Lake Ontario is very
great. Attempts to ascertain its depth have, in many places, been in
vain: various parts of the centre have been sounded with a line of three
hundred and fifty fathoms, without success. It must require a great
degree, and a long continuance of cold, so to chill so deep a body of
water, as to produce the congelation of its surface.
As to the influence of wind, it produces, as has been observed, an
undulation of water, so as to prevent that regular operation of frost,
which is necessary to congelation. The land on the north-east of Lake
Ontario, is low; and the Lake is frequently agitated by storms.
As another supposed cause of the unfrozen state of this lake in the
winter season, it may be presumed that there are beds of salt at the
bottom of this body of water, which neutralize, in some measure, the
elements of frost, as they descend beneath the surface. There are
numerous salt springs on both sides of the Lake, and in its immediate
vicinity.
Further: there is reason to believe, that there are warm springs in the
bed of this lake. In the vicinity of it, on the Canada side, hunters
frequently meet with spots of ground, about two or three acres in
extent, the surface of which is, in the winter, entirely free from snow;
and yet these spots are surrounded with snow to the depth of six or
eight feet. Upon these places the snow, when it falls, instantly {67}
melts, both that which falls upon the ground, and upon the trees.
I may add, that there are in several parts of N. America, particularly
in the Missouri Territory, springs, the heat of which is about one
hundred and fifty degrees. Such springs may exist in the bed of Lake
Ontario, and if so, they would go far to prevent the influence of frost.
Whilst at Fort Niagara, several little anecdotes occurred which,
perhaps, are not worth mentioning; they may, however, afford a momentary
interest, and thereby reward me for exposing myself to the imputation of
egotism and vanity.
When I arrived at the Fort, I was much weather-beaten; and, according to
the sea-phrase, it was high time for me to put into some harbor and
repair damages. Just before reaching this post, I understood that
Colonel Pinkney commanded there; and notwithstanding the roughness of my
appearance, I wished to become acquainted with him.
I have always thought it both proper and politic for a gentleman, in a
strange place, if he makes himself known at all, to introduce himself to
men of the first consideration; and after this step, to leave them to
take the lead in every thing respecting their cultivation of his
acquaintance. Under such circumstances, if the persons to whom he
introduces himself are gentlemen, he will be treated well, and they will
consider his confidence in them a compliment; but if they should not
treat him with due respect and attention, he may well pride himself in
his superiority, and pity their false views of true greatness.
Upon entering the Fort, I met an Irish soldier, who seemed to possess
all the characteristic hospitality and friendship of his countrymen. He,
by my request, very readily conducted me to the Colonel’s {68} quarters;
and, no doubt taking me for a man of his own cloth, said: “_in farth ye
shall want for nothing hare; I can geve ye a good bade_,” &c. I
repeatedly thanked the honest fellow, and excused myself by saying that
I should stop only an hour.
At the Colonel’s quarters, I requested his waiter to inform him, that a
stranger wished for the privilege of introducing himself. The waiter,
being a spruce lad of seventeen, no doubt thought much better of himself
than of me: it being not easy for one in common life, and of but little
experience, to perceive a gentleman under so rough a garb as was mine.
The servant probably represented me to the colonel as being either an
Indian, or some old hunter from the Canada shore. The first idea might
well exist: as, having travelled many days in the eye of a high wind, my
complexion had become very dark. But, however this may have been, the
servant returned with an answer, which rather moved my yankee spirit:
the colonel wished to know whether I could not inform him, through the
waiter, of what I wanted. I replied, emphatically, no; and added, tell
colonel Pinkney again, that a stranger wishes for the _privilege_ of
introducing himself.
Before the servant’s return, the Irishman had obtained a brother Pad to
come and see the man in fur. After staring at me for a minute, the
new-comer said—“_sare, ar ye last?_” I looked at him with a steady
aspect, and replied, emphatically, lost?—lost? The fellow dropped his
eyes and drew back, his comrade, at the same time, declaring, in true
Irish lingo, “_by St. Patrick, ye’d batre mind what ye’re about!—that
mon has got more sanse in his latle fanger than we’ve in both of oure
hades._” This unexpected compliment was no less gratifying to my vanity
than contributive to my amusement.
In a moment after, the colonel’s waiter returned; {69} and, in rather a
surly manner, said, “you may go in now.” I approached the parlour door,
which was nearly shut; and here placing myself upon its threshold, and
gently pushing the door fully open, I made my bow—; at the same time
taking off my cap, and bringing my rifle to an order. Whilst in this
situation, I said, Sir, I have the misfortune to be an entire stranger
to you; but I have taken the liberty to introduce myself. The colonel
received and entertained me in a very liberal and polite manner; and
even invited me to sojourn with him for some days. Having, however,
conversed with him, upon a variety of topics, for about a half hour, I
arose, told him my name, place of residence, destination, &c. and bade
him farewell.
Opposite to Fort Niagara, on the Canada side of the river, is the town
of Newark. It is a considerable settlement, and contains some handsome
buildings. Just above this place on the same side of the Niagara, is
situated Fort George.[67] From Lewistown to Lake Ontario the river
Niagara may well be termed beautiful: it is about one third of a mile
wide, is deep enough to float the largest ships, and its current moves
silently about three miles an hour. The banks of the river present a
pleasant appearance; and the Heights of Queenstown afford an interesting
view of the adjacent country. The distance from Lewistown to fort
Niagara is about seven miles. Above the latter are the famous five-mile
meadows.[68] They are very small; but little objects become great when
connected with great events; and, upon the same principle, little men
create for themselves temples of fame, which the weight of a fly might
crush.
Upon leaving the fort I proceeded back to Lewistown; and, after dark,
pursued my way towards Niagara Falls. Sometimes, when not near any
habitation, {70} I travelled from daylight to twelve o’clock at night.
My object in taking this course, was, so to shorten the nights, as to
render my situation during them more secure, and less uncomfortable. So
heavy, frequently, was the travelling, that with great exertion I could
not, during this period, progress more than twenty miles. During my walk
from the fort, along the bank of the river, I reflected upon the battle
of Queenstown, the subsequent devastations of the enemy upon this part
of our inland frontier, and the impolicy of our so generally employing
militia. The next day I made a minute of my ideas upon the subject, and
now introduce them with some additions. I am aware, however, that in
taking this step, I shall oppose a national prejudice; but I do it
because, however much a man may wish for the good opinion of his
fellow-citizens, he ought to regard the interests of his country more.
In everything excepting in the too general employment of militia, our
government has, in a greater or less degree, profited by experience. But
in this particular, we seem to have been unduly influenced by our too
general idea of a standing army:—an idea which at once calls forth ten
thousand vague apprehensions, and condemns, without the ceremony of a
hearing, every suggestion of reason. We are not children; and it is high
time to put aside bug-bears. Our prejudices against standing armies are
natural, and, in some respects, salutary; but in fleeing from the water,
let us not run into the fire. Fact is sometimes less unpleasant than
apprehension. Are we ignorant, that we have already, always have had,
and always shall have a standing army? By a standing army, I mean a
force raised for a permanent purpose, and having no exclusive relation
to a state of war. Such a force, under the existing disposition of man,
is essential to the security of every {71} government, however peaceful
may be its policy. The only question upon this subject, is,—how large
our regular army ought to be? Here we are to guard against many evils,
which might proceed from either extreme:—from a very large, or a very
small standing army.
By a very large standing army, the counsels of the nation might be too
much influenced by the private interest and feelings of military men;
unpatriotic ambition might employ this force to the worst of purposes;
its maintenance would be inconsistent with rational economy; and an
unnecessary part of our population would, comparatively, be kept in
idleness.
But, both security and true economy require, that we should have an
established, permanent, and well organized force, sufficiently numerous,
and ready at a moment’s warning to meet, with success, the invaders of
our land; or to reduce, with promptitude, our Indian enemies. These are
the first objects of such an establishment; the others are,—to furnish a
national standard of military tactics; to make, in a short time, real
soldiers of our militia, when a sudden necessity for a great army shall
call them into actual service; and lastly, by mingling both kinds of
force, to afford the militia support and confidence in the hour of
battle.
As to our militia, they should be instructed for the sole purpose of
enabling them more effectually to defend their own fire-sides, and of
furnishing a nursery for the ranks of our regular army, whenever
enlistments into them shall be necessary. Courageous as our militia are,
they are not, generally speaking, an efficient force; and by employing
them as a substitute for regular troops, we unnecessarily increase
expence, sacrifice valuable lives, and expose at once, the safety and
the reputation of the country.
{72} I have a very high opinion of the courage of my countrymen; but
courage without discipline always, excepting in cases of bad conduct on
the part of the enemy, results in general confusion, and individual
sacrifice. By employing militia in actual service, we throw away the
best and most productive part of our population. If the nation could see
the dreadful aggregate of our militia, who have fallen victims to the
dangers and diseases of the camp, merely because they were militia,
there would be a general mourning; and the nation would forever abandon,
in relation to this subject, its present policy. It is a system dictated
by false ideas of economy, by a too general eulogy of our militia, and
by groundless fears with respect to a regular force.
Our militia have, at times, performed wonders; but they have likewise
often been the cause of defeat and disgrace.
We ought not unnecessarily to employ militia in actual service. To do so
is to be careless of our population; and our population is our wealth.
Great-Britain cannot support her subjects; she may well, therefore,
sacrifice them in unnecessary wars. Her territory is comparatively
small; whilst ours is almost unlimited. None of our citizens should be
sent into the field of battle without the confidence and conduct, which
discipline gives. Our militia, as I have said before, are the most
valuable and productive part of our population; and they are sent into
the field under the most unfavourable circumstances. Many of them have
never slept a night from under their maternal roof. They have heard
their fathers speak of other times, and their youthful hearts pant for
the service of their country; but when the novelties of the camp, the
music and the parade of military life cease to inspire them, they lose,
for a time, much of their enterprise {73} and spirit. This very
circumstance disposes them to disease; and this very circumstance tends
to render disease fatal. They are entirely unaccustomed to the habits
and employments of a camp; and their health is greatly exposed, by means
of the number of troops collected, by being encamped in insalubrious
situations, and by modes of living, to which they are entirely
unaccustomed. In a time of peace, new recruits may be located in small
numbers, in healthy situations, and the habits of the raw soldier be
gradually changed.
But a militia force is not efficient. Discipline is, generally speaking,
absolutely necessary to success. It produces in battle a sense of
general, and in some measure of individual security. The soldier in an
engagement knows, that he must take his chance, and he is willing to
take it; but it is because he has a confidence in the general security
of the army, that he stands his ground: for let him know that there will
be a rout of his party, and he will at once become sensible of the
_extraordinary_ risque which he must run, and will endeavour to save
himself by flight. In proportion to the discipline of an army will be
the general and individual confidence of the troops. Besides, there is a
great difference between individual and general courage. Individual
courage is less common than is supposed. A party of men may fight pretty
well in company, when, as individuals, they would, under similar
circumstances, act a cowardly part; it is a sense of mutual support,
which checks their fears, and furnishes them with confidence.
Where there is discipline,—where every individual feels that he is
supported by all the rest,—this gives him confidence; and confidence is
force.
Among militia the cowardice of a few will disorganize the whole; and
when broken and hard pushed, {74} it is impossible for them to rally.
But regular troops, when broken, can, in ordinary cases, readily form
again; and, although their ranks may be thinned by the fire of the
enemy, they are immediately filled, order is maintained, the army,
though reduced, is still an army; and, although overpowered, they fight,
not like a rabble, but like true soldiers. Their manouvres too, upon
which the result of an engagement much depends, are performed promptly,
and in order. Indeed, a soldier, in a well disciplined army, is a mere
machine; he is a part of a perfect whole, has no will of his own, and
moves only by the direction of his commanders. Had our force, at the
attack upon the city of Washington, been of such a class, what a
glorious defence would have been made![69] They would have planted
themselves before it, and in the name of every thing dear, and sacred,
and terrible, would have resisted its unprincipled invaders.
Our militia, as has been observed, sometimes perform wonders; but these
are exceptions to a general rule; and exceptions are a poor ground for
the establishment of a general principle. In a pell-mell contest,
militia will fight with effect, because the mode of fighting is, on both
sides, of the same kind. Here our militia would prevail over that of any
other nation. And were our troops always well disciplined, they would
always, excepting in cases of accident, overcome the regular troops
opposed to them. These effects would arise from the people of this
country possessing more animal vigour, and more moral force than any
other people.
Our militia may soon be made good soldiers, because they are
intelligent, and have already received some military instruction. I
speak of them in comparison with the militia of other countries. Much
discipline, and the scenes and avocations of the {75} camp should be
familiar to soldiers, before they are brought into the field. By
teaching them their first lessons, at the point of the bayonet, immense
sacrifices are made, both of reputation and of blood.
The expence too of maintaining a militia force, is much greater than
that of supporting a regular army. The former must be more numerous than
the latter; and, of course, their wages and provisions must amount to
more.
Our military establishment should, to say the least, be sufficiently
large to enable us to move, whenever necessary, a well organized, well
disciplined, and efficient force against our savage neighbours. Such a
kind of force is the only proper one to meet the fatigues and dangers of
Indian warfare. It is time for the nation to be heart-sick of
inefficient military efforts, defeat and massacre. The Indians may be
conquered; but the genius of a Jackson, thousands of Tennesseeans, much
time, and a vast expence should not, in this country, be requisite to
overthrow a few hundred Seminoles.[70] A well organized, and well
appointed force of one thousand men could effect such an object in
thirty days after leaving the proper place of rendezvous.—I say one
thousand men, because a large force is more decidedly efficient than a
small one. Militia, under ordinary circumstances, are put into the
utmost confusion by the whoop, and yell, and onset, of Indians; and then
a total butchery of them ensues. But let a regular force be employed,
and order and firmness will resist the most furious, and unexpected
attack; and the next moment they will march on to victory. Our
celebrated fourth regiment at the battle of Tippecanoe proves this
position.[71] But for them, this engagement would have resulted like
those of Braddock and St. Clair.
The honour and the safety of the nation, demand {76} an ample and well
organized military establishment. With the love of liberty, and every
other circumstance in our favour, we have often, by only an equal force,
been defeated; and this effect arose from our want of discipline. The
nation must have such a force as can be depended upon:—such a force as
will fear a departure from discipline more than the bayonet of the
enemy. Such a force can be obtained only by offering to our best
population, both officers and soldiers, such compensation and advantages
as will, not only induce them to engage in the service of their country,
but such as will be in themselves so fully adequate, as to render the
service respectable. A considerable part of the expence of such an
establishment, might be defrayed by employing the troops in making
roads, and in other internal improvements. This business would keep them
from idleness, inure them to labour, and render them acquainted with
those implements, which are employed in pioneering, and in
fortification.
The present administration are, no doubt, disposed to promote the
respectability and safety of the nation; and the opposition have always
been in favour of a considerable military and naval establishment. The
experience gained by our last contest with Great-Britain cost us much;
and it ought not to be forgotten. Both political parties in this country
agree, that in peace we ought to be prepared for war. That I do,
however, consider war between nations, seldom necessary, and a practice
which places human nature upon the most humiliating ground, will fully
appear when I reach, in the course of my tour, those fields of carnage
which forcibly speak to the lone traveller.
The rapids of the river Niagara commence at a little distance above the
celebrated falls, and terminate near the narrows opposite to Lewiston.
Between {77} these two places the distance is about seven miles.
That I might have a full view of the scenery in the vicinity of the
falls, I travelled, during the evening of my leaving Fort Niagara, only
two miles beyond Lewistown. Early the next morning I moved on, glowing
with anticipation. The lofty and rude banks of this part of the river,
the deafening clamour of the falls, and the huge clouds of vapour which
arose from them, inspired me with a new and indescribable emotion. The
day too was dark, windy, and wild. Yet the sun shone bright;—but the
darkness did not comprehend it.
Owing, perhaps, to the excitement occasioned by these circumstances, I
expected too much. I confess that I was disappointed, both with respect
to the height of the falls, and the quantity of water propelled over
them in a given time. There is, however, in their eternal roar, a
nameless solitude. For ages this roar has been ceaseless; and it seems
to speak of perpetual duration.
The rapids just above the falls, excited much interest. Dark, furious,
and perplexed, they rush on as though eager for destruction. Here the
imagination suddenly becomes aroused, and with a sombre, yet vivid
glance, surveys the opposite, and renowned plains of Chippewa and
Bridgewater;[72]—then returning to the rapids, it hears, in the voice of
their fury, the half-drowned vow of the warrior, and sees, in their
mist, his falling steed, and brandished falchion. The trees near the
falls were all prostrated by the weight of congealed vapour; and seemed
to worship, most devoutly, the Great Author of this grand spectacle. A
lovely, yet fearful rainbow, arched the river below; and numerous gulls,
were obscurely seen sailing through the thick exhalations which filled
the whole space to {78} the Canada side.—Charon and his boat only were
wanted to complete the scene.
How impressive is the grand in nature! It withdraws the human mind from
the trifling concerns of time, and points it to its primeval dignity,
and lofty destinies.
There are three divisions of the falls; and they are occasioned by two
islands situated in the river. The whole describes a crescent. One of
the islands is about four hundred yards wide, and the other about ten
yards. Perhaps the whole width of the islands and falls, including the
curvatures of the latter, is three quarters of a mile. The height of the
principal falls is about one hundred and fifty feet; and the descent of
the rapids, above the largest of them, is about sixty feet. One can
hardly avoid personifying this rush of water; meeting, as it does, huge
rocks and trees lying in every direction, and seeking, with a wild and
furious velocity, a passage to the falls. Breaking and foaming, the
rapids take a thousand courses, and with a restive spirit, seek the
abyss below. The obstructions of the rapids appear to dispute their
passage; and the whole scene is fury, uproar and destruction. The
vapour, arising from the rapids, adds to the sublimity of the scene, by
the obscurity with which it clothes their tremendous concussions.
The icicles, pending from the sides of the banks contiguous to the
falls, are, in the winter season, so tinged with the sulphurious
particles which are mingled with their strata, as to present, when
stricken by the rays of the sun, a scintillating and bluish glare.
A more particular account of the falls is deemed unimportant. I have
endeavoured to give such a description as comported with my ideas and
feelings, whilst in view of them. These falls are, no doubt, a great
natural curiosity; and they will excite in all {79} much admiration and
awe. But many of the descriptions which travellers have given of them,
are erroneous in point of fact, and ridiculous in point of imagery. An
English writer says, that their “noise and vapour would scarcely be
equalled by the simultaneous report and smoke of a thousand cannon.” It
is true, that the roar of the falls can at times be heard for thirty
miles, or perhaps further; and that their exhalations have been seen at
the distance of ninety miles; but these circumstances exist only under
peculiar states of the atmosphere, and the causes of them produce, upon
the spot, a much less comparative effect. The falls, however, are indeed
tremendous; and they constitute the only visible discharge of four vast
inland seas.
Tradition says, that the falls of Niagara have, for a great length of
time, been receding;—that they were originally situated at the foot of
the rapids near Lewistown, a distance of seven miles from their present
position.[73] This idea is no doubt correct. Masses of rock must, from
time to time, have been shaken from the top and sides of the falls, by
the continual abrasion of the rapids. It is to be presumed, that the
falls will continue to move up towards Lake Erie; lessening the waters
of the upper lakes, and increasing those of the lower, in proportion as
the descent of the bed of the river above the present situation of the
falls may be greater, and the obstructions in it less. In the course of
many centuries, the falls will, probably, reach Lake Erie itself; in
which case the upper lakes may be partially drained, and Lake Ontario be
overflown. It has been asserted, that this lake fills once in seven
years. As to the time, this must be a whim; but there is reason to
believe that the lake occasionally fills, because its sources are
numerous and great, its discharge is not very ample, and high north-east
winds, which frequently prevail here, retard the {80} progress of the
water towards the river St. Lawrence.
I may here more particularly notice Lake Ontario. Its length is about
one hundred and seventy miles, and its breadth about sixty miles. It
contains a great many islands, nearly all of which are situated at the
easterly end of the lake. The principal islands are Amherst, Wolf, Gage,
and Howe. The land on the north-east coast of this lake is low, and in
some places marshy; near Lake Champlain, however, the country is
somewhat mountainous.
One of the islands in the river Niagara, of which I have spoken as
contributing to a division of the falls, is called Goat Island. It
belongs to Judge Porter, and contains about eighty acres.[74] Its soil
is excellent, and its timber valuable. From the main land to this island
a bridge has recently been built; and I understand, that a hotel is soon
to be erected on the island, for the accommodation of those who may
visit the falls.
The whole length of the river Niagara is about thirty-eight miles. Its
width is various. From Lewistown to the falls it is very narrow, its
banks high, and its bed consists of solid limestone. Above the falls the
river, in some places, is three miles wide, and contains several large
islands. Here its banks are low. At the ferry, about two miles from Lake
Erie, the river is only about one mile wide; and near the falls it again
contracts, and thereby so compresses the water as greatly to increase
its velocity. The average depth of the river is from twenty-five to
thirty feet. The rapidity of its current, from the ferry to within a
short distance of the falls, is about six miles an hour; but just above
the former its motion is much quicker. The navigation of the river,
above the falls, is very dangerous.
The principal of the islands just mentioned are {81} Navy, Grand, and
Buck-horn. The growth of timber upon them is principally hard wood, and
their soil is of a superior quality. Grand island is fifteen miles in
length.
From the falls of Niagara I proceeded to Buffalo. The distance from the
former place to Black Rock, is about twenty-two miles.[75] The way to it
is through a gloomy wood, between the trees of which one may
occasionally see the river. Here the aspect was dreary. The snow was
still very deep; the weather cold, windy and wild; the river presented a
green appearance, was partially covered with masses of ice, and
violently agitated by the spirit of an approaching storm. In this
situation I met three Indians. We were thinking of a shelter.—We passed
each other, only with a mute and sympathetic glance.
In the vicinity of the Lakes Ontario and Erie deeper snows fell, during
the last winter, than had ever been known there; and the severity of the
cold was without a parallel. Many people on the Lakes, and in the woods
were frozen to death. A hunter, who went into the wood for an afternoon,
was so frozen as to render necessary the amputation of his feet; and it
was not uncommon, in the upper part of the state of New-York, to see
men, in consequence of the frost, moving upon crutches.
It may be well for me here to mention some additional facts, in relation
to the country through which I have passed since leaving Vermont. The
face of it, from the Green Mountains to Niagara River, is rather level
than mountainous; there are, however, many high and steep hills. On both
sides of the Mohawk north and south, and from sixty to one hundred miles
west from Albany, there are a number of considerable hills. In the
vicinity of these, particularly near Scoharie, the soil is of an
inferior {82} quality. West of this to Lake Ontario is an extensive
level, interspersed with gradual and gentle swells. Some of the slopes
are extensive, and result in spacious flats, many of which are very
rich. This is particularly the case on the Genessee. The north-easterly
part of the State is hilly, and even mountainous; but some portions of
this section of the country, especially near Black River, is very
fertile. West of the Genessee, and more decidedly so in the vicinity of
Buffalo, the soil is not remarkably good; but on both sides of the
river, along Lake Ontario, the land is much better. In various other
parts of the state the soil is almost inexhaustibly rich; but, as is the
case in all extensive tracts of country, there are here some poor lands.
Generally speaking, the state is of immense force in point of
agriculture; and the means of conveying it to market are ample. North
and South, the Hudson, possessing a deep stream and gentle current,
extends from New-York, the great maratime depo of the state, to the
mountains between Lake Champlain and the St. Lawrence. From about the
centre of this river, north and south, the Mohawk reaches to within a
very short distance of Lake Ontario; and between Lake Champlain and Lake
Erie, east and west, there are a great many small lakes and rivers,
which tender their waters to the public spirit of the state. It is the
object of New-York to draw to herself the trade of Vermont and the
Canadas.
The western part of this state, was, during the revolution, inhabited by
the Six Nations of Indians, among whom were the Mohawks, a fierce and
powerful tribe. Most of these nations aided the British during this
great contest; and the state, in many places, suffered much from their
ravages.[76]
The land in this state is generally well timbered. The principal growth
is the several kinds of oak, {83} sugar and curled maple, walnut, beech,
black and white ash, birch, hickory, bass, sassafras, and several other
kinds. One cannot but regret the loss of so much excellent timber, as is
destroyed in our new settlements by clearing.
All the western waters are well stored with fish and fowl. Those of the
former in Lake Ontario are principally white fish, and black bass; and
in some of its tributary streams, there are salmon; but they are of an
inferior quality. In the west too, large quantities of sugar are made
from the sap of the maple; and in the woods are found bee hives
containing an almost incredible quantity of honey. A kind Providence has
also provided for our brethren of the west, innumerable salt springs,
which produce fine white salt. This article can, in some cases, be
bought at the works, at twenty cents a bushel.
The day after leaving Niagara Falls, I arrived at Black Rock, proceeded
on to Buffalo, and following a creek of this name, crossed a bay of Lake
Erie on the ice. I should have crossed the Niagara at Black Rock, for
the purpose of viewing Fort Erie, but the wind was so high that no boat
could have reached the opposite shore. This was a great disappointment
to me. My heart had prepared a laurel for the warrior’s tomb.—The graves
of Gibson and Wood tell us how to die for our country.[77] The private
soldier too, humble in station, yet lofty in spirit, deserves the
tribute of a tear.—I must say more in his behalf: comparatively
speaking, his sufferings have been unnoticed, his gallantry unrewarded,
his grave neglected. Who achieves our victories?—the private soldier.
What fills the breach in the ramparts of his country?—his dead body. In
eulogizing and rewarding the leaders of our armies, let us not forget
the more frequent sufferings, and the equal merits of the private
soldier.
{84} The battles of Chippewa, Niagara and Erie, are full of fame.
On my way to Buffalo, I passed Fort Schlosser,[78] and also a small
battery at Black Rock. Here the traveller is sensibly impressed by the
contrast, between the present solitary aspect of the adjacent country,
and the scenes which it presented, during those military operations
here, which furnish so bright a page in the records of American
prowess:—then, the splendour and roar of battle!—Now, the death-sleep of
the warrior, and the crimson shroud!
The distance from Black Rock to Buffalo is only two miles. The latter
place was destroyed by the enemy during the last war;[79] but since then
it has been rebuilt, and now contains many elegant houses. Buffalo is a
considerable place for business. Its situation is central, with respect
to the trade of the City of New-York, and that of the upper Lakes.
When I arrived at Buffalo, I had travelled twenty-four miles, without
meeting any habitation, excepting a very few scattering log huts. Some
of these were destitute of provisions; and at others of them a piece of
bread, and a drink of water cost me two York shillings. Not far from
this place, my dogs, knowing no law but that of nature, and having
forgotten my lecture to them upon theft, helped themselves to the first
repast presented, leaving their master to foot their bills. According to
the phraseology of our Grand Juries, they very modestly “took, stole,
and carried away” a piece of beef of the weight of three pounds, with an
intention to convert the same to their own use. Hue and cry was
immediately made, not by the Hundred, nor by the Posse Commitatus, but
by the power of the kitchen. Notwithstanding carelessness, on the part
of Mrs. Vixen, was the cause of this disastrous event; yet numerous
apologies were tendered to her, and {85} her lord, for the purpose of
appeasing their vindictive spirit: the thieves, at the same time, were
dividing the spoil behind some neighbouring snow-bank. The value of this
sacrifice to canine hunger, was of no consequence to the traveller; but
in this rare instance, money could not purchase pardon; and my dogs were
obliged to remain at some out-post until I renewed my march.
On Buffalo creek, which I have already mentioned and which is connected
with Lake Erie, there is an Indian village inhabited by the Senecas.
This tribe have a numerous settlement on the Genessee river, and several
others in the north-westerly part of Pennsylvania; but their numbers are
rapidly decreasing, and they are probably the most worthless tribe in
North America.[80]
In leaving Buffalo, I crossed, as before stated, a Bay of Lake Erie on
the ice. The distance across this Bay is about eight miles. For four and
twenty hours previous to my reaching the Lake, appearances indicated a
violent storm. It commenced as I passed through Buffalo, and continued
until after I had crossed the Lake. Such a snow storm I had never
witnessed;—indeed such a snow storm can scarcely be imagined. There was,
for hours, a constant whirl of snow, without the least cessation. At
noon it was night; the way could not be seen:—there was danger of
perishing.
My arrival on the other side of the Bay excited much curiosity.
Lake Erie was, at this time, fast bound in ice. The whole country,
excepting the evergreens, presented the aspect of perpetual congelation.
The freezing of Lake Erie probably arises, in part, from its being
shallow. Its greatest depth does not exceed fifty fathoms.
This Lake derives its name from the Eries, a tribe {86} of Indians once
dwelling upon its borders.[81] The scenery of its banks is rather
picturesque. The traveller sees many points of land extending into the
Lake; much level country; and a few considerable hills. This Lake is
about three hundred miles in length, and seven hundred in circumference.
Following the course of it, on the American side, the distance is full
four hundred miles. The growth of timber here is, generally, similar to
that east of Buffalo; but the soil is of greater fertility, and of
easier cultivation. It contains too, considerable limestone; and much
animal and vegetable substance. On the American side of the Lake there
is an abundance of game.
The islands of the Lake are numerous. Some of them are Grose Isle, Isle
Bois Blanc, St. George’s, Ship, Sandusky, Turtle, Put-in-Bay, and the
Three Sisters.
In some of these islands there are subterraneous passages, which abound
with petrifactions. In that called Put-in-Bay there is a considerable
cave, which I shall by and by describe.
On the 26th of February I had commenced the long and solitary way,
bounded on my right by Lake Erie, presenting an ocean of ice, and on my
left by a vast wilderness. In looking back I remembered toils and
privations, which had put my resolution to the test; and in
contemplating the prospect before me, the swamps of the Sandusky and
Miami forcibly presented themselves. Along the American side of the
Lake, especially the lower part of it, there are many townships; some of
them, however, are very inconsiderable, some are known only on paper,
and between the former are large districts of country in a wilderness
state. Some of the settlements are visited in the summer season by small
vessels on the Lake.
{87} In travelling from Buffalo to Detroit, I marched upon the Lake
about fifty miles. Sometimes I travelled near its margin, and sometimes
at the distance of thirty or forty miles from it. These numerous courses
were taken, to enable me to see various parts of the country, and also
for the purpose of obtaining game.
The New-York line, west of Buffalo, is about forty miles from this
place. The principal creeks within this line, and which are connected
with Lake Erie are Eighteen Mile, Catheraugus and Silver Creek. Near to
the mouth of the Catheraugus is another settlement of Seneca Indians.
The State of Pennsylvania is bounded by this Lake for the distance of
about fifty miles. The land here is very good. Presque Isle, situated
about twenty miles from the New-York line, is a considerable village,
and will become a place of importance.[82]
Until about the first of March the weather was uninterruptedly severe;
and although the country is generally infested with bears and wolves,
and furnishes almost every kind of game, I had not, previous to this
period, seen anything, relative to this particular, worthy of remark.
All nature, fast bound in the icy arms of winter, was mute. I looked
towards the Lake, but it spake not. I asked a reason of the trees, but
even their branches did not whisper to me.—The traveller was the only
living thing. Upon the bosom of the Lake he could see, that in the very
frolic of its waves, a sudden and bitter chill had fixed in
disappointment the smile of its delight.—Thus man, in the unsuspecting
season of happiness, feels the deadly pressure of unrelenting sorrow.
Leaving the Pennsylvania line, I entered the celebrated Connecticut
Reserve, called New Connecticut.
{88} The original charter of Old Connecticut embraced a large section of
that part of the North-West Territory, which lies south of Lake Erie. In
1786 this state ceded to the general government all her territory west
of Pennsylvania, excepting the tract now constituting New Connecticut.
This tract is bounded North by Lake Erie, South and West by Ohio, and
East by Pennsylvania. It is 120 miles long and 72 broad; making about
4,000,000 of acres. The country here is level, with occasional swells;
and the soil is a rich loam and clay mixed with sand. It contains no
small stones; but ledges and quarries are numerous. It abounds in
various kinds of hard wood; but pine is seldom seen here. With
emigrants, this tract of land is in high repute.
The principal rivers in New Connecticut is the Grand, and Cayahoga.[83]
The latter enters Lake Erie about forty miles east of the river Huron.
On its banks is situated a village, inhabited by the Cayuga Indians. The
river is navigable for boats; and its mouth is wide and deep enough to
receive considerable vessels from the Lake. The mouth of Grand River is
about seventy yards wide; but there are obstructions to its navigation,
particularly at its mouth.
Early in March I experienced a long storm of rain. My garments, after a
while, became wet; which circumstance rendered my situation
uncomfortable. I travelled, during the whole of the storm, in the belief
that continual motion was necessary to preserve my health. No one can
take cold in the worst of weather, during an active arterial
circulation. It is in a sudden check of this impetus, that severe colds
are experienced, and diseases contracted.
Having passed several small rivers, besides the Grand and Cayahoga, I
arrived, on the 4th of March, at Rocky River. The weather was still
rather {89} moderate, and thinking it would be dangerous to cross this
stream upon the ice, I passed along its southerly side and went upon the
Lake. This course was fortunate, inasmuch as it placed me in a very
interesting situation. It was late in the afternoon when I reached the
Lake; and it was my intention to travel upon it until the evening, and
then pass into the woods. Soon after leaving the river, however, I found
the banks of the Lake very high and steep. I pushed on. This tremendous
ridge of perpendicular rock proved to be several miles in length. I was
not aware, that it was the celebrated scene of storms, shipwrecks, and
savage offerings. Night approached. The prospects around me were
sublime. I was upon a glare of ice. Upon one side was a congealed ocean,
apparently unlimited, and on the other a gloomy bank fifty feet in
height, entirely perpendicular, and pending from which were huge
icicles.—I speak within bounds: they were twenty feet in length, and as
large as a hogshead. The severity of the weather had been unparalleled.
It had rained,—it had frozen. The night was dark. To ascend the banks
was impossible:—they seemed to be the everlasting battlements of nature!
The weather was still moderating; the ice of the Lake cracking in every
direction, and producing a noise like distant thunder. The solitude of
my situation was profound. I was in the midst of a world, and it
appeared to have been made but for one man. I walked with caution,
hoping yet to meet a ravine in the banks. At length I heard, at a little
distance, a sullen stream pouring its scanty waters into the hollow
Lake. I paused,—was bewildered,—was lost. The stars presented a gloomy
aspect, and shed an ineffectual light. My situation was truly
enviable!—There is a charm in desolation; and in the season of danger,
the human {90} soul triumphs in the conviction of its own
indestructibility.
After being apprised of the existence of the stream, I, with much
caution, moved upon my hands and knees towards the shore, presuming that
there was a valley through which the stream entered the Lake, and by
which I might reach the summit of the bank. I soon affected this object,
and entered the wood. I did not, however, sleep much: my imagination had
become active, and I passed most of the night in weaving the web of
fancy.
The adventure of the preceding evening was calculated to call forth much
_enthusiasm_. This, I know, is a term which alarms the ear of dullness;
but the indulgence of this native quality of the heart is not
inconsistent with the due influence of the understanding. What is it but
an admiration of those principles of mind, and those views of nature,
which may be traced to that Being in whom is the perfection of every
great and good attribute? Upon a vicious, or mean object it never looks
but with the eye of compassion and sorrow. I may be permitted to enlarge
a little upon this subject.
Enthusiasm is the reverse of mental and moral insensibility. In the home
of the heart it trims the lamp of intellect, and pants after true
greatness. In mind it perceives perennial existence, and in matter only
the temporary and humble dwelling place of its discipline. Immortality
is the holy land of its aspirations, and disinterestedness the altar of
its sacrifices. In self controul it displays its power, and the
obedience of the passions is the trophy of its victories. All Nature is
the temple of its worship, and in the inspiration of its hopes it finds
the source of its humility. During the convulsions of the physical
world, it sits in the composure of faith, and in the awe of admiration.
In religion it dwells with {91} humble rapture upon the Star of
Bethlehem, and gratefully acknowledges the spirit of grace. In
philanthropy it sees in every man a brother, and loves to do him good.
In patriotism it views, in the tombs of ancestors, the sanctity of home;
and in the protection of innocence, it courts a bloody sacrifice. In
love too, its happiness is productive of piety, and the tenderness of
its sentiments is equalled only by the purity of its motives.
The day after leaving the Lake the weather was cold and windy. After
travelling some miles in a south-westerly direction, I entered a
beautiful and solitary wood. It had more the appearance of an improved
forest than of a wilderness. In this wood I sat down to make some
remarks in my journal. I generally stopped two or three times a day for
this purpose;—sometimes sitting on a stump, sometimes under a tree, and
sometimes by the side of huge masses of ice near the shores of the Lake.
A record of passing scenes and events should immediately be made by the
traveller. By delay, their impressions upon his mind become less
legible, and then _art_ must supply, in some measure, the place of
nature.
The rain storm, and the moderate weather of which I have spoken, covered
many places in this part of the country with water to the depth of
several feet. Here low grounds and prairies made their appearance, and
wading over them, through snow, and water, and ice, was both laborious
and painful.
The weather having again become cold, the surface of the snow congealed
to a hard crust, so that my moccasons and socks became completely worn
through, and my feet much swollen. I deemed it advisable, as the remains
of my moccasons and socks were no security to my feet, and at the same
{92} time retarded my progress, to throw them aside and travel
barefooted. From this mode of travelling I found no serious
inconvenience. At length, however, my feet swelled to an alarming size;
but believing that rest alone would remove the evil, and not being
willing to afford myself much, I concluded to abandon them to that
possible remedy, which is incident to the crisis of disease and the
influence of habit. I now travelled with even more industry than before;
and in the course of a few days the swelling was entirely reduced: this
experiment, however, was not very pleasant; especially, after a few
hours rest.
I am confident that people, who are exposed to want both of food and
clothing, and also to pain, suffer much less than is imagined; and
particularly so if their minds are engaged in any interesting
undertaking. Man may, by habit, render almost any situation tolerable;
and I agree with Seneca, that if our sufferings are not very great we
can bear them with firmness; and if they are very great we shall soon be
relieved from them by death. During at least one half of the time
employed in performing my tour from New-Hampshire to Detroit, I was
afflicted by the tooth-ache; but notwithstanding this circumstance, and
also the toils and privations which I experienced, I do not remember a
moment, during this period, in which I did not possess a balance of
pleasure. The solitude which surrounded me, the novelty of my situation,
and the interesting prospects which frequently presented themselves,
often rendered me very happy.
In the course of a day or two after adopting my new mode of travelling,
I was so fortunate as to meet with several Indians, and of them I
purchased a pair of deerskin shoes. Indian women often accompany the men
in their hunting expeditions; and {93} one may frequently see them in
the woods employed in dressing Deer and Elk skins, and in making shoes
of them. They use the sinews of animals and the fibres of the inner bark
of trees instead of thread.
The weather was still rather severe, and the water beneath the surface
of the snow and ice exceedingly cold; my health, however, continued
good; and the only difficulty with which I had to contend was a want of
provisions. Sometimes I could not seasonably find game; sometimes could
not meet with even an Indian cabin; and sometimes even here scarcity and
want existed.
In this part of the country, although generally level, I met with
several very steep hills.
Soon after passing Black River,[84] an inconsiderable stream, the
weather again became more moderate; and the sun shone pleasantly. I
reached a hunting ground; and here game was very plenty. Black and grey
squirrels, partridges, quails, and deer were numerous. Five or six of
the latter were situated not far from me in a little thicket. My
garments of fur caused them to look upon me with rather an inquisitive
than fearful aspect. I had never seen wild deer before, and they
appeared too innocent for death. I was only half disposed to shoot them;
and whilst I was musing upon this interesting group, they saw my dogs,
and bounded delightfully over the hills and rivulets. My dogs
voluntarily pursued them, and brought one of these guileless animals to
the earth.
It is truly unpleasant to survey that lengthy, and complicated chain of
destruction, which supports animal life. From the animalcula of physical
nature to Behemoth himself, there is, mutually or exclusively, perpetual
carnage. Man, although a compound being;—altho’ possessing a moral as
well as a physical nature, is the great devourer. He revels, in {94}
pride and in luxury, upon the animal world; and after feasting high,
employs himself in the butchery of his own species. Such is the
aberrative power incident to his free agency.
The destruction of animal life is necessary to the security, and perhaps
to the health of man; but the life and comfort of animals should never
be trifled with. It is the only life which they can live; their little
light, once put out, is extinguished forever.
Upon leaving the hunting ground I passed Vermillion River.[85] It is
inconsiderable, but abounds with fish. The weather had so moderated,
that there was much danger in passing it on the ice. The soil near this
river is of a very fertile quality. It is diversified with levels and
gentle swells; and is covered with a valuable growth of hard wood. The
sugar maple greatly abounds here, and vast quantities of sugar and
molasses are produced from its sap. Here too are frequently found bee
hives containing from 100 to 200 pounds of honey. Many kinds of nuts
also grow here in great abundance; and the swine in the woods are very
numerous. The boars sometimes become wild and fierce, and are hunted
with horses and dogs.
I have observed, that the land, in the vicinity of Buffalo, is not so
good as that which is east of it. The soil appears to become better and
better after crossing the Pennsylvania line; and especially after
reaching Vermillion River. Previous to my arrival here, however, I
could, owing to the snow, judge only from the situation of the land, the
growth of timber upon it, and from information occasionally obtained.
On the 8th of March I passed Huron River.[86] The weather was moderate,
the snow and ice melted very fast, and I crossed a rapid freshet on
logs. The traveller, after having long marched through deep snows, and
after having experienced all the severities {95} of winter, sees, in the
thawing winds of spring, the hand of a watchful and kind Providence. “He
casteth forth his ice like morsels; who can stand before his cold! He
sendeth out his word, and melteth them; he causeth his wind to blow and
the waters to flow.”
Soon after leaving this river I crossed vast prairies, all of which are
rich, but some of them are too wet for cultivation. The best of these
prairies are from two to three feet deep, consisting of a rich black
mould, and having a pan of limestone. A team of four yoke of oxen is
necessary to plough them. The most proper series of crops is, first
wheat, secondly corn, and then, lying fallow, the land will produce a
spontaneous growth of fine grass, which answers every necessary purpose
of fodder in this part of the country. Innumerable cattle may be fed on
these prairies in summer, and, generally, they may subsist here during a
considerable part of the winter. An unlimited quantity of coarse hay may
be cut here; growing, as it does, spontaneously, and in great abundance.
By cutting it, the growth becomes less coarse, and more succulent and
palatable.
Cattle in this part of the country are, in the summer season, very fat;
but a great many of them die of disease, and often very suddenly. Last
winter they suffered greatly from the severity of the season, and the
want of fodder; and during the early part of last spring many of them
were in a perishing condition.
Crops of wheat here are very good; and the best of the land produces
from 40 to 60 bushels of corn an acre without manure. Indeed manure is
never used here. In time, however, the natural fertility of the soil
will become less; and farmers would do well, even here, to yard their
cattle.
At present, provisions in this part of the country {96} command a high
price. The numerous emigrations thither produce a scarcity. Along the
south shore of Lake Erie the markets will, for some time to come, be
very good. Depos of provisions are established here by the farmers of
New-York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio; and vessels on the Lake transport
them, during the spring and fall, to Detroit and other places. Although
the cultivator, in the immediate vicinity of Detroit, meets with every
encouragement, agriculture there is very little attended to; the
consequence is, that produce to a large amount finds, from abroad, a
ready market in that place.
I now consider myself in that part of the state of Ohio which lies west
of the Connecticut Reserve.
Of considerable portions of the country, which are situated between the
Huron and Sandusky rivers, I entertain a favourable opinion; other parts
of it, however, are too swampy for cultivation. There are many fine
tracts from the Pennsylvania line to the last mentioned place.
The Deer in the vicinity of the prairies, of which I have been speaking,
are very large. Some of them weigh from 150 to 200 pounds. Wild turkeys
too, are here numerous, and they sometimes weigh from 20 to 30 pounds.
But facts like these unduly affect the imagination. These kinds of game
cannot always be found; the toils of the chase are frequently
unrewarded; and many who have settled in the west with lively feelings
upon this topic, have abandoned this precarious source of profit.
For several days I have been employed in crossing vast prairies. The
weather continued moderate, the snow, water, and mud were deep, and
wading laborious. I frequently met with considerable freshets, and the
banks of the creeks were overflown. Here I saw vast flocks of wild geese
flying towards {97} Sandusky Bay. Their hoarse notes, proceeding from
the misty air, rendered even more solitary a trackless and almost
illimitable plain of high and coarse grass. I was repeatedly lost in
these prairies; and found it necessary to calculate my way by compass
and maps.
Within about twenty miles of the famous Black Swamp,[87] I entered, late
in the afternoon, a dark wood in a low and wet situation. The weather
being moderate, I continued to travel until very late in the evening.
About 12 o’clock at night my dogs contended with a herd of wolves and
were both slain. The winter, until within a few days, having been very
severe, the wolves, probably, were very hungry and ferocious. It is
said, that in this part of the country they are very numerous and bold.
From the manner in which the contest commenced, I am inclined to
believe, that the wolves, having issued from their dens, had come to
feast themselves. Previous to the rencounter, all was perfect silence.
My dogs were near me, and without the least noise, which I could
perceive, the war commenced. It was sudden and furious.
I had, for hours, been experiencing a most excruciating tooth-ache; and
my sense of hearing was considerably affected by it. But when the
contest began, I, for a moment, forgot my infirmities, seized my gun,
encouraged my dogs, and marched forth in the most lively expectation of
achieving some great victory. It being, however, very dark, the bushes
being thick, and the voice of the battle beginning to die upon my ear, a
sense of my sufferings returned, and I sought repose in my tent. But I
found no repose there: the whole night was employed in endeavouring to
assuage with gun powder and salt, the only applications in my power, an
almost insufferable tooth-ache.
{98} My dogs never returned from the strife. I had lost the faithful,
and disinterested partners of my toil. I could not leave so interesting
a place. For two nights and one day I remained upon the spot;—but for
what, I did not know. In the listlessness of sorrow I fired my rifle
into the air. At length I realized, that my dogs had fallen nobly; and
the sentiments of grief found a solace in the dictates of pride.
As the fate of my dogs is interesting I may be permitted to spend a
moment in their praise.
They were not, like the hounds of Sparta, dewlaped and flewed; but they
possessed the acuteness of these, with the courage of the mastiff. They
were very large, and accustomed to the strife of the woods. Tyger was
grave and intrepid. Small game excited in him no interest; but when the
breath of the foe greeted him in the breeze, he surveyed, at a glance,
and with a lofty aspect the surrounding wood. Slow, steady, and firm in
pursuit, he remained silent until the object of his search was found;
and then, a cry more terrible than his
“Was never hallowed to,
Nor check’d with horn in Crete or Thessaly.”
He had lost an eye in the battles of the mountains, and was, in every
sense of the word, a veteran.
Pomp was active, generous, affectionate, and in courage and perseverance
unrivalled. In the night, it was his custom to pillow his head upon his
master’s breast; and he ever seemed concerned to guard him from the
dangers of an unsheltered repose.
Perhaps too I may here notice some traits in the character of the wolf.
The countenance of this animal evinces both cunning and ferocity. The
length of his body is generally about four feet, the legs from fifteen
to eighteen inches, the circumference of {99} the body from two and an
half to three feet, and the tail sixteen inches in length. The colour of
the wolf is a mixture of light and brown with streaks of grey. His hair
is long, rough, and very coarse; his tail is bushy, something like that
of a fox, his body is generally gaunt, his limbs are muscular, and his
strength very great: with perfect ease he can carry a sheep in his
mouth.
The cunning and agility of this animal are equal to his strength; and
his appetite for animal food is exceedingly voracious;—so much so, that
he often dies in pining for it. When his hunger is very imperious, even
man becomes the object of his ferocity. His sense of smelling is so
acute, that at the distance of three leagues, a carcass will attract his
attention. The wolf is a very solitary animal; and never associates with
his species but for the purpose of attacking a human being, or some
animal of which he is individually afraid; and when the object of the
combination is effected, each retires sullenly to his den.
It appears by the early stages of English history, that wolves in
England have been so formidable as to attract the particular attention
of the King; and even as late as Edward the first, a superintendant was
appointed for the extirpation of this dangerous and destructive animal.
I may add that not long after the loss of my dogs I reached, just before
night, a solitary log hut; and in about an hour after a wolf howled at
the door.
Leaving the field of battle, I moved on towards Sandusky rapids. My
health had suffered by fatigue and want of sleep. The weather was still
moderate; and the water, rushing through the vallies, seemed to sing the
requiem of my lost companions. My lone steps too, through the streams,
forcibly reminded me of their absence.
{100} In the course of the day I passed over the low and swampy grounds,
and the prospect became a little diversified. A few small yet steep
hills presented themselves. Here the soil is fertile and the growth of
timber elegant; upon one spacious rise of ground near these, however,
there are a few scattering oaks, and the soil is thin and sterile.
The following night I heard the howling of some beasts of prey, and
apprehended an attack. I newly primed my gun and pistols; but my ragged
domicil was not invaded.
A day or two after, I reached Sandusky Rapids.[88] The land in the
vicinity of this river is very fertile. The hill, a little west of the
river, is high, and its summit constitutes a vast plain of rich land. A
town, I understand, is here to be laid out. The soil below the hill, on
both sides of the river, is also very rich; but the situation is too low
to be pleasant, and must, I think, be unhealthy. On the west of the
river are a few scattering houses. The river at the rapids is about
thirty rods wide; and when I crossed it, it was full of floating ice.
The velocity of the current was great. Sandusky Bay is situated about
eighteen miles below the rapids; and Upper Sandusky lies about forty
miles above them.[89] Upon this river are situated several tribes of
Wyandot and Seneca Indians; and the United States derived from them by
the treaty of Greenville, two small tracts of land lying upon the banks
of the above mentioned river and bay.[90]
At a little distance from the western bank of the lower rapids of this
river is Fort Sandusky, which was, during the late war, so nobly and
effectually defended by the youthful Croghan.[91] I examined this post
with much attention and interest. Its means of annoyance must have been
in itself, inconsiderable; but the genius of a Croghan, supported by one
{101} hundred and sixty patriotic and unyielding spirits, defended it
against the repeated and embittered efforts of five hundred British
regulars, and seven hundred Indians, aided by several gunboats and some
pieces of artillery. The beseiged had only one six pounder. This they
masked until the enemy leaped into the ditch, and then it swept them
with dreadful carnage. This defence is beyond praise.
After remaining at Sandusky a few hours I entered the celebrated Black
Swamp. It was in its very worst state. In my journal I observe, that I
will not attempt to describe it. There was an unusual quantity of snow
and ice upon the ground; and the weather being moderate the water
rapidly increased. The distance across the swamp is forty miles. The
wading was continually deep, the bushes thick, and the surface of the
earth frozen and full of holes. What was worse than all, the ice, not
yet separated and nearly strong enough to bear one, was continually
breaking and letting the traveller into water from two to four feet in
depth. The creeks there too are numerous, and the ice in them was broken
up. The freshets were great, the banks of the creeks overflown, and the
whole country inundated. In proceeding through the swamp I was
constantly employed in making great exertions for nearly four days. The
weight of my dress and baggage was a very great incumbrance to me; but
my buffalo pantaloons were a defence against the thick yet brittle ice
through which I was continually breaking.
At the edge of the swamp I saw an Indian passing across a neck of land
on the Sandusky; and I hailed him, for the purpose of obtaining some
information as to the best way through this trackless wild; but he
either could not speak English, or pretended that this was the case. It
is said that they {102} frequently do so. Soon after, I met with three
Indians, together with one white man. The white man was a little
intoxicated, and had, they said, engaged to do some work for them but
had run away. Whilst I was obtaining from them information as to my
course, the white man, falling a little behind, again deserted. My rifle
was immediately seized by the Indians for the purpose of shooting him;
but by great exertions I held it, until the man was out of sight, and
then they desisted and pursued him. I marched on.
Towards evening I found a small elevation of land, and there encamped
for the night. My little fire appeared like a star on the bosom of
ocean. Earth was my couch, and my covering the brilliant canopy of
Heaven. After preparing my supper, I slept in peace; but was awakened,
at daylight, by a high wind accompanied by rain. Ere I arose, the lofty
trees shaken by the tempest seemed ready to fall upon me. During the
evening, such was the stillness of the situation, and such the splendour
of the firmament, that nothing but fatigue could have checked the
current of reflection. How great are the advantages of solitude!—How
sublime is the silence of nature’s ever active energies! There is
something in the very name of wilderness, which charms the ear, and
soothes the spirit of man. There is religion in it.—The children of
Israel were in the wilderness, and it was a type of this world! They
sought too the Land of Promise, and this was a type of Heaven.
The next morning I renewed my exertions. The weather was lowering and
cold. I found it necessary to wade through water of the depth of four or
five feet, and my clothes were covered with icicles. About noon I
arrived at a creek, a little to the east of Charon river,[92] and found
much difficulty and danger {103} in crossing it. The channel of the
creek was very deep, and its banks overflown, on both sides, for a
quarter of a mile. After wading some way, I reached the channel, and by
the aid of a fallen tree and some floating logs crossed it; the current,
however, was so rapid, that upon the fallen tree lying under the
surface, I could scarcely keep upon my feet: a single mis-step would
have been fatal.
Immediately after crossing the channel, I found the water about four
feet deep; and its depth soon increased so as to reach my shoulders.
Here I stopped to survey my situation. Although the trees in this place
were large and scattering, I could not perceive the land. The prospect
reminded me of the Lake of the Woods. After wading up and down for some
time, in the hope of finding the water less deep, I concluded to
re-cross the channel and endeavour to obtain a fordable place in some
other direction; but in attempting to return, a large and decayed log,
upon which I had floated and upon which the impression of my feet had
been left, could not be found. I was here completely bewildered. Alone,
nearly up to my neck in water, apparently in the midst of a shoreless
ocean, being too without my dogs, which used to swim around me when
crossing such places, my situation was rather unpleasant; the novelty of
it, however, together with my apparent inability to extricate myself
produced a resourceless smile. After a while, I repassed the channel of
the creek; and finally, by much labour and with great hazard, reached
the western shore.
During a part of this day it rained; and so solitary was the aspect of
every thing around me, that a very eloquent idea of the pious orator of
Uz naturally presented itself:—
“To cause it to rain on the earth, where no man is;—
On the wilderness, where there is no man.”
{104} The next day the weather was severe. The ice among the bushes had
become harder; but still it would not bear me, and the water was
exceedingly cold. Icicles formed upon my clothes almost immediately. I
was continually wading in a greater or less depth of water during the
whole day; and sometimes travelled for miles in three or four feet of it
without cessation. Travelling through such a depth of water where the
ice breaks at almost every step is exceedingly laborious. During this
day too, I passed several deep and rapid creeks in the usual way. At
dusk I fell in with about twenty Indians of the Wyandot Tribe. They were
encamped on a small rise of land which, however, was rather wet. They
had recently come from the vicinity of Fort Meigs, and were travelling
to some hunting ground. Their condition was deplorable. They had, the
day before, buried one of their company, another of them was very sick,
and they had no provisions. I had but a trifle myself, and the wants of
the sick Indian rendered me supperless.
These Indians surveyed me with rather a grave and distant aspect; but
with one of them, who could speak English, I became well acquainted. In
the course of the evening some strips of bark were prepared to keep me
from the ground; but my clothes being wet, and having no covering it was
impossible for me to sleep. Indeed so cold was the night, that the next
morning the swamp was frozen very hard. My Indian friend called himself
Will Siscomb; and with him I conversed respecting the Great Spirit.
During the night I perceived, that the poor Indians suffered much from
cold, and from the smoke of their fire. They, however, beguiled the time
by their rude songs.
Very early the next morning I left this tawny group, and in the course
of the day arrived at Fort Meigs.
{105} Here the Black, or Miami Swamp terminates; but for fifty miles
east of this tract, and for the same distance west of Fort Meigs, the
country is generally level, covered with trees, bushes, and long grass,
and in the spring of the year very wet.
I had long been wishing to see Fort Meigs; and there I rested, for an
hour, my weary feet.[93] The Fort is very large, and its situation is
somewhat commanding. The Miami of the Lake runs about a half mile west
of the Fort; and the river is here about one third of a mile wide.
I have understood, of late, that the courage and conduct of General
Harrison, who commanded at Fort Meigs in the course of the last war, was
questionable. I shall take the liberty to express a few ideas upon this
topic, because it is natural for one to advocate the cause of a brave
man, whose courage has been denied, and that too, perhaps, by the most
contemptible combination of cowardice and envy.
The spirit of detraction is at once malignant and cowardly. It possesses
the capacity to injure, and at the same time the means of shielding
itself from detection. A single breath may tarnish the brightest
character; the world, therefore, for its own sake, as well as for the
sake of justice and humanity, should listen with a jealous ear to the
tongue of slander.
I never had the honour of seeing General Harrison; but what, I ask, are
the grounds of the charge against him? General Harrison was a fellow
soldier and disciple of the wary and energetic General Wayne. His
knowledge of military tactics is very extensive, and his courage, for
ought I can see, is of a high order. Up to the time of the bloody battle
of Tippecanoe, the government, no doubt, thought him brave; and here he
was truly so. At Fort Meigs too, he undauntedly maintained {106} his
position, in the midst of a wilderness, surrounded by hordes of savages,
headed by Tecumseh, and supported by regular troops commanded by the
blood-thirsty Proctor. Afterwards he met and defeated the enemy at the
River Thames.
Probably his courage was questioned, because he did not, whilst
unprepared, press on to Detroit, and expose his forces to that
destruction which befel those of Winchester.[94] Many an ignorant
militia man, and inexperienced young officer, would have recommended
such a course. But Harrison, well acquainted with the requisites of an
army, well versed in the stratagems of savage warfare, and knowing well
the exposed situation of the frontier, thought best to remain where he
was until his own situation, or that of the enemy should warrant an
attempt to proceed. Had he marched further west, and by so doing been
defeated, every settlement and log hut on the southern shore of Lake
Erie would have been ravaged, and their inhabitants, probably, consigned
to savage fury.
At the foot of the hill, upon which is Fort Meigs, there are a few log
houses. The situation under the hill is very low, and the soil rich. The
river here is called the Miami of the Lake, to distinguish it from the
Great Miami, and Little Miami rivers, which discharge their waters into
the Ohio.
When I arrived at the Miami of the Lake, its banks had been so overflown
as to pile up about the houses huge masses of ice. The water had risen
so as to flow through the windows, and many swine and other domestic
animals were swept from the yards.
I found the velocity of the rapids very great; and there was much danger
in crossing them. The opposite bank is pleasantly diversified, and its
soil is very fertile. Here Colonel Dudley, commanding {107} a detachment
from Fort Meigs, during the last war, gallantly compelled the enemy to
retreat; but owing to the imprudent zeal of his brave men, both them and
himself were ambushed and slain.[95] Upon this river are situated the
Vermillion and other tribes of Indians.
The Miami of the Lake extends above Fort Meigs to Fort Wayne,[96] a
distance of about one hundred miles, and then branches to the right and
left; one of which branches proceeds in the direction of the sources of
the Illinois river, and within about fifteen miles of St. Joseph’s
river, which enters Lake Michigan; and the other in that of those of the
Great Miami river. Between a minor branch of the Miami of the Lake and
the Great Miami there is a portage of five miles. The name of one of the
first mentioned branches is St. Mary, and constitutes the river of this
name. On this river is situated Fort Adams; and about half way between
Fort Wayne and Miami Bay is Fort Defiance.[97] The navigation of the
main stream, for vessels, extends only a short distance above Fort
Meigs; and from this place to Miami Bay the distance is eighteen miles.
Near this Bay is Fort Miami, which was built by the British in 1794.[98]
About fifteen miles beyond the Miami of the Lake, is the line between
the State of Ohio and Michigan territory.
For twenty miles west of this river there are some rises of land, the
soil of which is light, and the growth of timber upon them is
principally white oak. In travelling this distance I crossed several
creeks, with much difficulty and hazard. Up and down the bank of one of
them I marched for hours before I could find a single tree or log to
float upon. Just before reaching this creek a bear crossed my path; but
having no dogs I could not overtake him.
Soon after leaving the last mentioned creek, {108} arrived at another,
which furnished more means of crossing, but in the employment of which
there was the greatest peril. A tree lay part of the way across the
channel of the creek with its top towards me; but being very large its
trunk had sunk far below the surface of the current, so that I could
walk only on its crooked branches. Having my gun too, I could employ but
one hand in supporting myself, and sometimes could reach no limb for the
employment even of that. After crossing a part of the channel, I found
the large end of the tree several feet below the surface of the water;
and it was disposed to sink further. At the distance of several feet
from the end of it was a high stump; and from this to the shore there
was a space of water a few feet in depth. I could take no other course
than to note the direction and extent of the body of the tree, walk
quickly to its end, spring to the stump, and from that to the shore. I
effected my object; but was never more sensible of the protecting hand
of Providence. The water of the creek was exceedingly cold, and the
chill of evening was approaching.
It was now the 17th of March, the ground was frozen, and the travelling
very rough and painful. In the forenoon I passed the Bay Settlement.[99]
This place contains several scattering houses, which are occupied
principally by French people; and the aspect of the whole country is
that of an illimitable marsh. Some parts of this tract of prairie are
too wet for cultivation. A few miles east of the Bay there are several
rises of land, the soil of which is light and well adapted to the
cultivation of wheat.
Towards evening I reached the River Raisin. At the distance of a few
miles east of it, I entered the Military Road, of which the public
papers have spoken, and which leads to the old roads in the vicinity of
Detroit.[100] This road is cut through a perfect wilderness {109} of a
large growth of timber. It is very wide, and entirely free from stumps.
The plan of it, and the manner in which the work has been executed,
speak favourably of the judgment and fidelity of the military
department.
The travelling on this road is, in the spring of the year, very heavy;
and a person on foot is much annoyed by the sharp points of bushes which
are concealed by the mud.
At the commencement of the road the country becomes rather elevated, is
highly fertile, is covered with a superb growth of timber, and is
intersected with streams well calculated for mills.
On the River Raisin stands Frenchtown, an ancient and considerable
settlement.[101] The inhabitants on the river are principally French;
but the American population is rapidly increasing. The soil here is of
an excellent quality, and in high repute. The river, at the settlement,
is about sixty rods wide, and it is navigable to Lake Erie, a distance
of about twelve miles. The river has been explored for about seventy
miles above Frenchtown; and beyond this distance the country is but
little known. The land above the settlement is said to be even better
than in its immediate vicinity. The name of the river comports well with
the nature of the soil; it may be rendered, in English, river of grapes.
I approached this river with a light step and a heavy heart. Hundreds of
my gallant countrymen had there fallen victims to British barbarity. Who
has heard without horror, of the massacre at the River Raisin![102] When
I arrived at this bloody field, the snow had left the hillocks, and the
grass began to vegetate upon the soldier’s grave. The sun was setting in
sadness, and seemed not yet to have left off his weeds. The wind from
the north, crossing {110} the icy vales, rebuked the unconscious spring;
and the floating ice, striking against the banks of the river, spake of
the warrior souls, pressing for waftage across the gulph of death.
In speaking of our too general employment of militia, I suggested, that
in another place I should offer some reflections upon the subject of
war.
Nothing but the influence of example, and the ability of the human mind
readily to accustom itself to crime and carnage, prevents us from being
shocked by sanguinary contests between civilized communities. How
astonishing is it, that nations, acquainted with the feelings and
principles of humanity, instructed by the precepts and example of the
Prince of Peace, and living in the hopes of Heaven, should send armies
into the field to butcher each other! The practice is indeed a disgrace
to human nature; and the mournful consequences of it must make the
Angels weep. How often has the hostile foot suddenly assailed the ear of
apprehension! How often has war driven man from his home, and blasted
forever his plans of domestic happiness! How often is the wife called
upon to mourn her husband slain!—The father his son, the pride and the
glory of his old age!—The son his father, the instructor and the guide
of his youth!—The brother, his brother of love!—And the maiden, the
blooming youth,—the secret joy of her soul!
A state of war is demoralizing in many points of view. It opens a wide
door to selfish ambition,—to intrigue, avarice, and to all their
concomitant crimes. A habit of engaging in war is very soon acquired;
and then the feelings, and pecuniary interests of a considerable portion
of the community, renders, to them, such a state desirable. Under such a
state of things, the defence of national liberty is often the insincere
apology for invasion; and the splendour {111} of military parade,
captivating the heart, darkens the understanding, and silences the voice
of conscience. The true nature of freedom is here overlooked; passion
supplies the place of reason; and false glory is substituted for
national respectability. Upon these grounds, the eclat of military
achievements undermines the virtue of the state, and military tyranny
usurps the place of rational government.
The evil effects of war are incalculable. They continue to operate for
ages, and materially affect the ultimate destinies of nations. War,
however, is sometimes necessary: but self defence,—in the largest sense
of the phrase; self defence, both at home and on Nature’s Commons;—self
defence directly and indirectly, is the only ground upon which it should
be waged. Here Heaven will always smile, and freemen always conquer.
On the 18th and 19th of March I passed the battle grounds of Brownstown
and Magagua.[103] Near the former place Major Vanhorn, commanding a
detachment of one hundred and fifty men, was suddenly attacked, on all
sides, by British regulars and Indians. The Americans made a spirited
resistance, and after suffering severely effected a retreat. Soon after
this affair another detachment, under Lieutenant Colonel Miller,
consisting of three hundred of the veteran 4th regiment, and also about
two hundred militia, were sent to accomplish the object of Vanhorn’s
march, which was to support Capt. Brush, who was encamped at the River
Raisin, and who was destined for Detroit with provisions for our army
then in possession of Sandwich. The enemy anticipating another attempt
to accomplish the object, immediately obtained reinforcements, and lay
in ambush near the former battle ground. The Indians were commanded by
Tecumseh; and the combined forces amounted to about seven hundred and
fifty men.
{112} Colonel Miller, although he proceeded with caution, experienced a
sudden attack. Perhaps there never was one more furious; or the
resistance to which evinced in a greater degree the characteristic union
and firmness of disciplined troops.
On the right of the Americans there was a dark wood, and on their left
was a small prairie across which was an eminence covered with trees and
bushes. In the wood, on the right, the Indians lay in ambush, with a
breastwork between them and the Americans. On the small height, on the
left, there was stationed a detachment of Indians; and the British
regulars occupied other favourable positions. The onset was tremendous.
The veteran Miller immediately extended his lines, to avoid being
outflanked, ordered a detachment to dislodge the enemy on his left,
opened a brisk fire upon the main body of the assailants, and then drove
them at the point of the bayonet. At the same time, the enemy was driven
from the height in a most prompt and gallant manner. The British
regulars retreated; but the Indians still obstinately contended from
behind the scattering trees. The regulars, in the mean time, were
rallied; and the battle became more general, and more equally
maintained. At this eventful moment, the mighty, yet cheering voice of
the intrepid Miller, like the roar of a torrent echoing from a thousand
hills, inspired with a new impulse his faithful,—generous troops.—In one
moment the victory was ours. Early in the engagement, the veteran
Colonel was, accidentally, thrown from his horse; and some suppose, that
they can still see upon the ground the impression of his gigantic form.
In examining this interesting battle ground, I found, by the numerous
scars on the trees under which the Americans fought, that the enemy made
a great many random shot. It is to be presumed, {113} that soldiers
generally fire too high, especially when the object is at a considerable
distance; not considering that a ball, in its passage, describes a
circular line. Every soldier should be acquainted with the most simple
principles of enginery; and he should practice upon those principles,
for the purpose of ascertaining their relative influence upon the
character of his piece. General Wayne seemed to be aware that soldiers
are apt to fire too high. He was often heard to say to his troops, in
battle:—“Shin them my brave boys!—shin them!”
In passing the battle grounds all was silence. Not a leaf was in motion.
The misty air seemed conscious that here was the place of graves; and no
sound was heard but the footsteps of the stranger who had come to
rejoice and to mourn.
Before leaving these interesting, yet melancholy scenes, I may add, that
where one is acquainted with the particulars of an engagement, he can
view, with much gratification, the positions which the parties occupied,
and draw, from their influences upon the result, important lessons equal
to those of actual experience.
From the River Raisin to Brownstown the land is highly valuable, and
presents some fine scites for farms. The soil is rugged and rich, the
timber upon it lofty and elegant, and the streams remarkably well
calculated for manufacturing purposes. In viewing these fine tracts I
could not but pity those poor fellows whom I have often seen settled
upon a barren and rocky soil, scarcely fit for the pasturage of sheep.
Unacquainted with the quality of land, and yet devoted to the employment
of agriculture, they still cleave to their possessions, which instead of
enriching them, will break down their constitutions with labour, and
keep them poor all their days. Such persons, however, need not leave the
land of {114} their birth and the society of their friends. Let them
still employ their industry at home; not upon a less thankless soil.
From Brownstown to Detroit the land is diversified with small meadows
and fertile eminences. Here there is a beautiful view of the river
Detroit. The rises of land consist of a rich black mould, upon a
limestone bottom. At the foot of them there are fine springs, and on
their summits a good growth of hard wood.
The day after leaving Magagua I arrived at Detroit, to which place I had
long looked for that rest and those comforts, which would enable me to
make new exertions. In marching to this place I was constantly employed,
with the exception of one day, for seven weeks. The distance from
New-Hampshire to Detroit, by the rout which I took, is about one
thousand miles. Ere I reached the city my clothes became much torn, and
in going through the bushes my eyes were greatly injured. Within one
hundred miles east of Detroit, I crossed upwards of thirty rivers and
creeks.
The prospect in approaching this place is picturesque and interesting.
At the distance of several miles, the traveller, in moving along the
western bank of the river, sees several large buildings, and several
windmills in the town of Sandwich. This place is very considerable, and
is situated on the Canada side of the river, opposite Detroit. The
general appearance of this part of the country is truly European.
The city of Detroit is very beautifully situated.[104] Its principal
street and buildings are upon a bend of the river, of a mile or two in
length, and they occupy the whole extent of it. The bend forms a
semi-circle, and the banks of it are gently sloping. The houses and
stores are near the summit of the bank, {115} and the slopes form
pleasant grounds for gardening. The streets intersect each other at
right angles, and the situation is calculated for a large and elegant
city. The Fort and Cantonment lie about forty rods west of the main
street. From this street a spacious gate opens to them, and at a little
distance from it, the road forks and leads to them respectively. The
contrast between the numerous white buildings in both of these places,
and the green grass contiguous to and around them is very pleasant. A
stranger, in visiting the Fort and Cantonment, is agreeably impressed
with the neatness of their appearance, and with the order and discipline
which are maintained there among the troops. The apartments of the
officers too present a studious and scientific aspect; and seem to
warrant the idea, that in the officers of our army are united the
character of the well informed gentleman, and intrepid soldier. This
military post is a very important and responsible station; and the
government has made for it a very judicious selection of officers.
Several of these officers are of the veteran 4th regiment; and others of
them have seen the darkened sky red-hot with battle.
On the evening of my arrival at Detroit, I addressed the following note
to Governor Cass: “A gentleman from New-Hampshire wishes for the
privilege of introducing himself to Governor Cass. He is upon a
pedestrious tour, and therefore trusts, that the roughness of his garb
will not preclude him from the honour of an interview. March 20th,
1818.” The Governor replied with his compliments and with the request
that I would call upon him the next morning at 9 o’clock. At the time
appointed I waited upon him, and was received with that unaffected
friendliness and manner, which so well comports with the institutions of
the country.
{116} Governor Cass,[105] who is the Supreme Executive magistrate of the
Michigan Territory, resides just below the Cantonment; and General
Macomb[106] occupies an elegant brick house, erected by General Hull,
situated at the upper end of the street. The former is remarkably well
calculated for the Governor of a frontier Territory: in him are united
the civilian and the warrior. Governor Cass lives in an unostentatious
style; his aspect evinces benevolence; his disposition is social, and
his manners are plain.
The style in which General Macomb lives is at once elegant and becoming.
His military reputation is well known; and in private life he is
conspicuous for affability, politeness and attention to strangers.
Soon after entering Detroit, I met with a trifling incident, which
interested me by exciting my curiosity. Among a crowd of gazers here, I
saw a face which I remembered to have known a great while before; but
where, I could not tell. How astonishingly impressive is the expression
of the human countenance! The next day the man passed the Hotel where I
sojourned, and I took the liberty to invite him in. Twenty years had
elapsed since I had last seen him; and then we were mere children,
pronouncing in the same class our A, B, C.
A considerable part of the population of Detroit are French; but the
number of Americans there, is daily increasing, and will soon become
very numerous. The Government warehouse here is very large, and the
Government wharf is long and commodious. There are several other wharves
at Detroit, and the vessels lying at them make a pleasant appearance.
From the lower part of the town the view, up the river, is remarkably
fine. Here one may see, for the distance of four miles, a beautiful
expanse of water, several islands almost lost to vision, and near {117}
them, on a point of land, several large windmills. The river itself
yields to none in point of utility and beauty. Opposite to Detroit it is
about one mile wide, and its current moves about three miles an hour.
The whole length of the river is thirty miles; and from Detroit to Lake
St. Clair the distance is nine miles.
In Detroit there is much good society; and hospitality is a conspicuous
trait in the character of the people. The Lyceum established here is
patronized by the principal men in the place; and those who take a part
in its discussions display extensive information, much correct
reasoning, and no little eloquence. There is also an Academy in this
place; and it is superintended by the learned Mr. Monteith. In time,
this city will become conspicuous for its literature, and for the
propriety of its customs and manners. In relation to politics, it will
take, in some respects, a new course; and in this particular be an
example worthy of imitation. In point too of municipal regulation and
statutary rule, the Michigan Territory will be eminently correct. There
is no state or territory in the union, which merits so much attention on
the part of the General Government as the Michigan Territory. In the
vicinity of Detroit there is, for the distance of thirty miles, only the
width of the river of this name between the United States and Upper
Canada; and above Lake St. Clair, there is between the two countries
only the width of the river St. Clair for the distance of forty miles.
It will be of great consequence, in a national point of view, to have
the systems of education, laws, customs, and manners, of the Territory
such as to outweigh the counter influence of those of the British in its
neighbourhood. As to the population of this territory, the General
Government will do well to afford every facility and encouragement to
{118} its increase. By increasing the strength of our frontier
settlements, we shall lessen the influence of the British Government
over the savages of the west, and be able to meet their incursions more
promptly, and with greater effect.
At Detroit there is a theatre; and it is under the exclusive management
of the military officers stationed there. These gentlemen, actuated by
liberal and polished views, have erected a stage for the gratuitous
instruction and amusement of the public. The scenery of the stage is
executed with an appropriate taste, the dramatic pieces are selected
with judgment and delicacy, and the performances are quite equal to any
in the country. Indeed the officers of our army, at Detroit, possess
much genius and erudition; and the correctness of their conduct, in
point of morals and manners, entitle them to much praise.
The state of agriculture in the Michigan Territory is far from
flourishing. In the immediate vicinity of Detroit it is deplorable. The
French have no ambition to excel in this honourable and profitable
calling. There is here, however, every thing to encourage an active
husbandman. The soil is fertile and the climate perfectly congenial to
the growth of New-England productions. A yankee farmer, carrying with
him to this place his knowledge of agriculture, and his industry, might
soon acquire a very handsome estate. The market for country produce in
Detroit is always high; and large sums of money are annually paid there
for provisions, which are transported across the lake from the upper
parts of the states of New-York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio.
The inhabitants of Detroit, wishing to keep their money in circulation
among themselves, and also wishing to see their own agriculture
improving, {119} would afford great encouragement to farmers who should
settle in their vicinity. Here too all mechanical trades would be
promptly patronized. Various articles of American manufacture are sent
to this place from the city of New-York, and meet here a market
affording great profits. Joiners, brick makers, shoe makers, and almost
all other mechanics would here find ample patronage. Day labourers too,
would obtain here ready employment and good wages. I may add, that
lumber and wood are remarkably high in this city; and that wood sellers
and lumber dealers might here realize from these occupations very
handsome profits.
I deem it my duty to express a high opinion of the Michigan Territory,
because facts warrant such a course, and it is important that those of
my fellow-citizens, who may be disposed to emigrate to the west, should
possess every information upon the subject. No one need suppose my
declarations to be those of a land speculator. I have not the most
remote relation to such business, and never expect to have.
In travelling more than four thousand miles, in the western parts of the
United States, I met no tract of country which, upon the whole,
impressed my mind so favourably as the Michigan Territory. Erroneous
ideas have heretofore been entertained respecting this territory. Indeed
it has, until lately, been viewed as scarcely within the jurisdiction of
the United States. Even some late geographers seem to have collected no
other information respecting it, than what had been written by their
ancient predecessors. Some of this information, especially as it
respects Detroit, does not apply to the present times.
The soil of this territory is generally fertile, and a considerable
proportion of it is very rich. Its {120} climate is delightful; and its
situation novel and interesting. As to the former, it possesses a good
medium between our extreme northern and southern latitudes; and with
respect to the latter it is almost encircled by the Lakes Erie, St.
Clair, Huron, and Michigan. New-England fruits may here be produced in
great perfection; and the territory is capable of being rendered a great
cider country. In point of health too, this territory yields to no part
of North America. There is no place in the world more healthy than the
city of Detroit. Consumptions are never known there.
The situation of this city, although level, is very commanding. On the
Ohio the view of the traveller is confined; but here one appears lifted
above the adjacent country, and may survey it as from an eminence.
The Michigan Territory is generally level, but in many places gently
diversified. The growth of timber here is principally black walnut,
sugar maple, elm, sycamore, and pine. There is not, however, an
abundance of the latter. The streams within this territory are very
numerous, and well calculated for manufacturies of every kind; and the
fisheries here are exceedingly valuable. Besides vast quantities of many
other kinds of fish, caught in the waters within and contiguous to this
territory, during the spring and summer season, thousands of barrels of
white fish are taken here in the fall, and prepared for the home and
foreign markets.[107] This species of fish is of the size, and
appearance of the largest shad; but are far more valuable. Wild fowl of
all kinds greatly abound here.
The trade of the Michigan Territory is already very considerable, and it
is rapidly increasing. Besides the business transacted between different
parts of the territory itself, and with the Indian {121} tribes in the
neighbourhood, it transacts considerable business with the upper parts
of the state of New-York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio; and also with the
inhabitants of Upper Canada. Its shipping is employed on Lake Erie,
Huron, and Michigan, either in the fisheries, in freighting, or in
trading along the coast. In the summer season there is in Detroit a
considerable concourse of strangers, from the states by the way of
Buffalo, who furnish considerable sums as passage money to the ship
owners on Lake Erie; and in the spring of the year the neighbouring
Indians resort thither to dispose of their furs, and to purchase guns,
ammunition, blankets, and other articles.
Detroit is a central situation for the fur trade in the North-West;[108]
and there is a considerable commercial connexion between this place and
Chicago and Green Bay.
The establishment of a weighty fur company at Detroit, would result in
much individual and public advantage. The English, by their extensive
fur trade in the north and west, acquire an influence among the Indians,
which similar establishments on our part would completely counteract.
This influence renders the Indians hostile towards us, and in the event
of a war between this country and Great-Britain, would blend the
prejudices of the Englishman with the ferocity of the savage.
The English derive immense profits from the North American fur trade.
The North-West company employ in this business, exclusive of savages,
upwards of fifteen hundred men. The articles for the Indian market are
cheap, and of course the requisite capital for this business is small.
It was my intention, after spending a few days at Detroit, to pursue my
tour through the wilderness, between the Lakes Huron and Michigan, as
far as {122} Michilimacinac; from thence across the North-West Territory
to the Falls of St. Anthony, and then to trace the Mississippi to
New-Orleans. Whilst at Detroit, however, I concluded to change, in some
measure, my course.
There was evidence of a hostile disposition on the part of the Indians
situated on my proposed route; the season of the year rendered
travelling in this direction almost impracticable; and my views and
business would not permit the delay which this last mentioned
circumstance would occasion.
Upon leaving Detroit I crossed Lake Erie in a small vessel, and arriving
at Presque Isle, pursued my course to New-Orleans, taking in my way all
the states and territories of the west.
It may not be amiss, before I notice my trip across the Lake, to
communicate some facts and reflections respecting the country above
Detroit, many of which facts I was enabled to obtain by my residence
there. Ere I speak upon this subject, however, I will, for a moment,
prolong my stay at this city.
The sufferings of this place during the late war, are scarcely
describable. The apprehension of death is far more terrible than actual
dissolution. After the capitulation of General Hull, Detroit was
thronged by Indians, and they were continually making the most
aggravating requisitions. These they enforced by savage threats. There
was not a moment of domestic peace for any one. The inhabitants did not
dare to fasten their doors: for if they did the Indians would cut them
to pieces with their tomahawks, and revenge the opposition upon the
inmates of the house. When families were about to sit down to their
tables, the Indians would come in, drive every one out of the room, and
feast themselves. Their constant demand, at every dwelling, was for
{123} whiskey; and to grant or refuse it was attended with great danger.
If it were granted, intoxication and consequent bloodshed would be the
effects; and upon a refusal, the Indians would present their long knives
and threaten immediate death.
A lady, who resided at Detroit whilst it was in possession of the
British, and who is remarkable for her good sense and intrepidity,
related to me the above and many other facts relative to this trying
state of things. She said, that upon one occasion several Indians came
to her house, and upon their approach it was thought advisable for her
husband to conceal himself in the garret. The Indians demanded whiskey
of her; and upon being told that there was none in the house, they
presented several knives to her breast, and in their rude English called
her a liar. Although in momentary expectation of death, she still denied
her having whiskey. Her husband, hearing the bustle below came down, and
with the assistance of two or three others, who accidentally came that
way, drave the Indians from the house. Immediate revenge was
anticipated. It was the practice of the Indians, particularly at this
time, to resent the smallest opposition. Supported by their civilized
patrons, they felt their consequence; and their pride was as easily
touched as that of a savageized Englishman. The house of the lady was
soon surrounded, and day after day the Indians came to search for her
husband; but not being able to find him, the object was, apparently,
abandoned.
Immediately after the massacre at the River Raisin, the inhabitants of
Detroit were called upon to witness a heart-rending scene. The Indians
from this field of carnage were continually arriving at the city, and
passing through its streets, with poles laden with reeking scalps.
I am here disposed to make a few remarks relative {124} to the late war.
I know that in so doing I shall incur censure; but I write for those who
are too noble to conceal their defeats, and too modest to proclaim their
victories. The genius, and energy, and resources of the United States
should have accomplished every thing.
I confess that I did not rejoice at the beams of peace. Premature peace
does not promote the cause of humanity. We declared war for the defence
of essential rights, which had, in the wantonness of power, been
repeatedly invaded. In this war we sought indemnity for the past, and
security for the future;—that security which punishment extorts from
injustice:—that security which the fine and the lash guarantees to
honest and peaceable communities. Did we effect our object? —Oh no!
Whatever may have been our victories, our defeats were disgraceful. The
administrators of the government were deficient in information, in
system, and in energy. They sought an effect without an adequate cause;
and the people sacrificed the glory of the country to the pride of
political competition. As to the opposition, they pursued false morals
until they lost sight of true patriotism.
There was virtue enough in the community; but affliction was necessary
to raise it from the ruins of thoughtless and passionate rivalry. We
were upon the eve of humiliation,—the eve of new, and omnipotent moral
impulse, when peace unexpectedly presented herself. Not the peace which
the victor magnanimously gives to the humbled foe, but that peace which
misguided apprehension yields to the dark calculations of policy. The
British Lion ceased to roar, and instead of contending until we had
pared his princely paws, we were ready to forgive and to embrace him.
Our own Eagle despised us; and with a fearless, anxious eye, and ruffled
plume, {125} retired to the elevated and gloomy promontory of her glory
and her disappointment.
It is the general opinion at Detroit, that Hull was prompted to
surrender the place, not by bribery, but by cowardice. Could he have
seen the dreadful and humiliating consequences which actually arose from
this base and unpardonable step, the suggestions of conscience would
have controuled his apprehensions, and his brave men would not have been
deprived of their fame. Indescribable must be the feelings of patriotism
and courage, when official cowardice yields them to a foe, whom their
hearts have already conquered. The brave man regards his friends and his
country a thousand times more than himself; and he would court a hundred
deaths rather than wound their feelings, or forfeit their love. In the
hour of danger, when the national flag is assailed, his soul tells him
that his countrymen will hear of this, and he dedicates himself to
battle, to glory, and to death! But I am sensible that there is a higher
principle: the man who fears no evil so much as self-reproach, will
always do his duty.
Immediately upon the capitulation of Hull, a Yankee soldier of the 4th
regiment thought it high time for him to take care of himself; and he
immediately devised a plan by which he hoped to outwit General Brock.
The soldier secretly left the fort, went to a barber and had his hair
and whiskers closely shaved; and then obtained from a tailor such
garments as were most fashionable for traders. After remaining about the
city for a few days, this citizen-soldier applied to the British General
for the necessary passes, stating that he had come to Detroit for the
purposes of trade, &c. The General kindly referred him to the proper
officer, his passes were promptly prepared, and he returned to his
friends.
{126} I will now commence my proposed excursion above Detroit.
The strait called the river Detroit becomes enlarged just above Hog
Island,[109] and forms Lake St. Clair. This lake is about twenty-five
miles in length. Its depth is inconsiderable. The principal islands in
it are Harsen’s, Hay, Peach, and Thompson’s. Formerly there were several
Indian tribes situated on the western side of this Lake; and the
Ontaonais[110] occupied the other side: but the Iroquois, a fierce,
bloody, and restless tribe, have long since dispossessed them.
The River St. Clair, between the lake of this name and Lake Huron,
receives the waters of the three vast Lakes beyond it. This river is
about forty miles long. The bed of the river is strait, contains many
islands, and its banks are covered with lofty trees. At the head of this
river is Fort St. Clair.[111]
The river Thames enters Lake St. Clair on the Canada side. On this river
is situated the Moravian village, where General Harrison routed the
British and Indians under Proctor and Tecumseh.[112] On this river too
is General Simcoe’s paper town called London.[113] Along the banks of
the Lake and river St. Clair, the country, generally, is fertile, and
pleasingly diversified. The sugar maple tree abounds here, and here too
are elegant forests of pine timber well calculated for the common
purposes of building, and also for spars. I may add, that on the banks
of the Thames are villages of the Delawares and Chippewas.[114] The
principal townships of the Six Nations are situated near the greatest
source of this river.
Before I leave Lake St. Clair, I must say a word respecting the old
veteran of this name.[115] It is indeed too late to do him justice:—he
no longer wants {127} the meat which perisheth. But we may spread
laurels upon his tomb; and soothe the spirit, which, perhaps, even now
hovers over its country, and seeks the fame which his merit achieved.
The mass of mankind judge of plans, and of their execution, not by their
abstract wisdom, or energy, but by their results. Many a man, however,
gains a victory by a blunder, and experiences defeat through the
instrumentality of his wisdom. Accident often settles the question; and
we may presume, that sometimes it is emphatically the will of Heaven,
that the strongest and wisest party should be overcome.
General St. Clair devoted his whole life to the art of war. He was a
scientific man, a man of talents, and always brave. His heart was formed
for friendship, and his manners were interesting. In many battles he
prevailed. In 1791 he was defeated.—So was Braddock, so was Harmer.
Indian warfare is full of stratagem and terror. Troops will not always
stand this test, and one man cannot effect every thing. General St.
Clair had to contend with even more formidable enemies:—with
misfortune,—with reproach,—with the ingratitude of his country. He
retired from an ignorant and uncharitable world to his favourite
Ridge.—Here he died. Who would not shun the thronged and splendid path
of the successful warrior, to bend over the lonely grave of the
venerable St. Clair!
Lake Huron is, excepting Lake Superior, the largest collection of fresh
water known to civilized man. Including the coasts of its bays its
circumference is upwards of one thousand miles. Its islands are very
numerous. The names of some of them are La Crose, Traverse, Whitewood,
Michilimackinac, Prince William, St. Joseph, and Thunder Bay. The island
of St. Joseph is upwards of one hundred miles in circumference, and
belongs to the English, who have a company stationed there.[116]
{128} On the American side of Lake Huron, and between it and Lake
Michigan the country is a perfect wilderness. The principal Indian
tribes situated in this tract are the Ootewas and Chippewas. The bay of
Saguina on this side of the lake, is eighteen miles in width, and in
length about forty-five miles. Two considerable rivers and several small
ones pass into this bay. The Bay of Thunder lies near the Straits of
Michilimackinac, is nine miles in width and very shallow. Here terrible
storms of thunder and lightning are frequently experienced.
On the Canada side of Lake Huron, from Lake St. Clair to the river
Severn, which passes near Lake Simcoe and enters the first mentioned
Lake, the country is but little known, and is covered with thick
forests. These forests reach far beyond the Severn, and indeed are
separated from the unexplored wilds, which probably extend to the
Pacific Ocean, only by the lakes, rivers, and portages which lie in the
track of the British Fur Companies. The rapids upon these rivers are
very numerous. The lakes too, in this part of the country, are numerous,
but small. The principal houses of the British Fur Companies are
established at the Lakes Abitibee, Waratouba, and Tamiscamine.[117] The
North-West Fur Company send every year from one hundred to one hundred
and fifty canoes, laden with merchandize, to their posts on Lake
Superior. These canoes are made of very light materials, generally of
birch, are flat on the bottom, round on the sides, and sharp at each
end. They carry about four tons each, and are conducted by about ten
persons. These boats generally move from Montreal about the beginning of
May. Before the canoes arrive at their place of destination, they are
repeatedly unladen and carried, together with their cargoes, across many
portages. The course is toilsome and perilous; but the prospect of {129}
gain, and the habit of enduring fatigue render the employment tolerable.
The principal food of the navigators is Indian meal and the fat of
bears. In the trade with the Indians, the beaver skin is the medium of
barter. Two beaver skins are equal to one otter skin; and ten of the
former are generally allowed for a common gun. Here is a profit of at
least 500 per cent, exclusive of all costs.
Michilimackinac is a small island situated in the upper part of Lake
Huron near the commencement of the strait which connects this Lake with
Lake Michigan.[118] The aspect of the island is elevated and irregular.
The fort of Michilimackinac is situated on this island, near to which
are several stores and dwelling houses. This is a very important post.
The strait and also the lakes which it connects abound with fine fish;
the principal kinds of which are herring, white fish, and trout. The
Michilimackinac trout are bred in Lake Michigan, and are celebrated for
their size and excellence; they sometimes weigh sixty or seventy pounds.
The strait of Michilimackinac is about fifteen miles in length. The
course of its current, into Huron or Michigan, depends upon the winds;
and is, therefore, very irregular. At times it is exceedingly rapid.
Lake Michigan is about two hundred and fifty miles in length. Its
breadth is about sixty miles. Including the curvatures of its bays, its
circumference is about nine hundred miles. There are a great many rivers
which rise in the peninsula between this Lake and Lake Huron, and which
pass into the latter. That part of this peninsula which lies along the
south-east of Lake Michigan is but little known. The names of the
principal rivers here are Marguerite, Grand, Black, and St. Joseph. The
latter is by far the largest, and may be ascended about one hundred
{130} and fifty miles. On this river is situated Fort Joseph.[119]
Green Bay, on the western border of Lake Michigan is about one hundred
miles in length; and its breadth, at its entrance, is about twenty-five
miles. It contains several islands; and there are in its vicinity tracts
of low and wet ground. At the bottom of the bay is a little fall,[120]
beyond which is a small lake called Winnebago. This lake receives Fox
river from the west. At the foot of this bay too, is a fort,[121] and on
the west of lake Winnebago is situated a village inhabited by Indians of
this name. On the Malhominis river, which flows into Green Bay, is also
situated an Indian village containing various tribes. The principal of
them are the Lake, Pouteoratamis, and Malhominis.[122] A few families of
the Nadonaicks, whose nation was nearly exterminated by the Iroquois,
reside here. The Puans once occupied the borders of this bay, and Puans
bay was originally its name. The Puans were fierce, and exceedingly
hostile to neighbouring tribes. At length these tribes combined against
them, and their numbers were greatly diminished.
Lake Michigan and Green Bay form a long point of land called Cape
Townsand. Between this Lake and Lake Winnebago are situated the Ootewas.
There are several rivers on the west of the last mentioned lake. One of
these is Chicago river, near to which is Fort Dearborn.[123] At Chicago
the United States have troops stationed.
Would to Heaven, that I could forever forget lake Michigan! Her envious
waves have, recently, buried a youth of noble promise. With melancholy
pride I remember, that whilst at Detroit, I numbered among my friends
the lamented Lieutenant Eveleth. He possessed a genius peculiarly
calculated for the engineer department, to which he belonged; {131} and
by his mild, yet manly deportment, inspired, even in strangers, both
esteem and affection. His countenance was martial; but with this aspect
was blended a sweetness of expression which is rarely witnessed.—
“Weep no more,” brother soldiers, “weep no more,
For Lycidas, your sorrow, is not dead,
Sunk though he be beneath the watery floor;
So sinks the day star in the ocean bed,
And yet anon repairs his drooping head,
And tricks his beams, and with new spangled ore
Flames in the forehead of the morning sky:
So Lycidas sunk low, but mounted high,
Through the dear might of Him who walk’d the wave.”
The tract of country lying between Lake Michigan and Lake Superior is
rather sterile. The falls of St. Mary, situated in the strait between
Lakes Huron and Superior, are mere cascades. In this strait there are
several islands. Below the falls is situated Fort St. Mary.[124] In this
strait are caught fine fish of many kinds. The Indian tribes, who have
heretofore occupied, and some of whom still occupy this part of the
country are the Nougua, Outchebous, Maramegs, Achiligonans, Amicours,
Missasangues, Hurons, Nepicrenians, Salteurs, Ontaouais, Amehouest and
Otters.[125] Many of these tribes are merged in others of them who have
been more powerful, or less unfortunate. The Iroquois, blood-thirsty and
incursive, scattered all these tribes, and nearly exterminated some of
them. There is, near the falls of St. Mary, a company of traders,
several houses, a manufactory, mills, &c. But the vicinity of this place
is a perfect wilderness.
Lake Superior is probably the largest collection of fresh water in the
world. It is but little known. Its circumference however, has been
ascertained to be about fifteen hundred miles. Storms frequently {132}
assail it; and a swell, like that of the ocean, dashes upon the high and
ragged rocks of its coasts. It contains many considerable islands and
bays, and the soil around it is far from being fertile. Some of the
islands are from fifty to one hundred miles in length. There are about
forty rivers, which pour their tribute into this vast lake, some of
which are of considerable magnitude. In the vicinity of the grand
portage,[126] between this lake and the Lake of the Woods, there are
established several trading companies. Lake Superior is well stored with
fish, the principal kinds of which are white fish, trout, and sturgeon.
The latter are of a very superior quality.
This lake is remarkable for the pure and pellucid appearance of its
water. The fish in it can be seen swimming at a great depth; and the
vessels upon it seem to move in air. These effects are, probably,
caused, in part, by the peculiar materials of the bed of the lake, and
partly by extraordinary evaporation. This last idea sanctions the
belief, that in this part of the country the quantity of rain is very
great. Some places in the neighbourhood of this Lake are swampy, and
some are elevated and fertile.
To the north and west of Lake Superior are several other lakes, the
principal of which are the Lake of the Woods, Rainy Lake, Bear Lake, and
Red Lake.[127]
Opposite to about the centre of Lake Superior, and on the river
Mississippi, are the falls of St. Anthony. This river, above the falls,
runs, principally, through Bear and Red Lake; one branch of it, however,
runs below them pretty much in the direction of the Missouri River. Both
below and above the falls of St. Anthony an almost innumerable number of
rivers pour their waters into the Mississippi, some of which are several
thousand miles in length. The Missouri is the principal source of {133}
the Mississippi, and the latter name ought to be substituted for that of
the former. Between the cascades of St. Mary, and the falls last
mentioned, lies the North-West Territory.[128]
The Indians, in the north and west, are generally fierce and untameable.
They are so attached to the hunter state, that here they are somewhat
industrious; but in every other occupation they evince great
characteristic indolence. Some of the tribes are politic in all their
proceedings; and husband their property and strength. Others, however,
are regardless of the future, and look only to the present moment. All
are degenerating, in a greater or less degree, and some, through the
operation of ordinary causes, are becoming extinct.
Before I leave these immense waters to return to Detroit, I may notice,
for a moment, the vast inland navigation which they afford. From the
City of New-York to New-Orleans, by the way of the Lakes, the distance
is about four thousand miles; and yet, without the aid of canals, the
land carriage through this whole route is only about thirty miles. Such
is the wonderful superiority of our country relative to inland
navigation. Owing to this easy communication between the interior and
the sea board, and to the other advantages of a residence in the west,
it is to be presumed, that in the course of two centuries the western
world will be as populous as the Continent of Europe. Such are the
prospects presented to the politician in this country, and such the
interest which they are calculated to excite in the breast of the
American patriot, that one, in relation to this subject, would wish to
live a thousand years. Admiration and concern occupy his mind. He wishes
to watch the progress of events; and to apply, from time to time, the
salutary principles of rational government. Aware of the oscillating
nature of popular {134} sentiment, he fears that in some unfortunate
moment the waves of popular feeling will be agitated, and that they will
continue to dash even after the cause of their vexation shall have been
forgotten.—He realizes, that in proportion to the extent of national
territory, viewed in connection with the increase of population, the
accumulation of wealth, the progress of arts, the habits of refinement,
the corruptions of luxury, and lastly, with the dregs of that spirit of
independence, which, in its purest essence, blends charity with
suspicion, and forbearance with energy; but, in its deterioration,
substitutes for these, a contracted jealousy, and a blind resentment:—he
realizes, that in proportion to the extent of national territory, viewed
in relation to these circumstances, will be the horrors of political
concussion, and the miseries of consequent anarchy or despotism. Such
are the effects, which are to be apprehended from the rapid and ultimate
increase of the United States, that the American patriot, in view of her
prosperity and of his own dissolution, may well exclaim, Oh, save my
country!
It is with nations as with individuals; adversity is equally requisite
for both. This is the only school where true wisdom can be acquired, and
where the native luxuriance of the heart can meet with due
restraints.—May Heaven guide our destinies by his chastening mercy!
I now suppose myself at Detroit, and about to leave it for the purpose
of crossing Lake Erie. I speak not in vanity, but to do justice to the
hospitality of this city: I arrived here an entire stranger, and left
the place surrounded by friends. How grateful to the traveller, worn
down by fatigue, is the hand of friendship and the smile of approbation!
Upon leaving the Government wharf, I felt more than I should be willing
to express:—The world do {135} not understand the language of the heart.
I consider myself under particular obligations to A. G. W. Esquire. He
voluntarily sought my acquaintance, and in the most interesting manner
convinced me of his regard. This gentleman is conspicuous for his
independence and literary attainments; but his greatest characteristic
is native modesty.
Whilst at Detroit, I was much interested and amused by the conduct of an
Indian; both by the principles upon which he acted, and the manner with
which he displayed them. One morning, whilst conversing with my friend
Doctor W. in came an Indian, and putting a finger to his mouth said,
with a patient aspect and in a plaintive tone, “very sick.” The poor
fellow had been suffering much from the tooth-ache, and he wished to
have it extracted. He sat down, and placing his hands together, and
interlocking his fingers he evinced, during the operation, much stoicism
mingled with an interesting resignation. After the tooth was removed, he
asked for whiskey; and immediately upon drinking it gravely marched off,
leaving his tooth as the only compensation for the whiskey and surgical
aid.
In going down the river Detroit, I was so happy as to have the society
of General Macomb, Major M. Capt. W. and Lieut. B.
The river, a mile below the city, is much wider than it is opposite to
that place; and a little further down there is a narrow and marshy
island about four miles in length. Here we landed and refreshed
ourselves from the General’s provision baskets. Upon this island we
found an almost innumerable number of ducks; they were heard in the
grass in every direction. Vast flocks of wild fowl are almost
continually swimming in the river Detroit.
Soon after leaving this island we arrived at Grose Isle.[129] The latter
divides the river into two channels. {136} Its soil appears to be good,
and its timber valuable. Upon this island, situated about three miles
above Malden, there is a small fort in which the United States have
stationed a few troops. The situation is very pleasant; and as a
military post, is of consequence. A little below this place is a
beautiful summer residence belonging to General Macomb, and which, I
believe, is called St. Helena. The outlet to Lake Erie, between Malden
and the adjoining land, is very narrow. Malden itself is a wretched
looking place. It appears, indeed, like a scalp shop. One store, a
warehouse, and a few small buildings constitute the whole of this
celebrated position. I saw no inhabitants there excepting two or three
crippled Indians.
After remaining one night at Grose Isle, I proceeded to Malden, and from
thence entered the lake. During the night the wind was high, and we run
back a considerable way to avoid several islands called the Sisters.
Towards morning, the wind being fair, we continued our course. At
daylight we experienced a gale of wind, and run for Put-in-Bay. Our
Captain was a very experienced seaman, and perfectly understood the
navigation of the lake; but having got among a cluster of little
islands, situated near the bay, he was, for a moment, bewildered. Our
situation was highly interesting. The darkness of the gale seemed to
contend with the dawn; and fancy could almost see it hold the reins of
the car of day. The waves dashed, our sloop ploughed the foam, many
little islands reared, through night, their ragged tops, our Captain
exclaimed, “where are we?” and all was hurly. We were now passing over
the battle waves of the gallant Perry. Our little gunless keel moved
where whole fleets had stormed. In fancy’s ear, the cannon’s roar had
not ceased to reverberate; the undulating wave seemed {137} anxious to
bury the dead; the wind, through our scanty shrouds, whispered in the
ear of death; and the green wave, reddened by battle, greedily sported
around our sides.[130]
Many of the islands near the Bay are not larger than a dwelling house.
Their sides consist of ragged rocks, and on their summits are a few
weather-beaten trees.
The storm continuing, we remained at anchor in Put-in-Bay four days.
During this time I frequently went ashore, and surveyed the island of
this name. Wild fowl are numerous here, and in the woods there are
swine. The island is uninhabited. Its soil and the growth of its timber
are very good. The former abounds with limestone.
This island is rendered interesting by its forming the bay in which our
fleet was moored both before and after its great victory; and also by
its containing the graves of some of those who fell in the engagement.
My visit to these graves excited melancholy reflections. The parade and
confusion of battle had passed; and nothing was heard but the chill
blast, wending its devious way through the rank weeds. So bloody was
this battle, that the victor himself might well have mourned.
It was natural for me here to reflect upon our naval history. During the
Revolution our prowess upon the ocean promised every thing; and in the
late war even the prophecies of philosophy, and the inspirations of
liberty, were distanced. But I must speak of Renown! Where is our
Wasp?[131] _True_ glory was her object; and she returns not for earthly
honours. Langdon and Toscin sleep in France:[132]—they were buds of
fame. Lawrence fell, like Hector, by the shaft of fate.[133] My memory
is full of valour’s sons; but they need not the eulogy of my pen.
In one of my excursions into the woods of Put-in-Bay {138} island, I was
accompanied by my friend Capt. W. of the United States Army, a gentleman
of a scientific and polished mind. Having provided ourselves with some
old clothes, we visited a cave situated about a mile from the bay. This
cave is smaller than some others in the west; but is, nevertheless,
worth a description.
After exploring the woods for some time, we found what we supposed might
be, and what actually was the cave. Its front is situated at the end of
a considerable rise of land of an oval form. The mouth of the cave was
very small; and being covered with sticks and leaves, presented a very
uninviting aspect. After removing the obstructions, we took lights, and
descending about ten feet perpendicularly, came to a rock, the position
of which was that of an inclined plane. This rock is, in its descent,
met by the front of the cave, so as to leave an aperture, near the floor
of it, of only about three feet in length, and eighteen inches in
height. This aperture also was covered with leaves. After removing them,
we lay flat, and crowded ourselves, one to time, into an unknown and
dismal region. As we advanced the cave, gradually, became higher; and at
length we could move in an erect posture. Here we found ourselves in a
spacious apartment, constituting about an acre, and surrounded by
curious petrifactions. Those on the walls were small; but on the floor
of the cave they were large; some of them weighing about thirty pounds.
The latter are, generally of a pyramidical form. At the distance of
about two hundred feet from the mouth of the cave, we came to a
precipice, at the foot of which was a body of deep water. Whilst my
companion sat upon the brink of the precipice, I descended it, and
holding a light in one hand, swam with the other for the purpose of
ascertaining the course and boundaries of this subterranean lake.
{139} In this gloomy, yet interesting cavern, we saw no living thing,
excepting two bats, which were in a torpid state. Whilst exploring the
most distant recesses of the cave, one of our candles was accidentally
extinguished. The extinguishment of our other light would, perhaps, have
been fatal to us. The darkness of this dreary region is palpable. No ray
of nature’s light ever visited it. Its silence too is full of thought.
The slippery step of the traveller, and the stilly drippings of the
slimy concave, yielded a contrast which made silence speak. Our own
appearance interested us. We forgot ourselves, and unconsciously dwelt
upon two ragged Fiends, prying, with taper dim, along the confines of
this doleful place. We saw these beings under the low sides of the cave
knocking off some large petrifactions. We said, who are they?—and almost
shuddered to find they were ourselves.
As soon as the storm ceased we set sail from the Bay, and the next
evening arrived at Erie. In this harbour were several United States’
vessels of considerable magnitude. The banks of the harbour, on the town
side, are high, steep, and romantic; and from them there is an extensive
view of the Lake. The harbour itself is spacious, and the water deep.
At this place the celebrated General Wayne died,[134] upon his return
from his campaign against the Indians. Such was the success of this
great soldier, and such the terror which he inspired among the savages
against whom he fought, that to this day they call him the “_sinews_.”
His mode of proceeding into the country of the enemy ought ever to be
imitated. Indians may always be defeated by good troops, unless when the
latter are ambushed, and surprised. General Wayne proceeded with the
greatest caution during the forepart of the day, and {140} in the
afternoon employed his men in fortifying for the night; the consequence
was, that he avoided every ambuscade, ultimately met the enemy, and gave
them a chastising which made a lasting impression upon their minds.
After reaping many laurels in this campaign, General Wayne was returning
home to enjoy the grateful salutations of his fellow-citizens; but death
arrested him at Erie.—
“The path of glory leads but to the grave.”
After leaving Detroit, I received a letter from the Secretary of the
Lyceum there, informing me of my having, on the evening of my departure,
been admitted an honourary member of that institution. I mention this
fact for the purpose of introducing an anecdote respecting it, which was
communicated to me after my return home, and which afforded me much
amusement.
In passing through the country, in the early stages of my tour, some
weak minded persons, who thought that my excursion was so frought with
danger as to render it presumptuous, were offended by the undertaking;
and adding a little ill-nature to this idea, their invectives were even
more keen than the wintry winds. One of these persons, whose common
sense is like Shakspeare’s grain of wheat in a bushel of chaff; and
whose learning is equalled only by that of the good Mrs. Maleprop,
exclaimed one day, upon seeing some newspaper, which contained an
account of the Pedestrian having been admitted into the Lyceum at
Detroit, “well, they have got him into the mad-house at last!”
Mad-house? said a friend. “Yes”, replied this Xenophen of the age,—“the
mad-house!—the Lyceum!—all the same thing!”
{141} From Erie I proceeded to Waterford, a distance of fourteen miles.
At this place the snow upon the ground was eighteen inches deep. The
spring in the west was very backward. I shall speak upon this topic in
another place.
Waterford is a small village, and is situated on the Creek Le Beuf. At
this place is a block house, which was erected during the old French
war.[135] The Creek Le Beuf is about five miles in length, and about six
rods wide. Between this creek and French Creek, there is a little lake,
covering about ten acres. French Creek is eighty miles long, and about
twenty rods in width. This creek is one of the sources of the Alleghany
river, and enters it near Fort Franklin. The Alleghany river rises on
the west of the mountains of this name; and after running about two
hundred miles meets the Monongahela.
The Creek Le Beuf is very crooked, and French Creek considerably so. The
principal boats upon these and upon the Alleghany river are called
keels. They are constructed like a whale boat, sharp at both ends; their
length is about seventy feet, breadth ten feet, and they are rowed by
two oars at each end. These boats will carry about twenty tons, and are
worth two hundred dollars. At the stern of the boat is a stearing oar,
which moves on a pivot, and extends about twelve feet from the stern.
These boats move down the river with great velocity. Through the
sinuosities of the narrow creek Le Beuf, the oar in the stern, by being
pressed against the banks, gives to the boat a great impetus.
In going up the rivers these boats are poled. The poles are about eight
feet in length, and the bottom of them enters a socket of iron, which
causes the point of the pole to sink immediately. This {142} business is
very laborious, and the progress of the boats slow.
The land near the creek Le Beuf and French Creek, particularly the
former, is low and cold. Wild fowl are here very numerous. The lands on
each side of the Alleghany river, for one hundred and fifty miles above
Pittsburgh, are generally mountainous. The growth of timber here is
principally white oak and chesnut, and in some places pitch pine. There
are on this river some good lands, and some of a very inferior quality.
But some of the best of the Pennsylvania tracts lie in the north-west of
the state.
The banks of the Alleghany river are, in many places, exceedingly high,
steep, and rocky. Whilst moving along the current they appear
stupendous. The bed of this river and of French Creek is stony, and the
water of them very clear. On these rivers are many rapids, over some of
which boats move at the rate of twelve miles an hour. In passing down
the Alleghany the scenery is delightful. The boats move with much
velocity; the country scarcely seems inhabited; the mountains, almost
lost to vision, rise in rude majesty on both sides of the river; the
pellucid aspect of the water; the darting fish; the anxious loon; the
profound solitude, rendered more impressive by the regular dash of the
oar: all these, and many other circumstances, carry the mind back to the
days, when the original occupants of the neighbouring wilds lived under
the simple government of nature, and did not dream of the storm, which
civilization was preparing for them.
On French Creek are situated Meadville, Franklin, and several other
inconsiderable places. Here too are the remains of several old forts. At
Fort Franklin the French formerly kept a garrison.[136] As {143} far
down this river as Meadville the water is still. The principal falls on
this creek and Alleghany river, are Montgomery, Patterson, Amberson,
Nichalson, and Catfish. The creeks and rivers, which enter these waters,
are numerous; but it is not deemed worth while to name them: the
principal, however, of those which enters the Alleghany are Toby’s,
Sandy, Lick, Pine, and Buffalo creeks; and Crooked and Kiskernanetas
rivers.[137] In some places on the Alleghany hills, there are fine
farms. On the river is situated the little village of Armstrong; and
behind the hills stands Lawrencetown.[138] I found marching over these
mountains very laborious; but the prospects from them richly repaid me
for my pains. Here I dwelt upon the situation of this vicinity about the
middle of the seventeenth century; of the wars between our ancestors and
the French and Indians; and of the youthful patriotism and prowess of
our inimitable Washington. At the age of twenty-one, he was employed by
his native State in an enterprise, which required great courage,
prudence, and physical vigour. Whilst this part of the country was
occupied by the French, and inhabited by many hostile tribes of Indians,
he travelled from Will’s Creek, in Virginia, to Fort Du Quesne, situated
at the forks of the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers; and from thence up
the former to the French Fort on the Le Beuf.[139] During a part of this
journey he proceeded on foot, with a gun in his hand and a pack on his
back. This enterprise developed faculties which afterwards saved his
country.
To eulogize this great and good man is in vain. He is so far above our
praise, that we can honour him only in serving that country which he so
much loved. His wisdom and virtue constitute the greatest of human
examples. Our children should early {144} be taught to know, to love,
and to imitate him.
The Alleghany river, near Pittsburgh, presents an expansive aspect. At
this place it meets the Monongahela from the south, and both pour their
waters into the Ohio. In this union there is a silent grandeur.
About two miles above this junction, on the Alleghany, is a small Fort;
and here some troops are stationed. The situation of the Fort is very
retired and interesting.
Pittsburgh lies in the state of Pennsylvania, and is situated on the
point of land formed by the Alleghany and Monongahela. Fort Pitt
occupies the scite of the old Fort Du Quesne; but even the former is now
in ruins.[140] Opposite to Pittsburgh, on the Alleghany, is a
considerable village, and preparation is making for building a bridge
across this part of the river. There are also a considerable number of
buildings on the opposite side of the Monongahela. Immediately back of
these buildings there is a ridge of very high and steep hills, which
contain inexhaustible coal mines. Some coal mines exist also in the
Alleghany hills, and in the banks of the Ohio. Those on the west of the
Monongahela, constitute a horizontal strata six inches thick and
apparently unlimited in its direction through the mountain. This coal is
superior to that of England: it is heavier, and contains a greater
quantity of the bituminous quality. The general price of this article at
Pittsburgh is about six cents a bushel.
The town of Pittsburgh, viewed from the confluence of the two rivers,
presents a contracted and an unfavourable aspect; but from other
situations it appears much better. Its scite is level and rather low;
and the rivers, during their rise, flow for a considerable distance into
the streets. The town {145} is very large. Many of its buildings are of
brick, and are generally of a large size. The streets cross each other
at right angles, but are quite narrow. Owing to the exclusive use of
coal here, both by the manufacturer, and by private families, the whole
town presents a smoky appearance. Even the complexion of the people is
affected by this cause. The business of Pittsburgh is great; but is
generally believed to be declining. This place is engaged in trade, more
or less, with the whole western world; and may be considered the
metropolis of this vast tract of country. It procures its foreign goods,
principally, from Philadelphia and Baltimore; which goods are brought in
waggons across the Alleghany mountains. The distance from these places
to Pittsburgh is about three hundred miles; and the price of conveying
the goods thither by the usual route, is from five to six dollars per
one hundred weight. This place also transacts some little business with
the City of New-York, by the way of the Hudson and Mohawk, Lakes Ontario
and Erie, and the river Alleghany. Provisions in Pittsburgh are,
generally, cheap. Foreign goods, however, are necessarily high.
This place is celebrated for its manufactories, and will become the
Birmingham of America. Here, one may see the surprising progress, which
the people of this country are making in mechanics of almost every kind,
both as it respects invention and workmanship. Indeed it is evident,
that in the United States the elements of the body politic are all in
the most healthful action, and that we are rapidly approaching to a
glorious manhood. We have only, in our progress, to guard against two
evils:—an undue attachment to money, and too little regard for sound
morals and solid learning. The extraordinary attention, which has of
late been paid to the {146} moral and religious education of children,
promises to furnish for the future service of our country, men of _true_
wisdom;—“men who will fear God and hate covetousness.”
Speaking merely as a politician, I may say, that a due regard to this
part of education is the great desideratum in civil government. But in
relation to a future state the subject is of infinitely greater
consequence. Our sabbath schools, in which children are taught to commit
to memory the Sacred Oracles, have been attended with such wonderful
success, that they appear to be forming a new epoch in the progress of
the Christian Religion. This is a field in which thousands can do much
good. Heaven has thus opened a new vineyard, in which almost any one may
remove the noxious weed, and nourish the tender plant.
Ship and boat building is actively carried on at Pittsburgh; but of late
no vessels of a large tonnage have been made, on account of the dangers
incident to getting them down the Ohio. Very few of the vessels and
boats built here ever return up the river so far as this place; and of
course there is here a constant demand for new vessels. Strangers from
every part of the sea board, generally take this place in their way to
the West. Emigrants from every quarter are continually arriving here,
and stand in need of boats of various kinds to transport their goods and
their families. A great many foreign emigrants, particularly those of
them who are mechanics, are often arriving from New-York, Philadelphia,
and Baltimore, to Pittsburgh; and from the latter place some of them
pass on to the manufacturing establishments further west.
The sects of christians in Pittsburgh are very numerous. The Christian
Religion is so momentous, and, _in some respects_, so mysterious a
subject, that it {147} is perfectly natural for people, in looking
beyond those of its principles, which are easily understood, and which
are sufficient to make plain before us the path of duty, to be divided
in opinion respecting it. This would be the effect, in a greater or less
degree, upon all abstract questions, or upon questions involving
principles beyond the reach of our intellectual vision. The human mind
too, is prone to dispute upon unessential points; and here, principally,
arises pride of opinion, and the spirit of persecution.—There is nothing
in the questions themselves to ennoble the mind, or to give force and
dignity to its investigations. It is upon trifles, that even great minds
become passionate.
Nearly all the sects of christians subscribe to the doctrines of faith,
repentance, holiness, and charity; of course the great variety of sects
do not call in question the consistency of God’s holy word.
Trifles give rise to sects; pride supports, and novelty obtains
proselytes for them. Upon these trifles are, from time to time,
engrafted views and objects of more weight, and hence the sect becomes
respectable.—A congregational society becomes divided on account of some
petty dispute upon a minor question involved in church discipline, or in
relation to taxation for the support of the ministry. The consequence
is, that in a few weeks an episcopalian, and a baptist, and perhaps
other societies become established in the same town. Where the
oppositionists will not resort to a new form, some variations will be
suggested, and texts of scripture will be found to sanction them.—The
protestants gave rise to the sect of puritans; and the presbyterians
have created the sect of seceders.
No man who is acquainted with the human mind and heart, and who is well
versed in ecclesiastical history, will ever suffer himself to be partial
to one {148} sect above another of sincere and pious Christians. A man
cannot say, that, under certain circumstances, he might not himself
become a bitter sectary. What has been may be again; and what may be may
be now.—Our righteous ancestors fled from the persecuting hand of
christianized Europe; and, in America, they, in their turn, persecuted
unto death the sect of Quakers. Where was their humility!—where was
their charity! I would sooner trust a mad man than a religious zealot;
and I should think that man weak minded, who would not be perfectly and
equally willing to engage in public worship with any sect of pious and
sincere Christians on earth.
Many people pretend to know too much respecting the mysterious parts of
religion. The great apostle of the Gentiles, who, as a man, possessed a
powerful and highly improved mind, and, as a christian, abounded in
grace said, that “here we see through a glass darkly;” yet mere babes in
the knowledge of the christian system, pretend even to demonstrate
concerning it, what, in the nature of things, is not demonstrable. In
young ministers this is the foppery of learning; and in old ones
clerical pride.
Many persons too, are dissatisfied with the light which exists upon this
subject; and hence arise fruitless speculations, and ultimate unbelief.
God has sufficiently enlightened our path to futurity; and he has
condescendingly done it, to quicken us in the christian course, and to
cheer us in the hour of death. Instead, however, of gratefully
considering this expression of kindness as a gift, we look, with
discontent, for the development of the whole counsel of Heaven
concerning us:—this is pride!—this is presumption!
But I may add, that if this light affects _only_ the reasoning powers of
man, it will never, _in my humble {149} opinion_, eventuate in that
faith which is necessary to the production of a pure heart and holy
life. The _moral_ as well as the intellectual man must be enlightened.
True faith resides altogether in the heart.—This is the theatre of hope
and fear, joy and sorrow, love and hatred;—the theatre of guilt, and of
repentance; the theatre of rebellion, of obedience, and of prayer.
As I dislike to see a layman in theology, or a theologian in politics, I
shall say no more upon this subject.
The people of Pittsburgh are not, generally speaking, remarkable for
their sociability. They are very attentive to their business, and seem
to care but little about those around them. A next-door neighbour is,
with them, frequently unknown; and months and years pass, without their
exchanging with each other the ordinary compliments of friendship and
good will. As is the case with many of the cities of Europe, a simple
partition renders unknown, for a great length of time, those who live
under the same roof.
The inhabitants of Pittsburgh are very suspicious of the Yankees; and
judging from the character of a few, uncharitably condemn the whole.
This is more or less the case throughout the west. The Yankees are every
where considered, an intelligent, hardy, bold, active, and enterprising
people; but they are supposed to be excessively fond of money, and
frequently to obtain it by fraudulent means.
As to the love of money it is, throughout the whole country, poisoning
the fountain of individual and national respectability; but as to the
means of obtaining it, the Yankees are, probably, as honest as other
people.
The characteristics of the people of any particular town, generally
depend upon the disposition and {150} habits of its first settlers.
Sometimes these first settlers are hospitable and fond of society; and
sometimes they are exclusively devoted to business, and consider every
stranger, who makes his appearance among them, as actuated by the same
views.
With respect to the characteristics of the people of Pittsburgh, I judge
only from information which I obtained there, and which appeared to be
sanctioned by the general aspect of things in relation to them.
During my short visit at this place, I became particularly acquainted
with the family of E. B. Esq.; and mention this circumstance for the
purpose of affording myself the satisfaction of expressing some
sentiments respecting them. So interesting were they, that I have, ever
since I left them, regretted the loss of their society. Mr. B. is a
German; has travelled a great deal, both in Europe and America; is
acquainted with many languages; possesses very extensive information;
and is a man of a sound and discriminating mind. Possessing too, much
sensibility, and much delicacy of taste, his ideas are polished, and
interestingly expressed. In Mrs. B. are combined good sense, simplicity,
and benevolence. E**** is sensible, and innocently romantic; and in the
little daughters are blended much vivacity and loveliness.
On the back part of Pittsburgh there is a rise of ground, called Grant’s
Hill. Here one may have a perfect view of the town; and its appearance
from this position is very much in its favour. This hill was occupied by
the English General Grant during the old French war; and here he
surrendered to the enemy.[141] About nine miles up the Monongahela is
the place called Braddock’s Fields.[142] It is celebrated by the defeat
there of the general of this name. These fields are also noted by their
{151} being the rendezvous of the Whiskey Boys during the western
insurrection in 1794. The defeat of Braddock took place in 1755. Many
vestiges of this bloody engagement are still visible. It is well known
that here our Washington acted as a volunteer aid to General Braddock;
and by his intrepidity, and military skill, saved the English troops
from total destruction. In the engagement Washington had two horses shot
under him, and received four balls through his clothes.
The Monongahela river is a noble stream. It rises at the foot of the
Laurel mountains, is about four hundred yards wide at its mouth, is
navigable at a great distance, and its current is deep and gentle.
Across this river, at Pittsburgh, an elegant bridge has recently been
erected.
After remaining at Pittsburgh two days, I descended the Ohio for a few
miles, and then landed on its western bank. The state of Ohio is
situated altogether on the west of the river, and is bounded east by
Pennsylvania, north by Lake Erie and Michigan Territory, and west by
Indiana. The length of the river is about eleven hundred miles, and its
average breadth about one half of a mile; in some places, however, its
width is about twice this distance. The river is, generally, very deep,
sufficiently so for the navigation of large ships. Its aspect is placid
and clear; and when the water is high, is expansive and beautiful. It
contains a great many islands, and is stored with a variety of fish and
fowl. The river sometimes rises forty or fifty feet, and greatly
endangers the settlements upon its banks. Sometimes too, the river is
low and appears inconsiderable. Its sinuosities are numerous, and in the
spring of the year, the abrasive effect of the floating ice and trees
upon its banks is very great.
{152} The general aspect of the state of Ohio is rather level than
otherwise. There are here no elevations which can be called mountains;
but the country is gently diversified. The upper part of it is most
hilly. West of Chilicothe it is nearly level. In various parts of the
state, there are extensive prairies covered with high grass. Those near
the river are small; but those in the interior are from thirty to fifty
miles in extent. The soil of the state is, generally, very fertile; but
as is the case every where else, some of its lands are sterile, and some
unfit for cultivation. Its forests are spacious and elegant. The
sycamore trees here are numerous, and some of them surprisingly large.
In this and the other western states there is still considerable game;
but the hand of civilization having here wantonly destroyed much, a
scarcity has, for some time, been experienced.
Most of the western states in a great measure resemble, as to their
aspect, the state of Ohio. This whole range of country is better
calculated for the production of grain than for the growth of cattle.
The pastures here, however, are rich; and the woods so abound with nuts,
that immense herds of swine are raised in them without the least
expence. The climate, judging from the general appearance of the
inhabitants, I should suppose much less healthy than that of
New-England; and in particular situations the fever and ague, and
bilious fevers are very prevalent.
In travelling from Pittsburgh to New-Orleans, I sometimes moved upon the
rivers, and sometimes marched in the woods. In the latter the traveller
is, during the summer season, greatly annoyed by musquetoes. Having no
covering, I was often employed during the whole night in defending
myself against them. Here I may observe, that from the {153} time of my
leaving Pittsburgh to my arrival at New-Orleans, I slept in the open air
about thirty nights. The night dews did not affect my health.
The boats which float upon the river Ohio are various:—from the ship of
several hundred tons burthen, to the mere skiff. Very few if any very
large vessels, however, are now built at Pittsburgh, or indeed at any
other place on the Ohio. They were formerly built on this river,
particularly at Pittsburgh and Marietta; but the difficulties incident
to getting them to the ocean, have rendered such undertakings
unfrequent.
An almost innumerable number of steam boats, barks, keels, and arks, are
yearly set afloat upon this river, and upon its tributary streams. The
barks are generally about one hundred tons burthen, have two masts, and
are rigged as schooners, and hermaphrodite brigs. The keels have,
frequently, covered decks, and sometimes carry one mast. These and also
the barks are sometimes rowed and sometimes moved up the river by
poling, and by drawing them along shore with ropes. The flat boat or ark
is of a clumsy construction; but very burthensome. Its foundation
consists of sills like those of a house, and to these is trunneled a
floor of plank. The sides are of boards loosely put together, and the
top is covered in the same way. The bottom of the boat, and so much of
the sides as come in contact with the water, are caulked. Some of this
kind of boat will carry four or five hundred barrels of flour, besides
considerable quantities of bacon, cheese, and other produce. On the deck
of the ark are two large oars, moving on pivots, and at the stern there
is a large stearing oar. The progress of the ark is principally in
floating with the current; and the oars are seldom used excepting for
the purpose of rowing ashore.
{154} The business carried on by boats, on the Ohio and Mississippi, is
immense. The freight of goods up and down these rivers is high; and the
freighting business here is exceedingly profitable. No property pays so
great an interest as that of steam boats on these rivers. A trip of a
few weeks yields one hundred per cent upon the capital employed.
The arks, and, generally speaking, the keels, when they reach
New-Orleans, seldom return up the river again. The former are sold for
lumber.
The current of the Ohio is about four miles an hour. That of the
Mississippi is rather quicker.
On the river Ohio, nearly opposite to Louisville, there are rapids, the
descent of which is about twenty-three feet in the distance of two
miles. Owing to this circumstance many boats do not return from below
this place. This difficulty, however, is about to be removed by a canal,
which will give to the river, at this place, another direction.[143]
This is the only considerable obstruction in the whole course of the
Ohio.
In the rapids there are three passages, and they are all taken at
different times, according to the state of the river. Pilots are, by
law, appointed to navigate boats down the rapids. The quantity of water
in the river often varies: it sometimes both rises and falls in the
course of a few hours.
Before I proceed further down this river, I must notice those parts of
Pennsylvania and Virginia, which lie on the Ohio. The western boundary
of Pennsylvania lies about forty miles west of French Creek and
Alleghany river; and west of Pittsburgh, on both sides of the Ohio,
about the same distance. North-west, it is bounded by a part of Lake
Erie, and south by a part of Virginia.
A part of the state of Virginia lies on the Ohio, {155} having a part of
Pennsylvania on the east,[144] and Kentucky on the west. The principal
waters, which enter the Ohio from Pennsylvania, are the Big Beaver on
the north, and Racoon Creek on the south.
In travelling in the vicinity of the western rivers, I could not always
obtain good accommodations upon them. As such accommodations, however,
were of but little consequence to me, I always, when I wished to descend
the rivers, jumped into the first boat I could find.—Sometimes I moved
along in a keel, sometimes in an ark, and sometimes rowed myself in a
little skiff. By taking this course, I not only could land when I
pleased, but became particularly acquainted with the navigation of the
rivers, and with the various means of transportation upon them. My
society, it is true, was not always the best; but, perhaps, not the less
instructive for this circumstance. To become practically acquainted with
the world, one must see human nature in all its aspects. Sometimes I met
real gentlemen, and sometimes fell in with the perfect boor. I was not
known to any one; but the boatmen, frequently becoming sick, applied to
me for medical aid; and hence I acquired the title of Doctor.
My prescriptions were always simple; and, _strange to tell_, I did not
lose a single patient. My knowledge of the Materia Medica was, no doubt,
limited. Without, however, consulting Celsus or Boerhave, I always told
the sick, that in a few days, they would be perfectly well. I really
suppose that men often die, because they think they shall. Much depends,
in sickness, upon the state of the mind. Our intellectual and physical
nature always sympathise with each other. Resistance lessens the force
of an attack; and there is something {156} in the declaration, I will
not be conquered! which fortifies both the mind and the body.
My next _learned_ theory was, that nature loves herself; and, in
sickness, requires, in many cases, only a little aid to enable her so to
exert her powers as to produce the desired effect. The most simple
prescriptions, if efficient, are always the best. Powerful remedies tend
to disorganize the most subtle functions of the animal economy; and by
curing one disease to produce a complication of many others.
But I would not call in question the importance of the profession of
medicine. As to its station in the catalogue of sciences, it ranks among
the very first. This profession presents to the human mind the most
extensive field for investigation. The great science of physiology is
its basis; and chymistry, the wonderful magician, by whom the
constituent parts of matter are ascertained, the effects of their
various combinations discovered, and the production of new qualities
realized. The physician should be, emphatically, a child of nature, and
well acquainted with the principles of her government, both with respect
to mind and matter.
Upon the western rivers a great many boatmen die, and their graves upon
the banks are numerous; hence those who are taken sick are, generally,
much alarmed.
The boatmen of the west are conspicuous for their habits of
intemperance, and swearing. Whilst on the western rivers my ears were
shocked by their oaths and curses. I endeavoured to lessen this
practice. To effect my object I, occasionally, associated with them; and
by a kind, free, and yet grave manner, prepared the way for some
friendly counsel upon the subject. They saw that I did not feel above
their labours, or their modes of living.—I fully participated in their
hard fare; slept across flour {157} barrels, without bed or covering,
drank water from the river, and sometimes laboured at their oars. Thus I
gained their confidence and their good will.
At one time, during the silence of evening, I addressed about twenty
boatmen upon the subject of swearing. I represented the practice as not
only wicked, but idle, low, and unmanly. They heard me with attention,
some of them made many acknowledgments, and whilst I continued with
them, they swore little or none. Upon many other occasions I spake to
boatmen upon the subject; and from their manner, I have no doubt that
the practice of swearing among them might be rendered less common. But,
perhaps, there is no habit, the controul of which depends less upon the
will than that of swearing. The tongue is a little member, and often
moves ere the judgment can controul the impulses of the heart. A pretty
lad, in one of the western boats, attracted my attention, both by his
beauty and his profaneness. After speaking to him upon the subject, I
offered him a dollar upon the condition of his not swearing for the
remainder of the day. He was much pleased with the proposition; but
after controuling himself with much watchfulness, for about an hour, he
became discouraged, and partially returned to his long established
practice. Let those, who are so happy as to be free from this vice,
guard against the subtle influences of its example.
As to intemperance, I think it is by no means peculiar, even in degree,
to this part of the country. But I am happy in being able to add, that
during a tour which I took through the middle and southern states in
1815; and also during that, an account of which I am now writing, I
witnessed much less intemperance than information previously obtained
had led me to anticipate. Still, there is, in the {158} United States,
much inebriation, and a great want of economy in the use of spirituous
liquors. By the distillery of grain among us, the community are,
sometimes, deprived of the necessary quantity of bread; and a substitute
is furnished which tends, at once, to beggar, and to depopulate the
country.
Before I dismiss these topics, I may add, that I have often heard of the
low conversation, which is said to prevail among the boatmen of the
west; and also of their quarrelsome and fighting habits. All these
practices are much less than they are represented to be.
Here I may be permitted to observe, that with respect to low
conversation, many who call themselves gentlemen, and pass for such in
the world, are highly culpable. Indecency is a vice committed without
temptation. It corrupts the moral sense, and deprives the human heart of
all those etherial visitations, which remind man of his original
innocence, and eloquently persuade him that there are pleasures far
above those of sense. Indeed, how evident is it, that when we cultivate
pure and upright affections, the blessed spirits of truth and peace
visit our hearts, enlarge our views of moral nature, and tell us of
nameless hopes. The infirmities of man would add an interest to human
nature, if they were not voluntarily displayed. When covered with the
mantle of an amiable and sensible delicacy, they blend the ideas of
weakness and suffering here, with perfection and immortality hereafter.
That part of the state of Virginia which lies on the Ohio, extends from
about forty miles below Pittsburg to Great Sandy River, the line between
this state and Kentucky. The western parts of Virginia are mountainous,
and a good grazing country. The soil below the mountains, though not
{159} rich, is well calculated for the growth of tobacco and Indian
corn. Many of the ridges of land in this state are very fertile;
particularly the Blue Ridge.
The town of Wheeling, in Virginia, is situated on the Ohio, twelve miles
above Grave Creek; and on this creek is a celebrated Indian grave.[145]
The principal rivers and creeks, which enter the Ohio from this state,
are Charteer’s, Big Grave, Baker’s, Fish, and Fishing creek; and Little
Kenhawa, Great Kenhawa, and the Great Sandy River.[146]
The Great Kenhawa is nearly three hundred yards wide at its junction
with the Ohio; but its rapids are numerous, and its navigation very
difficult. It derives its sources, through a vast tract of country, from
the Laurel and Alleghany mountains on the north-east, from the
Cumberland mountains on the west, and from the mountains in North
Carolina near the sources of the Roanoke. On the Great Kenhawa are
inexhaustible lead mines.
The principal source of the Great Sandy River is in the Cumberland
mountains. Its length is not great; and it is navigable for loaded
batteaux only about fifty miles. At its mouth it is about sixty yards
wide, and it enters the Ohio opposite to Galliopolis. This place was
settled by a company of French emigrants; but in 1796 disease and other
misfortunes caused them to abandon the establishment.[147]
The town of Steubenville, in the state of Ohio, extends for a
considerable distance along the bank of the river.[148] There are here
some manufactories, and several handsome dwelling houses. Its situation
is considerably elevated, and here and there are some large trees which
were spared from the forest.
The first principal river which enters the Ohio, and which finds its
source in that state is the Muskingum. This river is situated about one
hundred {160} and seventy miles below Pittsburg, and is, at its
confluence with the Ohio, nearly one hundred and fifty yards wide. It is
navigable for large batteaux to a place called the Three Legs,[149] one
hundred miles from its mouth, and for small ones to its source, which is
within seven miles of the Cayahoga. The Muskingum presents a gentle
appearance, and near its banks there are valuable salt springs, and
considerable quantities of coal and free stone.
The town of Marietta is situated on the east of the junction of the Ohio
and Muskingum.[150] Its position is pleasant; but it has a deserted
aspect, and is rapidly declining. It is not true, that the Muskingum is
not subject to inundations. All the banks of the western river are, more
or less, exposed to freshets; and this circumstance considerably lessens
the value of the lands and buildings upon them. At the mouth of the
Muskingum stands Fort Harmar.
The Hockhocking is rather smaller than the Muskingum, and is situated
about twenty-five miles below the latter.[151] On the banks of this
river are quarries of free stone, iron and lead mines, pit coal, and
salt springs. There are some fine lands on both of these rivers.
The town of Athens lies on the Hockhocking, about forty miles from the
Ohio. It is pleasantly situated, and is the seat of the Ohio University.
The River Scioto is even larger than the Muskingum. It is navigable
nearly two hundred miles, and is connected with the river Sandusky,
which enters Lake Erie, by a portage of four miles. On the Scioto, about
one hundred miles from the Ohio, is the town of Chilicothe.[152] This
place is the seat of government. Not far from the Scioto, are salt
springs, which belong to the state; also coal, free stone, and several
kinds of valuable clay.
{161} The town of Cincinnati[153] is situated on the east of the Great
Miami, near its junction with the Ohio. This town is pleasantly
situated, and presents the appearance of much business. It is a very
flourishing place. There are several manufactories here, one of which is
situated at the foot of the bank, and is eight or ten stories high.
In Cincinnati is situated Fort Washington. This is the first of that
chain of forts which extends west. On the eastern branch of the Great
Miami is Fort St. Clair; and on the western branches Forts Jefferson and
Greenville. On the river Calumet, which enters the Wabash, stands fort
Recovery; and just above this fort is the place of St. Clair’s
defeat.[154]
The Great Miami is the boundary of the state of Ohio on the river of
this name. The Great Miami is about three hundred yards wide at its
mouth, and interlocks with the Scioto, above Chilicothe. One of its
branches runs within four miles of the Miami of the Lake, and within
seven miles of the Sandusky. The bed of the Great Miami is stony, and
its current rapid. Just above its mouth is fort Hamilton.
There are many small creeks and towns near the Ohio, which in my course
I saw and visited; but which furnish no interesting materials for
remark. Besides, I am not writing a Gazetteer; and with geography, my
fellow-citizens are well acquainted.
I may here speak, as I promised, upon the probable course of the seasons
in the west. I am much inclined to believe, that the cold seasons, which
the people of New-England have for many years experienced, and which
have so much injured the interests of agriculture among us, are passing
off to the west; and that the people of the west will, for several
years, experience seasons less favourable than usual. My opinion is
founded upon the facts, that for the two last years we have experienced
more favourable {162} seasons, and the people of the west less
favourable ones, in the same comparative proportions. This is a good
criterion by which to form an opinion upon the subject. The change of
seasons in both sections of the country prove and corroborate each
other.
The spring and summer of 1817 were, with us, less unfavourable than
usual. The hopes of our farmers, and of those who depend for a
sufficiency of provisions upon an abundant market, were considerably
revived; and this year we have experienced something like a good
old-fashioned season. The golden ears of corn, more beautiful than the
productions of the richest mines, have again brightened our fields,
and cheered our hearts. Had ungenial seasons continued much longer,
this part of the country would have become impoverished and
depopulated:—people were going down into Egypt for bread.
Last year the seed time and harvest of the west were unfavourable; and
the spring of 1818 was in the highest degree unpromising. In the western
parts of Virginia, where the climate is, usually, warmer than on the
east of the mountains; and in the states of Ohio, Kentucky, &c. planting
time this year was very backward. When, according to the usual course of
the seasons, it was time for corn to appear above the surface of the
ground, ploughing had not commenced. Some of the farmers asserted, that
the season was even later than the spring before by five or six weeks.
During the month of May, the weather in the west was cold and windy. On
the 3d of this month the birds were assembling for a more southern
climate. They were so chilled that I caught many of them without
difficulty; and others of them perished in the night. The season for the
commencement of {163} vegetation here is probably four weeks earlier
than in New-Hampshire.
Until my arrival at New-Orleans the weather, generally, was cold and
dry; and even here the wind was frequently cool. About the middle of May
I experienced frost in Kentucky; and near the Mississippi the cotton,
much later than this, was in a wretched state. In Tennessee, heretofore
remarkable for the excellence of its cotton, this article, for two years
past, has been rapidly degenerating. The severity of the last winter
even in New-Orleans, was unparalleled. The streets there were covered
with ice sufficiently hard to bear loaded waggons.
Should Heaven favour the New-England states with good seasons, no
country in the world would be preferable to it. Our unfavourable seasons
have taught us our dependence upon that Being, “who prepareth rain for
the earth, and maketh grass to grow upon the mountains.”
I am of opinion, that for some years to come, our seasons will be
remarkably fruitful. The earth here has, for a considerable time, been
acquiring strength, which has not been called forth; and having been
accustomed to cool seasons, warm ones, operating upon this new
acquisition of vegetative power, will cause an extraordinary impetus in
the soil.
I have spoken of our bright Indian harvest. The corn of the west is much
inferior to ours. Growing upon a rank soil, its production is rapid, and
the kernel is large and unsubstantial. Indian meal is seldom used in the
west, excepting for cattle; and very few persons there are acquainted
with the Yankee mode of making Indian cakes. Being fond of this coarse
bread, I frequently, during my tour, instructed the gentle dames of the
west in this New-England custom. But in many cases, after waiting {164}
an hour for my repast, I was deprived of most of it by the fondness of
the children of the house for this new dish; and in one instance the
_kind_ mother could get rid of them only by knocking them under the
table as fast as they would come up.
The variety of birds which I saw in the western woods excited much
interest. Many species entirely new to me made their appearance. Some of
them were very beautiful. Many of these birds being common in the South
of Europe, proves that the climate of the west is mild; and the
spontaneous growth of hops and grapes here speak favourably of its soil.
Fruit trees, particularly peach and apple, flourish well in Ohio; but a
more northern climate is more peculiarly calculated for the latter.
The western country is exceedingly well adapted to the growth of hemp;
both as it respects its climate, and its extensive levels of deep and
rich mould. This advantage, and the abundance of excellent ship timber,
and iron, which its forests and hills produce, would enable it to
furnish for the market the finest ships. The black walnut here is said
to be as durable as the live oak; and the frames of vessels built upon
the western waters, are frequently made of this wood. There is here too,
an abundance of excellent yellow pine, suitable for masts and spars.
These, with many other kinds of lumber, are rafted and floated down the
rivers to New-Orleans, and there sell at a high price. Upon these rafts
large quantities of produce are often transported to the same place.
The produce carried down to this vast market consists, principally, of
flour, corn, pork, beef, bacon, venison, flax, whiskey, lumber, and live
stock, particularly horses. The foreign goods received into the western
states, lying on the Mississippi and {165} Ohio, and their principal
sources, come, as has been observed, from Philadelphia and Baltimore, by
the way of Pittsburg. This place is the great depot for the supply of
all places below it. Foreign goods to a large amount are also brought
from New-Orleans; and some from Virginia, by the way of Richmond.
In speaking of large vessels on the Ohio, I may add, that ships of large
tonnage have been built on this river, laden for the West-Indies, and
there sold, both vessel and cargo. A person in Europe, unacquainted with
the geography of our western waters, would be astonished to see, in the
Atlantic ocean, a large vessel, freighted with country produce, which
was built and laden at Pittsburgh, between two and three thousand miles
from the Gulf of Mexico.
How wonderfully impressive is the prospect, which this country presents
to the politician, during his cogitations upon our remote destinies!
Every thing is conspiring to render the United States far more populous
than Europe. In the course of a few hundred years all that is great, and
splendid will characterize us.—The arts of Greece, the arms of Rome, the
pride of England will be ours. May God avert the rest!
Whilst on the Ohio, I was pleased with the appearance of the floating
grist-mill used on this river. This kind of mill is supported by two
boats, and the wheel moves between them. The boats move both up and down
the river, and when employment can be obtained, they are placed in the
strongest current near the shore, and the mill is set in motion. Here
there is no tax for ground rent, mill-dam, or race.
In speaking of mills, I may advert to one which I saw in Indiana, and
which excited some interest. As I was one day passing through a wood,
near a {166} small log building, I heard a singular noise in the latter,
and had the curiosity to look in. There was here a grist-mill moved by a
horse, and attended by a little boy about nine years of age. The horse
draws upon a stable fixed in a post; but making no progress, he pushes
back with his feet the platform upon which he stands, and which is of a
circular form. Through the centre of this platform there is a post fixed
in the ground. The walking of the horse sets the machinery in motion.
The cogs, the wallower, the trunnel-head, and the stones operated pretty
much in the usual way. The Lilliputian miller displayed all the airs and
importance so common to the managers of such noisy establishments.
In the state of Ohio, and in other places in the west, are some natural
curiosities, with respect to which I must not be silent; but as I can
probably throw no light upon the mystery in which they are involved, my
remarks upon them will be brief.
As to the bones of animals which have been found at the Licks,
particularly at that called the Big Bone,[155] I think there can be no
doubt, that they are those of animals which, from a variety of causes,
have perished there. Animals in the west were once very numerous, and,
no doubt, vast herds of buffalo, elk, deer, and even the mammoth
resorted thither. Probably many of them fell into these licks, either by
accident, by contention, or by their eagerness to get to the salt, and
were thus destroyed. Some too probably killed themselves by the quantity
of salt water which they drank; and where such vast numbers were
constantly assembling, many must have died in consequence of disease and
old age.
Much less plausible suppositions can be suggested relative to the vast
mounds and walls of earth in the west; the former of which, it is said,
contain human bones.
{167} It may be presumed that these walls were erected for the purpose
of defence. It is well known that savage tribes wage with each other the
most destructive wars. Some of the tribes of North America have
distinguished themselves by their blood-thirsty and exterminating
disposition. The Iroquois were once the terror of all the neighbouring
tribes. By their hostile and ferocious spirit many of these tribes
became nearly extinct. Of the Nadonaicks only four cabins or families
remained. The Puans too, were not less formidable and fierce than the
Iroquois. They violated every humane principle. The very name of
stranger embittered them. They supposed themselves invincible, and
persecuted and destroyed every tribe whom they could discover. There
were other tribes similarly disposed.
Now it may be supposed, that the tribes in the neighbourhood of those
whose object it was to exterminate all other tribes, would assemble for
mutual defence. Coalitions of this kind are not unfrequent among
savages. Further: nothing would be more natural than for savages, thus
situated, to erect fortifications of trees and earth, for the purpose of
securing themselves against the common enemy. Such a principle of self
defence would be natural, and, of course, universal.
As to the mounds of earth, supposed to contain human bones, it may be
observed, that several tribes of Indians may have combined and fortified
themselves against their enemies; and in this situation they may have
been conquered and destroyed. It is well known, that in Indian battles
there is no quarter given. The dead bodies of several thousand persons
thrown together and covered with earth, would make a vast heap. But even
supposing that the enemy had not prevailed, famine, contagious {168}
diseases, or even ordinary causes of death, would, among a great
assemblage of people, produce, in a short time, a sufficient number of
bodies to make on the surface of the earth a vast mound. Covering the
dead with mounds of earth instead of digging graves for them, might not
only be found convenient, under certain circumstances, but is a custom
peculiar to the aborigines of America.
The finding of one or two pieces of ancient coin in the west has
occasioned much speculation. A copper coin, bearing Persian characters,
has, it is said, been found on the banks of the Little Miami river.
It is well known, that mankind are naturally itinerant; and that they
carry with them their goods, especially those which are portable, and
which they highly value. A piece of coin possesses both of these
qualities; and it would not be more strange to find an Asiatic medal in
North America, than to find here an Indian of Asiatic origin.
Our first parents were created in Asia; and the rest of mankind
descended from them. By emigrations various distant portions of the
world have been settled. Emigration was an act of necessity. One quarter
of the world could not have contained all mankind; and the population of
Asia became, in time, too great. Asia is at this time supposed to
contain five hundred millions of people; and in China, such is the
excess of population, that children are destroyed by their parents, with
as little ceremony as though they were the offspring of the most
worthless domestic animals.
It is to be presumed that the Continent of North America was peopled
from the north-east of Asia. In no other way could the Western Continent
have, so early, become known. The north is not, even now, known beyond
the latitude of eighty-two; and {169} with respect to it thus far there
is much doubt. The eastern and western continents may be connected near
this latitude; and in this direction the aborigines of North America may
have travelled from the former to the latter. Certain it is that the
water between the north-east of Asia, and the north-west of America is
comparatively shallow. In Bering’s Straits, situated in the latitude of
sixty-six, there are many islands; the width of the straits is only
about fifty miles, and, in winter, the passage across is frozen.
Even here the eastern and western continents, were perhaps, once
connected. Such an idea is not inconsistent either with the nature of
things, or with analogy. The earth has experienced, from time to time,
great revolutions; and Strabo, an ancient and celebrated geographer,
speaks of the time when the Mediterranean Sea did not exist. Why may not
the two great continents have been or still be united as well as those
of Europe and Africa? There is in the north-east of Asia much more
evidence of its former connection with the north-west of America, than
there is of a similar connection between Europe and Africa, inasmuch as
the water between the former is unquestionably shallow; and between the
latter it is very deep.
Besides, what adds great weight to the general supposition that the
original settlers of the western continent emigrated from the north-east
of Asia is, that in many particulars they resemble the inhabitants of
the latter. Many of the islands of Bering’s straits, and also both of
its coasts, are peopled; and their occupants are much in the habit of
emigrating.
The original inhabitants of South America were probably, the descendants
of the aborigines of North America; and emigrated from the latter to the
{170} former across the Isthmus of Darien. Nothing is more natural than
for people to emigrate from a northern to a southern latitude; and this
course was, no doubt, taken, in a greater or less degree, by all the
original inhabitants of North America. All the North American Indians,
with whom we are acquainted, excepting the Esquimeaux, now reside south
of their supposed track from the eastern to the western continent.
In South America, as in other warm countries, the modes of living become
more refined than in climates further north; and in the history of the
former we see the same diversity of character as existed in North
America. Many of the tribes of the north might have been compared with
the Peruvians of the south, a mild and inoffensive people; and the
Iroquois and Puans of the former, with the Chilians and Caribs of the
latter.
As to Persian coin being found in North America, it is not more
surprising than the finding of Roman coin in Great-Britain. The same
effect may arise from different causes. It was probably, not more easy
for Julius Cæsar to invade Britain, than for the Asiatics to emigrate to
North America.
In dismissing this subject I may observe, that all the accounts from the
west are not to be immediately credited. Many, to please their fancies,
and more, to fill their purses, speak hyperbolically respecting it. A
great man who prided himself upon his penetration, once being questioned
as to the causes of some supposed appearance in nature, assumed a wise
phiz, and deeply reasoned upon the subject. Stop, my friend, said the
quizzer, had you not better first inquire as to the matter of fact?
After passing Great Sandy River, which is a boundary line between
Virginia and Kentucky, I entered this state. The general aspect of the
country {171} here is nearly level. Near the Ohio, however, for fifteen
or twenty miles, the country is broken, hilly, and even mountainous. In
clambering some of these mountains I experienced considerable fatigue.
They are so steep, that one can ascend them only by taking hold of the
bushes on their sides.
There are in Kentucky scarcely any swamps or very low lands. The soil of
the levels is rather thin; but on the swells and ridges the soil is
exceedingly fertile. A bed of limestone exists, five or six feet below
the surface, throughout the principal part of the state. In consequence
of this circumstance its springs, in a dry season, soon become
exhausted. This state is inferior to all others, with respect to mill
privileges, inasmuch as very few of its streams stand the usual drought
of autumn.
This state furnishes, in the greatest abundance, all the articles which
the State of Ohio produces. It raises, besides the ordinary objects of
agriculture, vast quantities of hemp, and considerable tobacco. Several
millions of pounds of maple sugar are made here annually; and the woods
of this state feed immense droves of swine. The rivers abound with fish,
and the cane brakes support herds of deer.
In travelling through some of those thickets, I was impressed with a
high idea of the luxuriance of the soil. Indeed, the general aspect of
the country here evinces great fertility of soil, and mildness of
climate. In this state grow the coffee, papaw, hackberry, and cucumber
tree; also the honey locust, mulberry, and buck eye. Many accounts
respecting the fruitfulness of Kentucky are, no doubt, exaggerated; but
it is, in fact, an abundant and delightful country. For my own part,
however, I prefer, to its rich levels, the echoing hills of
New-Hampshire.
{172} As this part of the country abounds with interesting vegetation, I
may here make a reflection or two upon botany. How infinite is the
vegetable kingdom! and how far beyond expression is the variety and
beauty of her hues! these tints are heavenly; and the pencil of nature
has displayed them to render man heavenly-minded. How wonderful too, are
the affections and sympathies of plants! Here the poet finds an
exhaustless source of imagery, and here every vicissitude of life may
select its appropriate emblem.
The whole of the north-westerly parts of Kentucky is bound by the river
Ohio. A small part of it lies on the Mississippi; and this river, so
far, is its western boundary. Tennessee lies south of it. The principal
rivers in Kentucky which enter the Ohio are Sandy, Kentucky, Cumberland,
and Tennessee. The sources of these rivers are very numerous, and in
proceeding to the Ohio fertilize a vast tract of rich country. The
Tennessee passes through a small part of Kentucky. The Cumberland runs
into Tennessee, and then extends through a considerable part of Kentucky
in an east and west direction. Its principal sources are in the
Cumberland mountains. This river furnishes every material for ship
building; and during the rainy season can float vessels of the largest
size. Nashville,[156] in Tennessee, lies up this river; and much
business is transacted between this place, Pittsburg, and New-Orleans.
The river is navigable without any obstruction, for five hundred miles,
and is, at its mouth, about three hundred yards wide.
On the banks of Kentucky river are many precipices, some of which are
three or four hundred feet high. In these precipices may be seen much
limestone, and some fine white marble. This river is about two hundred
miles in length, and in width {173} two hundred and fifty yards. In this
state are many celebrated salt springs. Its iron ore is of a very
inferior quality; and its caves and other natural curiosities are highly
interesting. Lexington, the capital of Kentucky, is an elegant and
polished place.[157]
Many of the inhabitants of this state emigrated from every part of the
United States, and from most of the countries of Europe. A great many of
them came from Virginia; and, unfortunately for our common country, they
brought with them their slaves. What a source of regret is it, that
Kentucky did not prohibit, within her jurisdiction, the bondage of these
friendless beings! A sense of propriety, and a regard for the
reputation, and true interests of the United States, should have taught
the guardians of her public weal to wash their hands from this foul
stain. The first settlers of this state found themselves in a land where
all was nature, and all was liberty. The rivers poured their
unrestrained tribute, the winds blew where they listed, the earth
teamed, the birds flew, the fish leaped, the deer bounded over the
hills, and the savage knew no master. Enviable situation! But the scene
is marred. There, _human beings_ toil and sweat under the lash of a
task-master. It is said that slaves are treated well! They are,—and
_ill_! A slave _is_ a slave, in spite of all the logic of avarice,
indolence, and purse-proud humanity. Power creates tyranny; and in the
hands of a tyrant no man is safe. The sufferings of the slave, even in
the United States, are sufficient to sink any country into perdition. A
record of them would make us run mad with shame. Ask the mother how she
fared, both before and after her deliverance. Ask these children of toil
what it is to die for want of repose?—What it is to perish under the
lash?
{174} Some of the United States have, in their constitutions, set their
faces against this unbecoming,—this odious practice. Had the western
states followed the example, the evil would have been, principally,
confined to the southern states; and these states, finding that upon
their shoulders alone rested the terrible responsibility involved in the
subject, would have applied a remedy. The evil is now spreading. In
Kentucky,—a garden planted in the wilderness,—a land, where liberty
dwelt for six thousand years, there are _herds_ of _slaves_. May the
states, which shall hereafter impress their stars upon the banner of our
union and our glory, guard against this wretched state of things; and
may the slave-holding states, ere long, make a noble, generous
patriotic, and humane effort, to remove from human nature this yoke of
bondage, and from their country this humiliating stigma!
The great, but inconsistent Burk, in speaking of the southern states
says, that the planters there, seeing the great difference between
themselves and their slaves, acquire, thereby, the spirit of liberty.
For my own part, however, I should think this circumstance would create
the fire of aristocracy, which prides itself in power, and in
subjugation.
There are many towns in Kentucky, which lie on the Ohio, the principal
of which is Louisville. This place is situated just above the rapids of
the Ohio and near Bear Grass Creek. Its scite is commanding and
pleasant, its aspect spacious, and it contains many large and elegant
buildings. At this place resides the intrepid Colonel Croghan.[158]
Opposite to Louisville the river Ohio is more than a mile in width. Much
ship building is carried on here; and at this place boats and vessels,
going down the river, stop for a pilot. Ships of four hundred tons have
{175} passed down the rapids. The river is, generally, in its highest
state between February and April.
Opposite to this place, on the other side of the Ohio, is the town of
Jeffersonville; and two miles below, on the Kentucky side, is a small
place called Shippingport.[159] At this place boats, bound down the
river, generally land for the purpose of leaving the pilot, and of
obtaining information as to the markets below. Near the rapids is
situated Fort Steuben.[160]
The road from Louisville to Shippingport lies on the bank of the river,
and on the river side of it are groves of large sycamore trees. Below
the latter place, for fifty miles, the river is truly beautiful. In the
vicinity of Louisville are some noble plantations. Some of the planters
here sow five hundred acres with wheat, set twenty ploughs a-going in
one field, keep sixty horses, several hundred negroes, and carry on
distilling, coopering, and other trades.
A few miles below Cincinnati, on the Kentucky side of the river, is
situated the plantation of the late General Pike.[161] It was
interesting to see the residence of this great man. He was a true
patriot; and possessed all the hardihood and intrepidity of Charles the
twelfth. After serving his country for many years, and acquiring her
confidence and love, he nobly died under her triumphant banners. Among a
free and virtuous people, the fate of one brave man kindles the latent
spark of patriotism in ten thousand hearts, and in his example, they
find inspiring lessons of courage and devotion.
Limestone is situated on Limestone Creek in Kentucky.[162] This is a
pretty considerable place, but the river has so far encroached upon the
bank upon which it is situated, that it, probably, will fall in the
course of a few years. Indeed I believe, that this will ultimately be
the fate of many places on the immediate banks of the Ohio. Even
Marietta, and {176} Cincinnati, are, probably candidates for speedy
ruin. I should not be surprised to hear that the very next freshet had
produced such an effect. With respect to all these places, the abrasion
of the banks is constant, and hundreds of buildings are situated near
their verge. The owners of these buildings have already incurred much
expense, in endeavouring to secure the banks where their individual
property stands; but there is no union in these efforts, and the means
employed are totally inefficient. Most of the towns on the Ohio are
every year partially inundated, in consequence of the astonishing rise
of the river. The banks are frequently overflown to the depth of twenty
feet.
Opposite to Cincinnati is Licking River. This river is navigable about
one hundred and twenty miles. On its west bank, near its junction with
the Ohio, is the town of Coventry; and on the other side is Newport.
They are both considerable places, and present an elegant appearance.
In travelling through the woods, a few miles from this river, I met with
several species of birds which I had never before seen. Nature’s
fondness for variety is conspicuously displayed in all her works; and I
am surprised that naturalists have not noticed this circumstance, so as
to furnish, at least a plausible argument, in the disquisitions of
philosophy concerning the human race.
At the junction of the Ohio and Cumberland rivers is the little town of
Smithland.[163] A more miserable looking place exists no where. It
contains a few wretched buildings, some of which are occupied for the
accommodation of boatmen. Here the slaves are more numerous than the
whites, and many of the former appear far better in point of morals and
intelligence.
Before I leave Kentucky, I may touch upon a {177} topic, which
distinguishes her, and many of the Southern and Western States, from
those of New-England. The practice which prevails in the former of
individuals publicly tendering their services to the people, pending
elections for representatives, may, in the abstract, be productive of
some evils; but relative to the systems of intrigue, which exist, in a
greater or less degree, in every state in the Union, it is a practice
which policy dictates, and patriotism sanctions. A large concourse of
people, listening to the animated oratory of rival candidates, may
experience some excitement; but is not this a less evil than those which
arise from the dark and silent operations of abandoned men, who have
combined for their own exclusive advancement, and for the purpose of
keeping out of sight those, whose virtues and talents, by coming into
contact with theirs, would render their darkness visible?
The safety of our government, rests upon the existence of good
principles; and the preservation of these principles depends in no small
degree upon their being patronized, and rewarded. Under such a
government as ours, every political proceeding should be fair and open.
No intrigue should be countenanced. The people should be able to see
every cause and effect of the political machinery. Virtue, talents, and
patriotism, should be encouraged; and vice, ignorance, and selfishness,
discountenanced. The latter should never be suffered to obtain the
patronage of the people through private intrigue, and the agency of
petty coalitions. But this will always be the case, where political
management may be cloaked under the bustle of party spirit and
mock-patriotism.
No wise man will, unless prompted by a sense of duty, arising from the
perils of the times, ever wish {178} for the toils, and the
responsibilities of office; or ever expose himself to the caprice of the
multitude. But there may be seasons when, _owing to the corrupt
practices incident to party spirit_, the jargon of ignorance, and the
pretended patriotism of villainy, shall have usurped the management of
public concerns, and have cypherised the community, it would be the
indispensable obligation of the true patriot to tender his services to
his country, to discountenance existing systems of political traffic,
and thereby to restore to the people their consequence, their security,
and their reputation.
After being sometime in Kentucky, I crossed the Ohio and entered
Indiana.
This state lies on the river Ohio, from the Great Miami to the Wabash.
On the east is the state of Ohio, on the west Illinois; and on the
north-west Michigan. The form of Indiana is that of an oblong. The
sinuosities of the Ohio, however, render its boundary here very uneven.
The length of the state is about 270 miles, and its breadth 130.
The soil, climate, face of the country, and productions of this state
resemble those of Ohio. Salt springs, coal pits, lime, free stone, and
valuable clays of various kinds abound in Indiana; and on the Wabash, it
is said there is a silver mine.
The salt springs of the west generally produce a bushel of salt from
about one hundred gallons of the water. This water is frequently
obtained by boring, from sixty to two hundred feet, through solid rock.
There is, in the west, springs of salt petre; and in Indiana there are
very valuable salt springs, which belong to the United States, and which
are profitably managed by the government.[164]
The Prairie in Indiana, called Pilkawa, is a high level ground, seven
miles long and three broad. Its {179} soil is very rich, and upon it
there was never known to be a tree.
Vincennes, the capital of Indiana, lies on the Wabash.[165] Here the
commerce of the state principally centres. Goods from Canada pass into
this state down the Illinois river. From New-Orleans they proceed up the
Mississippi, Ohio, and Wabash; and from the eastern and southern states
by the way of the Ohio and last mentioned river.
In this state, on the river Ohio, is the celebrated Swiss
settlement.[166] The situation does not present a very favorable
appearance, and I apprehend that much success is not experienced in the
making of wine there. It appears to me that a more favorable tract for
this business might be found in Kentucky. The soil of this state is
lighter and warmer than that of Indiana.
Near the Swiss settlement I met with many trees and bushes quite new to
me. The thorn bush here produces thorns, which would answer the purpose
of nails. They are three inches long, and so sharp and hard that they
can be pressed, with the hand, through an inch board. The buck eye, of
which I have spoken, is, probably, the horse chesnut of Europe. The
magnolia bears blossoms very beautiful and fragrant. The coffee tree
resembles the black oak, and bears a pod enclosing a seed, of which a
drink is made, not unlike coffee. The papaw resembles the locust, or
custard apple tree, and bears a pod, containing several very rich
kernels, of the size and colour of a tamarind.[167]
The principal river in Indiana is the Wabash. The banks of this river
are high and fertile, and its aspect very beautiful. It is navigable, at
certain seasons of the year, upwards of six hundred miles. White,
Theakiki and Calumet rivers are its greatest tributaries.[168]
{180} Just above Vincennes is Fort Knox, and a little above the latter
are situated the Watenaus.[169] The Pootewatomies are settled not far
from the southerly end of Lake Michigan. It may here be observed, that
the Indians of North America, especially those who reside within the
boundaries of the United States, are continually changing their place of
residence; that they divide their tribes into many small societies, and
each of these occupy one village. These societies, although of the same
tribe, frequently acquire a new name. Hence arise, in part, the almost
innumerable number of names, which suggest the idea of new tribes.
Different names too, are sometimes given to the same tribe or society.
But the tribes of the north and west are still very numerous. It has
been supposed that our government is too desirous of obtaining Indian
lands upon fair purchase. As to this particular I can only say, that
many tracts which are sold, are not worth a cent to their occupants, in
as much as they have ceased to be good hunting grounds, and the owners
are about to abandon them.
The river Tippecanoe is a branch of the Wabash. It is well known that in
1811 a bloody battle was fought on the former, between the Americans and
Indians.[170] The history of this engagement is very interesting. It is
worth one’s while to recur to it. Our troops, headed by the intrepid
Harrison, penetrated through a dreary wilderness for the purpose of
destroying the Town of the Prophet, who, together with Tecumseh, a
brother of his, had been endeavouring to excite, in several tribes of
Indians, hostile feelings towards the United States. The troops of
Harrison were, during their march, surrounded and menaced by many
hostile tribes. After arriving at their place of destination, they
encamped for the night. Just before daylight the {181} next morning, a
furious and determined onset was made by the Indians, and a bloody
contest ensued. Before our troops could form, there were engagements,
man to man, in the tents. The tawny Indian and the hale soldier grappled
for mastery. The march of the Americans had been very laborious and
fatiguing; and both by day and by night the strictest watch, and the
utmost readiness for action had been maintained. But flesh and blood
must have repose. The soldier slept upon his arms. He saw the approach
of the savage, but awaking, found it was a dream. He slept, and dreamed
again;—he awoke no more:—some of our troops were found dead, and even
scalped in their tents. This was a night full of horror. It was dark and
rainy, and the air was rended by savage yells.
The vigilant Harrison was up, and giving orders, just as the attack
commenced. Our officers and men quickly stepped to their posts. In their
way they met the savage foe, and contended with him in darkness. The
General ordered all his fires to be immediately extinguished; his troops
were soon formed, and the contest was, for some time, maintained with
unabated fury. The result is well known.
Those of our countrymen, who fell in this engagement, deserve our
grateful remembrance; and those who survived it should be rewarded.
After the battle the wounded suffered exceedingly. Carried in waggons
over so rough a way, their ligatures were loosened, and death daily
lightened the load. In this contest the renowned 4th regiment breasted,
with an immoveable aspect, the fury of the savages; and thereby saved
from destruction the rest of the troops. Many of the militia, thus
supported, behaved well; but some of them fled, like whipp’d curs, under
the baggage waggons.
{182} Colonel Davies,[171] who fell upon this sanguinary field,
possessed a high military genius. His enthusiasm was lofty; and had he
survived this bloody conflict, the last war would, probably, have felt
his giant energies. Other great souls fell on this trying night; but my
humble records cannot do them justice.
Near the head waters of the Wabash some of the Kickapoos are settled;
and here too the Shawanese have some of their hunting grounds.[172] This
last idea suggests the subject of Zoology. There is no topic in nature
more interesting than this. The great variety of species which this
genius presents, and the dispositions peculiar to each, render this
subject an inexhaustible source of instruction and entertainment. From
the animal world, man may derive important lessons in relation to
industry, economy and perseverance. Indeed, here are displayed all the
passions and affections incident to human nature;—all that is exalted,
and all that is mean:—the generous courage of the lion, the selfish
cunning of the fox, the ferocity of the bull dog, and the fawning of the
spaniel. Here is a fund of simile illustrative of dispositions, manners,
and morals, which are exceedingly forcible.
The relations of this subject are too numerous for incidental remark.
Unless the whole of it is embraced, one hardly knows where to begin, or
where to leave off. That part of natural philosophy, which relates to
the animal and vegetable worlds, have an intimate connexion with moral
nature. The whole creation presents to the human mind the most engaging
subjects of contemplation;—subjects which speak to his heart, and
eloquently persuade him to love and adore his Heavenly Father. The
Scriptures derive from this source moral and religious illustrations,
which are truly impressive: In the 80th {183} Psalm the Deity speaks of
his chosen people under the similitude of a vine brought out of Egypt;
and on account of transgression, “the boar out of the wood doth waste
it, and the wild beast of the field doth devour it.” David, in
representing the happiness, security, and comfort of a christian spirit,
exclaims, “the sparrow hath found an house, and the swallow a nest for
herself;—even thine altars, O Lord of hosts!” And in speaking of the
universal care of Providence, he says, “He giveth to the beast his food,
and to the young ravens which cry.” Jeremiah too, in censuring the Jews
for their insensibility and impenitence, declares, “yea, the stork in
the heaven knoweth her appointed times; and the turtle, and the crane,
and the swallow, observe the time of _their_ coming: but my people know
not the judgment of the Lord.” Lastly, how _supremely_ interesting, in
view of the innocence of the lamb, is the exclamation, “Behold the Lamb
of God which taketh away the sins of the world!” The Author of the
Scriptures is, indeed, the great God of nature; and in his Word, he has
employed that wonderful pencil, with which he has garnished the heavens.
The opossum of Indiana is said to possess peculiar qualities. This
animal has ever excited the attention of naturalists, by its
extraordinary means of cherishing and securing its young. Under the
belly of the opossum is a bag, composed of a thick skin completely lined
with soft fur, and this skin fully covers the animal’s teats. Into this
bag the young of the opossum lie; and, in a time of danger, the parent
closes this bag, the young hang upon her teats, and in this situation
she endeavours to escape from her pursuers.
It is well known that the opossum, at its birth, is remarkably small;
but the account which I received {184} from an intelligent farmer of
Indiana, in relation to this particular, is almost incredible. This
account, however, seems to be supported, analogically, by the testimony
of naturalists. The young of the marmose, a species of opossum, is, when
first born, not larger than a bean. This animal has two longitudinal
folds of skin, near the thighs, in which her young are comfortably kept
until they acquire strength enough to take care of themselves.
The Indiana planter says, that the young of the real opossum has been
found, in the bag described, not larger than a grain of barley. We may
here inquire, in what way the opossum is propagated? The above account
of the young of the opossum is not absolutely incredible. Nature’s modes
of production are astonishingly various. Aristotle says, that she abhors
a vacuum; and certain it is, that she dislikes similarity. Some of her
animated existences she produces through the instrumentality of one sex,
some of two, some of three, and some without any sex. The snail is an
hermaphrodite; and some shell-animals in the East-Indies require, in
order to their production, the union of three individuals. The polypus
is very prolific, and yet is destitute of sexual distinction. Upon its
body appear protuberances, similar to buds upon trees, and these are the
real animal in miniature. Whilst in this state, they are nourished,
apparently, as buds are nourished by sap, and when they are capable of
taking care of themselves, they fall off like ripe fruit.
Two other peculiarities of the opossum are its dread of water, and
indifference to fire. It is said that this animal, upon being slightly
stricken, pretends to be dead; and continues to appear so even when its
paws are burning off; but when put into water it immediately becomes
alarmed, and struggles to save itself. Naturalists say, that this animal
subsists, principally, upon birds.
{185} Leaving the state of Indiana, I passed into the Illinois
Territory. This territory is generally level, but I think it more
diversified than Indiana. The Illinois Territory is of immense extent.
It is bounded on the east, by Lake Michigan and Indiana; on the south,
by the Ohio river; on the south-west and west, by the Mississippi; on
the north by Lake Superior; on the north-west by the Lake of the Woods;
and west-south-west, by the most northern source of the Mississippi. It
constitutes the whole of the North-West Territory, excepting Ohio,
Michigan, and Indiana, and contains about 200,000 square miles,
exclusive of the waters of Lake Superior and Michigan.
The meadows on the river Illinois are very extensive. The aspect of the
river is expansive and gentle; and at its confluence with the
Mississippi, it is about four hundred yards wide. The other principal
rivers in this territory, are the Ouisconsin, and Fox rivers. The former
runs very near Fox river, which enters Lake Winnebago. This Lake is the
nearest average point of communication between the waters of the St.
Lawrence, and the Gulf of Mexico. On the Illinois river, there is pit
coal, salt springs, and in other parts of the territory, lead and copper
mines. Between the rivers Kaskaskias, and Illinois, there is an
extensive tract of rich land, which terminates in a high ridge. In this
fertile vale are a number of small French villages.[173]
There is a communication, between the Illinois river and Lake Michigan,
by the way of Chicago river, and two small portages.[174] The Illinois
strikes the Mississippi about twenty miles above the Missouri, and its
principal branch runs in the direction of Detroit.[175]
The principal towns in the Illinois Territory are Kaskaskia, Cohokia,
and Goshen.[176] Shawne town {186} lies on the Ohio, and is an
inconsiderable place.[177] Here are several taverns, a bake-house, and a
few huts. Some of the settlements in Illinois are ancient, and very
considerable.
Formerly there were about twenty tribes of Indians inhabiting the
Illinois Territory; and a large proportion of the lands here still
belong to them. The Winnebagoes still reside on Fox river; the Saukies
on the upper part of the Ouisconsin; and the Ottiganmies near its
mouth.[178]
Fort Massac is situated in Illinois, near the mouth of the Ohio.[179]
Its site is elevated; but the adjacent country is frequently overflown.
The Illinois Territory possesses a fine climate, a variety of rich
soils, and many peculiarities, which are calculated to render her, at
some future period, a very distinguished state.
About ten miles beyond Cumberland river, on the Ohio, is the river
Tennessee. This river finds its most remote sources in Virginia, passes
through the state of Tennessee from east to west, and in its course
enters the State of Mississippi. This is the largest source of the Ohio.
It pursues its course about one thousand miles before it enters the
Ohio, and at its junction with it, its width is about six hundred yards.
It is navigable, for the largest vessels, to the Muscle Shoals, a
distance of two hundred and fifty miles. These shoals are about twenty
miles in length; but the navigation here may be easily improved.[180]
At no far distant period, a considerable part of the produce of the
Ohio, and its tributaries, will, probably, find a market in
West-Florida, instead of New-Orleans. This will be more particularly the
case, should Pensacola become the property of the United States; and of
this event there can be no doubt. It will soon become ours by purchase,
or by {187} conquest. For an honest purpose Spain, or her secret ally,
will not wish to own it; she will, therefore, forfeit it by
transgression, or when it shall become useless to her in this respect,
she will sell it. There can be no doubt, that, ere long, East-Florida,
and that part of West-Florida which belongs to Spain, will become
ours.[181]
Pensacola, Mobile, and other places on the coast of West-Florida will
soon become places of immense trade. The great cause of the business and
wealth of New-Orleans, is the union, which there takes place, between a
vast inland and foreign commerce. Such a union at Pensacola, or Mobile
would be much more advantageous. The planters on the Ohio and its
waters, could carry their produce to these markets at much less expense;
and the shipper could here freight vessels for its exportation at a
lower rate.
Boats on the Ohio, instead of passing into the Mississippi, may ascend
the Tennessee as far as the Muscle Shoals, or within fifty miles of
them, and then entering the Tombecbee by a canal, which may easily be
made, pass down to Mobile. The current of the Tennessee to the Muscle
Shoals is gentle, and boats may be pushed up the stream without much
expense. Coosee river, a branch of the Alabama, also approaches very
near to the Tennessee; and from the Alabama to the river Perdido, near
Pensacola, the distance is very small.
If these ideas are correct, the trade of New-Orleans, both foreign and
domestic, will not increase so rapidly as might otherwise be expected.
It is well known, that the expense attending the navigation of vessels
up the Mississippi to New-Orleans, and in passing from thence to the
mouth of the river, is frequently great. Vessels are sometimes from
thirty to sixty days in ascending this river to the city; and in
descending it the detention, both on the {188} river and at the
pilot-ground, near its entrance into the Gulf of Mexico, is often
considerable. Besides, the danger attending this navigation is far from
being small.
Should the produce of that part of the Western Country, which lies on
the Ohio, pass into the Tombecbee and Alabama rivers, Mobile will
rapidly increase; and should the United States acquire a right to
Pensacola, it will probably become, in time, one of the greatest
commercial places in the world. No maritime city will, in this event,
possess a back country so extensive, rich, and populous; and none more
completely combine the energies of inland, and foreign commerce. The
harbour of Pensacola is one of the best in the world.
Before I leave the Ohio, it may be well for me to introduce a general
idea of the courses of this river. Its minor sinuosities are too
numerous to mention. From Pittsburg, this river proceeds in a north-west
course about thirty miles;—west-south-west, five hundred
miles;—south-west, one hundred and seventy miles;—west, two hundred and
eighty miles;—south-west, one hundred and eighty miles;—and the residue
of the distance, west-south-west.
The Ohio is a wonderful river. Its utility, and beauty are highly
conspicuous. Its banks, where not cultivated, are covered with a thick
growth of trees, and bushes, which, bending over the water, yield a
prospect at once serene and rich. Some of the banks, especially on the
upper parts of the river, are covered with lofty forests of sycamores.
The fish in this river are of various kinds; among which is the catfish,
weighing from five to one hundred pounds. The fish in the western waters
are generally very fat.
Whilst on the Ohio, and near the mouth of the Cumberland, I witnessed a
deer hunt, if it may so {189} be called, which excited no little
sensibility. Several keels were passing silently down the current. It
was noon day, and the river was full, expansive, and calm. The men on
board of the boats espied, a mile ahead, several deer swimming across
the river. One of the deer had proceeded nearly half way across, when
the skiffs belonging to two of the keels were manned, and went in
pursuit of him. Each skiff contained two oars-men, and one in the bows
with a boat hook. The rival skiffs ploughed through the silver stream.
The deer retreated towards the wood; but one of the boats outsped him.
He was now between two enemies. The scene was interesting: I almost
prayed for his rescue. For twenty minutes the fate of this guileless
animal was doubtful. The calm which prevailed seemed to listen to the
dashing oar, the successless blow, and the almost breathless efforts of
the poor deer. At length all was silent; the boats were on their
return;—no deer was seen in the river. The tired, yet sprightly oar,
told the tale of death; and nature, for a moment, seemed to darken on
the scene.
The deer was a buck, two years old, remarkably large, and elegantly
proportioned. When I beheld this bleeding victim, and heard the
boatmen’s song of triumph, my heart involuntarily exclaimed, if men must
butcher, for Heaven’s sake, let them not do it in mirth!
Viewing the Mississippi from the banks of the Ohio, its appearance is
narrow, and confined; but it is, generally, much wider, and in many
places expansive and elegant.
All the sources of the Mississippi, above the Ohio, are not yet known.
The Missouri, however, is, no doubt, its largest tributary, and perhaps
its main branch. The principal source of the Mississippi above the
Missouri appears to proceed from Bear lake.
{190} The river Missouri is several thousand miles in length, and runs
in a direction north of west. This part of the country has been explored
by order of the American Government; but so vast is it, that many years
must elapse, and much population be introduced into it, before
information, to be fully depended upon, can be obtained respecting it.
We have, by the efforts of Lewis and Clark,[182] and other hardy
spirits, obtained some general ideas respecting the vast tract of
country, between the mouth of the Missouri and the Pacific Ocean, which
will assist us in making more particular discoveries; but at present,
caution should be exercised in relation to every record which is made
upon this subject. The American people are considerably interested in
it, and, of course, will be disposed to believe every assertion in
favour of the country. Our government, it appears, are preparing for
several expeditions into the interior of the Louisiana purchase. It
certainly is well to be engaged, during the present season of
tranquillity, in ascertaining our boundaries; in order that our
resources may be known, and that, having the whole state of the nation
before us, we may know what policy to pursue towards its respective
parts, how to guard against evils which may be apprehended, and to
promote interests which may present themselves to our view.
The principal town in the Missouri Territory is St. Louis. This town is
very pleasantly situated, about fifteen miles below the river Missouri,
and contains two or three hundred houses. St. Genevieve is situated
about seventy miles below St. Louis.[183] Near this place are
inexhaustible lead mines. St. Louis is rapidly increasing, and is the
centre of the fur trade, west of the Mississippi. It is probable that
the country west of the river Missouri is elevated and broken, and
contains a great variety of ores. It is probably too, a very rich fur
country.
{191} How far the Louisiana purchase will ultimately prove beneficial to
our country, time alone can determine. It was certainly of consequence
to us to possess the right of deposit at New-Orleans; and this, it is
presumed, might have been acquired without a purchase of the soil. We
were rich enough in territory, and in every other physical means of
rendering ourselves a great and a happy people. I am aware, however,
that wealth is beneficial, if it does not corrupt. In the hands of the
virtuous, it is a means of doing good.
I am also sensible that there was a powerful motive for the purchase of
the soil, in relation to a change of government in the city of
New-Orleans. To this place the people of the west would, as a matter of
course, resort for a market. In relation to this particular, lies the
principal motive, and the principal objection with respect to the
purchase; and whether it shall prove beneficial or otherwise, depends
upon ourselves. If the manners of this city shall not be improved by our
own population, who may emigrate thither, where will be the moral
advantage of the purchase? Indeed will not our citizens, by its being
their own territory, more readily imbibe, and more freely communicate
the corrupt practices of this place? But, if by the praiseworthy conduct
of our citizens residing in New-Orleans, immorality shall be checked,
and good principles introduced, then, indeed, it will prove a purchase,
not only for our country, but for mankind. Should this be the case,
those demoralizing effects, which could not but have been apprehended
from the intercourse between our citizens and the mixed multitudes of
Louisiana, will not only be removed, but in the place of these exotic
weeds will flourish our own indiginous plants. There were, no doubt,
other motives for the purchase, but whether they ought {192} to have
operated under such a political system as ours is questionable.
The United States resemble, in many particulars of their history, the
Jewish nation; and it is not improper to say that we are a peculiar
people. We seem to be treading in every direction, upon the heels of the
savages: they are receding, and we are following them.—Happy shall we be
if we eye the hand which leads us, and the stretched out arm which
supports us!—happy will it be for us, if instead of corrupting those
whose places we occupy, we do them good, and teach them to be virtuous!
When we behold the United States every day extending their boundaries,
and increasing their resources—when we see the moral and physical
energies of a single constituent part of the Union, in possession of
more real force than many of the states of Europe, we are astonished at
our own power, and our own responsibility. Millions are yet to be
influenced by our example. It is impossible that so much power, and so
much enterprise should remain inactive. Our western boundary will,
ultimately, be the Pacific Ocean; our northern, the North Pole; our
southern, the Isthmus of Darien; and on the ocean we shall have no
competitor. May our justice ever direct our power, and may we be the
patron and protector of oppressed nations.
Before I proceed from the Ohio towards New-Orleans, it may be observed
that what is generally understood by the Western States and Territories,
is all that part of the territory of the United States, which lies west
of the Alleghany mountains, and east of the Mississippi river.
I have expressed a few general ideas upon this vast and excellent tract
of country. Much more might be offered; but it would be both useless,
and improper to retail the records of geographers. {193} However few may
be my statements upon this subject, they shall be dictated, exclusively,
by my own observations.
I may add, that the timber of the west is much more various than that of
the east, and equally useful. The sugar maple tree is here so numerous,
that they would probably supply the whole United States with sugar. The
Spanish oak is peculiar to the west. Here too, are the lynn tree, gum
tree, sugar tree, iron-wood, aspen, crabapple, bark-spice, leather-wood,
&c. &c. The sugar tree produces a sweet pod, like that of a pea, and
furnishes very nutritious food for swine.
The weather in the west is milder than on the Atlantic coast; but it is
also more changeable. Rheumatism, pleurisies, consumptions, bilious
complaints, &c. cannot but prevail here. The exhalations from the earth,
and rivers is great, and the general aspect of the people, situated near
these rivers, is pale, emaciated, and feeble; but in these respects the
country, in time, will be less disagreeable.
The earth here, in summer, is covered with a luxuriance of vegetation,
which, together with the absence of varied scenery, sicken the eye, and
heart of the traveller. In some places one can, after a shower, almost
hear the earth teem. The very atmosphere seems fattening to the cattle;
and garden weeds grow in great profusion upon the uncultivated grounds.
The cane, which grows here, bears a wide leaf, like those of herds
grass; and for cattle it is palatable, and nourishing. The stalk of the
cane is used for angling poles, and for making chairs, looms, &c.
I now suppose myself on the banks of the Mississippi. The average width
of this river is about a mile, and its length, from the mouth of the
Ohio, is {194} about twelve hundred miles. It contains a great many
islands, some of which are several miles in length, and its course is
very serpentine. Owing to the soil in its vicinity being alluvian, it
frequently changes its course. Sometimes its tributaries inundate the
whole country on both sides of it. The banks of the river are generally
a little higher than the adjacent country; the water, therefore, which
rises over them never returns, but passes off into the swamps. These
swamps are very extensive, and being incapable of cultivation, will ever
render the climate of this part of the country insalubrious. During
freshets the water of the Mississippi breaks through points of land of
the width of many leagues. By these inundations vast trees are uprooted,
carried into the main channel of the river, and there lodge. In
consequence of these circumstances the navigation of the river is very
dangerous. Hundreds of boats, laden with valuable cargoes, are annually
wrecked, and destroyed here. Here too, sudden squalls, attended with
severe thunder and lightning, are frequent. Even on the Ohio, there is,
at times, such an undulation of the water, as to render being in a small
boat very dangerous. Upon the appearance of squalls on the Mississippi,
the boats put ashore as soon as possible; and it is interesting to see
them moving in with so much labour, bustle, and difficulty. There is
frequently much danger in landing, and the boats in doing so sometimes
make a great crash.
The principal obstructions to the navigation of the Mississippi, are
sawyers, planters, and snags. The first are trees, the tops of which are
fixed in the bed of the river near a strong current; which causes them
to rise and sink, so as to resemble the action of a saw in a mill. These
make a formidable appearance, and are very dangerous. Sometimes {195}
the sawyers continue under water for fifteen or twenty minutes, and then
instantaneously rise above the surface, to the distance of eight or ten
feet. They frequently make their appearance very near the bows of the
boats, in which case much judgment, and activity are necessary to escape
the impending destruction. Some of the sawyers do not appear above the
surface at all; and by being concealed, are the more dangerous.
Planters, are trees likewise lodged in the bed of the river, but they
are immoveable. These trees, at first, lie horizontally; but by the
force of the current, the end up the river is raised, and sometimes
presents a sharp point considerably above the surface of the water.
Snags, are trees which lie upon the shoals of the river; and the
branches of them extend into the channel. There are several difficult
passes on the Mississippi, in which these obstructions abound. The
principal of these passes, are the Devil’s Race-ground, and
Picket-Island passage.
During the last summer two steam boats, and many boats of other kinds
were sunken by planters. Floating barrels of flour are often seen in the
Mississippi; and hundreds of barrels of wheat, and hogsheads of tobacco,
lie on its shores in a state of ruin.
The thunder and lightning which prevail on this river are truly grand;
and the sunken islands here are interesting. This effect was produced by
the earthquakes, which were experienced in the west in 1811. The
traveller too, on the bank of Mississippi, frequently sees huge masses
of earth fall from them into the bed of the river. These masses
sometimes constitute an acre, and are covered with a heavy growth of
trees. The noise, occasioned by the falling of the banks, is as loud as
distant thunder, {196} but far more impressive. It speaks of nature’s
final grave.
There are other dangers incident to the navigation of the Mississippi.
The falling banks frequently crush the boats laying along side of them.
Boats too, are sometimes dashed to pieces upon huge masses of wood,
which, having lodged near the shore, continue to accumulate so as to
produce near them a very rapid current. The fogs, which sometimes exist
on this river, are so thick that one cannot see an object at the
distance of fifty feet. The whirlpools in the Mississippi appear
formidable; but they are not sufficiently large to endanger boats of a
considerable size.
The general aspect of the country on both sides of the Mississippi, from
its junction with the Ohio to the Gulf of Mexico, is perfectly level and
exceedingly rich. A very few situations near the river are higher than
the adjacent country, and the soil of these eminences is sandy and
sterile. The timber in this part of the country, is in some places very
large, but generally it is small, and apparently young. The soil here is
subject to such frequent revolutions, that sufficient time is not
allowed for trees to obtain their full growth. The banks of the river
are not, generally, high enough to warrant settlements upon them;
consequently almost the whole country, from the Ohio to Natches, is a
pathless wilderness. This is particularly the case with respect to the
western bank of the river. Much of the Louisiana purchase is not worth a
cent.
Below Natches, there are a great many superb plantations, and the
country is under a high state of cultivation. Here, however, the water
of the river is confined to its bed by a levee, or embankment.
{197} The cane thickets near the banks of the Mississippi are very
luxuriant; and the extensive groves of willows upon them form an
impervious shade, and present a gloomy aspect.
About fifty miles below the mouth of the Ohio, on the west bank of the
Mississippi, stands New Madrid.[184] Owing to destructive freshets and
other causes, it is unflourishing.
After leaving this side of the river, I entered Tennessee on the east.
This state is bounded on the Mississippi, from the Iron Banks to one of
the Chickasaw Bluffs,[185] a distance of about one hundred miles. The
length of the state is four hundred miles. That part of Tennessee, which
lies on the Mississippi, is a perfect wilderness, and inhabited,
principally, by Indians. In and near this part of the state reside the
Cherokees and Chickasaws. The Chickasaws have always been well disposed
towards the United States, and their physiognomy and general appearance
are much in their favour. The language of this tribe, and of the
Choctaws is very similar. The Cherokees were once very numerous; but
being much disposed to war, and frequently contending unsuccessfully
with the northern Indians, their numbers have become small, and their
spirits broken. The Chickasaws are likewise the remnant of a great
tribe. They originally resided further west; and were slaughtered by the
Spaniards, towards whom they still entertain much hatred.[186]
The principal rivers which run directly from the state of Tennessee into
the Mississippi, are the Obian, Forked, and Wolf rivers. Just below the
latter is Fort Pike.[187] Some parts of Tennessee are so mountainous as
to be even incapable of cultivation; but its soil generally is fertile,
and on the banks of the rivers very rich. Some of its mountains are
stupendous. The state is exceedingly well watered; {198} and its
principal rivers are the Mississippi, Tennessee, Cumberland, Holston,
and Clinch. The face of the country is uneven, and presents a pleasing
variety of aspect. Although its eminences are fertile, and its levels
rich, it contains some barrens, similar to those of the Carolinas and
Georgia. The productions of this state are unlike to those of Ohio; and
it also produces large quantities of cotton, tobacco, and some indigo.
It is too, well calculated for rice. Its commerce is similar to that of
Kentucky; but it derives many of its foreign goods from Virginia, by the
way of Richmond, as well as from Philadelphia, and Baltimore, by that of
Pittsburg.
Indigo is raised upon a rich, deep, and mellow soil well pulverized. The
seed is sown in beds, during the month of April. The stalk is cut three
times a year, and steeped for eight and forty hours. The impregnated
liquor is then drawn off, and lime water added, to produce a separation
of the particles of indigo from the aqueous fluid. This fluid is then
again drawn off, and the indigo spread to dry. Afterwards it is pressed
into boxes, and whilst soft, cut into square pieces. Finally, these
pieces are placed in the sun, until they become hard, and then are
packed for the market.
The state of Tennessee is, in many respects, peculiar. It will become a
great, and a polished republic. Its mountains, rivers, minerals,
fossils, botany, zoology, and natural curiosities, all promise
developments of much interest to the philosopher, politician, and man of
science.
In marching through the woods, near the banks of the Mississippi, nature
presents, to the traveller from the east, a novel aspect. In moving
hundreds of miles, he does not see a single rise of land. His eye is
pained by the absence of variety; and he feels {199} that he would
undergo much labour to obtain the prospect of a hill-country. Here too,
in the spring and summer, he sees nothing around him but the most
umbrageous growth of trees, bushes, and cane. The earth here teems with
a sickening luxuriance; and the perpetual hum of myriads of musquetoes,
and other insects, renders the rays of the sun doubly oppressive. The
musquetoes near the Mississippi are very large, and not at all
ceremonious. When in the woods, my nights were rendered completely
sleepless by them.
In bathing in this river, I found the water remarkably soft. It is well
known that the human body is much less buoyant in fresh than in salt
water; but the water of the Mississippi is conspicuous in this respect:
many persons, who were good swimmers, have fallen into this river, and
in a moment were seen no more. After travelling in the heated wood, and
being much bitten by musquetoes, I found bathing in the Mississippi very
refreshing. The water of this river is always thick, so that a tumbler
full of it will deposit a sediment of one sixteenth part of the whole.
It is, however, not very unpalateable, and is, I think, not unwholesome.
The fish in this river are numerous, and large; but they are too fat to
be delicate. Geese, ducks, and swan, are also numerous here. The latter
are very beautiful. Wild ducks, with their broods, are frequently seen
moving in the coves of the river, and numerous paroquets occupy the
trees on its banks.
The swan is well known; but pleasure is derived from dwelling upon the
beauties of this bird. There is nothing very interesting in its colour;
but its milk-white feathers, connected with its large size, renders this
species of bird an object of attention even in this respect. The grace
of its motions, however, {200} is indescribably charming. The mild
majesty of its appearance, when moving upon the calm and glassy bosom of
the water, and the wonderful elegance of the positions and motions of
its neck, excite admiration. Poets feign, that the swan, in the hour of
death, beguiles the pains of dissolution with the most plaintive notes.
It is no doubt true, that her voice, at such a season, charms the ear of
those who love to feel innocent and resigned. The ways of nature are
wonderful; and she enables man, by her operations, to catch some faint
impression,—to receive some prophetic foretaste of the sublimity of her
principles, and the eloquence of her sentiments.
The paroquet is smaller, and more beautiful than the common parrot. They
go in flocks, and their notes are rapid, harsh, and incessant. It is
remarkable, that this bird is subject to a disease resembling apoplexy.
There is much music near the Mississippi. Amidst the silence of the
wood, rendered even more impressive by the umbrageous aspect of the
trees, by the teeming earth, the darting serpent, the creeping turtle,
and the hum of innumerable insects;—amidst this silence, the bag-pipe,
or violin, or fife, strikes the ear with an almost celestial sound.
Sometimes the busy silence of nature is interrupted by the fall of a
bank of the river; and sometimes the whoop of the Indian, hunting in the
wood, tells the traveller to tread lightly in his path.
On board of a boat, on the Mississippi, into which I stepped for a few
hours, there was a lad from the Highlands of Scotland. He had with him
his bag-pipe, trimmed with plaid, and he tuned his instrument to several
interesting airs, connected with the history of his country. During his
exhibitions, there was in his countenance something singularly wrapt,
which, to those acquainted with the fortunes, manners, {201} and
national characteristics of the Scotch, could not fail to produce much
effect.
Whilst in Tennessee I met with a whole tribe of Indians, who were about
going to war with some tribe situated north-west of them. As they were
about to cross the Mississippi, some persons on board of a descending
boat whooped at and insulted them. The Indians fired upon the boat, but
no injury was done. How natural is it to man to persecute the
unfortunate and weak! How natural is the abuse of power! The Indians are
a wronged, and an insulted people. Their cruelties, no doubt, surpass
description.—Their conduct is by no means justifiable; but how can we
rationally expect from them that human mode of warfare, which is the
consequence of civilization? Their revenge, is the natural effect of
their weakness. They improve every opportunity to lessen that power,
which, they fear, is destined to destroy them. And what should they do
with prisoners? They have no extraordinary means of feeding them, and no
castles for their confinement. Besides, think of the examples which have
been set them by England, by France, by Spain, and by America. Many a
harmless, humane, and magnanimous Indian, has been murdered, in cold
blood, by the sons of civilization; and many a charge of robbery and
murder, committed by white men, has been made against the peaceable, and
inoffensive children of the forest. But I wish to be understood, that I
believe the disposition of the General Government of the United States
towards the Indians, to have ever been fair and friendly.
The boatmen on the western waters are great marksmen, and pride
themselves in sharp shooting. One morning, whilst on the Mississippi, a
solitary little duck, probably not a fortnight from the shell, passed
the bows of the boat, on board of which I {202} then was, and the
captain immediately raised his rifle to blow this little being to
pieces. How wanton in cruelty is man! The young duck, conscious of its
danger, plied, with all its might, its little feet and wings. I pitied
its pert and apprehensive spirit, and seizing the captain’s gun said, he
is yours,—I will give you a dollar for him as he is. The captain
accepted my offer, and the little duck hiding himself under the reeds of
the shore, we passed on.
After being sometime in Tennessee, I crossed the river, and entered the
Missouri Territory. There is no great difference between the soil and
aspect of the country here, and those of the Tennessee side of the
Mississippi. In the latter, however, there are some rises of land,
called banks and bluffs, which present a sandy and an unproductive
appearance. The bluffs are known by the words first, second, third, and
fourth bluff. The aspect of the second one is interesting, and is
evidently one of the ends of those mountainous ridges in Tennessee,
which, passing into South-Carolina and Georgia, terminate in the vast
savannas of the Alabama and Appalachicola.
The musquetoes are more troublesome on the Missouri than on the
Tennessee side of the river. The smoke of my fire would hardly keep them
at a respectful distance; and the only way to avoid, by night, being
completely blinded by them, was, to cover my face with small bushes. No
covering of cloth could resist their stings.
The river near the lower part of the Missouri Territory is very crooked,
and the islands numerous. These islands are formed by the current,
during freshets, cutting through the soil and making new channels for
itself. The islands are covered with trees and bushes, but are low, and
frequently overflown. Near some of these islands I saw many pelicans.
{203} This bird interested me because it is both a scriptural and
poetical bird. David said, “I am like a pelican of the wilderness,” and
the poets of fabulous times supposed that she nourished her young with
her own blood.
The seasons of the greatest rise of the Mississippi are early in the
spring, and in July. During the latter period the crops are on the
ground, and of course much damage is sustained. But here I may again
observe, that the country on the Mississippi, for a thousand miles below
the Ohio, is, with a very few exceptions, a perfect wilderness; and that
much of it will never admit of cultivation. The rise of the river,
frequently appears to be occasioned by some secret causes, operating
beneath the surface. Indeed it is to be presumed, that many of the
sources of the river proceed from under the surface of the adjacent
land.
On the banks of the Mississippi, I frequently passed the graves of the
boatmen. The rudely sculptured monuments of their lowly dwelling, prove
that there is still charity for the dead; and that a fellow-feeling
seldom leaves, under any circumstance, the human breast.[188]
Having progressed some way in the Missouri Territory, I again crossed
the river, and entered the Indian Village at one of the Chickasaw
Bluffs. The settlement here is considerable; and the Chickasaws, being
friendly to the United States, evince in their appearance, the
beneficial consequences of a peaceful policy. White men of little or no
reputation frequently intermarry with this tribe; and the Indians are
much pleased with the connexion. On this Bluff is situated Fort
Pickering.[189]
The evenings in this part of the country are delightful; especially in
the woods, far from the haunts of men. The aspect of the heavens is here
{204} peculiarly serene; and the human mind is disposed to dwell upon
the power, wisdom, and goodness of God; the station of man in the scale
of being; his probationary state, with all its relations and events; and
his hopes of happiness beyond the grave.
The traveller, in proceeding from a cold to a warm climate, is forcibly
impressed by a sense of the revolutions of the seasons; especially if he
commences his tour in the midst of winter. Those who are acquainted with
astronomy, who know what are the effects of the annual motion of the
earth; and particularly the beneficial consequences of its declination,
will, if they have any sense of moral power and goodness, unite with
Milton in his sublime fiction:—
“Some say He bid his angels turn askance
The poles of earth, twice ten degrees and more,
From the sun’s axle; they, with labour,
Push’d oblique the central globe.”
The remembrance of those aspects in nature, which are peculiar to the
various seasons of the year, are delightfully painful. There is a
religious influence in them;—they are connected with the recollection of
a thousand events which mark the stages of man’s pilgrimage through
life.—The winds of spring; the autumnal evening; the equinoctial gale;
the frozen ground; the January thaw; all eloquently speak of childhood,
the vicissitudes of time, and of a better world.
In addition to the difficulties, attending the navigation of the
Mississippi, already mentioned, there are here many bends, points, and
sand bars, which cause the current to set in a great variety of
directions, and render necessary, not only constant watchfulness, but
much practical knowledge.
{205} Whilst in the Missouri Territory, and not far from the bank of the
river, a bald eagle, perched upon a tall and blasted oak, attracted my
attention. It was in the forenoon, and he viewed the sun with an
unblinking eye. Whilst I was admiring the strength of his form, and the
majesty of his aspect, a wild turkey flew from a neighbouring tree, and
alighted on the ground. The eagle immediately pounced upon his prey; but
ere he could effect his object the turkey was shot. I might too, have
killed the eagle, but admiration and awe prevented me. I felt that he
was the emblem, and the inspiration of my country; and, at that moment,
I would not, for ten thousand worlds like ours, have cut a feather of
his wing.
There is something wonderfully impressive in the nature of this bird;
and it is not surprising that the Romans were devoted to it. When quite
a lad, I mortally wounded an eagle, supposing it to be a hawk. It was a
half hour before it died, and during this time my heart was filled with
mingled emotions of regret and awe. I felt as though I were witnessing
the last moments of some mountain hero, who had fallen upon the hills of
his fame. This noble bird fixed his eyes upon me, and without a single
blink supported the pangs of death with all the grandeur of fortitude. I
could not endure his aspect,—I shrunk into my own insignificance, and
have ever since been sensible of my inferiority.
After remaining a day or two on this side of the river, I crossed it and
entered the State of Mississippi. This state is bounded by this river
west; north by Tennessee; east by Georgia; and south by West-Florida.
The principal rivers in this state are the Yazoo, Pearl, Big Black,
Tombecbee, and Alabama. The grand chain of mountains, called the
Alleghany, terminates in this state. On the {206} Tombecbee is situated
Fort Stoddard.[190] The city of Natches is the only considerable
settlement in this state. The aspect of the country is level, and
generally very fertile; but some parts of it are sandy and unproductive.
Its principal products are tobacco, cotton, indigo, and rice. Live oak
of the best quality abounds here. In this state are tribes of the
Creeks, Cherokees, Choctaws, and Chickasaws. These tribes are acquainted
with agriculture, and with some manufactures. The Natches Indians,
formerly a powerful, and, in many respects, a civilized people, were
exterminated by the French in 1730.[191] The Creek Indians consist of
about twenty tribes, who united for the purpose of exterminating the
Choctaws. The names of these tribes are derived from those of several
rivers in the states of Georgia and Mississippi, and the whole are
called Creeks, from the great number of streams which pass through these
parts of the country. They are sagacious, bold, and jealous of their
rights. General Jackson has made great havoc among them.
On the twenty-sixth of May I passed through a little settlement called
Point Sheco. Vegetation here was, at this time, very backward. The
inhabitants are principally French. The small-pox prevailed among them,
and they appeared sallow and emaciated. The land here is very rich; but
indolence characterizes the place. The people, however, possess many
herds of fine cattle, and much poultry. The musquetoes here are
literally intolerable. My journal says, “they are three times as large
as Yankee musquetoes; my face, neck, hands, and feet are covered with
their inflictions, and for several nights I have not slept a moment.”
The people in this part of the country always sleep under close
curtains, called musqueto bars.
The Mississippi, a little below this place, is very {207} wide and
expansive. I have spoken of its islands. There are about one hundred and
thirty between the mouth of the Ohio and New-Orleans. These islands are
sometimes formed by the lodgment of floating trees upon a bank in the
bed of the river, and by after accumulations of the various substances
which freshets bring from the country above. The river here deposits a
sufficient quantity of floating soil to produce vegetation, and the
island is soon covered with a thick growth of bushes and trees. The
current of the Mississippi moves from three to five miles an hour,
according to the rise and fall of its water. I have also spoken of the
boats on this river. They are as various, and their number as great, as
on the Ohio. The usual passage of barks, and barges, from New-Orleans to
the mouth of the Cumberland, on the Ohio, is ninety days; sometimes,
however, they are six months in getting up thus far, and sometimes lose
all their hands on the way, by sickness. These boats generally carry
from sixty to seventy men each, whose compensation is from fifty to
eighty dollars a trip. Many old sailors prefer this inland navigation to
that of the ocean. Here they spend their second childhood; and venture
only on those little seas which met the earliest efforts of their
boisterous career. The vessels of which I have been speaking, are from
eighty to one hundred tons burthen. The freight from New-Orleans to the
Cumberland is about five dollars a hundred weight. Down the river the
price is fifty per cent less.
The cotton-wood tree abounds near the Mississippi, and is said to be the
New-England poplar; I think, however, that this is not the case.[192]
Here too are bulrushes;, such, probably, as concealed the child Moses on
the Nile. There is a very interesting connexion between the scenes and
productions of {208} nature, and the simple stories of inspiration. In
view of it the enlightened agriculturalist is charmed. The situation of
our first parents, the patriarchal days, and the history of the Judean
Shepherds, furnish him, whilst he is tilling his ground and tending his
flocks, with sources of reflection, which at once delight his mind,
improve his heart, and prepare him for that state of innocence and love,
which awaits the good beyond the scenes of time.
The animal and vegetable worlds furnish an inexhaustible source of
illustration and imagery; and in the scriptures, they are employed with
all the simplicity of truth, and the sublimity of inspiration.
The sight of the bulrushes, connected with several other circumstances,
forcibly reminded me of the River Nile, and the story of that forsaken
babe, who, by the might of Heaven, conducted Israel from Egypt to the
Promised Land, in type of that Great Leader, who is now calling man from
the thraldom of iniquity to the liberty of the heavenly Canaan. On the
Mississippi there are arks, and alligators, which resemble the
crocodile; and the general appearance of this river is similar to that
of the Nile.
Not far from the Iron Banks, before mentioned, are the Chalk Banks; and
a little below the latter is the Bayau de She.
The St. Francis is the principal river in the Missouri Territory,
excepting the river of this name; and it enters the Mississippi just
below Tennessee. It is navigable about three hundred miles, and at its
mouth is two hundred yards wide. White River runs in the same direction,
and enters the Mississippi about eighty miles below. Its width is about
one hundred and fifty yards.
Whilst in the state of Mississippi, I crossed a high, broken, and
fertile ground, constituting about two hundred acres.
{209} After passing over hundreds of miles of country perfectly level,
such an appearance was highly gratifying. On this rise of ground were a
few scattering trees, the kinds of some of which I had never before
seen. Here grew the China tree, of a beautiful appearance, and bearing
fruit of an inviting aspect, but of an unpleasant taste.[193] I stopped
a moment to receive instruction—_moral_ beauty only can be depended
upon.
This situation reminded me of St. Pierre’s interesting, and affecting
story of Paul and Virginia. On one of the broken ridges of this rise of
ground stood a raven. He looked as though he had seen a hundred winters,
and his appearance inclined me to believe Hesiod’s extravagant account
of the longevity of this bird. There are many interesting ideas in
relation to this species of bird: In this country they build on high
trees; and in Europe in old towers. The Romans hold them in high
estimation; and God employed them to carry food to the Prophet Elijah.
After leaving this interesting situation, I passed a place called Point
Pleasant, where there are a few small dwelling houses.[194] The country
here is perfectly level, and the river wide and beautiful. Here I met
with many live oaks, so valuable for ship timber; but I think that on no
part of the Mississippi do they so abound as in the State of Georgia.
This species of tree grows tall and straight, and has but a very few
branches; these, however, are generally large, and well calculated for
knees in building.
Between this situation and the city of Natches is a place in the river
called the Grand Gulph. Here nature presents an aspect, which blends the
sublime and beautiful. She has here, with a majestic air, given to the
river an expansive bend; and renders its waters wide, deep, and gentle.
On one side of it she presents {210} an interminable lawn, and on the
other a broken hill, thickly covered with a variety of trees. How great
are the privileges of man! How small his merit, and yet, how noble his
nature!
The expansive calmness of this scene, viewed from the hill, suggests to
the human heart great and deep things, too sublime for human
utterance.—Things which point to the future development of mind, to the
high destinies of virtue, and to the nameless peace of heaven. When on
this hill it was evening; and the moon, mild in majesty, moved in an
unclouded course. She seemed to say, in the language of Young, “How
great,—if good, is man!” Under such circumstances the human mind
sensibly feels, that every thing, by the sacred and benevolent
constitution of nature, belongs to the virtuous man. He here dwells upon
St. Paul’s declaration, “All is yours!” and fears not “life, or death,
or principalities, or powers.” The good man has, indeed, every thing to
excite his hopes; and if his mind is enlightened by science, and
polished by taste, he has every thing to excite his admiration.—Is he
acquainted with architecture?—“The heavens declare the glory of the
Creator, and the firmament showeth his handy work.” Is he fond of
music?—let him listen to that of the spheres. Does eloquence charm
him?—he hears the voice of God in his own heart, persuading him to be
good.
The River Arkansas enters the Mississippi from the west, about one
hundred miles below the St. Francis. This river is certainly navigable
about five hundred miles, and is, probably, from fifteen hundred to two
thousand miles in length. The country on this river will hereafter be
known for its productions and trade.[195]
A little below this river is the Cypress Bend. Here grow considerable
forests of this interesting {211} tree. They are here covered with moss,
and suggest the ideas of old age and death. The growth of the moss,
however, is not confined to this species of tree; and it probably is
created by some peculiar quality in the atmosphere of the river. This
moss sometimes grows to the length of fifteen feet, but generally is
much shorter. It proceeds from the bark of the tree, and as to its
formation and manner of growth, resembles rock-weed on the seashore. Its
colour is that of the dove. Being fibrous, it is laid in water, then
dried, threshed, and used as a substitute for horse hair in the stuffing
of mattresses, &c. It is, when well prepared, nearly as valuable as
hair, and is exported in considerable quantities. The sources of this
article on the Mississippi are inexhaustible, whole forests are here
covered with it.
In this part of the country too, grows the celebrated plant called
misletoe. It is found on the trunk and branches of trees, and may be
propagated by rubbing its berries against the bark. This is frequently
done by the thrush, in wiping its bill after feeding upon them. Ancient
superstition venerated this plant; and it was hung upon the neck to
prevent the effect of witchcraft. In modern times it is considered good
for epilepsy and other diseases.
In several places near the Mississippi there are situations where
hurricanes have prevailed; and it is interesting to see the contrast
between their desolated path, and the smiling aspect of the contiguous
country. In some places here hundreds of lofty trees have been dashed by
the hand of violence; and the spectator inspired by the view, finds a
source of regret in not having actually witnessed the grandeur of ruin’s
march.
Great minds only imitate the grand in nature. She never proclaims her
works, but leaves them to {212} speak for themselves. Sampson possessed
a portion of her spirit. Upon his journey to Timnath, he slew a lion;
but passing on, told neither father nor mother of it.
After having experienced, for several weeks, much labour and many
privations, I arrived at the city of Natches, which is situated on the
eastern bank of the Mississippi. In approaching the city, from the banks
of the river, nothing is seen but a village of ragged buildings under
the hill, a little back of which the city itself is located. This hill
is very high, and steep, and its soil is sandy. Along the banks of the
river, under the hill, the boats, both in going up and down, frequently
stop, either for a market, or information. The number of buildings here
is about one hundred, and they are principally occupied for shops and
boarding-houses for the boatmen. It is perhaps one of the most wretched
places in the world.
The ascent to the city is very steep; and on each side of the road are
considerable precipices. The city itself is singular in its aspect;
being irregular, and having large unoccupied grounds in different parts
of it. After rising the hill, one sees, in front, a wide street leading
into the country; on the left a spacious grove of trees, back of which
is a precipice of two hundred feet; and on the right of the grove are
the principal streets and buildings. Many of the houses and stores are
large; but there are not many buildings here which can be termed
elegant. The courthouse is inconsiderable, and the theatre is a very
ordinary building. In the evening the city is remarkably
silent.—Scarcely a person is to be seen in its streets after dark. This
place is conspicuous for its hospitality.
Whilst in this place I was on board a boat, with the captain of which I
had become acquainted at the {213} mouth of the Cumberland. To this
gentleman, a foppish French barber introduced himself; and played with
his crew a pretty deep game. The barber was profoundly polite, and
extremely disinterested. He begged the captain to sit down and have his
hair cut, saying, that it was “all for de pleasure,” and that he “no
value de money,” &c. So much apparent good will, although troublesome,
seemed to deserve condescension; and the captain yielded to the
importunity. After the work was accomplished, payment was tendered, and
refused; the barber still insisting, with a thousand flourishes, that it
was “all for de pleasure.” The barber then turned his attention to the
boatmen, who all admired his liberality, saying, “come sare, me cut your
hair bery vel.” The boatmen, one after another, sat down; the Frenchman
all the time clipping away as for his life, grinning like a monkey, and
declaring, with many airs, “me barber de Buonaparte!” After the barber
had effected his object, and had rolled up his napkin, he, with much
gravity, and an altered tone, addressed the boatmen, saying, “yentlemen,
you be please to pay me.” The poor fellows were ashamed to acknowledge
their mistake, and inquired how much it was a piece. The Frenchman
replied, with a concerned animation, “Oh sare! only one quarter dollar.”
They produced their money, and the barber, well pleased with his
success, strutted off.
In the city of Natches slaves are very numerous. There is no branch of
trade, in this part of the country, more brisk and profitable than that
of buying and selling negroes. They are a subject of continual
speculation, and are daily brought, together with other live stock, from
Kentucky and other places to the Natches and New-Orleans market. How
deplorable is the condition of our country!—{214} So many bullocks, so
many swine, and so many human beings in our market! The latter are rated
in our prices current.—Enviable distinction!
Notwithstanding the difficulties so frequently suggested, relative to
the abolition of slavery within the United States, the evil can easily
be removed. Let the people instruct their representatives in Congress to
purchase the freedom of every slave in the Union; and to hold the slaves
for the discharge of the debt thus incurred: each individual of them to
receive an unconditional manumission as soon as they shall, by their
labour, offset the amount paid for them.
The law under which the purchase should be made, ought to declare the
slaves to be free, and as possessing all the rights and privileges of
the white people of the United States; with the declaration, however,
that these slaves are individually indebted to the government, according
to the price paid for each. The government would then be the guardian of
the blacks, for a particular purpose. The latter would be free; they
would have no master, and they might, under proper regulations, sue for
any invasion of their rights. The government should, in the supposed
act, provide for the appointment of agents in all the slave-holding
states; which agents should contract for the purchase of the slaves, and
for the letting of their services for a length of time sufficient to
cancel the debt thus incurred.
I have no doubt that slave holders would, generally, sell their slaves
to the United States, for this purpose, upon liberal terms. Indeed, I
know it to be a fact, that some of the planters would deduct, in
relation to this subject, from 25 to 50 per cent. from the real value of
the slave. Many of the planters too, would also hire the slaves of the
government {215} according to the proposed plan. Some of the planters
prefer hiring to purchasing negroes. This preference is grounded upon
many considerations.
As soon as the slaves, upon the supposed plan, should discharge their
obligations to the United States, they would be as independent as any of
her citizens, and would let their services upon their own contracts, and
according to their own calculations.
Some may object to having so many free blacks in the United States; but
I think that no danger need be apprehended from them. I am not
particularly partial to blacks; but I have a good opinion of their
intelligence and disposition. Much of their bad conduct arises from
their being slaves. Were they free, they would be more industrious, more
honest, and would have no _extraordinary_ grounds for irritation and
crime. Besides, being free, they would be much less numerous in one
place. They would spread themselves over the country. Some would go to
the west and east, and become farmers and day labourers; some would
plough the ocean, and some would emigrate to Europe, and perhaps to
Africa. Surely, within a territory so vast as ours, we need not fear a
population so limited, even if it were a population hostile to the
country and to human nature. But the fact is otherwise. They would form
a highly valuable population. Under proper systems of instruction, they
would become as virtuous as any class of white people in the United
States. The free blacks in the West-Indies, are industrious and
peaceable. It is the case too, with those in this country; and, as to
the abstract question, it may be added, that the freed vassals of
Russia, Denmark, and Sweden are equally inoffensive.
This subject suggests many ideas in opposition to popular objections:
but my limits will not permit a particular investigation of them.
{216} Under the system proposed, the United States need not incur any
expense, or make any pecuniary advances. In most cases, those who should
sell their slaves would hire them of the government, and of course no
money need be advanced. The expense of transacting the business, and
also the interest upon any advance of cash, might be added to the amount
of the purchase. The price of the slaves in the United States would not,
probably, average more than 300 dollars each.
I know it to be the case, that the slave holders, generally, deprecate
the practice of buying and selling slaves, and they would, no doubt, aid
the government in its efforts to enfranchise them.
Should the government act upon the supposed plan, she would greatly
increase her reputation and security; relieve an unfortunate and
oppressed portion of the human race, and remove forever this dark stain
upon her glory. Should she make this uncostly effort, Freedom would call
us her own peculiar people, and in some future, trying day, might
remember and defend us.
Why do we boast of liberty, when, every day, we violate its most sacred
principles? As it is in our power to give freedom to the slaves within
our jurisdiction, we do, by delaying to take this step, sanction and
support their oppression. Should a slave endeavour to obtain his
freedom, which, no doubt, he has a right to do, the law of the land,—the
whole power of the Union, would enforce his obedience, and again rivet
his chains. Oh, cruel nation! Oh, detestable system! The slave holder
cannot, consistently with the law of the land, take the life of his
slave; but he may scourge him, overwhelm his heart with grief, and by a
lingering torture bring him to a premature grave. This is frequently the
case. Indeed, slaves are often killed {217} at once, and that with
impunity. How is the act to be known, when it is committed on a
plantation?
The oppressor is hateful to the eye of Heaven: and Heaven’s justice may
be preparing for us pestilence, famine, and subjugation. The wisdom of
the world, the policy of states, the pride of birth, the love of wealth,
the calculations of avarice, the luxuries of indolence, and the
thoughtlessness of inhumanity, may all prate about the inexpediency of
giving freedom to the slave; but there is an Almighty arm, and the cause
of the oppressed will not always be unavenged.
Whilst in Natches I met with a company of Indians, of the Choctaw tribe.
Most of them were intoxicated, and all highly painted. A few days before
my visit to this place, an Indian had, in a moment of passion, murdered
one of the company. The law of the tribe declared the act worthy of
death; and the criminal was immediately called upon to meet his fate.
With a fearless and composed aspect, he marched off, faced his
executioners, and opened his arms to receive their fire.—In a moment he
was a dead man. It is a singular fact, that Indians when condemned to
die for the violation of the laws of their tribe, never attempt to
escape.—The rules of education are more operative than those of
legislatures.
Before I left Natches, I witnessed an interesting race between two
Indians. Their speed was very great.
Having, in the course of my tour, seen hundreds of Indians, both of the
northern and southern tribes, I was able to form an opinion as to their
relative aspect. The northern Indians are more athletic than the
southern. They are also more grave, and as to manner resemble the
Germans. The southern {218} Indians are slender, volatile, cunning,
vindictive, and in their manners resemble the Italians.
In Natches there are a great many Turkey Buzzards; and their colour and
tameness remind one of Pliny’s crows. The Buzzard is nearly as large as
a small turkey. By day these birds fly about the city, occasionally
lighting upon the houses, and in the yards, like pigeons. Towards night
they all retire to the highest part of the precipice fronting the river,
and there remain until the morning. Seeing them thus assembled, suggests
the idea of Milton’s conclave in Pandemonium.
These birds are very useful in warm climates, as they devour animals
which die and remain upon the surface of the ground. In the southern
states they are numerous, and are protected by law.
During the last summer, business in Natches was dull. But the constant
arrival of boats from up and down the river, gave an active appearance
to the place. The profits attending the business of steam boats upon the
western rivers are almost beyond belief; but the competition arising
from this circumstance is daily lessening them. The steam boats move
with so much velocity, even up the river, that the expenses of a trip
are not great, whilst the freight of goods, and the price of passage are
very high.
I think there can be no doubt, that foreign goods will for the future,
be transported from New-Orleans to the settlements above, in steam
boats, instead of proceeding down the rivers from the east and south.
Although the western rivers present a dangerous navigation to steam
boats, yet they may be very profitably employed, even after paying a
reasonable premium for insurance, and reducing the price of freight
thirty per cent.
{219} After remaining at Natches two or three days, I progressed towards
New-Orleans. About sixty miles below the former are Loftus’ Heights, and
just below these, stands Fort Adams.[196] Not far from the fort, the
country becomes in some measure settled; and for about one hundred miles
above New-Orleans, both banks of the river are under a high state of
cultivation. The country continues thus cultivated for twenty miles
below the city. The plantations within these limits are superb beyond
description. Some of them resemble villages. The dwelling houses of the
planters are not inferior to any in the United States, either with
respect to size, architecture, or the manner in which they are
furnished. The gardens, and yards contiguous to them, are formed and
decorated with much taste. The cotton, sugar, and ware houses are very
large, and the buildings for the slaves are well finished. The latter
buildings are, in some cases, forty or fifty in number, and each of them
will accommodate ten or twelve persons. The plantations are very
extensive, and on some of them there are hundreds of negroes. The
planters here derive immense profits from the cultivation of their
estates. The yearly income from them is from 20,000 to 30,000 dollars.
Their produce is sent down to the New-Orleans market, at which place
prompt payment in specie is immediately realized. At Natches and
New-Orleans, gold and silver are as plenty in the market as any other
article. Some of the noted plantations above mentioned are those of
Balay, Arnold, Baronge, and Forteus.
The plantations on the Mississippi produce vast quantities of sugar and
cotton. The latter article grows in pods, upon a stalk; and the
appearance of the latter is not much unlike that of the bean. These
pods, when ripe, open; and the cotton is then {220} gathered from the
stalk, and separated from the seeds by a machine which will clean 1000
pounds in a day. An acre of land will yield about 800 pounds.
Cotton is sewed in drills about eight feet apart. The seed is thrown in
thick; and after they spring, the stalks are thinned so as to make them
eighteen inches apart. They are then weeded, and the earth taken from
the upper roots, so as to leave them bare. A few weeks after this
process, the earth is hoed up to the stalk, and the roots covered. Then
there is a third hoeing like the second. If the ground is well prepared,
and the growth favourable, the rows of cotton, when fully grown, will
nearly meet each other.
The sugar cane is a jointed stalk, not unlike that of corn; and it grows
from three to seven feet in length, and from one half inch to an inch in
diameter. It is pithy, like the corn stalk, and affords a copious supply
of juice. No sweet is less cloying, and no vegetable substance so
nutritious as the sugar cane.
Sugar is cultivated by cuttings, set two inches from each other, in
drills eight feet apart. Each cutting possesses one joint; and one
setting answers for two years. In getting in the harvest the first year,
the stalks are cut within about eight inches of the ground. In the
production of sugar, the stalks are passed end ways through smooth brass
nuts, and the juice thus extracted is boiled down to a thick syrup. It
is then put into other vessels, and as it becomes cool, it forms into
small grains, and thus becomes sugar. Molasses is produced from the
drainings of the sugar; and after this process there is another by
distillation; and here rum is obtained. The sugar and molasses of
New-Orleans are celebrated for their excellence.
{221} Most of the planters on the lower parts of the Mississippi are
French; and there are in New-Orleans, and on other parts of the river
many French people, who have, since the restoration of the Bourbon
dynasty, emigrated thither from France. Many of them are very
interesting characters.
Before reaching Natches, I had travelled considerably in the state of
Louisiana, on the west side of the river; but there is nothing here to
distinguish it from the lower part of the Missouri Territory.
The old line of demarcation, between the United States and Florida, is
about sixty miles below Natches. At Point Coupe on the right side of the
river, there are many elegant dwelling houses, and they are superbly
furnished.[197] At the front and back of the houses, there are piazzas,
and the doors and windows extend to the floor. In summer the former are
removed, and their place supplied with duck, which excludes the sun,
and, by its motion, creates air. In the front yards are many ornamental
trees, and the yards back of the houses are filled with a great variety
of domestic fowls. Here one almost supposes himself in the West-Indies.
When I arrived at this village, the weather and prospects were
delightful. A tree in blossom there presented colours, the powers of
which seen at a distance, are indescribable. These colours wore an
astonishing combination of crimson and pink; and viewed through the
medium of the sun’s reflection, appeared celestial. How great and
various are the powers of the human eye, when aided by fancy! The
blossoms of Point Coupe spake of the bright colours of heaven, and the
livery of angels.
Opposite this settlement is Bayou Sara; and here there are a few
buildings.
Not far from these situations there is another settlement; but it is not
so large as Point Coupe. {222} When I passed through it the weather was
mild, and the sun about setting. Large herds of cattle were feeding
luxuriantly upon the banks of the river; the negroes had finished their
work, and some of them were wrestling on the green, some fishing near
the shore, some swimming in the stream, and some running their horses.
The scene was interesting.
Above Point Coupe, and near a little village, called Tunica, is Red
River. This river enters the Mississippi from the west, and is navigable
to a great distance. About one hundred and fifty miles from its mouth,
is Nachitoches. Black river enters the Red river about fifty miles from
the junction of the latter with the Mississippi. Red river is becoming
of considerable note, and will, in time, furnish much produce for the
New-Orleans market. A little below this river, is the Bayou Chafalia.
On the east of the Mississippi, and not far below the old line of
demarcation, is Baton Rouge. About the same distance above this line is
Clarkeville. Baton Rouge is a very considerable place. The plantations
near this situation are superb indeed. The buildings upon them evince
great wealth, and refinement in modes of living. Ships of 500 tons
sometimes ascend the river to the vicinity of Baton Rouge, and receive
from the plantations, cargoes of sugar and cotton.[198] The enclosed
fields of the planters are very spacious, and highly cultivated. The
negroes upon these plantations are numerous; and vast herds of cattle
feed upon the banks of the river. The cattle are large and beautiful.
The horses are fleet, and well calculated for labour; but they are
small, and far from being handsome.
The river below Baton Rouge is very spacious. Here, towards evening, the
piazzas and porticos of the dwelling houses are filled with ladies.
Their {223} appearance, together with the expansive and serene aspect of
the river, the mild azure of the heavens, the silver moon, rising in the
majesty of meekness, and the almost celestial music, which proceeds from
the gently gliding boats, remind one of primeval innocence, and point
the heart to that Being, in whose smile is everlasting life.
In this part of the country there are many Bayous, which I have not
mentioned. The principal of them are Manchac, Plaquemine, and De la
Fourche. There are here also many churches, some of which are Contrelle,
Bona Cara, and Red Church. In the morning and evening, cavalcades of
gentlemen and ladies, may frequently be seen going thither, to attend
marriage and other ceremonies.
About seventy miles below Baton Rouge, the country is wonderfully fine.
No description of mine can do justice to the appearance of its principal
establishments. There are here the most superb dwelling houses. They are
second to none in size, architecture, or decorations. The gardens
attached to them are spacious, and elegantly ornamented with orange and
fig trees. At a little distance from them are vast buildings, occupied
for sugar mills and cotton presses, and for the storage of the immense
productions of the plantations. Near these, are from fifty to one
hundred neat buildings, for the negroes, beyond them are spacious and
elegant oblong fields, constituting one hundred acres, and under the
highest state of cultivation.
In many places, along the banks of the river are large orange groves,
and here almost all kinds of fruits are raised for the New-Orleans
market. My journal says, this is, indeed, a fascinating country! Here
are all the splendours of wealth, and the blandishments {224} of beauty:
but to the rocky land of my birth, my heart will ever be supremely
attached.
Upon the banks of the Mississippi, there is a luxuriant growth of white
clover, which feeds thousands of cattle. These cattle drink from the
river. Some of the planters yearly mark thousands of calves, and send
them into the prairies to feed. Here their maintenance costs nothing.
The cattle of this part of the country are not often fat. This
circumstance is, probably, owing to many causes; some of which are,
their being much troubled by flies, not being salted, and the food which
they eat being of rapid growth, and of course unsubstantial. The latter
does not possess the consistency of the New-England grass. The flies and
musquetoes on the Mississippi are so numerous and voracious, that
nothing is more common here than to see horses tied in the fields to
feed, and a small fire by them for the purpose of keeping at a distance
these troublesome assailants.
The cattle in this part of the country are not worth, in the market,
more than one fourth of the price of New-England cattle. The cows seldom
calve more than once in two years, and they give very little milk. The
milk of a Yankee cow will make more butter than that of ten of them.
In progressing towards the tropics, appearances peculiar to the various
degrees of climate were continually presenting themselves. Many kinds of
trees, flowers, and grasses, and many species of birds and quadrupeds,
entirely new to me, made their appearance. The rains, winds, thunder and
lightning too, of the country, towards the equator, are peculiar. The
latter are here more sudden, loud, and vivid than those of the north.
The rains near the Mississippi resemble, in a measure, those of the
West-Indies. Here it frequently rains violently at a little {225}
distance, whilst where one stands there is a clear sunshine. These
showers sound quite loud, and present an interesting appearance.
I have repeatedly spoken of the slaves in the south and west. Some of
them are treated kindly; but some suffer all the evils incident to this
wretched condition. All the pride, all the ill-nature, all the petulance
of man are frequently wreaked upon these friendless beings. I speak from
experience. For a venial fault, I have witnessed cruel inflictions.
Whilst passing a plantation on the lower part of the Mississippi, my
ears were assailed by sounds novel and distressing. The shriek of
anguish, and the sound of the hateful lash quickly brought me to the
theatre of suffering. There I witnessed a madning sight. A poor negro,
fastened to the ground, in vain implored for mercy; whilst an
iron-hearted overseer, enraged by his own cruelty, was inflicting
unlimited vengeance. I believe my presence unbound the victim.—Shame
frequently achieves what conscience cannot accomplish. I could mention
cruelties inflicted upon slaves, which would excite the tears of
humanity, the blush of virtue, and the indignation of freedom. On the
Mississippi there are large oak frames for whipping slaves,—without law,
and without any rule, excepting that of self-will and uncontrolled
power.
Man, when uncontrolled, is a tyrant; and no human being should, for a
moment, be without the protection of natural, or municipal law.
There are prejudices against the race of blacks, and I pronounce them
vulgar! Some even pretend that negroes are not human beings; but history
and daily observation prove the contrary. Oh! how detestable are the
prejudices of avarice and inhumanity. Our vanity teaches us to think
better of our own colour than of theirs. They entertain the {226} same
opinion of white, which we do of black. On the coast of Africa the Evil
Spirit, which we call Devil, is there imagined under the hideous
semblance of a white man.
Many too, speak against the disposition of Negroes. They no doubt
possess strong passions; but their passions may all be enlisted on the
side of virtue. The quickness and strength of their feelings, connected
with their intelligence, prove their greatness. It is evident that
negroes are capable of being rendered great philosophers, divines,
physicians, legislators and warriors. They are likewise capable of
being, in their principles and conduct, real gentlemen; and as to
fidelity and affection, they are second to no people on the face of the
earth. Some will sneer at these ideas; but I rejoice in defending this
despised and oppressed race of men; and, would to heaven that my power
was equal to my regard for them! In the course of the last war there was
as much courage and patriotism evinced by a negro, as by any individual
in the nation. During a naval engagement he was dreadfully mangled by a
cannon ball; and just as his soul was departing, he exclaimed, “_no haul
a colour down!_”
The slaves are accused of committing crimes; but are not white men
sometimes criminal? and, I would ask, are they not as frequently so?
Besides, what can be expected of slaves? Why do we not give them their
liberty, and admit them to the privileges of citizenship? We are men of
like passions; yet does God grind down and oppress us?—No, but has
enabled us to preserve our liberty, and sends his Holy Spirit to
regenerate and redeem us. Oh! what a requital of his goodness do we
display in the thraldom of our brethren. Among slaves, nature, in her
own defence sometimes lifts the arm of death. Can she bear every thing?
Oppressed, and scourged, and {227} without refuge, self protection is
her only law; and God, under such circumstances, justifies homicide. The
brethren of Moses were enslaved; and seeing an Egyptian smite a Hebrew,
he slew him. Has a slave a right to his liberty? Certainly. Then no one
has a right to deprive him of it; and in attempting to do so, the
assailant must abide by the consequences. Will the laws of this country
condemn the slave to die in this case? If so my country sanctions murder
as well as robbery. What should we think of a christian system which
should warrant slavery, or even be silent respecting it? Stand forth ye
ministers of our holy religion, ye vicegerents of a righteous God, and
speak the truth in behalf of the slave. Why should our pulpits be silent
upon this great subject? Why do not our Christian preachers constantly
pray as David did, “break thou the arm of the oppressor.” Why do they
not inquire with the voice of authority, and in the Almighty’s name,
“what mean ye, that ye beat my people to pieces, saith the Lord God of
Hosts.”
I am disposed to offer a few ideas upon the origin of the race of
blacks. Their colour is generally supposed to arise from climate; but
the idea is not well supported. Some too, imagine that their colour is a
peculiar mark which the Creator put upon them for some special purpose;
but these suggestions are chimerical. The speculations upon this topic
have ever been very numerous: for my own part, however, I think there is
no difficulty involved in the subject. Where an effect cannot be
satisfactorily accounted for but upon one principle; and this principle
is conclusive in point of analogy, we need not look any further.
Now, certain it is that Nature, in all her works, evinces a great
fondness for variety, both in relation to colour and form. Man, _as to
his physical nature_, {228} is an animal; and black and white in men,
are as easily accounted for as black and white among beasts and birds,
or any other part of animated nature. There is no species of animal,
among which a greater variety of form and of simple colours exist, than
among men. Here we see every shade of complexion, from jet black to the
clearest white; here too, we find every variety of feature. Why should
there not be the same variety among men as among mere animals? We see
this variety in every particular, and yet as to black we doubt the
universality of the principle. Why do we not inquire as to the cause of
the colour of the black horse? Why do we not ask, whether his remote
ancestors were not born in the Torrid Zone? Besides, the variety of
which I speak exists in the vegetable world; and in order to remove the
principle upon which the argument is predicated, the most conspicuous
attribute of nature must be disproved.
Some learned writers have supposed the negro race to be the descendants
of Cain, and that their colour is the mark which the Deity set upon
their great progenitor, on account of the murder of his brother Abel.
Others imagine that the negroes have proceeded from the loins of Ham;
and that he was rendered black by the hard cursing of his father Noah.
As to Noah’s curse producing this effect, if such a notion deserves any
thing but ridicule, it may be observed, that the descendants of Ham
occupied Africa; and that here the inhabitants are not all black. In
that part of Asia too, where it is supposed the descendants of Seth, a
favourite son, reside, the people are full as black as any of the
negroes of Africa.
The heat of the climate cannot be the cause of blackness in negroes; for
a great part of the continent of America lies within the Torrid Zone,
and {229} yet there were no black people here until Europeans
transported them thither from Africa.
Climate, education, modes of living, customs and manners, do, no doubt,
affect the form, aspect, and features of individuals; but all these
causes are not sufficient to produce a total change in complexion or any
other particular.
About the middle of June I arrived at New-Orleans. The general aspect of
the city, viewed at a little distance from it, is much in its favour. It
appears large, ancient, and populous. I entered the city at noon day.
Its streets were crowded with people of every description. Perhaps no
place in the world, excepting Vienna, contains a greater variety of the
human race than New-Orleans. Besides foreigners of all nations, there
are here a various population peculiarly its own. These are of every
shade of complexion. Here may be seen in the same crowd Creoles,
Quadroons, mulattoes, Samboes, Mustizos, Indians, and Negroes; and there
are other commixtures which are not yet classified. As to negroes, I may
add that whilst in this place I saw one who was perfectly white. This
peculiarity, however, is rarely witnessed in this country.
Dissipation in New-Orleans is unlimited. Here men may be vicious without
incurring the ill opinion of those around them:—for all go one way. Here
broad indeed is the road to ruin; and an insulated spectator, sees the
multitude passing down the stream of pleasure to the gulf of remorse.
Surrounded by the fascinations of wealth, the blandishments of beauty,
and the bewitching influences of music, they do not realize that they
are losing the dignity of their nature, and preparing for themselves the
most bitter self-reproach:—they do not realize that an eternity cannot
undo an ignoble deed.
“Fair laughs the morn, and soft the zephyr blows;
While proudly riding o’er the azure realm,
In gallant trim the gilded vessel goes,—
Youth on the prow, and Pleasure at the helm!
Regardless of the sweeping whirlwind’s sway,
Which, hush’d in grim repose, expects his ev’ning prey.”
The gambling houses in this city are almost innumerable, and at any
hour, either by night or day, the bustle of these demoralizing
establishments may be heard. Here too, the Sabbath is devoted to
recreation. On this day the negroes assemble, and amuse themselves and
spectators by dancing. Religion, in behalf of the slave, has thus
benevolently wrested one day in seven from hardhearted avarice.
I am happy in being able to say, that New-Orleans is much less corrupt,
in many particulars, than it used to be. The American population there
is rapidly increasing; and New-England customs, manners and habits, are
there gaining ground. This population will, no doubt, be contaminated;
but it is sincerely hoped that there will be a balance in favour of
morality. The police of this place is still in the hands of the French.
The city of New-Orleans is situated on the east bank of the Mississippi,
about eighty-five miles from the Gulf of Mexico. The city stands
immediately upon the bank, and upon a curve or bend in the river. The
land here, like the whole country below Natches, and indeed generally
below the mouth of the Ohio, is low and level. The water is kept from
flowing into the city by a Levee or embankment, which was raised by the
Spanish government. The Levee extends from Fort Plaquemine, about forty
miles below the city, to one hundred and twenty miles above it. This
embankment is about four feet high and fifteen feet wide. A great deal
{231} has been said respecting this road; but it is not deserving of
much notice. The undertaking was not great, and its execution displays
no ingenuity or neatness. All the market-people bring their produce upon
the Levee; and here the inhabitants of the place take their evening
walk.
The city extends, on the river, about a mile and a quarter; and its
breadth is about a half mile. The streets cross each other at right
angles, and the side walks of some of them are paved with flat stones or
bricks. Most of the streets are narrow. On the river side of the city
the buildings are large, and many of them are built of brick and covered
with slate or plaster; but those on the back of the place are very
small, and consist of wood. The former are compact, and the latter
scattered. From the Levee to the buildings fronting the river the
distance is about seven rods. At the upper part of the city, near the
river, is the Custom-House; and at the lower part of it is the Fort and
Cantonment. Not far from these is a spacious establishment, which is
occupied by an association of Nuns. The Cathedral stands near the centre
of the town.
The streets near the Levee are generally crowded with thousands of
women, who are employed in vending fruits and goods. There is in this
city much female beauty:—fine features, symmetry of form, and elegance
of manners; but the virtuous man often perceives in these the fatal
testimony of moral aberration. Here the fascinations of accomplished
dissipation move in the guise of delicacy, and captivate the youthful
heart; but the moralist views their momentary and belittling influence,
with the indifference,—not of pride, but of reason, religion, and
sentiment. Youths of my country, to conquer ourselves is victory
indeed!—to foil temptation in the doubtful field, is imperishable
renown!
{232} New-Orleans is situated on the island of Orleans. This island is
formed by the Mississippi, the Lakes Pontchartrain and Maurepas, and the
river Ibberville. The latter river is an outlet of the Mississippi
fifteen or eighteen miles below Baton Rouge. Lake Pontchartrain is about
thirty miles long, and nearly the same distance in breadth. Its depth is
ten or fifteen feet. Lake Maurepas is about ten miles long, and seven or
eight broad.
It may here be observed that the Louisiana purchase was made in 1803.
This territory is of immense extent; but its boundaries are doubtful. It
would be well for the government to satisfy themselves upon the subject,
and to run their lines, and establish their forts without delay. Seasons
of public tranquillity are the seasons for such business.
The city of New-Orleans is a place of immense business. In the course of
fifty years it will probably be, in a mercantile point of view, second
to none in the world. At this place inland and maritime commerce combine
their energies. An immense tract of the most productive country in the
world, is continually sending its produce, through a thousand channels,
to this great mart. Already five or six hundred vessels, some of which
are very large, may occasionally be seen lying at the Levee; and upon
this embankment are vast piles of produce of every description. Foreign
vessels frequently arrive here with from 500,000 to 1,000,000 dollars in
specie, for the purpose of purchasing cargoes of sugar, cotton, and
tobacco. Perhaps in no place is specie more plenty, or more free in its
circulation than at New-Orleans. The banks here sometimes refuse to
receive it as a deposit. From the future imports into this city, and the
shipping employed here, the General Government will derive an immense
revenue. The country above is more and {233} more supplied with foreign
goods from New-Orleans, by steam boats and other vessels, instead of
receiving them, as formerly, from Baltimore and Philadelphia, by the way
of Pittsburg; and from Richmond by the rivers Cumberland and Tennessee.
Vast quantities of provisions of every kind, proceed from the Ohio, the
Mississippi, and their tributaries, for the consumption of the people of
New-Orleans, for ship stores, and for foreign markets. The immense value
and rapid rise of real estate in this place, proves the flourishing
condition of its trade. A small lot of land there is almost a fortune;
and a large building lets for 3000 dollars per year,—an interest upon
50,000. Within twelve months, real estate there has risen from fifty to
seventy-five per cent.
New-Orleans is, no doubt, an unhealthy place; but I believe it is much
less so than is generally supposed. Much might be done to improve it in
this respect. When the municipal concerns of this city shall be directed
by Americans, which will probably be very soon, the place will become
less unhealthy and less dissipated than it is. In this case, people who
now go thither merely for the purposes of trade, will permanently reside
there, and will, of course, be more interested in the destinies of the
place. The police of the city is, at present, quite inefficient. Murders
here are frequent, and sometimes not enquired into; and the streets are
suffered to be very dirty. It may be observed too, that but little
respect is paid to the dead at New-Orleans. The burying-ground lies in
the heart of the city, is in an exposed situation, and the surface of it
is covered with human bones. People here generally go armed,
particularly the Spaniards, French, and Portuguese. Owing to the
unhealthiness of this place, its principal characters spend the summer
months at {234} the Eastward, and in some cases at the Bay of St. Louis,
situated about fifty miles from the city.[199] This is said to be a
healthy situation. The American population at New-Orleans are
hospitable.
The orange groves, and the Levee, at and near this place, and which
travellers have glowingly described, by no means equal their
representations. Of the latter I have already spoken, and as to the
former they are small and unflourishing.
The market, at New-Orleans, is very long and spacious. Near this place
are a great many poultry-boats, which are employed in bringing poultry
from the plantations in the vicinity. The beef in the market is very
inferior. Owing to the climate, or bad management, the cattle, although
large and elegant, are poor. All the wealth of New-Orleans could not
purchase there a piece of any kind of flesh equal to what is every day
seen in the New-England markets. Vegetables are plenty at New-Orleans,
but provisions of every kind are here very high. Turkies are from four
to six dollars apiece, fowls one dollar each, beef about twenty cents,
and butter seventy-five cents per pound. The best boarding here is
eighty dollars per month. Some of the hotels are superb establishments.
Money is here easily obtained and expended; its circulation is free.
Wages are here very high, and labourers in great demand. Indolence
characterizes a portion of the people. There are two theatres and a
circus at New-Orleans. The principal season for amusement is the winter.
In the summer, a very considerable proportion of the population leave
the city, and during this period but little business, comparatively, is
done.
I have mentioned the Nunnery at New-Orleans.[200] In entering some of
the apartments of this interesting seclusion, I was much less disposed
to censure than to venerate the motives of its inmates. Man {235} is a
religious being: and he often realizes that this world is not his home.
This is particularly the case in seasons of affliction. Here the human
mind, sensible of its unworthiness, and of its dependence upon God,
seeks the favour of that Being, who only can forgive and render happy.
When the affections of man are weaned from the world, he sighs for the
purity and peace of heaven. Human society no longer interests him. He
wishes well to mankind; but prefers to their society, the seclusions of
meditation. Sometimes this is the immediate effect of the spirit of
regeneration; and sometimes it proceeds from the loss of some earthly
friend, upon whom the heart continually dwelt; and in whom it might be
said to move and have its being:—some friend, the remembrance of whose
lovely life,—whose almost superhuman aspect, manner, and converse,
alienates the affections from earth, and points them, with a pure and
tranquil spirit, to an anticipated reunion in a better world.
Under such circumstances have females, of the most enlightened minds,
and purest hearts, received the veil.
There is, probably, in New-Orleans and its vicinity, a population of
about 40,000. About a third part of these may be presumed to be slaves.
The French here are more numerous than any other distinct class. Among
them are many persons, who have lately emigrated from France. Some of
these persons are gentlemen of great talents and noble principles. It
seems unnatural that they should have left their native country in the
hour of her adversity; but, no doubt, their object is to preserve their
lives, in this land of liberty, for the service of France when she shall
again be true to herself. Colonel L. who was at the fatal battle of
Waterloo, is a real Frenchman. He considers Buonaparte a {236} great and
good man; but says, that in several instances he acted imprudently. The
Colonel almost hates his country for abandoning that great General, who
had so long defended France, and who had acquired for her unparalleled
fame. France was, indeed, great; and Frenchmen have had much cause for
pride. All Europe combined for her subjugation. The coalition of a world
was necessary to subdue a single nation, acting under the auspices of
the mighty genius of her Emperor. This man, even in his humiliation, is
the terror of all Europe; and this terror arises from their sense of his
superiority. All Europe are now engaged in legislating upon this
wonderful character; whole fleets are employed in guarding him; and vast
armies are stationed on the confines of France, to prevent the rise of
that spirit which he had created in her bosom. Shame to England! shame
to her Continental allies! Why do not these Powers who boast of their
strength and their magnanimity, leave this King of men to choose his own
residence? He overthrew Monarchs, but he did not trample upon them,—he
generously restored them their crowns and their liberty. If England,—if
the powers of the continent wish to destroy Buonaparte, why do they not
issue, at once, an order for his execution? Why do they disgrace
themselves, by the infliction of contemptible privations? Well may this
great man say, when deprived of that liberty which is essential to
health, “if these proceedings should be fatal to me, I bequeath my death
to the reigning house of England.”
I am not sensible of any undue partiality for France. I wish, in this
world of error, to be a candid spectator of passing events, and, in my
humble sphere, to approve of what is great, and to censure what is mean.
Many persons cannot bear the name of France, on account of the horrors
of her Revolution; {237} but they should reflect, that these excesses
were the natural consequence of oppression. The Monarchy of France was
corrupt and tyrannical. Her religion was foul, and deceptive. When the
light of liberty shone upon the recesses of her pollutions, the people
were shocked; and in a paroxism of astonishment, and indignation,
declared that the Christian Religion itself was a mere name. Did not
England go as far as this? Previous to the Restoration, her Parliament
declared the Decalogue to be without authority.
Opposite the City of New-Orleans the river is more than a mile wide. The
channel is very deep, and the current rapid. Boats, destined for the
city, are sometimes swept down the stream for several miles, before they
can make a landing. The inhabitants of the place procure all their water
from the Mississippi; but it is generally filtered before using. The
boatmen, however, drink it as it is; and some suppose it, in this state,
conducive to health. It must not, however, be taken from the eddies.
The numerous stories, which have so often been circulated, and believed,
respecting the cruel modes of fighting, prevalent among the boatmen of
the west, are, generally speaking, untrue. During the whole of my tour,
I did not witness one engagement, or see a single person, who bore those
marks of violence which proceed from the inhuman mode of fighting, said
to exist in the west, particularly in Kentucky and Tennessee. The
society of this part of the world is becoming less savage, and more
refined.
The judicial proceedings at New-Orleans are recorded both in the French
and English languages; and the juries there consist of men of both
nations. In all cases, excepting those of a criminal nature, the Code
Napoleon prevails; but in criminal cases, {238} the Common Law is the
rule of action. Here genius is not trammelled by the rules of special
pleading. The allegations of the parties, if intelligible, have to
encounter no quibbles.
The science of special pleading is, no doubt, a science purely logical;
and so far the courts of New-Orleans recognize it; but in the
New-England states many rules, in relation to this subject, which have
no foundation in reason, and which are the vestiges of ancient
sophistry, are adhered to, by some of our lawyers, with all the pedantry
of ignorance, and the pertinacity of dullness. Many a genius has left
the bar of our judicial tribunals, because he would not consent to argue
upon rules which had no foundation in common sense, and to quibble upon
points, upon which effrontery and nonsense may prevail over modesty and
reason.
The lawyers in New-Orleans acquire immense fortunes by their profession;
and it may be added, that physicians and surgeons are equally
successful. It requires almost a fortune there to fee a lawyer, or to
obtain medical advice; and real estate is so valuable, that actions upon
land titles often involve several hundred thousand dollars.
In this city, a building is about being erected for a Presbyterian
society. Over this congregation, the Rev. Mr. Larned is to be ordained.
The eloquence of this gentleman is highly spoken of.
There is, perhaps, no place in the civilized world, where the influence
of the gospel is more needed than at New-Orleans. There the light of
Revelation exists; but the people walk in moral darkness. The thunder of
divine displeasure alone can arouse them from their deep slumber. It
may, indeed, be supposed, that they are “dead in trespasses and sins.”
Here I may observe, that the success of the gospel {239} depends, _as
far as it respects human means_, upon modes of preaching; and these
modes should always have a reference to the education and habits of the
people. Where there is little or no sense of the obligations of
morality, it is truly unwise to expatiate upon abstruse doctrinal
points. It is very doubtful whether discussions upon the mysterious
parts of scripture are ever useful; and it is certain that such
discussions are often productive of contention, discouragement, and
unbelief. Although a layman, I would respectfully recommend to some of
our clergy, to doubt their own wisdom; to suspect their ability to
understand those secret things which belong unto God; and to take with
them the following words of the son of Sirach:—“Seek not out the things
which are too hard for thee, neither search the things which are above
thy strength; but what is _commanded_, think thou upon with
_reverence_.”
The love of money in New-Orleans is conspicuous; and the vast sums,
which may there be accumulated, render keen the spirit of avarice. This
spirit is too prevalent throughout the United States, and much fraud is
the consequence of it. It is truly disgusting to hear people continually
inquiring respecting this and that man’s property; as though property
was the only subject worthy of remark, and the only test of merit.
The love of wealth in this country is making rapid inroads upon the love
of principle; and nothing can retard its progress but the exclusive
patronage of virtue and talents.
These two last terms constitute true taste; and this should be the only
distinction in society. The distinction of wealth is odious; and that of
birth is nonsensical. Neither is learning the _exclusive_ test of merit.
High talents may exist without much learning, {240} and can easily
overthrow the tinsel of the schools. Integrity, noble principles,
polished sentiments, and a becoming deportment, constitute the real
gentleman; and such a man, whether he originated in a palace, or in a
straw-built shed, is an ornament to society, and an honour to any
company.
There are, no doubt, public and private advantages in wealth. As a
motive, it enlists the passions in behalf of science, industry, and
commercial enterprise; but no man is justified in desiring a great
estate, excepting for the purpose of aiding private charity, and
institutions which have in view the welfare of mankind. Gold and silver
are of consequence to a state, both as a circulating medium, and as a
means of dividing property, and distributing it to those, whose gains
are small, and whose pecuniary independence is important both to them
and to the community; but those who regard this shining dross more than
justice and prudence warrant, ought to be despised. Compared with the
vast estates frequently accumulated for selfish purposes, mankind want
but little. Artificial views incur unnecessary expenses, and fraud is
frequently made to cater for their discharge.
It may be supposed that I ought, ere this stage in my tour, to have
mentioned some particular, relative to the prevailing manners and
customs of the people situated in those parts of the country through
which I passed. But my course did not lead me through many settled
places, and I met with no peculiarities, in relation to this subject,
worthy of remark. Indeed, the Yankees are so scattered over the whole
country, and their influence in society is generally so considerable,
that their habits and modes of living are, in a greater or less degree,
imitated every where. These observations apply particularly to that part
of the country west of the Ohio. At {241} New-Orleans, the population
being principally French, the manners and customs of the place are,
generally speaking, peculiar to them.
Upon my arrival at New-Orleans, and in looking back upon my course, I
could not but be forcibly impressed with the wonderful wealth and
physical force of the United States. In comparing the present situation
of the country with what it was when first discovered by Europeans, the
mind is astonished; and in dwelling upon its probable increase, in the
course of one hundred years, numbers fail, and calculation becomes
alarmed. Here too, the hand of Providence is visible in the discovery
and settlement of the country; in the protection of the infant colonies
of our forefathers, and in the great events of our history to the
present time. With reference to these ideas, the thoughts of the
Psalmist interestingly apply:—“Unto thee will I give the land of Canaan,
the lot of your inheritance.” And again: “When there were but a few men
in number, yea, very few, and strangers in it; He suffered no man to do
them wrong!—He reproved _kings_ for their sakes.”
Any comparison, which I may make between the country situated on the
Mississippi, and the New-England States, will, perhaps, be partial. That
I prefer the latter, in every point of view, will be readily accounted
for. It may appear strange, however, that my principal objection to the
former, is the productive capacity of its soil. Both in a moral and
political point of view, this is a serious evil. Industry is
indispensable to the health of the mental and physical nature of man;
and also to the preservation of his virtue. On the Mississippi, plenty
may be obtained by a very small degree of labour. An additional exertion
produces wealth; and indolence, luxury, and dissipation are, in this
{242} part of the United States, its general consequences. This is too,
in a measure, the case with all the western country. There are many
other objections; but they are too numerous to mention. The country on
the Mississippi is not a grazing country. The hills of New-England feed,
on the contrary, the finest cattle, furnish the most delightful
prospects, and produce the hardiest plants of freedom. New-England too,
is a peculiarly happy country with respect to religion, morals,
education, and health. Here industry gives a zest to the ordinary
enjoyments of life, strengthens the mind for the acquisition of
knowledge, prepares the heart for the defence of principle, and nerves
the physical man for the maintenance of national right.
I might now consider my _pedestrious_ tour as finished; but it may not
be amiss to continue my narrative to the time of my arrival in
New-Hampshire. As this, however, will be rather an unproductive field, I
must introduce, in my course, some brief reflections upon foreign
topics.
About the first of July I sailed from New-Orleans for Boston. The course
of a vessel from and to these places is circuitous, and nearly as long
as that of a voyage across the Atlantic. The distance is about 2,500
miles.
Having hauled off from the Levee into the current, we beat down the
river with a light breeze; at length took in our top-gallant-sails,
moved briskly about thirty miles, and moored along the bank for the
night. I had previously been below the city, about seven leagues, for
the purpose of visiting General Wilkinson. In the General’s library I
met with many rare and interesting works. During this excursion I viewed
the celebrated battle ground, five miles below New-Orleans.[201] The
Americans were fortified, having a marsh in front, the river on {243}
the right, an impervious wood on the left, and the resources of the city
in the rear:—an admirable position! The enemy displayed the most
desperate courage in attacking the Americans thus situated. British
glory never shone brighter than upon this occasion; and British troops
never experienced a greater overthrow.
Below New-Orleans snakes, lizards, and alligators are numerous; and the
bees and grasshoppers are very large. Here one almost supposes himself
in the West-Indies. Cotton does not flourish well so low down as General
Wilkinson’s plantation; but sugar cane is here remarkably productive.
The craw-fish, which naturalists say is a fresh water lobster, here
passes under the banks of the Mississippi to a considerable distance,
and comes up through the earth into the fields. This circumstance proves
that the land in this part of the country is afloat, and also that this
species of animated nature is amphibious. It is exceedingly interesting
to notice the economy of nature in her transitions from the vegetable to
the animal world; and in some measure, from the mere animal to human
existence. With respect to the former we may inquire whether the oyster
and sponge are animals or vegetables? The oyster is rooted to the earth
like a plant, and yet it feeds upon animals. The dexterity which it
displays in closing its shells upon those worms, which are so
unfortunate as to creep into them, is worthy of remark. There are two
amphibious plants as well as amphibious animals. The flag is considered
an aquatic; but it flourishes best between land and water. An amphibious
fish, such as the craw-fish appears to be, is a new link in the chain of
existences.
About eighteen miles below New-Orleans is the English Turn.[202] This is
a bend in the river, which {244} is thus called, because the English
ships, in their first attempt upon the city, were obliged to return.
Twenty-five miles below the Turn is Fort Plaquemine.[203] This fort is
on the left side of the river, and makes a very elegant appearance. Not
far from this place, the country immediately becomes very low; trees
soon disappear; and the river flows over both its banks, watering
immense marshes, covered with flags and high grass.
Two days after leaving New-Orleans for the eastward, we passed the above
mentioned fort, and towards evening, anchored near the shore. Here the
prospect from the top gallant-masts of the vessel was gloomy. In the
course of the evening, a black and ragged little schooner floated by us;
and she proved to be the vessel, from the fore-yard of which the Indian
Chief Hemattlemico, and the Indian Prophet Francis were hung, by order
of General Jackson.[204]—
“Oh! what doth that vessel of darkness bear!
The silent calm of the grave is there:—
Save now,——and again, a death knell rung;
And the flap of her sails, with night fog hung.”
The late conduct of General Jackson has excited much interest, both in
Europe and America. Some advocate his proceedings, and like himself,
seem determined to brave the tempest which is ready to overwhelm him.
That is a dear and glorious cause, which involves moral strength and
physical weakness; and I should rejoice in enlisting under the banners
of a virtuous man, when unjustly assailed by popular prejudice, and
popular indignation. But General Jackson has violated the principles of
humanity, and tarnished the glory of the nation. Whatever may be the
services of our public men they must be taught that they are the
servants of the {245} people, and at all times officially accountable to
them. No one is disposed to deny that General Jackson has done much for
the United States; but this is only one side of the subject: Julius
Cesar was a celebrated general, and achieved great victories for Rome;
but Julius Cesar became a tyrant.
I do not pretend to know what were the motives of General Jackson in
putting to death the above mentioned Indians, who, it appears, had been
decoyed into the custody of his officers, and were prisoners of war; but
we have reason to believe that they were bad motives. Conscious of his
high military reputation, the native ferocity of his disposition,
cloaking itself under the garb of energy, burst upon these poor,
ignorant savages, who, being prisoners of war, were perfectly harmless.
And why was this? because they refused to answer a question which he put
for the purpose of entrapping them.—_The very essence of tyranny!_
Neither General Jackson, nor the government had any more right to take
the lives of these Indians, than the British, _even setting aside the
idea of rebellion_, would have had to execute General Washington, had
he, during the Revolutionary war, been taken prisoner. The Indians,
engaged in the Seminole war, were at issue with the United States. The
parties were equally independent,—their rights were equal. The law of
nature is the original source of all national right, and Indian tribes
are in a state of nature.
General Jackson’s conduct upon this occasion is a disgrace to the
country. The act was as unmanly as it was inhuman. It may be said by
ignorance, affectation, and prejudice, that Indians sometimes destroy
our men when taken prisoners. What! shall we abandon the precepts of
religion, the principles of humanity, and the polish of civilization, to
{246} learn manners and customs in the ferocious schools of savage life?
The displeasure of the American people alone can remove from themselves
the disgrace, with which such conduct on the part of a public servant
naturally clothes them.
As to the course which General Jackson took, relative to the execution
of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, it was entirely inconsistent with that
dispassionate investigation which ought ever to characterize the
American Government.[205] Admitting, for the sake of argument, that this
course is sanctioned by the law of nations, is this law our _only_
guide? And is this law perfect?—It is the work of man,—the work of those
civilians, whose dust has long since been scattered by the winds! It is,
too, the common law of independent communities. But what are they?
Precisely what their courts are made of:—tyranny, intrigue, and
dissipation. Oh! there is a higher rule of action than the law of
nations. Our conduct should be regulated by those great and pure
principles, which will stand the test of reason and conscience, both on
earth and in heaven.
Why is General Jackson so fond of blood? Why so disposed to crush every
forsaken individual, whom the fortune of war places in his hands? Is
this _moral_ energy?—or is it a barbarous animal impulse? With the
modesty of a _true_ soldier, General Jackson should have transferred to
the Government his prisoners and his trophies. Time might have thrown
some light upon the subject of the persons executed; and they might, at
some future period, have had a fairer trial. There is reason to believe,
that both General Jackson and the Court Martial were prejudiced against
the prisoners. As these persons were supposed to have been the
instigators of the war—a war which was, at first, so lamely {247}
maintained on our part—a war which resulted in the death of some of our
people, it was natural for General Jackson, and the persons composing
the Court Martial, to entertain hostile feelings towards the accused.
And shall prejudice and hostility be the triors in a case of life and
death? This transaction too, is a disgrace to the country; and although,
as Mr. Secretary Adams says, General Jackson will not, in relation to
it, incur the censure of the Government, those of the people who wish to
see their country exemplary in every thing, will endeavour, by
condemning the act, to shield that country from reproach.
Mr. Adams’ letter to our Minister at the Court of Spain, relative to
this subject, does the nation injustice; and it is surprising that it
should be so much eulogized.[206] I am disposed to entertain a high
opinion of the talents and patriotism of Mr. Adams; but his
communication is undignified. It evinces spirit, but it is the ephemeral
spirit of political paragraphists. Why does this great man condescend to
flourish about “M’Gregor’s mock-patriots, and Nicholls’ negroes?” To say
nothing respecting the _ostentatious threats_, which the communication
contains, its pinks and posies but illy become the silvered brow of a
diplomatic veteran. To threaten is the peculiar privilege of little
minds. To warn with gravity, and to act with decision, become the United
States in her negociations with Spain.
Admitting, as I have said, that the proceeding, relative to Arbuthnot
and Ambrister, is warranted by the law of nations, yet as this law, as
far as it respects the present question, is unjust and unreasonable; and
as it also is grounded upon principles which, relative to expatriation,
we have ever contested, both duty and policy dictate our decided
opposition to it. It is a rule which originated in the {248} despotic
courts of Europe; and one which Freedom detests. May not an individual
expatriate himself? And if so, may he not become a citizen or subject in
a foreign country? He may become a member of a savage as well as of a
civilized community. And by acquiring the right of citizenship under a
foreign government, an individual may attain to the distinction of a
leader. By being a citizen he becomes interested in the destinies of the
state, and is bound to defend its rights.
If Arbuthnot and Ambrister expatriated themselves, and united their
fortunes with those of the Indians, they were, upon every view of the
subject, mere prisoners of war; and as such should have been treated. By
taking it for granted that they had not expatriated themselves, we act
upon the ground that there can be no such principle as expatriation, and
thereby do injustice to the cause of liberty, and expose our own
citizens to terrible inflictions from those tyrannical governments, who
advocate this side of the question.
As to General Jackson entering the territory of Spain, and taking
possession of Spanish posts, it was illegal, because unnecessary; and
highly improper, because not authorized by the government. The Indians
were dispersed; and an immediate renewal of the war on their part was
not apprehended. So far this proceeding was without a legitimate object.
And if the Spanish government were to blame in relation to this war, the
United States, and not General Jackson, _who was a mere servant of the
people, acting under limited orders_, were to decide as to the course to
be pursued.
The day after leaving Fort Plaquemine we arrived at the Balize.[207]
There are here the remains of an old Spanish fort, and three or four
miserable dwelling houses. The latter are occupied by pilots. The {249}
place presents a most wretched aspect, being scarcely above the water,
and covered with flags and reptiles. About three miles below this
situation are the principal passes into the Gulf of Mexico. The water of
the Mississippi, when the river is high, rushes with such force through
these passes, that fresh water may be obtained several miles from the
land. Old passes are frequently filled, and new ones made, by the rapid
descent of the water of the river during the seasons of its rise. The
coast, viewed from the Balize, presents, as far as the eye can reach, a
broken and desolate aspect, reminding one of the destruction of the
Antedeluvian world.
After waiting one or two days for a wind, we received a pilot, sailed
through the north-east pass, and with a light breeze nearly ahead, moved
slowly in a south-south-east course. We left quite a fleet of vessels at
the pilot-ground, and there were, at this time, several large ships
beating into the Balize. The north-east pass is not more than eight rods
wide; and on both sides of it are low banks of mud. There are several
other passes, which are taken by the pilots according to the wind and
the draught of the vessel.
For many days we experienced light winds on our larboard bow; our
progress, of course, was inconsiderable. For many days too, previous to
our making the islands of Tortugas, and even after reaching the island
of Cuba, our progress was completely retarded by calms and light head
winds. Being in the calm latitudes at this season of the year is very
unpleasant. An almost vertical sun pours his rays upon the deck, and
produces an insufferable heat.
During this state of things, I may look back, for a moment, to
New-Orleans. No place in the world furnishes a greater field for
speculation upon physiognomy, and for reflection upon national
characteristics, {250} than this city. The former is a science too much
neglected. A knowledge of human nature is of consequence to all; and
particularly so to the philosopher, and man of business. The human
countenance is the index of the human heart. But little dependance,
however, can be placed upon those rules, which relate _altogether_ to
the lines of the human face. In relation to this subject men of
penetration, who have acquired a habit of forming an opinion upon every
stranger who presents himself, experiences, upon these occasions, a kind
of inspiration, which seldom errs. This effect is not surprising,
because the human countenance always expresses, both morally and
physically, the ruling passions of the heart; and practice, in all
sciences and arts, produces wonderful proficiency.
With respect to national characteristics, I fear that I cannot be
impartial without giving offence. But the truth is as much against
myself as any other person. I speak only of _national_ characteristics;
of course the opinion is general, and there may be _individual_
exceptions. Besides, as to individuals, transplanting sometimes improves
the original stock. This, I apprehend, is particularly the case with the
English in America. My partiality, perhaps, begins to display itself.
How natural is it for one to think well of his own country! Yet truth
should be more dear to a man than his native land. The Americans are a
mixed people; but the institutions of the country direct their
affections to one common centre. They are, therefore, one people; and
their principles and feelings comport with our noble systems of polity.
All nations have their faults; but I think the Americans possess the
greatest virtues and the fewest imperfections. I need not occupy much
ground upon this subject. The most prominent nations are the best tests
of national characteristics. {251} Small communities are almost
innumerable; and they, generally, partake, more or less, of the
dispositions of long established, and mighty sovereignties. I confine my
views to the English, Irish, French, and American nations. The Irish are
intelligent, hospitable, and courageous; but they are credulous,
resentful, and violent in all their affections:—great virtues, and great
vices characterize them. The English are sensible, generous, and brave;
but they are supercilious, overbearing, and vain glorious. The French
are perspicacious, enthusiastic, and intrepid; but they are fickle,
vain, and, in prosperity, impertinent. The Americans seem to be a people
distinct from every other.—They possess all the good qualities of the
English, and they are real gentlemen in the bargain.
I now return again to the Gulf of Mexico. Here we frequently experienced
heavy squalls, accompanied by severe thunder and lightning. In one
instance several of our men were stricken by the latter. The squalls
generally commenced at day break. Such a scene as they produce is truly
sublime. Here man feels, that however small may be his merit, his nature
is noble. In the midst of an apparently shoreless ocean, his little
bark, tossed by the winds and waves, he is sensible of the grandeur of
his temerity, and prides himself in the efficacy of his skill. It is not
surprising that sailors are generous. A little mind could not exist upon
the deep. Its mighty influences will either enlarge or petrify the
heart:—raise the noble soul, or drive the narrow spirit into the
cockboats, and creeks of the interior. The rough manners too, of the
children of the sea are perfectly natural:—they have long conversed with
winds and waves.
Whilst in the Gulf of Mexico, we caught a great many dolphins; and
sharks frequently came around {252} our vessel. Several times, about a
dozen of these voracious creatures presented themselves. Our mate caught
one of them, and it measured ten feet in length. The pilotfish, which
attends the shark, is only a few inches long; and like the jackall,
accompanying the lion, seems to cater for prey, and to partake of the
spoil. The suckerfish, frequently found on the shark, is worthy of
notice. It is very small, and its colour is black. Its gills are on the
top of the head, instead of being in the usual place; and the sucker
itself is under the head, and has the appearance of the bars of a
gridiron. Its capacity to adhere to any thing, by suction, is great.
Nature seems so fond of variety, and her modes of existence appear to be
so infinite, that there is much reason to deny the existence of a
vacuum. The flying-fish is remarkable, for its uniting the aspect of the
fish with the principal capacity of the bird. The dolphin is the
implacable enemy of this fish; nature has, therefore, given it the power
to fly. Whilst at sea, I witnessed an interesting chase between these
two species of fish. When the dolphin, the speed of which is very great,
overtakes the flying-fish, the latter rises out of the water, and
descends at a considerable distance; but the dolphin, swimming on the
surface, often sees its prey alight, and speedily overtakes it. The
dolphin furnishes an excellent model for ship building.
Sixteen days after leaving the Balize we discovered land from the
top-gallant-mast-head; and it proved to be the principal island of
Tortugas. After running up within three leagues of it, we bore away, and
made the island of Cuba. This is the largest of the West-India islands.
Its length is about seven hundred miles; and the face of the country is
mountainous. In coasting along this island we came within a league of
the Moro Castle, which, together {253} with several Forts, protect the
city of Havana. On all the works are mounted about one thousand cannon.
The Havana is a great commercial place. It is the usual station of the
principal maritime force of Spanish America, and the place of rendezvous
for the vessels from the Colonies, on their homeward voyage. It is too,
a place of immense wealth, and its population amounts, probably, to
80,000.
Whilst coasting along the Island of Cuba, and particularly during the
evening of our arrival off the Havana, we experienced high winds. In one
instance the aspect of every thing around us was black, windy, and wild;
and we found it necessary to lower our topsails, and take two reefs in
our mainsail. At this time there were several ships in sight; and each
laboured, in darkness, her boisterous course.
The next day a land bird, of the heron species, having been driven from
the coast by the late gale, sought an asylum on board of our vessel. For
hours, she wandered, like the Antedeluvian dove, and found no rest for
her feet. It was interestingly painful to see the exhausted bird winging
her tedious way along the surface of the deep; and it spake of the
hopeless spirit,—a wanderer over the fields of its own desolation.
After passing Port Matansas, we doubled Cape Florida, entered the Gulf
of this name, and came in sight of the Keys, and of the principal island
of Bahama. Here the Gulf stream quickened our progress about three knots
per hour. The waters of this stream, influenced by the trade winds and
other causes, flow through the Caribbean islands, and enter the Mexican
Gulf between Cuba and the Promontory of Yucatan. Compressed by the
surrounding coasts, it pursues its course between East-Florida and the
Bahama Islands, and runs along the coast of North America to the Banks
of Newfoundland. From thence, it passes through the Azores {254} to the
south, and gradually mingles its waters with those of the ocean. Some
suppose, that this impetus is preserved until the water strikes that
part of the Equator from whence it commenced its course. It is probable
that the trade winds operate, at first, with great violence; because,
owing to the centrifugal force of the water, occasioned by the diurnal
motion of the earth around its axis, the sea is elevated at the Equator,
much more than at the poles.
The nearest distance of the Gulf Stream from the United States is about
seventy-five miles; and its breadth is about forty miles. Such is the
rapidity of this stream, that it retains a considerable degree of its
tropical heat, even after reaching its most easterly point of
destination. The colour of the water of the Gulf is dark, and its depth
very great. This latter circumstance is, probably, occasioned by the
force of the current at the bottom, and by its curvilineal form on the
surface. It may be presumed, that in the _vicinity_ of the Gulf the
progress of vessels, bound to the north is retarded. Some portion of the
Gulf water will, by being propelled faster than that which precedes it,
fly from the centre, and rebound so as to produce a counter current.
When opposite Cape Canaveral, in latitude 49, we experienced a high wind
on our larboard quarter. Here we lowered our topsail, and took two reefs
in our fore and mainsail. At this time there was a large English ship
under our starboard bow. The next day the weather again became variable,
and we experienced another squall.
As nothing worthy of remark occurred for a day or two from this period,
I again suppose myself in New-Orleans, for the purpose of noticing some
of the languages spoken there.
The French is the principal language spoken in this city; and it is of
consequence for an American to become acquainted with it, not only
because it {255} introduces him to many valuable French authors, whose
genius is peculiar and interesting, but because it is the language most
generally spoken throughout Europe.
The Spanish language is also much spoken in New-Orleans. This language
resembles the Latin; but is inferior to it. The Emperor Charles the
fifth, however, entertained a different opinion. He observed, that he
would speak to his horse in German; converse in French; make love in
Italian; and pray in Spanish. His partiality was very natural. He
thought the latter most precise and comprehensive. The Portuguese
language also is often heard in New-Orleans; and it is very much like
the Spanish.
The Greek language, although so long dead, is, no doubt, the best of the
known languages of the world. The Latin is nearly as good; and the
English is probably not inferior to any of the others. But all
languages, _abstractedly considered_, are poor:—poor as to the precision
of thought, the expression of sentiment, and the harmony of diction.
The usual manner of acquiring a knowledge of foreign languages, is both
unnatural and tedious. Foreign languages should be acquired precisely as
we learn our native tongue. In becoming acquainted with our own
language, we acquire a knowledge of language in the abstract; and this
knowledge applies to all foreign languages. There must, for example, be
in every language a name attached to a thing, and also a mode of
conveying an idea of the qualities of that thing. The particular meaning
of a word, the manner of its pronunciation, the combinations of the
several necessary parts of speech, and other peculiarities of language,
depend upon compact;—upon the common consent of each distinct people.
Hence the great diversity of languages.
{256} To become what is generally understood by the phrase a linguist,
it is necessary to possess only a common understanding, accompanied by a
good memory and by application; but to become a real philological
scholar requires genius.
I now return to the vessel, and find her in the latitude of Cape Fear.
Here we experienced a very heavy squall, took in several of our sails,
lowered our main peak, and scud. The scene was highly interesting. At
this time a little black schooner from Bassatere hurried by us, like the
messenger of death, and our captain hailed her, through night. The sea
laboured in wrath, and the moon, partially covered by a cloud, looked at
the storm askance.
The next day the weather was calm, and for several succeeding evenings
delightful. During these, there were many vessels in sight, and we spoke
the brig Commerce.
From Cape Hatteras to the latitude of 40, we experienced very favourable
winds; and during most of the time progressed at the rate of ten knots
per hour. I now considered my course nearly finished; and it was natural
for me to reflect upon the voyage of _human life_. The ocean is, in many
respects, a true emblem of man’s probationary state.—Its rolling waves
resemble successive generations; its storms and calms remind him of
human vicissitudes; the rocks of its coasts speak of the stability of
virtue; and its havens direct the thoughts to the security and peace of
a better world.
After a passage of thirty days, I arrived at Boston, immediately
proceeded to New-Hampshire, and there found my friends in the enjoyment
of that protection, which results from the wisdom of our laws, when
aided by the approbation of a virtuous community.
THE END
-----
Footnote 1:
These biographical details are from Bell, _Bench and Bar of
New-Hampshire_ (Boston, 1894), p. 343.
Footnote 2:
This description of the natives is given as they were found in 1805.
How far they have since become conformed to civilized life, the author
is unable to say.—BUTTRICK.
Footnote 3:
For a description of Albany written a few years later, see Evans’s
_Tour, post_.
Buttrick followed the Genesee Road, the well-established route to Lake
Erie. In 1794 the legislature had appropriated money for the
construction of a road six rods wide from old Fort Schuyler (Utica) to
the Genesee River at Canawagus (Avon, twenty-seven miles south of Lake
Ontario), passing the outlets of Cayuga, Seneca, and Canandaigua
lakes. Being but little better than an Indian path in 1797, lotteries
were authorized for its improvement. In 1799 a stage began to run over
the road, and the following year it was made into a turnpike. A
highway was opened the same year from the Genesee River to Buffalo,
thus completing the connection between Albany and Lake Erie.—ED.
Footnote 4:
Old Fort Schuyler was erected upon the present site of Utica during
the French and Indian War (1758), for the defense of the frontier, but
was not maintained after the Treaty of Paris. The village was first
settled in 1787–88, its importance dating from the construction of the
Genesee or State Road. It obtained a city charter in 1832.
The site of Canandaigua, at the foot of Canandaigua Lake, was selected
by Oliver Phelps and Nathaniel Gorham for the principal town of their
purchase; they and a company of associates having bought from
Massachusetts (1788) her pre-emption rights to land in
New-York—namely, to all territory west of a line drawn through Seneca
Lake. The village was surveyed and opened for settlement in 1789, and
the following year contained eighteen families and a hundred other
persons.
Bloomfield, the location of an old Seneca village, is nine miles
north-west of Canandaigua, and was surveyed and settled at the same
time, chiefly by emigrants from Sheffield, Mass.—ED.
Footnote 5:
Batavia bore the same relation to the Holland Purchase that
Canandaigua bore to that of Phelps and Gorham. These proprietors
extinguished the Indian title to their land only as far,
approximately, as the Genesee River. Being unable to pay for the
remainder, they returned it to Massachusetts (March, 1791), which, two
days later, resold it to Robert Morris. He, in turn, sold to a company
of associates in Amsterdam (1793), and the tract became known as the
Holland Purchase. The Holland Company marked off a village and opened
a land office (October, 1800) at Batavia, in an unsettled wilderness
fifty miles west of Canandaigua. Two years later they surveyed and
placed upon the market a second village, called by them New Amsterdam,
and located at the mouth of Buffalo Creek. This stream being well
known on the frontier, the name was transferred to the settlement, and
“New Amsterdam” never came into general use. Buffalo received a
charter in 1813. See Turner, _History of the Holland Purchase_
(Buffalo, 1850).—ED.
Footnote 6:
Old Fort Erie, at the head of Niagara River, on its western bank, was
built by the English in 1764. The location proving unsatisfactory, a
new fort farther back from the river was begun in 1805, and completed
at the outbreak of the War of 1812–15. This was captured by the
Americans, July 3, 1814. Although successfully resisting the siege of
the British during August following, the fort was blown up in
September and the troops retired to Buffalo. It was never rebuilt.—ED.
Footnote 7:
General Isaac Brock, born in Guernsey in 1760, entered the English
army, and after serving in Jamaica and Barbados, came to Canada in
1802. He was placed in command at Fort Niagara, and in 1811 was
appointed lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada. Immediately upon the
outbreak of the War of 1812–15, he ordered an attack upon Mackinac,
and marched with the main body of his troops to Detroit, receiving
Hull’s surrender in August, 1812. Brock planned a most efficient
defense of Upper Canada, but was killed in the American attack on
Queenstown (October, 1812). Perhaps no English officer has been more
beloved by the people of Upper Canada; several towns have been named
in his honor, and a monument was erected to him on Queenstown
Heights.—ED.
Footnote 8:
When the English withdrew from Fort Niagara, in accordance with the
provisions of Jay’s Treaty, they constructed this fort directly across
the river. It was captured by the Americans (May 27, 1813), but
abandoned at the end of the year. After the War of 1812–15 it was
dismantled and allowed to fall into decay.—ED.
Footnote 9:
For the early history of Fort Niagara, see Long’s _Voyages_, volume ii
of our series, note 19.—ED.
Footnote 10:
The Black Rock ferry across the Niagara River was in existence as
early as 1796, and was much used for transporting merchandise,
especially salt. It owed its name to the low black rock about a
hundred feet broad, from which teams entered the ferry. Passing into
the control of the state in 1802, the ferry continued to run until
1824, when the harbor was destroyed and the black rock blown up in the
construction of the Erie Canal. The village of Black Rock was laid out
in 1804, but grew very slowly, and in 1853 was incorporated in the
city of Buffalo.—ED.
Footnote 11:
For notes on the places mentioned in this paragraph, see A. Michaux’s
_Travels_, volume iii of our series: Pittsburg, note 11; Wheeling,
note 15; Marietta, note 16; Cuming’s _Tour_, volume iv of our series:
Cincinnati, note 166; Croghan’s _Journals_, volume i of our series:
Louisville, note 106; F. A. Michaux’s _Travels_, volume iii of our
series: Frankfort, note 39.—ED.
Footnote 12:
This village was probably on the Allegheny reservation—one of the ten
reservations retained by the Seneca Indians when the Holland Company
in 1797 extinguished their title. It lay along the Allegheny River,
extending from the Pennsylvania line north-eastward about twenty-five
miles.—ED.
Footnote 13:
The Great Western Turnpike was the second road leading into western
New-York. Unlike the Genesee Road, it was built by private companies
and in several sections. The First Great Western Turnpike was built
from Albany to Cherry Valley in 1802. At the time of Buttrick’s voyage
it had been extended by the fourth Great Western Turnpike Company as
far as Homer, a hundred and fifty miles from Albany. It was later
continued past the head of Cayuga and Seneca lakes, and under the Lake
Erie and Oil Spring Turnpike Company was completed to Lake Erie,
terminating just north of the Pennsylvania boundary line.—ED.
Footnote 14:
A small settlement was begun at Olean Point in 1804. For some time its
projectors expected it to become an important place on the route of
Western immigration; on one occasion two thousand people are said to
have collected there, while waiting for navigation to open. But with
the construction of the Erie Canal, the Allegheny route to the West
was abandoned and Olean lay dormant, until the development of the oil
interests in south-western New-York gave it new life.—ED.
Footnote 15:
The hard times following the War of 1812–15 caused a great increase in
immigration from New-England, especially Maine. The “Ohio fever”
became a well-known expression for this desire to move West, and in
the years 1815–16 it deprived Maine of fifteen thousand of her
inhabitants. See Chamberlain, _Maine: Her Place in History_ (Augusta,
1877).—ED.
Footnote 16:
For the early history of Shippingsport, see Cuming’s _Tour_, volume iv
of our series, note 171.—ED.
Footnote 17:
A brief account of New Madrid may be found in Cuming’s _Tour_, vol. iv
of our series, note 185.
For a description of an earthquake on the Mississippi River, see
Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. v of our series, pp. 204–210.—ED.
Footnote 18:
For the early history of Natchez, consult F. A. Michaux’s _Travels_,
vol. iii of our series, note 53.—ED.
Footnote 19:
Lake Pontchartrain was discovered by Iberville on his exploring
expedition in 1699, and named in honor of Count Pontchartrain,
chancellor of France under Louis XIV.—ED.
Footnote 20:
For the Choctaw Indians, see Cuming’s _Tour_, volume iv of our series,
note 187.—ED.
Footnote 21:
This road extended from Columbia, Tennessee, forty-five miles
south-west of Nashville to Madisonville, Louisiana, two miles north of
Lake Pontchartrain. It was begun under the direction of the war
department (March, 1816), and was one of three roads constructed about
that time by United States troops.—ED.
Footnote 22:
Beginning with the Mississippi River at 34° 30′, this boundary was an
artificial line drawn south-east to Noosacheahn Creek, thence
following that creek to the Tombigbee River.—ED.
Footnote 23:
For further information on the customs of the Chickasaw and Choctaw
Indians, consult Adair, American Indians (London, 1775); Pickett,
_History of Alabama_ (Charleston, 1851).—ED.
Footnote 24:
A brief account of Nashville and Lexington may be found in A.
Michaux’s _Travels_, vol. iii of our series, notes 28, 103.—ED.
Footnote 25:
Madison, on the Ohio River fifty miles above Louisville and the
county-seat of Jefferson County, Indiana, was settled in 1808. A
description of its appearance in 1816 states that it contained three
or four brick houses, twenty frame houses, and about a hundred
cabins.—ED.
Footnote 26:
Lower Sandusky, at the head of navigation of the Sandusky River, was
until Wayne’s victory at Fallen Timbers, an important Wyandot village.
A fort was built there during the War of 1812–15, for the history of
which see Evans’s _Tour, post_, note 52. From the close of the war the
growth of settlement was continuous. About 1850 the name of the town
was changed to Fremont, in honor of the Rocky Mountain explorer.—ED.
Footnote 27:
This village was laid out in 1816 at the mouth of Cold Creek, three
miles west of Sandusky City. It developed but slowly, owing to the
unhealthfulness of the climate; see Flint’s _Letters_, vol. ix of our
series. Flour mills were constructed in 1833, and it became a centre
for the industry in Ohio.—ED.
Footnote 28:
President Monroe made two tours. On the first, lasting from May to the
middle of September, 1817, he visited the New-England States,
journeyed thence through New-York to Niagara, west to Detroit, and
returned to Washington via Zanesville and Pittsburg. On the second,
undertaken in 1819, he went as far south as Augusta, Georgia, passed
through the Cherokee region to Nashville, and thence to Louisville and
Lexington.—ED.
Footnote 29:
Fort Malden, or Amherstburg, on the Canadian shore sixteen miles south
of Detroit, was established by the British in 1798, soon after they
had evacuated Detroit in accordance with the terms of Jay’s Treaty.
During the War of 1812–15, it was occupied by General Proctor until
Perry’s naval victory (September, 1813) compelled him to retreat.
Before leaving, he set fire to the fort and it was not rebuilt until
1839.—ED.
Footnote 30:
For the early history of Detroit, see Croghan’s _Journals_, vol. i of
our series, note 18.—ED.
Footnote 31:
An account of these battles is given in Evans’s _Tour, post_, note
63.—ED.
Footnote 32:
Buttrick was now in the Black Swamp; for a description of which, see
Evans’s _Tour, post_.—ED.
Footnote 33:
General Wayne built a fort at Greenville, seventy miles north of
Cincinnati, in December, 1793, and marched thence against the Indians.
He made it his headquarters after the victory at Fallen Timbers, and
there (August, 1795), the treaty of peace was signed. The village was
laid out in 1808.—ED.
Footnote 34:
Portland, falling within the Connecticut “firelands,” was laid out by
Zalmon Wildman of Danbury, Connecticut, in 1816, in the centre of his
tract. A few years later the plat was enlarged and the name changed to
Sandusky City.—ED.
Footnote 35:
This island, twelve miles north-west of Sandusky City, owed its first
name to a French Indian trader called Cunningham, who lived there from
1808 to 1812. It contained few inhabitants—only six acres having been
cleared—when in 1833 the greater part of it was purchased by Datus and
Irad Kelley. In 1840 the name was by legislative enactment changed to
Kelley’s Island.—ED.
Footnote 36:
It is an inflammation of the conjunctiva, with a purulent
discharge.—ED.
Footnote 37:
Geneva was originally the site of a populous Seneca village. Lying
within the Phelps and Gorham Purchase, it was surveyed by them in
1789; settlement began immediately, the village containing fifteen
houses in 1791. In 1797 a newspaper, _Ontario Gazette and Genesee
Advertiser_, was established. Geneva was incorporated, June, 1812.—ED.
Footnote 38:
The Erie Canal was constructed in three sections; the middle section,
extending from Seneca River to Utica, being completed by 1820. The
history of the construction of this canal is most interesting. As
early as 1808 the legislature ordered a survey of a feasible route.
Two years later a board of canal commissioners was established.
Unsuccessful in appealing to the national government for aid, DeWitt
Clinton presented an elaborate memorial to the legislature (1816),
signed also by the other commissioners. The bill authorizing its
construction was passed in April, 1817, and work was begun at Rome on
July 4 following. It was completed in 1825 and opened with much
ceremony.—ED.
Footnote 39:
Here was at one time an important Mohawk village, the capital of the
Five Nations. In 1662 Van Curler and certain other Dutchmen in Albany
and Renselaerswyck bought the land from the Mohawk and founded the
present city of Schenectady. Being a frontier town, it suffered
severely in the early Indian wars, and in February, 1690, a general
massacre of the inhabitants occurred.—ED.
Footnote 40:
Amherst, on the Souhegan River, twenty-eight miles south of Concord,
is situated on the tract of land granted by the general court of
Massachusetts (1733), to the families of soldiers who had served in
King Philip’s War (1674–76). It was incorporated in 1760, and named in
honor of Lord Jeffrey Amherst, at that time commander general in
America.—ED.
Footnote 41:
Milford is on the Souhegan, five miles south-west of Amherst. It is
located partly on the Amherst Grant, partly on the Duxbury School Farm
(land granted to Duxbury by the general court of Massachusetts to aid
in establishing schools). Settlement was begun about 1750, and the
town was incorporated in January, 1794.—ED.
Footnote 42:
Milton is a misprint for Wilton, a town on the Souhegan, nine miles
west of Amherst.
Temple is three miles west of Wilton.—ED.
Footnote 43:
Keene, fifty-five miles south-west of Concord, has become one of the
most important manufacturing cities in New-Hampshire. It was first
settled in 1734; but Indian attacks becoming frequent, was abandoned
from 1747 to 1753.
Marlborough, five miles south-east of Keene, is part of a grant made
by Massachusetts (1751), to Timothy Dwight and sixty-one
associates.—ED.
Footnote 44:
Fort Dummer was erected on the present site of Brattleborough as early
as 1724. The land in that region was granted by George II (1753) to
certain men of Massachusetts, among them William Brattle, after whom
the town was named.—ED.
Footnote 45:
From Brattleborough to Albany, Evans followed a much travelled route.
As early as 1774, a road had been made from Albany to Bennington,
thence directly east for forty miles to Brattleborough. A line of
stages was established in 1814, which made the trip between the two
places in one day. It was considered the easiest and safest route to
Boston.—ED.
Footnote 46:
A play written by Henry Brooke (1706–83), containing reflections on
the Prime Minister (Robert Walpole). It was not allowed to be put on
the stage in 1739, but later was printed by the author, the Prince of
Wales subscribing for four hundred copies. Dr. Johnson vindicated it
and scored the government for attempting its suppression.—ED.
Footnote 47:
Bennington was the first township granted within the present state of
Vermont, being chartered by Benning Wentworth, governor of
New-Hampshire, in 1749. Settlement was not begun, however, until the
fall of 1761.—ED.
Footnote 48:
The Great Western Turnpike did not pass through Schenectady, but was
the one that led to Cherry Valley, while the Schenectady road
connected with the state road, which extended to Buffalo. Strictly
speaking, the two roads did not meet but ran nearly parallel to Lake
Erie; however, a turnpike leading from Cherry Valley to Saline
(Syracuse), intersected the state road at about the distance stated.
Evans took this path. For the Great Western and State roads, see
Buttrick’s _Voyages_, _ante_, notes 2 and 12.—ED.
Footnote 49:
For a brief account of the Erie Canal, see Buttrick’s _Voyages_,
_ante_, note 37.—ED.
Footnote 50:
Wayne’s campaign, 1793–94, terminated in victory at the decisive
battle of Fallen Timbers (August 20, 1794), where the confederated
Indians under Little Turtle were completely routed.—ED.
Footnote 51:
Evans was now passing through the settlements of the Schoharie and
upper Susquehanna valleys. They had constituted the western frontier
of New-York in the period of the Revolutionary War, and in consequence
had borne the brunt of the Iroquois and Loyalist attacks under the
leadership of Joseph Brant. The Susquehanna Valley was virtually
reconverted into a wilderness, the most important single attack being
the Cherry Valley massacre, November 11, 1778. The first settlers had
been chiefly Palatine Germans and Scotch-Irish; those that repeopled
the country after the war were almost entirely from New-England. See
Halsey, _Old New-York Frontier_ (New-York, 1901).—ED.
Footnote 52:
A fortified town on the Dniester in Bessarabia, Russia, where Charles
XII took refuge after the battle of Poltowa.—ED.
Footnote 53:
At Onondaga village was formerly located the council house of the Six
Nations. In the treaty of Fort Stanwix (1788) this village was
retained as a reservation; but ten years later a large part of it was
sold to the state, and the town of Onondaga was incorporated
thereon.—ED.
Footnote 54:
Evans was now in the military district. The legislature (1789) had set
aside 1,680,000 acres as bounty land for the soldiers of the
Revolutionary War. The tract extended from the eastern border of
Onondaga County to Seneca Lake, and was surveyed into twenty-eight
townships, upon which the governor bestowed classical names.—ED.
Footnote 55:
The Housatonic Indians who had formed a mission settlement at
Stockbridge, Massachusetts, were granted a township by the Oneida—the
present New Stockbridge, Madison County. Thither, immediately after
the Revolutionary War, they removed to the number of about four
hundred. The Brothertown Indians had preceded them. In 1774 the Oneida
had given to the remnant of Narragansetts, Pequots, and other tribes
living for the most part at Montville and Farmington, Connecticut, a
piece of land fourteen miles south of the present Utica. They
emigrated with their pastor and organized a new tribe, the Brothertown
Indians. Both tribes later removed to Wisconsin, the Stockbridge
Indians settling at South Kaukauna on Fox River (1822–29), and the
Brothertown Indians on the east side of Lake Winnebago a few years
later. See Davidson, _In Unnamed Wisconsin_ (Milwaukee, 1895).—ED.
Footnote 56:
At Geneva, Evans left the military district and entered the Phelps and
Gorham Purchase. For a brief account of this tract and the towns
located upon it, see Buttrick’s _Voyages_, _ante_, notes 3 and 36.—ED.
Footnote 57:
For the Holland Purchase, see Buttrick’s _Voyages_, _ante_, note
4.—ED.
Footnote 58:
The tyrant.—EVANS.
Footnote 59:
The modern name is Tonawanda Creek. It rises near the northern
boundary of Wyoming County, New-York, and enters Niagara River ten
miles north of Buffalo. The Indian village was part of a reservation
containing seventy square miles retained by the Seneca, when in 1797
they sold their lands to the Holland Company.—ED.
Footnote 60:
A brief account of the Tuscarora migration may be found in Long’s
_Voyages_, vol. ii of our series, note 12.—ED.
Footnote 61:
The first building on the site of Lewiston was constructed by La
Salle’s party in December, 1678. In spite of the protests of Governor
Burnet of New-York, Joncaire established (1720) a small French trading
post at this point, “a kind of cabin of bark, where they displayed the
king’s colors.” It was soon replaced by a blockhouse inclosed by
palisades; but after Fort Niagara was rebuilt (1726), this post was
allowed to fall into decay. Lewiston was surveyed (1798) for a village
site by the Holland Company, and in 1800 contained about ten families.
It was a port of entry from 1811 to 1863.—ED.
Footnote 62:
For the early history of Fort Niagara, see Long’s _Voyages_, vol. ii
of our series, note 19.—ED.
Footnote 63:
Ninian Pinckney, brother of the statesman William Pinckney, was born
at Baltimore (1776), and entered the United States army in 1799.
Serving as aide to General Wilkinson in 1813, he was promoted the
following year to the rank of lieutenant colonel. He also gained some
fame as a writer, by publishing (1809) _Travels in the South of
France_, which “set all the idle world to going to France to live on
the charming banks of the Loire.” He died at Baltimore in 1825.—ED.
Footnote 64:
October 13, 1812, the American regular troops, Lieutenant Colonel
Christie commanding, crossed the Niagara River, and stormed and
captured Queenstown Heights, six miles from its mouth. General Brock,
hastening with reinforcements to the aid of the British, was killed
and his troops driven back. But the American militia refused to cross
the river to support the regulars and the battle being renewed, the
latter were finally surrounded and compelled to surrender. For a brief
biography of General Brock, see Buttrick’s _Voyages_, _ante_, note 6.
Colonel John Christie, born in New-York City in 1786, was a graduate
of Columbia College, and in 1808 gave up the study of law to enter the
army. For the courage and skill displayed in the battle of Queenstown
he was advanced to the rank of colonel, March, 1813. He died the
following July from the effects of a wound received in the battle.—ED.
Footnote 65:
It is the intention of the writer to attempt, as soon as he can make
the necessary arrangements, to penetrate to the North Pole, and to
find a North-West passage by land.—EVANS.
Footnote 66:
This is an island of Ontario in the channel between Lakes Superior and
Huron.—ED.
Footnote 67:
For an account of Fort George, see Buttrick’s _Voyages_, _ante_, note
7.
The village of Newark was about a quarter of a mile from this fort. It
was settled by Loyalists immediately after the Revolution, and was
then called West Niagara. When, in 1792, the province of Upper Canada
was created, it was made the capital, and Governor Simcoe took up his
residence there, changing the name to Newark. The Americans captured
it (May, 1813), and held the place until the following December.
Before leaving, Brigadier-general McClure ordered it to be burned, and
all the houses, to the number of one hundred and fifty, were laid in
ashes. When it was rebuilt after the war, the name Niagara was
adopted.—ED.
Footnote 68:
Bordering the river, five miles above Fort Niagara, is a flat more
than sixty feet lower than the surrounding territory. Here the British
landed on the night of December 18, 1813, and the following day
surprised and captured Fort Niagara.—ED.
Footnote 69:
August 17, 1814, a British force under Major-general Ross landed at
the mouth of the Potomac and marched leisurely toward Washington. The
city was entirely without defense. Two thousand men having been
collected from the surrounding country and a thousand regulars
assembled, the British were met (August 24) at Bladensburg—five miles
north-east of Washington. Resistance was brief, the Maryland militia
fled, followed by the remainder of the troops. Ross entered Washington
without further opposition, and burned the public buildings.—ED.
Footnote 70:
This is hardly a fair illustration. The difficulty was, that the
Seminole stronghold was on Spanish territory, and it was Jackson’s
boldness in invading neutral territory, pursuing the Indians into the
swamps, and seizing the Spanish posts, that ended the war. He entered
Florida late in March, 1818; after five days’ march, he reached and
destroyed the Indian village, Fowltown; took possession of St. Marks,
April 6, and then marched one hundred and seven miles across a swampy
wilderness to Suwanee—the town of the Seminole chief Bowlegs. The
Indians had been warned and had retreated, but he burned the village,
and the war was ended as far as the Seminoles were concerned.—ED.
Footnote 71:
When on the morning of November 7, 1811, the Indians attacked General
Harrison’s camp and thus opened the battle of Tippecanoe, the militia
were for a time thrown into confusion, while the Fourth United States
Infantry under command of George Rogers Clark Floyd, stood their
ground. After the campaign was ended the latter more than hinted that
had it not been for them the whole force would have been
massacred.—ED.
Footnote 72:
Major-general Brown having crossed Niagara River (July 3, 1814) and
captured Fort Erie, General Riall marched to attack him. The two
forces met (July 5) on the plains of Chippewa, midway between Forts
George and Erie, and after a sharp skirmish the British retreated to
Queenstown. The importance of the battle was overshadowed by that of
Lundy’s Lane, which occurred the same month.—ED.
Footnote 73:
It is held that Niagara Falls have receded seven miles from their
position when first known, the average yearly recession being from
four to six feet.—ED.
Footnote 74:
Augustus Porter, brother of General Peter Porter, was born at
Salisbury, Connecticut, in 1769. When twenty years of age, he left
home for western New-York, becoming a surveyor in the Phelps and
Gorham Tract, and later in the Holland Purchase. In 1806, he removed
with his family to Niagara Falls, where he continued to reside until
his death in 1825. In association with three others, he formed the
Portage Company, which leased from the state for fifteen years the
exclusive privilege of transporting property across the portage
between Lewiston and Schlosser. He was the first judge of Niagara
County, opening his first term at Buffalo in 1808. The unusual length
of his life enabled him to see the country, through which he had
travelled for days without meeting a white man, develop into a
populous agricultural and commercial region.—ED.
Footnote 75:
For a brief account of Black Rock and Buffalo, see Buttrick’s
_Voyages_, _ante_, notes 4 and 9.—ED.
Footnote 76:
The Oneida alone remained neutral, and in consequence suffered
severely at the hands of the Mohawk, who burned their villages and
drove them to seek shelter at Schenectady.—ED.
Footnote 77:
For the early history of Fort Erie, see Buttrick’s _Voyages_, _ante_,
note 5.
Eleazer Derby Wood, born in New-York City (1783), a graduate of West
Point (1806), served in the West during the early part of the war,
having conducted the defense of Fort Meigs, and commanded the
artillery at the battle of the Thames. He was killed in General
Brown’s sortie to raise the siege of Fort Erie (September 17, 1814),
and a monument to his memory was erected by that general at West
Point.
James Gibson, who also died from a wound received in this sortie, was
a native of Sussex County, Delaware, and a graduate of West Point. He
had been in the battle of Queenstown Heights; was made a colonel, and
in July, 1813, inspector-general of the army.—ED.
Footnote 78:
In 1750, Joncaire built a stronghold at the upper end of the Niagara
portage, which was known as Fort au Portage; but when, eight years
later, the English advanced to invest Fort Niagara, he blew it up and
retired across the river. At the close of the French and Indian War
(1763), the English built a fort at this point, which they named Fort
Schlosser, in honor of Captain Joseph Schlosser, its first
commander.—ED.
Footnote 79:
In retaliation for the burning of Newark, General Riall, upon the
capture of Fort Niagara (December, 1813) ordered his troops to destroy
all American settlements on the Niagara frontier. Buffalo, Black Rock,
Lewiston, Schlosser, and the friendly Seneca and Tuscarora villages
were accordingly burned, and the people driven to seek shelter at
Batavia.—ED.
Footnote 80:
The Seneca Indians were the most western of the Iroquois, and during
the Revolutionary War had their principal villages on the Genesee
River, one of them containing one hundred and twenty-eight houses.
These were completely destroyed by Sullivan’s expedition (1779); but
although the English invited them to cross into Canada with the
Mohawk, they refused to go, and a considerable number settled near the
mouth of Buffalo and Cattaraugus creeks. When in 1797 the Holland
Company purchased the Indian title to their lands, the Seneca retained
reservations at these points, also the Allegheny and Tonawanda
reservations already mentioned (_ante_, p. 153), and five smaller ones
in the Genesee valley. In 1838 pressure was brought to bear by the
Ogden Land Company, and certain chiefs signed a treaty ceding their
lands in New-York, Congress at the same time granting them lands in
Indian Territory. The body of the people, however, refused to move;
the New-York and Pennsylvania Friends interested themselves in their
behalf, and they were allowed to remain.—ED.
Footnote 81:
The history of the tribe known as the Erie or Cat Nation is obscure
and involved, and their habitat uncertain. See _Jesuit Relations_,
viii, p. 305; xxi, pp. 313–315.—ED.
Footnote 82:
For the early history of Presqu’ Isle, see Croghan’s _Journals_,
volume i of our series, note 62.—ED.
Footnote 83:
For the Grand, Cuyahoga, and Rocky Rivers, see Croghan’s _Journals_,
volume i of our series, notes 70, 72, and 73.—ED.
Footnote 84:
This stream drains Medina and Lorain counties, Ohio, entering Lake
Erie about thirty miles west of Cleveland.—ED.
Footnote 85:
For the Vermillion River, see Croghan’s _Journals_, volume i of our
series, note 76.—ED.
Footnote 86:
The Huron River rises in northern Ohio, and flowing north-westward
empties into Lake Erie about nine miles east of Sandusky.—ED.
Footnote 87:
The Black Swamp, extending from the Sandusky to the Maumee River, and
covering an area of over one hundred and twenty miles in length and an
average of forty in width, was entirely avoided by early settlers in
northern Ohio. By the Indian treaty signed at Brownstown (1808), the
United States government acquired a strip of land to make a road
through the swamp; but nothing further than the preliminary surveys
being accomplished, the land was later transferred to the State, and
the first road completed in 1827. It was very little settled before
1830. In accordance with a state law passed in 1859, a system of
public ditches was introduced, which rapidly drained the swamp and
transformed it into a fertile agricultural region.—ED.
Footnote 88:
These rapids of the Sandusky River were located about eighteen miles
from where the river empties into Sandusky Bay, Lake Erie.—ED.
Footnote 89:
Upper Sandusky was formerly the seat of a Wyandot settlement. Near
there, Crawford was defeated by the Indians (June, 1782) and
subsequently tortured to death. General Harrison built a temporary
fort at that point during the War of 1812–15. For the Wyandot villages
on the Sandusky, see Weiser’s _Journal_, volume i of our series, note
26.—ED.
Footnote 90:
For the events leading up to the treaty, see _ante_, note 11. It was
signed (August 3, 1795) by ninety chiefs and delegates from twelve
tribes, and established the following Indian boundary line: up the
Cuyahoga River and across the Tuscarawas portage to a point near Fort
Laurens, thence south-west to Laramie’s Station, thence north-west to
Fort Recovery, and thence south-west to the Ohio, opposite the mouth
of the Kentucky River.—ED.
Footnote 91:
This stockade, better known as Fort Stephenson, was constructed in the
spring of 1813. In August following, it was attacked by General
Proctor as here related. The British troops stormed it fiercely for
two hours, all their officers and a fifth of their men being killed or
wounded.
George Croghan, a nephew of George Rogers Clark, was born at Locust
Grove, near Louisville, Kentucky, November, 1791. Graduating from
William and Mary’s College (1810) he entered the army and took part in
the battle of Tippecanoe. He so distinguished himself at the siege of
Fort Meigs that he was promoted to the rank of major, and placed in
charge of Fort Stephenson. For his gallant defense of this post, he
was voted a medal by Congress. After an unsuccessful attack on Fort
Mackinac (1814), he left the army for a short time and acted as
postmaster at New-Orleans. In 1823 he re-entered the army, was made
inspector-general with the rank of colonel, and later served with
distinction in the Mexican War. See Williams, “George Croghan,” in
Ohio Archæological and Historical Society _Publications_, xii, pp.
375–409.—ED.
Footnote 92:
Portage River, entering into Sandusky Bay from Wood County.—ED.
Footnote 93:
Across the river from the present Maumee City, Henry County, Ohio.
This fort, built in February, 1813, was twice besieged during that
year by the British and their Indian allies under Tecumseh, but was
not captured.—ED.
Footnote 94:
At the Raisin River, see _post_, note 63.—ED.
Footnote 95:
While General Proctor was besieging Fort Meigs (May, 1813), Colonel
Dudley with eight hundred Kentucky militia descended the rapids and
surprised the British, driving them from their battery and spiking
their cannon. But, too elated by success to enter the fort as ordered,
they pursued the enemy for nearly two miles into the woods and swamps,
and were finally surrounded and captured.—ED.
Footnote 96:
After the battle of Fallen Timbers, General Wayne (September, 1794)
proceeded to destroy the Miami villages at the junction of the St.
Mary and St. Josephs rivers, and there built Fort Wayne. It had long
been a centre of Indian trade, and the French had maintained a post
there through the first half of the eighteenth century. See Croghan’s
_Journals_, volume i of our series, note 87.—ED.
Footnote 97:
General Wayne destroyed the Indian villages at the confluence of the
Auglaize and Maumee rivers (August, 1794), and established Fort
Defiance at that point. On his march from Fort Recovery for that
purpose, he also built Fort Adams at the place where he crossed St.
Mary’s River, at Girtystown, an old Indian trading place twenty-five
miles north of Fort Recovery. For the history of the forts of Ohio,
see Graham, “Military Posts in Ohio,” in Ohio Archæological and
Historical Society _Publications_, vol. iii.—ED.
Footnote 98:
The building of Fort Miami by the British in a time of peace between
that nation and the United States (1794) was one of the grievances of
the frontiersmen. After Wayne’s victory, the Indians were chased to
the gates of Fort Miami. The British surrendered this fort with the
other North-west posts in 1796. The Americans made the post at this
place the rendezvous for the campaign of 1812–13.—ED.
Footnote 99:
This was probably the village at the mouth of Otter Creek, forty-two
miles south-west of Detroit. The land had been purchased from the
Indians and settlement begun in 1794.—ED.
Footnote 100:
This road, begun under the direction of the secretary of war, May,
1816, was built by soldiers stationed at Detroit. By November, 1818,
seventy miles had been completed. It was eighty feet wide and
contained over sixty causeways and many bridges.—ED.
Footnote 101:
In 1784 a small body of French Canadians purchased land from the
Indians and settled at the mouth of Raisin River, forty miles south of
Detroit. They traded in furs with the agents of the North-West
Company. In 1812 the village contained about forty-five French
families and a few Americans. It has now been incorporated in the city
of Monroe.—ED.
Footnote 102:
General Winchester, having reached the Maumee Rapids, did not wait for
the remainder of the army under Harrison, but proceeded to Frenchtown,
although his men had little ammunition and the town was unprotected,
save for a line of pickets. Proctor, the British general, crossed from
Malden and attacked him, January 22, 1813. A panic seizing one portion
of the army they fled to the woods where they were overtaken and most
of them scalped by the Indians; the militia at the same time
surrendering to Proctor. Without providing sufficient protection for
the wounded left at Frenchtown, this general hastened back to Canada,
and the following morning a horde of painted savages broke into the
town and shot and scalped the helpless prisoners.—ED.
Footnote 103:
Brownstown is situated on the Huron River, twenty-five miles south of
Detroit; Magagua (Monguagon) is about twenty miles south of Detroit.
The engagement at the former place occurred August 5; at the latter,
August 9, 1812.—ED.
Footnote 104:
For the early history of Detroit, see Croghan’s _Journals_, volume i
of our series, note 18.—ED.
Footnote 105:
Lewis Cass was governor of Michigan from 1814 to 1831.—ED.
Footnote 106:
Alexander Macomb (1782–1841) was a lieutenant colonel in the regular
army at the outbreak of the War of 1812–15. Having served on the
Niagara frontier during 1813, he commanded the regular troops at the
battle of Plattsburg (September, 1814), and for his bravery was made a
major-general and received a gold medal from Congress. Upon the death
of General Brown in 1828, he was appointed commander-in-chief of the
army.—ED.
Footnote 107:
Either the common whitefish (_Coregonus clupeiformis_) or the blue
fins (_Coregonus nigripinnis_).—ED.
Footnote 108:
For an account of the North-West Company, consult the preface to
Long’s _Voyages_, volume ii of our series, p. 16.—ED.
Footnote 109:
Hog Island, about three miles above Detroit, was so named by the
French in the early years of discovery, because of the number of wild
swine found thereon. Near this island occurred the defeat of the Fox
Indians in 1712. See _Wisconsin Historical Collections_, xvi, p. 283.
This island was purchased by William, father of General Macomb, in
1786.—ED.
Footnote 110:
For the Ottawa Indians, see Croghan’s _Journals_, volume i of our
series, note 37.—ED.
Footnote 111:
This unimportant post was established (1765) and commanded by Patrick
Sinclair, a British army officer, who also purchased a large tract of
land along the river. Both fort and river were for a long time called
Sinclair, and as late as 1807 are so given in an Indian treaty drawn
up by Governor Hull. See _State Papers, Indian Affairs_, i, p.
747.—ED.
Footnote 112:
The battle of the Thames, in which Proctor was put to flight and
Tecumseh killed, was fought two miles west of Moraviantown, or about
sixty-five miles north-east of Detroit.—ED.
Footnote 113:
In 1793 Governor Simcoe made a trip to Detroit, and selected the
present site of London for the capital of Upper Canada. However, the
surrender of Detroit (1796), in accordance with Jay’s Treaty, rendered
such a plan impracticable, and York was chosen capital instead.
London, situated on the Thames one hundred and ten miles north-east of
Detroit, was laid out in 1826 and incorporated in 1840.—ED.
Footnote 114:
For the Delaware and Chippewa Indians, see Post’s _Journals_, volume i
of our series, note 57; Long’s _Voyages_, volume ii of our series,
note 42.—ED.
Footnote 115:
For a brief biography of General Arthur St. Clair, see F. A. Michaux’s
_Travels_, volume iii of our series, note 33. Evans would seem to
imply that the lake and river were named for this officer. The name
was assigned by La Salle’s expedition in 1679. See Hennepin, _A New
Discovery_ (Thwaites’s ed., Chicago, 1903), pp. 59, 108.—ED.
Footnote 116:
The English, upon their surrender of Mackinac in 1796, thinking the
Americans might claim St. Joseph Island, hastened to take possession.
A stockade was erected and subsequently a blockhouse, but the place
was not suited for a military station. In 1815, the buildings were
repaired and a garrison established; it was removed, however, to
Drummond’s Island the following year. For further information
regarding this island, see _Michigan Pioneer Collections_, xvi, p.
69.—ED.
Footnote 117:
For information concerning these lakes, see Long’s _Voyages_, volume
ii of our series, pp. 145, 191.—ED.
Footnote 118:
For the early history of Mackinac, see Thwaites, “Story of Mackinac,”
in _How George Rogers Clark won the North-west_ (Chicago, 1903).—ED.
Footnote 119:
A brief sketch of Fort St. Joseph is given in Croghan’s _Journals_,
volume i of our series, note 85.—ED.
Footnote 120:
Evans probably refers here to the fall five miles from the mouth of
Fox River, at De Pere (French, _Rapides des pères_), so called because
it was the site of a Jesuit Indian mission established in 1669–70. See
_Wisconsin Historical Collections_, xvi. Our author in his description
omits mention of the Lower Fox, flowing from Lake Winnebago into Green
Bay.—ED.
Footnote 121:
Fort Howard, named in honor of General Benjamin Howard, formerly
commander in the Western territory, was constructed (1816) a mile
above the mouth of Fox River, when the Americans took possession,
after the War of 1812–15. A French settlement, chiefly on the opposite
side of the river at Green Bay, had existed here since about 1745.—ED.
Footnote 122:
There were two villages of Winnebago (French Puans) on the lake of
that name: the principal one was situated on Doty’s Island, at the
mouth of the lake; the other at the junction of the Upper Fox and the
lake, near the waterworks station of the modern Oshkosh. This latter
was familiarly known to the French voyageurs as Saukière. The village
on the Menominee (Malhominis) River was, as Evans says, a mixed one,
composed principally of the tribe which gave name to the river. For
these two tribes, see Long’s _Voyages_, volume ii of our series, notes
81, 86. For the Potawatomi, see Croghan’s _Journals_, volume i of our
series, note 84.—ED.
Footnote 123:
A piece of land six miles square situated on the Chicago River, having
been ceded to the United States by the treaty of Greenville (1795),
orders were issued by the War Department (1803) for the construction
of a fort on the north branch of the river. Fearing a combined English
and Indian attack, the garrison evacuated the fort August 15, 1812;
but had proceeded but a little way, when they were attacked by the
Indians and the greater number massacred. Fort Dearborn was rebuilt in
1816, and garrisoned for several years thereafter. It was torn down in
1857, and the last of the buildings connected with it were consumed in
the Chicago fire of 1871.—ED.
Footnote 124:
For a brief description of Sault Ste. Marie, consult Long’s _Voyages_,
volume ii of our series, note 38.—ED.
Footnote 125:
For these tribes, many of whom are merely clans of the larger tribes,
consult _Wisconsin Historical Collections_, xvi, index.—ED.
Footnote 126:
See Franchère’s _Narrative_, volume vi of our series, note 205, for a
brief description of the Grand Portage.—ED.
Footnote 127:
For Lake of the Woods and Rainy Lake, see Franchère’s _Narrative_,
notes 201, 204.
The maps of Evans’s period represent White Bear Lake as the source of
the Mississippi, and Red or Mississagan Lake as the origin of Red
River of the North. The latter retains its name. The former is
probably that now known as Leech Lake.—ED.
Footnote 128:
Illinois was admitted to the Union in 1818, and the part north of its
present boundary was annexed to Michigan Territory. For the various
divisions of the North-west Territory, see Thwaites, “Division of the
North-west,” in _How George Rogers Clark won the North-west_.—ED.
Footnote 129:
Grose Isle, nine miles in length and about a mile in width, was
purchased from the Indians in 1776 by William Macomb; it extends to
the mouth of Detroit Strait.—ED.
Footnote 130:
When Perry reached Erie, Pennsylvania, to take charge of naval affairs
(March, 1813), he found two vessels, the “Niagara” and the “Lawrence,”
already under construction. Working with tireless energy he equipped
his fleet of ten vessels by August 12, and sailing up the lake
anchored in Put-in-Bay to await the enemy. On the morning of September
10, the British squadron of six vessels, under Captain Barclay,
appeared and the battle began. The “Lawrence,” Perry’s ship, being
shot to pieces, he boarded the “Niagara,” and again attacked the
British at close range. At three in the afternoon, Barclay’s two large
vessels surrendered, and two others attempting to escape were
captured. This victory compelled the British to evacuate Detroit.—ED.
Footnote 131:
The “Wasp” under command of Johnston Blakely sailed from Portsmouth
for the British Channel (May, 1814), and began the destruction of
English merchantmen. June 28, the brig “Reindeer” bore down upon her,
but after twenty minutes of hard fighting was compelled to surrender.
Although suffering severely in this engagement, the “Wasp” continued
her ravages until October, when she disappeared and was never heard
from again.—ED.
Footnote 132:
Henry Langdon and Frank Toscan were both midshipmen on the “Wasp”
during her fight with the “Reindeer,” and died from wounds received in
the battle.—ED.
Footnote 133:
James Lawrence, born in Burlington, New Jersey (1781), served with
Decatur in the War with Tripoli, and as lieutenant on the
“Constitution.” In 1811 he was placed in command of the “Hornet,” his
most notable achievement with that vessel being the destruction (1813)
of the British ship “Peacock.” For this victory he was given command
of the “Chesapeake,” and accepting the challenge of the “Shannon,”
fought with her off Boston harbor, June, 1813. He fell, mortally
wounded, and the “Chesapeake” was compelled to surrender. His
countrymen, stirred by his dying cry, “Don’t give up the ship,” had
his body brought from Halifax, and buried with military honors in
Trinity Churchyard, New-York City.—ED.
Footnote 134:
General Anthony Wayne died at Erie, Pennsylvania, in December,
1796.—ED.
Footnote 135:
For a brief history of Fort Le Bœuf, see Croghan’s _Journals_, volume
i of our series, note 65.—ED.
Footnote 136:
This was Fort Venango; see Croghan’s _Journals_, note 64. For
Meadville, see Harris’s _Journal_, volume iii of our series, note
25.—ED.
Footnote 137:
Consult Post’s _Journals_, in volume i of our series, notes 22, 89,
for these rivers.—ED.
Footnote 138:
Armstrong, nine miles north-east of Pittsburg, was named in honor of
Colonel John Armstrong. In 1756 he led an expedition against the
Delaware Indians who were ravaging the frontier, and destroyed their
town at Kittanning.
Lawrencetown, now Lawrenceville, is two miles east of Pittsburg.—ED.
Footnote 139:
For a brief account of this journey, see Croghan’s _Journals_, volume
i of our series, note 45. Washington’s starting point was the Virginia
capital, Winchester. Fort Duquesne was not erected until 1754.—ED.
Footnote 140:
For information regarding these forts, see A. Michaux’s _Travels_,
volume iii of our series, notes 11, 12; F. A. Michaux’s _Travels_,
_op. cit._, note 20.—ED.
Footnote 141:
Regarding Grant’s defeat, see Harris’s _Journal_, volume iii of our
series, note 30.—ED.
Footnote 142:
For an account of Braddock’s defeat, see F. A. Michaux’s _Travels_,
note 19.—ED.
Footnote 143:
The Louisville-Portland Canal was completed in 1830.—ED.
Footnote 144:
For the Virginia-Pennsylvania boundary, consult F. A. Michaux’s
_Travels_, note 31.—ED.
Footnote 145:
For Wheeling, see A. Michaux’s _Travels_, note 15; for Grave Creek,
see Cuming’s _Tour_, volume iv of our series, note 78.—ED.
Footnote 146:
For Chartier River, see Weiser’s _Journal_, volume i of our series,
note 18; for the Little and Big Kanawha, see Croghan’s _Journals_,
_op. cit._, notes 98, 101; for Fish Creek, see Harris’s _Journal_,
volume iii of our series, note 37.—ED.
Footnote 147:
A brief account of Gallipolis may be found in F. A. Michaux’s
_Travels_, volume iii of our series, pp. 182–185. The settlement was
not entirely abandoned.—ED.
Footnote 148:
See Cuming’s _Tour_, volume iv of our series, note 67, for the early
history of Steubenville.—ED.
Footnote 149:
Three Legs town, so called from a famous Delaware Indian, was situated
at the junction of Tuscarawas Creek and the Muskingum, near the site
of the present Coshocton.
The portage path from the Cuyahoga to the Tuscarawas branch of the
Muskingum, a distance of eight miles, is probably one of the oldest
highways in the West, having been the route of the buffaloes across
the summit of the state. It formed part of the Indian boundary line in
the treaties of Fort McIntosh (1785), Fort Harmar (1789), and Fort
Wayne (1795). A road built between these two streams in 1898, followed
almost exactly this old portage trail. See Hulbert, “Indian
Thoroughfares of Ohio,” in Ohio Archæological and Historical Society
_Publications_, volume viii.—ED.
Footnote 150:
For the early history of Marietta and Fort Harmar, see A. Michaux’s
_Travels_, volume iii of our series, note 16.—ED.
Footnote 151:
On the Hockhocking River, consult Croghan’s _Journals_, volume i of
our series, note 99.—ED.
Footnote 152:
For a brief account of Chillicothe, see F. A. Michaux’s _Travels_,
volume iii of our series, note 35.—ED.
Footnote 153:
Regarding the early history of Cincinnati, see Cuming’s _Tour_, volume
iv of our series, note 166.—ED.
Footnote 154:
Fort Washington—afterwards within the limits of Cincinnati—was
established (1789) by Major Doughty opposite the mouth of the Licking
River, to protect the frontier from the Indians. Generals Harmar, St.
Clair, and Wayne used it as headquarters in conducting their Indian
campaigns.
About sixty-five miles north of Cincinnati, St. Clair built Fort
Jefferson (1791) as a base of operations during his Indian campaign.
Fort St. Clair was a stockade built by the general of that name in the
winter of 1791–92 to keep communication open between Fort Jefferson
and the Ohio River.
For Fort Greenville, see Buttrick’s _Voyages_, _ante_, note 32. After
constructing Fort Greenville, Wayne sent a detachment to the scene of
St. Clair’s defeat, twenty-three miles to the north, where they
established Fort Recovery, December, 1793.—ED.
Footnote 155:
For the Big Bone Lick, see Croghan’s _Journals_, volume i of our
series, note 104.—ED.
Footnote 156:
An account of the early history of Nashville is given in A. Michaux’s
_Travels_, volume iii of our series, note 103.—ED.
Footnote 157:
For an account of Lexington, see A. Michaux’s _Travels_, note 61.—ED.
Footnote 158:
On the settlement of Louisville, see Croghan’s _Journals_, volume i of
our series, note 106.
The plantation of “Locust Grove” was the estate of William Croghan,
Colonel George Croghan’s father. William Croghan (1752–1822) came to
America from Ireland when quite young, and embracing the American
cause, served through the Revolutionary War, being colonel of
Neville’s Fourth Virginia regiment in the battle of Monmouth. He
settled at “Locust Grove” soon after the Revolution, and became an
honored and respected citizen of Kentucky.—ED.
Footnote 159:
For Jeffersonville, see Flint’s _Letters_, volume ix of our series;
for Shippingsport, see Cuming’s _Tour_, volume iv of our series, note
171.—ED.
Footnote 160:
Fort Steuben (at first called Fort Finney) was a subordinate post
erected in 1786 upon the grant to the Illinois regiment not far from
Clarksville. From 1786 to 1790 Colonel John Armstrong was in command.
It was abandoned shortly after 1791. This must be distinguished from
the fort higher up the Ohio, that formed the nucleus of Steubenville.
Some remains of the old buildings connected with the former fort were
to be seen as late as the middle of the nineteenth century in Clark
County, Indiana. See English, _Conquest of the North-west_
(Indianapolis, 1896), ii, p. 863.—ED.
Footnote 161:
Brigadier-general Zebulon Montgomery Pike, born in New Jersey in 1779,
was a lieutenant in the United States army, when, in 1805, he was
given command of an expedition to trace the Mississippi River to its
source. Having made this journey and obtained land from the Indians
for a fort at the Falls of St. Anthony, he was sent the following year
to explore the Arkansas and Red rivers. Ascending the Arkansas to the
mountains, and discovering Pike’s Peak, but unable to find the source
of the Red, he came upon the Rio Grande, and there was taken prisoner
by the Spanish, and sent to Santa Fé. While in command of an
expedition against York (Toronto), Canada, in 1813, he was
accidentally killed by the explosion of a magazine.—ED.
Footnote 162:
For a brief account of Limestone, see A. Michaux’s _Travels_, volume
iii of our series, note 123.—ED.
Footnote 163:
Smithland, the capital of Livingston County, Kentucky, enjoyed
considerable trade with the interior of Tennessee, being a point for
the reshipment of goods up the Cumberland. Its prosperity was
shortlived, however; in 1850 the population was twelve hundred, and in
1890 five hundred and sixty.—ED.
Footnote 164:
These salt springs in the vicinity of Saline Creek, in south-eastern
Illinois, were ceded to the United States (1803) by an Indian treaty
negotiated by Governor Harrison at Fort Wayne. For several years they
were leased by the general government, but in the Illinois enabling
act were granted to that state. They were a subject of state
litigation for a period of thirty years, the last one being sold in
1847.—ED.
Footnote 165:
For an account of Vincennes, see Croghan’s _Journals_, volume i of our
series, note 113.—ED.
Footnote 166:
With reference to the Swiss settlement at Vevay, see Bradbury’s
_Travels_, volume v of our series, note 164.—ED.
Footnote 167:
The Ohio buck eye or horse-chestnut is the _Æsculus glabra_; the Ohio
species is the mountain magnolia or _Magnolia acuminata_; the coffee
tree (_Gymnocladus canadensis_) resembles the black oak; the papaw
tree is the _Asimina triloba_.—ED.
Footnote 168:
The Theakiki is the Kankakee, a tributary of the Illinois, not of the
Wabash. Calumet River empties into Lake Michigan and does not connect
with the Wabash.—ED.
Footnote 169:
A fort was established by the French at Vincennes early in the
eighteenth century. Upon passing into the hands of the British, it was
renamed Fort Sackville. George Rogers Clark marched from Kaskaskia and
captured it (1779), changing the name to Fort Patrick Henry. In 1787,
Major Hamtranck was stationed there with a detachment of infantry, and
its name was once more changed to Fort Knox, in honor of the first
secretary of war.
For a brief account of the Ouiatanon (Watenans), see Croghan’s
_Journals_, volume i of our series, note 85.—ED.
Footnote 170:
The people of Indiana Territory believed the Indian chief Tecumseh and
his brother, the Prophet, were stirring up a general Indian war; and,
wishing to anticipate them, Governor William H. Harrison led an attack
on the Indian village at the confluence of Tippecanoe Creek and the
Wabash River, November 7, 1811. The Indians were driven back and the
village burned, but Tecumseh continued plotting, and took ample
revenge during the War of 1812–15. See Pirtle, _Battle of Tippecanoe_,
Filson Club _Publications_, xv.—ED.
Footnote 171:
Colonel Joseph Daviess was of Scotch-Irish descent, born in Virginia
in 1774. His parents removed to Danville, Kentucky, while Daviess was
a lad. He studied law with George Nicholas, and became one of the
ablest and most successful lawyers of the state, serving as United
States attorney 1800–07. During this period, Daviess brought in an
indictment against Aaron Burr (1806) which caused great excitement and
animosity. He was noted for his eccentricities as well as his courage,
and his death on the Indian battle-field won him wide fame. Counties
were named for him both in Kentucky and Illinois.—ED.
Footnote 172:
For the Kickapoo and Shawnee Indians, see Croghan’s _Journals_, volume
i of our series, notes 108, 111.—ED.
Footnote 173:
A brief account of the early French settlements in Illinois may be
found in A. Michaux’s _Travels_, volume iii of our series, notes
132–136.—ED.
Footnote 174:
From the Des Plaines, the northern fork of the Illinois, one portage
led to the Chicago River, the other to the Calumet, which empties into
Lake Michigan at the present South Chicago.—ED.
Footnote 175:
The Kankakee River, called by the French Theakiki. For these early
routes of water travel, see _Wisconsin Historical Collections_, xvi,
p. 372.—ED.
Footnote 176:
The present Madison County in Illinois was explored about 1799, and
called Goshen. The village of that name, about five miles south-west
of Edwardsville, was begun in 1800.—ED.
Footnote 177:
For the founding of Shawneetown, see Croghan’s _Journals_, volume i of
our series, note 108.—ED.
Footnote 178:
On these Indian tribes, consult Long’s _Voyages_, volume ii of our
series, notes 85, 86.—ED.
Footnote 179:
For the early history of Fort Massac, see A. Michaux’s _Travels_,
volume iii of our series, note 139.—ED.
Footnote 180:
The “Muscle Shoal” Rapids fall within northern Alabama. The
improvement of the Tennessee at this point was long under discussion.
In 1825 commissioners were appointed by the governors of Tennessee and
Alabama to report thereupon; three years later a survey was made by
order of the department of war, relative to removing obstructions in
the channel. A canal around the rapids was begun (1829), but about
that time railroads began to absorb the attention of the Southern
states, and the War of Secession following, it has never been
completed. The necessary improvements in the river channel have
finally been made by the United States government.—ED.
Footnote 181:
The diplomatic negotiations leading to the purchase of Florida were
long and involved, and grew out of the attempt to fix the boundary
between West-Florida and the United States. The treaty was signed in
1819, Spain ceding East and West-Florida and the United States paying
five million dollars.—ED.
Footnote 182:
In 1803, President Jefferson secured a small appropriation from
Congress, which enabled him to carry out a long-cherished plan of
sending an exploring party across the continent. May 14, 1804, the
expedition of Lewis and Clark started up the Missouri River, reached
the Pacific Ocean at the mouth of the Columbia, November 1, 1805; and
returned to St. Louis, September, 1806. See _Original Journals of the
Lewis and Clark Expedition_ (Thwaites’s ed., New-York, 1904)—ED.
Footnote 183:
For St. Louis, see A. Michaux’s _Travels_, note 138; for Ste.
Genevieve, see Cuming’s _Tour_, note 174.—ED.
Footnote 184:
On the founding of New Madrid, see Cuming’s _Tour_, note 185.—ED.
Footnote 185:
See Cuming’s _Tour_, notes 188, 189, for information regarding these
bluffs.—ED.
Footnote 186:
An interesting description of these Southern Indian tribes may be
found in Roosevelt, _Winning of the West_ (New-York, 1889), i, pp.
49–69. See also, brief notes in our volumes i, pp. 34, 75; iv, p.
287.—ED.
Footnote 187:
Fort Pike was maintained for only a few years. The location proving
undesirable, the troops were removed to Fort Pickering.—ED.
Footnote 188:
In the day of the flatboat, a craft which went down stream and never
returned, it was customary for the boatmen to return by land. This
journey was often undertaken at unhealthy seasons of the year, and the
death of boatmen and raftsmen was common. As the travellers usually
carried large sums of money, their routes were beset by robbers who
could, undoubtedly, have explained many a grave on these lonely
roads.—Hulbert, _Historic Highways of America_, ix, pp. 125, 126.—ED.
Footnote 189:
For Fort Pickering, see Cuming’s _Tour_, note 192.—ED.
Footnote 190:
Fort Stoddard was built in 1799 by Captain Shaumburg, U. S. A., on the
Mobile River, at the Spanish boundary line provided in the treaty of
1795, and was named in honor of the acting secretary of war. It was a
port of entry until Mobile became part of the United States.—ED.
Footnote 191:
For the early history of the city of Natchez, see F. A. Michaux’s
_Travels_, vol. iii of our series, note 53.
The Natchez Indians, of Maskoki stock, were first encountered by the
French near the present city of their name. In 1729 they fell upon the
French garrison and massacred them all. The following year the French
army took a terrible revenge, a remnant only of the tribe escaping.
For full account, see Gayarré, _History of Louisiana_ (rev. ed.,
New-Orleans, 1903), i, pp. 396–440.—ED.
Footnote 192:
The cotton-wood is a member of the poplar family, the scientific name
being _Populus monilifera_.—ED.
Footnote 193:
The China tree (_Melia azedarach_) is a native of India, and much
cultivated in the Southern states for its shade.—ED.
Footnote 194:
Point Pleasant, ten miles below New Madrid, must not be confounded
with the point of that name at the mouth of Great Kanawha River.—ED.
Footnote 195:
For an exploration of Arkansas River, see Nuttall’s _Journal_, vol.
xiii of our series.—ED.
Footnote 196:
For a brief description of Loftus Heights and Fort Adams, see Cuming’s
_Tour_, volume iv of our series, note 211.—ED.
Footnote 197:
On Point Coupée, see Cuming’s _Tour_, note 220.—ED.
Footnote 198:
For an account of Baton Rouge, consult Cuming’s _Tour_, note 215.—ED.
Footnote 199:
St. Louis Bay at the outlet of Lake Borgne on Mississippi Sound, was
explored by Iberville in 1699 and named after Louis IX, the saintly
king of France. On it was located one of the early French
colonies.—ED.
Footnote 200:
On the Ursuline convent at New-Orleans, see Cuming’s _Tour_, volume iv
of our series, note 225.—ED.
Footnote 201:
For a brief biography of General Wilkinson, see Cuming’s _Tour_, note
160. The site of the battle of New-Orleans (January 8, 1815) is five
miles below the city.—ED.
Footnote 202:
Bienville, colonial governor of Louisiana, returning from an exploring
trip (1699), met an English vessel of sixteen guns, about eighteen
miles below the site of New-Orleans. The captain stated he was looking
for a location for an English colony, and Bienville assured him that
the Mississippi was already occupied by the French. Much to the
latter’s surprise, the vessel sailed away. From this episode the
English Bend received its name, not, as Evans implies, from the
attacking fleet of 1815.—ED.
Footnote 203:
Plaquemine Turn is thirty miles from the mouth of the Mississippi. It
was fortified by the French in 1746.—ED.
Footnote 204:
When, during the Seminole War, Jackson took possession of St. Marks,
the Indian prophet Francis or Hellis Hajo, and the chief Hemollemico,
were lured on board an American vessel (April 6, 1818) and hung by
Jackson’s orders. These Indians had led the attack, the previous
November, upon a boat under command of Lieutenant Scott, which was
ascending the Appalachicola River. Having been forced to surrender,
all survivors were tortured to death. Jackson’s act was in retaliation
for this outrage.—ED.
Footnote 205:
During Jackson’s expedition against the Seminoles, two Indian traders
were also captured—Alexander Arbuthnot and Robert C. Ambrister. Both
were put to death after the form of a trial, on the charge of being
guilty of inciting the Seminole Indians to war against the United
States. The latter was shot and the former hung from the yardarm of
his vessel, April 29, 1818, at St. Marks, Florida. The execution
raised a storm; Henry Clay, on the floor of the House, the following
year, during the famous twelve-day debate on Jackson’s Seminole War
conduct, declared that if Jackson were voted the public thanks, it
would be a triumph of insubordination of military over civil
authorities. The long feud between Jackson and Clay began with that
speech.—ED.
Footnote 206:
Adams made his strongest defense of Jackson in his letter to Don José
Pizarro, Spanish secretary of state. He reviewed the whole situation,
and accused the Spanish and Indian traders in Florida of stirring up
the Indians, referring to Arbuthnot as “that British Indian trader
from beyond the sea, the firebrand by whose touch the Negro-Indian war
against our borders has been rekindled.”—ED.
Footnote 207:
The Balise was in early times the best and deepest pass into the
Mississippi River. Now known as South-west Pass, it is not used, there
being hardly six feet of water on the bar. It was fortified by
Bienville about 1720.—ED.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
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V— =The Old Glade (Forbes’s) Road.=
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VIII— =Military Roads of the Mississippi Basin.=
IX— =Waterways of Westward Expansion.=
X— =The Cumberland Road.=
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------------------------------------------------------------------------
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
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